"^'f^^U ¦Orr^*^&rU**h ' '•

Tf f ^ &J« T'') r/ u

HISTORY

OF THE

CAPTIVITI 0F HAPOLEON

ST. HELENA.

BY

GENERAL ^OUNT MONTHOLON,
THE EMPEROR'S COMPANION IN EXILE,
\ AND TESTAMENTARY EXECUTOR.

« E. FERRETT &'Co.
No. 237 BROADWAY, NEW YORK.
No. 212 CHESNUT STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
1846.

Bo 67c

King & Baird, Printers, 9 George Street.

PUBLISHER'S NOTICE.

General Montholon, the companion in exile of Napoleon,
was also his executor, and thereby came into possession
of all his papers. The Emperor before his death, specially
charged it upon Montholon not to publish any memoir or
document concerning him, for the space of twenty-five years.
Napoleon died in captivity in 1821, and his former compan
ion now publishes a history of the long years passed at St.
Helena, and of which partial accounts, only, have so far
reached us.
These Memoirs contain matters of the highest interest to
the historical student, and will be sought after and read with
eagerness by every one.

HISTORY
OF THE
CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON
AT ST. HELENA.

« ^ »fc »—

CHAPTER I.
THE ELYSEE-BOURBON.
The Emperor has been made to say, " I have not found any true fidelity
except in the old noblesse."
Twice have circumstances placed me near the Emperor Napoleon, at the
moment when he had just abdicated the throne.
At Fontainebleau, on the 19th of April, 1814, when I hastened to make
him the proposal of carrying him off while on his way in the mountains of
Tarare, aided by the troops that I commanded on the upper Loire, and of
conducting him into the midst of eighty thousand men composing the armies
of the Marshals Augereau, Suchet and Soult. In those vast galleries,
formerly too small to contain the crowd of courtiers, I had not found any
but the Duke of Bassano and the aides-de-camp Bussi and Montesquiou.
The whole court, all the personal attendants, even to the valet-de-chambre
Constant and the Mameluke Roustari, all had left their unfortunate master
and hastened to Paris, in hopes of finding a place in the household of the
new master, whom the apostacy of the Senate had just given to France.
At the Elysee, on the 21st of June, 1815, 1 saw only the Counts Lascases
and Montalembert, and the Baron de Montaran, equerry; the former of
whom I had never previously met there during the greatness of the empire,
although since 1809 they had been on the list of chamberlains ; the aides-
de-camp Drouot, Flahaut, Labeddyere, Dejean and Corbineau, were in the
Chamber of Peers, or at the head of the troops.
At these two periods of dread remembrance, the mass of the people had
remained faithful to the elect of their choice. In all the other classes of the
nation, fidelity had been the exception.

8 HISTORY OP THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOtEON.
interest I feel forv my son, prompts me to request the Chambers to organize
the Regency by a. law, without delay. Be united, to insure the public weir
fare, and to continue an independent nation.
" Given at the Palace of the Elysee,
June 22d, 1815."
The two Chambers accepted the abdication, and as a last homage to the
self-sacrifice which had prompted it, sent a deputation to the Elysee, thank
ing the great man, whom they had already ceased to give the title of Em
peror, for the devotion he had shdwn his country.
But this sacrifice was made with one condition, viz: that the king of
Rome should be proclaimed Emperor of the French. This proclamation,
which seemed naturally to follow the act of abdication, met however, with
great difficulties, for the abdication having been accepted, the question of
hereditary right was brought into discussion, as if this right, which alone
had influenced the act, was not its necessary consequence.
But it must be understood that the Chambers were divided into four very
distinct parties : the Bonapartists, the Royalists, the Orleanists, and the
Republicans. The Bonapartist party carried it, and after some speeches, among which
those, of Messrs. de Berenger, Manuel, and Boulay, (de la Meurthe,) Napo
leon II. was proclaimed Emperor of the French.
The other titles of the King of Italy, Protector of the Rhenish Confede
racy, &c.*&c.j had disappeared; the one that remained was sufficiently
honourable to console the young King of Rome for his loss of the others,
had it only been maintained for him.
But this proclamation of the King of Rome, as Emperor of the French,
was but a lure, a deception, created by Fouche's treason. The people and
a few influential persons only believed in it. Their confidence was a great
misfortune, for had they foreseen the return of Louis XVIII. to Paris, con
ducted by the ambassadors of the Chamber of Deputies, a frightful reaction
would no d'oubt have taken place, and covered the palace Bourbon with
blood, and the act of abdication would have been torn to pieces in the
struggle. Softie believed in it, others pretended to do so, and notwithstanding a
pretty vigorous defence on the part of the peers, the Duke of Otranto,
General Count Grenier, General Count Carnot, the Duke de Vicence, and
Baron Quinette, were constituted a provisionary government, and invested
with all the power during the interregnum. It will be observed the word
regency was already put aside.
The Arch-Chancellor Cambaceres, and Duke de Bassano, having refused
to keep their respective offices, were replaced by the' Counsellors of State,
Boulay (de la Meurthe), and Berlier.
All the other ministers continued to perform their duties until the arrival
of Louis XVIII. at Paris.
The Duke of Otranto presided over this committee, and rendered all its
decrees in the name of the French people. Commissaries, then chosen from
among the Chambers, were authorized to treat with the foreign sovereigns,
demanding the recognition of Napoleon II. as Emperor of the French.
The Emperor had declared, that if his son was recognized as his suc
cessor, his political life should end with the last act of this great drama, and
that he would retire as a mere citizen to the United States. This announce-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON* 9
ment was hailed, with delight. A great anxie^ existed to get rid of the
giant, still dangerous in defeat, whose every movement yet made Europe
tremble. »
I leave to avenging history the task of relating the intrigues and apostacy
of those days, so shameful to the honour of the French Chambers. I shall
only here recall the generous efforts of Drouot, Labedoyere and Regnault
de Saint-Jean-d'Angely to remind the peers and deputies of the sacredness
of their oaths. I shall only say, what is known but to a few, that the Em
peror, touched by the expressions of despair, from the mass of the people,
and their vociferations against the Chambers, submitted to a private council,
of which his brother formed a part, the discussion of the question, whether
the hesitation of the Chambers in recognizing Napoleon II. ; the treason or
imbecility which sent ¦ ambassadors to the head-quarters of the allies; and
finally the evident manifestation of a strong personal feeling for him by the
people, did not make it his duty to resume the task of saving the country
from either a foreign yoke, or a counter-revolution, by putting himself again
at the head of the army, denouncing the treason of some individuals, and
appealing to the people for assistance to vanquish the common enemy.
It was in this council that Prince Lucien first betrayed his ambition.
After having set forth the relations he had held for fifteen years with the
Republicans, his recent intercourse with them, their forces, their hopes, and
his profound conviction that the national crisis would be all powerful, if the
Emperor would resign the crown, and consent that he, Lucien Bonaparte,
should be invested with the dictatorial power by the people of the faubourgs.
He even went so far in his illusions in this eternal hope as to say to. tlie
Emperor :
" France no longer has faith in the magic of the Empire, she wants liberty,
even to excess; she prefers the Constitution to all the glories of your reign.
With me she will want the Republic, because she will believe in it. I will
give you the command-in-chief of the armies ; with the aid of your sword I
will save the Revolution."
The Emperor had listened to these strange words, without betraying his
impressions by a single sign. It was Lucien who five days before affected
to have no ambition for power, who now, as future dictator, offered his bro
ther the command of the troops of the Republic! The Emperor only turned
towards Carnot, requesting him to answer in his name.
" I accept," replied Carnot, " the permission your Majesty gives me
to estimate at its full value, the singular proposition which I have just heard
made. No one better than myself has a right to call himself the organ of
the real republicans; I have stood the^est, and declare that not one of them
would be willing to exchange the dominion of your genius for that of the
president of the council of five hundred !
" The Chambers act under the influence of a disaster without a parallel ;
the thunders of Waterloo have stunned them : — they betray their duty, with
out knowing it. You alone can save us from the knout of the Allies.
Trust to the people ; the excesses of their force will be but a just vengeance.
Blucher and Wellington will be arrested by this sight, like the army of the
Duke of Brunswick in 1792, on the plains of Champagne, when the people
of Paris rose; — the revolution will thus be saved. If, on the contrary, you
abdicate, Louis XVIII. will return to Paris, and the counter-revolution will
be achieved."
A few moments after the dissolution of this council, Prince Jerome entered
the saloon of waiting, having just returned from the army. The young soldier

10 HISTORY OP THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
had done more than might -be expectedeven from a veteran general. To
acknowledge his noble conduct during those few days of misfortune, when
the most powerful minds sank under the pressure of successive losses, is but
rendering justice to the Emperor's youngest brother, whose name stricken
out from the list of sovereigns ought at least to be inscribed with the Gene
ral's on the Arch of Triumph. At Waterloo, he forgot his title of king, to
fight under the command of a French general, and his division was covered
with glory at the attack on the farm-house of Hougoumont. In the retreat
he was perhaps still, greater than in battle; by his entreaties and activity he
arrested the flying troops> rallied them under the walls of Laon, put them
under the command of Marechal Soult, and then exhausted by fatigue and
yet bleeding from the wounds he had received, came to inform the Emperor
of the reorganization of the 1st, 2nd, and 6th corps ; which added to the
-42,000 men under Marechal Grouchy, would make an army of over 80,000
men, with whom he could again immediately commence his operations, to
take a bloody revenge on the Duke of Wellington.
His brother Louis, the king of Holland, had given him the example of
these noble feelings: he had laid down the crown rather than sacrifice what
he considered the interest of Holland, to the will of the Emperor. He had
prefered-fthe retired life of a simple citizen, out of the domains of the Empire,
to all the royal honours which would have surrounded him at Paris. But
the very. day on which the allies put their foot on the soilof France, he
claimed once more the honour of being a French citizen, and hastened to
request his brother to placehim in the foremost ranks of his defenders.
I had arrived at the Elysee a few hours before the Emperor. The first
person whom I met there was the Duke of Vicence. The alteration of his
countenance- showed me the state of his mind, and I had to remind myself
of the intimacy existing between us, before I could bring myself to risk the
question of what was going on.
"All is lost," replied he. " You only arrive to see the Emperor lay down tlie
crown. An impenetrable mystery protects his enemies : the leaders in the
Chambers demand his abdication, they insist upon it, and in a week Louis
XVIII. will be here. Oh the morning of the 19th, a little pencil-note was
left at my hotel, with the porter, informing me of the destruction of the-
army. The same information was conveyed to Carnot, in a manner equally
mysterious : however, the la?t telegraphic despatch having announced a
victory, we both hastened at the same time to the Duke of Otranto. He
assured us with his corpse-like coldness, that he knew nothing. But I do
not doubt that he knows every thing. Events follow with the rapidity of
lightning, further illusions are impossible; — all is lost! and I repeat, the
Bourbons will be here in a week !"
For forty-eight hours I had not left the Palace Elysee, neither night nor
day; the Emperor, having observed this, said to me, when I came to an
nounce the Prince Jerome ; " There is no one here but you then 1" This
circumstance probably suggested to him the idea of taking me along with
him to Saint Helena.
After Prince Jerome left him, the Emperor walked up and down under
the large trees in front of his cabinet, apparently deeply absorbed in medita
tion ; suddenly he stopped before the glass door of the antechamber, tapped
lightly on the window pane, and made' me a sign to approach.
" Where is Simonville V
" I do not know, Sire ; he left Paris about three months ago, and is, I sup
pose, at a country seat near Coutances."

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 11
" But your mother is at Paris 1 He has no doubt written to her, — what
does he tell her?"
" I have not seen her since your Majesty's arrival."
Without saying any thing further he took several turns in the avenue. I
was debating with myself whether I had not better withdraw, and slackened
my pace to let him move further on, when he turned back towards me.
" Bertrand hesitates to accompany me ; Drouot refuses ; you will follow
me, will you not?"
" I will, Sire," I replied, without reflection.
A sudden emotion governed my whole being, produced as much by his
voice as by his look.
At this moment we heard a great tumult under the terrace of the Elysee-
Bourbon, occasioned by two regiments of arquebusiers, of the guard, composed
of volunteers enlisted from the artisans of the faubourg Saint-Antoine, who
were passing in disorder before the garden; at the head of an innumerable
column of the people, demanding, with loud cries, that the Emperor should
put himself at their head and conduct them to the enemy: and that he should
suffer them to seek justice for themselves against the traitors who spoke of
sending commissaries to the enemy's head-quarters for the purpose of selling
France, as they had done in 1814.
These regiments belonged to those under my command. The Emperor
ordered me to make them return to their post; then, showing himself to the
people, he harangued them, and endeavoured to allay their excitement.
One of the orators of the populace replied to him' in a- speech, in which he
mentioned the 18th Brumaire.
The Emperor interrupted him, and, raising his voice, said,
" You recall to my remembrance the 18th Brumaire, hut you forget that
the circumstances are not the same. On the 18th Brumaire the nation was
unanimous in its desire of a change. A feeble effort only was necessary to
effect what they so much desired. Now, it would require floods of French
blood, and never shall a single drop be shed by me in the defence of a cause
altogether personal."
The two regiments obeyed the orders I had transmitted to them; but,
upon my return to the Emperor, I could not refrain from expressing my re
gret at his having arrested the hand of the people, strong enough in itself to
have saved Paris from the pollution of the enemy; and, suffering myself to
be carried away by my conviction and devotion, I ventured to point out the
difference which, notwithstanding all he had said, existed between the situa
tion of the 18th Brumaire and the one in which we now found ourselves. At
the former.period an established government had to be overthrown by means
of the army; while now, the legitimate government of France, together with
the people, had only1 to be saved, and the latter, if left to themselves, would
be able to punish the traitors.
Napoleon, who thus far had permitted me to speak, interrupted me at
this point.
" Putting the brute force of the mass of the people into action," said he,
" would doubtless save Paris, and insure me the crown, without incurring
the horrors of civil war; but it would be likewise risking thousands of French
lives ; for what power could control so many various passions, so much hatred,
and such vengeance ?
" No, there is one thing you see I cannot forget ; it is, that I have been
escorted from Cannes to Paris amidst the bloody cries of ' Down with the

12 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
priests! Down with the nobles!' No, I like the regrets of France better
than her crown."
I was silent ; respect prevented me from pressing the subject further.
Fouche and the royalist committee, although both acting for a different
purpose, found themselves momentarily united in their efforts to give strength
to the belief, that Napoleon's abdication in favour of his son, would be the
anchor of salvation against the entrance of the allies into Paris, and the
return of Louis XVIII. The leaders of the two Chambers, and every one
who had or might have any sort of influence upon the legislative assemblies,
had received private communications on the subject of the negotiations, said
to be pending for the last two months, (without the Emperor's knowledge)',
between Fouche and the cabinets of Vienna and St. Petersburg. The abdi
cation of the Emperor, it was further intimated, would save the empire, and
the fruits of the French Revolution, still preserved in him ; and the procla
mation of the King of Rome arrest the progress of the allied armies as if by
magic. All these pretended negotiations of the Duke of Otranto, were nothing
else than the mission with which Prince Hfetternieh had intrusted M. Vernier,
and which the Duke of Vicence had revealed to the Emperor in the early
part of April. At that time a private agent of Prince Metternieh was cir
cumvented by the secret police of the Tuilleries; He believed himself to be
in communication with an intermedial invested with the entire confidence
of Fouche!. He revealed all he knew, delivered the letter of which he was
the bearer, and left Paris with a false answer, written by the Duke of
Otranto, in which Bale was proposed, as the rendezvous for the negotiation,
in order, said the letter, to be out of the reach of the Emperor's direct police.
Thus, the Empefor could personally act upon the overtures of the Aus
trian Premier, if they were sincere, and thwart his intrigues, if, as he feared,
M. de Metternieh had any hostile plans.
I deem it proper to mention, in this place, what is perhaps not known,
that, from the time Of the exile to Elba, Austria had entered into discussions
upon the probability of a revolution in France, and had authorized General
Roller* -who went twice secretly to Porto-Ferrajo, to sign a project of treaty
with General Bertrand, to insure themselves against the rancour toward
Austria, which might have been created by her conduct in 1814, when from
Fontainebleau the Emperor offered to abdicate in favour of the King of Rome,
which she refused.
Amid this tumult of hopes and regrets, two inexplicable thefts occurred at
the Elysee. A case of snuff-boxes, enriched with diamonds, which had just
been sent by the grand-chamberlain, were laid by General Bertrand on the
chimney-piece of his saloon. He stepped to the window for a few minutes
with a messenger of M. de Montesquiou, during which time, only one person
had entered. When General Bertrand came to retake the case, it had dis-
appeared. But this is nothing compared to what occurred to the Emperor himself.
One of his ministers had brought him several millions of negociable paper •
stock of canals and orders of payment for timber. After counting them the
Emperor had deposited them, together with a complete list of the remittances
under one of the pillows of his sofa. The minister was followed by a
gentleman, who the Emperor was in the habit of receiving in his cabinet
since the campaign in Italy, and who from the high positions he had occu
pied, was placed far above suspicion. No other person had entered the

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY. OF NAPOLEON. 13
cabinet up to the moment when the Emperor went to put the valuable par
cels into his secretary. He obserevd that they had been handled, and upon
examination found them incomplete. Fifteen hundred thousand francs
were missing. Who had taken them? Here was a mystery equal to, that
of the diamonds.*
On the evening of the 23rd, quite preoccupied by the thefts which had
deprived him of a considerable portion of his resources, the Emperor recol
lected that Count Perregaux, one of his chamberlains, was a partner of the
house of Laffitte. He sent for him ; requested- him to ask the head of this
house if they could open a banking credit abroad, for him, of four or five
millions against a remittance of equal amount in gold or good paper. Count
Perregaux did not hesitate to accept this proposal, and on the same evening
the money was received by M. Laffitte, who had immediately come to the
Elysee-Bourbon. The interview was rather singular. The Emperor expected to find in M.
Laffitte only a monied man, and a lucky speculator; but after exchanging a
few words he immediately recognized the man of superior mind, and forget
ting the object of his visit, discussed the high political questions which
engrossed his thoughts, and forced M. Laffitte to acknowledge all the
dangers to which the conduct of the Chamber of Deputies exposed the
interests won by thirty millions of Frenchmen over a few thousand privileged
individuals, whom the armies of Blucher and Wellington were to bring back
to Paris. Then returning to Blucher, he questioned M. Laffitte upon the
degree of influence he had exercised upon the decision of Marechal Marmont
on the 30th of March, 1814. It was indeed M. Laffitte, who by making all
the chords of the patriot of 1789 vibrate in the heart of De Marmont, and
terrifying him with the sack of Paris, had made him forget all that he owed
to the Emperor.
On the 24th, the Parisian populace assumed an attitude so threatening to
the leaders of the Chambers, and the crowd increased so rapidly in the
environs of the Elysee, filling the air with cries of menace against the
traitors, that the provisionary government used every exertion to determine
the Emperor to leave Paris for Malmaison, and remain there until arrange
ments could be made for his embarkation and final departure for the United
States. Fouche saw that he could only attain his object by deceit and
apparent devotion ; and when the noise of the tumult out of doors was heard
in the saloon of waiting, he had the audacity to exclaim,
" Do you hear the people of Paris, gentlemen ? They are the same to-day,
as in 1793, sublime in their patriotism." Then casting a glance at the
Count de Lascases and the Duke de Vicence ;
* The Emperor had no banker. He had never conceived the idea that fate might con
demn him to the necessity of creating foreign resources for himself, against the ingratitude
of France. In 1814 he left 400 millions in the hands of the Bourbons, and trusting in the
good faith of the treaties, set out for the island of Elba, taking with him only 15,000 napo
leons, the remnant of his campaign privy-purse. These 400 millions were his personal
property ; they had been acquired partly by diplomatic treaties and partly accumulated
through the management of his civil-lists of Italy and France. In this way he had formed
his estate, both personal and official.
The imperial civil-list amounted to 25 millions paid by the treasury, and about 9 millions
of revenues from the demesnes of the crown.
The civil-list of Italy was 10 millions, The average of the yearly savings made on the
two crowns, was about 9 millions. The capital which had therefore accumulated to the
first of January, 1814, was over 100 millions.
The Emperor's will proves that he did not voluntarily make any change in the employ
ment of his treasure.

14 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
"Carnot and myself," continued he, "are not suspected by those sublime
people, for our oaths to them are signed in the blood of Louis XVI."
. Eight days after, this ex-member of the convention, opened the gates of
Paris, to Louis XVIII.
On the 25th, at sundown, after having officially demanded of fhe pro-
visionary government two frigates to convey him to America, the Emperor
left the Elysee, in the carriage of the Count de Lascases, and passed the
night at Malmaison.
On this occasion the Emperor had taken care to exchange the uniform of
the chasseurs of his guard, which he usually wore, for a brown coat and a
round hat; for the people would not have suffered him to pass had they
recognized him.
Thus, on the 25th of June, 1815, the Emperor Napoleon, disguised, and
almost fugitive, left this capitol, which he was doomed never to see again,
and to which his remains, only, were to return on the 15th of December,
1840.

HISTORY OF THE QAPTIV1TY OF NAPOLEON. 15

CHAPTER II.
LA MALMAISON.
After the abdication was signed, all the officers of the imperial house
hold discontinued their service, except those among us whose devotion
attached them to the. ill-fortune of the Emperor. A decree decided our
offices as follows;
Count Bertrand, Grand-Marshal.
Generals Savary, Lallemand, Montholon, and Gourgaud, aides-de-camp ;
two officers of French ordnance, Resigny, leader of a squadron of horse,
and Captain Planar; the latter was attached to the topographical cabinet.
Several Polanders, of the light-horse of the. imperial guard, obtained the
honour of accompanying the Emperor as. officers of ordnance. I regret
that I am unable to recollect their names.
Count Lascases, Chamberlain.
M. Emmanuel de Lascases, page.
Messrs. Marchand, first valet-de-chambrq ; Saint-Dennis, and Noverras,
valets-de-chambre ; Cypriani, maitre-d' hotel ; Pierron, steward.
On the 26th of June, I was on duty at Malmaison, when General Becker
presented himself, to take command of the guard, and to watch, said the
order he carried, over the person of the Emperor.
From that day was dated the captivity of Napoleon ; for on that day the
freedom of his actions ceased.
On the 25th of June, while in attendance of the session at the legislative
palace, General Becker had received the following letter, conveyed to him
by an aide-de-camp of Prince Eckmuhl.

The Minister of War, to General Becker.
Paris, June 25th, 1815.
" General :
I have the honour to inform you, that you have, been appointed to the
command of the guard of the Emperor, stationed at Pruel, by a decree of
the government committee, dated June 25th.
I shall communicate your appointment to Lieutenant-General Count
Drouot, commander-in-chief of the imperial guard, and to Lieutenant-
General Baron Dpriot, chief officer of the staff, of the same.
Receive General, &c."
For the Minister of War, by order of the Counsellor
of State, Secretary General.
(Signed) "Baron Marchaux."
The aide-de-camp at the same time requested General Becker to proceed
immediately to the ministry, to receive his instructions.

16 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
As soon as he arrived at Malmaison, General Becker was introduced to
the Emperor. The general bowed and presented the minister's letter.
" Sire," said he, " here is an order, charging me, in the name of the pro-
visionary government, with the command of the guard whose duty is to
watch over your personal safety. I hope your majesty will believe in the
fidelity with which I shall fulfil my instructions."
" Yes sir," replied the Emperor ; " but it seems to me I ought to have been
officially informed of an act, which I ponsider merely a matter of form, and
not a measure of surveillance, to which it was unnecessary to subject me."
" Sire, I repeat to your majesty, that it is solely for the purpose of watch
ing over your safety that I have accepted this commission. If your majesty
has any doubts I would request you to speak -them. I am an old soldier,
who, so far, 'has not learned to obey any other voice. They may write to me
whatever they will, but I have accepted this command only to watch over
your safety."
While uttering 'these words the general could not control his emotions;
the sight of this gieM, reverse df fortune almost broke his heart, and invo
luntarily tears moistened his eyes.
The Emperor observing it, said to' him with a sad yet kind smile :
" Calm yourself, general ; I am happy to see you near me. If I had had
the choice of an officer, I would have named you in preference; for I have
long since been acquainted with your loyalty."
He then invited him to follow him into the park.
" Well !" inquired he, " what are they" doing and saying at Paris?"
" Sire, the parties reason very differently about your majesty's abdication,
and the proclamation which makes your son heir to the crown. A portion
of the higher classes are disposed to' receive the foreigners a second time;
but the remnants of the army have remained faithful to you, and are assem
bling under the walls df the capitol.
" A great proportion of the citizens and the whole people of Paris seem
determined to defend themselves; and if a powerful hand could rally all
these elements to make a last effort,— nothing would be hopeless, perhaps."
Thus, even he, who was sent to treat the Emperbr as a prisoner, advised
him to take up again the sword of Marengo and Austerlitz, and march right
against the enemy.
At Paris, the whole night, from Ihe 25th to the 26th, had passed in agita
tion, in going and coming; in inquiries of what the Emperor would do, and
suppositions on the • probable effects of the events of the day upon him.
The leaders cduld not believe in this retirement without a struggle, this last
defeat without a conflict. Their success appeared to them a dream : they
felt alarmed it the silence reigning at Malmaison. Even ourselves, the
witnesses of what we called in our devdtion the Emperor's apathy, we were
hoping for the awaking of the lion. '
The Emperor betrayed but one wish, that was the arrival of the passports,
for which he was waiting to start. He had reserved to himself, when
abdicating, the appropriation of two frigates, to carry him to America, and
it had been said that the grahd-marechal would make all the necessary
arrangements for the travelling service and for an establishment in the
United States.
However, on the 22d of June, that is, the very moment he became presi
dent of the government-committee, the Duke of Otranto gave orders not
to let any thing go out of the Tuileries or the ward-robe of the Crown,
without an order signed by him. It was only on the night from the 26th to

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 17
the 27th of June, that the government, yielding at length to the ardent pray
ers of the grand-mar6chal, transmitted to him through the Counsellor of
State, Berlier, the decree of the government-committee, by which two frig-
ates were at the Emperor's disposal; to convey him to the United. States.
During the night of the 27th, the Duke of Otranto sent word to General
Bertrand, that the keepers of the household were authorized by virtue of a
decree of government, to deliver up to him in exchange for his receipts, in
which must be set forth his reasons for each requisition, the following arti
cles, viz : .
A service of silver of twelve covers.
The porcelain set, called head-quarters.
Six sets, of twelve covers each, of damask table-linen.
Six sets of house-linen.
Twelve pair of sheets, first choice.
Twelve pair of sheets, for servants.
Six dozen chamber-towels.
Two travelling carriages.
Three saddles and bridles for out-riders.
Four hundred volumes at choice, from the library of Rambouillet.
A few geographical maps.
One hundred thousand francs for general travelling expenses.
This was the exile-outfit granted to the Emperor Napoleon by the man
that he had made a duke; besides receiving from the Emperor a fortune
producing him an annual income of 200,000 francs.
On the morning of the 27th of June, the minister of war wrote to Gene
ral Becker the following letter : " Paris, Jun^27th, 1815. ,
" General : . ,
" I have hereby the honour of transmitting you a decree which the govern
ment committee orders you to communicate to the Emperor Napoleon, and
at tlie same time intimate to his majesty, that the circumstances having
become so very imperious, it is indispensably necessary for him to deter
mine on setting out for the island of Aix. This decree has been rendered
necessary as much for his personal safety, as for the interest of the country,
which must ever be dear to him.
"If the Emperor does not come to a speedy resolution, on the notification
of this decree, you must exercise the strictest surveillance to prevent the Em
peror from leaning Malmaison, and to avoid any attempts against his person.
You must therefore guard all the avenues around Malmaison. I shall
authorize the first inspector of the gendarmerie, and the commander of
Paris, to put at your disposal as 'many gendarmes and troops as you may
demand. "I repeat to you, General, that this decree has been given entirely for the
interest of the country and the personal safety of the Emperor. Its prompt
execution is therefore indispensable. The destiny of his majesty and his
family depend on it.
" I need not say to you, General, that all these measures must be taken
with ike greatest possible secrecy. " Receive, General, &c. &c.
" The Marechal, Minister of War,
" Prince D' Eckmuhl."
2

18 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
On their part the government committee wrote to him as follows :
" Paris, June 28, 1815.
" To General Beker :
" The committee send you a copy of the new instructions given to the
Minister of the Navy. You must, as far as you are concerned, conform
strictly to this new arrangement, and to the preceding instructions you have
received from the Minister of War, relative to the departure of Napoleon.
" The Duke of Otranto, Carnot, Catjlincourt,
" Duke of Vicence, Count Gkemier, Quinette."
We underline,,the name of Caulincourt, which the Emperor would doubt
less have been astonished to find at the bottom of a letter in which he was
abruptly callejl merely Napoleon, if indeed any thing could have now aston
ished the exile of Elba, who was soon about to become the captive of Saint
Helena. However, in spite of all these letters, the Emperor obstinately continued
at Malmaison. We augured well from this kind of mute resistance to the
orders of the provisionary government ; the latter had also become alarmed,
and during the day of the 27th sent for General Beker to come to Paris.
The committee then ordered him to start that very evening, incognito,
with the' Emperor, and accompany him to Rochefort.
- At the same time, he received, through General Berlier, a passport, by
virtue of which the committee had authorized General Beker to proceed
to that city accompanied by his secretary and a servant.
This secretary was to be the Emperor !
We shall here give this curious document :
" The government committee orders all the civil and military officers, to
let Count Beker, Lieutenant-General, deputy of the Chamber of Represen
tatives, pass unmolested; he is going to Rochefort accompanied by his
secretary and a servant. The committee expressly enjoins them not to suffer
any delay or obstacle to impede the journey of Count Beker, but on the
contrary, afford him every assistance in case of need. '
" Given at Paris, June 26, 1815. " Berlier."
The Emperor, during the rest of the day, did not appear to occupy him
self with this order, and made no preparations for travelling. Only the
next day, 28th of June, he sent for Count Becker, and informed him that
he would not start until he had received a safe-conduct, which he considered
necessary to his security. Consequently he wished him to write to the
Minister of War ; "the Emperor then dictated nearly all the following des
patch : " Malmaison, June 28th, 1815.
" MONSEIGNEUR :
" Having communicated to the Emperor the decree of government rela
tive to his departure for Rochefort, his Majesty has ordered me to inform
your Highness, that he renounces this journey, because the intercourse
not being free he finds no sufficient guarantee for the safety of his person.
"Besides, after reaching there, the Emperor would consider himself a
prisoner ; since his departure from the Isle of Aix depends on the arrival of
the passports for America, which will no doubt be refused to him.
"In consequence of this interpretation, the Emperor is determined to
receive his sentence at Malmaison ; and while awaiting what may be decided

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 19
upon his fate, by the Duke of Wellington, who the government may inform
of this determination, Napoleon will remain at Malmaison ; persuaded that
they will undertake nothing against him, unworthy of the nation and its
government. (Signed) " Lieutenant General Count Beker."
However, the remnant of courtiers which at first had survived the depar
ture from the Elysee-Bourbon, by degrees disappeared at Malmaison.
These saloons, where formerly Queen Hortense did the honours with such
perfect grace, and where she now received her step-father with an affection
so respectful, a tenderness so touching, became more and more deserted.
The great dignitaries of State, the Marshals of the Empire had all disap
peared. Louis XVIII. was approaching, and their eyes were directed to the point,
which brought back to them, along with a new master, the same high
positions they had already been in fear of losing. An aide-de-camp, or
general officer covered yet with the dust of a skirmish, were all who
appeared from time to time, bringing news, or coming in vain to solicit
orders. The Emperor kept himself more and more isolated, and the grand-
marshal, or the aid-de-camp on duty alone had access to him.
But it was not with the people, as with the courtiers. From all sides
they assembled to express their despair at the' Emperor's abdication, and
beseech him not to abandon the country to the direction of traitors, who
would return the crown to the king of the nobles. This was the title they
generally gave Louis XVIII.
While the official preparations were going on for the departure of the
Emperor, an incident occurred, which might have had the most important
consequences. On the morning of the 29th of June, we were aroused by the cries of
" Vive TEmpereur !" "down with the Bourbons .'" "down with the traitors !"
It was Brayer's division returning from the Vendee, which had halted before
the railing of the chateau. The soldiers refuged to take another step, de
claring that they were determined to have their Emperor back, and would
go themselves, take him, and place him at their head, if their officers did
not consent to interpret their wishes to him.
General Brayer yielded to the desire of his men ; halted on the road, and
came and asked to see the Emperor. I was on duty : thinking the Emperor
was asleep, I went to awaken him ; but, however, I found him in the library,
sitting at the window, with his feet on the window-sill, reading Montaigne.
" What is it ?" said he, turning round.
" Sire, General Brayer has returned from the Vendee with his division."
"Well, what does he want of me ?"
" He begs to see your Majesty in the name of his soldiers, who on learn
ing your presence at Malniaison, are crying aloud for your Majesty to put
yourself at their head."
General Brayer was admitted to the Emperor.'
A quarter of an hour after, his division continued their march toward
Paris, with the cries of Vive TEmpereur ! and in the full expectation of
soon again seeing him on the field of battle.
Indeed the Emperor informed General Beker, that he had delayed his
departure for some hours for the purpose of sending him to Paris, to submit
a new proposition to government. This proposal was an offer to retake the
command of the army in the name of Napoleon II.

20 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
The General, astonished, endeavoured at first to evade this mission.
" Sire," said he, "may I dare, respectfully to make the observation, that
considering my position, such a message had much better be carried by an
officer of the imperial household, than a member of the Chambers and a
commissary of government, whose instructions are only to accompany your
Majesty." "General, I have confidence in your loyalty; and on the contrary have
entrusted you with this mission in preference to any one else. Fulfil it
instantly, and you will render me a new service."
" Sire, since my devotion can yet be useful to your Majesty, I do not
hesitate to obey."
General Beker took his departure for Paris, without a moment's delay.
On arriving at the bridge of Neuilly, he found it necessary to leave his car
riage, as barricades had been erected on the bridge ; and he was compelled
to creep over the parapet at the imminent risk of his life. On the opposite
side he found a cab, which he took possession of.
The General was immediately admitted, on being announced. The gov
ernment committee was Sitting in permanent session ; his presence excited
a surprise, which no one endeavoured to conceal. They had believed he
was already with Napoleon on the way to Rocheforti
But their astonishment increased when the General explained the object
of his mission.
"Gentlemen, the Emperor sends me to tell you that the situation of
France, the wishes of the patriots and the cries of the people, all claim his
presence to save the country. It is no longer as Emperor, that he asks the
command,- but as a General, whose name and reputation can yet exercise a
great influence on the destiny of the Empire. After repulsing the enemy,
he promises to. go to the United States ; there to fulfil his destiny."
A {ew lines dictated to General Beker by the Emperor, developed the
plan of operations, insuring all the chances of success, to drive back beyond
the frontiers, in a few days, the army of the allies, and avenge France for the
disasters of Waterloo. 80,000 men were gathering near Paris : this was
30,000 more than the Emperor had in the campaign of 1814, although he
had then fought three months against the large armies of Russia, Austria,
and Prussia ; and France well knew that he would have been victorious in
the struggle, had it not been for the capitulation of Paris. It was, more
over, 45,000 men more than General Bonaparte had headed, when he
crossed the Alps and conquered Italy.
The provisionary government instead of accepting this proposition, received
it with a sort of terror. The president made General Beker sit down near
hiril, and without consulting any of his colleagues, said to him :
" Monsieur, why have you accepted such a mission, when it was your
duty to urge the Emperor to hasten his departure, for the sake of his personal
safety,* whieh we cannot any longer guarantee ? The enemy is rapidly ap
proaching Paris, and the reports of. our Generals who arrived this morning
bring us the announcement of a great defection in the army. Here " added'
he, throwjng ' a bundle of letters before General Beker, " read these des
patches of Generals Grouchy, Vandamme, and others, and you will see if a
longer delay does not expose his Majesty to fall into the hands of the
enemy." ,
General Beker took the letters, and looked over them in silence.
" Now, General," said the Duke of Otranto, while he was thus occupied
"tell me frankly, who was With the Emperor when he gave you this message '"

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. %\
The General had no motive for not answering. He mentioned among
others the name of the Duke of Bassano.
r "I see now," said Fouche, " from whence this counsel has emanated.
But tell the Emperor, his offers cannot be accepted, and that it is of the
most vital importance for. him to proceed to Rochefort, where he will find
himself much safer than in the environs of Paris."
" I am ready to return to Malmaison, Monsieur le duel' answered General
Beker, " but I wish to carry with me, it least a written document on the
result of my mission ; for if I return to the Emperor, with merely a verbal
answer, his Majesty might doubt the zeal and anxiety I have exerted in the
execution of his mandate."
, "Be it so !" replied the Duke of Otranto, and he precipitately wrote the
following note, addressed to the Duke of Bassano i
" The provisionary government, being unable to accept the proposition
made by General Beker on the part of his Majesty, from considerations
which you will be able to jiptly appreciate yourself, entreat you, Duke, to
use the influence you have continually exercised over his mind, in advising
him to start without delay, the Prussians being already on their march upon
Versailles, &c.
(Signed) " Duke of Otranto."
While the Duke of Otranto was writing, his Colleagues had not once
broken the silence. Gloomy and taciturn, Carnot was walking up and
down one corner of the room. The Duke of Vicence, Baron Quinette and
General Gsemier were sitting in silence around the table. General Beker
threw a last inquiring glance at them ; he read in their features a fixed reso
lution. He took the letter from the hand of the Duke, and departed, his
heart devoured by grief. He then got into a carriage of the court, placed
at his command by the Duke of Vicence, to take him to the bridge of
Neuilly, which he crossed in the same manner as before.
Half an hour after, he re-entered the court-yard of Malmaison, where he
found a great commotion of equipages, officers on horseback, &c. General
Beker inquired into the cause of all this noise, and was told by Monsieur
de Montaran, equerry On duty, that the Emperor intended to take horse and
join the army.
He had not doubted for an instant that the proposition would be accepted,
and had already made his preparations.
General Beker entered the Emperor's cabinet, where he found him alone.
" Well ?" said the Emperor, quickly.
" Sire, in approaching your Majesty with the air of affliction which you
will perceive on my countenance, I think I shall makei&ou sufficiently
understand that I have been unsuccessful in my mission. Here is a note
for the Duke of Bassano from the Duke of Otranto, president of the gov
ernment committee. It will explain to your Majesty the considerations that
are opposed to the execution of your project. I have demanded this letter,
in order to prove to you, that I have used all my efforts to make the provi
sionary government accept the last offer of your services. Finding the
Duke of Bassano no longer here, I put this note into your hands, and assure
you that they are very anxious at the Tuileries, to hear of your departure
for Rochefort, for it appears that the enemy is approaching with rapid strides
upon Saint-Germain and Versailles ; and the least delay may endanger your
person." _,

22 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
The Emperor listened in gloomy silence : then with his usual soberness
of reflection, in all things relating to him personally, he said : ^
" Those people do not know the state of public opinion, when they refuse
my proposal ; they will repent it."
Without a single muscle of his countenance betraying his emotion, he
added :
" Give the necessary orders, then, for my departure, and as soon as every
thing is ready, let me know."
The delay was not long. An hour after General Beker returned ; a
cafeche without armS, was in waiting with four post horses ; a courier held
himself in readiness to start, in order to procure relays.
The Emperor was dressed in a large green overcoat, sky-blue pantaloons,
and a round hat. He traversed the vestibule, and entered the garden where
his servants, who came all in tears, were waiting to take leave of their
master. His forehead at this moment was sublime in its calmness and serenity.
He reached the gate of the park where the caleche was in waiting, and
stepped hastily into it; the Grand-Marshal Bertrand took a seat beside him;
opposite the Emperor sat the Duke de Rovigo, and opposite the Grand-
Marshal, General Beker. General Gourgaud mounted the coach-box.
At 6 o'clock in the evening the carriage drove off amid a profound silence.
The Fmperor had taken the road to Rambouillet.
A few hours after his departure, conformable to the orders I had received
from the Grand-Marshal, I set out with the carriages bearing the imperial
arms, taking the road to Saintes.
During his sojourn at Malmaison, the Duke of Bassano had brought him
the letters of the sovereigns, and the book containing his autographical cor
respondence ; also the port-folio in which he was in the habit of enclosing
private papers, whose contents were reserved for no other eye than his own.
Queen Hortense was admirable in her devotion : her diamonds and all
that she possessed of disposable valuables, she offered to the Emperor : and
when he declined her offers, she employed a ruse to force his acceptance.
There was never seen a more complete abnegation of all foresight of per
sonal interest. Her loving soul did not comprehend the existence of any
other interest for her than that of giving her unhappy father a testimony of
her filial love.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 23

CHAPTER III.
ROCHEFORT.
Although I did not personally accompany the Emperor on the journey,
it may well be supposed that I have carefully collected every circumstance
which is material, so as to be able to give a faithful account of the most
minute details.
The instructions of the Provisional Government enjoined General Beker
not to allow the Emperor to stop in the towns; but towards ten o'clock in
the evening, the journey having been so far performed with the most perfect
silence, the Emperor expressed a desire to stpp at Rambouillet. He was
probably exhausted by the power and depth of his emotions— emotions so
much the more oppressive, as they had been always mastered and concealed.
General Beker immediately ordered the postilions to drive to the Chateau,
and not to the Post.
The Emperor clung with such tenacity to Paris, that he could not force
himself to decide on having recourse to flight. *
A quarter of an hour after having sat down to table, the Emperor arose
and retired into his apartments with the grand marshal. As he had not said
that he would pass the night at Rambouillet, orders were momentarily ex
pected for proceeding. An hour having been passed in expectation, the
grand marshal was at length perceived coming from the Emperor's chamber,
and he announced that the Emperor, feeling himself indisposed, had gone
to bed.
On the next day, the 30th of June, the journey was resumed at eleven
o'clock, and by day-break the next morning the party reached Tours, with
out the occurrence of any event fo disturb the profound melancholy of the
route. At Tours the Emperor only stopped for a moment, and during that mo
ment, he conversed with M. de Meramont, who had formerly been his
chamberlain, but was, at that time, Prefet of Indre and Loire, whom he
had sent for through the Duke of Rovigo. He then pursued his journey
towards Poitiers, where he took some repose at the the Hotel of the Post,
outside the city.
During the halt, General Beker wrote to the Maritime Prefect of Roche
fort, giving faim notice of the Emperor's approach, and requesting him to
come and meet him on his arrival.
This despatch was forwarded by a courier on horse-back at full speed.
They, proceeded on their journey, and reached the town of St. Maixent,
where a serious event was very nearly compromising the safety of the Em
peror. Seeing a carriage with four horses stopping at the door of the Post-house,
the whole population, excited by the different reports which they had heard
from Paris, and by the warmth of their passions, which increased in propor
tion as the party approached La Vendee, rushed eagerly in front of the car
riage, and with uncontrollable eagerness and curiosity, pressed around the
travellers. The passports, different in form and appearance from those

24 HISTORY QF THE CATTiriVtf1 OF NAPOLEON.
which were usual, only served to augmea^ their. curiosity, while some began
to assume the character of defiance/ An officer of the national guard
carried the general's passport to the town hall, to submit it to the municipal
officers, who were then sitting'in permanent assembly.
During this delay the crowd continually increased, and began to assume
a menacing aspect. Fortunately Gjgeral Beker recognized in the middle of
the mass ah officer of Gendarmerie, who had formerly served under his orders.
He made him a sign to approach, njade himself known, and begged him to go
to the town hall, and bring back' his passport. The officer departed in all
haste on his mission, and returned in a moment afterwards, not only with
the passport, but with a further permission from the magistrates. He then
,weat in front, of the carriage, pushed aside the crowd, and made room for
the horses, which were driven off at a gallop in the direction, of Niort.
A.'liJmla^Qccurrence happened to the Emperor on his journey to his for- '
mer exil%rialp;assiing through the village of D'Orgen, where the crowd was
Hear pullin'^teim to pieces.
On arriving at-Niort, the Emperor, worn out with' fatigue; expressed a
desire for some repose, in consequence of which, the postilions, instead of
driving to the Post, were ordered to stop at a small inn of modest appearance,
from whence they were to start early the next morning. It was late,, and they
did not take the trouble to put the carriage under cover ; it remained stand
ing before' the door. The Emperor ate but little of the hasty.supper which
had been prepared for himj and retired to hia chamber without any one in
the house entertaining a suspicion of his real, quality. The heat, was in
tense ; and at the early dawn, he opened his window,; Wd, observing a bal
cony, he went- out to enjoy the pleasure of breathing . the fresh air more
freely. , He had scarcely occupied the balcony for a few minutes, when Lieut.-Col.
Voisin, on his way to. early parade, passed the inn. He was surprised at
seeing a person in a dressing-gown of white bombazine, with an ill-tied
handkerchief on his head, walking on the balcony at such an unseasonable
hour; he stopped — looked at him; and recognized the Emperor. >»
. His first thought was to proceed immediately to the quarters of his regi
ment, and to order his soldiers to mount ; but on reflection, he went to the
house of the Prefect, and impressed him with an idea of the duty which
gratitude imposed upon them, of showing proper respect to the Emperor,
and- the latter determined to accompany the Colonel immediately to the inn,
to beg the Emperor to accept .the Hotel of the Prefecture as a lodging
during the time of his stay at Niort.
The news of his presence in Niort soon spread through the town, and
amongst the. troops; the 'enthusiasm was such as to prevail over every other
consideration. Both people and soldiers exhibited a degree of fanatical ex
ultation. A halt of a few hours was changed into a sojourn of forty^ight
hours, and was only terminated by the Emperor's issuing orders for depar
ture. The popular demonstrations had assumed a very serious character and
two regiments of cavalry in garrison at Niort wished, at all risks, to conduct
the Emperor into the midst of the army of the Loire.
The army of La Vendee, commanded by General Lamarque, and the army
of the Gironde at Bourdeaux, under General Clausel, exhibited the same
disposition. Nothing appeared easier than to accuse the provisional govern
ment of treason, and to match upon Paris at the head of between 20 and
25,000 men, escorted by 100,000 fanatical peasants. The state of things
was communicated by writing to the two generals above mentioned, and

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 25
General Clausel answered, that he was ready to bring 10,000 men, whom he
had under his command. General Lamarque negotiated. He did not feel
it to be consistent with his duty to act in person^Htgainst a government ap
pointed by the Chambers, but he fully perceived the danger to which the
country was exposed, and was ready to fight against its enemies. On the
other hand, the Emperor, in writing to Lamarque and Clausel, had rather
yielded to the urgent requests of the Duke of Rovigo and General Lalle-
mand than followed his own opinion, for he felt a real repugnance to the
resumption of power, and could not, moreover, believe it possible that the
provisional government would allow the Bourbons to re-enter Paris ; in addi
tion, he felt himself restrained by an unfeigned aversion to having the social
destinies of France committed to him for a second time. In fine, this new
revolution came to' nought, like those by which it had been preceded; and
at four o'clock on the morning of the 3rd of July, the Emperor descended
¦the steps of the Prefecture, thanking the people, whilst he was getting into
his carriage, for the generous reception which they had given him. Cries
of " Vive l'Empereur ! — Remain with us, Sire !" re-echoed from all sides;
but the imperial exile made a signal with his hand to the postilions, and the
carriage was driven off at full speed.
The shouts of respect and devotion to his person which followed his de
parture, long resounded in our ears.
General Beker had availed himself of this, halt, to write to the provisional
government the following report : •
" Niort, July 2nd, 1815.
" In order to accelerate the delivery of my report to the provisional govern
ment, I have the honour to inform them directly, by an extraordinary courier,
that the Emperor arrived last night at Niort, very much fatigued, and very
uneasy concerning the fate of France. Without being recognized, the Em
peror has shown himself very much alive to the curious restlessness and
avidity with which news is everywhere sought after on his journey. The
demonstrations of interest which have been shown, have often caused him
to say : 'The government is ill acquainted with the spirit of France, and has
been too hasty in sending me away from Paris. Had it accepted my propo
sition, the whole state of affairs would have been changed. In the name of
the nation, I could still exercise a great influence in political affairs, and
support the negotiations of the government by an army, to which my name
would serve as a rallying point.'
" On his arrival at Niort, his Majesty was informed by the Maritime Pre
fect of Rochefort,, that since the 29th of June, the English squadron had
doubled the number of its cruisers, and its vigilance, so as to render' the de
parture of the frigates impossible.
" Jn this state of affairs, the Emperor is anxious that the Minister of Marine
should authorize the captain of fhe frigate, of which he shall go on board, to
communicate with the commander of the English squadron, should extraor
dinary circumstances render this step indispensable, as well for the personal
safety of his Majesty, as to spare France the grief .and shame of seeing him
carried off from his last asylum, to be delivered over to the discretion of his
enemies. " In these difficult circumstances, we wait anxiously for news from Paris.
We entertain the hope that the capital will defend itself, and that the enemy
will give you time to see the issue of the negotiations commenced by your
ambassadors to reinforce the army in order to cover Paris^. (This phrase and

26 history of the captivity of napoleon.
that which follows were suggested by the Emperor.) If in this situation,
the English cruisers prevent the frigates from putting to sea, you could dis
pose of the Emperor as a general eagerly desirous only of being useful to
the country. (Signed) " Lieut. General Count Beker.
Ori the 4th of July, two letters were despatched from Paris, addressed to
Count Bekerj one from the Minister of War, conferring upon him the right
of calling out the armed force, if necessary, to compel Napoleon Bonaparte
to leave France. It ran as follows : — " Paris, July 4th, 1815.
" General Beker, — The commission of government has given you in
structions relative to the departure of Napoleon Bonaparte from France.
" I entertain no doubt of 'your zeal to accomplish the object of your mis
sion. With a view of facilitating it as much as in my power, I have issued
orders to the generals commanding in La Rochelle and Rochefort, to supply
you with the necessary force, and by all the means at their disposal to support
such measures as you may deem suitable for the full execution of the orders
of the government.
" Accept, General, the assurance of my high consideration.
" For the Minister of War,
9 " The Secretary General,
" Councillor of State."
The second was the reply to the despatch forwarded from Niort, and was
as follows: " Paris, July 4th, 1815.
" General Beker, — The commission of government has received your
letter, written from Niort, and dated the 2d of July. Napoleon ought to
embark without delay. The success of our negotiations principally depends
upon the assurance of this fact which the allied powers wish to receive, and
you do not know to what extent the safety arid tranquillity of the state are
compromised by these delays. Had Napoleon adopted his resolution imme
diately, his departure would not have been impossible on the 29th. The
commission, theii, places the person of Napoleon under your responsibility.
It will be your duty to employ such means of force as may be neces
sary, treating him with becoming respect. See that he. reach Rochefort with
out delay, and take means for his immediate embarkation.
" As to the services which he offers, our duties towards France, and our
engagements to foreign powers, do not permit us to accept of them — and
you will no longer entertain such proposals. Finally, the commission sees
inconveniences in Napoleon's communicating with the English squadron,
and cannot, therefore, grant the permission required for that purpose.
(Signed) " The Duke of Otranto, Carnot,
Caulincourt Duke of Vincenza,
Count Grenier, Quinette."
Notwithstanding this, wherever Napoleon was recognized on his journey,
he was saluted by the acclamations of the people. These acclamations caused
the last radiance of joy and pride to brighten his countenance. On passing
out of the towns and villages, he pointed out. to General Beker and the other
.companions of his journey, the infectious marshes, which at that time were

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 27
covered with ricks of hay, and said : — " You see, General, that the popula
tion cheerfully recognize the prosperity which I have created in their coun
try, and that wherever I pass, I receive the blessings of a grateful people."
On the 3rd of July, at eight o'clock in the morning, we arrived at Roche
fort. The Emperor alighted at the Hotel of the Maritime Prefecture, and
was received as a sovereign by Baron Banafour.
It was on the same 3rd of July, that Paris for the second time opened its
gates to the enemy.
During almost the whole of the journey, the Emperor had continued
melancholy, although his demeanour had never ceased to be calm and
majestic. A few words which occasionally escaped him, betrayed the manner in
which his thoughts were occupied with the future, and showed that, at the
bottom of his heart, he still cherished a hope of being again recalled by
those, who, on the contrary, manifested such an extraordinary haste to be
relieved from his presence. During the whole of the journey — not a word
either of his wife or son. From time to time he took a pinch of snuff from
General Beker's box, and as the box happened to be adorned with a portrait
of Marie Louise, the Emperor once took it into his hand, looked at it for a
moment, and returned it without uttering a syllable.
The arrival of Napoleon produced a profound sensation in the town ; the
whole population was immediately in movement, and filled the gardens of
the Prefecture with cries of " Vive TEmpereur." These cries were repeated
with so much frequency and earnestness during the whole day, that in the
evening the Emperor thought it his duty to yield to these prolonged marks
•of affection, and appeared on the terrace, accompanied by the Maritime Pre
fect and his suite. *
The reasons of our sojourn at Rochefort till the evening of the 8th July,
when we embarked to go on board the Saale, are a mystery which I have
never been able to fathom, for I can never bring myself to believe that we
remained five days at Rochefort to wait for some boxes, directed by mistake
to La Rochelle, containing matters which constituted a part of the grand
marshal's appointments in the Island df Elba ; but what is still more inex
plicable, is that these same boxes never reached Longwood. On the 10th
of May, 1821, they had lain five years and a half at the custom house in St.
Helena, addressed to a person in the suite of the grand marshal, as is proved
by a letter of that date written to me by Sir Hudson Lowe, asking whether
he should cause them to be delivered according to their address, in conse
quence of the application which had been just made concerning them, or
whether he should consider them as a part of the Emperor's personals, and
send them to me.
My answers could not be a matter of doubt ; the contents of these boxes
were not comprised in the inventory which I had received, and I had, there
fore, no legal right to receive them; I am ignorant what became of them.
It will be remembered that two frigates had been placed by the provisional
government at the disposal of the Emperor; they were the Saale and the
Medusa. The frigates were anchored under the protection of the batteries
of the Isle of Aix, and under the command of Captain Philibert, whose
pennant was hoisted in the Saale.
The Medusa, Captain Ponet, was placed under the command of the cap
tain of the Saale.
On arriving at the Hotel of the Prefecture, a. council was called by the
orders of the general, but conformably to the desire of the Emperor ; it was

28 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
composed of superior officers, military and naval — among whom was Ad
miral Martin. *
The question to be discussed was.the safest.course to be adopted to insure
the Emperor's voyage to the United States.
¦ It, was, unfortunately, too late ; since the 29th of June, the English cruisers
off the coast had been doubled, and it was unanimously decided that it was
impossible to leave the harbour without falling into the hands of the enemy.
Other means were then thought of and proposed.
General Lallemand was commissioned to go and sound the dispositions
of Captain Baudin, who was in command of the Bayadere, at the mouth of
the Gironde. He brought back the assurance that the captain was devoted
to his Majesty— would receive him with the greatest distinction, and place
his corvette at his disposal. •
At the same time, the naval officers of Rochefort offered to act as the
crew of a small sloop belonging to a Danish merchant, who was father-inJaw
of one of them, named Besson, or, if the Emperor preferred it, of two chasse
marees, with which they would attempt to convey him to America. The
embarkation was proposed to take place during .the night ; and these brave
young men entertained neither doubt nor fear.
Count Las Cases was commissioned and empowered to arrange the whole
affair with Lieut. Besson, on behalf of his father-in-law, and to provide all the
necessaries for the voyage. These parties signed an agreement in form
following : —
Agreement between Count Las Cases on the one part, on account of whom
it may concern, and Lieut. Besson of the imperial navy, on the other,
on account of Mr. P. P. D'Offendorff, a native of Denmark.
" We, the undersigned, mutually engage to abide by the articles herein
after stipulated, and express our acquiescence by our hands and seals. Count
Las Cases agrees on his part to place the sum of 25,000 francs at the dispo
sal of Mr. Besson, provided the latter fulfil all the conditions hereinafter
stated, article by article."
" Art. 1. The Count Las Cases places the sum of 25,000 francs in cash,
at the disposal of Mr. Besson, for which Mr. Besson is to be accountable to
Count Las Cases, without interest, at whatsoever period the whole sum may
be returned.
" Art. 2. Mr. Besson binds himself to Count Las Cases, to fulfil the fol
lowing conditions, by mean of the ship Magdeleine, of ninety tons, sailing
under the Danish flag, belonging to the above-named Mr. P. P. Fruhl d'Offen-
dorff, and of which he is the consignee.
" Art. 3. Mr. Besson agrees immediately, and without the loss of a mo
ment, to put the ship Magdeleine in a fit condition for a distant voyage,^ to
provide her with a cargo of brandy, which he will purchase with the 25,000
francs, placed at his disposal by the Count Las Cases; and engages strictly
to follow the orders of his passengers, whom he binds himself to convey to
their destination.
" Art. 4. As soon as the above-named sum of 25,000 francs shall be paid
into the hands- of Mr. Besson, the voyage, which he has engaged to per
form, shall commence ; and in case the voyage should not take place, in
consequence of orders received from the passengers, Mr. Besson is to
receive from Count Las Cases a sum of 2,500 francs, as an indemnity.
Should Mr. Besson wish to continue the voyage on his own account, vvhich
he is at full liberty to do, the sum of 2,500 francs is not to be paid.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 29
" Art. 5. I.n case the voyage be made on account of the passengers, and
they are safely conveyed to their destination, Count Las Cases, or some one
acting for him, shall pay to Mr. Besson a sum of 5,000 francs, or the latter
shall be indebted to Count Las Cases in the sum of 20,000 francs only. In
case, however, the produce of the sale of the ship's cargo should amount to
30,000 francs, the payment of 5,000 francs by Count Las Cases is not to
take place, it being understood that the 5,000 francs in question are to meet
the expenses of the Magdeleine.
" Art. 6. In case unforeseen events should lead to the loss of the vessel or
cargo, Mr. Besson is, by that fact, released from all obligations to Count
Las Cases, on account of the 25,000 francs received by him.
" Art. 7. Should Mr. Besson be obliged to incur any extraordinary ex
penses by the orders of his passengers, such [expenses are to be repaid by
said passengers, as well as any delay in the 'departure of the ship after the
time fixed, at the rate of fifty francs per diem. Such delays not to be reck
oned, till eight days after the ship is completely ready for sea.
" Art. 8. The voyage is to be considered complete, when the passengers
shall have been conveyed to their destination, or when the ship shall have
arrived at the port designed by Captain Besson, if the voyage be not under
taken on account of the passengers.
" In both of which cases, the above-named sum of 25,000 francs, shall
not be paid to Count Las Cases, till six months after the safe arrival of the
ship Magdeleine. (Signed in duplicate) " The Count Las Cases,
" Besson.
"Rochefort, July 6, 1815."
During the time in which these arrangements were being made, the
General wrote the following letter to Paris, informing the government of the
difficulties which he experienced ; —
" " Rochefort, July 4, 1815.
" I have the honour to inform the commission of government, that the
Emperor arrived here yesterday morning at eight o'clock, having received
from all the inhabitants of the districts through which we passed, the
strongest testimony of their respect, of their regret, and enthusiastic attach
ment to his person.
" Immediately after our arrival at Rochefort, the superior officers of the
navy declared it to be impossible to sail from the roads of Aix, as long as
the English kept such a large number of cruisers on the station in sight of
our ships.
" In consequence of this opinion of a council of war, preparations are
being made to get ready a corvette, lying in the Gironde, and to arm a
brig, in order to take advantage of either of these opportunities, should the
cruisers remain off the Pertuis, and leave the mouth of the Gironde open,
so as to favour the escape of the corvette.
" As the success of this manoeuvre is all but certain, he is anxious to ob
tain passports, which the English, interested in the departure of Napoleon,
can no longer refuse. Prince Joseph having come incognito to Niort, to
take leave of his brother, set out again for Saintes, from whence he pro
poses to retire to a country-seat in the interior of France, to await the
determination of the fate of his family. The prince has been compromised
by one of the garde du corps who raised a mob against him and some per
sons in the suite of the Emperor, on their way to Saintes, in order to go to

30 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Rochefort. The movement was suppressed by the national guard, who
caused both the persons and carriages to be set at liberty.
. "The Emperor is in perfect safety at Rochefort; he does not show him
self, although the inhabitants exhibit a great desire to see him, in order to
express their gratitude for all the benefits which he;has conferred™ this
country. " We are in expectation that M. Otto will obtain the passports, and whilst
waiting for his arrival, the best means are adopted to take advantage of any
changes favourable to the Emperor.
(Signed) " Count Beker,
" Lieutenant General."
The council of the admiralty met daily { the Emperor was present at all
their sittings, taking a part, article by article, in all their deliberations. In
one of these meetings Admiral Martin mentions Captain Baudin,* com
mander of a corvette in the river.
On the same day on which Count Las Cases signed the agreement already
referred to, the minister of marine became impatient at knowing the Em
peror had not yet left Rochefort, and wrote the following letter :
TO THE MARITIME PREFECT. " Paris, July 6th, 1S15.
" Sir,— It is of the utmost importance, that the Emperor should leave
the soil of France as quickly as possible. The interest of the state and the
safety of his person imperatively require it.
" Should circumstances not permit his departure in one of the frigates,
it will, perhaps, be possible for a pilot boat to deceive the English cruisers',
and in case this method be deemed suitable, it is not necessary to hesitate
in putting one at his disposal, in order that he may set out in twenty-four
hours. " Should this plan be unacceptable, and should he prefer going on board
one of the ships of the English sqiiadron, or directly to England, he is re
quested to address to us a formal and positive demand in writing, and in that
case you will immediately put a flag of truce at his disposal, in order that he
may adopt either of these alternatives.
" It is indispensable, that he should not disembark on the French terri
tory ; and you cannot be too precise in your instructions on this point to the
cortimander of the vessel on board of which he may now be, or on which he
may embark.
" I forward you a decree on this subject, which has been just passed by
the government, and send a copy of the same to General Beker. Theterms
are such, that I have nothing to add, beyond what I have already said to you,
to remove all difficulties in the way of his departure, as far as in your power.
I cannot too strongly repeat, his departure is a matter of the greatest urgency.
He must not, however, be allowed to depart in a pilot boat for the United
States, or in a flag of truce for the English squadron or for England itself,
till he shall have made a formal and positive request in writing to that effect.
This restriction, with which he will be made acquainted by General Beker,
will make him feel that one of the great reasons for the urgency of his de
parture is founded upon thelnterest taken respecting his personal safety.
* At present a Vice-Admiral.

HISTORY OF THE* CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 31
" Should a flag of truce be sent, you will draw up the sailing orders ac
cording to the usual form.
" I subjoin an extract from the decree of the government, which you will
append to the instructions of the commander of the flag of truce, in order
to regulate his conduct. You will, in like manner, give this extract to the
commander of the boat for the United States, should the Emperor seject that
alternative. " You will be careful to appoint as commander of the vessel, a good officer,
who understands how to combine the greatest firmness of purpose, with the
observance of the respect necessary in such a delicate affair.
" Accept sir, the assurance, &c.
'* The Duke Decres.
" P. S. It is well understood, that if the departure of the two frigates be
possible, no changes have been made in the orders given for conveying him
to the United States in that manner."
On his part General Beker received' despatches upon despatches, in order
to hasten the departure of Napoleon; but the general always continued to
maintain a bearing worthy of himself towards the Emperor, appreciated the
force of events, and remained perfectly neutral in all those discussions which
took place daily in the council on the means of his departure, in aid of which
he was to operate.
At length, on the 8th of July, at the close of a discussion, during which
the General had continued to maintain his habitual reserve, the Emperor said
to him — " Well, General, and what do you think of all this ? — Every one
offers me his opinion except you."
" Sire," answered General Beker, " I am not in a position to give an
opinion, or advice to your Majesty, and for this reason I abstain. In a case
so important, and in which there are chances to run, I might, perhaps, have
reason at some future time to reproach myself with the consequences of my
advice in the resolution adopted, should that resolution, instead of conduct
ing you to America, cause you to fall into the power of the English. The
only advice which I dare venture to give your Majesty, is that of adopting a
prompt determination, and of carrying into effect, as speedily as possible, the
plan which you may adopt.
" The fate of France is unhappily determined ; your Majesty may wait till
agents are sent in your pursuit ; from that moment the scene changes, Sire ;
the powers which I now hold from the provisional government, cease, and
your Majesty will be exposed to new dangers, of which it is difficult to fore
see the result,"
In pronouncing these words, the General was so affected, that his words
produced a strong sympathetic emotion on the Emperor in his turn.
" But, General," said he ; " should these events occur, you are incapable
of giving me up?"
" Your Majesty," answered General Beker, " knows that I am ready to
lay down my life for you ; in such a case, however, my life would not save
you. The same people who crowd under your windows every evening, and
oblige you to show yourself, would, perhaps, prefer cries of another kind, if
the scene were changed. Then, Sire, I repeat it, your Majesty, already
threatened, would be completely compromised — the commanders of the
frigates, receiving orders from the ministers of Louis XVIII., would disre
gard mine, and that would render your safety impossible. Reflect upon
the urgency of the circumstances, Sire, I beseech you."

32 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON!
" Well !" said the Emperor, " since it is so, give the necessary orders for
proceeding to the Isle of Aix."
The general obeyed, and then wrote as follows to the provisional govern
ment : " Rochefort, July 8th, 1815.
"I have already inforriied the commission of government, that the, Em
peror arrived at Rochefort on the morning of the 3rd inst., and was only
waiting for a favourable conjuncture, to put to sea. Contrary winds and,
the increased force and redoubled vigilance of the English cruisers, have
rendered it impossible for any ships to sail from the Pertuis.
" In this condition of things, his Majesty not having received the expected
passports, and being' left wholly to his own resources, will go. this evening
to the Isle of- Aix, iri order to be near the frigates, arid to be able to take
advantage of any favourable opportunity, should the winds at all favour their
departure. "As to the person of the Emperor, which your Excellency has anew
placed under my responsibility, by your despatch of the 4th inst., all neces
sary precautions are taken to guarantee Napoleon against the attempts of
his enemies. His Majesty is here in the midst of a people who are grateful
for the services which he has rendered, and the feelings and behaviour of
the troops and the navy leave nothing to be desired with respect to their
former sovereign. However difficult my mission may be, in consequence
of my double relation towards the. Emperor arid towards the government, I
shall fulfil it, I trust, to the satisfaction of. both, by being guided wholly by
the principles of the highest honour.
(Signed) " Count Beker,
" Lieutenant General." . ,
On the same evening, the Emperor, in a carriage, surrounded by the
whole population, and attended by his suite, proceeded to the shore, where
the pinnace of the Saale. received him and his suite, and immediately made
sail towards the roads of the Isle of Aix. On the way, however, the Em
peror gave counter orders ; instead of going to the Isle of Aix, he ordered
to steer for the frigate, on board of which he arrived at eight o'clock on the
evening of the 8th of July.
On the morning of the 9th, Napoleon rose at break of day ; his intention
was to go to the Isle of Aix, and the boats of the Saale were placed at his
disposal, and received himself and his suite. As they advanced towards the
landing-place, where nothing was at first to be seen but the sentinels, the
whole became covered with officers, soldiers, and people.
The Emperor had scarcely landed, when cries df "To the army of the
Loire" resounded from all sides ; thus, at the very extremity of France, on
this small spot of earth, separated from the mainland* the cries were the
same as at the Elysee Bourbon and Malmaison.
On his return to the frigate, the Emperor found the Maritime Prefect on
board, who communicated fo him the letters of the date of the 6th of July,
mentioned above. • >
During the day of the 10th, the Bellerophon came to anchor in the
Basque roads.
The Emperor passed the day on board the frigate. A friend who had
been despatched to reconnoitre the coasts, returned during the morning and
confirmed the impossibility of being able to leave the roads of Aix, and'gain
the sea.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 33
In fhe night between the 10th and 11th, the Duke of Rovigo and Count
Las Cases were sent to the commander of the English squadron, to ask if
he had received any instructions relative to the departure of the Emperor
for America, or if, not having such, he should think himself authorized to
allow the frigates, or any other French or neutral ship with the Emperor
on board, and bound for the United States, to pass free.
The English captain declared that nothing contained in his instructions
differed from the ordinary rules of a state, of war, and that, consequently,
he would attack the frigates, or any other vessel under the French flag,
which should attempt to leave the roadstead. As to a ship under a neutral
flag, he would cause her to be visited and searched according to the usual
law of blockade. But, nevertheless, considering the great and exceptional
nature of the communication made to him, he would instantly go and refer
the subject to the admiral in command, who was cruising off La Rochelle.
He at first received the Duke of Rovigo and Count Las Cases with the
greatest respect, and insisted strongly upon their taking lunch with him
and the commanders of two sloops under sail at the entrance of the
harbour. Count Las Cases had been for some years in England as an emigre, and
was acquainted with English. He therefore understood during lunch, some
conversation which Captain Maitland supposed wasonly understood by his
officers, and this circumstance derived some importance from the position
of the captain, who was a near relation and intimate friend of Lord Lauder
dale. The circumstance was also afterwards made a matter of bitter
reproach against Las Cases. The English accused him of having violated
his honour, because, as they affirmed, he had positively declared that he
was unacquainted with their language, when the question was put to him
at the commencement of the conference. This, however, is not correct.
The question was put collectively, and the Duke of Rovigo alone answered
in the negative.
This mystification and piece of diplomatic chicanery proved, in fact,
rather detrimental than useful, for no doubt the information thus gained by
surprise from Captain Maitland and his officers contributed to induce the
Emperor to decide on surrendering himself to the English.
This step had no other result than that of exciting the vigilance of the
enemy, and the Emperor's situation became more complicated than ever.
It was then that Captain Ponet of the Medusa came and offered to devote
himself and his ship to his escape.
The proposition of this second Curtius was as follows : He proposed,
under favour of the night, to take the lead of the Saale, to surprise the
Bellerophon at anchor, to engage her in close combat, and to lash his ves
sel to her sides, so as to neutralize her efforts and impede her sailing. The
engagement might last two hours, at the end of which the Medusa, carrying
only sixty guns, and the Bellerophon seventy-four, she would necessarily be
destroyed, but during this time, the Saale, taking advantage of the breeze
which every evening blew from the land, might gain the sea, and a sloop of
twenty-two guns, and a ship's pinnace, which comprised the remainder of the
English flotilla, could not detain the Saale, which was a frigate of the first
class, carrying twenty-four pounders between decks, and thirty-six pound
carronades in her upper deck.
Two circumstances were opposed to this heroic project; therefusaFof
Captain Philibert, of the Saale, and the repugnance of the Emperor to
sacrifice a ship and her crew to his personal safety.
3

34 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
The 11th was passed amidst a number of schemes proposed and aban
doned, in a state of hesitation, like that which had lost all at Elysee and
Malmaison. After the whole arrangement was made with the Danish ship,
the Emperor hesitated to trust his safety to a merchant vessel. Caesar was
not more confident in his fortune.
Oh the 12th, the Paris journals were received, conveying intelligence of
the entry of the allies into Paris, the proclamation of King Louis XVIII.,
and his establishment in the Tuileries.
The effect which this news produced upon the Emperor, and us all, may
be readily supposed.
On the 13th, Prince Joseph came to the Isle of Aix, once more to,en>
brace his brother. He had made sure of his departure from Bourdeaux for
America, and being always the most devoted friend of the Emperor, he
came to beseech him to take advantage of their close resemblance— to offer
to remain in his stead in the Isle of Aix, and to assure him that his de
parture from Bourdeaux arid his voyage to America would meet with no
obstacles whatever, because all his measures were well taken. The Em*
peror could not resolve to accept the offer. He would never consent that
his brother should expose himself to dangers which belonged to his destiny
alone, and therefore forced him to leave the Isle of Aix, and gain the
Gironde, whilst the communications were still sufficiently open, and that he
might avoid the risk of falling into the hands of the "royalists, who were
already become threatening.
In the evening all, preparations were made for going on board the chasse-
marees during the night, and accepting the proffered services of the young
officers of the navy, who proposed to form their crews.
The night, however, passed away without any order for embarkation being
received, and, towards four o'clock in the morning, General Lallemand and
Count Las Cases were sent a second time on board the Bellerophon, ap
parently for the purpose of obtaining an answer from the admiral, but, in
fact, to ascertain if Captain Maitland would express officially, with respept
to the eventual determination of the Emperor to throw himself upon the
hospitality of England, the same opinion which Las Cases had understood
him to express in his conversation with the English officers.
Captain Maitland's answers were distinct and positive. He had yet re
ceived no instructions, but he was in hourly expectation of their arrrival ;
he was authorized to receive the Emperor on board in order to convey him
to England, and, according to his opinion, the Emperor would receive- in
England all that attention and respect to which he could lay any claim. He
added, "I am anxious that it should be well understood that I am only ex
pressing my own personal opinion on this subject, and have in no respect
spoken in the name of the government} having received no instructions either
from the admiralty or the admiral."
On the return of Count Las Cases, the Emperor hesitated long as to the
course which he ought to pursue, and I have reason to believe that he would
have gone secretly on board the Bayadere, which, it will he remembered;
Captain Baudin kept at his disposal in the mouth of the Gironde, had not
private interests exercised a powerful influence in restraining him from a
course which would have necessarily excluded a considerable number of
us from having the honour of accompanying him, and delivered us up to the
enmity and malice of the royal administration, which was already in action
in Rochefort.
It is true, however, that ever since the Emperor's sojburn in Malmaison

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 35
his mind was impressed with the conviction of the grand marshal and Count
Las Cases, that he had reason to expect a magnificent reception in Eng
land, and that the extent and greatness of the popular ovation would be
increased by the testimony of esteem, which would be given by the Emperor
in throwing himself upon the hospitality of England. During his sojourn
at Malmaison, he had said to Queen Hortense— -" Give myself up to Aus
tria, never ! — she has seized upon my wife and my son ! Give myself to
Russia, that would be to. a single man ; but to give myself up to England,
that would be to throw myself upon a people."*
Towards two o'clock, the Emperor summoned us to a privy-council, and,
concealing from us none of the serious dangers of his position, he submitted
to us the following question :
" Ought I to-night to attempt going on board the Bayadere — to endea
vour to pass through the English ships, either in the Danish vessel or in the
chasse marees of the young naval officers — or ought I not rather resolve to
throw myself upon the hospitality of England, and accept Captain Mait-
land's offer?"
The grand-marshal, the Duke of Rovigo, General Lallemand, and Count
Las Cases, were of opinion that he should go on board the Bellerophon,
having first sent an aid-de-camp, who should be despatched to England with
an autograph letter from the Emperor to the Prince Regent. General
Gourgaud and myself alone were of a contrary and directly opposite opinion,
which we endeavoured to enforce, by showing that it would be a thousand
times better to run all the risks enumerated in the frank and devoted reply
of Captain Baudin, who said he would take upon himself the charge of con
ducting the Emperor to the extremity of the world. In fact, if it proved
impossible to escape the English cruisers, and to reach the American soil,
going to England was a pis-aller, to which recourse might always be had.
It was a complete illusion — we repeated it twenty times to the Emperor—
a complete illusion to confound the intentions of the English ministry, with
the public feeling of the English nation; that sound and calm reason ought
to dispel this illusion, and recal to his recollection that the policy of St.
James's had always been guided by a hatred for his person ; and that those
ministers who had encouraged and sanctioned the incessant conspiracies
of the royalists — from that of the infernal machine, and the attempt at as
sassination by Georges Cadoudal, down to the treasons of 1814— could not,
without being false to themselves and their convictions, receive the Emperor
in England in any other way than as a trophy of Waterloo.
Unhappily, Gourgaud and myself were very young, and we had to con
tend against influences of long standing, well deserved, and justified, it
must be acknowledged, by years of noble devotedness and the exercise of
the highest functions of the state. The attempt to make our opinion pre
vail over that of the Duke of Rovigo and the grand marshal, was a difficult
thing ; we were beaten, and ought to have been so.
* Lord Castlereagh had caused a communication to he made to the Emperor, through the
medium of the Duke of Vicenza, and during the negotiations of Fontainebleau. " Why,"
said his lordship, " does not Napoleon come to England instead of going to the Island of
Elba? He would-be received in London with the greatest consideration, and would there
experience a treatment infinitely preferable to his exile upon a miserable rock in the Medi
terranean. He ought not, however, to attempt to make his retirement to England a subject
of negotiation, because this would lead to long delay, and give rise to difficulties. Let him
give himself up without conditions ; let him give this splendid testimony of his esteem for
an enemy who has contended valiantly against him for ten years. He will be received by
England with the most profound respect, and he will find that it is much better to trust to
English honor than to any treaty which could be negotiated in the present circumstances."

36 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
On leaving the council, Count Las Cases and General Gourgaud were
ordered to proceed to the Bellerophon, the former to communicate the Em
peror's resolution to Captain Maitland, and, the latter to convey to England
the following letter, written by the Emperor to the Prince Regent : —
"Rochefort, July 13, 1815.
"Royal Highness, — The sport of those factions which divide my coun
try, and an object of hostility to the greatest powers in Europe, I have
finished my political career, and come, like Themistocles, to sit down by
the hearth of the British people. I place myself under the protection of
their laws, which I claim from your Royal Highness, as the most powerful,
the most constant, and most generous of my enemies. " Napoleon."

history of the captivity of napoleon. 37

CHAPTER IV.
THE BELLEROPHON.
On the 1 5th of July, at daybreak, the Emperor, dressed after his tradi
tional fashion — that is, with his small hat, green coat of a colonel of the
chasseurs of the guaid, and his sword at his side — left the Isle of Aix, and
entered one of the Epervier's boats, which was to convey him oH board the
Bellerophon. The white flag was already flying upon the posts and in the
roadstead, the Epervier brig being the only vessel which still retained the
national colours.
General Beker accompanied the Emperor, less with a view of discharg
ing the commission, with which he had been entrusted by the provisional
government, than with that of paying the last mark of respect and honour
to his Majesty.
Like all who have ever been admitted to the familiar acquaintance of the
Emperor, he had felt all the force of that irresistible attraction, which his
powerful nature exercised over those who came within its sphere. Having
gone on board the Epervier, he respectfully approached the Emperor and
made a deep obeisance.
" Sire," said he, " does your Majesty wish that I should follow you to the
Bellerophon, conformably to the instructions of the government?"
" No, no," quickly replied the Emperor, with that sagacity of mind which
was peculiar to him ; " no, not at all. No one will desire you to say that
you have delivered me up to the English ; and, as it is in accordance with
my own determination that I proceed to their squadron, I do not wish such
an accusation to be left resting upon France."
General Beker wished to reply, but his voice failed, and he burst into
tears. " Embrace me, General," said the Emperor, with that melancholy sere
nity of countenance which had never forsaken him for a single instant. " I
thank you for all the care you have taken of me; I regret that I did not
earlier enjoy your intimate acquaintance, I would have attached you to my
person. Adieu; General — adieu."
Sobs deprived the General of the power of speech ; a few words, how
ever, struggled forth, and their import was understood. "Adieu, Sire, may
you be happier than we !" He then left the brig and returned towards the
frigate. In the meantime, the brig had raised her anchor and advanced towards
the Bellerophon, preceded by her boats.
Napoleon descended into Captain Maitland's boat, steered by his first
lieutenant, and was followed by the grand-marshal and the Duke of Rovigo.
At the moment in which the boat reached the Bellerophon, the crew
manned the yards, and the marines were drawn up on the deck, but the
Emperor was not received by a salvo of guns.
The captain, attended by his officers, awaited the Emperor at the gang
way, and immediately offered to conduct him to the cabin, which had been
prepared for his reception with as much luxury and comfort as was possible
at sea, in so short time, and on board ship.

33 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
The Emperor, who, during the whole time of his sojourn at Rochefort
and the Isle of Aix, had worn an ordinary coat, resumed, as we have said,
the uniform of the chasseurs of the guard, on the morning of the 15th, and
we also put on our uniforms. _ Las Cases preferred a military costume to
that of a civilian, a councillor of state, or chamberlain, and assumed the
dress of a captain in the navy. He had served in the navy before the Revo
lution, and the Restoration having reckoned every four years to the emi
grants as a step in promotion, he became a captain in 1815, and received
his brevet, as well as the cross of St. Louis, which belongs of right to all
who have passed twenty-five years in the service.
The Emperor had no sooner set foot on board the Bellerophon, than he
said. — " Captain Maitland, I come on board your ship to place. myself under.
the protection of the laws of England." The captain only answered by a low
bow, and a few moments afterwards presented his officers, to the Emperor.
At the moment when the Epervier was about to withdraw, after having
discharged this, last duty, which was to give her- name a place in history,
Marshal Bertrand delivered to the captain the following letter, addressed to
General Beker: "July 15th, 1815.
" My dear General, — We have arrived on board the English ship. We
must commend the reception which has been given us, and it is now our
duty to thank you for the care which you have taken of us. I beg you to
inform Madame and the Princess Hortense, who are in the neighbourhood
of Paris, that the Emperor is -well, and to convey the same intelligence to
Prince Joseph, who is somewhere in the neighbourhood of Rochefort.
" I herewith send you a copy of the letter written by the Emperor to the
Prince Regent; it is unnecessary to remind you not to show it to any one.
for fifteen days, at least. You will readily see how inconvenient it would
be that its contents should be known before they have been published in
the English newspapers.
"Retain, my dear General, an agreeable recollection of me, and accept
the renewed assurance of my sentiments of consideration and respect.
" Bertrand."
On his part, General Beker, whose mission was now at an end, wrote to
the minister of war. " Rochefort, July 15th, 1815.
" My Lord,-^I have the honour to inform your excellency, that the'
mission with which I have been charged by the provisional government
that of accompanying the Emperor to Rochefort, has been, this day, accom
plished in the roads of the Isle of Aix, at three o'clock in the morning.
His Majesty, convinced of the impossibility of proceeding to America on
board a ship of war, disdained to have recourse to any secondary means to
favour his voyage to the United Slates; and has adopted the noble resolution
of writing to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent of England, claiming
hospitality from him and the English nation.
" In consequence of this determination, the Emperor has gone on board
the English ship Bellerophon, Captain Maitland, who, by virtue of orders
received from his government, has given his Majesty a reception worthy of
the high rank which he has occupied among the sovereigns of Europe.
" Should your excellency desire it, I shall have the honour, on my arrival
in Paris, to give m a more detailed report of the execution of the orders

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 39
Confided to me. I confine myself, this evening, to the confirmation of the
fact of Napoleon's reception on board a British ship of war, and his depar
ture for Great Britain ; this step he has adopted, repeating his anxious
wishes for the re-establishment of peace, and the independence of the
country. (Signed) " Count Beker,
" Lieutenant-General."
Whilst General Beker's despatch was on its way to announce to Louis
XVIII. that he was really King of France, we were pursuing our course
towards England.
At ten o'clock in the evening, we fell in with the admiral's ship, coming
towards us under full. sail. Having made a signal to us to cast anchor, she
anchored close alongside the Bellerophon. The admiral came to pay his
respects to the Emperor, and to, request him to do him the honour to pay
him a visit next day on board his ship, which was very appropriately
named the Superb. The Emperor conversed for a long time with Admiral
Hotham, appeared satisfied, and accepted the invitation to breakfast on
board the Superb.
Every preparation was made on board the admiral's ship, as for a royal
entertainment, and the Emperor was received with all the honours usually
paid to crowned heads ; the admiral and all the officers of the squadron
emulating each other in testifying their respect, and we were struck with
the great pains which was taken to make us forget our cruel position.
During the passage, the Emperor dictated the following abstract of his
position at the Isle of Aix :
" The English squadron was not strong ; two Corvettes were stationed off
the mouth of the Gironde ; they blockaded the French corvette, Bayadere,
and gave chase to the Americans which daily sailed from the river in great
numbers. At the Isle of Aix, we had two frigates of the first class, the Saale
and the Medusa, the Corvette Vulcan, and the brig Epervier. The whole of
these were blockaded only by one 74 of small size, and' two smaller vessels.
Captain Ponet of the Medusa offered to force a passage, by engaging single-
handed, and at close quarters, with the English ships. There can be no
doubt, that by running the risk of sacrificing one or two ships, we might
have effected a passage, but Captain Philibert of the Saale, who commanded
in the roads, refused to concur, and even threatened to use force, if any
vessel under his orders should attempt to force a passage. It is probable
that this officer had received direct instructions from Fouche, who was
already openly acting as a traitor, and wished to use all means to deliver
me up to the Bourbons. There was no longer any hope of being able to
reaeh the sea by means of the frigates, said to have been put at my disposal
by the provisional government, and I landed on the Isle of Aix.
" The garrison of the Isle of Aix was composed of an admirable regiment
of marines, on which I could reckon ; the officers had given me assurance
of their devotion to my cause.
" The commandant of the island had been one of my former soldiers in
Egypt, and the young officers of the navy promised to man the Danish brig,
vvhich belonged to the father-in-law of one of them — or two ckasse-marees —
in which they declared themselves ready to make their way through the Eng
lish blockading ships during the night, and thus to gain the coast of America.
It would have been necessary, however, to have touched at some part of the
coast of Portugal for supplies, either with the brig, or the chasse-marees.

4Q HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
"Under these circumstances I called a privy council, composed of the
officers of my suite — informed them of the impossibility of any longer cal
culating on reaching America by means of the frigates; and after having
unreservedly explained to them my position, I requested them to give their
opinions on the course which it seemed best to adopt.
" Two courses of action presented favourable chances, to try the fate of
arms in France, or to appeal to the hospitaliiy of England.
" In order to commence the former, I could have placed myself at the
head of 1,500 marines, full of zeal, and completely devoted to the cause of
theirleader. They would have conducted me to Rochefort, where I should
have been reinforced by the garrison of that city, whose spirit was excellent.
The garrison of La Rochelle was also confidently to be reckoned on; it
was composed of four battalions of confederates, who had offered their ser
vices, and were in a condition to form a junction with General Clausel, who
commanded at Bourdeaux, and had protested his inviolable attachment to
the cause of the empire; and further, this would have made it easy to unite
the armies of La Vendee and the Loire, and to maintain a civil war, if we
could not have succeeded in re-entering Paris. But the chambers were dis
solved, from 50 to 60,000 foreign bayonets were in France, and were arriv
ing from all sides. Civil war could have had no other result than that of
placing me as Emperor in a better position to obtain arrangements more
favourable to my personal interests ; but I had renounced sovereignty, and
only wished for a peaceful asylum ; I could not, therefore, consent to ex
pose all my friends to destruction for such a result — to be the cause of the
desolation of the provinces, and finally, in a word, to deprive the national
party of its true supports, by which, sooner or later, the honour, and inde
pendence- of France would be established. I only wished to live as a private
individual. " America was the most suitable place — the country of my choice; but
finally England itself with her positive laws, might be also a proper asylum.
It appeared from the language of Captain Maitland, that the Bellerophon
would convey me to England, where I should be under the protection of the
.English laws ; and it was reasonable to believe that the English people were
toosfond of glory, to fail in taking advantage of a circumstance which
would form one of the brightest pages in the history of their country. I
determined to go on board an English ship: but assuredly I would not have
taken this course, had I entertained any suspicion of the unworthy treat
ment which was reserved for me. My letter to the Prince Regent was a
public declaration of my confidence in the generosity of my enemies and
Captain Maitland, to whom.it was communicated before my going on board
the Bellerophon, having made no observation on its contents, by this fact
alone recognized and consecrated the sentiments which it contained."
The state cabin was assigned to the Emperor, whilst the ante-room served
as a dining-room and as a waiting-room for those who were in attendance
To the right and left of this apartment, two small cabins were hastily con
structed, one to resemble a dressing-room, and the other to serve as a sleep
ing place for the valet-de-chambre. Every night an aide-de-camp slept on a
mattress laid across the door of the Emperor's cabin, and the same etiquette
was observed on board the Bellerophon, as had been done at the Elysee • in
this arrangement, Captain Maitland acquiesced. Two sentinels as a
guard of honour were stationed, by his orders, at the entrance to the ante
chamber. <
Contrary winds rendered the passage from Rochefort to the coast of Eng.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 41
land slow and disagreeable. The Emperor suffered from the sea, without
however being really sea-sick.
We remarked, at a later- period, that he was never really ill at the worst
moments, although always suffering more or less inconvenience, except
during those twenty-one days of calm, to which the ship was condemned to
submit under the line ; on the other hand, almost all of us were grievously
ill at the commencement of the passage, but completely sea-worthy before
we arrived at Torbay. Count Las Cases alone suffered to the very last in
bad weather, probably on account of his age, and the delicacy of his con
stitution. This circumstance led the Emperor to regret that Las Cases had
assumed a naval uniform, which rendered his sea-sickness a continual
subject of amusement to the English sailors, and annoyed the Empe
ror's national amour-propre. The Emperor wished him to assume the
uniform of a councillor of state, but he told him he had not brought one ;
and he was obliged, therefore, to adopt the dress of a plain civilian. It
was on this occasion, that the Emperor, having observed that he wore only
the blue ribbon of the order' of reunion, took a ribbon of the legion of
honour from his dressing box, and giving it to him, said—" Place that in
your button-hole, if you still recognize in me the right of repairing the
wrong of not, having conferred it earlier."
Notwithstanding the very respectful and honourable reception given to
the Emperor on board the Bellerdphon, we afterwards knew that there ex
isted, at first, very strong prepossessions against us among the officers, as
well as amongst the ship's crew. Several of them acknowledged it as an
amende honourable, when an ' intercourse of some days with us had con
vinced them of their error.. None of them had ever been able to approach
the Emperor, without being filled with admiration of his goodness, and
struck with rhafc-greatness of mind of which he gave proofs on every occa
sion; his calumniators could not, indeed, comprehend his genius; they
never tried, but cruelly abused and maligned this great man, by supposing
him to be the concentration of all manner of vices and defects ; in a word,
he was the ogre of our popular fables, living upon human flesh, and reigning
merely by the aid of his Mamelukes, gendarmes, and secret executions.
As to poor Savary, he was a ravenous tiger, stained with the gore of his
victims. To such an extent did this impression prevail, that many of the
readers of Pelletier's writings could not believe that the Savary whom they
saw in the midst of them, was the same Savary whom they knew by name —
that is to say, the executor of the great works of the modern hero; and
their imaginations, filled with the most atrocious calumnies, invented and
circulated in England in all forms by royalist vanity, found it extremely
difficult to do homage to simple truth.
The conversions of which we are witnesses were renewed at a later
period on board the Northumberland, and in St. Helena. It was only
necessary for the Emperor to be brought into contact with those who were
most strongly prejudiced against him, in order to dissipate their preposses
sions and to secure their admiration. Sir .Hudson Lowe himself was at
times incapable of resisting his seductions, as he has often acknowledged
to me with the expression of a hyaena which feels itself unable to burst the
fetters by which it is bound.
On the 23d of July, he bade adieu to France; at four o'clock in the
morning, Ushant was in sight, and soon after we saw the coast distinctly.
In the evening we were in sight of English land. On the 25th, between
eight and nine o'clock in the morning, the ship cast anchor in Torbay.

42 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
General Gourgaud awaited us there ; the government had not allowed him
to land, and he was a prisoner on board the Slaney. In order to prevent
him from having any communication with the shdre, the sloop was placed in
quarantine, to prevent all possible access.
This state of things was a sinister omen of the fate which awaited us,
and cast such a dark shade over our thoughts, that we were insensible to
the magnificent aspect of the 'hills among which we were embosomed ; we
were only roused from our gloom by the immense and endless spectacle 'of
beautiful and elegant women, who saluted us with their pocket-handker
chiefs and shawls, which they transformed into flags as evidences of their
sympathy. This revived our hopes that the national feeling would open the
gates of England for our- reception, or at least force the ministers to allow
us to proceed to America. • •
Such of us as were acquainted with English, endeavoured to ascertain the
truth by conversing with such of the officers of the Bellerophon as had
been led by their duties to be in communication with the shore or with the
Slaney. Their reserve, however, baffled all our efforts, and gave us multi
plied proofs of the manner in which a uniform changes the whole nature of
man. The independent character of the English is no longer to be recog
nized under the epaulette, and so great was thejmystery, and the mouths so
close, that we could almost have believed ourselves on board one of the Vene
tian galleys belonging to the Council of Ten. The thoughtful and anxious
bjow of Captain Maitland was the only indication which betrayed the nature
of the news he had received at Torbay.
On the next day, Count Las Cases received a letter through the hands of
Captain Maitland, from Lady Clavering in London. This Tady was an old
and faithful friend of Madame de Las Cases. The secrecy of the letters is
the only thing which is inviolable in English policy. With a very few rare
exceptions, we cannot say as much for France.
Lady Clavering had heard, by the public papers, of our going on board
the Bellerbphon, and of our expected arrival in England, either at Torbay
or Plymouth. She was anxious to send duplicates of the reports which
prevailed in London respecting the determination of the government. M.
de Las Cases said nothing; he kept to himself the dreadful news which he
had learned; of the almost certainty of our deportation to St. Helena. He
said nothing even to the Emperor, because, as he often told us, he was not
wUling to cease to act as comforter.
4 The Duke of Rovigo, however, received an account from London, of the
highest importance, which dissipated every shadow of the illusion under
which the Emperor had hitherto laboured.
The privy council had just held a deliberation on the question, whether
the terms of the proceedings of the Congress of Vienna prevented England
from delivering up the Emperor to the vengeance of Louis XVIII • and
the despatches of the Duke of Wellington urged them to adopt bloody and
terrible determinations. The energetic opposition of the Duke of Sussex
alone, saved England from the infamy of committing an execrable crime *
During the; night between the 25th and 26th, the Bellerophon weighed
anchor, and sailed for Plymouth, where we cast anchor towards* noon
We had scarcely cast anchor, when a number of armed boats proceeded
JIJ'7% TimeS" °fihe 24'h °r ^th5 3ca]y> 18'5> «* tte "Journal des Debats" of the
30th of the same month, prove^h.e truth of this fact, and were intended to justify before
hand the decisions adopted to deliver the Emperor Napoleon to a court-martia? to condemn

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 43
to take their stations like sentinels around the ship, and no one was all-owed
to approach without a pass from the admiral, and two frigates made signals
for sailing. ...
Admiral Keith communicated all his orders or those of the government
by signals — no one came on board. It was no longer possible to be under
any illusion respecting our fate, and we would have deemed ourselves for
tunate in being able to hope that the Castle of Dumbarton in Scotland, or
the Tower of London, might be assigned as the Emperor's prison. St.
Helena appeared nothing less, than a burning tomb in the midst of the
Atlantic, •
On the 27th, Captain Maitland informed the grand marshal, that he had
just received orders to cause all the officers who no longer constituted a part
of the Emperor's personal attendants, and especially the Poles, to be put on
board a frigate, and that, probably, Admiral Keith would come during the
day to announce the decision of the government.
The admiral, however, having been repeatedly announced by signals, came
only for a few minutes, and said nothing. He was hourly expecting orders
for himself, which he had not yet received.
On our part, everything was put in requisition lo parry the stroke which
threatened us. The Duke of Rovigo succeeded in establishing secret com
munications with an English lawyer, who sent him a variety of notes and
documents, iii' order to guide us in the adoption of a course, which, as he
said, would place the Emperor under the protection of the English law, and
render it impossible to close the gates of the country against him.
Acting on this advice, the Emperor immediately dictated a protest and a
memorandum to Count Las Cases. A sailor, who was a good swimmer,
Conveyed it to Plymouth by night, and on the next day it was in London,
in the- hands of a Celebrated advocate.; and we began again tp hope !
At Plymouth, still more than at Torbay, the harbour was covered by boats
of all descriptions. The population from ten leagues round came in crowds
to hail the illustrious prisoner. ; and there was nothing but one continual
hurrah of acclamation and indications of •enthusiasm.
Amongst the rest there was a light yawl, decorated with flowers, which
contained a young woman of exquisite beauty and grace, who paid her re
spects to the Emperor, by lifting up her child in her arms, and presenting
to his view her most precious possession. The brutality of one of the
guard-boats capsized the yawl, and. a general shout of indignation was raised.
One of the midshipmen of the Bellerophon and several sailors plunged into
the sea — the mother was almost immediately rescued from danger — her first
cry was for her child ; I was attracted by the sound, and well remember the
pleasure which I felt on hearing, " The child is saved."
In fact, a midshipman dived into the sea, whilst assistance was directed
towards him from all sides. After the lapse of a few moments, the brave
youth was taken up by a boat and brought on board the Bellerophon, with
the child, which he had saved.
This- dramatic scene produced such an effect upon our minds, that it
served to withdraw us from the contemplation of our own melancholy
position. On the 30th July, Admiral Keith came on board, accompanied by the
urider-secretary of state, Sir Henry Bunbury, whom the ministry had com
missioned to announce their decision to the Emperor. He accordingly
handed to him the following extract from the despatch of the Admiralty:
" As it may, perhaps, be convenient for General Bonaparte to learn, with.-

44 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEONv
out further delay> the. intentions of the British government with regard to
him, your lordship will communicate the following information.
" It would be inconsistent with our duty towards our country, and the
allies of his majesty, if General Bonaparte possessed the means of again
disturbing the repose of Europe. It is on this account, that it becomes
absolutely necessary he should be restrained in his personal liberty, so far
as this is required by the foregoing important object.
" The Island of St. Helena has been chosen as his future residence ; its
climate is healthy, and its local position will allow of his being treated with
more indulgence than could be admitted in any other spot, owing to the
indispensable precautions which it would be necessary to employ for the
security of his person.
"General-Bonaparte is allowed to select from amongst those persons who
accompanied him to England (with the exceptions ofGCnerals Savary and
Lallemand,) three officers, who, together with his surgeon, will have per
mission to accompany him to St. Helena ; these individuals will not be
allowed to quit the island without the sanction of the British government.
"Rear-Admiral Sir George Cdckburn, who is appointed commander-in-
chief at the Cape of Good Hope and the adjacent seas, will convey General
Bonaparte and his suite to St. Helena ; and he will receive detailed instruc
tions relative to the execution of this service. .
" Sir George Cockburn will most probably be ready to sail in a few days}
for which reason, it is desirable that General Bonaparte should make choice
without delay of the persons who are to accompany him."
The Emperor listened to the reading of the document with profound
calmness, and when Lord Keith and Sir Henry Bunbury had ceased speak
ing, he said to them—
"I am the guest of England, and not her prisoner; I have come of my
own accord to place myself under the protection of the English law ; in
my case, the- government has violated the laws of its own country, the law
of nations, and the sacred duty of hospitality. I protest against their right
to act thus, and appeal to British honour."
The admiral and under-secretary made no other answer than to give a
respectful assurance that they would immediately transmit an account of
what had just taken place, to the government.
During the evening, Captain Maitland forwarded to the admiral the fol
lowing letter, which was put into his hands by the grand marshal.
" FROM THE EMPEROR.
" My Lord,— I have read with attention the extract from the letter which
you have communicated to me. I have made you acquainted with my pro- *
test— I am not a prisoner of war— I am the guest of England. I have come
to this country in the English ship, Bellerophon, after having first commu
nicated to Captain Maitland the letter which I had written to the Prince
Regent, and received from him the assurance, that his orders prescribed to
him the duty of receiving me on board, and conveying myself and my suite
to England, if I made such a request. Admiral Hotham afterwards reite
rated the assurance. From the moment in which I was received on board
the Bellerophon, I felt myself under the protection of the laws of vour
country ; I am anxious to live in freedom in the interior of the country under
the protection and surveillance of (he laws, ready to enter into all such en
gagements as may be thought desirable or necessary. I have no wish to «
carry on any correspondence with France, nor to mix myself up in political

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 45
affairs. Since my abdication, my intention has always been to become a
resident in the United States, or in England.
"I flatter myself, my Lord, that you and the under-secretary of state will
make a faithful report of these circumstances.
" It is in the honour of the Prince Regent, and in the protection of the
laws of your country, that I have placed, and do place, my confidence. " Napoleon.
" July 31st, 1815."
On the 4th of August, the Emperor, yielding to the advice of Bertrand
and Savary, dictated to Count Las Cases a new protest, and commissioned
him to be the bearer of it to London; but Captain Maitland, on this point,
refused to take the orders even of Lord Keith. It was impossible to obtain
from him anything more than the transmission of the simple protest.
PROTEST.
"At Sea, on board the Bellerophon, August 4th, 1815.
",In the face of God and man, I solemnly protest against the injury which
has been committed upon me, by the violation of my most sacred rights, in
forcibly disposing of my person and liberty. I came freely on board the
Bellerophon, and am not a prisoner. I am the guegt of England, and am
come hither even at the recommendation of the captain, who has stated that
he had orders from the government to receive me, and convey me to Eng
land with my suite, if that was agreeable to me. I presented myself in
good faith, and came to place myself under the protection of the laws of
England. As soon as I set my foot on board the Bellerophon, I felt myself
on the soil of the British people. If the orders issued by the government
to the captain of the Bellerophon, to receive myself -and my suite, were
merely intended as a snare, then they have forfeited their honour, and
tarnished the glory of their flag.
" If such an act was really done,, it would be in vain for England in future
to speak of her faith, her laws and her liberty. British faith will have
perished in the hospitality of the Bellerophon.
" I appeal to history : it will say, that an enemy, who for twenty years
carried on war against the English people, came, in the day of his misfor
tune, to seek an asylum under her laws, and what more splendid proof could
he give of his confidence and esteem? But how did England respond to
such magnanimity? She pretended to offer the hand of hospitality to' her
enemy, and when he trusted to her fidelity, she immolated him.
(Signed) "Napoleon."
From the middle of the night, we were under sail, plunging through a
raging sea in order to reach Start Bay, the place of rendezvous indicated by
signals, there to wait the arrival of the Northumberland, which was being
prepared, for sea with all haste at Portsmouth.
The government was anxious at any cost to prevent the Emperor from
remaining longer in contact with the population. Their attitude caused
the government uneasiness, as it was not easy to see how far their usual
influence might extend over the crew of our ship ; officers and sailors unani
mously and loudly testified their .indignation at the ungenerous breach of
hospitality. The anchorage in Start Bay is bad, and we were horribly tossed about by

46 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
the waves, and for many days dreadful sea sickness diverted our minds from
our sufferings.
Towards the close of the day, the Northumberland and two frigates filled
with troops cast anchor by our side.
Immediately afterwar<Js> Lord Keith came on board the Bellerophon,
accompanied by Admiral Sir George Cockburn, whom he presented to the
Emperor, and who was the bearer of a communication, by virtue of which,
he was about to convey him to St. Helena.
The instructions of Lord Bathurst, minister of the colonies, gave direc
tions to subject the baggage to the most minute examination, and required
the surrender to the admiral of all money, or articles of value in gold or
diamonds ; otir arms were to be demanded as from prisoners of war.
This last point gave rise to one of those silent but sublime scenes, to
which my pen is wholly unable to do justice, but the impressiveness of
which every one will understand by reading the simple but faithful narration
of what took place.
The admirals had been received by the Emperor in the state-cabin.
Bertrand and myself stood behind, with our backs to the stern windows.
General Gourgaud remained by the starboard guns, prepared for any
event. The Emperor, a few feet in front of us, appeared to expect that he
had only to receive their adieus, when Lord Keith, at length resigning
himself to the execution of an order which was at variance with the whole
of his long and brilliant military career, approached the Emperor, and said
in a>voice subdued by lively emotion — " England demands your sword."
The Emperor by a convulsive movement placed his hand upon that
sword, which an Englishman dared to demand — the terrible expression of
his eye was the only reply ; never had it been more powerful or more pene
trating. The old admiral was astounded, his tall figure shrunk, his head,
white with years, fell upon his breast like that of a criminal shrinking
before the sentence of his judge.
The Emperor retained his sword.
The two admirals saluted the Emperor with a respect accompanied by
deep emotion, and withdrew, without uttering a word to disturb the solemn
impression which the scene had made upon all beholders, English as well as
French. The baggage was hot examined till we were on board the Northumber
land. This duty was then performed by the secretary of Sir George
Cockburn ; and for form's sake, each of us surrendered what he pleased of
the money which he carried.
The grand marshal gave up 4,000 Napoleons, as constituting the Empe-
roi"s chest ; we kept secret about 400,000 francs in gold, from 3 to 400,000
francs in valuables and diamonds; and letters of credit for more than
4,000,000 francs.
It was now become the duty of the Emperor to select those who were to
accompany him — we expected his decision with anxiety — all of us, with the
exception of one poor lady, who was for a moment agitated by painful
regrets, were eager to give proofs of our devotedness, and to show that our
attachment was to his person, and not to his sceptre ; and the more ingrati
tude and defection we had seen, the greater honour we attached to the
privilege of being allowed to follow his fortunes.
Savary having been excluded by the ministry, was in despair. He loved *
the Emperor with all his heart, and with such affection, that I can compare
it to nothing else than that of a dog for his master. Lallemand was

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 47
reminded of his condemnation j he thought he was about to be delivered up
to the vengeance of the royalists, but he contemned death, and said, smil
ing, " May the devil carry off those who, at the Isle of Aix, preached up to
us the hospitality pf the English !"
" Come, Savary, what will you do ? We have during twenty years so
often escaped this inevitable death, that it must at last overtake us ; my
only embarrassment is this — I should rather have been killed by a Mame
luke at the Pyramids,, or by an Englishman at Waterloo,, than by a French
man on the plain of Grenelle." 1 felt thoroughly happy when the Emperor,
having sent for me, said to me, affectionately :
" Montholon, I have selected you without speaking to you, because I
reckoned on you ; Bertrand does not hesitate this time. Count Las Cases
has begged me to accept of him — do you know him? His conversation
pleases me ; he appears to be very well informed, and I believe him to be
devoted to my cause. What a singular destiny has his been ! — twenty-four
years ago, he emigrated, disguised as a jockey, irf the suite of Louis
XVIth's family ; and now he is my chamberlain, going into voluntary exile
with me! Bring him in."
' General Gourgaud would not on any account quit the Emperor; as an
officer of artillery,- he had attracted the Emperor's notice on several battle
fields, and especially at Wagram. I had, since that battle,, been attached to
his person as first officer of ordnance.
The Emperor obtained permission from Admiral Keith to consider M. de
Las Cases as {private secretary, and he consequently became one of the
officers. When once the destiny of each of us was fixed, a few hours of calm
succeeded our cruel anxieties ; everything appeared to be in its original
state — so true is it, that we French accommodate ourselves instantaneously
to our good, as to our evil fortune.
I feel it my duty to notify the instructions given by the government to
Rear-Admiral Cockburn, and by Admiral Keith to Captain Maitland.
ORDERS FROM ADMIRAL KEITH TO CAPTAIN MAITLAND,
Commander of his Majesty's ship Bellerophon.
" In Roads, at Start Bay, August 6, 1815.
"All arms of every description are to be taken from the French, of what
ever rank, who are on board his Majesty's ship under your command ; the
arms are to be carefully collected, and to remain under your Charge, as
long as the French remain on board fhe Bellerophon ; they will afterwards
be under the charge of the captain of the ship to which the said individuals
may be transferred."
This order was not fully executed; our swords were left us, and only the
fire-arms were taken.
INSTRUCTIONS OF MINISTERS TO ADMIRAL COCKBURN.
" When General Bonaparte leaves the Bellerophon to go on board the
Northumberland, it will be the most suitable time for Admiral Cockburn to
have the effects examined, which General Bonaparte may have brought
with him.
"The. admiral will allow the baggage, wines, and provisions, which the
Genera] may have brought with him, to betaken on board the Northura-

48 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
berland. Among the baggage* his table service shall be understood to be
included, unless his plate be so considerable, as to seem rather ah article
to be converted into ready money than for real use.
" His money, his diamonds, and his saleable effects, (including bills of
exchange,) of whatever kind they may be, must be delivered up. The
admiral will declare to the General, that the British government by no
means intends to confiscate his property, but merely to take upon itself the
administration of his effects, to hinder him from using them as a means to
promote his escape. The. examination shall be made in the presence of a
person named by General Bonaparte; the inventory of the effects to be
retained shall be signed by this person, as well as by the rear-admiral, or
by the person whom he shall appoint to draw up the inventory. The inte
rest on the principal (aS his property is more or less considerable) shall be
applied to his support, and in this respect the principal arrangement is to
be left to him. For this purpose he can, from time to time, signify his
wishes to the admiral, till the arrival of the new governor of St. Helena,
and afterwards to the latter ; and if no objection is made to this proposal,
the admiral or the governor can give the necessary orders, and the disburse
ments will be paid in bills on his Majesty's treasury.
" In case of death, he can dispose of hi3 property by a last will, and
may be assured, that the contents of his testament shall be faithfully
executed. As an attempt might be made to make a part of his property
pass for the property Of the persons of his suite, it must be signified that
the property of his attendants is subject to the same regulation.
" The admiral is not to take any person on board for St. Helena, without
the consent of such person, to whom he is previously to explain the neces
sity of being subjected to all the regulations which it may be thought
proper to establish for securing the person of the General. It must be
made known to the General, that if he make any attempt to escape, he will
expose himself to close imprisonment; and that any of his suite who may
be discovered in endeavouring to facilitate his escape will incur the same
punishment.* " All ' letters which shall be addressed to him or to any of his suite, are
to be delivered in the first place to the admiral, or the governor, who is to
read them previously to transmitting them; the same regulation is to be
observed with respect to letters written by the General, or the persons of
his suite.
" The General is to be informed that the governor and the admiral have
received positive orders to forward to his Majesty's government any request
or representation he may think proper to make ; nothing is left to their dis
cretion on this point : but the paper on which such representations shall be
written is to remain open, in order that they may subjoin such observations
as they may think expedient.
" A true copy.
"To Admiral. Sir George Cockburn."
The surgeon, M. Meugeaux, was so much alarmed at the idea of being
subjected to the rigorous orders of these instructions, that he was half dis
tracted, and declared plainly that nothing in the world should persuade him
to set out for St. Helena. He was, probably, the only person in the suite
of the Emperor whom the English did not wish to take the responsibility
* The Bill of 1816 threatens the pain of death against anyone who should favor the
escape of the Emperor.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 49
of removing. The admiral did all in his power to restore him to reason,
but in vain, and M. Meugeaux quitted us.
Mr. O'Meara, surgeon in the Bellerophon, spoke very little French, but
very good Italian ; he had shown a lively interest in us, and now offered to
replace M. Meugeaux, ,
The Emperor had often retnarked him during the voyage from the Isle of
Aix to England, and had even questioned him several times, with interest,
concerning the various circumstances of Sir Sydney Smith's intervention
in the affairs of Egypt, knowing that at this period Mr. O'Meara had been
surgeon on board the Tiger, the admiral's ship of the squadron cruising on
the coast of Egypt, during the campaign of 1798 and 1799.
The admiral, at the request of the Emperor, hastened to take the orders
• of the Admiralty, who granted to Mr. O'Meara unlimited leave, with full
pay, and permission to accompany General Bonaparte to St. Helena, in the
exercise of the medical profession.

»
50 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

CHAPTER Vi
THE NORTHUMBERLAND.
Towards two o'clock in the afternoon, the Emperor, accompanied by
the persons designed to form his suite in St. Helena, quitted the Bellero
phon and went on board the Northumberland. This time no royal hon
ours awaited him, nothing but respect, and an extreme affectation of formal
politeness. The orders of government were positive. It was General Bo
naparte, chief of the French government, and not the Emperor Napoleon,
whom Admiral Sir George Cockburn was charged to conduct to, and retain
as a prisoner in St. Helena, paying him the greatest military honours after
those due to sovereigns. With regard to us, orders were given to accord
the honours due to our various ranks in the army.
Eva-ything was in confusion on board the Northumberland, which was
quiteTlismasted when the minister resolved on sending the Emperor to St.
Helena, and when it was found to be impracticable to send the Bellerophon
on so long a voyage, as she was a very old ship.
The Northumberland had, consequently, just been repaired; ten daysr
had served to rig, arm, and equip her, and to bring her from the docks at
Portsmouth into the roads at Start Bay ; but the painting, the interior ar
rangements, and all the luxuries in the victualling department, yet remained
to be attended to. The evening call showed that there were 1,080 persons
on board, including two companies of picked men, and the staff officers of
the 53rd foot. Captain Ross was the commander of this splendid vessel
(of 80 tons) ; he was an officer of merit, and an amiable and obliging man ;
he paid all of us those little attentions which are so gratifying, and, to do
him justice, never reminded us, by any of his actions, that we were prisoners
On board his ship.
The space between decks had been divided into several chambers, for the
accommodation of the Emperor and the admiral ; in the centre were the
saloon and dining-room ; on the right and on the left a bed-room, commu
nicating both with the saloon and dining-room. A mechanical bed, made
in order to avoid feeling the rolling- motion of the vessel, had been erected
in the chamber destined for the' Emperor, but he did not use it, preferring
his ordinary camp-bed. This camp-bed- was made of iron, and could be
folded after the manner of an umbrella, with two mattresses, a pillow, the
coverlets, sheets and curtains, in a leathern case, one metre high, and 0,45
centi-metres in diameter, which could be instantly attached to a carriage,
like a portmanteau ; during a campaign, a sumpter-mule carried it, along
with his tent and its furniture. The curtains were of green taffeta, the mat
tresses and the coverlet made of wadded silk ; nothing could be lighter or
more convenient.
During the whole time of his sojourn in St. Helena, the Emperor never
slept on any other bed.
His chamber on board the Northumberland was furnished in the same
manner as his tent on the banks of the Moscowa had been. Since his de
parture from Aix he had re-assumed the green uniform of the chasseurs ofj

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 51
his guard ; he continued to wear it during the whole voyage. Lord Low-
ther and Mr. Littleton had, I know not why, obtained permission to be on
the deck of the Northumberland when we arrived. They were presented
by the adrhiral, and had the honour of attracting the attention of the Em
peror, who conversed a long time with them on the deck.
It would be very difficult for me to express the astonishment and admi
ration of these gentlemen; they were astonished at the Emperor's extensive
acquaintance with the social organization and resources of England. All
that they saw and heard formed a perfect contrast with the false ideas which
they had taken up with respect to the person and politics of Napoleon, be
fore they had either seen or heard him. What interested them above all
was, to hear, from his own mouth, that he had constantly endeavoured to
unite the two nations in the bonds of friendship and mutual interest, only
demanding for France the sceptre of the continent, and leaving to England
that of the seas.
During the few moments that we saw them, after the conference, they
both exclaimed — " Nothing w&uld have been more easy than to come to an
understanding with your Emperor ! We never wished for more than what
he himself acknowledges to be our right, and we shall surely some day regret
having twice brought Louis XVIII. back to Paris ; for these Bourbons are
always ike same ; they acknowledge now that they owe us their crown, because
they need us still, but as soon as they think themselves strong, they will become
ungrateful." With respect to Admiral Sir George Cockburn, he must have been in
his youth a very handsome man ; his countenance was open, and his eye
sometimes full of fire.
Severity was with him a habit, because, as an honest man and good
soldier, he pardoned neither want of probity, breach of discipline, nor
cowardice. He possessed intelligence and a good natural understanding.
The Emperor would never have had to complain of him, had the instruc
tions of the English government been dictated with less hatred, and with
less contempt of all human respect and the rights of nations.
Two frigates and seven brigs, or sloops-of-war, successively joined the
Northumberland, most of them having troops on board.'
On the 9th of August, the admiral gave orders for getting under sail, and
a few moments afterwards the whole squadron was under weigh, tacking in
order to get out of the British Channel.
Several times did the shores of France appear before our eyes, as a vague
and formless shadow appears in a dream, when the mind and thoughts are
touched by a feverish impression ; but, just as our hope of recognizing or
of seeing distinctly some points of the coast was about to be realized, the
cursed signal to tack was to us as the awaking which destroys the illusion
of a pleasant dream..
Once, however, while the Emperor was taking his accustomed walk on
the deck, the coast of Brittany threw off the clouds which concealed it, and
presented itself to our eyes, as if to receive our last adieux. France!
France ! was the spontaneous cry which resounded from one end of the
deck to the other.
The Emperor stood still, looked at the coast, and, taking off his hat, said,
with emotion —
"Farewell! Land of the brave, I salute thee! Farewell! France — fare
well!"

52 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
The emotion was electric; even the English involuntarily uncovered
themselves with religious respect.
From this moment we saw no more land till we cast anchor at Madeira,
in the roads of Funchal; for the purpose of completing the stock of provi
sions necessary, as well for our table on board, as for the wants of the
establishment at St. Helena during some little time, for the admiral had
already been several times at James Town, and, knew by experience that he
should find no resources there.
The aspect of Funchal is picturesque ; the town is built on the slope of
the mountains, and the ranges of houses rise one above another, like rows
of flower-pots on stands.
We had for a moment hoped that we should be allowed to satisfy our
curiosity, and that we should, at least, be permitted to approach the land
ing-place in one of the Northumberland's boats ; but nothing of the kind ;
no one belonging to the ship was allowed to disembark, or to hold any
communication with the land, except Mr. Glover, the admiral's secretary,
and the purveyor for the ship. These two persons were taken to Funchal
in a boat belonging to the frigate Havanna. Mr. Glover promised to exe
cute all our commissions, for the purchase of various articles of the toilet,
indispensable in a long voyage, and of linen especially.
No washing is allowed on board ; the water is distributed in rations, and
is very often so much spoiled that it smells badly ; the Northumberland,
however, carried her provisions in iron vessels, and the admiral had had
several hundred- bottles of water, hermetically sealed, put on board for the
use of the Emperor and of his suite.
During the night a terrible gale of wind threatened to cast our ship on
the coast. The admiral gave orders to weigh the anchor and stand out to
sea, but we were hardly under sail, when two of the masts were broken,
and our inexperience of accidents at sea would very probably have led us
to think ourselves, at least, in great danger of shipwreck, had the prompti
tude with which all this mischief was repaired, allowed us to be aware of
it ; and, in truth, the discipline and sang froid which always reigned in the
Northumberland were admirable.
On the next morning we awoke again in sight of Funchal, at the same
point which we had left in the night — one might almost have believed that
all the events of the past night had been but a dream.
At the commencement of the storm, the admiral had expressed a wish
that none of us should be on deck ; but he perceived my curiosity, and I
was allowed to remain the whole time on the quarter-deck with Captain
Ross. I only quitted it to go and apprise the Emperor of the state of
things. From the moment that the Emperor set foot on the Northumberland, he
formed for himself entirely new habits; he constantly opposed the' most
noble resignation to the effects of Lord Bathurst's instructions, and perhaps
by this means doubly obtained the respect and admiration of all the Eng
lish who had the honour to approach him; not one of them could resist the
magical influence of his actions and words— and every day we remarked
the admiral advancing a step nearer to the conduct which he would doubt
less have assumed from the first, if his instructions had prescribed to him
respect for crowned heads, instead of the severity of a gen-d'arme who is
answerable for his prisoner.
The Emperor breakfasted in his room, and did not appear among the

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 53
English till about four o'clock, when he passed into the saloqn, and amused
himself with a game of chess or picquet till the admiral came to pay his
respects to him, and to take him to dinner.
An English dinner would have been too long for his habits— from the
first, he rose at the time when ladies in England quit the table, and went
to walk on the deck.
The admiral hesitated a moment — we all rose — and the English followed
our example ; the Emperor begged them to reseat themselves, and took the
grand marshal alone with him.
From that day forward he continued this habit during the whole voyage ;
we each took our turn to follow him to the deck.
The Emperor almost always conversed during his walk on the deck with
the officers, and often with the crew of the vessel. He questioned them
about the actions in which they had been, and about the organization of
the navy, and always astonished them by his own knowledge. He chose
for an interpreter some young midshipman who spoke French, or Mr.
O'Meara, or sometimes even a sailor or a soldier; for several of these were
from Jersey, and spoke French perfectly well. There were also several
Italians from the Ionian Isles or from Malta, whom he liked to call and
employ as interpreters.
One day he perceived the master of the vessel, who, not having the honour
of an epaulette, although responsible for the safe conduct of the vessel, as a
pilot would be, avoided coming in his way.
He walked straight to him, questioned him about his rank and functions
on board, conversed long with him, and concluded by saying to him, " Come
and dine with me to-morrow."
The astonished master could not believe that the invitation was not a
malicious trick of the midshipman who interpreted — it was obliged to be
repeated to him, accompanied by an explanation of the Emperor's custom
of honouring merit in whatever rank he found it. " But," said the poor
man, quite overcome with so much honour, " the admiral and my captain
will not like a master to sit at their table."
" Very well," answered the Emperor, " if they do not, so much the worse
for them ; you shall dine with me in my cabin."
¦ This was a pleasure to the whole crew, and formed the subject of general
conversation among us.
When the admiral rejoined the Emperor, and learned what had just
passed, he affected much- graciousness in assuring him, that any one invited
by him to the honour of sitting at his table, was by this circumstance alone
placed above all rules of discipline and of etiquette, and sending for the
master, he assured him that he would be welcome to dinner next day.
From this day forward, the crew, the squadron, and all the soldiers of the
53d regiment, were to the Emperor what French soldiers and French sailors
would have been.
On the 1st of September, we were off the Cape Verde Islands. It was a
great joy to us when Captain Ross informed us, during dinner, that we
should see land before sunset, but much greater was our regret, when the
wind, becoming violent, obliged us to stand out to sea, without having
caught a glimpse of this promised and much desired land ; happily, before
night; one of the brigs was able to discover it, and to confirm by its obser
vations, the exactness pf the admiral's calculations — for some calculations
placed us to windward of the isles, and if this opinion had prevailed, and
the" admiral, instead of struggling against the wind, had gone with it, we

54 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
might readily have run aground without having been able to see the land,
which was concealed from us by compact masses of clouds. The least
novelty is a god-send during the tedious days of a long voyage— every one
seizes upon it eagerly in order to renew the interest of conversation.
This occurrence gave an opportunity to the officers of the Northumber
land of vaunting their skill, and I am not sure that there was not a little
sarcasm directed against our navy in the great care which they took to
recount to us the thousand and one examples of perils from which their skill
or their valour had preserved them.
The Emperor having asked the admiral how many chronometers the
Admiralty allotted to a ship of war, and whether it required merchant ves
sels to be provided with them, the conversation took another turn, and led
the Emperor to speak of his efforts to supply France with a navy suitable
to the importance of its commercial relations: " Unfortunately," said he, " I
found nobody who understood me. During the expedition to Egypt, I had
cast my eyes on Decres — his intelligence pleased me. I reckoned upon
him for understanding and executing my projects with regard to the navy.
I was mistaken ; his passion was to form a police, and to find out, by means
of the smugglers, every web which your ministers, or the intriguers of Hart
well, were weaving against me ; and then he always proceeded.on a system
of coterie, the navy of Brest against that of Toulon — no enlarged ideas —
always the spirit of locality and of insignificant detail — paralysing my views.
I was obliged to give myself great trouble in order to send a small squadron
of frigates to drive your commerce from India and from the Antilles ; the
old routine always obtained the upper hand : I should have done you a great
deal of mischief, had I been obeyed, but 1 was too much taken up with land
affairs to be able to think of the navy otherwise than by fits; what I have
done will be known, if ever my correspondence with Decres is published.
" The navy of Louis XVI. was . no longer in existence when I took the
government into my hands — the republic possessed only four vessels of the
line. The taking of Toulon, the battle of the river Jenes, in -1793— of
Rochefort, in 1794 — and finally, the battle of Aboukir, had given the death
blow to the navy. Well ! notwithstanding the disaster of Trafalgar, which
I owe solely to the disobedience of Admiral Villeneuve, I left to France
one hundred vessels of the line, eighty thousand sailors and soldiers — and
all this in a reign often years, and whilst I had to struggle against a coali
tion of the great powers of Europe.*
* The Emperor might have added, that he had resolved upon the destruction of the hu
miliating system of piracy of the States of Barbary, for proof of this is found in his cor-
respondence with Decres, his minister of maritime affairs.
" Monsieur Decres, — Consider the expedition to Algiers as much in a maritime as in a
land point of view : one foot in Africa will give England something to think of. Is there
a port on this coast where a fleet would be under the protection of a superior force 1
What would be the ports by means of which the army, once disembarked, could be revic-
tualled ? and how many different ports would the enemy be able to block up ? In Egypt
there is scarcely any port but that of Alexandria ; Rosetta was a very dangerous port and
yet it was reckoned. '
" Here I think there must be a dozen. How many frigates, brigs, or barges can they
contain ? Could Gantheaume's squadron enter the port of Algiers, and would it there be
under the protection of a superior force 1 At what season is the plague no longer to be
feared, and the air good ? I suppose in October. After having studied the expedition to
Algiers, study that to Tunis. Write confidentially to Gautheaume, who, before coming
to Pans, may collect information ; this information may extend to Oran, and apnlv to land
and sea. The points to be determined by land are, whether there are water and roads ? I
suppose this expedition would require 20,000 men. You understand that the enemv would
suppose it to be intended for Sicily, and would be greatly baffled if, instead of that it Dro
ceeded to Algiers. ' p "

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 55
" I ceded to England the sceptre of the seas, but I required that she
should respect the French flag on the sea, as an Emperor of Austria and of
Russia had learned from me to respect it on land.
" The treaty of Paris has destroyed all that I did for the navy — centuries
will, perhaps, elapse, before my work is recommenced — your power on sea
no longer experiences any control ; and if it is true that Louis XVlII. said
he owed his crown to the Prince Regent, the latter might say with as much
truth, ' I owe the empire of the seas to the Count d'Artois, who, at the
instigation of Talleyrand, signed, without any necessity, the sacrifice of the
finest squadrons France ever had.' In short, the treaty of Paris is such a
betrayal of the French interest, that Louis XVIII. executed it as a thing
done, but never ratified it with his signature."
Unfortunately for us, these outpourings of the Emperor's thoughts were
very rare : he generally confined his conversation to some words of polite
ness, or of curiosity respecting our route; sometimes, however, he gave rise
to scientific discussions, by asking questions respecting India or China.
On the 23rd of September, 1815, we crossed the line, by one of those
singular hazards which sometimes occur, at latitude 0' — longitude 0' — de
clination 0'; that is to say, the vessel, conducted by a west wind, which
had blown for several days, came under the line exactly at mid-day, at the
first meridian, and on the day of the equinox.*
The passage of the line occasions a great merry-making, and a kind of
saturnalia among the sailors; all is confusion — overturning of the natural
order of things on board.
The boatswain represents Neptune ; he is sovereign for a few hours, and
no one is exempted by his rank from receiving baptism — a kind of grotesque
homage to be rendered to the monarch of the seas by any one who has not
before passed the line.
Neptune exhibited towards us a very gracious respect ; he exempted us
from the ceremonies of shaving and of baptism; and when each of us, con
ducted by our godfathers for the time being, were presented to him, he told
us that we had too often received the baptism of fire and of glory, to
require another baptism .before becoming his friends; and when the cere
mony was concluded, he asked to be allowed the honour of making
" I do not require an answer from you before the end of a month ; but, during this time,
gather such materials that there maybe no 'buts' — ' ifs' — 'in cases.' Send one of your
discreet engineers in a brig to talk to Monsieur Chainville — but he must be a man of tact
and talent ; he should also understand a good deal of maritime affairs, and must commit
his observations to writing, in order that he may not bring us back any idle reveries. You
might even arrange with Sauson in order to have a fit person. You will find information in
the archives of foreign affairs and of war: have search made in' these archives and in yours.
Information on this subject has been demanded in France. Napoleon."
* The angle which the direction of a magnetic needle forms with the meridian of the
place is the measure of the declination. According to M. Arago, the declination was at
Paris, in 1816, 22° 25' 0". In order to measure the inclination, it is necessary that the
magnetic needle be suspended like the beam of .a pair of scales. The angle which the
needle thus suspended makes with the horizon is the angle of inclination. In 1817, at Paris,
the angle of inclination, according to M. Duperrey, was 68° 28' 28". In proportion as we
approach the equator, the inclination diminishes ; but the line which would mark upon the
globe all those points at which the inclination is 0°, and which is called the line of no incli
nation, does not coincide with the equator. These two lines, however, cut one another in
two points. The island of St. Thomas is situated 0° 29' N. lat., and 4° 24< E. long, meri
dian of Paris. The meridian of Greenwich is 0° 9' 21" different from that of Paris. The
observations of Captain Sabine, made in 1822, gave at that time an inclination of 0° 6' for
the island of St. Thomas. The declination as well as the inclination vary each year : if the
observation was correctly made on board of the ship which conveyed the Emperor to his
place of exile, the coincidence of zero lat., zero long., and zero inclination, is an extraor
dinary fact, which will not soon occur again.

56 H?STORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
acquaintance, with the demi-god, called General Bonaparte ; the Empetor
graciously consented to the presentation, and gave through the grand mar
shal, 500 napoleons to Neptune, in order that he and all his court might
drink to his health; this was a signal for deafening hurras and cries of
" Long live the Emperor Napoleon !"
The Admiral and Captain Ross did not venture to oppose. this royal libe
rality, but they feared, and with justice, the consequences of it, knowing
that aU this money, to the last farthing, would be expended in drink.. The
captain formed a clever plan ; he congratulated .the monarch of the seas on
his good fortune, and harangued him so well, that poor Neptune calledto
mind the flogging which would next Monday await those who became in
toxicated, and offered to deposit the 500. napoleons in the hands of his cap
tain, to be returned to him on the discharging of the crew, on this one
condition — namely, that an extra quantity of rum should be given out, as
a ratification of the treaty.
This plan was a wise one, for, even notwithstanding it, Neptune and
twenty of his subjects of a day would have been cruelly flogged next Mon^
day, so intoxicated had they been, if we had not obtained their pardon
from the admiral.
The English do not punish as we do by the immediate decision of a
superior in rank: with them the right of the superior only extends to taking
a note of the fault of his inferior, without inserting it in his daily report;
a council of discipline, presided over by fhe commanding officer, judges the
criminal, after having heard him ; in this way nothing is left to the arbitra
riness, malice, ill-humour, or false judgment of the superior.
The organization is the same in the army.
The Emperor remarked it several times, and expressed regret that he
had not given to the French army this disciplinarian organization.
Calms kept us inactive under the line for ifwenty-one days ; murmurs were
beginning to grow rather loud when tfee most experienced seamen an
nounced the approach of a breeze. Sir George Cockburn had followed an
unusual route : instead of crossing to the coast of Brazil, he had persuaded
himself by the experience of past voyages, that it was better to keep con
stantly near the coast of Africa, and that in this way a shorter and less diffi
cult voyage would be secured ; he was, however, mistaken, for a frigate and
two brigs, which had been separated from us during the early part of the
voyage by a violent gale of wind, and which followed the usual track,
arrived at St. Helena sixteen or seventeen days before the Northumber
land. Any vessel in sight causes emotion at sea — how much more a sloop of
war, with a white flag, advancing full sail towards us; the admiral made a
signal to the brig to tack, towards it, and we soon learned that this sloop,
returning from Pondicherry, had approached us, and that its commander
appointed in 1814, had gone on board the English brig, in order to find out
where he was.
This officer was an old emigre, and having, after thirty years' inaction,
re-entered the navy, was unfitted, both by his age and by his having forgot-'
ten his profession, to command a vessel ; but he would not confess this
before his officers— in fact he did not know where he was. A false self-
love made him thus prefer confessing his ignorance to Englishmen, rather
than deliver up to Frenchmen of the empire, who served under him, the
care of conducting the sloop. The poor man had got wrong several de
grees of latitude and longitude. While we were at St. Helena, another

HISTORY, OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 57
French sloop was lost on the coast of Africa, from the same cause — the
incapacity of its commander, also an old emigre.
Every day when the weather permitted, the captain of one of the vessels
of the squadron was invited to dine on board the Northumberland.
The captain of the brig Griffin enjoyed this honour the most frequently ;
either because he had served long with Sir George Cockburn, or that he was
more interested in coming, and contrived matters so as to be always nearer
than the rest to the admiral's vessel. He was a very honest fellow, and
showed sympathy towards us ; his name was Wright.
His name struck the Emperor: " Are • you a relation," he asked one
day, " of the Captain Wright 4whom your libellers accuse me of having
strangled'?" " Yes, Sire," answered he, " and by my faith, I should be curious to
know from you how the poor devil killed himself, for I never believed that
you had him hung without reason."
" Well, I will tell you," answered the Emperor. " Captain Wright com
manded the brig which during four months, had been landing on the steep
shores of Beville, the accomplices of Georges, Coster,. St. Victor Lahage,
and St. Hilaire, who had already figured in the plot of the infernal machine.
They concealed themselves by day in farms or country houses, forming
stations between Paris and the coast; they had a great deal of money, paid
largely and easily corrupted poor peasants; one named Mekee de la Fouche,
whom your ministers paid to favour conspiracies, but who had sold himself
to my police, gave the first information concerning these disembarkments,
and the secret object of the cruise of Captain Wright's brig.
" I was weary of all these intrigues and resolved to put an end to thera.
I ordered the records of the police to be brought: one evening, when I was
turning them over, I remarked, I know not why, the name, of a young man,
named Gueral, calling himself a student of medicine; I ordered him to be
immediately brought before a council of war, to-be watched with care, and
notice to be taken of all his words. My foresight was just; he confessed
everything after his condemnation td.death, and, in order to gain his par
don, detailed all the smallest particulars of the plot.
^' Savary received orders to proceed to the places indicated, accompanied
by disguised gens-d'armes : he surprised a party, disembarking. At this
same time, Captain Wright, a description of whom had been sent to all the
different points of the coast, ventured to set his foot on land; he was imme
diately arrested, conducted to Paris, and imprisoned in the Temple.
"1 might have had him included in the number of the accomplices of
Georges, and have had him judged and condemned along with them ; I did
not do it; I would have kept him in prison till the peace, but grief and
remorse overwhelmed him — he committed suicide ; and you English ought
to be less astonished than any other people at such an occurrence, because
amongst you suicide is almost a national habit.
" Your ministers seized this opportunity to accuse me of a'crime, as in
the case of Pichegru, although they knew very well that Pichegru's presence
before a criminal tribunal would have been a hundred times more advan
tageous to my cause than his death. But it mattered little to them to lie
to their own. consciences — it was one calumny more.
" Your ministers will not always be able to impose on the English people
with respect to me : sooner or later your nation will render me justice, and
the English will ,be the first to take my part, and avenge the savage hatred
of their ministers.

58 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
" Notwithstanding all their libels, I fear nothing for my renown ; pos
terity will render me justice : it will compare the good which I have done
with the faults which I have committed ; I do not fear the result. If I had
succeeded, I should die with the reputation of being the greatest man who
ever existed ; from being nothing, I became, by my own exertions, the most
powerful monarch of the universe, without committing any crimes. If
crime had been in accordance with my opinions, neither Louis XVIII. nor
•Ferdinand would now reign : many times have their heads been offered to
me for a price, and their death has been daily put forward to me as advisa
ble. I refused ; I do not regret it. My ambition was great, I confess it,
but.it rested on the opinion of the masses; I have always thought that
sovereignty resides in the people ; the empire, as I had organized it, was
but a great republic. Called to the throne by the voice of the people, my
maxim has always been, ' a career open ta talent, without distinction of
birth ;' and it is for this system of equality that the European oligarchy
detests me. And yet, in England, talent and great services raise a man to
the highest rank — you should have understood me."
The Englishmen listened with all their ears, and the expression of their
countenances showed the effect produced upon them. We were all really
sorry when the Emperor abruptly ceased speaking, rose from table and
went up on the deck to take his usual after-dinner walk. The first person
he saw there was the clergyman — a kind of original, whom the young peo
ple amused themselves by turning into ridicule: the Emperor sent for him —
spoke of religion to him, and placing him thus on the field of-his true worth,
found some pleasure in changing his questions into a regular controversy.
From that day forward no one ventured to ridicule the poor man ; the Em
peror had raised him in the eyes of all, and thenceforth his theological
.knowledge compensated for the absurdity of his face and manners.
A negro in the sea, and the taking of a shark,* were the only two events
which broke the monotony of the voyage from this day till the 15th of Oc
tober, when, during dinner-time, the look-out announced St. Helena.
In sitting down to table, the Admiral had said to the Emperor, "This
evening you will see land."
* This was the beginning of the Emperor's working on his memoirs ; a work which was
commenced on the 9th of September, on which day he caused the siege of Toulon to be
written, from his dictation, by Count Las Cases. The day after, he dictated to myself the
13th Vendemiaire, and on the 28th of October following, he dictated to Bertrand the first
chapter of the campaign of Egypt.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 59

CHAPTER VI.
SAINT HELENA.
On the 16th of October, 1815, the Nothumberland cast anchor in the
roadstead of St. Helena, at a short distance from the village which the pride
of the islanders has called James Town.
On the 17th, the Emperor disembarked — sad anniversary of a sad day !
Two years before, and almost at the same hour that Napoleon set foot on
the land of his exile, France had lost the battle of Leipzig.
The house of M. Poitevin had been got ready in haste, under the direc
tions of the Admiral and the Grand Marshal, to receive us for a time. It is
agreeably situated at the entrance of James Town. Two pretty but very
small rooms on the first floor, composed the lodging of the Emperor. We
immediately caused his iron bedstead to be conveyed thither, and in a very
short time after his arrival he was settled as he had been on board ship,
making use only of articles belonging to himself. We established ourselves
in various parts of the house, as we best could, thinking only of the pleasure
of being once more on shore, and of being together en famille. All the
English had left us.
The island of St. Helena is 2,000 leagues from Europe ; 900 leagues from
any continent, and 1,200 leagues from the Cape of Good Hope. It is a
volcanic formation, in the midst of the Atlantic, 15° 55' S. lat., and 5° 46
W. long. Its peak, called Diana's peak, raises its dark summit to a height
of 3,000 feet above the level of the sea, and is seen at a distance of sixty
miles. The soil of the island consists of lava, cooled at different ,degrees
of fusion,' and ploughed up with deep ravines. A fruitful mould is only to
be found in places where it has been carried by the hands of men, with the
exception, perhaps, of a few valleys ; some small portions of wood crown
the lower summits of Diana's peak ; everywhere else, what appears from a
distance to be wood, is merely a sort of wild broom, imported from Ireland
by an Irishman who wished to make use of it as firewood, and sown on a
farm which he endeavoured, without success to establish at Longwood. In
a few years this plant covered all the sides of the ravines round about. The
East India Company has also made some useless attempts on the plain of
Longwood : we, at least, have found no mark of cultivation to be compared
to that of the worst farm in Poland.
Everywhere that the lava and the scoria have not been left bare — this is
a greyish matter, somewhat similar in colour to potter's clay, and has in
some places acquired sufficient consistency to be used instead of soft stones
in the building of houses — it can be cut with a knife like chalk. It does
not resist the drippings of water ; the moisture of the soil destroys it in a
few years, if care is not taken to enclose it in hard lava, or in stone brought
from Europe, or from the Cape of Good Hope. All the stone for the con
struction of the Emperor's house was sent from England.
We have been assured that the first navigators who landed at St. Helena
found nothing there but pheasants and goats. I have nothing to say against
these two species of animals : I think, however, that, in the number of fhe

60 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. )
natives of the island, rats have been forgotten, for St. Helena is covered
with them ; and their number was so great at Longwqjd when we came to
live there, that they frequently came running under oJP table whilst we were
at dinner, and walked about in our rooms without appearing at all disturbed
by our presence. We Were never able to destroy them entirely, though we
waged a deadly war with them during more than five years. Their pre
sence was, besides, not always inoffensive. General Bertrand was bitten
rather severely in his hand during his sleep ; a maid-servant was also bitten
by them, as well as one of the horses sent from the Cape for the Emperor's
use. St. Helena is twenty-one miles in circumference, and is only to be ap
proached at three points : the valley, at the mouth of which James Town is
built; Linion Valley, and Sandy Bay: these two last points, however, do
not afford good anchorage. The roadstead of James Town is, on the other
hand, safe and easy of access ;- the largest vessels can ride at anchor there;
and as a protection against the sea, natural walls of lava are formed on all
sides, from the upper level to the bottom of the sea ; which gives St. Helena
from some distance the appearance of a shapeless mass of black rock, sur
mounted by a regular cone. The nearer, one approaches, the more frightful
does it appear. The valley of James Town seemed to me like the entrance
into Tartarus. On whatever side you look, and at whatever height, nothing
is seen but ranges of black walls, as if constructed by the hand of man to
connect the points of the peaked rocks : no trace of vegetation — nothing,
in fact, which announces the presence of man ; a wall and a vaulted entrance
conceal the town. Undoubtedly, when once on shore, the feeling of happi
ness overpowers this first sensation ; for then the . pretty street of James
Town, its fine houses, and its botanic garden, have acquired a still greater
value in our eyes.
At the time of our arrival in St. Helena, it contained only five hundred
white inhabitants, including the garrison, consisting of a battalion of infan
try of a hundred and sixty men, and a company of artillery in the East India
Company's service. The number of slaves was about three hundred. . In
1821, the population consisted of about eight hundred whites, three hundred
negroes, and One thousand eight hundred Chinese, or Lascars, including in
this number nine hundred Chinese imported for the special service of Long-
wood. The garrison was composed of the battalion of infantry and the
company of artillery, and of two regiments of the line, a troop of dragoons,
a detachment of sappers and miners, or pioneers, and a company of the
Royal artillery; besides eleven vessels of war, having on board a number of
soldiers and marines. The expenses which the guarding and supporting of
the Emperor caused the English government, amounted to eight millions of
francs a year, without counting the extra expenses rendered necessary by
the wants of a garrison so disproportioned to the resources of the soil. A
single example will suffice to prove how insufficient these resources were.
The garrison received rations for more than a year, precisely as if on board
ship, and the quantity of water allowed for our consumption at Longwood
was regulated with so much parsimony, that the Emperor was obliged to
give up taking a bath every day until Sir Hudson Lowe had succeeded in
causing to be constructed on Diana's Peak a gigantic cistern, after the model
of that at Gibraltar, in order, during the rainy season, to collect a sufficient
quantity of water for the consumption of the inhabitants of Longwood.
We were assured that this reservoir had cost an enormous sum of money.
At any rate, it was of great use, and has completely changed the condition

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 61
of the island. A fleet can now lay in a supply of water at St. Helena; be
fore the works undertaken by Sir Hudson Lowe, this could only be done
by isolated vessels, and even then with the loss of a great deal of time. The
same is the case with regard to facilities of communication. At that time
there was only one carriage road — that from Plantation-house into the town
— and even that was far too steep : now, the island is intersected in every
direction by good and broad roads. It is true that at the time of our arrival
in the island, carriages were almost unknown. There was only one, be
longing to the governor, and it was drawn by oxen. We left behind us at
Longwood two caleches, and if all the carriages which, during part of our
residence there, were to be met with upon the roads leading to Plantation
House, to Longwood, and to the outworks, are still in the island, there are
certainly more than twenty in all.
In the whole habitable part of the soil of St. Helena, I only know five
agreeable sites : Plantation House, a country house appropriated to the
governor; Rosemary Hall, the residence of Colonel Smith, of the Artillery ;
Mr. Darton's cottage, at Sandy Bay; Mr. Balcombe's house, at the Briars;
and finally, Miss Masson's cottage, situated on the opposite side of the
ravine which formed our northern boundary at Longwood. They are men
tioned in a work on St. Helena, by a person in the employment of the
government. " Plantation House is an extremely elegant habitation — agreeably situated
and surrounded by large gardens and well cultivated grounds. They are
tilled in the same manner as in England, and are kept with the greatest
care. The gardens are adorned with different sorts of magnificent trees
and shrubs, brought from Burope, Asia, Africa, and America : they are all
from the most remote parts of the world, and from climates as different as
possible from that of St. Helena, and yet these plants grow well and flourish
there. The reason is, that Plantation House is'sheltered by Diana's Peak
and Halley's Mountain, which divide the island into two parts, and protect
this delightful residence from the south-easterly winds, which burn up and
kill all vegetation in those parts of the island exposed to their effects."
An author, the dean of the Colonial Council, says, p. 255 :
" Governor Dunbar was indefatigable in his efforts to study the resources
and fertility of the island. The experiments which he made at Longwood
in the cultivation of oats, barley, and wheat, gave rise to some hope of
success, and a farm-house and stable were built there ; but all the crops
having failed, one after the other, these buildings were abandoned, and no
further attempts at cultivation were made in that quarter. It was seen that
the want of success was to be attributed to the climate of this part of the
island, which is exposed to all the hurtful influence of the south-easterly
wind, and to the soil, which is burnt up by wind ; and not, as some persons
have asserted, to the innumerable quantity of rats found at Longwood,
which it was found impossible entirely to destroy."
The climate of St. Helena is in general unhealthy: it offers, however,
agreeable impressions to the European, who after having been confined
several months on board ship, and having suffered many privations, profits
by the few days allowed him at this island, to land, and to enjoy a dinner of
fresh meat, green vegetables and fruit.
The crews of the squadrons lost a great number of men : two brigs, the
Mosquito and the Racoon, lost eighty-four men out of 200. The admiral's
vessel, the Conquerant, was obliged to put to sea, in order to arrest the

62 HISTORY OF THE CAPT|VITY OF NAPOLEON.
mortality which was decimating its crew. Another vessel,the Friendship,
lost 120 within a short time ajter its arrival.
Another incontrovertible proof of the insalubrity of the climate of St.
Helena, is, that there is no instance of a native or a slave haying reached
the age of sixty years. Dysentery and hepatitis rage during six months of
the year, with a violence greater than what occurs in India.
This was the residence destined by the sovereigns of Europe, for one
whom they had for ten years called their brother. It is clear that it yielded
in no respect to the celebrated room in Vincennes, where Cardinal de Retz
was buried, where Puy Laurent, Ornano, and the Grand Prior of Vendome
died, and which, according to Madame Rambouillet's opinion, was worth
its weight of arsenic.
The day after his arrival, at* eight o'clock in the morning, the Emperor
mounted his horse, in company with the grand marshal and Sir George
Cockburn, to take a view ,of the island; but he was only conducted to Long-
wood, and care was taken that he should not see Plantation House and its
beautiful productions. He only saw that part of the island, which was burnt
up by the south-easterly winds, Longwood and its wood of gum trees, called
Dead Wood by the colonists. He took no interest in all that the admiral
said to him concerning the works which he was planning, to render habita
ble the sheds, which had till theii only served as a depot for the East India
Company, if we except an old stone building, jn which the deputy-governor,
Lieutenant-Colonel Skelton, had. contrived to make a sort of lodging.
The only advantage which we enjoyed at Longwood, was a vast plain of
a mile and a half radius,-upon which one might take an airing on horse
back, or in a carriage, without running the risk of being precipitated into a
ravine by the slightest slip or stumble of the horse. Plantation House, on
the contrary, is really a delightful residence, surrounded by beautiful and
extensive gardens. There the Emperor would have been comfortable ; he
might have walked at any hour of the day under the magnificent trees in
the park : at Longwood, on the contrary, he was worse off than the lowest
officer in barracks in Europe.
A short time after his establishment there, a portion of the ceiling of his
bed-room having given way in consequence of rottenness, a quantity of foul
water entered at the breach, and forced him to seek refuge in another
chamber. This building had served as a cowhouse for some fifty years,
when Mr. Skelton conceived the idea of transforming it into a dwelling
house for the season of the greatest heat.
The operations were carried on by negroes and sailors with a precipita
tion, which rendered any degree of care impossible.
They had contented themselves with carrying away the dung, and had
constructed the flooring of fir, without changing the roof, by simply nailing
boards on planks of fir placed upon the clayey soil of the cow-house. Every
thing was completely rotten.
As they were returning to James Town, the Emperor remarked a modest
cottage, about a mile before arriving at the entrance of the valley. He
expressed a desire to see it, and to remain there some time. This cottage
was inhabited by the family of Mr. Balcombe. The family was hio-hly
gratified at the honour done to them— expressed their pleasure in a cordial
and lively manner, and offered to put their whole establishment at the
Emperor's disposal, in case it should suit his views to remain at Briars till
Longwood should be ready to receive him. The Emperor accepted this

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 63
hospitable offer in part, and said that he would willingly lodge in a pavilion
detached from the principal dwelling-house, on condition that no difference
should be made in the habits of the family. The Admiral eagerly acqui
esced in this arrangement ; and the same evening the pavilion — that is to
say, the single room which it contained on the ground-floor, received the
furniture of Austerlitz.
Two bed-rooms, made of boards nailed together under the roof, served as
a lodging for Count Las Cases and the valets-de-chambre. The best idea
of this pavilion may, perhaps, be obtained by recalling the dimensions of a
billiard-room in the neighbourhood of Paris. Great was our astonishment
when the grand marshal, on his arrival, informed us that the Emperor had
stopped to dine with the family of Balcombe, and intended remaining some
time at Briars. Mr. Balcombe had two amiable daughters, Eliza Jane and
Betsy. The latter especially, was a charming girl, and spoke French well ;
she was then about twelve or thirteen years old. This necessary separation
was a great disappointment to the rest of us, but regrets were useless. The
grand marshal informed Count Las Cases that he was expected to set off
immediately for the Briars. Messrs. Marechaux and St. Denis were also
sent thither.
The necessary furniture was then taken out to furnish the pavilion, and
the Emperor slept there the same night.
As all the dinner-service had been left in the house in town, the Empe
ror's dinner had to be carried from thence to Briars by slaves. The conse
quence was, as might be expected, the dinner was always cold. He said
nothing for some days ; either he did not remark it, or he considered it the
effect of some discussion respecting a difficulty of arrangement. But, after
suffering a week to pass in this manner, he inquired the cause, and was
told that his kitchen served for the table of the grand marshal in the town,
and that his own service was entirely additional. The same day, a negro
of Mr. Balcombe's brought me the following note :
" Count Montholon, — From this day forth you will take the service of
the grand marshal.
" I inform him also of this arrangement, which is agreeable to his desire.
(Signed) Napoleon."
Every day one of us went to pass the morning or the evening at. Briars,
and after the removal of his kitchen thither, he always kept us or invited us
to dinner; so that a day never passed in which we had not all the honour
of seeing him.
The Emperor passed his time at Briars just as on board the Northumber
land. He remained in his room till four or five o'clock, and sought to forget
the hours in the recollections of his campaigns in Italy and Egypt.
M. de Las Cases, who acted as his secretary, wrote from his dictation,
alternately with General Gourgaud and myself; sometimes, also, the grand
marshal, but the latter rarely, because this sort of labour was disagreeable
to him, and because he got rid of it as soon as an opportunity offered. I
believe, in fact, that he at last begged the Emperor to dispense with his
services in that capcity, acknowledging that, after the high office he had
formerly had the honour to discharge, his self-love would not suffer him to
perform the duties of a secretary. I heard afterwards, however, that he had
much regretted his conduct on that occasion.
General Bertrand was much attached to the Emperor, but he too often

64 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
allowed himself to go to lengths which could not but wound the real affec
tion which the Emperor felt for him. The reason was his extreme affection
for his wife; a charming compound of all the seducing manners, and of all
the caprices of a Creole. She wished her husband to be only the first of
her slaves, and it was very difficult to resist her: General Bertrand could
not. He felt himself, therefore, condemned to a perpetual struggle between
his duties as grand marshal, and her commands, always agreeable, but not
always in harmony with the office which he filled in the household Of the
Emperor. It b to this love, which may, with justice, be called idolatry,
that we must attribute the madness of the letter written from Elba to Louis
XVIII., the hesitation in the Elysee— finally, iu 1828, his determination to
take his children to Europe, and to leave, during his absence, the Emperor
at' St. Helena, retaining with him only myself, out of the four who had ac
companied him to Longwood.
General Bertrand possessed all the virtues of an honourable man, and no
one had more right to the esteem of the world, and to the friendship of
those who knew him ; but he had not a firm enough will of his own. All
the good that he did belongs entirely to himself; everything that may be
blamed in his acting as a diplomatist, was the result of extraneous influence,
which it was not in his nature to be able to resist.
I must mention, however, the wish entertained by the Admiral, Sir
George Cockburn, to continue on shore the relations which had been neces
sarily formed during the long voyage from Start Bay to St. Helena.
Shortly after his establishment in the castle, a tolerably large house close
to the ramparts of the citadel, which had served as a habitation for the
governor of the island before the construction of Plantation House, he wished
to present to the Emperor the principal persons in St. Helena, in the garri
son' and the squadron under his command, without however, presenting
then! in an official manner ; and he thought the best plan would be to give
a very large dinner-party, and to invite the Emperor to honour it with his
presence. He went to Briars, therefore, at the hour when he knew that the
Emperor would be taking his customary walk in the evening, and begged
him to do him the honour of dining with him at the castle. The Emperor,
however, did not accept the invitation for himself, but assured the admiral
that we should all be present, even Count Las Cases, who lodged at Briars.
A fortnight after, Sir George Cockburn gave a grand ball, to which the
Emperor also refused to go, although he sent us all to the party.
The officers of the. 53rd regiment had hopes of being more successful.
They dispatched their colonel, Sir George Bingham, who had sailed with
us on board the Northumberland, with the major of the regiment, and two
ofiicers who had undertaken the direction of the ball. The Emperor re
ceived them with great condescension, conversed a long time with them,
expressed to them the pleasure which he always felt when amongst old sol
diers as they were, but refused their invitation ; he sent us there, however,
as on the former occasion. It was the last time such a temptation occurred.
By one of those contradictions common enough in politics, although
happily tolerably rare in our social relations, whilst on the one hand we
were the objects of civility and attention from the society of the island, we
heard every day of the adoption of some new measure of general surveil
lance,* the result of which was to restrict the liberty which we had enjoyed
* POLICE REGULATIONS RESPECTING THE HARBOUR OF ST. HELENA.
1. — The commanders of vessels belonging to the Honourable the East India Company,
and the masters or commanders of every vessel permitted to anchor in the Toadstead, are

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 65
since our landing; at one time, it was an officer, said to be a guard of
honour, but in reality a spy, who had been placed in a barrack 100 metres
from the pavilion of the Emperor; at another, a telegraphic signal, by
means of which, everything that went on at Briars was immediately reported
in the town ; at another time, sergeants were given to us to serve as guides ;
in a word, we were so' well attended to, that we could not proceed a step
without being accompanied by a pretended guide, and the-Emperor never
set his foot out of his room, without the admiral being informed of all his
not permitted to land, or tp permit any of their crew to disembark, until they have pre
viously, agreeably to the terms of the present ordinance, sent a list on shore to the governor,
in order that he may indicate what persons are to be allowed to come on shore.
2. — In the first place, every commander of a vessel of war or of a merchant vessel is
required to declare positively whether there has been any illness on board in the course of
the voyage, whether it has been contagious or not, whether there have been any deaths on
board during that time, and if so, from what cause or causes.
3. — :A11 letters and parcels, whoever may be the persons to whom they are addressed
residing in the island, with the exception of those which come by the regular mails or by
post, are to. be handed over to the officer, who will communicate to each vessel this ordi
nance, and will be deposited by him in the government office, where the persons to whom
they are addressed, will have to claim them.
.4. — In case the commander, any one of the passengers, or any one else on board should
have any letter or parcel in his charge, addressed to any stranger then in the island, such
persons are requested to transmit such letter or packet under cover to the governor, and to
wait for hi3 orders, in case of. the parcel being of trifling importance.
5. — The commander of the vessel alone, as soon as this ordinance has been read and
made known on board the vessel, my land if he please ; he is then, however, to proceed
directly to the governor's residence, or in case he should not be in town, shall make known
his arrival at the residence of his secretary or representative. ,
6  The commander, the ofiicers, or any passenger who shall afterwards be permitted to
land, is immediately to proceed to the office of the secretary^ to read and sign an agreement
to observe the regulations of the island, before proceeding to his lodings, or visiting any
individual whatsoever.
7. — No passenger, or other person disembarking from any vessel touching at St. Helena,
shall be allowed to go beyond James' Valley without special permission; to obtain which
he is to apply at the office of the principal secretary of the governor.
8. — No individual, whoever he may be, having permission to land, must visit Longwood
or- the district belonging to it, nor hold any. communication, verbal or written, with the
strangers detained in the isle, without directly acquainting the governor with his intentions
on this point, and receiving a permission.
If any individual should receive any letter or packet from any of the strangers above
mentioned, he is, without loss of time, to bring it to the governor, before replying- to iti
The same rule applies to all packets which might be received by them, or which, they might
endeavour to have delivered.
9. — The commanders of vessels from the East Indies, and the masters of merchant ves
sels of all kinds who may be permitted to anchor on the coast of the island, shall not permit
any 'person to land without permission, without authority from the governor ; none of the
passengers shall sleep on land without informing him of their intention.
10.— No vessel belonging to the East India Company* nor any merchant ship whatever,
shall unlade between sunset and sunrise, nor at any time of the day, without the presence
of an efficer appointed for this purpose. If any vessel, from any motive, receives orders not
to bring to, the before. mentioned vessel shall tack to keep at a certain distance from the
port, in order that other vessels may unlade without interruption ; the greatest care is to be
taken that the vessels lading or unlading merchandise, do not hinder the others in their
movements. 11. — All boats belonging to the East India Company, or to merchant vesselsof any kind,
shall quit the island at sunset, and return immediately to their respective vessels, except in
circumstances which the admiral will regulate.
12. — No boat belonging to a vessel of the company, or to any other vessel, shall board, or
send a boat to any other vessel arriving in the port; no boat is to land anywhere but in the
port. 13. — No vessel belonging to the company, nor merchant-ship whatever, shall -cast anchor
before the island between sunset and sunrise, nor set sail after sunset, nor before three
o'clock in the morning. They are not to set sail till the flag of farewell has been hoisted
on each vessel or ship.
14,  If the flag of farewell has been hoisted on a ship a short time before sunset, and that
the said ship does not immediately heave anchor, it cannot set sail till the signal has been
repeated next morning at ten o'clock. 5

66 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
motions. This state of things could have no other, termination than that of
totally altering our relation to the admiral, whatever pains he took to dis
guise the marks of the surveillance, which he caused to be carried on. At
last, Count Las Cases received directions to address a note .to the admiral,
protesting against measures, which the situation of St. Helena rendered use
lessly harassing, and the grand marshal was commissioned to conwy it to
the admiral, and to discuss its contents with him. /
But, whether it was that he did not entirely coincide with the opinion of
the compiler of the note, or from some other reason, he did not wish to
deliver it, and did not. fulfil his mission; a fortnight passed before the Em
peror heard anything said about' it, and it was to his great astonishment
that he learned from the mouth of the grand marshal, that nothing had been
said or done. The Emperor's displeasure was visible, but he suppressed it,
with some difficulty, through friendship for Bertrand, and said to him,
" Your not delivering the note, if you were dissatisfied with its tenour, or
if you regarded it as dictated by an impulse of anger, was a proof of your
devotion to my interests, but this should only have been a delay of some
hours. After this delay, you ought to have spoken to me on the subject;
you well know that I should have listened to you with attention, and should
15. — Every cOmmanderx>f a vessel or merehant"'ship is expressly forbidden to permit any
merchant^ship or fishing vessel to lie alongside his vessel, without a permission, signed by.
the governor; or to 'suffer any boat, belonging to his vessel to approach the numbered barks
of the island, or to hold any communication with them.
15. — If any fishing vessel shall seek to communicate with any vessel lying with its head
towards the island, and already at anchor, or communicates with any boat belonging to this
vessel, the commander and officers of the said vessels are required immediately to make it
known, by a flag, to the-deputies of the adjutant-general, to take the number of the vessel,
(and to detain it according to circumstances.
17.— The commanders of vessels carrying newspapers which may contain news worthy of
interest, are required to deliver them to the person by whom these instructions wilt be read to
them, for the information of the governor, who will have them carefully returned.
18. — It is forbidden to land gun-powder, without having previously informed the com-
Thissioner ofrnagazines, and the master- intendant (an officer employed among naval forces),
in order that all necessary precautions may be taken jo prevent accidents,
19. — No stallion or gelding shall be landed without a permission from the secretary of the
government. ,
20. — No wine of any kind shall be landed, without a permission from the secretary of the
government. 21. — The honourable council of directors having forbidden the importation of spirituous
liquors coming from the Indies, it is ordained, that any one transgressing this prohibition
shall -pay a fine of £100 sterling. Brandy, hydromel, East Indian, rum, cordials, &c, can,
in the same manner, only be landed in very small quantity, after having obtained permission
and paid the toll, at the rate of one shilling per gallon. The landing of spirituous liquors,
-in whatever quantity, without permission, will subject the offender to the above-mentioned
penalty. 22.- — Whaling vessels shall not throw out their harpoons, as long as they are in the lati
tude of the island, under pain of fifty francs fine ; the half of this sum to be given to the
person who shall inform against them.
23. — Every commander of a vessel, or master of a merchant ship, shall announce his
intention of departure forty-eight hours before the time, provided he is prepared, at the
same time, t.0 lie longerin the roads. This notice must be given in writing, to the secretary
of the government and to the master-in'tendant, between ten o'clock in the morning and two
in the afternoon. The fore-topsail must also be detached forty-eight hours before the
departure of the vessel. No commander of a vessel or merchant ship shall, under any
pretext whatever, leave any one in the island, or take away any one, without having in
writing demanded permission from the.goverrior.
24. No commander, .passenger, or other person on -board the honourable company's ves
sels, or any others which may have cast anchor before the island, shall take charge of letters
or packets for Europe, the Cape of Good Hope, South America, or. any other place, except
such as come to him from the post, or those consigned to him by the secretary of the
government or the adjutant-general. ,.,
• The commander of the vessel or merchant ship will sign the rep'ort, the form of which js
here indicated, and will deliver it to the officer who brings him the present instructions. '

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 67
have agreed with your opinions, if you had proved to me that you were in
the right; but to delay a fortnight without telling me that you had not exe
cuted the mission with which I charged you, is inexplicable : what have
you to reply 1"
The Grand Marshal only answered by the respectful assurance, that he
thought he had done well in not delivering the note, which he disliked, both
as to its composition and its intention.
The Emperor replied : " You are perhaps right, Bertrand ; they have
condemned us — this is the anguish of death ! They unceasingly join out
rage to injustice— rwhat useless vexations! If I was so annoying to them,
why did they not kill me? A ball through my heart or my head would
have sufficed, arid there would at least be some courage in this crime.
" How can the sovereigns of Europe be so short-sighted and so blinded
by their passions, as to allow the character of sovereignty, -of the anointed
of the Lord, to be profaned in me?
" How is it that they do not see that they are preparing at St.. Helena,
with their own hands, the fate which awaits them, sooner or later, if they
urge too far the patience of nations. I entered .their capitals as a con
queror ; what would have become of them, if I had brought thither the sen
timents which they now express?
" They all called me their brother, and I was so by the choice of the
French people, fhe sanction of a hundred victories, the consecration of the
Vicar of Jesus' Christ, and the alliances of their policy, and of their own
blood." After some moments of profound silence, he continued:
" You are right, Bertrand, let these gentlemen make their complaints;
mine are below my dignity and my character ; I command or I am silent."
And the Emperor spoke no more of the note; but a week after, M. de
Las Cases secretly delivered it to one of the officers of the brig Redpol,
which the admiral was about to send to England.
NOTE.
By the return of the next ship the Emperor is desirous of receiving news
of his wife and his son — of knowing whether the latter is still alive — and
protests anew against the extraordinary . measures which have been adopted
against him by the British government.
1st. The British government has declared him a prisoner of war. The
Emperor is not a prisoner of war. His letter to the Prince Regent, and
communicated to Captain Maitland, before going on board the Bellerophon,
sufficiently proves to- the whole world the nature of his feelings', and his
confidence in thei treatment which he would receive under the. protection
of the English flag.
The Emperor need not have departed from France without making stipu
lations concerning his personal safety and treatment, but he disdained to
mix up matters of personal interest with those great national interests with
which his mind was constantly occupied. He could have placed himself at
the disposal of his father-in-law, the Emperor Francis ; but from the confi
dence which he has always felt in the English nation, he wished for no
other protection than that of Great Britain ; and having renounced all pub
lic affairs, he wished to settle in no other country than one governed by fixed
laws, independent .of individual will.
2dly. Had the Emperor been a prisoner of war, the rights of civilized

68 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
nations with regard to prisoners of war are limited by the general rights
of man, and besides, do not extend beyond the duration of the war itself.
3dly.' The English government, considering the Emperor as a prisoner of
war, its rights were then limited by the law of nations, and as there was no
cartel between the two countries in the existing war, it could adopt, respect
ing him, the principle of uncivilized people, who put the prisoners to
death. This policy would have been more humane, and more conformable
to justice, than that of transporting him to a dreadful and barren rdck.
He could have been put to death on board the Bellerophon in Plymouth
roads, which would have been, by comparison, an act of benevolence.
We have traversed those countries in Europe, least favoured by Provi
dence, and none of them can be compared with this barren rock, destitute
of every thing which can render life supportable, and only calculated every
moment to renew the agonies of death. The principles of Christian mo
rality and the great duty imposed upon man of following its doctrines,
whatever they may be, can alone prevent him from putting an end to such
a horrible existence; the Emperor regards it as his glory to live in obedi
ence to these principles ; but should the British government persist in the
present course of injustice towards him, he would regard it as a blessing
to be put to death.

Among the number of slaves employed by Mr. Balcombe, there was an old
Malay, who had been carried off from his country many years ago by an Eng
lish captain, who probably required his services to replace those of a sailor,
dead or fallen sick, and who availed himself of the opportunity of meeting
with a boat belonging to Malay fishermen to get a slave without purchase.
This transaction, however, would have proved dangerous in England; in
spite, therefore, of his legal protest, he sold him as a slave during his stay
at St. Helena.
The history of the poor man interested every one except his owner, who
praised him merely for performing the severest labours, so as to enhance
his value. The eldest daughter of Mr. Balcombe seeing him one day carry
ing a heavy burden from the town, having learned the story of his mis
fortune, and the bitter grief he felt at being separated from his children,
conceived the idea of obtaining his liberty and sending him back to his
home. This was very difficult to accomplish ; but that which the young and
beautiful wish, they generally succeed in effecting. Her father promised,
and began by paying the old Malay by the year, and imposing upon him no
other labour than that of taking care of a small garden. The Emperor
frequently finished his evening in the drawing-room of Mr. Balcombe's cot
tage, either taking part in a game of whist, or listening to Creole anecdotes
from the two sisters, who emulated each other in their efforts to be agree-
ble to their host.
The younger of the two, who was very pretty, and even more mischievous
than beautiful, felt that she could do any thing and say any thing with im
punity, and had all the boldness of a spoiled child. She took advantage of
a happy opportunity to ask the Emperor to buy the Malay, and) after her
own fashion, related to him one evening the history of her protege.
" I won't love my father because he doesn't keep his promise, but I will
love you well, if you restore Toby to his children : do you know that he has
a girl just of my age, who is very like me !"

HISTORY PF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 69
To give ' Napoleon an opportunity of making any one happy was to do
him a pleasure ; he therefore eagerly seized upon the occasion of securing
the proffered love of pretty Betsy Balcombe, and assured her that next day
he would give orders to purchase the slave, and request the Admiral to send
him back to India by the first opportunity. But then the purchase was not
in the power of the Emperor : it was not sufficient to pay the sum demanded
by the master of the slave. In order to emancipate a slave, it was neces
sary to go through a long series of formalities, and our departure from
Briars to Longwood surprised us before these formalities could be finished.
It was on the 28th of November, during his stay at Briars, that the Em
peror Jaid aside his regimentals of chasseur of the guard, and put on a civil
coat, preserving however the cross and cordon of the Legion d'honneur, his
waistcoat, and his regimental white kerseymere breeches, shoes with
buckles, and the cocked hat which is now become historical.

70 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY bF NAPOLEON.

CHAPTER VII.
LONGWOOD.
Longwood is situated on a barren plateau, 1S00 feet above the level of
the sea. Two-thirds are covered with gum trees (conyta gommiferd) inces
santly beaten and buffeted by the violent trade winds, which have bent them
all in one direction at an angle of 45°, and despoiled them of their mise
rable pale foliage, which nature has placed wholly at the extremities of the
branches, and which is, therefore, completely useless as a shade against
the burning rays of a tropical sun,. In truth, there is no other shade in the
whole of Longwood, except that thrown upon the ground by the decrepit
trunks of some old trees. The climate is always too warm or too moist,
and the variations in the atmosphere are such as to produce dysenteries,
which during our stay committed fearful ravages in the camps of the 56th
and 66th regiments, which furnished every night thirty-five sentinels to be
posted round our habitation. This service besides was completely useless,
inasmuch as vessels of war were employed in continually cruising around
the island, which is only accessible at James Town.
Longwood was uninhabitable when it was selected as a, residence for the
Emperor and the great number of persons who must necessarily be pro
vided with accommodations near him, as well for the purpose of attending
upon him, as to form his guard! An old cow-house built of stone, and
converted into five chambers, by a lieutenant governor, in the service of
the East India Company ; a barn made into a kitchen, wash-house, and fowl-
house for a small household, and finally a bad stable, with indifferent accom
modation for three or four horses, formed the whole of the establishment.
In the whole of these buildings the deal boards were placed upon the
ground, and the foundation of the walls consisted merely of a species of
porous lava, which rendered the humidity insupportable in the rainy season.
It is well known, that under the tropics, these rains at particular seasons
cause a complete inundation for several weeks.
The old cow-house was an oblong building, 69 feet long by 30 feet deep,
having in its centre, towards the south, and in a sloping direction, a struc
ture 20 feet long by 15 broad, which terminated in a verandah of green
trellis-work. This contained an outlet to the terrace, all of which formed
a basement of sufficient dimensions, but completely level' with the ground,
and into which there was an entrance at the north side by a chamber marked
A, 17 feet long by 18 feet broad, lighted by a glass door towards the south.
The entrance was at the left angle, opposite the door leading into the
apartment E, built in a sloping direction, with the chimney in the middle of
the north wall.
The apartment E was a long chamber, 18 feet by 15, which was used as
a drawing-room, lighted by three windows towards the east, and two small
windows, consisting of one pane of glass each on the Tight, at the left of
the door leading to the verandah ; and in the middle of the right side of the
drawing-room, there was a fire-place.
To the left of the entrance hall there were two small chambers, B and C,
12 feet by 15, situated one directly beyond the other, each with two win-

HISTPHY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 71
dows looking upon the-little garden G, formed by the square space between
the room E, at right angles, and the length of the two chambers B, and C.
The two other sides of the square were formed by a light trellis. It was
planted with dwarf peach trees and gooseberries; had four broad borders for
vegetables and a coffee tree; in the centre there was a corridor, 5 feet wide,
and which formed the bath-room C. The ante-chamber of the interior B,
was situated behind these two chambers, and stretched towards the entrance
of the building by a species of porch, open at the side A.
At the right of the entrance hall, there was a siugle room D, 18 feet by
17 feet, lighted by three windows, and having a corridor behind, like that
of the chambers to the left, which was transformed into a sort of pantry
yard for the service of the table.
The whole upper part of the building was occupied by a granary, to which
the access was by a ladder.
The whole of the apartments in the building were 9 feet high, with the
exception of the drawing-room, which was 11.
The admiral caused an apartment, 24 feet by 17, made of pine wood, to
be constructed, en suite with the drawing-room. This room was lighted
by five windows, three looking towards the little garden G, which was ex
tended to the extremity of this new building, and two on the opposite side,
to the right and left of the fire-place. The verandah was also extended the
whole length of the new building, and a tier of three steps to descend into
the level of the garden.
The description of porch at the entrance A was closed, and joined to
the building used as a kitchen; by a passage L of light construction, which
contained a box staircase, precisely like a companion ladder, to conduct to
four small chambers, <constrUeted with slight partitions on the first floor, as
sleeping-rooms for the valets-de-chambre; and against the back of the pas
sage, there was, erected a wooden building, H, 15 feet square and 7 high,
and papered to serve as a dining-room for the Emperor's servants.
The building appropriated for domestic purposes contained in the base
ment the kitchen R, tha washhouse L, and the laundry P, with four ser
vants' chambers above.
In the corner O, there were two sheds M and N, the former of which was
used as a fowl-house, and the latter, which had no original destination, was
used as a place for cleaning knives, and plate.
The walls of the two chambers C and B, were covered with nankeen,
bordered with garlands of red flowers in paper. A flowered carpet, with a
green ground, concealed the deal boards, which had mouldered to dust, and
finally a fire-place was built in the room C, the white-painted chimney-piece
of which 'supported a glass 18 inches by 10. Muslin window curtains, an
arm-chair with a cane bottom, another of beech painted green, two chairs
of the same wood, two rose-wood tables, one between the windows and
another between the fire-place and. the window, completed the furniture of
the apartment. The chamber B, which likewise contained an arm-chair,
and two common chairs, was in all respects like the other, except the fire
place. Two candlesticks, or rather metal sconces, completed the furniture
of C and, B, appropriated to the-Emperor by the English government. But
we shall add to this the usual furniture of his tent, which was carried along
with the army on two mules.
The ante-chamber A, which was used as a dining room, remained as it
had been in the time of Lieutenant-colonel Skelton. The walls were painted
of a light blue; the floor covered with a crimson carpet; it contained twelve

72 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. , *
chairs, a dining-table, and large side-board, which was placed between the
door opposite to that which led to the Emperor's apartments, and the wall
at the end of the apartment.
The window was in fact a glass door, opening into the garden, and was
without curtains, which would have prevented it from being opened.
The drawing-room was decorated with Chinese yellow paper, and hastily
furnished for the occasion with two sofas, two folding tables, two arm and
eight common chairs — old worm-eaten second hand furniture — with cane
bottoms and cushions covered with black horse-hair. White muslin cur
tains were put on the windows. The furniture for this room and that built
en suite. with the drawing room, were sent for to England. The island con
tained none of which the Admiral could dispose, and as to the room to the
right of the entrance-chamber, it remained precisely as it was. Several
buildings were in the course of construction, made of deal boards covered
with tarred canvas, to serve for the accommodation of the generals and
suite of the Emperor during their term of service, as well as for the officers
in command of the guard.
Such was the condition of Longwood, on the 8th of December 1815,
when Admiral Sir George Cockburn came to Briars to give an account of
it to the Emperor, and to beg him to name the day when it would be agree
able to him to go to Longwood, in order to explain personally the precise
arrangements which he wished to establish; and, at the same time, assured
him of his sense of the importance of his not being at Briars on the arrival-
of the governor expected from England.
The Emperor agreed to ride over to Longwood on the next morning, the
9th, and was accompanied only by the Grand Marshal and the Admiral.
He examined the works, which had been executed with an extraordinary
degree of rapidity, and after having stated to Sir George Cockburn his feel
ings respecting the odious conduct of the English government towards him,
he thanked hi'm for the care which he had taken to preserve him from per
nicious contact with the ground, on which his bed was about to replace the
litter of the cattle belonging to a farmer of the East India Company; then
suddenly returning to the details of the dwelling, he explained to him some
changes which he wished to be made, expressing his desire that they might
be executed before he came to live at Longwood. These changes consisted
in opening a direct communication from his chamber to the passage which
was to serve as a bath-room, a sofa in his bed-chamber, a window opening
as a glass door into the preceding chamber, bells at his fire-place, bed and
bath, in the drawing room, and in the new apartment, which he proposed to
use as a topographical cabinet, and in which he requested four tables to be
placed, a very large one in the centre to contain the maps, whilst he dic
tated the history of his wars. Then turning to the Grand Marshal, he said,
"¦ You shall occupy the chamber to the right of the dining room— we shall
both, be badly off, but we shall be together." " No, sire," replied the Grand
Marshal, without hesitation, influenced no doubt by a different view of the
subject from that which had suggested the Emperor's friendly expression,
"I shall take up my abode in the cottage, which I have observed at Hut's
Gate. The Admiral consents to it, and my wife will be very well there,
whilst I should be very ill off in this chamber."
"Do as you please," said the Emperor, interrupting him, "Montholon
shall remain with me."
I may say with truth, that twice in a few months, the Grand Marshal
pushed me, by his own fault, into the way of the Emperor's confidence and
intimacy. '

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIYIT.Y ¦ OF NAPOLEON.

73

When General Gourgaud and Count Las Cases were informed of the
arrangements for taking possession of Longwood, they eagerly solicited per
mission to sleep under their tents rather than to remain in the town apart
from the Emperor, during the time which must necessarily elapse before the
buildings then in course of preparation for their use, could be made habita
ble. The Emperor was deeply affected by this proof of generous devoted
ness ; a tent was fitted under his -windows for the accommodation of Gene
ral Gourgaud, and the Admiral cheerfully caused an apartment for Count
Las Cases to be fitted up in the building appropriated for the domestic
offices. The English officer in command at Longwood, and Dr. O'Meara, took
up their abode in tents behind the building appropriated for domestic offices,
and out of view of the Emperor's apartments.
All being thus arranged, on the Uth of December the Emperor quitted
Briars, and entered into possession of Longwood. On the next day, Gene
ral Bertrand entered- into his quarters at Hut's Gate— a little cottage on the
brow of the hill which leads from the alarm-house to Longwood, coming
from James Town, and commands the Valley of the Tomb. The alarm-
house is a battery placed at the upper gorge of the road, which ascends
from the town in a contiguous zig-zag to the summit, and, for two miles,
forms as it were, a long bridge leading to the plateau of Longwood. The
entrance is formed by a wooden fence contiguous to two lodges, like gar
deners' houses, and which are occupied by a guard of honour of twenty-five
Grenadiers. The crest or ridge, which is about twenty feet broad, is bor-»
dered by frightful ravines of scoriae and lava, one of which probably ;owes
the picturesque name of " the Devil's punch-bowl," by which it is known,
to the dread which it inspires.
Eight saddle and four carriage horses, as well as a caleche, which Sir
G. Cockburn had caused to be purchased at the Cape of Good Hope, were
at Longwood for the use of the Emperor. In addition to these, were also
a dozen sailors, chosen from amongst such men in the fleet as had been at
any time servants or grooms. They were all dressed in green livery, accord
ing to the instructions of Cipriani, the maitre-d 'hotel, and Archembault,
chief groom, as persons in the livery of their respective services.
The Emperor no sooner perceived this increase in the number of attend
ants, and learned from whence it was derived, than he said to General
Gourgaud : " Come, Gourgaud, you shall be my grand steward — take the
command of this service, and manage these jolly fellows in such a way as
to prove to the Admiral that they know how to do their duty without the
use of a rope's end." From the first day, the whole attendance was such as
was usual on a journey in France.
A valet-de-chambre was always in waiting in the ante-chamber to the
wooden apartment which led to the Emperor's room. Two footmen were
stationed in the passage leading to the dining-room, where there was also a
valet-de-chambre to wait in the drawing-room and the topographical cabinet,
as soon as the Emperor was dressed ; and, finally, the table service consisted
of plate and porcelain brought from Paris.
The maitrerd' hotel, chief of the domestics, wore a green coat embroidered
with silver, white waistcoat, black silk small clothes, white silk stockings
and shoes with buckles. The two valet s-de-ckambrc, St. Denis and Noverras,
were dressed after the same fashion, with the single difference of embroidery
in gold. Besides these, there were six footmen in livery.
The valets-de-chambre alone waited on the Emperor, when he dined in

74 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
private — that is, in one of the two small chambers, one of which served as
a working-room or study, and the other at the extremity, which had a fire
place, as his bed-chamber.
During the early period of our settlement at Longwood,, dinner was
served at seven o'clock, and breakfast at eleven,; but the Emperor always
breakfasted in his own room, and at his own hour. It had been agreed,
that the Grand Marshal should come to Longwood everyday to dinner, and
it was not without some difficulty that the Admiral agreed to his crossing
the line of sentinels who surrounded us, after six o'clock in the evening;
but by an inexplicable fatality, after the second day,.the Emperor waited till
nearly nine o'clock for the arrival of Bertrand. A family riding party under
the conduct of Captain Hamilton, of the Havannah frigate, had made him
forget the dinner hour. Less than eight days afterwards a drive to the town
to see of purchase some China silks and shawls, exposed for sale by a mer
chant ship on her return from Canton, renewed the very natural feeling of
disappointment at waiting in vain. From thai day, this family dinner, which
was to have been an every-day occurrence, was only to take place on Sun
days; This was a matter of regret, as it was a -first attempt at a family life
which was' very agreeable to us all.
The Emperor began to follow the practice of finishing the evening at
table — not indeed in imitation 'of the English example, but at the dessert he
sent for Racine, Corneille, or Moliere, and selected some of the best pieces
of those celebrated authors to read aloud. He said to us : " To what play
shall we go this evening? Shall we hear Talma or Fleury 1" The reading
continued till 10 or 11 o'clock, and when our family day was come to a
close, he always took some one of us into his chamber, undressed, and
worked or conversed, till he became disposed to sleep.
This state of things continued till the departure of Count Las Cases.
During the early part of our residence at Longwood, the Emperor did
not dress till towards- two o'clock; he then went into what he called his
topographical cabinet with the one of us, who for the day was there engaged
with him ; at four, he caused, us all to be summoned to the drawing-room,
and in general went out in the caleche, to take two of three turns round
the plateau of Longwood with Madame Montholon, or to go to Hut's Gate.
General Gourgaud accompanied him on horseback. I never formed one
in these drives.
The Emperor had perceived my disinclination, and-twice or thrice alluded
to it reproachfully, hut with great kindness, and never spoke of it more.
When passengers, on their way from India or China, fequested the Grand
Marshal to present them to the Emperor, or any of the inhabitants of the
island came on a visit, they were received from two till four o'clock. Very
often the Emperor kept them to dinner. Admiral Cockburn had many
times that honour, as well as Sir George Bingham, Colonel of the 53rd, and
the Captain of Grenadiers, whose wife was a descendant of Cromwell.
This kind of life, monotonous and melancholy though it was, without
doubt was regarded with an evil eye by the malicious genius which at that
time presided over the destiny of -Napoleon; for Sir Hudson Lowe arrived,
and with him all- those outrages which were to kill the august victim deli
vered up to his ferocious hatred by the unchangeable rancour of the Holy
Alliance.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF WAPOLEON. " 75

CHAPTER VIII.
SIR HUDSON LOWE.
On the 14th of April, the frigate Phaeton' cast anchor in the roads of
James Town, having on board Lieut.-Gen. Sir H. Lowe, his wife, and two
daughters by a former marriage. The elder, then between twelve and thir
teen, was married, during our stay at St. Helena, to Count Balmin, the
Russian commissioner.
The Governor's staff was composed of Sir Thomas Reade, Deputy Adju
tant-General ; Major Gorriquer, of whose conduct we had always occasion
to speak in terms of the highest praise; Lieut.-Col. Lyster, Inspector of
Militia; a Major ? a Lieutenant of the Engineers;, and an Inspector-General
of Hospitals, Doctor Baxter, a man of great merit, whose advice the Em
peror at a later period refused, because he was recommended to him by Sir
Hudson Lowe.
On the very same evening, without waiting to hear any advice which
Admiral Sir George Cockburn had to give him, Sir Hudson Lowe caused
it' tp be announced at Longwood, that on the next morning, at nine o'clock,
he would present himself there to see General Bonaparte. ¦
"Let him come as soon as he pleases," said the Emperor to me ; " I will
receive him only when he asks to be received in a proper manner."
In reality, the next morning at nine o'clock precisely, Sir Hudson Lowe,
attended by the whole of his staff, came at full gallop along the road to
Longwood, arid having alighted at the door of the Emperor's apartments,
requested permission to enter.
Orders had been given before-hand to the footman and valets-de-chambre
in waiting, to say that the Emperor was not yet up ; on receiving this answer,
he withdrew, and walked about, with long and hasty strides, under the win
dows, and around the house; then presenting himself, after thelapse of a
considerable time, and having a second and a third time received the same
answer, he resolved to. go to the house of General Bertrand, to request him
to announce his arrival in the island to the Emperor, and to ask when it
would be agreeable to him (the latter) to receive him; The Emperor fixed
the. next day at two o'clock. Admiral Sir George Cockburn thought it his
duty to present his successor, in consequence of which he accompanied him,
and both presented themselves at Longwood precisely at two o'clock on the
following day,; they were introduced into the house, by the verandah into
the topographical cabinet, where, by the Emperor's orders, we had gone to
receive* them, and where, according to etiquette, the Grand Marshal was to
come and conduct them to the Emperor's presence.
The Emperor having determined on receiving them in the drawing-room,
a valet-de-chambre was placed at the door between the drawing-room and
the topographical cabinet.
The eagerness of Sir Hudson Lowe deranged everything, and gave rise
to a scene which was equally painful to the Admiral and to us. At the
moment in which the Grand Marshal came to give notice to the valet that
the Emperor was about to enter the drawing-room, Sir Hudson Lowe rushed

76 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
to the door, and entered, before the valet, who had not well understood what
had just been said to him, had time to consider ; on the contrary, not doubt
ing that the orders were to admit the governor alone, he shut the door
immediately in the face of the Admiral, who, seeing Sir Hudson Lowe enter,
was hastening to follow in order to present him. We were at the other end
of the room, and the whole affair took place so rapidly that none of us per
ceived what had happened, till we saw Sir George Cockburn passing through
our group like a man in a great passion, going out, and proceeding towards
the saddle-horses, which the gfooms kept at a short distance from the house.
The Emperor did not know this incident till the moment in which he
was about to give an audience to the Governor, when he caused the Admiral
to be sent for. He was vexed at the conduct of the valet-de-chambre, and
commissioned O'Meara to say so to Sir George Cockburn, and he even sent
one of us down to the town to express his regret to the Admiral in person.
These two measures were quite sufficient to efface all recollection of this
involuntary insult;
The impression produced upon us by the appearance of Sir Hudson
Lowe- was different according to our different characters and modes of
thinking, and perhaps also in .proportion to the pains which he took to please
us; but after the first day, the Emperor said to us: "That man is malevo
lent ; whilst looking at me, his eye was like that of a hyaena taken in a trap;
put no confidence in him; we complain ,of the Admiral — we shall perhaps
regret him, for in truth, he has the heart of a soldier, whilst the general
only wears the dress. His appearance and expression recall to my mind
those of the Sbirri of Venice. Who knows! perhaps he will be my execu
tioner. Let us not, however, be hasty in forming our judgments; his dis
position may, after all, atone for his sinister appearance."
It required the whole of the Emperor's instinctive rapidity to receive this
impression at the first sight of Sir Hudson Lowe.
In fact, Sir Hudson Lowe had something prepossessing in his appear^
ance. At that time he was a man between forty and fifty years of age,
above the middle size, with the cold and gracious smile of a diplomatist ;
his hair was beginning to turn gfey, but still preserved the primitive tints
of light brown, although his long and lowering eyebrows were of a deep
red. His look was penetrating, but he never looked honestly in the face of
the person whom he addressed. He was not in the habit of sitting down,
but swayed about whilst speaking with hesitation, and in short rapid sen
tences. It was undoubtedly his eye, which had something treacherous in
it, that made an impression upon the Emperor.
Sir Hudson Lowe was a man of great ability, and had the extraordinary ,
faculty of giving to all his actions such a colouring as suited the object
which he proposed to effect. An excellent man of business, and of extreme
probity. Amiable when he pleased, and knowing how to assume the most
engaging form.
He might have acquired our gratitude, but he preferred the disgraceful
reprobation which has followed him to the tomb. He was said to be a good
father and a good husband. I know nothing of him in any relation, except
•in his connexion with Longwood, in which the whole of his conduct was
marked with the stamp of an insatiable hatred — outrages and vexations
completely useless as regarded the Emperor ;• and I should have said, with
a profound conviction of its truth, that the death of the Emperor was his
object, had he not said to me, on the 6th of May, 1821, with all the accent
of truth — " His death is my ruin."

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 77
The ruling vice of Sir Hudson Lowe's character was an unceasing want
of confidence — a true monomania. He often rose in the middle of the
night- — leaped out of bed in haste, from dreaming of the Emperor's flight, —
mounted his horse, and rode like a man demented to Longwood, to assure
himself, by interrogating the officer on duty, that he was labouring under
the effects of night-mare, and not of a providential instinct; and yet, not
withstanding this, the impression on his mind was so lively, that he could
never decide on leaving Longwood, till he had received our word of honour
that the Emperor was in his apartments. There was then almost an effu
sion of gratitude on his part, and he. excused himself for having disturbed
us in the middle of the night.
To relate this anecdote, is to give a complete character of Sir Hudson
Lowe ; it is to explain the whole bearing of his conduct during those years,
in which he transformed the office of Governor of St. Helena into the func
tions of the gaoler, or, I might rather say, the executioner of Napoleon.
The governor's first act was the following communication, which he sent
officially on the day after his presentation to the Emperor :
" Downing-street, January 10, 1816.
" It is my duty to inform you that it is the pleasure of his Royal Highness
the Prince Regent, that on yourarrival in St. Helena, you should commu
nicate to all the persons in the suite of Napoleon, his domestic servants not
excepted, that they are at liberty immediately to quit the island and return
to Europe. Adding, that none will be allowed fo remain at St. Helena,
except such as declare in writing, to be deposited in your hands, that it is
their wish to remain on the island, and to submit to such restrictions as it
may be necessary to impose upon Napoleon Bonaparte personally.
" Such- of them, as may wish to return to Europe, should be sent by the
first favourable opportunity to the Cape of Good Hope. The governor of
that colony will provide the necessary means for their return to Europe.
(Signed) " Bathurst."
The tenour of the declaration to be signed was unsuitable, and we obtained
some modifications of the terms. In the evening I signed it, General Gour
gaud and Count Las Cases did the same, and all the servants followed our
example without hesitation.
General Bertrand alone refused. This refusal grieved the Emperor.
The cause of it was precisely the same as ever — namely, his family affec
tions. The Emperor said to me — " Bertrand is always the same.. Although
he constantly speaks of going, when the time comes, he will not have the
courage to leave. One must be able to love one's friends with all their
faults." Moreover, this same opinion of the devoted attachment which he attri
buted to General Bertrand, was strongly exhibited when speaking of his
condemnation to death for contumacy. It was then that the Emperor said
t0 us — " In revolutions everything is forgotten ; the virtue of the evening
becomes a crime on the morrow. The state of affairs being once changed,
the bonds of gratitude, friendship, and kindred are all broken, and every
person pursues his own interest. I think, however, that Bertrand owes
his condemnation to the folly of having written to Louis XVIII., from the
Island of Elba, through the instrumentality of the Duke of Fitzjames. At
Porto Ferrajo, I wds accustomed to hear the same song as I do now :
always the same tune — ' My mother, my children, I owe everything to them ;'

78 HISTORY of the CAPTIVITY of napoleon.
and, finally, when the moment arrives for departing, he remains. He^could
npt have left me without tarnishing his reputation, unless, like Massena, he
had gained the battle of Zurich. After all, if this continues for a long
time, it may be he will depart ; in him, as in the unfortunate Louis XVI.,
domestic virtues form the basis of his organization; however, I do not
believe he will ever leave me."
. When the Emperor asked each of us to explain our reason for signing
the document, required by Sir Hudson Lowe, Las Cases and Gourgaud
assigned as their motives of action, their devoted attachment to the Empe
ror's person. I ventured to reply, that I had been present at forty battles,
but never gained one; but that every day I passed here in the society of his
Majesty, I gained -a.tridmph.
" I understand you," said the Emperor; " and should that be long, the
English will have no other persons to keep except Our two selves."
Eight months afterwards, Count Las Cases quitted St. Helena, and two
years subsequent to that, General Gourgaud was in Europe.
When speaking of the fair inhabitants pf Briars, we have related the
request made by Betsy Balcombe to the Emperor; he had not forgotten it,
and comrnissioned O'Meara to arrange that affair with Sir Hudson Lowe.
Although he ifcould not conceive that the circumstance could have any
political aspect, the gloomy mind, of Sir Hudson regarded it as one of the
links in a chain of escape. Thus, in reply to the first overtures of O'Meara,
he said, " You dp not know the importance of what you ask ; it is not Toby,
whom General Bonaparte wishes to set at liberty in order to please Miss
Balcombe.- He wishes to obtain the gratitude of the negroes in the island.
He, wishes to do the same here as in St. Domingo. I would not dp what
you ask for anything in the world; but do not tell him so, however, but let
him believe that I will submit his request to the council of the company."
The reasons of Sir Hudson Lowe's refusal, which) notwithstanding the
governor's injunction, O'Meara repeated word for word to the Emperor,
astonished him extremely. No one had as yet really given his ideas respect
ing the expedition to St. Domingo, All the pamphleteers and journalists
who had spoken of that question, had wholly misunderstood it, and the
:opinion received by his enemies .was the odious accusation of having deci
mated the army of the Rhine, by sending its bravest soldiers to St. Domingo
for fear of their remembrance of Moreau. " The truth is," said the Empe
ror to me, dictating a long note on the occasion, "that there were two
courses for me to adopt, when the prosperous condition of the republic
enabled me to turn my attention to St. Domingo, at that time a prey to all
the dreadful calamities of civil war. The one was to clothe Toussaint
l'Ouverture with the whole civil and military authority, and give him the
name of governor, and to entrust the command to black generals; to conso
lidate and legalize the order established by Toussaint, which had been
already attended with happy results, to compel the black farmers to. pay a
compensation to the former French proprietors, and to restrict the whole of
the commerce to the capital by stationing numerous cruisers around the
coasts. The second consisted in. reconquering the colony by force of arras
bringing to France all those blacks who had been higher in rank than a
.colonel, disarming the blacks by assuring them of their civil liberty and
restoring all their property to the colonists. Each of these plans had its
peculiar advantages and its inconveniences. The advantages of the former
were obvious; the republic would possess an army of from 25 to 30 000
men, which would make all America tremble. This would be a 'new

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 79
element of power, which would cost no sacrifice either in men or money.
The former proprietors, it is true, would have lost the three-fourths of their
fortune; French commerce, however, would have lost, nothing, because
France would always have enjoyed the executive privilege. The second
plan, was more advantageous to the colonists, and more conformable to
justice, but it required a war, which would call for great sacrifices both in
men and money. The conflicting pretensions of the blacks, the men of
colour, and the proprietors reinstated by force of arms, would be a continual
source of embarrassment and disorder, and St. Domingo would be always
upon a volcano. I had decided on the former ; my policy counselled its
adoption ; the French flag would acquire a great development of power in
the American waters, and a variety of expeditions might have been under
taken against Jamaica and all the Antilles, and against South America,
with an army of 30,000 blacks trained and disciplined by French officers.
I intended to have had inscribed on the colours of that army, " Brave
blacks, remember that France alone recognises your liberty." For this
purpose, however, it was necessary to have the frank and sincere co-opera
tion of the chief men among the negroes ; the' children, brought up in our
schools, apd. finding themselves in the enjoyment of the same rights and
privileges as the whites,, would have each year knitted more closely the
bonds of union between St. Domingo and France; and it would thus ulti
mately have become one of our finest and most flourishing provinces. The
pride of Toussaint l'Ouverture, or rather, the intrigues of the English gov
ernment, soon changed the whole state of affairs, Vincent, a colonel of
engineers, arrived iri France as the bearer of a constitution which Tous
saint had -just proclaimed in St. Domingo, and with a modification of
independence, which he had the audacity to signify to the French govern
ment. " From that moment the honour of France demanded a very different
course of action ; the republic had been insulted, for of all the means of
proclaiming- independence and raising the standard of rebellion, the black
general had chosen the most insolent. There was no longer room for
deliberation; the honour as well as the interest of France called for the
annihilation of the negro chiefs, who, in my eyes, were nothing more than
ungrateful Africans and rebels, with whom it was impossible to establish
any system."
The selection of the barren plateau of Longwood, and the measures
adopted respecting the Emperor's residence, had caused a complete change
in political opinion in England. " Why," said even those who were friends
of the ministry, " why not have established him. at Plantation-house? The
exercise of useless inhumanity is only to expose themselves to severe
reproach." The ministers became alive to this feeling, and caused it to be
announced in their newspapers, that a large wooden house was prepared
for St. Helena, all the parts of which were put on board two store ships,
and complete sets of furniture, embracing all the conveniences and luxury
of a. nobleman's establishment of the first rank in England.
On the 6th of May, the store-ship Adamant cast anchor in the f oads of
James Town, having on board the carpenter work, stone and furniture.
This was a most favourable occasion for Sir Hudson. Lowe to make a
communication to Longwood. He seized it with avidity, and requested to
be received by the Emperor. The conversation was long and animated,
and at length concluded with these words of the Emperor: " In short, sir, I
wish for nothing from you ; I have no request to make but one — leave me in

80 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
peace, I complained of the Admiral, but I have-always done him the justice
to acknowledge that he had the heart of a soldier, and I had the fullest con
fidence in his honour. During the month- in which you have been here,
you have destroyed all my confidence in you. On hearing of your arrival,
I congratulated myself in having henceforward to do with a general who had
been employed on affairs of importance on the Continent, and would know
how to adopt respecting me measures dictated^ by propriety. I have been
incredibly deceived. You tell me, your instructions are more rigid than
those given to .the Admiral. Be it so — take courage, and execute them
boldly; I am prepared to expect anything from yoUr government ; here lam,
execute your Orders. Are they to put me to death by the sword or by
poison? I know not to what means you may resort to poison me, but as to
putting me to the sword, you have proved that you have the means, by
threatening the officer to have the door of my chamber broken open by
violence, if he refused to open it to you. The brave 53rd know that they
can only enter by passing over my dead body. Dare to order them to
exchange the glorious recollections inscribed upon their colours,* for the
words, 'Assassination of Napoleon !'
" You offer me, as you say, the whole- interior of the island for my drives,
but you know that the necessity of being accompanied by one of your offi
cers, makes your offer an insult. When soldiers have received the baptism
of fire, they are all the same in my eyes, whatever may be the colour of
their uniform, and it is not the red coats of your officers which would make
me importunate, but it is, that I shall never acknowledge,)by any act of my
life, that I am your prisoner, and consequently, I prefer confining myself to
that small corner in which at least I may walk with freedom, to submitting
to your good pleasure.
"The necessity of being accompanied by one of your officers is a useless
and vexatious precaution ; the security of my detention consists iri the sur
veillance of your cruisers, and not in having an officer galloping in my train.
All these measures, as you know, are absurd ; but what you do not know is,
that you cover yourselves with disgrace by your conduct- towards me, and
that your children will blush at bearing the name you will leave them. Such
will be the decree of posterity."
On going away from this audience, Sir Hudson Lowe said, " General
Bonaparte, as it appears, is not satisfied with having created an imaginary
France, an imaginary Spain, and an imaginary Poland, as is proved by the
excellent work of the Abbe de Pradt, which I have just been reading, but
he wishes still further to create an imaginary St. Helena."
Whether to distract his mind from all recollections of this discussion, or
as the effect of one of those revulsions of his impressions which were habi
tual to him, the Emperor spoke to us of nothing, during the evening, hut
the Empress Josephine : " We lived together," said he, " like honest citi
zens in our mutual relations — and always retired together till 1805, a period
iii which political events obliged me to change my habits, and to add the
labours of the night to those of the day. This regularity is the best guar
antee for a good establishment; it ensures the respectability of the wife the
dependence of the husband, and maintains intimacy of feeling and good
morals. If this is not the case, the smallest circumstances make people
forget each other. A son by Josephine, would have rendered me happy,
* The names of several battles won by the English army during the Spanish War were
inscribed on the colours of the 53rd.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 81
and have secured the reign of my dynasty. The French would have loved
him very much better than the King of Rome, and I never would have put
my foot on that abyss covered with flowers which was my ruin. Let no
one, after this, think mpon the wisdom of human combinations. Let no
one venture to pronounce, before its close, on the happiness or misery of
life ! My poor Josephine had the instinct of the future, when she became
terrified at her sterility ; she knew well that a marriage is only real when
there is an offspring ; and in proportion as fortune smiled, her anxiety in
creased. She built her hopes on my adoption of Eugene, and this was the
cause of all the disagreements* with my brothers. She never asked any
thing for her son, and, with a perfect tact, she never even thanked me for
anything which I did for him, so much had she it at heart to convince me
that Eugene's political fortune was not her own interest, but rather mine.
I was the object of her deepest attachment, and I am so convinced of it,"
he added, smiling, " that I believe she would have left' the rendezvous of
love to come and find me. If I went into my carriage at midnight for a
long journey, there, ta my surprise, I found her seated before me and
awaiting my arrival. If I attempted to dissuade her from accompanying
me, she had so many good and affectionate reasons wherewith to oppose
me, that it was almost always necessary to yield. In a word, she always
proved to me a happy and affectionate wife, and I have therefore preserved
the tenderest recollections of her."
Passing successively in review in his thoughts the members of his family,
he said to us, that in the Hundred Days he had entertained the idea of
making Corsica a kind of vice-royalty for his brother Lucien, under the
title of governor-general ; and he added, " Had Lucien been there when I
abdicated, I should have preserved the sovereignty of Corsica. All the
arms and hearts of the population would have been as devoted to me as if
they were my own family; and the disembarkation of 50,000 men would
have proved a failure, had an attempt been made to carry me off. My pre
sence in Corsica would have been a restraint upon the enemies of the
French people, a protest in favour of all those interests which my reign
created." Lieutenant Colonel Skelton, who was returning to Europe, had pressed
me strongly to take into my service a Lascar, who was an excellent valet-
de-chambre, and from whom he parted with regret, and I had consented to
it. The man was at Longwood, without Sir Hudson Lowe's knowledge —
at least, he pretended so. As misfortune would have it — he saw him, on
making one of his usual tours of inspection to know all that was going on.
His rage was extreme. He took no time to reflect on the brutal impro
priety of what he was about to do, and, without asking for any account
from the officer on duty at Longwood, he dashed full gallop on the poor
Lascar, and seizing him by the throat, as a policeman would grasp a thief,
he ordered a dragoon belonging to his escort to conduct him as a prisoner
to the town, to be there examined. None of the French had seen him —
the English did not dare to inform me, and it was not till I was dressing
for dinner, that, having sent to call my valet, in all directions, I was
made acquainted with the scene which had been enacted by Sir Hudson
Lowe. The Emperor was offended; the man pleased him, and he wished him to
wait at table; his Indian costume, his turban, his muslin tunic, embroi
dered with gold, his cachemire shawl, the tout-ensemble recalled his recol-
6

82 HISTORY OF THE" CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
lections of the East. He ordered the Grand Marshal to write to Sir
Hudson Lowe, who, on this occasion at least, was convinced that he was
wrong, and excused himself on account of his ignorance of the true situ
ation of the Lascar at Longwood ; but he never restored him to me, for,
foreseeing the issue of these explanations, he had taken care to send him
on board ship two hours after his arrest.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 83

CHAPTER IX.
TREATY OF THE Zsn OF AUGUST, 1815.
A communication of the very highest importance was made at this
period, by Sir Hudson Lowe. This was the Convention signed at Paris,
on the 2nd of August, 1815, by England, Austria, Russia, and Prussia,
which was as follows :
" Napoleon Bonaparte being in the power of the allied Sovereigns, their
majesties, the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland,
the Emperor of Austria, the Emperor of Russia, and the King of Prussia;
have determined, by virtue of the stipulations of the treaty of the 26th of
March, 1815, on the measures best calculated to render it impossible for
him by any new enterprise to disturb the peace of Europe.
"Art. 1. Napoleon Bonaparte is regarded by the Powers who have
signed the treaty of the 26th of March last, as their prisoner.
"Art. 2. His safe keeping is entrusted to the British Government. The
choice of fhe place and of the measures best calculated to ensure the object
of these stipulations, is reserved to his Britannic Majesty.
"Art. 3. The imperial courts of Austria and Russia, and the royal court
of Prussia, shall appoint commissioners to reside in the place which his
Britannic Majesty shall determine on as the residence of Napoleon Bona
parte, and who, without being responsible for his safe custody, shall assure
themselves of his presence.
"Art. 4. His most Christian Majesty is invited, in the name of the four
courts above named, in like manner to send a French commissioner to the
place of Napoleon Bonaparte's detention.
"Art. 5. His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain
aud Ireland, binds himself to fulfil the engagements assigned to him by the
present convention.
"Art. 6. The present convention shall be ratified, and the ratifications
exchanged within a few days, or sooner if possible.
"In ratification of which the respective plenipotentiaries have affixed their
hands and seals.
"Given at Paris, the 2nd of August, 1815.
(Signed) " Prince Metternich,
" Aberdeen,
"Prince Hardenbtjrg,
" Count Nesselrode.
"A true copy. Hudson Lowe,
"Governor of the Island of St. Helena, and
Commissioner of his Britannic Majesty."
The reading of this convention made but little impression on the Em
peror — however, he said to us, " If the people, whose interests have been
conquered at Waterloo, submit to the iron yoke imposed upon them by the
congress of Vienna, we shall not be worth the money which it will cost
England to keep us here, and English interests will require them to get rid
of us. The expenses of my captivity will certainly exceed 10,000,000

84 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY. OF NAPOLEON.
francs per annum. But, after all, what signify ten millions to England?
Besides, it is not probable that this may take place before many years, for
it will be only while the slumber of the nations is profound that the security
of their sovereigns will lead them to calculate the inutility of the expense.
We have another chance of escape: perhaps, by a course of adverse events,
the sovereigns may be forced to acknowledge the error which they have
committed in dethroning me, and may call me to their aid in the immense
struggle of the past against the French revolution. I should be the natural
mediator, because the empire which I created was at once favourable to the
cause of kings, and to that of nations. It has not been the will of fate that
my work should finish by effecting the social reorganization of Europe; it
has conducted me hither, and the mystery of its acts are impenetrable by
the most profound research. At Waterloo, I ought to have been victorious;
the chances were a hundred to one in my favour ; but Ney, the bravest of
the brave, at the head of 42,000 Frenchmen, suffered himself to be delayed
a whole day by some thousands of Nassau troops.- Had it not been for this
inexplicable inactivity, the English army would have been taken flagrante
delicto, and annihilated without striking a blow* Grouchy, with 40,000
men, suffered Bulow and Blucher to escape from him ; and, finally, a heavy
fall of rain had made the ground so soft, that it was impossible to commence
the attack at day-break. Had I been able to commence early, Wellington's
army would have been trodden down in the defiles of the forest, before the
Prussians could have had time to arrive. It was lost without resource.
The defeat of Wellington's army would have been .peace, the repose of
Europe, the recognition of the interests of the masses, and of the demo
cracy." Then, after a few minutes' deep reflection, he resumed:
" Send no answer; do not acknowledge the receipt of the communica
tion. There is time enough to do that, and I shall prpbably reply to it by
a protest, which I shall send to Vienna and Petersburg at the same time as
to London."
Colonel Wilks, the ex-governor, sent to ask permission to take leave of
the Emperor before leaving the island. He had been formerly a diplomatic
agent of the East India, Company, and was a man of distinguished talents and
various acquirements. We had, however, seen little of him, because the
gout had kept him confined to bed for the most part of the year^ His
daughter was as remarkable for the grace and beauty of her person, as for
her information. She spoke French like a native, and served as an inter
preter for her father in his interview with us. The Emperor received them,
(the father and daughter,) with a great degree of good humour ; expressed
his regret at their departure; and, after having conversed for a long time
upon the extension of the English dominion in India, he said — " You have
lost America by enfranchisement; you have perceived the reason, and, as
you say, you prevent the English from becoming proprietors in India. You
do well, for, when children arrive at years of maturity, it is in the nature
of things that they should become independent. Your power in India has
been exposed to great dangers. I have constantly assailed it by my nego
tiations, and I would have reached it by my arms, had I been able to come
to an understanding with the Emperor of Russia, on the partition of Tur
key. This was a natural consequence of that war to the death, made upon
me by the blind hatred of your cabinet, which could never be made to
* The Emperor was not aware at that time of the cause of Ney's forced inaction.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 85
comprehend that France and England held in their hands the sceptre of the
world— the sceptre of civilization, from the very day on which they were
reconciled. How much evil we have done ! How much good we might
have effected !
" I have always wished sincerely for peace, and always offered it after a
victory. I have never asked it after a reverse, because a nation more
readily repairs its resources and finds new troops, than recovers its honour.
I am wrongfully accused of having refused peace at Dresden. When his
tory shall give publicity to the negotiations of Prague, the policy of Metter
nieh will be unmasked, and justice will be done me. I wished for a general
peace, honourable to all parties, and such as would secure the repose of
Europe. As the price of her mediation, Austria wished, by a stroke of the
pen, to demolish the ramparts of Dantzig, Custrin, Magdeburg, Wesel,
Mayence, Antwerp, Alexandria, and Mantua — in short, of all the strongest
places in Europe, of which my troops were still in possession, and the keys
of which had cost me thirty victories. She dared to propose to me, with
arms in my hands, to evacuate the half of Germany, and to wait, like a fool,
behind the Rhine, till the allied armies, having recovered the losses which
they had sustained in so many battles, should be in condition to put for
ward new pretensions. It was in the name of my father-in-law, before
Austria had drawn the sword, that they flattered themselves with inducing
me to sign their insulting proposal. I said to Metternieh, with indigna
tion, "Is it my father-in-law who entertains such a project? Is it he who
sends you to me? In what an attitude does he wish to place me before
the French people! He is strangely mistaken if he supposes that a throne
so mutilated as that could afford a refuge for his daughter and his grandson
in France! How much has England given you to induce you to play this
game against me? Have not I done enough for your fortune? It is of no
consequence — be frank — what is it you wish ? If twenty millions will not
satisfy you — say what you wish 1"
" The sudden paleness of Metternieh, and his silence, recalled me to
myself; but the blow was mortal, and from that moment I had no further
belief in peace. On the same evening, however, my minister for foreign
affairs signed a convention, by which I accepted the mediation of Austria,
which, on her part, engaged to obtain from the allies, that a congress
should be assembled in Prague before the 10th of August, in order to
negotiate a general peace. My plenipotentiaries went thither, and their
declarations, as recorded in the minutes, prove that I wished for peace at
all costs, provided French honour was respected.
"I have always been of opinion that the rivalries between great nations
have been the results of misunderstanding, and from the moment that I
was balked in my project of making a descent upon England, by the fault
of Admiral Villeneuve, I never desired anything but peace. As long as
the negotiations on your part were conducted by Fox, they were honourably
conducted, and had he lived, England and France would have been united
in the closest alliance since 1806. Unfortunately for both nations, Fox
died, and the ministry which succeeded him, adopted the shade of Pitt for
its aegis.
" In short, I have always wished for peace with England, by all means
reconcilable with the dignity of the French nation. I have desired peace,
at the cost of all sacrifices consistent with national honour ; I had neither
prejudice, hatred, nor jealousy of ambition against England. It was of

86 HISTORY PF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
little consequence to me that England was rich and prosperous, provided
that France was so also. I should not have contested with her the do
minion of the sea, I repeat, if at sea she had been ready to respect the
French flag, as the Emperors of Austria or Russia would have respected
our standards on land. .
" Had I been conqueror at Waterloo, I would have made no change in
the message sent to London before passing the Sambre.
" You are about to return to London, tell your fellow-citizens what you
have just heard, and that, in going on board the Bellerophon of my own
accord, I gave the English people the most splendid proof of my esteem."
, After this audience came that of Captain Hamilton, ofthe frigate Havan-
aah, who had made the passage with us from England. This officer was one
of those who were on the most intimate termswith the Grand Marshal, so
that it was almost as if one of ourselves was about to return to Europe.
Very few days passed without his coming to Hut's Gate, as if he had been
a fellow-countryman and a friend. The Emperor having asked, if he was
likely to see the Prince Regent, said tonim, on his replying in the
affirmative, " Well, in that case, tell him, if he wishes to know my desire,
that I have only one thing to ask, and that is, either my liberty or an exer
cutioner. I am not the prisoner of England, and the government has, in
my case, most unworthily violated the sacred laws of hospitality which
even savages -respect.
" Neither am I the prisoner of Russia, Austria, or Prussia. I freely,
and of my own accord, gave myself up to England, because I had confi
dence in the sacred faith. of the law, and in the- honour of the English
people. I have been cruelly deceived; the justice of God will avenge me;
and already that of man has set an indelible mark of disgrace upon the
conduct of your government.
" Had I given myself up to Russia, I should have been well received, for
Alexander and myself are friends. Had I surrendered to Austria I should
have been respectfully received. The Emperor Francis would not have
wished to inflict a disgrace upon the husband of his daughter, and the
father of his grandson. Undoubtedly Metternich's police would have
watched my most trifling actions, hut- what would his police have been to
me, when I had renounced all concern in political affairs, and wished to
live completely a stranger to all intrigues !
" I would have occupied the whole of my time, in the education of my
son, and in the peaceful enjoyment of family happiness. If, finally, I had
thrown myself into the hands of Prussians, the king would have received
me with the recollection of his own misfortunes and my generosity. For,
if I did him much evil, it was the result of his own conduct, and it de
pended entirely upon myself to do him much more. The King of Prussia
is an honest man--a man of honour, Who would not have violated the
sacred laws of hospitality. I must do him that justice.
" The hatred which your ministers bear to me has left a stain upon English
honour. The Prince Regent should avow it, and protest before the nation,
if he is really powerless against the decisions of his ministers. He is but
a contemptible or wicked king who sympathizes with the vulgar passiqns of
his inferiors when he is able to repress them;"
During the evening, the Emperor continued to observe upon the nature of
the mission which he had given to Colonel Wilks and Captain Hamilton.
This circumstance furnished him with an opportunity of passing in review

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 87
the abilities of his different ambassadors — and it appeared that the Count
de Narbonne was the one who really and thoroughly comprehended and
exactly followed his instructions.
" This," said he, " arose, not only from his mind which was equally subtle
and observing, but still more from his courtly manner of address, and his
name, which opened to him every door among the old aristocracy, and
gave access to a more intimate acquaintance with my natural enemies; for,
when one commands, by the influence of an immediate effect or the recol
lection of victory, the first comer is fit to be an ambassador, and an aide-
de-camp is the best possible support ; but when it becomes a question of
negotiation, of penetrating the secrets of foreign offices, and outwitting the
diplomatic ingenuity of enemies, it is quite another affair, and then one
ought to. send to the old aristocracy of the European courts none but of
their own stamp and order — there, aristocracy is a kind of real freema
sonry. Neither an Otto nor an Andreossi would ever find access to the
boudoirs of Vienna. In the presence of such persons there is no freedom
of intercourse, no indiscretion of friendship. Whatever superiority of
mind they may possess, whatever acquaintance with ceremonies and ob
servances, they still constitute a part of the profanum vulgus, to whom the
mysteries of high life are inaccessible. Otto was, undoubtedly, an ex
tremely well informed diplomatist, and no man better understood the man
ner of conducting a treaty of peace or commerce; but he knew nothing
whatever of the plots of Austria with Russia and England, at the close of
the year 1812, and at the beginning of 1813 ; he was deceived by the pro
testations of Metternieh, and contributed to blind me respecting the con
duct of Austria.
" Chance led me to have some conversation respecting Vienna, with
Narbonne, who happened on that occasion to be on duty aide-de-camp. I
learnt from him his former intimacy with the first families among the aris
tocracy of Vienna, and, recollecting the services which he had already
rendered me at the court of Munich, I sent him to Vienna. From the
very moment of his arrival, he succeeded, by means of the friendship of
one of the first ladies at court, in removing the veil which had concealed
the whole truth from his predecessor. His mother had been lady of honour
to the sisters of Louis XVI., and, as such, during the emigration, had con
tracted a great intimacy with this lady, who looked upon Narbonne, in no
other light than as the son of her old friend. The ambassador was forgot
ten in the agreeable recollections of the heart — and the impression given
by the mistress of the house produced an electrical effect on the frequenters
of her salon. Hence, they conversed in the presence of Narbonne, as they
would have done fifteen years before, and thus he knew all.
" I had occasion to see the same result when I removed Talleyrand from
the office of foreign affairs. There were still some aristocratical affinities
with Champagny, for he was ancient noble, but none whatever with Maret.
Notwithstanding, the latter had all the courtliness of the old regime, and
the Duchess of Bassano, without contradiction, was as graceful in her
deportment as she was beautiful. It is, however, natural after all — the bar
rel still smells of the herring.
" On the whole, perhaps, it might have been better for me to have left Otto
in Vienna, and to have done nothing ; for Metternieh, knowing that I was
no longer his dupe, threw off the mask and Urged on his measures. With
Otto, nothing on my part would have disturbed the habitual slowness and
indecision of the Chancery of Vienna, and perhaps events more favourable

88 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
for France might have occurred. Other chances, in short, of an opposite
description." The mission on which I had been employed in Germany at the period cf
the retreat from Russia, led me to recall various circumstances to the Em
peror's attention, respecting the conduct of the Cabinet of Berlin, and that
of Count de St. Marran, who was then the French minister in Prussia.
" You are right," said he, " the Prussians did entertain the idea of seizing
my person, and I ran that risk by crossing Silesia, but fortunately, they
allowed the time to pass in deliberation in which it was possible to execute
the plan. They acted precisely as the Saxons did in the case of Charles
XII., and like him, I might have said, on putting my foot on Saxon ground,
'you will see that they will deliberate to-morrow, whether they ought to
have stopped me to-day.' "

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 89

CHAPTER X.
SIR HUDSON LOWE'S ANNOYANCES.
From the arrival of Sir Hudson Lowe, a remarkable change took place
in our relations with the colonel and the officers of the garrison of every
rank. The tradespeople were forbidden to sell anything to us directly, and
were threatened, in case of disobedience, with the seizure and confiscation
of their goods. Everything was now to pass through the medium of the
governor or his agents, and any articles whatsoever, delivered in contraven
tion of this order, were to be treated as contraband. This restriction was
made known by a proclamation affixed upon the walls in James Town.
The townspeople were forbidden to hold any communication with us what
soever, without the permission and authority of the governor, under pain of
banishment, if the offence was committed by a free man, and 100 lashes if
by a slave.
In consequence of this new measure, sentinels, were placed in all the
passages deemed practicable for illegal communications by means of negroes
or Chinese, and the guards on the various paths and roads leading to Long-
wood received orders to allow no one to pass without giving the countersign
from the governor, or the chief of his staff, and also to make a written me
morandum of all persons who presented themselves with or without a pass.
The report was also to record the time of passing both in going and coming.
The guard of honour, posted at the entrance to Longwood, was ordered to
be as particular as possible in mentioning to whom the visit was made, and
how long the visitor remained with each of us.
Several officers of the garrison, the colonels, and a member of the colonial
council, came to take leave of the Emperor, and to express their regret, that
they found themselves, by a feeling of regard to their own honour, com
pelled to abstain from coming any more to Longwood, " for," said the
member of the council, " this man wishes us, after having visited you, to go
to him and give an account of everything you say."
Even all these measures did not satisfy the eternal mistrust of Sir Hudson
Lowe ; he pretended that morning and evening it was necessary for him to
see the Emperor personally. He had many conferences on this point with
the grand marshal, and always with more or less bitterness ; always affecting,
however, to preserve the forms of a profound desire to reconcile the rigour
of his instructions with the respect which they prescribed to him to observe
towards the General, who had been for fifteen years the head of the French
government, but whom he was forbidden to treat as a crowned head. These
were his own expressions.
The grand marshal having failed to overcome the respectful, but immov
able obstinacy of the governor, the Emperor, at length, consented to give
him audience, and received him, although he was much indisposed, and
obliged to remain in his bed-chamber. To the great astonishment of the
Emperor, however, not a word was said to him by the governor upon the
subject of his conferences with Bertrand, the interest he took in his health,
and his desire to remove all those obstacles, which, as he had been told,

90 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
were opposed to his making excursions beyond the limits of Longwood, and
insinuations against the system of intermediation, which embittered every
question. He made the warmest protestations of his wish to render as en
durable as possible a captivity, which, according to his personal opinion,
vvould not extend beyond the time of the occupation of the French territory
by the allied armies; and then, as a proof of this desire, he made an offer
of the daily attendance of Dr. Baxter, a physician in the English army, and
a man of distinguished merit, who besides, spoke French weli, which would
be more convenient to us, than the necessity of consulting Mr. O'Meara in
Italian or English. Such was the text of the conversation ; but in spite of
all his pains to -please, and of an obvious desire to regain the ground which
he had lost, Sir Hudson Lowe only half succeeded, for, on his departure,
the Emperor said to Marchand, " Take away that cup of coffee — I do not
wish to drink it; that man has approached it, and I believe him quite capa
ble of poisoning me."
A very different effect, however, had been produced on the mind of Sir
Hudson Lowe-»-he thought himself sure of success, and in the intoxication
of his self-love, he wrote ah invitation to the grand marshal, requesting the
honour of General Bonaparte's company at dinner the next day at Planta
tion House, to meet the Countess of Loudon, who had just arrived from
Calcutta, would only remain two days in St. Helena, and had expressed a
desire to see General Bonaparte. It is not necessary to -say- that the Em
peror refused.
Some days afterwards, Sir Hudson Lowe, according to his custom, came
unexpectedly to Longwood, and took the Emperor by surprise in the garden.
It was impossible to. refuse receiving him, when an aide-de-camp came to
solicit that honour ; but the Emperor was doubly vexed, and, from the very
commencement, the conversation took a tone of extreme bitterness. This
circumstance led to deplorable results, as it was the first cause of the Em
peror's determination not to leave the house — a determination which con
tributed more than anything else to the development of the malady which
killed him.
This conversation led to the following message, which Mr. O'Meara was
commissioned to deliver verbally to Sir Hudson Lowe : " They may with
propriety keep me at a distance from the batteries and the shore ; I shall
never ask permission to approach them. All that is necessary, to be sure
of my safe custody, is to guard sufficiently the ooasts of this rock. Let
General Lowe place piquets round the whole circuit of the island, which
he can easily do with the number of men at his disposal, and it will be im
possible for me to escape. Could he not, besides, put additional videttes
on duty when he knows that I wish to go out ? Could he not place them
on the heights and everywhere else without my knowledge? I shall never
give any indication Of observing them. Could he not act in this manner,
^without obliging me to say to the officer on duty — ' I wish to take a ride?'
'Not that I have any objection to Captain Poppleton ; I like good soldiers, to
whatever nation they belong; but I do not wish to do anything which can
give any one a right to say that I acknowledge myself a prisoner. I have
been forced to come here against the law of nations, and I shall never admit
:by any part of my conduct, that I am rightfully detained. To ask an officer
to accompany me, would be tacitly to make this acknowledgment. I have
no intention to attempt an escape, although I have never pledged my word
not to do so, because that too would be an acknowledgment of being a pri
soner, which I shall never make. Could they not impose upon me new

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 91
restrictions as soon as any vessel approaches, and not allow any ship to set
sail without ascertaining that I am still in the island, without employing
such means of useless and vexatious constraint? It is absolutely necessary
for my health to ride seven or eight leagues a day, but {-shall certainly npt
do so with an officer in ordinary of Sir Hudson Lowe at my heels. I have
always regarded it as a maxim, that a man exhibits more real courage by
supporting calamities and resisting misfortunes when they occur, than by
putting an end to his life. Self-destruction is the act of a gambler who has
lost all, or that of a ruined spendthrift, and proves nothing but a want pf
courage. Your government deceives itself, if it supposes that by having
recourse to all possible means of overwhelming me, such as sending me info
exile on this rock, depriving me of all communication with my nearest rela
tions, to such an extent as to leave me in absolute ignorance at this moment
whether any of my blood are alive, isolating me from the world, and imposing
vexatious and useless restrictions, which become more and more rigorous
every day, it thinks to exhaust my power of endurance, and to drive me to
commit suicide.
" This palace which they send me, according to report, is just so much
money thrown into the sea. I would rather they sent me 400 volumes of
books, than the whole of this house and its furniture. First, it will require
several years to build this pretended palace, and before it is finished, I shall
be dead.
" In short, tell your governor that I shall never go beyond the barrier, if
he persists in the system which he has adopted, and that I do not wish to
see him again, unless he changes it."
The Emperor breakfasted -occasionally in the garden, under the shade
of an old willow, the only tree at that time in the garden which was not a
gum tree. I say, " at that time," because in 1819, twenty-four beautiful
trees were purchased and brought to Longwood, at great Cost, and planted
on a line with the library, so as to form an alley under which the Emperor
could walk and breathe the fresh air, without, however, going beyond the
limits of the little garden under his windows, which was respected by the
sentinels placed by orders of Sir Hudson Lowe, from six o'clock in the
evening till six o'clock in the morning.
O'Meara returned from the town in the morning, at the time the Em
peror was breakfasting under the willow. He called him, and, wishing to
show his satisfaction with his services, invited him to breakfast. The news
brought from James Town, and what was passing at Plantation House,
where they began .already to speak of the marriage of the governor's eldest
daughter, led .the Emperor to speak of his landing at Cannes, and his ideas
impelled him beyond the limits of a conversation; he rose quickly, entered
his cabinet, and without reposing for a single instant, dictated what follows,
under the title of the " MSS. of the Island of Elba." At eight o'clock in
the evening, I was still writing. On another occasion-r-on that of composing,
an answer to Lord Bathurst's despatch of the date of the 18th :of March,
1817 — he dictated to me fourteen hours continuously, without any other
repose than that afforded by desiring me to read from time to time what I
had written. 1 was completely exhausted; he was not fatigued, and after
this forced labour, he dined in the best spirits, refreshing his mind by dwell
ing on the scenes of his youth, which he took great pleasure in relating.
"What recollections," said he, "crowd upon my memory, when my
thoughts are no longer occupied with political topics, or with the insults of
that wicked man. I am carried back to my first impressions of the life of

92 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
man. It seems to me always in these moments of calm, that I should have
been the happiest man in the world with 12,000 francs a-year, living as the
father of a family, with my wife and son, in Our old house at Ajaccio. You
remember its beautiful situation — you cannot have forgotten it ! You have
often despoiled it of its finest bunches of grapes, when you ran off with
Pauline to go and satisfy your childish appetite. And Madame Joue — into
what a rage she put herself, and how she scolded that poor Pauline, upon
whom the whole storm always burst! Happy hours! the natal soil has in
finite charms ; memory embellishes it with all its powers, even to the very
odour of the ground, which one can so realize to the senses, as to be able,
with the eyes shut, to tell the spots first trodden by the foot of childhood.
" I still remember with emotion, the most minute details of a journey
during which I accompanied Paoli. More than five hundred of us, young
persons of the first families in the island, formed his guard of honour ; I felt
proud of walking by his side, and he appeared to take pleasure in pointing
out to me, with paternal affection, the passes of our mountains, which had
been witnesses of the heroic struggle of our fellow-countrymen for natural
independence. The impression made upon me, whilst I listened, still vi
brates in my heart! Come, place your hand upon my bosom ! see, how it
beats !" and it was true, his heart did beat with such rapidity, as would have
excited my astonishment, had I not been acquainted with his organization,
and with the kind of electric commotion which his thoughts communicated
to his whole being.
" It is like the sound of a bell ;" added he, " there is none here— I am no
longer accustomed to hear it. The sound of a bell never strikes my ear,
without carrying back my thoughts to the sensations of my youth. The
Angelus' bell led me back to pleasant reveries, when, in the midst of earnest
thoughts, and burthened with the weight of an imperial crown, I heard its
first sounds under the shady woods of St. Cloud ; and often have I been
supposed to have been revolving the plan of a campaign or digesting an
imperial law, when my thoughts were wholly absorbed in dwelling upon the
first impressions of my youth. Religion is, in fact, the dominion of the
soul — it is the hope, the anchor of safety, the deliverance from evil. What
a service has Christianity rendered to humanity ! what a power would it
still have, did its ministers comprehend their mission !"
We shall afterwards see what ideas the Emperor entertained concerning
the mission of a priest.
The restless mind of Sir Hudson Lowe could not remain long at ease
without giving us new subjects of complaint against his unworthy tricks.
The declaration signed on the 17th October, 1816, did not suffice; he
wished personally to interrogate each of the persons belonging to the Em
peror's household ; and the fear with which he meant to inspire them, by
detailing the privations to which they were about to expose themselves, was
a proof of the real object of this inquest, the official purpose of which was
to ascertain that the declaration had been freely signed, and without regret
or reserve of any kind.
The smallest detailsrespecting Longwood assumed in his eyes an extreme
importance, and in consequence, he issued an order to fix the nature and
quantity of the provisions to be furnished for the use of the establishment
at Longwood, and I received the following document :
" Lieutenant-General Sir Hudson Lowe has the honour to inform Lieu
tenant-General Count Montholon, that in consequence of an order of this
day, issued to the Commissariat department, no more than the following

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

93

articles, in the quantities specified below, will be delivered for the use of
the establishment at Longwood :

" LONGWOOD HOUSE.
7 bottles of Claret
2 ditto vin de Grave .
26 ditto Champagne
11 ditto Constantia
23 ditto Madeira .
4 ditto Malaga
22 ditto Cape wine for the servants
7 ditto Teneriffe
10 ditto brandy
3 ditto rum
3 ditto liqueurs
8 ditto Sirop d'Orgeat
3 ditto Fruits in brandy
6 pots confections
23 bottles of vinegar
32 flasks of olive oil
9 ditto olives
6 pots of mustard
3 jars of pickles .
9 small baskets of fine salt
30 pounds of kitchen salt
52 ditto bread .
75 beef or mutton .
7 chickens
22 roast fowls
9 hams
9 pickled tongues
45 pounds of lard
45 ditto suet
225 ditto salt butter
34 eggs
8 bottles of milk
30 pounds of cheese
23 ditto soap .
200 bushels of coals
45 pounds of loaf sugar
240 ditto sugar candy
30 ditto dry fruit
30 ditto tea
188 ditto wax lights
45 ditto pate d'ltalie
70 ditto rice
120 ditto flour
2 dishes of vegetables
and 2 ditto fish, when possible,

per day.
ditto.
per month.
ditto. ditto.
ditto. per day.
per month.
ditto. ditto.ditto.ditto.
per month.
ditto-
ditto. ditto. ditto,ditto. -
ditto.ditto.ditto. per day.
ditto.
ditto.
per month.
ditto. ditto.
ditto. ditto.
ditto.per day.
ditto. ditto.
per month.
ditto.ditto. ditto. ditto.
ditto. ditto.ditto. per month.
ditto.
per day.
ditto.

" The wood for warming Napoleon Bonaparte's chambers shall be fur
nished and gathered in Dead Wood by the Company's farmer."

94 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Meantime a case of recent pamphlets having: been sent from England,
addressed to Sir Hudson Lowe, he selected-two or three of them which con
tained most atrocious libels upon the Emperor, and sent them to Longwood
as a mark of civility, along with the " Embassy to Warsaw," by the Abbe
de Pradt. He yielded without doubt, to some of the inspirations of that
savage hatred, of which he had imbibed the first impressions during the
time in which he was at the head of the battalion of Corsican and Calabnan
deserters, which he commanded in Sicily. He was, however, deceived, for
the Emperor laughed heartily'at these collections of absurd fables related
concerning his reign by the old gossips of the Emigration. The Embassy
to Warsaw afforded him an especial subject of amusement, and he frequently
repeated, " Would you believe it, but for one man I should have been master
of the world! Can you conceive that a clever man like the Abbe de Pradt
could write such nonsense ?"
In captivity, the smallest circumstances often furnish a pretext for an
explosion of bad temper. A man must have worn a prisoner's chain in
order to comprehend how much moral courage it requires to restrain thq
sufferings of the mind, and not to suffer oneself to be ruled by a spirit of
acrimony, Which is always ready to see an insult in a smile, a bitter word,
or a difference of opinion.
Paris to Longwood, what an immense transition 1 I accuse no one. At
first, it was too much for us all. A duel was about to take place ; the Em
peror heard of it, and disarmed us by saying with the emotion of a father :
"Do you wish to fight under my very eyes? Am I then no longer the
object of your care? Are not the eyes of our enemies fixed upon Long-
wood? You have quitted your families, you have sacrificed everything
from love to me, and in order to share my misfortunes, and you are now
about voluntarily to aggravate them, and to render (hem insupportable. Be
brothers ! otherwise you will be only an additional punishment to me ! Be
brothers, I command you — I entreat you as a father !"
Sir Hudson Lowe manoeuvred so well, as once more to be received by
the Emperor, and that even in his bed-chamber. He had, as he said, im
portant communications to make, which could only be made to the Emperor
in person. This was a mere bait to procure admission, and who would not
have taken it?
The conference, although protracted, led to no particular incident, and
the hope of any communications more or less important pfPved illusive. ;
The Emperor alone, from some words which had fallen from Sir Hudson
Lowe, thtitight it possible to put an end to one of the daily recurring causes
of bitterness in our relations — the question respecting the Emperor's title,
— and of being able to adopt, with one accord, a designation which would
satisfy the pretensions of both parties. The grand marshal received orders
from the Emperor to open a negotiation on this point, and to propose that
for the future he should take the name of Colonel Duroc1, or Colonel Mui-
ron. These two names were dear to him, for having been borne by two
friends, both of whom were killed at his side on the field of battle ; Duroc,
as his grand marshal in the campaign of 1813, and Muiron, as his aide-de
camp at the bridge of Areola, covering him with his body at the moment of
a frightful discharge of grape-shot, when he dashed forward oft the bridge,
at the head of the Grenadiers of the 32nd.
Several months elapsed in the interchange of notes without any result;
and it was not till some time in the month of September, that the negotia
tion began to assunie a substantial form, through the mediation of O'Meara ;

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. _ 95
and on the insinuation of Sir Hudson Lowe;, that the title of Emperor
would be always an obstacle in the way of his government opening the
gates of St. Helena, " I wished," replied the Emperor, " to eome here in
cognito; I proposed it to the Admiral, but the proposal was rejected. They
persisted in calling me General Bonaparte. I am not ashamed of that
name, but I do not wish to receive it from the English government, Had
the French republic never had a legal existence for England, they would
no more have had the right to call me General than first magistrate : in
fact, as Emperor, I was elected* by the French people, and became their
first magistrate by compact.
" Had the admiral remained, it is nevertheless probable that we should
have come to an understanding on this question of the name. I would
have taken that of Duroc or Muiron."
Some days afterwards, the Emperor caused the following note, written
by himself, but not signed, to be sent to Sir Hudson Lowe :
" It occurs to me, that in the conversation which has taken place between
General Lowe and my officers, things have been said respecting my position
which are not conformable to my ideas.
" I have placed my abdication in the hands of the French nation, and in
favour of my son. I went to England with the most perfect confidence,
either to reside there or in America, in complete retirement, and under the
name of a colonel killed at my side, resolved entirely to abstain from all
connexion with political affairs of any kind whatsoever.
" Arrived on board the Northumberland, I was told I was a prisoner of
war, that the government had resolved to transport me beyond the equator,
and that I was to be called general Bonaparte. I felt it my duly ostensibly
to resume my title of Emperor, in opposition to that of General, which
they wished to impose on me. It is now seven or eight months since Count
Montholon proposed to prevent these little difficulties which are of daily
occurrence, by adopting for me a common name.*
" An appellation is at present given me, which does not recall the past,
but which is not consistent with the usual forms of society, I am always
ready and willing to adopt a name which may consist with ordinary usage,
and I reiterate the assurance, that if it be judged proper to release me from
this cruel abode, I am resolved to keep myself wholly a stranger to political
events of every description. Such are my views, and whatever else may be
said on this subject is destitute of foundation."
Sir Hudson considered this communication of the highest importance,
and immediately sent the following reply :
" The Governor without loss of time, will forward to the British govern
ment the paper which has been delivered to him to-day, on the part of
Napoleon Bonaparte."
At the same time, however, he expressed his regret at Longwood, that the
Emperor had not signed the document, not that he meant to raise the
slightest doubt respecting the authenticity of the writing, but only because
he thought the signature would add still greater importance to the paper,
and that it was consequently, only for the advantage of the person who
had written it, that he took the liberty of making this observation. He
said, moreover that he would carefully and anxiously re-consider his instruc
tions, as well as those given to his predecessor, Sir George Cockburn, to
see if he could find any possibility of complying with the desire which had
* The Admiral wrote to London on this subject, and no more was heard of it.

96 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
been expressed, of consenting to adopt one of the two names proposed; he
thought,* however, in any case, that it would not be possible to admit them
without the modification of some feudal title, in exchange for that of colonel.
I was ordered to write to Sir Hudson Lowe, that the Emperor would agree
to change the appellation of Colonel Duroc or Muiron, for that pf Baron
Duroc ;°and that he was ready to use that signature, if the governor would
consent from that time forward, with the reservation of any future decision
of his government, to adopt for him the title of Baron Duroc ; but in the
contrary case, he would sign nothing, and would make him acquainted with
his views through one of us.
" The governor and his gbvernment," said the Emperor, " act absurdly
in this question, and do not understand it at all. I do not call myself Na
poleon Emperor, of France, but the Emperor Napoleon, which is a very
different thing, because it is in accordance with the usage adopted by sove
reigns who have abdicated. It was thus that James II. preserved his title
of king and majesty after having lost his crown ; and that King Charles of
Spain preserved the title of king, after he had abdicated in favour of his
son Ferdinand VII. If I was in England,. I wculd not call myself Empe
ror;, but a pretension is, in this case, put forward, that the French nation
had riot the right to make me its sovereign without the permission of the
king of England. Never shall I yield to that.
" A man at the head of a weak party during popular disturbances, is
called a rebel chief; but he has no sooner succeeded, performed great
actions, and raised his country and himself, than he is designated. general,
president, consul, or sovereign. It is success alone which justifies, and
confirms the title. If he be less successful or less fortunate, he remains
merely a rebel chief, or perishes on the scaffold. , For years Washington
was nothing more than a leader of rebels in the eyes of the mother country ;
but victory crowned him with laurels, and England was condemned to
recognize him as chief magistrate of United States of North America. It
would be truly ridiculous in me to call myself Emperor in the position in
which I am now placed, and this would only suggest the recollection of those
unfortunate maniacs, who, in their chains, and on their bed of straw, have
imagined themselves to be kings. It is only the English ministry which
compels me by its conduct towards me, and makes my French pride wish
and continue to claim !this, title as long as things shall remain as they are
atfpresent." The very evening of his conversation with the Emperor, Sir Hudson
Lowe wrote me a long letter, in order to know what part of the island we
would desire to select for the erection of the new house, all the materials for
which, already fashioned, as well as its furniture, had just arrived at James
Town. I received the Emperor's command to reply to his letter as follows : 
TO THE GOVERNOR. " Longwood, July 8, 1816.
" Sir,— I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter. The Emperor
having suffered the. preceding night from rheumatism, I was unable to
communicate it to him before yesterday evening. He said to me  ' This
letter has been written with the intention of being amicable, tt forms a
great contrast to the disgraceful vexations to which we are every day sub
jected. ' It does not agree with the conversation which I had with Sir H.

HISTORY OF^THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 97
Lowe, which is here referred to. Of that conversation I only retain a pain
ful remembrance pf something disagreeable. The climate of this Island
does not at all suit my health. They study new means of rendering my resi
dence here more unhealthy and more dreadful.'
" I have considered it my duty, Sir, to acquaint you with the manner in
which the Emperor thinks on ifcj subject, as the best return I can make for
the confidence you have reposed in me. He attaches a very secondary in
terest to all questions of lodging, furniture or anything of that sort. With
the best intentions, your government cannot prevent our feeling, upon this
rock, the want of articles most necessary to our comfort.
" Longwood is certainly the most unhealthy part of the island ; there is
no water, no vegetation, no shade; no one has ever been able to establish
on tjiis spot even a kitchen garden ; the ground is scorched by the wind.
This part of the island, therefore, is uninhabited < and wild. Had the Em
peror been settled at Plantation House, where thefe are trees, water and
gardens, he would have been as comfortably situated as any one can be in
this miserable country. If, then, you intend to build, it would be better to
do so in some part of the island already cultivated, and in some place
where there are trees, water, and vegetation. The idea of adding wings to
the wretched building at Longwood, would include all sorts of inconve
niences. It would be nothing, in the end, but enlarging a shed, and we
should have the unpleasantness of workmen for five or six months. We
only require at Longwood the execution of some repairs. The rain has now
penetrated, for the last two months, into the rooms of Count Las Cases and
of Baron Gourgaud, which must be very unhealthy. We should require at
Longwood a reservoir for water to be used in case of fire ; the principal
part of the roof consists of pitched paper, and the least spark would set the
house in ablaze. A large- quantity of our linen, and other effects, has
-been entirely spoiled by the rats, for want of proper clothes-presses. The
books which were brought out to us by the Newcastle, have been exposed
to similar injuries for a fortnight, for want of proper book-shelves to place
them on, &c. The most simple means,, it seems to me, of arranging all
these little matters would be, to give orders to a master-mason to examine
and repair all such defects as soon as they appear,, and to put an upholsterer
in charge of the furniture, &c. ; placing at his disposal the means of effect
ing such changes or improvements as might be required. People whose'
business such things are, are always best able to adopt the Accessary steps
on such little matters.
"I have the honour to be, Sir, your humble and obedient servant,
(Signed) " General Count de Montholon."

98 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

CHAPTER XI, 1
ADMIRAL SIR PULTENEY MALCOLM, AND, THE COMMISSIONERS.
On the 17th of June, the frigate Newcastle had arrived, arid brought us
the" new Admiral, together with the Austrian, Russian, and French Com
missioners. Admiral Sir Pulteney Malcolm came to Replace Sir George Cockburn in
the command of the naval station of St. Helena and the Cape of Good
Hope. Lady Malcolm accompanied him. Both understood the mode of
completely winning our sympathies, and took their departure from St.
Helena,),carrying with them the highest testimonies of the Emperor's satis
faction. Baron Sturmer, the Austrian Commissioner, belonged to the offioe of
Prince Metternieh; his wife was a French woman, the daughter of an
employe of some standing in the department of the minister of war. The
Baron had become acquainted with her, and married her in 1614, during -
the course of a mission to Paris. Both were anxious to be on a good
footing with us. The Baroness was both agreeable and handsome ; her
husband had been brought up in a good school, as he proved to us, and
no one could be surprised at his rapid advancement in his diplomatic career.
Count Balmin, the Russian commissioner, was like all the other diplo
matic agents*of Russia, who have orders to please everybody, and to learn
everything; He succeeded at Longwood beyond all reasonable expectation^
and became a member of the family at Plantation House, by his marriage '
with Miss Johnson, the eldest daughter of Lady Lowe.
The Marquis de Montchenu is the type of a colonel of the reign of
Louis XVI. ; such as I represent to myself De la Fayette, De Noailles, De
Lameth, when setting out to serve as volunteers under the orders of Wash
ington. The Emperor had known him well at Valence, when his regiment
had been a long time in garrison with the regiment of cavalry, of which the
Marquis was lieutenant-colonel. They had even been rivals in paying their
court to Mademoiselle de St. Germain, who married M. de MontaWvet,
when each of them supposed himself to be the favoured suitor. These
youthful recollections regulated all the intercourse of the Marquis de Mont
chenu with us, even till the Emperor's death, and he deserved on all occa
sions our respect and commendation.
Admiral Sir Pulteney Malcolm made a most favourable impression upon
the Erriperor; he had hardly retired from being presented, when the Empe
ror said to us — " His look, his attitude, his language, are those of an honest
man ; I really felt pleasure in seeing and conversing with him. If he com
manded here in the place of that execrable Sicilian sbirro, we should be at
peace ; nay, I really believe that if we were the most distrustful of guests*
we should gain confidence in him, his appearance announces so clearly that
his heart-is good, and that he is an honest man."
The commissioners gave themselves much trouble, in vain, to be presented.
The governor would not allow them to be presented as simple individuals, and
the Emperor would not recognize them as overseers pf his captivity* They

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 99
were really grieved at this, particularly the amiable Montchenu, who was so
happy when he saw us: his first question after" he had disembarked, and
found himself in the midst of the group of officers in attendance on Sir
Hudson Lowe, had been — "For the love, 6f God, tell me if any of you speak
French,?"' / ,
The Newcastle frigate had brought us out several large boxes of books.
This was a great pleasure to the Emperor, and it afforded him occupation
for several, days, to classify and arrange them on the shelves of an extem
pore library, which he had caused to be made of boards, in the room which
I had occupied at the commencement of our establishment at Longwood,
and which now became for the future the library. These books were sent
by the government, but as they had been bought according to the instruc
tions of General Bertrand,- the rninistry required the price of them, which,
according to them, amounted to 36,000 francs. Three fowling-pieces had
also been sent with this cargo. .Sir Hudson Lowe took great care to send
them, specifying it as a piece of politeness on the part of the Prince Regent ;
but the Emperor caused them to be sent back again to Plantation House,
saying, that he had no need of fowling-pieces, since he was confined to a
space encircled by dry lava, where there were no wild animals except rats.
He added, that he could not but believe that wrong ideas were entertained
in England respecting his condition, or otherwise he could not consider the
present of fowling-pieces in any other light than that of an odious mockery.
As the grand marshal constantly refused to reimburse the 36,000 <francs,
without having received the bills, &c, the books were seized by Sir Hudson
Lowe after the Emperor's death, arid sold by him as the property of the
government for 4 or 5,000 francs, without his having informed either
General Bertrand or myself of the circumstance.
Many of these books were covered with notes written by the Emperor,
and nearly all contained his impressions on reading them. The saleof
these books was a.subject of real grief to me, but I cannot reproach myself
with having left any means untried, after the death of the Emperor, of
appropriating them to myself, by offering to pay immediately the sum
claimed for them. Sir Hudson Lowe asserted, and perhaps truly, that it
was- not in his power to dispose of the books, which were, de factOj the
property of the government.
The orders and counter-orders dictated by the uneasy and vexatious
character of the government, gave rise daily to nuisances and to misunder
standings on the part of the posts placed on the various roads. The com
missioners themselves were not free from these vexations; in fact, the
Marquis de Montchenu was one of the first victims. His 'wish to see his
countrymen had determined him to direct his rides towards Longwood, and
he had reason to hope that his title of a countryman would open our gates
to him, and that his uniform as. a general officer and commissioner of his
majesty the most Christian king, wpuld permit him to pass freely over any part
of the island. Great was his astonishment, therefore, when, hardly arrived at'
the Alarm house, he was prevented from p&ssing further by a sergeant, who
explained to him, as well as he could, that it was precisely because he was
a commissioner of his most Christian majesty, that he was not to pass. In
vain the poor Marquis took off his hat, and pointing to the^large white
cockade in it, cried out—" Look, look !" in order to prove to the officer
that he was not of our party, for he continued to labour under the mistake
that the sergeant did not know him. He was obliged at length to give up
the point in despair, and returned home, resolved to address a diplomatic

100 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
note on the subject -to Sir Hudson Lowe. In fact, immediately on his
return to the town, he dispatched his aide-de-camp to Plantation House.
Sir Hudson was embarrassed; he did not wish the commissioners to see us,
nor did he dare to refuse them permission officially ; in fact, a thing which
may appear extraordinary, he was constantly more opposed by the French
commissioner, than by his colleagues, in his dark and tortuous course
respecting us. Baron Sturmer, on the contrary, yielded to him in every
thing. As to Count Balmin, he pretended to take no trouble about the
matter, and to respect all Sir Hudspn Lowe's caprices ; but he took his
measures so well, that he was soon intimate with us, and saw General
Gourgaud almost every day. The Marquis de Montchenu watched us
whenever we came into the town, to offer us breakfast or dinner, and his
offers were so cordial that it was impossible to refuse. His visits to Long-
wood were rare, in consequence of the fatigue pf such a long ride to a man
of his age, and probably also, because it had been proved to him that he
must give up all hopes of seeing the Emperor. However, the recollections
of his youth established a sort of intercourse of polite attentions between
them. The Marquis never failed to send the Emperor the French news
papers, as soon as he received them, even before having read them himself,
and he always added a slight extract from his private letters, as a sort of
bulletin of the Paris letters. The Emperor, on the other hand, sent him
books from his library, or the pamphlets of any interest, which Lady Holland
was kind enough to send him by every opportunity.
The bill of the 16th of April, 1816, by which parliament sanctioned the
treaty of the 2nd of August, 1815, and all the actions of the English
government in respect to the Emperor, had just conferred on the ministry,
and consequently on the governor of St. Helena, a discretionary power of
determining the penalties to be incurred by any one who should violate the
rules prescribed by the Emperor's guard. For us, the penalty was imme
diate conveyance to the Cape of Good Hope, there to remain under sur
veillance during the pleasure of the government; for the colonists, banish
ment from the island, without any indemnity for losses which they might
suffer inconsequence; for slaves or Chinese, corporal punishment. Any
officer who should be guilty of the slightest violation of the general orders,
was to be sent back to England, and cashiered. Finally, the punishment
of high treason was incurred by any who should not immediately communi
cate to the governor any letter, writing, or verbal message, received from
us, or who should procure us money or anything else, without having first
received permission so to do.
Sir Hudson Lowe communicated this bill to us officially, on the 23rd of
July, 1816, as well as the debates on the occasion, and his intention to add
some more restrictions on the little liberty we enjoyed. The grand marshal
had received from Sir George Cockburn the right of issuing passes to those
persons who were to be presented to the Emperor, by means of which, they
were allowed to enter the limits of Longwood, and this state of things had
continued since our establishment there. Sir Hudson Lowe now pretended
that he alone had the right to grant these passes, and a correspondence of
considerable bitterness was commenced on the subject, which was only ter
minated by a ministerial decision in our favour in the course of 1817
This pretension of Sir Hudson Lowe was uselessly troublesome both to
the visitors and to us, since, in order to be presented, it was necessary to
have previously obtained from the governor a permission to communicate
with Longwood.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 101
The expenses of the establishment af Longwood were a continual cause
of chicanery and interference on the part of Sir Hudson Lowe, in the
slightest details of domestic life. He was not even satisfied with making
arrangements respecting the quantity and the quality of the provisions for
the Emperor's household, but he even required that the Emperor should
contribute to the expense. I received a note from him on the 17th of August,
which was to prove to me that the expenses still exceeded the allowance,
notwithstanding the reductions which he had ordered to be made, and that
it was necessary, therefore, in order to avoid any further reductions, which
he himself allowed would be unsuitable, that I should place at his disposal
200,000 francs a year, or if I preferred it, 16,000 francs a month ; he came
to Longwood to communicate this verbally to the Emperor.
Deeply affected by the insult, the Emperor said to Sir Hudson Lowe,
" You push the annoyance so far as to enter into the most contemptible
details ; you have the audacity to endeavour to make me believe that no
changes have taken place since your arrival ; that I mistake your intentions,
and would entertain a very different opinion of you, if I knew you better.
No, Sir — no, I should not change my opinion ; Generals [are known by
their victories, or their noble actions. How should I know you in any
other relation than that of my jailor? You never suffer a day to pass with
out to rturingme by your insults. Where have you ever commanded any
thing but bandits or deserters, the refuse of every country? I am well
acquainted with the names of all the English generals of distinction : I
have never heard your name mentioned except as a brigand chief. You
have never commanded men of honour ; you say you have not asked for
the government of this rock, but you forget that there are certain employ
ments which are never conferred upon any, except such as are especially
distinguished by the manner in which they dishonour themselves. Execu
tioners do not solicit the disgrace of their employment, and whilst inflicting
tortures on the unfortunate whom they are about to kill, like you, they say,
' I only obey my orders, and if I were less skilful, you would only suffer ihe
more.3 Moreover, I do not believe your government to be so blinded by
their hatred towards me, as to have disgraced themselves by prescribing the
infamous course of conduct which you pursue. In short, do not weary me
any more with the disgusting details of your regulations respecting my
table ; send nothing to Longwood if you choose, I shall go and sit down
at the table of the officers of the brave 53d ; I am persuaded there is
not one of them who will refuse to share his dinner with an old soldier
like myself You have full power over my body, but ray mind is, and will
remain, beyond your reach. It is as proud and as full of courage on this
rock, as when I commanded Europe."*
Sir Hudson Lowe did not answer at the time, but the next day he said
* The Emperor having learned that Sir Hudson'Lowe had said to the officers, that he did
not wish to see them any more, and that a red coat made him sick at heart, sent for Captain
Poppleton, and said to him, " Sir, — I believe you are the oldest captain of the 53rd ; tell
your comrades that a falsehood has been stated to them, when it was insinuated that I did
not wish to see them any more, and that a red coat made me sick at heart; tell them that I
see them at all times with pleasure, I esteem the 53rd — they are a regiment of brave men,
and have fought valiantly ; the service which the regiment is here called upon to perform,
is a painful duty, which they fulfil like men of honour. In saying this, Sir, I only do my
duty towards you, and all your companions. I am an old soldier, and admire brave men,
who have received the baptism of fire, under whatever colours they have served."
Captain Poppleton thanked the Emperor for the kindness of what he said, and assured
him that the 53rd were filled with the deepest feelings of respect and admiration for his
person.

102 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY' OF NAPOLEON.
to O'Meara, "Let General Bonaparte know that it depends entirely upon
me to render his situation more agreeable; but if he continues to treat me
with disrespect, I will make him feel my power. He is my prisoner, and 1
have a right to treat him according to his behaviour. I will bring him to
reason." It seemed, indeed, as if, since the arrival of this governor, we were to be
subjected to some new outrage every day.
The Emperor determined to endeavour to put a stop to it. He consi
dered, besides, that acts of so much importance as the treaty of the 2nd of
August, and the Bill of the 16th of April ought not to remain unanswered ;
he therefore dictated to me the following letter : —
TO GENERAL SIR H. LOWE.
" Longwood, August 23, 1816.
"Sir, — I have received a copy of the treaty of the 2nd of August, 1815,
concluded between his Britannic majesty, the Emperor of Austria, the
Emperor of Russia, and and the King of Prussia, inclosed in your letter
of July 23rd.
" The Emperor Napoleon protests against the contents of this treaty.
He is not the prisoner of the English government. After having resigned
his' crowns into the hands of representatives, for the advantage of the con
stitution adopted by the French people, and in favour of his son, he retired
freely, and of his own will,, to England, to live there as a private individual,
under the protection of British laws. The violation of laws can never con
stitute a right. In point of fact, the Emperor is in the power of England,
but neither de facto nor de jure has he been, nor is he, in the power of
Austria, Russia, or Prussia, even according to the laws and customs of
England, which never included the Russians, the Austrians, the Prussians,
the Spaniards, or Portuguese, in any exchange of prisoners, even while
allied with those powers and carrying on war conjointly with them. The
treaty of the 2nd of August, agreed to fifteen days after the Emperor Na
poleon's arrival in England, can have no effect in law ; it merely presents
the spectacle of the four greatest powers of Europe entering into a coali
tion for the oppression of a single individual ; a coalition in direct opposi
tion to the feelings of all nations, as it is to the doctrines of sound morality.
The Emperors of Austria and of Russia, and the King of Prussia, having,
neither in fact nor in law, any authority over the person of the Emperor
Napoleon, could not legally make any arrangement respecting him. If the
Emperor Napoleon had fallen into the power of the Emperor of Austria,
that prince would have remembered the relation which the laws of religion
and nature have established between father and Son, a relation which can
never be disregarded with impunity. He would have remembered that
Napoleon had four times restored to him his crown — at Leoben, in 1797,
and at Luneville, in 1801, when his armies were at the walls of Vienna;
at Presburg, in 1806, and at Vienna in 1809, when his armies were masters
of the capital and three-fourths of fhe empire. That prince would have
remembered the protestations of friendship which he had made to him at
the bivouac in Moravia, in 1806, and at the interview at Dresden in 1812.
If the person of the Emperor Napoleon had fallen into the power of the
Emperor Alexander, he would have remembered the bonds of friendship
contracted at Tilsit, at Erfurt, and during twelve years of daily intercourse.
He would have remembered the conduct of the Emperor Napoleon, the day

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 103
after the battle of Austerlitz, when he might have made him prisoner with
the wreck of his army, but contented himself with his parole, and allowed
him to retreat ; he would have remembered the personal danger to which
the Emperor Napoleon exposed himself in his endeavours to extinguish the
fire of Moscow, and to preserve his capital. Certainly, this prince would
not have violated the duties of friendship and gratitude towards a friend in
misfortune. If the person of the Emperor had even fallen into the power
of the King of Prussia, that sovereign would not have forgotten that it had
been in the power of the Emperor, after the battle of Friedland, to have
placed another prince on the throne of Berlin ; he would not have forgot
ten, before a disarmed enemy, the protestations of friendship, and the sen
timents he expressed towards him at Dresden in 1812. Thus we see by-
Articles 2 and 5 of the said treaty of the 2nd of August, that these princes
not being able to influence in any degree the fate of the Emperor, refer to
what his Britannic Majesty, who takes upon him to fulfil all their obliga
tions, may determine on the subject. These princes have reproached the
Emperor for having preferred the protection of England to theirs. The
false ideas which the Emperor entertained respecting the liberality of the
English laws, and in reference to the influence which the opinion of a
generous and free people ought to have upon its government, determined
him to prefer the. protection of its laws to those of his father-in-law or of his
old friend. The Emperor Napoleon always had it in his power to secure his
personal freedom by means of a diplomatic treaty, either by putting himself
at the head of the army of the Loire, or by taking the command of the army
of the Gironde, then commanded by General Clausel ; but as he sought
merely for retreat and the protection of free laws, whether English or Ameri
can, all stipulations appeared to him unnecessary ; he believed that the Eng
lish people would be more bound by his frank, noble, and generous proceed
ing than it would have been by any treaty whatever. He has been deceived ;
but this error will always cause a true Briton to blush, either in the present
generation or in those to come, and will be a lasting proof of the want of
honour displayed by the English government. Austrian and Russian com
missioners have arrived at St. Helena. If their mission is intended to fulfil a
part of the duties which the Emperors of Austria and Russia have contracted
in consequence of the treaty of the 2nd of August, and to take care that in a
little island surrounded by the Ocean, the agents of the English govern
ment should not treat with disrespect a prince connected with them by the
bonds of relationship, and by several other lies, this proceeding is worthy
of the character of these two sovereigns ; but, you, sir, have taken upon
you to assert, that these commissioners have neither the right nor the power
to have an opinion on anything which may take place on this rock.
" The English ministry has caused the Emperor Napoleon to be sent to
St. Helena, 2,000 leagues from Europe. This rock, situated under the
tropic at 500 leagues from any continent, is exposed to the dreadful heat of
these latitudes ; it is covered with clouds and fogs three-fourths of the year ;
it is at the same time the driest and the most humid climate in the world.
It is hatred alone which has presided over the choice of this residence,
detrimental as it is, and must be, to the health of the Emperor, as well as
over the instructions dispatched by the English government to the officers
commanding at St. Helena. They were ordered to address the Emperor
as General, wishing to oblige him to acknowledge that he had never reigned
in France ; and it was this that determined him not to assume an incognito,
as he had decided upon doing when he quitted France. When chief

104 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
magistrate of the republic, under the title of First Consul, he concluded the
preliminaries of the treaty of London and the treaty of Amiens with the
King of Great Britain; he received as ambassadors, Lord Cornwallis, Mr.
Merry, and Lord Whitworth, who signed the treaty as such at his court;
he accredited, as ambassadors at the Court of Great Britain, Count Otto
and General Andreossy, who resided as such at the Court of Windsor, when,
after an exchange of notes between the ministers of foreign affairs of the
two monarchies, Lord Lauderdale came to Paris, as plenipotentiary from
the King of England; he treated with the plenipotentiaries of the Emperor
Napoleon, and remained for several months at the court of the Tuileries.
When afterwards, at Chatillon, Lord Castlereagh signed the ultimatum
which the allied powers laid before the Emperor Napoleon, he recognized
in this act the fourth dynasty. . This ultimatum was more advantageous
than the treaty of Paris,. but it was required by it that France should give
up Belgium and the left bank of the Rhine, which was contrary to the
arrangements of Frankfort and to the proclamations of the allied powers,
and also to the oath which the Emperor had sworn at his coronation,- to
maintain the integrity of the empire. The Emperor thought, then, that
these natural limits were necessary to the protection of France as well as
to the balance of power in Europe,, he considered that the French nation,
in the circumstances in which it was then placed, ought rather to run the
risk of a war than to depart from them. France would have obtained its
claims, and with them have preserved its honour, if treason had not aided
the allies. The treaty of the 2nd of August and the bill passed by the
British parliament, call the Emperor, Napoleon Bonaparte, and give him
no title but that of General. The title of General Bonaparte is, no doubt,
an eminently glorious one ; the Emperor was only General Bonaparte at
Lodi, at Castiglione, at Rivoli, at Areola, at Leohen, at the Pyramids, at
Aboukir; but for seventeen years he has borne the names of First Consul
and Emperor. This would, in effect, amount to acknowledging that he
had neither been first magistrate of the republic, nor sovereign of the fourth
dynasty. Those who consider nations as flocks of sheep, which by divine
right are the property of some family, belong neither to the century, nor to
the spirit of English legislation, which has several times changed the order
of its dynasty, because great changes which had occurred in public opinion,
and in which the reigning princes had not participated, had rendered them
unfit to, provide for the happiness of the majority of the nation. For kings
are but hereditary magistrates, who exist merely for the happiness of the
nations — not nations for the satisfaction of kings. It is this same spirit of
hatred which has decreed that the Emperor Napoleon is not to be allowed
to write or receive any letter which has not been opened and read by the
English officers at St. Helena. By this means, he has been prevented
from receiving any account of his mother, his wife, his son, or his brothers,
and when he wished to free himself from the inconvenience of his letters
being read by subaltern officers, and endeavoured for this purpose to send
a sealed letter to the Prince Regent, he received for answer that only
unsealed letters could be received ; that such were the instructions. of the
ministry. This measure must give strange ideas of the spirit of the admin
istration by which it was dictated ; it would not have been acknowledged at
Algiers. Letters arrived for general officers in the service of the Emperor,
they were opened, and sent to you ; you detained them because they did
not pass through the English ministry; they were obliged to perform a
journey of four thousand leagues, and these officers had the pain of know-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 105
ing that there were, on this rock, accounts of their wives, their mothers, and
their children, and that they would be obliged to wait six months before
hearing them. We have not been allowed to subscribe to the ' Morning
Chronicle,' to the ' Morning Post,' and to some French newspapers. From
time to time^some copies of ' the Times' have been sent to Longwood. When
we asked on board the Northumberland, some books were sent us; but all
those relating to the affairs of the last few years were carefully kept away.
At a later period, we wished to enter into correspondence with a London
bookseller, to obtain directly such books as we might require; this was
prevented. ' An English author having written an account of a journey in
France sent you a copy of his work, which he had printed in London, to
present it to the Emperor; you did not do so, because it had not come
through the medium of the English government. It is said also, that seve
ral books forwarded by their authors for the Emperor, have not been given
to him, because the address on some was to ' the Emperor Napoleon,' on
others to ' Napoleon the Great.' The English ministry has no right to
inflict' all these vexations. The law of the British parliament, although
unjust, considers the Emperor Napoleon as a prisoner of war, and prisoners
of war have never been prevented from subscribing to newspapers, or from
receiving books ; such a prohibition is as yet only known in the dungeons
of the inquisition.
"The island of St. Helena is ten leagues in circumference; it is inacces
sible on every side, vessels guard the coast, and sentries are placed along
the shore within sight of one another, thus rendering any communication
with the sea impossible. There is but one little town, James Town, where
vessels touch or get ready for sea. To prevent any individual from escaping
from the island, it would be sufficient to blockade the coast by sea and land.
By preventing the Emperor from enjoying the liberty of the interior of the
island, only one object can be gained, that of depriving him of an opportu
nity of enjoying a ride or walk of eight or ten miles, the privation of which
exercise, according to medical men, will tend to shorten his life.
" The Emperor has been settled at Longwood, which is exposed to every
wind, is on a barren soil, uninhabited, without water, and susceptible of no
cultivation. There is a space of about 2,000 or 3,000 yards without any
cultivation. At a distance of some 600 yards, a camp has been established ;
another has been placed at about the same distance on the opposite side, so
that, under all the heat of the tropics, on whichever side you turn your
eyes, you only see camps. Admiral Malcolm, perceiving of what use a
tent would be to the Emperor, caused one to be erected by his sailors about
twenty paces from the house ; this is the only spot where there is any shade.
The Emperor feels himself here compelled to remark that he has had every
reason to be satisfied with the spirit which animates both officers and men
of the 53rd, as he also was with the crew of the Northumberland.
" The house at Longwood was built to serve as a barn for the Company's
farm. At a later period, the deputy-governor of the island had some rooms
built there ; it served him as a country-house, but was in no respect suitable
for a dwelling. The Emperor has been settled there a year; during the
whole time, workmen have been employed in and about the house ; and he
has constantly been subject to the inconvenience and unhealthiness of
living in a house in course of building or repair. The room in which he
sleeps is too small to contain a bed of an ordinary size ; but any additional
building would cause the inconvenience of workmen to be prolonged. And
yet, in this miserable island there are some beautiful spots, with fine trees,

106 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY- OF NAPOLEON.
gardens, and tolerable houses, among others Plantation House ; but the
positive instructions of the ministry forbid you to give up this house, which
would have spared you a considerable expense, employed in building at
Longwood, cabins covered with pitched paper, which are already out of
repair. You have prohibited all correspondence between us and the inhab
itants of the island ; you have, in fact, isolated the house of Longwood ; you
have even perverted our intercourse with the officers of the garrison. You
seem then to have taken pains to deprive us of all the resources which
even this miserable country offers, and we are just as we should be on the
uncultivated and uninhabited rock of- Ascension. In the four months,
during which you have been here, sir, you have rendered the Emperor's
situation much worse. Count Bertrand has already, had occasion to remark
to you that you were violating even the laws of your legislature — that you
were trampling under foot the right of general officers when prisoners of
war; you replied that you only recognized the letter of your instructions,
and that they were worse still than your conduct appeared to us.
(Signed). " General Count Montholon."
" P. S. I had already signed this letter, sir, when I received yours of
the 17th, in which you inclose an estimate concerning an annual sum of
£20,000, which you consider necessary for the expenses of the establish
ment at Longwood, after all the reductions which you have thought it
necessary to make. The discussion of this estimate cannot concern us in
any respect. The table of the Emperor is scarcely furnished with what is
strictly necessary ; all the provisions are of bad quality, and four times as
dear as at Paris. You require from the Emperor a sum of ,£12,000 for
all these expenses. I have already had the honour of informing you that
the Emperor has no funds at his disposal ; that, during the last year, he has
neither written nor received any letter, and that he is completely ignorant
of everything which has taken place, or which might have taken place, in
Europe. Violently carried off to this rock, at a distance of 2,000 leagues
from Europe, without being able to receive or write any letters, he is entirely
at the discretion of English agents. The Emperor has always desired, and
still desires, to bear all his own expenses of every kind, and he will do so
as soon as you make it possible, by removing the prohibition to the mer
chants of the island with reference to conveying his correspondence ; and
as soon as he is certain of its being submitted to no examination from you
or any o£ your agents. As soon as the necessities of the Emperor become
known in Europe, those who take an interest in him will send him the
necessary funds.
" The letter of Lord Bathurst, which you have communicated to me, gives
rise to strange ideas. Were your ministers ignorant that the sight of a great
man struggling with adversity is a most sublime sight? Were they ignorant
that Napoleon at St. Helena, in the midst of persecutions of all kinds, which
he meets with never-changing serenity, is greater, more sacred, more vene
rable, than upon the first throne in the world, where he was so long the
arbiter of kings? Those who fail in respect to Napoleon in such a situation,
merely debase their own character, and the nation which they represent.
(Signed) " General Count Montholon."
Sir Hudson Lowe answered, that he begged me to inform him, what
letters had been intercepted, and that as General Bonaparte declared that he
did not wish to receive any visits, except by the mediation of General Ber
trand, he must necessarily conclude, that any other manner of visitors arriving

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 107
at Longwood was disagreeable to him — that' he should, therefore, take
measures to prevent any visitor of importance from entering into the domain
of Longwood in future. What irony !
It was the 3rd of September ; the Emperor remarked upon this on reading
the date of the despatch which I communicated to him. He was in the
drawing-room, sitting before a large fire, and said to us :
" It is to-day the anniversary of a hideous remembrance, the massacres of
September, the St. Bartholomew of the French Revolution ; a bloody stain,
which was the act of the Commune of Paris, a rival power to the legislature,
which built its strength upon the passions of the dregs of the people. I
often asked Roederer, who was procureur-general, for an explanation of this
massacre, commenced without any apparent cause : he always answered,
that it was an act of fanaticism, the commune neither called it forth nor
protected it, and" merely let it alone, because it would have compromised
itself had it endeavoured to prevent it. The Septembriseurs did not pillage ;
they only wished to murder, and they even hanged one of their own number,
for having appropriated a watch which belonged to one of their victims.
They danced like cannibals around the still palpitating body of the Princess
de Lamballe, while devouring her heart.
" We must acknowledge, that there has been no political change, without
a fit of popular vengeance, as soon as, for any cause whatever, the mass of
the people enter into action.
"The Prussian army had arrived within forty leagues of Paris, the famous
manifesto of the Duke of Brunswick was to be seen on all the walls of the
city, the people had persuaded themselves, that the first pledge of the safety
of the revolution was the death of all the royalists. They ran to the prisons,
and intoxicated themselves with blood, to the cry of 'Vive la Revolution.'
Their energy had an electric effect, by fhe fear with which it inspired the
one party, and the example which it gave to the other: 100,000 volunteers
joined the army, and the revolution was saved.
" I might have saved my crown, by letting loose the people against the
men of the Restoration. You well recollect, Montholon, when, at the head
of your regiments of faubouriens, you wished to punish the treachery of
Fouche, and to proclaim my dictatorship — I did not choose to do so : my
whole being revolted at the thought of being king of another Jacquerie.
" General rule : no social revolution without terror. Every revolution is in
principle a revolt, which time and success ennoble and render legal, but of
which terror has been one of the inevitable phases. How, indeed, can we
understand, that one could say to those who possess fortune and public
situations, ' Begone, and leave us your fortunes and your situations!' with
out first intimidating them and rendering any defence impossible. The
reign of terror began, in fact, in the night of the 4th of August, when privi
leges, nobility, tithes, the remains of the feudal system, and thefortune of
the clergy were done away with, and all these remains of the old monarchy
were thrown to the people. Then only did the people understand the revo
lution, because it gained something and wished to preserve it, even at the
expense of blood. Till this time, a considerable part of the population of
the country had believed, that without a king and the tithes for the clergy,
the harvest could not be good.
" Barrere said, truly, ' Le peuple bat monnaie sur la place Louis XVI. ;'
alluding to the guillotine which enriched the national treasury, by the death
of the nobles, whose wealth became the property of the nation. A revolution
is always, whatsoever some may think, one of the greatest misfortunes with

108 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
which Divine anger can punish a nation. It is the scourge of the genera
tion which .brings it about ; and for a long course of years, even a century,
i,t is the misfortune of all, the advantage of individuals.
"True social happiness consists in regular and peaceful order, in the
harmony of every one's relative enjoyments. I gave millions every year to
the poor, I made immense sacrifices to aid and aSsist industry ; and yet,
France has now more poor than in 1787. The reason is, that revolutions,
however well conducted, destroy everything instantaneously, and only recon
struct it after a considerable time. The French revolution was a national
convulsion, as irresistible in its effects as an eruption of Vesuvius. When
the mysterious fusion which takes place in the entrails of the earth is at
such a crisis that an explosion follows, the lava escapes and the eruption
takes place. The unperceived workings of the discontent of the people
follow exactly the same course; when their sufferings arrive at maturity, a
revolution bursts forth.
" I have often heard it said, that Louis XVI. would have been able to
consecrate the revolution, and preserve his crown. I do not think so; his
education, as well as his personal convictions, made him regard, as belong
ing lawfully to him, all that of which the nation wished to deprive him, and
which he would have been obliged to give up voluntarily, to put an end to
the revolutionary movement. M. Necker, whom the favour of the people
has denominated a great minister, was incapable of saving the throne; I
conversed with him during my journey to Geneva ; he was a good chief
clerk of the treasury ; nothing more. All his ideas of government were
only speculations. I believe, however, that a true statesman, if prime min
ister under Louis XVI. at his accession to the throne, and governing in a
masterly manner, like Cardinal Richelieu, would have been able to save
the crown of his master, and satisfy all the reasonable demands of the French
people. But at the time when the States were convoked, it was out of the
power of man to prevent the revolution. Thus I understood it in my youth,
and my opinion has not been changed by what I have learned and seen of
royalty. A revolution can neither be made nor prevented. One or several
of its children can direct it by dint of victories ; its enemies may repress it
for a moment by force of arms, but then the fire of revolution glimmers
under the ashes, and, sooner or later, the flame kindles again and devours
all before it. The Bourbons are greatly deceived if they believe themselves
firmly seated on the throne of Hugh Capet. I do not know whether I shall
ever again see Paris; but what I know is, that the French people will one
day break the sceptre which the enemies of France have confided to Louis
XVIII. " My son will reign, if the popular masses are permitted to act without
control; the crown will belong to the Duke of Orleans if those who are
called liberals gain the victory over the people; but then, sooner or later,
the people will discover that they have been deceived,— that the white are
always white, the blue always blue,— and that there is no guarantee for
their true interests, except under the reign of my dynasty, because it is the
work of their creation.
• " I did not usurp the crown,— I picked it up from the gutter ; the people
placed it on my head. I wished the name of Frenchman to be the most
noble and desirable on the earth. I was king of the people, as the Bour
bons are kings of the nobles, under whatever colours they may disguise the
banner of their ancestors. When, full of confidence in the sympathy of the
nation, I returned from Elba, my advisers insisted that I ouo-ht to take no-

HISTORY OF THE' CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON, 109
tice of some chiefs of the royal party ; I constantly refused, answering to
those who gave me this advice: 'If I have remained in the hearts of the
mass of the people, I have nothing to do with the royalists ; if not, what
will some more or less avail me to struggle against what would have be
come the opinion of the nation?' "
The clock struck eleven. The Emperor stopped : we rose. " Gentle
men," said he, "we have had enough of politics for this evening."
The letters which I had laid before the Emperor demanded an answer ;
but we were always obliged to begin at the beginning, and it was almost
impossible to hope for any success whatever from such discussions. Too
much bad faith, and, it must be acknowledged, too much talent presided
over the composition of the letters which we received from Plantation
House; notwithstanding, I received orders to answer them, and on the
9th of September I wrote to the governor the following letter : —

TO THE GOVERNOR. "Longwood, Sept. 9th, 1816.
" Sir; — I have received your two letters of the 30th of August; one of
them I have not been able to communicate. Count Bertrand and myself
have several times had the honour of informing you that we could not un
dertake anything which should be contrary to the august character of the
Emperor. You know better than any one, Sir, how many letters have been
sent from the post to Plantation House; you have forgotten, that to the
representations which we answered several times made to you, you answered
that your instructions forbade you to let anything come to Longwood, whether
letter, books or pamphlets, except they had passed through the hands of
your government. An officer of the Newcastle having brought a letter for
Count Las Cases, you retained it, but the officer thinking his delicacy com
promised, you afterwards transmitted it, thirty days after its arrival in the
island. We feel sure that our families and friends write often to us; hitherto
we have received but few of their letters. But it is in virtue of the same
principle that you now deny that you kept back books and pamphlets ad
dressed to you, and nevertheless you retain them.
" Your second letter, Sir, of the 30th of August, is no answer to the one
which I had the honour of -writing to you, in order to protest against the
changes which you have effected during the month of August,, and which
overthrow the whole basis of our establishment in this country.
" 1. ' There is no part of my written instructions more definite, or to
which my attention is more pointedly called, than that no person whatever
should hold any communication with (the Emperor,) except through my
ao-ency.' (You give your instructions a Jewish interpretation ; there is
nothing in them which justifies or authorizes your conduct. Your prede
cessor had these instructions, and you had them during the three months
preceding the changes which you effected a month ago. In short, it would
not have been difficult to you to reconcile your various duties)
"2. 'I have already acquainted (the Emperor) personally with this.'
" 3. ' In addressing all strangers and other persons, except those whose
duty might lead them to Longwood, in the first instance to Count Bertrand,.
(or asking myself,) to ascertain whether (the Emperor) would receive their
visit and in not giving passes except such persons as had ascertained this
point, or were directed to do so, I conceive, &c.'

110 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
"4. 'It is not, Sir, in my power to extend such privilege as you require
to Count Bertrand, &c.J
"I am obliged, Sir, to inform you, — 1st, that you have communicated
nothing to the Emperor ; 2nd, that for two months you have had no com
munication with Count. Bertrand; 3rd, that we ask no privileges for Count
Bertrand, since I only ask' the continuation of things as they were nine
months ago.
"5. 'I regret to learn that (the Emperor) has been incommoded with the
visits, &c.'
" Here is irony, and how bitter !
"Instead of endeavouring to reconcile your various duties, you seem,
Sir, resolved to persist in a system of continual vexations. Will this do
honour to your character 1 will it deserve the approbation of your govern
ment, and of your nation? Allow me to doubt -it; ,
" Several general officers who arrived by the Cornwallis wished to be
presented at Longwood ; if you had directed them to Count Bertrand, as
you had hitherto done with all strangers who came to the island, they
would have been received. You have, no doubt, your reasons for prevent
ing persons of any consideration from coming to Longwood. Allege if
you will, as you usually do, the tenour of your instructions, but do not mis
construe the intentions of the Emperor.
" The son of Count Las Cases and Captain Prowtowski went yesterday
to the town ; an English lieutenant accompanied them thither, and then,
conformably with the arrangement which has hitherto existed, left them
free to go and see whatever persons they wished. While young Las Cases
was conversing with some young ladies, the officer returned, much vexed to
be charged with a disagreeable mission, and informed him that he had
received orders from you not to lose sight of him. This is contrary to what
has hitherto been the practice. It would, I think, be fitting that you should
inform us of the changes which you effect. This is interdicting us entirely
from going to the town, and openly violating your instructions. And yet, you
know that a person scarcely goes from Longwood to the town once a month
and no circumstance has occurred which can authorize you in changino-
the established order. This is- pushing persecution to a great length ! I
cannot conceive what gave occasion to your letter of the 8th of September-
I refer, Sir, to the postscript of my letter of the 23rd of August. The Em
peror is ill, from the effects of the bad climate and of privations of every
kind ; and I have not informed him of all the fastidious details which have
been communicated to me :' all that has now lasted for two months and
should have been terminated long ago, since the postscript of my letter of
the 23rd of August is definite. It is time, in short, that this should be at
an end, but it seerris to be a text for insulting us.
" I have the honour to be, Sir,
" Your most humble and obedient servant,
"General Count de. Montholon."

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY QF NAPOLEON. Ill

CHAPTER XII.
THE EMPEROR'S PLATE.
The decision of Sir Hudson Lowe, with reference to the expenses of the
establishment at Longwood, had not attained the end at which he aimed ;
he returned to the charge, and wrote to me again, that it was indispensable
that I should place at his disposal the funds necessary for covering the
deficit of his responsibility on this point. The Emperor ordered me to
send him, as an answer, all his plate, broken into pieces. I thought I saw
in this order an impulse of indignation — justifiable, indeed, but the conse
quence of which would be a daily privation to long fixed habits, and twenty-
four hours passed without my having obeyed. The next day, I thought,
would make me certain whether this order proceeded from a well-considered
and determined will, or from an impulse of the moment. In fact, next
morning, when he rose, the Emperor asked me what I had done ; and ap
proving my conduct in awaiting a new command from him, before reducing
him to eat off bad English ware, he told me to have only as much plate broken
as I thought could be spared without encroaching upon what was actually
necessary for his personal service, and to send it to the town, and sell it.
As soon as Sir Hudson Lowe learned by the telegraph from Longwood,
that-splendid pieces of table service were being broken up, and that the
maitre d'hotel, Cipriani, was preparing to take the wrecks of them to the
town, there to sell them and place the produce at the disposal of the com
missioner of provisions for Longwood, he hastened at a gallop to Long-
wood, to tell me that he would oppose this sale to the Jews of James
Town ," and that if I insisted on the sale taking place, I must send and sell
the plate to certain persons whom he would point out to me. On my an
swering that, I certainly Should insist on it, he begged me to consider the
matter a little more ; assuring me, that if it was true that the Emperor had
no other resources at St. Helena than the value of his plate, he would refer
to his government on the point, and would, in the meantime, provide for
all expenses. I requested him to indicate to me the person to whom I
should sell, and he named Ibbetson, the commissioner of war. Next morn
ing, Cipriani conveyed to this agent of the government, sixty-five pounds
eleven ounces of broken silver. Sir Hudson Lowe was not prepared for
the effect which the sight of the wrecks of these beautiful pieces of plate
would produce among the garrison and the population of the island. He
was for a moment amazed at it, but his stupor soon changed to rage, and
he retaliated the determination shown by the Emperor, by fresh restrictions
on the small portion of liberty which we enjoyed. I transcribe these re
strictions :
Restrictions made by Sir Hudson Lowe, and communicated to Longwood,
the 9th of October, 1816, but which he had already put into execu
tion, by means of various secret orders, since the month of August
preceding, and which never communicated to the English officers oft
service, being ashamed, no doubt, of their contents.

112 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Text of some changes proposed in the regulations established with regard to
the captives at Longwood.
" Art. 1. Longwood, with the road by Hut's Gate, along the mountain,
as far as the signal posts near Alarm House, will be established as a limit.
" Art. 2. Sentinels will be stationed at the limits, which no one will be
allowed to cross, without the permission of the governor, for the purpose of
approaching Longwood, or its garden.
" Art. 3. The route to the left of Hut's Gate, which returns to Long-
wood by Woodbridge, never having been frequented by General Bonaparte,
since the arrival of the governor, the sentinels stationed there will mostly
be removed ; any time, however, that he may wish to ride in this direction,
he will find no obstacle, if the officer be informed in proper time.
" Art. 4. If he (General Bonaparte) should wish to prolong his walk in
some other direction, an officer of the governor's staff (if informed in time),
will be ready to accompany him. If the time is too short to inform him,
the officer on service at Longwood will fulfil this duty.
" The officer who accompanies him has orders not to approach him, un
less called, and not to overlook his walk, except as far as his duty demands;
that is to say, to see if, in anything, he departs from the established rules,
and iri this case respectfully to inform him of it.
" Art. 5. The regulations already in force for the purpose of preventing
any communication with any person whatever, without the permission of
the governor, are to be strictly enforced. In consequence, General Bona
parte is required to abstain from entering any house, and from holding any
communication with the persons whom he may meet, (except what is demanded
by the usual salutations and civilities, which every one will pay him,) unless
in the presence of an English officer.
" Art. 6. The persons who with the consent of General Bonaparte, may
always receive from the governor permission to visit him, cannot, notwith
standing this permission, communicate with any other person of his suite,
except this is specially expressed.
"Art. 7. At sunset, the enclosure of the garden round Longwood-will be'
regarded as the limits. At this hour, sentinels will be placed all round it,
but in such a manner as not to incommode General Bonaparte, by over
looking his person, if he should wish to continue his walk in the garden
some time longer. During the night, the sentinels will be placed close to
the house, as was before done, and admission will be forbidden until after
the sentinels have been withdrawn from the house and, garden next morning.
"Art. 8. Any letter for Longwood will be put by the governor into a
sealed envelope, and sent to the officer on service, to be by him delivered
sealed, to the officer of General Bonaparte's suite to whom it is addressed
and who, by this means, will be assured that no one except the governor is
acquainted with the contents of it.
" In the same manner, any letter from the persons at Longwood must be
delivered to the officer on service, in a second envelope, sealed and ad
dressed to the governor, who will engage that no one but himself shall be
acquainted with the contents.
','Art. 9. No letter must be written or sent, no communication whatever
made, except in the above-mentioned manner. No correspondence must
be maintained in the island, except the indispensable communications to
the purveyor. The notes containing these must be given, open, to the
officer of the guard, whose duty it is to send them to their destination.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 113
" The above-mentioned restrictions will begin to1 be observed on the 10th
of the present month. H. Lowe.
" St. Helena, October 9, 1816."
The obligation under which we were to provide for a part of the expenses
at Longwood not having been revoked, the Emperor ordered me to have
the rest of .his plate broken, to send it to the commissioner, and to employ
some of the produce of it in purchasing for his table a service of English
porcelain or of china, the best that- could be found at James Town.
This order had all the appearance of a cool determination, and I ought,
perhaps, to have obeyed it ; but I knew what the force of habit was with
the Emperor, and I knew what a cruel change such a striking one in the
service of his table would be to him. I spoke to him of this, and proposed
to keep only what was strictly necessary : he approved of my plan ; and, on
the 5th of November, Cipriani again conveyed to Commissioner Ibbetson
broken plate, amounting in weight to eighty-two pounds nine ounces.
This time the blow was again violent to Sir Hudson Lowe, but he made
no alteration in our position ; and when the produce of the sale was
exhausted, again demanded that, I should provide for the expenses, under
pain of a proportionate reduction in the provisions.
The Emperor, on his side, required that I should persist in what I had
said, namely, that his plate was his only resource at St. Helena ; and I
received, for the third time, orders to have all the plate broken up, with the
exception of twelve covers ; fresh remonstrances on my part would have
been useless and unbecoming; I refrained from making any, and the Empe
ror believed himself obeyed.
Four baskets of broken plate, weighing altogether 2901bs. 12pz., were
conveyed from Longwood on the 25th of December, 1816, and dinner was
served on bad china, brought by Cipriani from James Town.
When Sir Hudson Lowe was made acquainted with this third and last
dispatch, and the purchase of the china, he saw that he was conquered ;
came to express to me his lively regret, and plainly showed how much afraid
he was of blame from his government : he told me that he only acted on the
conviction that we had a great quantity of gold at Longwood ; that he had
been assured of this ; and that he would never have allowed a single piece
of plate to be broken, could he have supposed that matters would go so far
as to reduce General Bonaparte to eat off dishes like those of the lowest
colonist in the island; that he would send immediately to the Cape of Good
Hope, and procure a suitable service, until such time as he could receive
one from England.
The Emperor was enchanted with the account which I gave him of this
communication; but his joy was changed into perfect disgust, when he sat
down to his dinner, served on the china brought by Cipriani. The physi
cal effect upon him was such that he ate nothing, and said to me, on leaving
the dinner-table, " It must be allowed, my son, that we are all great children.
Can you conceive that I could not conquer my disgust at this badly-served
dinner?— -I, who when I was young, ate from black dishes; in truth, I am
ashamed of myself to-day."
" Let the shame be pf short duration," replied I, " for to-morrow your
Majesty will dine with appetite." " I hope so," answered he, " for this
would be too foolish."
His joy was infantine, when, next morning, Marchand brought to him in
the bath, his soupe a la Reine, as usual, in the little silver-gilt bowl which
8

114 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
he had been accustomed for many years to see. He could not help thank
ing me with a smile for my disobedience, and I was greatly put to it to keep
my secret till dinner-time; but I kept it, so great was my hope of giving
him a few moments of agreeable impression, when he saw his dinner served
as usuaL I was right; for when we entered the dining"-roam, he took me
by the ear, and said to me, in his joyous tone, " Ha, ha ! Mr. Rogue, you
took upon yourself yesterday to make.me pass an uncomfortable quarter of
an hour ; it is my turn to-day!"
I confessed to him, that, not being able to resolve to take from him his
last luxury; I had put aside what was necessary for his personal service ; but
that, to make up for this, I had been obliged to take away all the plate used
by the grand marshal. He laughed very heartily at the fraud which my
solicitude for his comfort had suggested to me, and said, " Upon my faith,
you have done well ! and so much the better, that you have succeeded with
this bandit, Lowe, as well as if I had not a silver dish left. As to Bertrand,
so much the worse for him, if he has nothing but china ! It was his advice
which I followed."
The bill of the 16th of April, and the restrictions on our free communi
cations, proved, in fact, how much the English ministry feared the impression
which would be made on public opinion, should the true state of affairs at
St. Helena become known.
The Emperor had letters sent to the princes and princesses of his family,
informing, them that he was destitute of the most necessary things — -of the
comforts of life. They all hastened to offer him the whole or greater por
tion Of their fortunes. King Joseph opened an account of ten millions;
Madame Mere, Oueen Hortense, and the Princess Pauline, put all that they
had at his disposal. The Princess Eliza wrote that her circumstances were
extremely' narrow, that she had barely -20,000 francs in stock of disposable
property, but that she should be very happy to divide them with her brother.
The Princess Catherine of Wurtemberg offered an example of the noblest
devotedness : she and her husband, King Jerome, offered the Emperor all
that they had saved from shipwreck. King Louis also showed a devoted
tenderness towards his brother : he put all his fortune at the disposal of the
Emperor, and yet, he was at that very time writing his historical documents
on Holland during his reign ; a work which deeply displeased Napoleon.
It was on this subject that, his mind instantly recurring to the actions which
in 1810 accompanied the abdication of the King of Holland, he said tome,
" Since my thoughts take me back to Holland, write."
* This dictation will be found in Chapter XIV.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 115

CHAPTER XIII.
REMOVAL OF COUNT LAS CASES.
•
These dictations, in which general history often served, as may be seen,
as a preface to his own history and that of his family, were a certain means
of calming the mind of the Emperor, by raising him above his present situ
ation, and making him hover above the. world, like that eagle which he had
taken for his arms, and. which will one day again be the arms of France.
But Sir Hudson Lowe was not a man to leave his prisoner long in the
enjoyment of the factitious repose given him for a moment by the power of
his thoughts.
To the contentions which had arisen on a very material question, graver
and more painful ones were now about to succeed. On the 4th of October,
the governor, losing all hope of obtaining an audience, in order personally
to communicate the instructions which, he said, he had to his great aston
ishment received, but which we afterwards knew to have been probably
called forth by his reports concerning Longwood, sent to the Emperor,
Adjutant-General Sir Thomas Reade, a person so much the more remarked
for his gracious and insinuating manners, as they presented a striking con
trast with those of the governor.* The Emperor was in the garden when
* Note from Sir Hudson Lowe.
'•' The governor's visit was at first dictated by a feeling of respect for General Bonaparte,
and with a view to communicate to him some instructions concerning his officers, which
ought to be known to him before they were informed of them.
" The governor would have been desirous of personally making this communication to
General Bonaparte, in presence of Sir T. Reade, or some other officer of his staff, and of
one of the French generals. He has never had any intention of insulting General Bona
parte ; on the contrary, he is desirous of reconciling the strictness of his instructions with
all that attention and respect which are due to him. He cannot conceive the reason of the
resentment manifested by General Bonaparte with respect to him. If the General does not
wish to consent to an interview in, presence of other persons, the governor-will consent to
send Sir T. Reade, to communicate to him all that he has to say, leaving some points for
future discussion. Should Count Bertrand be sent to the governor, he requires, at least, on
his part, some apology for the expressions used by him in their last interview, according to
the wish of General Bonaparte himself. The governor is also of opinion that an apology
should also be made by Count Bertrand in the name of General Bonaparte himself, in refer
ence to the unbecoming language used by him at the last interview ; and then he (Sir H.
Lowe) will express his regret for any expressions he may have used in reply which have been
disagreeable, seeing that, on his part, he has hid no intention of giving offence, and only
repelled an attack ; that, finally, he would not condescend to this course in the case of any
other person than one so situated as General Bonaparte ; but that he being determined to
quarrel with the governor respecting the manner in which he is to execute the orders which
he has received, he sees no hope of being able to come to an understanding without mutual
apologies." The Emperor's Reply to Sir Hudson Lowe's note.
" Since the governor declares he will hot communicate his wishes fully through the
medium of the chief of his staff, I will not receive Sir T. Reade ; let him send him to Ber
trand, Montholon, Las Cases, or Gourgaud. We cannot again meet, after what I said to
him in the presence of the admiral, when he pretended that he was only doing his duty;
the executioner also does his — but no one is obliged to see him till the moment of execution.
I have no wish to renew such scenes. He pretends to be acting merely in conformity with
his instructions. A government at a distance of two thousand leagues can give only general
instructions as to the manner in which things ought to be conducted ; it always leaves a

1 16 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Sir Thomas Reade approached, with all the appearance of a bearer of good
news. He began, in fact, by words of peace; and it was not till after he
had conversed for a longtime in the most respectful tone, that he acquainted
the Emperor with Lord Bathurst's orders for the reduction of his personal
suite, and the necessity that four persons should leave him; informing him,
however, at the same time, that Sir Hudson Lowe would not presume to indi
cate these four persons, and left this point to the decision of the Emperor.
We were far from expecting this new misfortune : it was sensibly felt by
us all, but more especially by those four of our companions who now
found themselves condemned to leave the master whom they loved with
entire devotion. These four were, Rousseau, Archambaud, Prowtowski,
and Santini. Rousseau and Archambaud, junior, were two losses easy to
supply : a second overseer and a house-steward were almost useless. Prow
towski had not long joined us : he was a Polish officer of the Isle of Elba,
whom his devotion to the Emperor had brought to St. Helena ; but his
military rank had never brought him into a sufficiently near intercourse
with the Emperor for his departure to be a social loss. These three, then,
we could, although we regretted them, spare without much difficulty. But
Santini had for years been brought into daily intercourse with his master :
he was a Corsican, a nephew of the Bishop of Ajaccio, and much raised
above his rank by his education and talents; his devotion to the Emperor
knew no bounds; and it was, perhaps, this excessive devotion, which in
duced the Emperor to point him out as one of the four who were to quit St.
Helena. Santini was, as we have said, a Corsican, and consequently entirely
devoted to the august fellow-countryman, whose birth made his country the
most famed of islands. The traditions of revenge amongst which he had
been educated, and which had followed him from his mountains to St.
Helena, and the sun of the equator, were not calculated to calm his half
Italian, half French blood, which was every day heated by fresh outrages.
It was with great difficulty that the Emperor had obtained from him a
solemn promise to renounce a project which he had formed, one fine morn
ing, of lying in wait for Sir Hudson LoWe, at the turn of a road, and
killing him, as his countrymen were in the habit of doing with their ene
mies. When this project had been discovered by the Emperor, Santini
had faithfully promised to renounce it ; but with an organization so excitable
as his, a good opportunity would indubitably have broken the bonds of an
oath : the Emperor did not, therefore, hesitate to separate himself from this
faithful servant, rather than remain exposed to the terrible consequences of
a devotedness which he found it so difficult to control.
" On the 18th of October, Prowtowski, Santini, Rousseau, and Archam-
great discretionary power in the hands of its representatives, and it is this power which Sir
H. Lowe interprets by the measure of his hatred towards me, that he may make it as oDores
sive as possible, and subject me to torture. Evident proof of this man's being worse than
his government, is to be fbund in the. fact of many things having been sent from Eneland for
my use and convenience by the ministry, who thus testify their desire to be agreeable arid
to solace my captivity. Sir H. Lowe has written to me many letters full of resbect' and
expressive of his des.ire to do what might be agreeable to me ; finally, he affects to entertain
the strongest feelings of respect towards me, but this is merely the better to deceive his
government If he does not wish to see Bertr-and, why does he not see Montholon or Las
Cases? But the same feelings which he entertains towards Bertrand, for having told him
some disagreeable truths from me, he indulges towards Montholon, in Consequence of his
letter of the 22d of August ; and towards Las Cases, for having written to a lady in London
some acoount of the state of affairs at Longwood. ^<mjouu»u
"I expect that this famous communication is, in fact, nothing but some new outrage-at
least, as I am assured, the forcible removal of one or of all the officers of mv household
" In a word, let the governor execute his orders, and leave me in peace." c,,uiu-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 117
baud, junior, quitted Longwood, and embarked : a most minute search was
made of their luggage and persons ; we were even assured that they had
been entirely undressed, but nothing suspicious was found. We expected
that this search would be made, and had besides too many other means of
communicating secretly with Europe to run the risk of uselessly rendering
the position of these honest fellows more unpleasant. Prowtowski and
Santini went to England; Rousseau and Archambaud, to America, where
they were received by Count Survilliers. All the four took with them
from Longwood testimonies of the Emperor's satisfaction with their ser
vices : their independence was secured.
But this loss was nothing, compared to that which we were soon doomed
to suffer, by one of those sudden and unadvised fits of anger so common to
Sir Hudson Lowe. On the 25th of November, 1816, we had just left the
breakfast table, and Count Las Cases -was staying with the Emperor, for the
purpose of finishing some writing which had been begun, when Sir Hudson
Lowe arrived at Longwood, accompanied by the adjutant-general, Sir
Thomas Reade, the aides-de-camp, Gorriquer and Pritchard, and a commis
sary of police. The governor and Major Gorriquer stopped at some distance
from the house, while Sir Thomas Reade, the commissary, Aide-de-camp
Pritchard, and two dragoons, approached the apartments of Count Las
Cases, and took possession of them in his absence. Sir Thomas Reade,
seeing the apartment empty, sent, the commissary for Count Las Cases, and
learning that he was with the Emperor, he sent to inform him that he wished
to speak to him immediately, as he had a message from the governor.
Although, as we have already said, Count Las Cases was at that moment
writing, from the Emperor's dictation, his Majesty allowed him to go ; but
just as he went out, the commissary of police, who had advanced to the
door of the house, arrested him. Meanwhile, the aide-de-camp Pritchard
proceeded to seize all the papers which he found in Las Cases' apartment ;
so that the Count's removal from Longwood, and the subtraction of all his
papers., was only the affair of a few moments, and he was far from us before
we learned what had passed.
Sir Hudson Lowe, beaming with joy, met Doctor O'Meara on the road,
and called out to him immediately on perceiving him : " Your friend, Las
Cases, is in safety ! you will meet him presently !" And in fact, a short time
after, the doctor met the Count, between two dragoons, and under the con
duct of Captain Pritchard, who was taking him a prisoner to Hut's Gate.
The pretext for this arbitrary and inexcusable arrest, was a letter written
by Count Las Cases to Lady Clavering, containing an account of the Empe
ror's situation, addressed to Prince Lucien, and entrusted to a mulatto
servant, to be sent to Europe without passing through the hands of Sir
Hudson Lowe.
Some time before this event, Count Las Cases had attempted to send a
letter to Lady Clavering, privately, to Europe, by means of this same
mulatto; but the governor had discovered this,. had threatened the brave
fellow with a flogging if he ^gain attempted such a thing, arid had spoken
of the matter to Count Las Cases, assuring him, that it was solely through
regard for him that he refrained from executing, in the case of his domestic,
the orders which condemned to this chastisement any mulatto or slave
infringing the restrictions published concerning Longwood. Count Las
Cases expected great effects from the memorial which he had addressed to
Prince Lucien, on the state of things at St. Helena; and although the
Emperor, to whom he had submitted it, had strongly urged him to renounce

118 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
his project, and, above all, not to employ his former messenger, he persisted
in his design'. His resolution Vtas taken to send his mulatto to England ;
and everything being arranged between them, and the letters, written on
silk, having been sowed into the lining of the mulatto's dress, the Count
pretended to dismiss him from his service. This man, named Soste, was
to avail himself of the first opportunity of embarking for England, which
he said he should easily be able to do; when he no longer belonged to the
establishment at Longwood ; but, if he loved his master and his gold, it
would seem- that he had still more love for his own skin ; for he had
scarcely received the letters and money, when he hastened to Plantation
House, delivered the letters into the governor's hands, and confessed every
thing that his master had arranged with him.
When the Emperor was informed of Las Cases' arrest, and the causes
which led to it, he shrugged his shoulders, and cried : " How could a man
of so much sense as Las Cases choose for his secret agent a rriulatto, who
can neither read nor write, and think of sending him to England, where he
has never been, and where he knows no one? and besides, how could he
hope that this man would obtain permission to embark, after just leaving
Longwood? Truly, all this is worthy of the imagination of a schoolboy."
The grand marshal immediately received orders to go to Plantation House,
and claim all papers belonging to the Emperor which might be among
those seized in the apartment of Count Las Cases, and especially the first
dictations on the campaigns in Italy. He was charged, at the same time,
to protest against the arrest of Count Las Cases. Bertrand went immedi
ately to James Town, and presented to Sir Hudson Lowe the reclamation
with which he was charged. The governor listened to him with more
deference than he had expected. A regular inventory was made of all the
papers which had been seized, and the governor consented to return those
claimed by General Bertrand ; but Count Las Cases appeared to attach sach
great value to the imperial dictations, that General Bertrand took upon
himself to leave in his possession those which he did not think indispensa
ble to the Emperor's work : it was this circumstance which determined the
English' government to retain, till the death of the Emperor, the papers
seized in the apartments of Count Las Cases, and to exact, in 1821, the
written consent of his testamentary executors, before delivering them to
Count Las Cases. General Bertrand and myself, on our return to England,
in 1821, were required to be present at the breaking of the seals and deli
very of these papers by Lord Bathurst to Lord Holland, for the Count Las
Cases. We remarked that his journal was written with a broad margin,
and that the last page bore the number 925.
But it was not so easy to obtain the liberation of Count Las Cases as to
get back the papers ; the grand marshal might claim the prisoner as he
would, he was not given up, notwithstanding the marshal's often reiterated
demands. The Emperor, seeing that his ambassador's conferences at Plan
tation House produced no «ffect, determined to make a last effort to bring
back the count to Longwood ; he hoped that a brilliant testimony of the
value which he attached to his services, vvould stop Sir Hudson Lowe in
his proceedings, through fear of the blame to which he would be exposed
from public opinion in England, should it become known there that so
valuable an attendant had been taken from the Emperor by a savage and
unjustifiable impulse of anger.
In consequende of this determination, he wrote to Count Las Cases, on
the 12th of December, 1816, as follows :

history of the captivity of napoleon. 119
" My dear Count Las Cases,
" My heart is deeply sensible of what you are suffering. Torn from me
seventeen or eighteen days ago, you are. secretly imprisoned, and I can
neither hear from you, nor send you news of myself; you have not been
allowed to communicate with any one, either French or English, and are
even deprived of a servant of your own choice.
" Your conduct at St. Helena has been, like your life, honourable and
blameless ; I have pleasure in telling you so.
" Your letter to your friend in London contains nothing reprehensible ;
you there poured out your heart into the bosom- of friendship : this letter is
like the eight or ten others which you sent open. The governor of this
island, having had the indelicacy to scrutinize the expressions which you
.confided to friendship, reproached you with them ; — lastly, he threatened to
send you from the island, if your letters contained any more complaints.
In acting thus, he violated the first duty of his post, the first article of his
restrictions, and the first sentiment of honour. He thus authorized you to
seek some means of opening your heart to your friends, and of acquainting
them with the guilty conduct of the governor. But you are incapable of
artifice ; it was easy to surprise your confidence.
" A pretext was wanted for seizing your papers. A letter to your friend
in London could not authorize a police visit to your apartment ; for this
letter contains no plot, no mystery ; it is but the outpouring of an open and
noble heart. ^The illegal and precipitate conduct pursued on this occasion
bears the character of a mean and personal hatred.
" In the least civilized countries, exiles, prisoners, and even criminals,
are under the protection of the laws or magistrates. The- persons appointed
to guard them have superiors, either in the administration or in the judicial
order, who inspect their conduct ; but here, on this rock, the same man
who makes the most absurd regulations, executes them with violence and
transgresses all laws, and there is no one to restrain the excess of his
caprice. " Longwood is wrapped in a veil which he would fain make impenetra
ble, in order to hide criminal conduct. This peculiar care to conceal
matters gives room to suspect the most odious intentions.
" False rumours have been spread, for the purpose of deceiving the offi
cers, strangers, and inhabitants of this island, and even the foreign agents,
who they say are kept here by Austria and Russia. The English govern
ment is certainly deceived, in the same manner, by cunning and false
information. " Your papers, amongst which it was well known that there were some
belonging to me, were seized, without any formality, close to my apartment,
and with expressions of ferocious joy. I was informed of this some few
moments afterwards. I looked through the window, and saw them taking
you away. A numerous staff pranced about you. I imagined I saw some
South Sea Islanders dancing round the prisoners whom they were about to
devour. " Your services were necessary to me ; you alone could read, speak, and
understand English. Nevertheless, I request you, and in case of need,
command you, to require the governor to send you to the continent. He
cannot refuse, because he has no power over you, except through the volun
tary document which you signed. It would be a great .consolation to me
to know that you were on your way- to more happy countries.
" When you arrive in Europe, whether you go to England or return to

120 history of the captivity of napoleon.
France, forget the misfortunes to which you have been subjected. Boast of
the fidelity you showed me, and all the affection I bore you.
" If you should some day see my wife and my son, embrace them, from
me. For two years I have had no news from them.direct or indirect. A Ger
man botanist, who saw them a few days before his departure, in the garden
of Schonbrunn, has been residing here for six months, but the barbarians
will not allow him to come and tell me what he knows of them.
" And, lastly, be consoled, and console my friends. My body is, it is
true, in the power of my enemies' hatred, and they neglect nothing which
may gratify their vengeance. They are killing me by slow degrees ; but
Providence is too just to allow this to be much prolonged. The unhealthi
ness of this destroying climate, and the want of everything which sustains
and animates life, will soon, I feel it, put an end to an existence, whose last
moments will be the disgrace of the English character. Europe will one
day point with horror at the hypocritical and wicked man whom true Eng
lishmen will disown as a countryman.
"As all circumstances incline me to think that you will not be permitted
to come and see me before your departure, receive my embraces and the
assurances of my esteem and friendship. Be happy !
*• Yours affectionately,
(Signed) "Napoleon."
But this letter, sent sealed, though under cover to Sir Hudson Lowe, was
returned to the grand marshal, as being a violation of the restrictions.
General Bertrand, who had obtained permission to see Count Las Cases
whenever he wished, was obliged to take it to. himself. ' The wished for
effect was produced on Sir Hudson Lowe as soon as he saw the terms in
which the Emperor expressed his regret.
He offered to let Las Cases return to Longwood, and assured us that if
he had better understood the privation which the departure of this attendant
would impose on the Emperor he would have refrained from detaining
him a single day from his service. Our joy on the grand marshal's receiv
ing this communication was extreme ; for we all loved the well-informed and
good man whom we had pleasure in venerating as a mentor. Unfortunately,
however, Count Las Cases, influenced by an extreme susceptibility of
honour, thought himself bound to refuse the governor's offer; he felf himself
too deeply outraged by the insult : he explained this to the grand marshal, and
we were obliged to renounce the hope of again seeing him among us. It
was in vain that the Emperor sent Bertrand and Gourgaud to persuade him
to renounce his determination : he was resolved to leave the island ; and on
the 29th of December, 1816, he quitted St. Helena* in the brig Griffin, and
proceeded to the Cape of Good Hope, there to await permission to return
to Europe.
He was an immense loss to us, and we regretted him long; his virtues,
his information, his mind at the same time pliant and commanding, made
him a valuable companion in the land of exile. His devotion to the Em
peror never flagged; and it may be said with truth, that his thoughts were
the same in Europe as at St. Helena, entirely occupied in the service of
the Emperor.
It was apropos of the memorial which Count Las Cases addressed to
Prince Lucien, and which caused the catastrophe which we have just re
lated, that the Emperor, speaking of the poem of " Charlemagne," written
by his brother, made the following remarks, which I hastened to put on

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 121
paper, as a proof of that sureness and decision of mind which he possessed
in literature as in everything else :
" How much labour and mind badly employed! Twenty thousand lines,
without character or object. When Voltaire, who was a master of his lan
guage and of poetry, made shipwreck with his Henriade, in Paris, in the
midst of the sanctuary, how could Lucien, whose first thoughts were in
Italian, believe that it was possible for him to write a French poem in
Rome, where his mind was under the daily influence of a foreign language
and foreign poetry ? Still more, how could he venture to pretend to create
a new rhythm? He composed a bad history in bad verse; but he did not
write an epic poem. An epic poem cannot be made subservient to the his
tory of a particular man ; but must be the historian of a remote and a
great event.
" Lucien, perhaps, may have wished to write a work of re-action ! How
could he indulge the illusion of believing that he was about to restore the
power of Rome? How can one admit that he consecrated twenty thousand
lines to preach absurdities which no longer belong to the age ; to defend
prejudices which he can no longer entertain? — and he, above all — all whose
opinions are controlled and regulated by the theory of republicanism.
" What a perversity of mind ! What he could really have done, is a his
tory of Italy. He possesses the necessary talents, facility, skill, and aptitude
for labour; he is at Rome in the midst of the richest materials; his rank,
his social relations, and the favour of the Pope, furnish the means of the
most complete success in his researches, with a view to throw light upon
the most hidden mysteries of history. He could have made a real offering
to knowledge, and won an immortal reputation. He has preferred ridicule.
" This passion of Lucien-, and others of my family, for writing poetry and
romance is something quite inexplicable — Louis and Elisa write romances!
There may be clearness and interest in Louis's romances, but by far the
greater part will consist of sentimental metaphysics and philosophical ab
surdity. As to Elisa, I am at fault if she does not give us the sequel of the
Monk/' Then, apropos of Charlemagne, the Emperor, passing from poetry to
politics, said to me : ,
" My object was to destroy the whole of the fuedal system, as organized
by Charlemagne. With this view, I created a nobility from among the peo
ple, in order to swallow up the remains of the feudal nobility. The foun
dations -of my ideas of fitness were abilities and personal worth; and I
selected the son of a farmer or an artisan to make a duke or a marshal of
France. I sought for true merit among all ranks of the great mass of the
French people, and was anxious to organize a true and general system of
equality. I was desirous that every Frenchman should be' admissible to all
the employments and dignities of the state, provided he was possesssed of
talents and character equal to the performance of the duties, whatever might
be his family. In a word, I was eager to abolish, to the last trace, the privi
leges of the ancient nobility, and to establish a government, which at the
same time that it held the reins of government with a firm hand, should
still be a popular government. The oligarchs of every country in Europe
soon perceived my design, and it was for this reason that war to the death
was carried on against me by England. The noble families of London, as
well as those of Vienna, think themselves prescriptively entitled to the oc
cupation of all the important offices in the state, and the management and
handling of the public money. Their birth is regarded by them as a substitute

122 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
for talents and capacities; and it is enough for a man to be the son of his
father, to be fit to fulfil the duties of the most important, employments and
highest dignities of the state. They are somewhat like kings by divine
right; the people are in their eyes merely milch cows, about whose real
interests they feel no concern, provided the treasury is always full, and the
crown resplendent with jewels.
" In short, in establishing a hereditary nobility, I had three objects in
view :
" 1st. To reconcile France with the rest of Europe.
" 2ndly. To reconcile old with new France.
" 3rdly. To put an'end to all feudal -institutions in Europe, by re-connect
ing the idea of nobility with that' of public services, and detaching it from
all prescriptive or feudal notions.
"The whole of Europe was governed by nobles who were strongly op
posed to the progress ofthe French revolution, and who exercised an influ
ence which proved a serious obstacle to the development of French prin
ciples.. It was necessary to destroy this influence, and with that view to
clothe the principal personages of the Empire with titles equal to theirs.
The success was complete:, from that time forward the nobility of Europe
ceased to be opposed to France, and with secret joy witnessed the creation
of a new nobility, which appeared inferior to the ancient merely because it
was new ; they did not foresee the consequences of the French system,
which tended to depreciate and uproot the feudal nobility, or at least to
compel its members to reconstitute themselves by a new titles
'" The ancient nobility of France, on their restoration to their country
and to a part of their estates, eagerly resumed all their titles ; and, although
not legally, yet in faet, considered themselves more than ever as a privileged
class : every attempt at fusion or amalgamation with the1 chiefs of the revo
lution was attended with difficulties, which were at once completely ' re
moved by the creation of new titles. There were none of the ancient
families which did not willingly form alliances with the new dukes ; in fact,
the Noailles, Corbelts, Louvois, and Fleurys, were new houses, creations of
Louis XIV. and Louis XV. From their origin, the most ancient houses in
France sought for their alliance, and in this way the families of the revo
lution were consolidated, and old and new France re-united. It was par
ticularly with this view that I conferred the first title on Marshal Lefebvre.
The marshal, had been a common soldier, and every one in Paris had
known him as a sergeant in the French guards.
" My plan was to re-construct the ancient, nobility of France. Every
family which reckoned among the number of its ancestors a cardinal, a
great officer of the crown, a marshal of Frartce, chancellor, keeper of the
seals, minister, &c, was entitled on that account to sue for the title of duke.
You, Montholon, for example, would have been a duke, because you were
descended from chancellors and keepers of the great seal of France. Every
family which had had an archbishop, ambassador, chief president, lieuten
ant-general, or vice-admiral, the title of count: every family which had had
a bishop, major-general, rear-admiral, councillor of state, or president of
parliament, the title of baron. These titles would not have been encum
bered with any other charge than an obligation on the part of the claimants
to provide a fixed income for the eldest son, of 100,000 francs for a duke,
30,000 for a count, and 10,000 for a baron. This principle was to form a
rule for the past and the present, and intended also as a standard for the
future. From this»plan there sprung up an historical nobility which united

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 123
the past, the present, and the future ; and was founded, not upon any dis
tinctions of blood, which constitute an imaginary, nobility, inasmuch as
there is only one race of men, but upon services done to the state. In the
same manner, therefore, the son of a peasant might say to himself, ' I shall
one day be a cardinal, marshal of France, or minister ;' so might he on this
principle say, ' I shall one day be a duke, count, or baron,' as he may now
say, f I shall follow commerce, and gain millions for my family.' A Mont
morency would have been made a duke, not because he was a Montmo
rency, but because one of his ancestors had been constable of France, and
rendered important services to the state. This changed the whole nature
of the nobility, which had been hitherto feudal, and established on its ruins
an historical nobility, founded upon the claims of its possessors to the love
of their country or the respect of their sovereign. This idea, like that of
the Legion of Honour, and the university, was in itself eminently liberal,
well calculated, at the time, to consolidate • social order and to annihilate
the pride of the nobility. It at once destroyed the pretensions of the oli
garchy, and maintained in all their integrity the dignity and legal rights of
mankind. It was a creation, organizing a liberal idea, and completely
characteristic of the new age. I never had recourse to precipitation in the
execution of any of my projects, always believing I had time before me.
I often said to my council of state, that I required twenty years for the
accomplishment of my plans; but I have only had fifteen."
The grand marshal had been established in the neighbourhood of Long-
wood since the 20th of October, 1816, a house had been built for him after
his own plan, at 240 feet from the Emperor's dwelling, and close to the
piece of land which separated us from the camp of Dead Wood, so that he
was about half-way to the camp. This house was one of the dependencies
of the new house which was being built for the Emperor, but as long as his
Majesty occupied the old Longwood, we were, in fact, as far from the grand
marshal after six o'clock in the evening, as we were when he lived at Hut's
Gate, for after this hour, no communication could be had with him, without
being accompanied by an English soldier with his bayonet constantly in
rest, and ready to pierce the heart of the first person who should attempt to
pass through a double line of sentinels, separating his house from ours. :
All these events produced, as may be imagined, a change in. the Empe
ror's habits ; he divided the work which there was to do between General
Gourgaud and myself. It was at this epoch that he again took up with
General Gourgaud the history of the Italian campaigns, a work which he
had at first intended to be performed by General Bertrand, and which,
interrupted a second time by the departure of General Gourgaud, who in
his turn quitted us for the purpose of returning to Europe, was entirely
dictated to me, towards the close of the year 1819.
As regards the work commenced by Las Cases, it was added to that
which I already had. I received, besides, the charge of the archives and
that of secretary to the cabinet.
Thus, after some time, affairs had again fallen into their usual routine.

But it was impossible for Sir Hudson Lowe to let himself be forgotten,
and the Emperor endeavoured in vain to forget, in occupation, the unworthy
annoyances of which he was the constant subject. One day I was writing
from his dictation, when the valet-de-chambre on duty came to inform him

124 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
that the governor had, for the last, half-hour, been insisting on entering the
Emperor's room, in order to assure himself with his own eyes that he had
not escaped. The valet had resisted, but Sir Hudson Lowe had dared to
forget all propriety so far as to say^ that he would have the doors forced if
they persisted in not opening them to him. It was then only that Noverras
resolved to come and disturb his royal master, whom he knew to be occu
pied in dictating to me; and I must remark here, that the Emperor was so
devotedly loved by his attendants, that there was not one among them, who,
completely associating themselves with his sufferings, would not have sacri
ficed himself to spare him the slightest one of them. Noverras knew the
blow which this affair would be to the Emperor, and therefore it was not
till the very last extremity that he consented to bring him Sir Hudson
Lowe's message. The Emperor listened with contemptuous indifference,
and turning round, said :
" Tell my gaoler that it is in his power to change his keys for the hatchet
of the executioner, and that if he enters, it shall be over a corpse. Give
me my pistols."
Sir Hudson Lowe heard this answer, and retired confounded ; but the
blow was struck, and the day was lost for work. The Emperor had, besides,
been very unwell for some days, and this was the -only cause whiGh had
prevented the English officers from seeing him, for, notwithstanding the
care which he took not to obey officially the hateful exactions of Sir Hud
son Lowe,, he almost always managed matters so that the officer of ordnance
at Longwood, or the commander of the guard, called a guard of honour,
should conceal in his report the ramblings of a prepossession, which was
every day more rapidly being transformed into furious madness.
General Gourgaud frequently met in his rides Count Balmin, the Russian
commissioner, and their conversation was always of more or less interest ;
the account of it which- the general gave to the Emperor, generally carried
back his thoughts to events which distracted his mind from the concerns of
Longwood. It happened fortunately, that on this very day, the general, on his return
from riding, brought him some important news, which instantaneously effaced
the remembrance of the scandalous scene just enacted by Sir Hudson Lowe.
Cqunt Balmin had received letters from St. ^Petersburg, the contents of
which he could not communicate, but which authorized him to make
known at Longwood, that the Emperor Alexander regretted that any mis
understanding should have broken the bonds of a friendship to which he
attached great value, and sincerely desired that explanations, to which he
was willing to give rise, should justify his regret,and make it a duty of
friendship for him to lend the Emperor Napoleon all the aid of his power
ful intervention.
A calm succeeded the storm of the preceding day; and for some few days
we spoke no more of Sir Hudson Lowe. The Emperor continued his usual
labours. Gourgaud and I did all in our power to keep him occupied, by
always taking care, to have his dictations copied before the hour of going to
him. In fact, his first dictation was the expression of his recollections,
uttered without reflection or classification, and it was necessary carefully to
avoid making him observe its disorder or incoherence, for this produced on
the flow of his thoughts the instantaneous effect of the breaking the princi
pal spring in a watch.
It was absolutely necessary to write as quick as he spoke, and never to
make him repeat even the last word ; and he generally dictated in this man-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 125
ner for several hours together his recollections of his campaigns,- or of the
principal events of his reign.
The copy of his first dictation served him as notes for the second, and
the copy of this second became the subject of his own personal work ; he
corrected it with his own hand, but unfortunately, almost always in pencil,
because he found it more convenient to write with a pencil, and because,
besides, he did not in this case soil his fingers with ink, which he never
failed to do when he used a pen. And it is well known that there were
few handsome women more vain of their pretty hands than the Emperor
was of his; and with justice, for his hands and feet were remarkable for
their smallness and elegant shape ; few women would have hesitated to
Change with him the whiteness arid colour of his skin, wherever the sun-
burning of battle fields had not changed its nature.
" What have you done, Mr. Idler?" was his salutation when we entered
his cabinet to commence our labours, and a kind smile was the reward of
the work presented to him. " Come then," said he, " let us work if you
will have it so, and perhaps we may succeed in forgetting the Brigand
Lowe." As the thoughts of the Emperor constantly took him back to France^ he
dictated to me, about this time, the considerations which will .be found in
the second volume.
The heat of the season increased rapidly ; the water at Longwood became
unfit for drinking, it stagnated in the reservoirs, and we were already, obli
ged to send the horses to water more than a mile beyond the limits of the
grounds. There was no water to supply the Emperor's baths, and I wrote to
that effect to Sir Hudson Lowe. He promised to take all the necessary steps
to supply Longwood with water, and immediately entered upon the execution
of the great works which he afterwards finished. This, however, did not
remedy our present privation, and years elapsed before a sufficient supply
of water was provided. The unfortunate soldiers in the camp at Dead
Wood received the water merely by pails, and were thus exposed to dread
ful sufferings.
Towards the middle of December, Sir Thomas Strange, judge of the
supreme court in Calcutta, having called at St. Helena on his return from
England, made a request through Sir H. Lowe to be allowed to pay his
respects to the Emperor ; he was not, however, received. The impression
of the forcible removal of Las Cases was still too recent ; " Tell the gover
nor," said the Emperor to the grand marshal, " that those who have gone
down to the tomb receive no visits ; and take care that the judge be made
acquainted with my answer."
On receiving the message from General Bertrand, Sir Hudson Lowe was
unable to restrain his anger, and gave way to violent passion ; but the con
duct of Sir Thomas Reade was, if possible, still more extravagant, and it
has been said, that on this occasion he made use of the following, expres
sions : " If I were governor, I would bring that dog of a Frenchman to his
senses; I would isolate him from his friends, who are no better than him
self; then I would deprive him of his books. He is, in fact, nothing but a
miserable outlaw, and I would treat him as such. By G--, it would be a
great service to the King of France to rid him of such a fellow altogether.
It was a piece of great cowardice not to have sent him at once to a court-
martial, instead of sending him here."
Such were the men by whom Sir Hudson Lowe was surrounded.
The vessel which was conveying Prowtowski and the servants of whom

126 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
we had been deprived in the month of October, to Europe, had just cast
anchor in the roadstead of St. Jam6s, on her return from the Cape of Good
Hope, whither those poor devils had been first sent, from a refinement in
barbarity. They had been thus obliged to traverse 2,000 leagues of a sea
proverbial for its fury, especially in the neighborhood of the Cape, which, I
know not for what reason, is at present called the Cape of Good Hope,
but which the early navigators with greater reason called " Stormy Cape."
Archambaud obtained leave to go on board, and embrace his young
brother for the last time. Through him we were made acquainted with all
the privations to which these unfortunate persons were subjected, as a pun
ishment for their devotedness to'their master.
The health of the Emperor began to change; want of exercise sensibly
affected the lymphatic system. O'Meara became uneasy, and expressed his
feelings in his reports. The commissioners spoke, on the subject to the
governor ; their instructions were formal ; they wished to be made ac
quainted with the state of the prisoner's health, and required that all means
compatible with the security of his person should be taken by the governor,
in order to prevent the consequences to his health, which might result from
want of proper exercise.
Sir H. Lowe was excited by this step on the part of the commissioners.
It was wholly unexpected,, especially as he believed himself to be sure of
their readiness to yield to all his wishes. It is true, that nothing could be
more Complete than his influence over the Austrian commissioner, who was
a mere cipher, and with regard to the Russian and French commissioners,
the former was desparately in love with Miss Johnson,- and his whole time
and attention were Occupied in endeavouring to make himself agreeable to
this charming young lady-; the latter, the Marquis.'de Montchenu, was too
fond of the .good dinners at Plantation house to be oapable of exercising
the slightest independence ; he was deceived, and afterwards discovered that
he was so. It was on this occasion that Sir H. Lowe said : " I am about to
arrange matters in such a way, as to allow him to take horse exercise; I
have no wish that he should die of an attack of apoplexy — that would be
very embarrassing both to me and the government ; I would much rather he
should die of a tedious disease which our physicians could properly declare
to be natural. Apoplexy furnishes too many grounds for comment."

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 127

CHAPTER XIV.
KING LOUIS AND HOLLAND*
" Brought to France when fourteen years old, Louis entered upon the
life of a man at the siege of Toulon, in hearing me say to him, in the midst
of the corpses of two hundred grenadiers, slain through the ignorance of
their general, at the assault of an impregnable side of Fort Pharon : 'If I had
commanded here, all these brave men would still be alive. Learn, Louis,
from this example, how absolutely necessary instruction is to those who
aspire to the command of others.' The first time that I took him within
cannot-shot was at the attack on Saorgio; he persisted in placing himself
before me, in order to defend me from the enemy's balls ; another time,
happening to be in a battery at Barbette, against which a very sharp fire was
then directed, he remained constantly standing with his head erect, although
the cannoniers were sheltering themselves as much as possible ; and when
I asked him the reason, he answered : ' You told me that an artillery officer
should not fear cannor\; they are our weapons — I follow your example.'
" The youth of the schools, such as that of Paris, gloried then in their
anti-republican principles, and above all, ostentatiously affected regrets and
sympathies for the social forms which had been replaced by republican
customs. Bernardin de St. Pierre and Jean Jacques were the favourite
authors of these youths, who understood nothing of the crisis of 1793, but
the horror of its crimes, and of all the blood shed to the cry of, 'Vive la
Republique!' The public places of large towns were continually the scenes
of terrible struggles between the young aristocracy and the men of the
people whom the revolution had taken from their, labour, to transform them
into orators or frequenters of clubs.
"These impressions of his childhood easily took a firm hold on a cha
racter naturally virtuous, and susceptible of everything honourable and pure.
As early as the age of eighteen, Louis regretted seeing himself thrown
into a stormy life, and already sighed for retirement. I remarked this
with uneasiness, and also all the contrasts of his character, which Was, at
the same time, grave and romantic, lively and phlegmatic.
" In the army his courage was brilliant, but as if by fits, and with indif
ference to the praises which his brave actions obtained. He fulfilled all
his duties strictly, without regard to his personal safety; at the passage of
the Po, he placed himself at the head of the attacking columns; at Pizzig-
hettone he was the first in the breach ; at the assault on Pavia he rode at
the head of the sappers and grenadiers, who were ordered to break down
the gates of the town with hatchets, and he thus uselessly braved a shower
of balls, of which, he found himself the aim. He thought it his duty to be
on horseback, in order better to observe the situation of the town, as soon
as the grenadiers should rush into the streets; the sight of the sack of this
town, celebrated for its university, made a deep impression upon him, and
rendered him still more taciturn.
* The following is the dictation referred to at the close of Chapter XII.

128 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
" When onfffe eve of the battle of Castiglione, I sent him to Paris to
lay befone the Directory a report of the events which .had determined me
to raiselne siege of Mantua, and to abandon for the moment the line of
the Adige, he was so unhappy at the idea of not sharing the dangers to
which he believed me and the army to be exposed, that I was obliged to
say to him : ' Set out without any regret, Louis ; I can charge no one but
my brother with this unpleasant commission; but, before you return, you
shall present to the Directory the standards which I shall take to-morrow
from the enemy.' And he did, in fact, present to the Directory the nine
standards lost, by Austria at the battle of Castiglione. They arrived, in
Paris nearly at the same time as himself. .
" His unlucky stars would have it that during his sojourn in Paris, before
setting out .for Egypt, he should become acquainted with the daughter of
an emigre, the Marquis Beauharnais,* and fell desperately in love with
her. A youthful confidence reposed in old Casabianca, a devoted friend of
my family, disturbed all the dreams of this first Ibve. The republicanism
of Casabianca took alarm at the possibility of an alliance between a Bona
parte and an emigre.: and he hastened to tell me all. There is no doubt
that this marriage would have displeased public opinion, and given rise to
attacks from parties who already regarded me with alarm. I did not think
it would be possible to overrule by reasoning the love of a young man of
twenty, and I thought the best plan would be to appear ignorant of the
whole matter, and to remove him from Paris by some military commission.
Next day; a post-chaise separated the lovers by 1 00 leagues between Lyons
and Paris. But notwithstanding this precaution, neither absence, nor the
campaign in Egypt, nor even the marriage of Mademoiselle Beauharnais
with Monsieur Lavalette, arrested the ravages pf this first love, and it exer
cised a fatal influence on Louis's future life. This hasty departure, without
any fraternal explanation, and under the austere forms of military discipline,
laid the foundation of the distrust which from that day forward repressed
his gratitude for all that I did for him. I was wrong; it would have'been
better to have appealed to his reason, and to have acted frankly towards
him. " A short time after my accession to the consulate, I appointed him
colonel of the 5th regiment of dragoons, and sent him to the army of La
Vendee : his duty was to obey ; he obeyed, but manoeuvred in such a man
ner that not a man of his regiment drew a sabre. He could not, however,
avoid being a witness of the execution of four unhappy Chouan chiefs, who
were shot at Alencon, after the signing of the armistice, by the orders of
General Guidal, and in spite of Louis s earnest entreaties to the General
that he would await my ppnfirmatipn of the sentence ; and it was remarked
that he carried his indignation so far. as to shut himself up in his apart
ments, as on a .day of mourning, commanding his officers to imitate his
example. "In the summer of 1801, he expressed to me his desire tp be present at
the grand manoeuvres which were to take place at Potsdam. I willingly
acquiesced, in hope that the various objects which would divert his mind
durmg a long journey in the north, would combat with success the progress
of a moral and physical marasmus which alarmed me ; he set put with the
intention of visiting all. the north of Europe; but political events hastened
* This Marquis de Beauharnais is not to be confounded with Viscount Beauharnais,
general in the republican army, and first husband of the Empress Josephine.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 129
4
his return to Paris, and prevented him from visiting Russia. Soon after,
he set out with his regiment to .join the French-Spaflish army, desti#ed to
enter Portugal under the command of General Leclerc. The, signing of
the treaty of Amiens brought him back to France, and it was then that his
marriage with Hortense became a subject of serious consideration. He
had long been acquainted with the Empress Josephine's wish to call him
her son-in-law, but, still under the impressions of his first love; he carefully
avoided all occasions of being alone with her ; a ball at Malmaison was the
rock on which all his resolutions made shipwreck ; an attack, as smart as
it was unforeseen, drew from him his consent, and on the 4th of January,
1802, the nuptial benediction was pronounced on two beings worthy of
loving each other, but whom fate separated by impressions never to be"
effaced.* " A circumstance which could only be explained by a high political idea,
and which Louis did not understand, gave new activity to the incessant
labour of a distrust nourished by a natural disposition to sadness and dejec
tion. " The enipire had just been created ; I wished my brothers to be initiated
in all the mechanism of the state ; I appointed Louis state councillor of the
section of legislation, and Joseph colonel of the 4th regiment of infantry.
'Why become from a colonel a state-councillor-, a lawyer; and from an
ambassador a colonel?" asked Louis of himself; and he immediately took it
into his head that this enigma could only find its solution in a fresh sacri
fice which I did not venture to ask of him; but to which he would find
himself condemned by one of the natural consequences of his entrance into
the council of state.
" In spite of his imaginary fears, he received, a short time after, the title
of Coloriel-general of the carabiniers, and a constable's sword, as well as
the command of a corps de reserve stationed near Lille, while the army was
encamped at Boulogne, and when it set out on the campaign of Austerlitz,
I confided to him the government of Paris, a very difficult post, but which
he filled with remarkable zeal, activity, and talent, in the midst of the serious
embarrassments occasioned me by a party which reckoned partisans in the
senate, and among the highest functionaries of the state. The discredit of
the Bank was at that time such, that it was obliged to suspend payment;
and no day passed without witnessing innumerable assemblages of people
which seemed to forebode a revolt: a few men of the imperial guard, some
scarcely clothed recruits, and the police of the town of Paris, constituted
the whole serviceable military force, to keep this great city in order, and to
keep it faithful to the oaths which it had just taken to the third dynasty.
" When events obliged me to bring together a body of troops on the
Lower Rhine in order to protect Holland, Antwerp, and the north of France
from the attacks with which the hostile attitude of Prussia menaced me, I
gave the command of them to Louis; he seconded me zealously ; in a few
weeks the system ofdefence was securely arranged, and Prussia, astonished
at the sudden rising up of an army on its frontiers, arrested its hostile mani
festations, and sent its prime minister to my head quarters.
" Von Haugwitz arrived at Briinn, in Moravia, on the eve of the battle
* Three children were the issue of this marriage. Prince Napoleon Charles, who died
in Holland ; Prince Napoleon Louis, baptized by Pius VII., during his sojourn in France ;
and Prince Charles Louis Napoleon, the only prince of the Imperial family whose birth was
registered like that of the King of Rome in fhe archives of the senate, with the title of heir-
presumptive of the Imperial Crown.

130 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
of Austerlitz ; I knew all the sharpness of the communications brought by
the minister; I refused to see him, sending him this message by Talley
rand: — 'I wish to preserve friendly relations with the King of Prussia; if I
received the plenipotentiary this evening we should' quarrel; to-mPrrow, I
shall have disorganized the armies of two great empires, and Von Haug
witz will have nothing to say to me but words of peace, to which I shall
listen with pleasure. Let him, then, repose himself for forty-eight hours,
after his long journey, and let him come the day after to-morrow to the
castle of Austerlitz, where I will receive him.'
" I was in the right ; Von Haugwitz allowed that he brought messages
of war, but that the battle of Austerlitz rendered' this impossible, and that
he bad now nothing to do but to thank me for the testimony of friendship
I had just shown towards the King of Prussia.
" Holland had been for thirty years the field of operation of anti-French
intrigues, and an incessant struggle between the partisans of the house of
Orange, and the friends of France. This division had its source in the
relations of the provinces among themselves. The republic was composed
of seven provinces, united by politics, but independent as to their govern
ment, and of a large-annexed province called La Generalite, which included
Dutch Brabant, Dutch Flanders, the countries beyond the Meuse, Maes-
tricht, Namur, 'Breda, and Bois-le-Duc. This fine province, La Generalite,
was to Holland what the Pays-de-Vaud was to the canton of Berne ; it sent
no deputy to the states-general. These, composed of deputies from the
seven provinces, governed La Generalite despotically as their conquest.
Such was long the fate of the Roman colonies. Each of the seven united
provinces exercised, by its deputy, a portion of the general sovereignty, and
had its particular sovereignty over its own district. This sovereignty was
manifested in the power exercised by the Chambers, called states-provincial,
formed of deputies from some privileged towns ; all towns had not the right
of sending deputies. Each province had the absolute sovereignty of its
interior government, voted its part of the impost for the general expenses
of the state, but regulated the manner of raising it. The towns adminis
tered justice in themselves by means of municipal forms. They rendered
no account of their administration to the states-provincial, any more than
the latter rendered any tp the States-general. It would have been difficult
to follow with greater exactness the order of the federative system.
"All these little burgher independencies, united into a community for
the common interest, formed an independent state, which was long" flou
rishing and prosperous. It had its origin in a fine political idea, to offer a
home to the victims of policy and intolerance. It was thus that the Greeks
constituted their states, and that they had been able to struggle against Asia
and the Romans. ¦ Holland fell, like Greece, because it was old, troubled
by intestine disorders, and its mutual bonds half broken : it had moreover a
capital defect in its state-organization ; its sovereign was not a monarch
but had in his hands all the means of becoming so. As long as the princes
of Nassau were not ambitious on their own account, they lived honoured
and glorious, and held a good'rank in Europe. They courageously resisted
Louis XIV. ; their flag was respected ; they had a preponderance among the
sovereigns of the second order, and those of the first sought their alliance •
they were in the true condition of a good government — equality in the sove
reignty between the prince and the states-general. Should this equality
once be broken by any encroachment on one side or the other, there would
be danger to both ; and this is precisely what happened.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 131
"An aristocratic vein ran through this republican body — the equestrian
order. This order was represented in the states-general by a special depu
tation of the nobility of each province. The complicated nature of this
government rendered it vulnerable through its own organization ; it was
neither democratic enough nor aristocratic enough ; there lay in it the
elements of civil war, in case of an interruption of the good understanding
between the various parts, and yet not sufficient means of turning this war
to the advantage of the victorious party, without crushing the other by a
revolution which would endanger the national independence. In order to
take precautions against this danger, of which the Dutch were aware, they
created the office of stadtholder, and chose a prince of the house of Nassau.
They showed true wisdom in this case, in selecting their chief magistrate
from an illustrious house, but one' whose situation could give them no
jealousy. This prince on his election was loaded with prerogatives. Cap
tain-general, high-admiral — these were his titles, and he had besides in his
power the nomination to all civil and military employments, and the disposal
of a considerable treasure. The gradual system of elections, -constantly re
newed, presented the stadtholder with favourable chances, by means of the
influence which he might there create for himself; and from time to time
he would needs be absolute master, when his creatures were included in
the states-general. By its nature, the office of stadtholder was permanent ;
so that the person holding it had always the resource and advantage of
waiting, in the possession of power, to see that power increase.
" This situation of interest had several times placed the stadtholder and
the states-general in opposition to each other, and the state in a crisis.
Revolutions had taken place ; they had been bloody ; great citizens, such as
Jean de Witt and Barneveldt, had lost their lives in them. The office of
stadtholder had, at length, been abolished ; but the dangers threatening the
republic, when Louis XIV. conquered several of its provinces, forced it to
re-establish this great power in favour of William III. This prince avenged
it, and delivered its territories; like a skilful politician, he profited by the
gratitude of the nation to assume an almost absolute authority. He treated
the three provinces into which the arms of Louis had penetrated, in the
same manner as the senate of Carthage treated its generals when they had
been defeated ; he inflicted on them a national chastisement ; he declared
them incapable for the future of nominating their magistrates, and took
their nomination into his own hands. Thus, as the state consisted of seven
provinces, he made himself master, in 1674, of three-sevenths of the sove
reignty by this act of extraordinary justice, which was called the regu
lation. " William did not rest contented with having caused himself to be
acknowledged as the conqueror of the provinces invaded by Louis XIV.; he
found, in the confusion resulting from the war of the succession in Spain,
a pretext for obtaining the military dictatorship. As captain-general he
commanded the army ; but he could not order any movement or change
among the garrisons without the concurrence of the state. He availed
himself of this war to demonstrate the inconveniences of this dependence.
The services which he had just rendered to the republic, gave him a right
to use a high tone ; he obtained, for one campaign only, the discretionary
power which he coveted. This power, subversive of all republican govern
ment, became an hereditary right of the stadtholder. The town of Amster
dam, however, always refused to open its gates to the soldiers, and persisted

132 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
in considering this discretionary power as an encroachment on the liberty
of the nation ; the province of Holland shared to the last the courageous
resistance of its capital.
"After the death of William HI., the States resolved to abolish the office
of stadtholder ; but in the war of 1 741 , when Holland, forgetting its political
principles, took part against France, and roused the United Provinces from
the state of neutrality to which they owed their riches, the need of a chief
possessing power and energy was strongly felt ; the revolution which re
established the office, occupied only a fortnight ; William IV. was proclaimed
with an enthusiasm difficult to be described ; the people heaped prodigally
on his head all the privileges which he could use ; they added, to the regu
lation of 1674, and to the ri^ats-patent, the heirship of the office of Stadt
holder in the house of Nassau-Orange, and the privilege of succession to
females in case of the extinction of the male line. It was difficult for
republicans to go further than this. By this last revolution, the stadtholder
rose suddenly from the condition of servant of the states-general to that of
protector and master. He was a sovereign. The kings of Europe treated him
as such ; and the great Frederic gave his niece in marriage to William V.
" This princess, whose character was haughty and vindictive, played a
conspicuous part in the events which again changed the gpvernment of
Holland. She thought herself entirely at liberty to act as she pleased, be
cause she reckoned on the support of the king, her uncle, whose power
and influence were the result of his glory and of his genius. The stadt
holder, on his side, relying entirely on the support of the king of England,
thought he might oppress the country with impunity. The town of Am
sterdam and the province of Holland generously devoted themselves to the
defence of their country's liberty.
"The care of William V.'s minority had been confided to Duke Louis
of Brunswick, who prolonged his guardianship beyond the time of Wil
liam's majority. He had received from the states the title and the functions
of lieutenant-general of the republic, and, in virtue of this office, had charge
of all matters relating to war and its administration. The young prince had
become accustomed to the government of Duke Louis, who spared him all
the responsibilities of sovereignty, and exercised its powers. The patriots
became alarmed at this prolonged authority, which was insensibly degene
rating into usurpation ; and they were, besides, dissatisfied with the charac
ter of William V., with his bad faith, his falsehood, his incapacity and his
weakness; and in the determination which they took to save their country
at all hazards, they resolved to get rid of Duke Louis. They soon found
both the opportunity and the motive for which they wished, in a document
signed by the stadtholder after his coming of age, in which the prince
promised to undertake nothing without the sanction of the Duke of Bruns
wick. The partisans of the stadtholder became, by the communication of
this important document, as much interested as the patriots in getting rid
of an authority which was subjecting even the stadtholder himself; and the
duke was obliged to take his departure. This little revolution occurred in
the interior of the country, and had not much publicity. The patriots, like
skilful men, had been cautious of drawing a great party to the design which
they had conceived.
" This document, of which they now had possession, was the work of
Blesswick, the grand pensionary, and written by his own hand. By this
act alone, he had rendered himself guilty of treason ; and if this document

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 133
was denounced to the states-general, it would bring him to capital condem
nation. Blesswick, a man of great talent, enjoyed popular favour. The
patriots, instead of ridding themselves of him, as they had done of Duke
Louis who could only injure them, determined to make use of him ; and
they acted wisely. The character of this deliberate and prudent nation is
exhibited in all their revolutions. They showed Blesswick the document
which he had imprudently drawn up, and proposed to him the alternative
of being accused by them or of serving them. Blesswick, as they.expected,
did not hesitate, as this power was in the hands of the patriots. He devoted
himself to their projects, and showed himself so faithful to the engage
ments, though forced, into which he had entered with them, that when the
five years' term of his office was elapsed, he had influence enough to get
himself re-elected.
" Affairs assumed a still graver aspect in consequence of the war which
England, in contempt of treaties, declared against the United Provinces,
then in alliance with France, which armed against Great Britain. Unfor
tunate Holland was pulled about between these two great powers, one of
which, England, did not wish it to have a navy ; and the other, France, in
sisted that it should have no land army, but a' navy. There was yet another
perplexity; England wished the stadtholder to be an absolute monarch, and
took his part : France was in favour of the republican interest. The alliance
of the seven united provinces with the latter country brought down upon
them a British storm. Holland, however, had done everything in its power
to avert it, by protesting its neutrality ; it also brought forward one of the
clauses of the last treaty, which authorized the contracting parties to con
tinue their commercial relations with powers at war with one of them, pro
vided they refrained from importing arms and ammunition. It cited the
example of England itself, which, in a similar position, had profited by
these advantages. Russia offered aid to Holland, by inviting it to subscribe
to the treaty of armed neutrality, which it had just concluded with Sweden
and Denmark. This treaty contained the very stipulations and exceptions
agreed to in the regulation of 1778, relative to the navigation of neutral
countries ; and the fulfilment of which, in reference to its commerce with
France, Holland vainly demanded from the British government: all was
useless; England, closely united to the stadtholder, on whom it reckoned,
and with reason, abused the advantages offered it by treason, and declared
war on the very day on which the ambassadors of the states were agreeing
at Petersburgh to the treaty of neutrality.
" The conduct of the stadtholder became more than suspicious to the
patriots, who had their eyes open to all his operations as high-admiral. The
treason of the prince soon became manifest: France demanded from Holland
a fleet, to co-operate with its own in this war, and to unite with jt at Brest.
This fleet was to sail from theTexel. The head of the admiralty of the Meuse,
the famous Paulus, displayed such activity in the matter, that forty vessels
lay ready to sail in the roads of Texel. But the stadtholder, in his office
of high-admiral, put so many difficulties in the way of the execution of the
states' orders, that the season for putting to sea passed. He did more.
The states, being informed that an English squadron, under the command
of Admiral Parker, was cruising in the Sound, in the hope of getting pos
session of the Dutch vessels employed in the commerce of the Baltic,
ordered the high-admiral to have these vessels convoyed by a considerable
force. The stadtholder, compelled to obey, chose, as commander of the
fleet, which received orders to prepare for sailing, Zoutman, an old man

134 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
whom he drew from obscurity ; he reckoned on the weakness of this old
sailor, who had been long forgotten, to allow his vessels to fall into the
hands of the English, and so bent was he upon this design that he did not
even give Zoutman a sufficient number of armed vessels to defend his
convoy. "The admiral complained of the insufficiency of his forces; the stadt
holder informed him in reply, that he would be reinforced on the way by
Admiral Kinsberg, one of the greatest naval commanders in Europe. Zout
man set sail, and met Kinsberg, whom he begged to accompany him ; but
what was his astonishment, when Kinsberg showed him an order which he
had received, recalling him within twenty-four hours. But although this
admiral was a partisan of the stadtholder, he could not resolve to let old
Zoutman proceed, knowing that he would inevitably lose the vessels of war
and of commerce which were under his command ; he took it upon him
self; therefore, to accompany him during a few days.
" The English admiral had been informed of the approach of Zoutman;
he left his station and advanced to meet him, confident of taking the whole
convoy almost without a struggle. But when he saw the junction of the two
Dutch admirals, he was obliged to decide on giving battle ; he lost it, and
escaped by flight. This was called the battle of Dogger-bank, a bank of
sand on the coast of Jutland^ Old Zoutman fought like a hero; Kinsberg
did wonders. Holland, triumphant, honoured its two admirals; but the
stadtholder received them with marked indifference, and by this conduct
clearly proved his- perfidious engagements with England. Zoutman again
returned to oblivion. This victory was then very justly regarded by the
patriots as a victory over the stadtholder himself, who could not conceal his
anger. The disgrace of Zoutman, the conqueror, violently inflamed parties,
already irritated by -the obstacles which the stadtholder had put in the way
of the fleet's departure from the Texel, and of its junction with that of
Brest. The nation was openly betrayed by. its ruler. The treaty of 1783
terminated this war. By it England gained the settlement of Negapatnam
on the coast of Coromandel, ceded to her by the Dutch.
" After this peace, the policy of the states-general leaned entirely towards
the side of France, and compelled the stadtholder, against his will, to
follow the negotiation. The treaty, signed at Versailles on the 8th of
November, 1783, was ratified by the states on the 12th of December. The
patriots loudly manifested their joy; Amsterdam and Rotterdam had
medals struck in commemoration of the alliance with France. Never did
a nation express more characteristically the part which it took in the policy
of its government. The stadtholder, however, affected to reproach France
with the loss of Negapatnam ; the patriots, on the other hand, and with
much more justice, reproached the prince with having prevented the junc
tion of the Texel -fleet with that of the French, which would have dealt a
terrible blow to England, especially since the armed neutrality of the mari
time courts of the north. This junction was what the stadtholder, in ac
cordance with the views 'of the court of St. James, had carefully endea
voured to prevent, in spite of the efforts of Admiral Paulus, the orders of
the states, and the agreement entered into with France.
" The death of Frederic the Great was an event of considerable impor
tance to the affairs of Holland. The Princess of Orange reckoned, and
with reason, still more on the support of her brother, who was now called
to the throne of Prussia, than she had done on the protection of the old
king, who had always disdained to interfere in the quarrels of this republic,

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 135
otherwise than by. a moderate system of advice to both parties. His policy
would besides have induced him, had he lived longer, to join France
against the English party, whose instrument his name always was, and not
to suffer any attack to be made on the republic, his ally. After the death
of this great King, the Prince and Princess of Orange thought fit to avail
themselves of their influence with the new king, in order to make him in
terfere as the protector of their pretensions in the usurpation of the
supreme power.
" Hertzberg, under the late king, had only been an ordinary minister,
for Frederic himself governed; but he became the directing minister under
his successor, a weak and idolent prince, naturally averse to business, and
the whole extent of whose ambition was to enjoy the glorious heritage
which his uncle had founded in Europe. Hertzberg had not been able,
during the late king's reign, to obtain for the. solicitations. of the court of
the Hague, the influence which he would have wished. He indemnified-him-
self with the new king, for his impotence during the reign of the great
monarch ; he persuaded him to grant to the Princess, his sister, his de
clared protection. The affairs of Holland were only known in Berlin by
the complaints of the Orangists. Count Goertz was sent as ambassador to
the Hague, with instructions to direct the stadtholder in his conduct in op
position to the states, and to give him official support. The revolution
commenced in the month of September, 1785, by a revolt; it had, of
course, its success, its reverses, and its triumphs. This sedition, the work
of the Orangists, was directed against the functionaries of Amsterdam,
Dordrecht, and Haarlem, the three principal magistrates of the country,
and the chiefs of the republican party. Sunday being a day when all
business was suspended, even to the functions of the states-general and
provincial, was selected in preference to any other, because none of the
local authorities would on that day have any repressive force at hand.
Matters were so arranged that the stadtholder himself, without whose
orders no military force could leave its station, should be in the country,
and it would be too. late when his orders should arrive. The three magis
trates would infallibly have been massacred, had it not been, for an unfore
seen circumstance which brought to their assistance a force sufficient to
disperse the rioters. The constitution had provided for the absence of the
sovereign power with which the states-general were to be invested, by the
establishment of a council committee, selected from the states themselves.
In cases of emergency, this committee exercised the sovereign power in
the absence of the stadtholder ; it made use of its authority on the first
report of the disturbance, and ordered out the garrison of the Hague
against the assailants of the three magistrates.
" The next day, the assembled states declared their intention of obviating
the danger to public tranquillity, resulting from the necessity of recurring to
the stadtholder for orders respecting the movement of the troops, and added
to the rights of the council potnmittee. William V., on hearing pf this determi
nation, which took from him his highest privilege, went to the states, defended
his rights, and demanded that the general command should be left to him, pro
mising to use it in securing the public tranquillity. His entreaties were
in vain ; his humiliation was complete, and the states persisted in their de
termination. " The stadtholder was violently irritated at the failure of his efforts ; he
threw off his uniform, and set out for Gelderland and Berlin, to solicit a still
more active interference, whiclAmight restore to him his command. He

136 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
declared that he would not return to Holland, if this prerogative was not
restored to him; that he regarded it as a right inherent in his dignity. Ihis
claim gave rise to several diplomatic memorials and notes. The states de
liberated anew, and although the pensionary of Amsterdam had experienced
some defection among his partisans, the patriots still had the upper hand.
" They did not sleep on their victory ; but availed themselves of it to
broach questions which were, no doubt, of less elevated interest, but of more
popular effect. The standards of the Dutch guards, employed especially in
the service of the states-general, had insensibly been transformed into stand
ards of the stadtholder, by the great size of the prince'B shield, and the
diminutiveness of that of the provinces ; this was a public sign of the usurpa
tion of the military power. The patriots judged that the time was now come
to open the eyes of the people to this usurpation, to which they had become
accustomed, as well as to that of the legislative rights and of the sovereignty,
of which the stadtholders had never, from the commencement, lost sight for
a single moment. A usage, equally the fruit of usurpation, daily offended
the republicans, and especially the members of the states. The palace, in
which the stadtholder lived, contained the hall of assembly ; a square court,
common to both wings of the building, had two outlets to the town, one on
the north and the other on the south ; the stadtholder had taken possession
of the one on the north, and no one but himself was allowed to pass
through it.
" On the 27th of February, the patriots succeeded in having the standards
with the stadtholder's arms immediately replaced by those adorned with the
national arms ; the military honours, paid till then only to the stadtholder,
were to be common to the members of the states ; and the reserved gate
was to be thrown open. These puerile victories satisfied the vanity of the
people ; they reminded them that the sovereignty resided in the states-gene
ral. One circumstance was near giving rise to a serious popular movement.
A member of the states, named Gislaer, endeavoured to avail himself of the
right which the patriots had just obtained, of passing through the stadt
holder's gate : some of the populace, purposely suborned by the Orangists,
assailed his carriage, and they would indubitably have murdered him, had
not the guards hastened to his rescue. A judicial process followed this
affair, and the man who had appeared to direct the riot was condemned to
death. At the moment when the miserable man Was about to forfeit his life,
Gislaer brought him his pardon, which he had generously solicited from the
states. If Gislaer had been assassinated in his ambitious attempt, the peo
ple would have looked upon him as a madman ; he succeeded, and became
their idol. This event gave confidence to the patriots, while at the same
time it diminished the number of the partisans of the court. A decree of
the states pronounced the dissolution of the companies of volunteers formed
by the stadtholder's party, and organized, patriotic companies in their stead.
It is always in times of public disturbance, and particularly when the people
have obtained a victory, that those elements of a national power are thrown
together, which afterwards become an army, called to defend and save their
'country. Every nation has at some time had, like the Dutch, its stadtholder's
gate to re-conquer ; the Parisians took the Bastille ; the inhabitants of the
Pays-de-Vaud the castle of Chilion. At Utrecht there was another patriotic
movement. Since the time of William III., the provinces of Utrecht, Gel
derland, and- Overyssel, had not been represented separately and by depu
ties of their'own choice; the stadtholder had the nomination of them in- his
I

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 137
hands. This incredible prerogative, notwithstanding the direct insult to
national honour contained in it, had been maintained for a period of 111
years. But, the moment appearing favourable to the three conquered pro
vinces, for finally abolishing the regulation of 1674, the citizens of Utrecht
named commissioners to draw up a new regulation which they approved.
Towards the end of December, the citizens, to the number of five thousand,
and unarmed, assembled quietly and without tumult, in the vast square in
front of the Hotel de Ville, and required their magistrates to replace the old
regulation. by the new one which they had submitted to them. It was net
till the evening that this vast assembly, whose tranquillity was not for a mo
ment interrupted, was informed that its demands were granted by the magis
trates : but as they had no power to sanction them, it was necessary to await the
convocation of the states of the province, which would not take place till three
months afterwards. This singular scene, in which a few municipal officers
deliberated coolly during twelve hours, on a demand made by five thousand
men, took place on the 20th of December, 1785. The stadtholder's party
availed themselves of their three months' respite to gain a majority. The
attitude of the citizens, however, prevailed ; the regulation of 1674 was
abolished, and the regency of Utrecht established. This revolution, for it
was really one, was effected without violence, and without any disturbance
of the public tranquillity. The Dutch character inclines this people to avoid
all excess, to calculate their movements, and not to rouse themselves except
when forced to it by a feeling of their own real interest. The conduct of
the inhabitants of Utrecht gave rise to the same sentiments in the provinces
of Gelderland and Overyssel, which shared the interdict of 1674.
" Thus every thing was arranged at Utrecht for that province, in spite of
the efforts and negotiations of the stadtholder. The nobles and clergy of
Utrecht reckoned scarcely twenty members; but each of these two orders
had a representative in the states-provincial, while the five voting towns were
represented by one deputy. These two orders formed themselves into a
body, under fhe name of the states-provincial of Utrecht, in the little town
of Amersfort, where the stadtholder resided. According to agreement with
them, he stationed a garrison there to protect them. One may see at every
turn how defective was the constitution of the United Provinces, and how it
had consequently fallen into a state of discredit, which must necessarily bring
on either a popular reform, or a usurpation of power by the stadtholder.
" The province of Gelderland undertook to follow the example of Utrecht ;
but the revolution there was far from being equally peaceable, because the
prince, furious at his defeat at Utrecht, employed violence instead of nego
tiation, and preferred civil war to the loss of his prerogatives. In Gelder
land, the nobility, poor and numerous, were entirely devoted to the prince.
But in spite of the tyranny which had robbed this province of even the
shadow of liberty, a patriotism, the more ardent because it was repressed,
was nourished among the citizen class. It now broke out furiously, after a
silence of more than a century ; and, like an electric spark, suddenly ex
tended to the various classes of citizens in every town. Numerous addresses,
expressed in the most energetic terms, and explaining the universal desire,
were presented to the statesrprovincial. The states, entirely devoted to the
stadtholder, paid no attention to them, and issued two decrees — one of
which restrained the liberty of the press, and the other forbade the body of
citizens to address any petitions to their sovereign. This flagrant violation
of the constitution irritated the minds of the people to the highest degree ;
two small towns, Elsbourg and Hattem, loudly refused to publish the reso-

133 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
lutions of the states. The stadtholder had joined insult to violence in his
treatment of this last town, by appointing a soldier to be its burgomaster ;
4he town courageously refused- to receive this new kind of. magistrate: this
was doubtless what the prince wished, as, immediately on learning their
resistance, he ordered troops to march against them. In virtue of the con
stitutional forms, he had obtained authority from the states of Gelderland,
composed of» his creatures, to employ force against the seditious citizens.
The execution of these orders immediately followed; some regiments
marched to Elsbourg, but they found the town deserted by its inhabitants.
The whole- population, rather than consent to submit to the yoke of a mas
ter whom they were too weak to resist, had taken the Courageous resolution
of abandoning their houses. At the news of the approach of troops, they
had all embarked with whatever property they Could take away, and had
sought refuge at Campen, at the other side of the Yssel. At Hattem the
inhabitants made resistance. The stadtholder's artillery battered down the
gates, and a few persons were slain fighting.
" As soon as news was received at the Hague,- of the resolution of the
states of Gelderland to send troops against Elsbourg and Hattem, the states
held a special meeting. Conformably to the resolution taken by the grand-
pensionary De Witt, in 1663, it was decided that each member should be
at liberty to express his opinion, whatever it might be, without any fear of
the consequences: This deliberation announced both the crisis with which
the republic was threatened,, and the decided intervention which the states
of Holland intended to signalize to public attention. Gislaer, the magis
trate of Dort, eloquently recapitulated all the complaints of the republic
against the usurpation of the stadtholders, and especially against the reigning
prince. He had no difficulty in demonstrating that Gelderland, the mem
bers of Whose states and magistracy were creatures of the stadtholder, was
neither represented nor governed by itself, and that the troubles of this
province were caused by this pernicious influence. In consequence, he
proposed, 1st, to engage the states of Gelderland to abstain from all violence
towards the towns of Elsbourg and Hattem, in order that the province of
Holland might not be compelled to interfere; 2ndly, to invite the four other
provinces to oppose the march of their troops against the citizens ; and
3rdly, to write to the stadtholder, summoning him to put an end to the
agitation and disturbance of the country ; failing which, he would be con
sidered as the author, of the civil war, and would be deposed by the states
of Holland from his power and dignity. These proposals were unanimously
agreed upon by the eighteen voting towns. But this resolution, passed on
the 4th of September, was prevented from being executed- by the events at
Elsbourg and Hattem, of which news was received at the Hague on the 6th.
The two first clauses had then of course to be renounced ; the third was
strictly followed, and the states-general allowed the stadtholder four-and-
twenty hours to send a reply and to put an end to the acts of violence which
he had been committing. William V. hastened to reply that he had done
nothing contrary to constitutional law, and had only acted by the orders of
the states of Gelderland. It was easy to foresee this answer, to which there
was no legal objection. This state of things, equally false as regarded both
parties, only served to nourish their mutual hatred ; and the patriots were
only the more irritated at this duplicity on the part of the prince, who dared
to allege in his defence the orders of the states of Gelderland, of which he
himself was the sole regulator. The states of Holland now resolved to
decide the matter absolutely. When they received news of what had been

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 139
done in the two towns of Gelderland, they resolved to order the prince to
send back the troops to their garrisons. Three other provinces, those of
Overyssel, Groningen, and Zeeland, had followed this example. The states
were using their constitutional powers, and the stadtholder could not elude
their demands.
" A resolution still more important and more hostile was proposed on
the 20th of September, and passed by a majority of sixteen votes out of
eighteen ; it was that by which the prince was suspended from his functions
of captain-general. It now became evident that the command previously
given for the recall of the troops, had only been a preparatory measure. The
town of Amsterdam, whose patriotism had been the1 least decided during
the late occurrences, now voted the most violently ; it wished the resolution
to be grounded on the unexampled outrages committed by the prince ; it was
truly a declaration Pf war.
" Holland hastened to take all military precautions, by arming its frontiers
on the side of Gelderland and Utrecht, where the prince had the chief power.
Preparations were made on both sides for a civil war.
"It was in these circumstances thai Hertzberg, at the request of the
Prince and Princess of Orange, persuaded the new King of Prussia to inter
fere in the affairs of the republic, eagerly seizing this opportunity of consoling
himself for the state of dependence in which the great Frederic had con
stantly kept him, and anxious to play a part, at length, in a great affair.
At this period the people who resisted oppression were called rebels. Hertz
berg did not understand, or rather would not understand, that in the govern
ment of the seven provinces, the prince was the subject and the states were
the sovereign. Even under the late king he had devoted himself, but with
out successj to the interests of the princess ; it was not difficult for him to
inspire the king her brother, by whom she was tenderly beloved, and over
whom, on his accession, he had acquired great influence, with the resolution
of interfering as arbiter in these fresh differences. He, therefore, selected
Count Goertz as the instrument of his designs, and had him appointed
ambassador extraordinary to the Hague. The arrival of this negotiator
strangely surprised the Dutch. When his powers were known, the discon
tent became general; the King of Prussia took upon himself to act as
mediator, and the stadtholder was represented as oppressed by violence. A
conduct so contrary to justice was a direct outrage to the dignity of the
states. They saw themselves, by a decision of the Prussian cabinet, reduced
to treat with the stadtholder on a footing of equality, and to defend them
selves, in the presence of a government ignorant of their debates, from the
very same accusations with which they thought themselves entitled, to re
proach the Prince of Orange.
" The patriots soon perceived that the mission of Count Goertz, although
he announced himself as a conciliator, was entirely hostile to them. They
became convinced of this by the close intimacy which was suddenly formed
between this envoy and Harris, the English minister (Lord Malmesbury).
The states became justly alarmed at the confidence which was established
between the two plenipotentiaries. It was well known that the English
minister hated the Dutch republicans, who were protected by France; and
this union with Prussia would expose the cause of the republic to perils of
a new nature. The open protection, or rather preference, given to the cause
of the stadtholder, was connected with the rivalry between England and
France. Harris, after being admitted to the confidence of Count Goertz,
no longer kept any measures in his personal aversion to France, nor in his

140 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
opinions on the actual debates. He treated as an insult to the King of
Prussia the right which the states had just exercised, of suspending the
stadtholder from his functions of captain-general. The states-general and
the patriots saw themselves exposed to the united vengeance of England,
Prussia, and the stadtholder. If William V. had been reduced to his own
forces, that is to say, to the four or five thousand men whom he drew from
the neighbouring provinces of Gelderland, Friesland, and Zeeland, lie would
not have been able to resist the much more numerous troops kept up by the
provinces of Holland, Groningen, and Overyssel. This division of forces of
three provinces against three, was, in a military point of view, to the advan
tage of the republicans; but, if regarded under the aspect of votes to the
states-general, it presented an equality which could only be removed by the
representation of Utrecht. It has already been seen that this province was
divided, by the resistance of its capital and by the opposition of the stadthol
der's party at Amersfort. The deputation of Utrecht no longer existed, in con
sequence of the desertion of the two orders, who had taken refuge at Amers
fort; and this circumstance stamped with illegality the proceedings of the
states-general, now become incomplete. Thus the state, properly speaking,
the constitutional state, no longer existed ; henceforth, nothing was lawful,
and the way was open to the most terrible evils.
" France, attached by, a system of sound policy to the maintenance of
Dutch liberty, could not remain a spectator of these events; she could not,
without uneasiness, see Prussia unite with England, in order to establish
the absolute power of the stadtholder over her allies. She, therefore, charged
her minister at Berlin, Count Esterno, with a . negotiation on the subject;
and, not content with the share which she declared it her intention to take
in this affair, she sent a ministsr extraordinary to the Hague, where she
already had an ambassador.
" The communications of Count Esterno enlightened the King of Prus
sia concerning the true state of affairs ; and the instructions of his cabinet
to Count Goertz prescribed to this agent a more moderate line of conduct,
to which he was to confine himself. The influence of France was manifest:
Frederic not only adhered to the system of conciliation which the French
cabinet had adopted, but he even admitted an examination of the preten
sions of the republicans.
"They participated in the national moderation, which had not, and never
declared that it had, any other intention than that of confining the office of
stadtholder within the limits and privileges determined by the constitution.
The republicans justly alleged that the other rights, such as those of taxation,
the disposal of the army, the agreement of 1674, which assigned to the stadt
holder the power of nominating the magistrates of the three provinces,
recovered from Louis XIV. ; and, finally, the command of the Hague, had
not been conceded to the prince, except during the good pleasure of the
states, which necessarily implied the right of the states to revoke what they
had originally conferred. They added, that such, had been the condition
at the period of the establishment of the office of hereditary stadtholder in
the family of Nassau-Orange; and that on the accession of the reigning
prince, this stipulation had been renewed. That William V., therefore, was
wrong in pretending to be responsible to his posterity for the preservation of
these privileges. However, the desire of peace was so universal, that the
patriots voluntarily consented to modifications, which only took away from
those three privileges as much as was considered dangerous to the liberties
of the public.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 141
" The conduct of these republicans was admirable, and in no respect be
lied the exalted reputation which they enjoyed in Europe, both for their under
standing and patriotism. Count Goertz, in compliance with the orders of his
court, willingly received the proposition of the patriotic party, and approved
of its wisdom and moderation; and, entertaining no doubt of the honour
which would accrue to him from a reconciliation between the prince and
the states, which he regarded as, certain, he went to the stadtholder, at Ni-
meguen ; he found him, however, more inflexible than ever. Instead of
showing any eagerness to adopt the modifications made in their first demand,
William V. replied, that it was the duty of the states of Holland to acknow
ledge their errors. He even required and imperiously demanded to be re
stored with full powers to his dignity of captain-general, as well as to the
command of the Hague, adding, that when this was done, he would see what
measures could be taken to restore tranquillity. This violent reply was not
even committed to a diplomatic note addressed to Count Goertz, but was
contained in a letter written to him by the princess. The minister addressed
to the king his sister's letter, and the French envoy extraordinary, perceiving
that all negotiation was become impossible, decided on returning to Ver
sailles. Thus the hopes of the republican party respecting peace, for the
attainment of which they had made such generous concessions, were alto
gether blasted. The stadtholder was convinced that the republicans would
not submit to his will, and the latter expected the adoption of the most
violent measures by the prince, they therefore assumed an attitude of defence.
Civil war was now a question of public safety. A revolution had become
necessary, in order to escape from the condition of anxiety into which the
want of action of a legal government had plunged the people. The partisans
of the stadtholder alone triumphed, because they still calculated with confi
dence, that the infallible result of their victory would be the establishment
of the sovereignty of the house of Nassau.
" In fact, the governors of the strongest towns, such as Amsterdam and
Rotterdam, were almost all fiery partisans of the stadtholder, and in the most
important circumstances the wishes of the citizens had been eluded by
aristocratic manoeuvres. For the safety of the patriots, the actual situation
of things demanded a majority which was not precarious, such as that of
ten out of eighteen of the cities which had the privilege of voting. Some
thing approaching almost to unanimity was necessary, in order that the
resolutions adopted should have a character of stability. The patriots and
the Orangists -took the field in ordeit to secure votes in the states, and to
obtain a signal victory in its deliberations. Thus some worked to destroy,
and others to increase the stadtholder's partisans.
"An unforeseen circumstance suddenly occurred which set the two parties
in active motion. The town of Haarlem had submitted a very democratic
proposition to the estates, in which it was demanded that some sort of influ
ence should be given to the people in public affairs, but as the proposition
was only received by a very feeble majority, a commission was appointed to
report on its propriety, in order to obtain the lead of the Orangists, who
were greatly alarmed by the measure proposed. The citizens of Amsterdam
urged the municipality to assemble and deliberate. The magistrates and
council deceived the citizens ; they begged the people to suffer them to
manage this affair, and their proposal was accepted with- confidence ; they
named four partisans of the prince, — one to the commission, and the three
others to the states-general, in order to strengthen their deputation. In the
sitting of the estates, the towns of Dort and Haarlem had proposed that the

142 ¦ HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
commission should be composed of from seven to nine members ; the nobles,
on the other hand, demanded that every town should elect a commissioner,
as well as the equestrian order; and this was conceded. The aristocracy,
which had the sway in nine cities, carried both points by a majority of one,
in consequence of the accession of Amsterdam. In this manner the propo
sition made by Haarlem was rejected. The patriots were alarmed at finding
themselves in the minority in the estates, and the question according to
them, was the preservation or ruin of the country. The conduct of the
corporation of Amsterdam was given up to the severest public reprobation,
and the citizens swore to take vengeance on those who had betrayed them
with such baseness and perfidy. Rotterdam was. placed in the same con
dition with its corporation as Amsterdam. These two large towns came to
a determination to effect a revolution in the council ; it was agreed between
them that Amsterdam should set the example, because its wealth and popu
lation gave it a considerable weight in public affairs. The citizens conse
quently assembled, and named commissioners to represent their feelings and
objects to the corporation, and to defend their rights. After the example of
Utrecht, they assumed an imposing attitude, and demanded, — 1st, the imme
diate recall of the three* deputies, who had betrayed the wishes of their
constituents in the states-general ; 2ndiy, that the two remaining deputies
should disavow the conduct of their colleagues, in the name of the city of
Amsterdam ; 3rdly, that the three deputies, thus denounced as traitors,
should be excluded for ever from the privilege of the representation, and
brought to trial. The ruling body was obliged to accede to these demands,
and the majority again reverted to the side of the patriots.
"Proud of this victory, the republicans now engaged with zeal in reform
ing the municipal bodies, because, without this, the majority attained would
have had no stability, and it was necessary to take advantage of the enthu
siasm of the first moments of victory to ensure its permanence. On the
21st of April, 1787, some companies of citizens seized upon the post at the
Hotel de Ville, whilst others remained under arms in' their quarters. A
deputation of citizens waited on the municipal body with a petition, praying
for the dismissal of two of its members. After a long deliberation, the
council replied that it was not in their power to pronounce such a sentence
upon any of its members; -but the discontent of the citizens assumed such
a formidable appearance, and such an effervescence was manifest in the
public feeling, that they acceded by a mezzo termine to the general wish.
The joy of the people was at its height, and was manifested by public
demonstrations. Couriers were dispatched to all the provinces to announce
the victory of the people, and on the 23rd, Rotterdam followed the example
of Amsterdam.
"Immediately on its installation, and with a view to accomplish the
object of its regeneration, the council sent a new deputation to the States,
to recall the three deputies. The old deputies of Rotterdam, arrogSting to
themselves the right of pronouncing the illegality of what had just taken
place in that town, instead of yielding to their recall, proceeded to the place
of meeting of the states before the opening of the assembly, and there was
consequently a double representation. The old deputies presented an
address, in which they denounced, before the states-general, the illegal
Conduct of the citizens of Rotterdam, and demanded the re-establishment
of all that had been just annulled.
" This address was supported by the equestrian order, and a most ani
mated discussion arose on the question whether the states-general should

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 143
receive the new deputation. •After a very stormy sitting, the majority proved
favourable to the patriots, but only in the ratio of nine to eight, one of the
eighteen cities having abstained from voting. The nobility became furious
at receiving this check ; declared they would put the resolution adopted ad
referendum, and threatened henceforward to treat everything proposed to
the states-general in the same manner. On the next day, the rejected
deputation ventured to present themselves in the assembly anew ; they were
forbidden to sit by the side of those newly elected, and were obliged to
remain standing without the bar, but were nevertheless present at the deli
beration. The discussion was immediately renewed with all its former
violence, although it had been decided by a majority the evening before,
and the minority had only declared the referendum, upon which the nobility
returned^ The renewed discussion was altogether illegal, and besides, it
far exceeded all the limits of propriety. The grand pensionary himself,
who presided, and who "enjoyed the respect of all parties, was personally
addressed, and insulted by a young man of the equestrian order. This was
to insult the states. The magistrate then rose with dignity, severely repro
bated the conduct of the speaker, declared that his duty was to decide
according to the majority of votes, and letting his hammer fall upon the
table, closed the sitting. Thus ended the affair of the double returns from
Rotterdam. " This sitting took place on the 25th of April, and it was fortunate for
the patriots that they obtained a majority ; for the partisans of the stadt
holder, who had calculated on a sure victory in the case of the double return
from Rotterdam, were determined to avail themselves of their triumph in
this point, to cause William V. to be recalled to the Hague, to restore him
to the command, and to depose Blesswick, the grand pensionary, whose
patriotism was so formidable to them. Harris, the English ambassador,
was one of the actors in this conspiracy, and so certain of success did he
regard himself, as to have ordered beforehand a grand fete in his hotel to
celebrate the event.
" The province of Utrecht had now two councils, the one patriot and the
other Orangist. The former held its sittings at Utrecht, and the latter at
Amersfort. Its affairs, however, were far from being peacefully settled.
The republicans of Holland proposed the plan of negotiation in the hope of
avoiding public disturbances ; the partisans of the stadtholder in Amersfort
accepted the proposal, in the persuasion of being able to turn it to advan
tage, which really took place. The simplicity, and good faith of the repub
licans proved quite unequal to contend with the army of veteran courtiers
who directed all the stadtholder's affairs, and the manoeuvres of his party.
Thus, by false promises and fictitious delays, such as the genera of diplomacy
and cunning know how to create, time, which was precious to the patriots,
was lost, and employed to the best advantage by their opponents. The city
of Utrecht soon learned that the troops of the province and those of Gueldres
had been put in motion, and were under orders to march against it.
" Whilst the council of Amersfort, composed of nobles and clergy, were
negotiating with the patriots of Holland, it Was at the same time concerting
with the prince the plan of attacking Utrecht by open force. On the 9th
of May, the people of Utrecht were apprised of their city being invested.
The enemy's troops, had been stationed so as to cut off all communication
between that city and those of Amsterdam, Leyden and the Hague; and to
have the. command of the old Rhine, as well as of the great dam which con
stituted one of the chief defensive resources of Utrecht. In the afternoon

144 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
intelligence was received that a battalion was oft its march to take possession
of Vresswyck, a lordship belonging to the town. The municipal council
immediately met, and ordered a detachment consisting of 3,000 citizens to
march, under the command of Van Averhoult, one of the new municipality,
and take up their position at Vresswyck. The detachment met the battalion at
nightfall, and an action commenced. The contest was for a time maintained
with equal advantage on both sides, but Van Averhoult having unmasked
three small field-pieces, the troops of the line were speedily and totally
defeated. So complete was their rout, that they lost their colours, threw
away their guns and abandoned their baggage, whilst the citizens lost only
a few men. They had the glory of defeating eight companies of the line,
and of entering Vresswyck next day. Van Averhoult and his companions
recalled to the minds of the inhabitants the bravery and devotedness fi
Leonidas and his 300 Spartans. Thus it is, that revolutions give rise to
that military renown upon which national glory is founded.
"Both commander and citizens were in action on this occasion for the
first time, and they valiantly defeated regular and veteran troops. The im
pression produced at the Hague was deep, and the states-general of Holland
gave utterance to their just indignation at the recital of an act of violence,
which exceeded those which had been perpetrated upon the towns of Els
bourg and Hattem. They determined to adopt the most energetic measures
for the succour of Utrecht, and to resort to all the powers given them by
the constitution, and which the necessity of the circumstances required. It
has been seen, that every province had its own states, that is, its own local
sovereign parliament : — the constitution did not permit one province to send
its troops into the territories of another without the consent of the provincial
government. The states of Holland, which were at the head of the con
federation, could not disregard this fundamental principle of union ; but
they had a right to declare that the hostilities exercised against the territory
of Utrecht annulled the compact and broke the union. In consequence,
they issued orders to their general to dismiss every officer, who, in contempt
of the orders of the province, should refuse to serve for the defence of
Utrecht. It was certain that states — that is, a local sovereign power, no
longer existed in the province of Utrecht, because the city had only a frac
tion in the states, whilst the other part, consisting of nobles and clergy, had
retired to Amersfort. For the same reason, two orders, composed of a few
individuals, could not form the states of the province. In this case, the
stadtholder committed a serious illegality, by recognizing them as such, and
doubly violated the constitution by sending a body of troops, strangers to
the province, to march against its own capital in the name of states which
were in themselves illegal. These two subjects of complaint were both
imputed to the prince by the states of Holland, and determined their decla
ration to the states-general. Without loss of time, they supported their
declaration by sending a regiment in their pay to the assistance of Utrecht;
this was the body called the Salm legion. The political dispositions of this
corps were well known, and it marched willingly to defend Utrecht. The
general of the province of Holland received orders to hold his troops in
readiness to march at a moment's notice ; and thus war was declared be
tween the prince and the country. There was, however, a great stumbling-
block in the way of employing republican troops, and even foreign regi
ments, although they were in the direct pay of the province, as the lesion
of Salm was in the pay of Holland. This difficulty arose from the soldiers
having taken two oaths, one to the province which paid them, and a second

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 145
to the states-general, without whose orders they were prohibited, from en
tering the. territory of another province. This complication of oaths gave
the stadtholder an advantage in the existing state of affairs, of which he was
not slow to avail himself; and though this difficulty was regarded by the
states of Holland as almost insuperable, it was impossible for them to avoid
it. Thus a danger arose to the patriotic party from the very means which
they had of meeting it. They were obliged constantly to have a majority
in the states-general, in order that the regiments might not be exposed to
the perplexity of having to choose between two oaths. In order to get rid
of this perplexity, the state of Holland cut the Gordian knot by an extraor
dinary stretch of power; this was, the dismissal and replacing of alj- those
officers who refused to march^and alleged the solemnity of their obligation
to the states-general. The province did still more->— it constrained its sol
diers to take a new oath, by which they were made exclusively dependent
on its own states. The new officers were encouraged by extraordinary
rewards, an,d those who had been removed, and' wished- to resume. the ser
vice, were invariably refused. It was a wise measure, in the existing con
dition of Holland, to exercise a seasonable severity against those who had
any hesitation in entering into their service. In this way they would no
longer have under their banners any but faithful and devoted troops.
" The stadtholder's party had lost the majprity in the states-general, and
failed in securing the object of highest importance — that of becoming
masters of the province of Holland. It owed this check to the two revo
lutions which Rotterdam and Amsterdam had just effected in their municipal
bodies. This display pf the public feeling and tendencies in the provinces
of Holland and Zeeland, deprived the stadtholder of all the means of a
partial insurrection, on which he had counted; and he had not proved
more successful in his military operations at Utrecht. After the defeat of
the battalion sent to take possession of Vresswyck, a camp was formed at
Zeist, near Utrecht, and the Salm regiment vigorously repulsed all its at
tacks. The states of Holland did not lose sight of the use which the stadt
holder might make, both against their cause and that of Utrecht, of the
regiments which they had in the province, of Gueldres, and they required
the prince- to send them into the country of. the Generality, otherwise they
would cease to pay them. The inhabitants of Gueldres, who were favour
able to the stadtholder, opposed the departure of the troops, but as they
were not in a condition to pay them, they devised the scheme of petitioning
the states-general to raise a loan, in the name of the province of Holland,
for the purpose of paying . these regiments : this meant, in other words, to
make Holland pay for the war which they were about to wage against
itself. It is difficult to imagine anything more strange than this, on the
part of a deliberative body ; but in disturbed times, all reason, even politi
cal reason, that which can be least of all dispensed with, seems to become
obscured and to fail with the destiny of the country.
" A new confusion of inclinations and principles served to increase the
discredit of the public cause; which both parties daily brought into dispute
before the states-general, who were themselves equally astonished at this
continual and discreditable fluctuation. There was no longer anything
stable except illegality, in consequence of the rapidity and complication of
circumstances ; thus the soi-disant 'states in Amersfort, whose deliberations
were directed by the stadtholder, dared to write to the states-general, re
quiring that the orders issued by the province of Holland should be re
voked, and the general brought to trialfor having received, and executed
10

146 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
them. The officers who had been dismissed by the states of Holland, and
equally disowned by the stadtholder's party, applied to the states-general for
protection. A discussion . took place; Holland, not being able to be a
judge in her own cause, had no yoice in the deliberation, which was, there
fore, carried on among the six other provinces. The debate was warm ; on
the first day, there were two votes in favour of the proposition, and three
for the referendum, and the two representatives of the remaining province
were equally divided. In spite of this circumstance, which rendered' the
question at most indecisive> the president declared in favour of the propo
sition. On the next day a third vote joined one of the two which had
been divided, and voted for the referendum, which gave four votes- out of
six in favour pf this opinion. Notwithstanding this, the president of the
states did not hesitate to perpetrate an unexampled and scandalous action
by concluding jn favour of the motion, as he had done the evening before.
Thus, a minority of two against four carried the question in the states-
general > and all sense of shame took its departure from an assembly
which had sustained its reputation with so much renown in so many
glorious events. Its wisdom was gone, and .its honour tarnished. This
striking" symptom of decay could not be otherwise than favourable tp the
party who wished to destroy its sovereignty, and who, in awaiting the mo
ment for occupying its place, rejoiced in, and profited by, the degradation
which it had contrived to bring upon the states, by corrupting and breaking
their political bond with the nation.
" The stadtholder's party ventured to go still further. The prince issued
a manifesto, in which, after having denounced, as acts of rebellion, the op
position which had been shown in the cities of Amsterdam, Rotterdam,
and Utrecht, and having declared, that he was about to have recourse to
every possible means for the destruction of the enemies of public order,
he demanded the restoration of the government of the Hague, apd the
functions of captain-general ; declaring that he would then adopt all such
measures as might appear necessary for the restoration of tranquillity.
Such a declaration was necessarily the precursor of very serious events. It
bore, or ratber affected, a tone of superiority which must necessarily be
maintained by means ready to be adopted. And, in fact, on the ,30th of
May, the day on which it was presented to the states-general, a violent
tumult suddenly broke out in Amsterdam, caused by the Orangist party.
Arrangements had been made for an insurrection by the leaders of this
party; but the insurrection was not to take place till the lst-of June, ac
cording to the plan which had been agreed upon between the stadtholder
and Harris, the English ambassador at Nimeguen, where the court then
was. The rabble, sold to the prince, and prone by its very nature to dis
order, had recourse to acts of violence against the citizens on the 30th of
May; and this precipitation injured the success of the plan hatched in
Nimeguen. The citizens of Amsterdam had also their party among the
populace, who assailed the Orangist ' mob, and drove it into the sailor's
quarters. The prince's party drew up the bridges in order to defend them
selves in their position, but the citizen's party succeeded in forcing a pas
sage, and having leaped into the ships and barges, attacked their enemies
on all sides, and scattered them in all directions. The conquerors followed
up their victory, pursued the fugitives1" with cruelty, and plundered the
houses of two of the former members of the municipality who belonged
to the Orangist party. The citizens, however, succeeded in putting an end
to this popular vengeance, in which the disorder was of no advantage, even

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 147
to those who caused it, for the hatred of the masses was wholly political,
and no one ever thought of appropriating any of the riches' of any descrip
tion contained in the houses doomed to destruction. Their object was to
injure their enemies, and Hot to enrich themselves at their expense. This
conduct on the part of the lowest populace of a great city, even when vic
torious in a tumult raised against its interests, proves to what extent the
principles of morality had been inculcated upon the minds of the Batavian
people by their republican institutions:
" The populace had had their triumph ; and the citizens then proceeded
with their ordinary prudence. A careful search, made by their orders
among the houses of the people, was attended with the discovery of the
most important papers, the knowledge of which, combined with the infor
mation derived from those, who had been made prisoners, revealed the whole
plan of the conspiracy of the power, in which the English ambassadors had
taken a direct part. They also succeeded in obtaining possession- of a
quantity of ammunition, of the use- of which, seized after the event, the
precipitation of the populace had deprived them, It was then manifest,
that the prince had omitted nothing calculated to promote his design of
cutting down the citizens, if, as had been so clearly foreseen, there should
be any resistance.. It was on the strength of this dark and criminal organi
zation that he rested the support of that extraordinary manifesto, which he
had dared to send to the statesrgeneral. But in consequence of the error of
his agents, in precipitating the attack, the plan of the court of Nimeguen
failed, and the province of Holland, which would infallibly have shared the
fate of its capital, was delivered from the danger with which it was threa
tened. This was followed by that which almost always survives success and
defeat in civil commotions-r-a feeling of hatred and vengeance, deeper still
than that which had been felt at the period of the stadtholder's undertaking
against the towns of Elsbourg and Hattem. The province of Holland had
established at Woorden a military commission, under the orders of General
Van Ryssel, which corresponded with the commission of defence formed at
the Hague. The circumstances becoming more dangerous, in consequence
of recent events, the province, with a view to make provision for a scheme
pf proceedings in case of danger, determined on appointing a dictatorial
-commission of five members, to whom the protection of the country was to
be confided. The powers of this commission were unlimited : it was to
dispose at pleasure, and without reference to any other authority, of all the
means of attack and defence, of the armed bodies of citizens, and finally
of the public treasure : it was not to be called upon to render an account till
after the event. This was the only means of being prepared to carry on a
struggle against, the unforeseen attacks, the plots and insurrections, which,
as was now evident from the last outbreak, were aimed at the destruction of
the state.
" This proposition was speedily put into the form of a resolution ; and
the five members of the dictatorial committee were forthwith named. The
towns of Haarlem, Leyden, Amsterdam, Gouda and Alkmaer, each named
its commissioner. The choice fell upon those who were most distinguished
for their abilities and republican virtues. The commissioners were no
sooner named than they entered upon their duties ; but, notwithstanding
the vigour of this salutary institution, it was exposed to danger from a quar
ter, against which all its power was inefficient — this was the supremacy of
the states-general, the sovereign power. There existed something more
than a feeling of mere rivalry between the states-general and the states of

148 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Holland : and as a proof of their animosity towards each other, all the offi
cers whom the states of Holland had deprived of. their commissions, for
havine- refused to march to the succour of Utrecht, were restored by the
states-aeneral,and those who had remained faithful, to Holland were in then-
turn cashiered. It is true, that on the same day the states of Holland who
paid the regiments, renewed their resolution respecting these officers. 1 his
conflict, this obstinate combat between the sovereign and the province of
Holland, gave rise to one of the greatest evils which can hefall a stete ; the
necessity imposed upon the troops themselves of determining the question
of their obedience. The patriots had committed a capital error, as appeared
from the subsequent conduct of the states-general, in not taking care before
hand to secure an .absolute majority in that assembly. They calculated too
much on the preponderance of Holland-, and' attached so great an .impor
tance to its influence upon the state in general, that they persuaded them
selves, that the states-general would prove inefficient and powerless without
the aid of this province. This, however, blinded by its good faith, proved
utterly deficient in policy; it was a war of republicans who played a bold
and open game, agaihst ambitious and skilful courtiers ; and, in spite of
their virtues, their perseverance, and their courage, they were obliged to
give way to the combined powers of intrigue, interest, and treachery. The
partisans pf the stadtholder never paused in their efforts. The states of
Amersfort proposed to the states-general to suspend General Van-Ryssel,
who commanded the troops of Holland. On the 10th of June, the states,"
not satisfied with this measure, interdicted the general from exercising any
authority over "the troops, and forbade the officers to obey him. The same
resolution was also a direct attack upon the obedience of the troops, to the
orders of their province. One regiment, that of Stuart, seduced by an
officer, violated its path and left its quarters. The other officers and all
the subalterns remained faithful; and even a part of those who at first
deserted returned to their duty. The void caused by this desertion was
filled up by volunteer Gorps, whom the province also paid ; but, an example
of disorganization had, by- this act, been set in tjie army, by the order's of
the sovereign power itself. The bond- of the soldiers was broken, and it
was to be expected that the first opportunity would lead to the exhibition
of deplorable scenes.
f« The patriots then saw that all their efforts and all their sacrifices would
be useless unless they obtained a majority in the states-generak This,
therefore, became the great object of their unceasing efforts. In conse
quence of this, they hit upon the idea of making only one deputation of
that of Amersfort, which was opposed 4o them, and of that of* Utrecht,
which was in their favour. Amersfort sent two deputies; and it was deter
mined that Utrecht should send three ; and in this manner the vote of the
province of Utrecht, of which Amersfort made a part, secured them a
majority of three against two. On the 14th of June, the three deputies
of Utrecht appeared in the assembly Pf the states. A discussion, which
was continued the next day, arose respecting their admission, and, in spite
of opposition from the friends of the stadtholder, the .three deputies from
Utrecht were admitted by a majority of four against two. This majority
did not lose a moment in annulling all the resolutions adopted on the 10th ;
and, on the same day, without separating, they directed the council of state
to inform General Van-Ryssel, and the chiefs of the regiments, of the
ohange which had just taken place. Notwithstanding this advantage, how
ever, the patriotic party was far from being sure of a durable victory.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 149
" The combat changed its form. The states-general became the true
field of battle, and the weapons of warfare were deputations. Amersfort
sent three new deputies to the assistance of the two who had been previ
ously there, in order to overwhelm the deputation from Utrecht. The latter
city had foreseen this act of reprisals, and it forthwith sent four, which,
being joined to the three who had <, preceded them, ensured them always a
majority of seven against five. But the province of Friesland, whose
government was separate and completely aristocratic, blamed the conduct
of its deputies, and gave them new and opposite instructions, so that the
vote of that province was transferred to the side of the stadtholder, and
when the new deputies from the two rival towns presented themselves, those
of Utrecht were rejected, and those from Amersfort admitted. In this way
the states-general continually exhibited to the nation a scandalous spectacle
of fluctuation and change, and ceased to be the honour of the seven united
provinces, and an example to Europe.
" Disorders of the same kind prevailed- in the council of state. It had
refused to participate in the resolutions passed against General Van-Ryssel,
on the 10th June; it had, however, given orders in consequence, and when
these same resolutions were annulled, four days afterwards, it refused to'
forward the new orders in contradiction of the former ; so that the new
decision, which reinstated the general and his officers, and placed them
again under obedience to the province of Holland; rernained imperfect and
unexecuted. This was truly anarchy, and the result of cool calculation.
Desertion then began to take place among the troops of Holland, and five
regiments, which formed the cordon, under the orders of General Van-
Ryssel, deserted almost entirely, but they would have remained faithful
to the colours of the province which paid them, had the council done its
duty. " The country was in a critical situation, the issue of which might preci
pitate the overthrow, of its liberty. The province of Holland was not,
however, discouraged by this desertion ; the cities of Rotterdam and Am
sterdam raised volunteer corps at great expense, put arms into the hands
of the citizens, and replaced their mercenary troops by new levies. Utrecht
co-operated skilfully in this new. effort. Its states issued a proclamation
recalling its contingent of troops, under the colours of the province, and con
sequently of the local sovereignty. This proclamation produced a consi
derable effect among the troops of the stadtholder's party, who deserted
and returned to strengthen- the forces of Utrecht. These measures excited
little alarm at Amersfort, beeause the deserters, who had formed the cordon,
and been won. over by English money, no longer inspired any confidence.
Gueldres was not more tranquil, and was in constant apprehension of the
Holland regiments which it had detained, notwithstanding the order of the
province of Holland. Utrecht had now within its walls an army of 7,000
men, and Overyssel had more than 4,000 at Deventer. The forces of the
opposite party were very inferior in number, and, besides, the dictatorial
commission of the province of Holland continued vigorously to exercise
their functions. They had organized all the means both of. attack and de
fence, and made such financial arrangements as to ensure both to officers
and soldiers extraordinary pay. The country, however, was divided into
four very distinct parties — the first was that of the stadtholder, which
wished for the continuance of the stadtholderate with all its usurpations-
it was composed of Gueldres, Amersfort, and the nobles of Holland in the
states-general ; the second, the aristocratic party, which wished to maintain

J 50 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
its own authority, and even subdue that of the stadtholder— this was the
cause of the patrician families and of those who enjoyed hereditary digni
ties; the third, the constitutional republicans, who wished to preserve the
stad'holderate, with the abuses which had sprung from usurpation, and to
restore it to its primitive origin — this party was openly opposed to the aris
tocracy and the patricians ; and finally, the democratic party, which wished
to put an end both to the office of stadtholder and the power of the aristo
cracy. This was the party of levellers, which was supported by a multitude
of popular societies. These societies sent deputations to -the leaders of the
governments. Such was the complication of interests under which public
affairs groaned.
"In such circumstances as these, it became a matter of prime necessity
to have recourse to mediation, in order not to expose the nation to that
general confusion which the shock of so many discordant elements would
produce. The enlightened patriots of the province of Holland, influenced
by the French ambassador, assembled to consult on the means of inducing
the states-general to apply for the mediation of France. On account of. the
parties which might exist in the municipal bodies, it was first desirable to
be sure of the wishes of the citizens. Their desires were unanimous, and
conveyed to the municipality, which received the resolution, and transmit
ted it to the deputies of the province, in order to lay the proposal before the
states-general. The proposition was agreed to by a majority of twelve to
seven. On the succeeding day, the 7th, the resolution of the previous
evening was voted ad referendum; this was a middle path, adopted by- the
prudence of some and the treachery of others. It gained time, and was,
above all, the very course which was most acceptable to the Orange party.
" On all sides, wherever it was in force, this party had given the signal
for the destruction of the constitutionalists, and had committed the most
frightful outrages-at Zutphen. The garrison of the town was unexpectedly
and without provocation let loose upon the inhabitants, under the pretence
of disarming them; the houses of the patriots were sacked and pillaged:
the soldiers and officers resumed the Orange cockade, and by their excesses
gave evidence of the cause which they had adopted. The same scenes
were renewed in the unfortunate towns of Elsbourg and Hattem, and in
those of ArnheinL; Hochem and Doerburg. The very dregs of the populace
made common cause with the soldiers. The same course was pursued at
Middleburg, where the massacre of the patriots was added to the plunder
and destruction of their houses. The municipality of the town was obliged
to carry the Orange standard in procession through the streets, and to place
it on the summit of a tower. Flessingue, Helvoetsluys, and Brille, became
the scenes of disturbances, more or less violent. The prince's party, weary
of so much delay, and apprehensive of the, forces which the opposite party
was able to bring against them, had secretly fomented these partial out
breaks, and the Hague was just about to become the theatre of similar
events, when it was saved by an accidental occurrence.
" On the 28th of July, several carriages,- proceeding together, were stop
ped at a post guarded by a detachment in the service of Holland. These
carriages belonged to the princess, who was on her way from Nimeguen to
the Hague. The princess was obliged to wait for authority from the gene
ral, who was at Woorden, where the sovereign commission, lately appointed,
held their sittings, before she could be allowed to continue her journey.
Three members of the commission immediately waited on her royal high
ness, and represented to her that in the present state of affairs, when the

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 151
public tranquillity was generally disturbed in the name of the prince, and
many towns had been subjected to pillage and massacre, her presence at
the Hague could not fail to be used as a pretext by the mal-contents for
committing similar disorders. That in consequence, the commission could
not take upon itself such a responsibility, but must refer the case to the
states, and, in the meantime, they begged her royal highness either to return
to Nimeguen, or to wait in the town for. the answer of the states. The
princess concealed her dissatisfaction, and retired into. the small town of
Schoonhaven, from whence she wrote to the grand pensionary, requesting
authority to continue her. journey. The states received the letter, ad re
ferendum, and approved of the conduct of the commission. The princess
was made acquainted with the decision of the states, and then wrote a let
ter to that assembly, in which she reproached them, bitterly and haughtily,
for having approved of the conduct of the commission. At the same time,
the states received a still more violent complaint, on the same subject, from
the stadtholder, who treated the affair as an affront to his family. The
prince's communication was likewise received, ad referendum, by the states
of Holland.
" This complaint was, in fact, a manifesto against the states ; and its
publicity was the only thing wanting to complete the violence of that ani
mosity of which the prince was the object, and to furnish grounds, perhaps,
for just reprisals. The more prudent men, the friends of public order, were
desirous of adopting a middle course, such as was calculated at- once to
maintain the dignity, which the states owed it to themselves fo preserve,
and the interests of the country. It was equally impossible to reply to the
letter of the princess, and to the communication of the stadtholder, without
condescending to a violent refutation, and loudly calling down upon them
the vengeance of the public. As to the prince, the states had no further
reason to hesitate ; they should have interdicted him from all access to the
province. They had already deprived him of all his dignities, and could
not do otherwise than declare him to be an enemy to Holland. They took,
however, a different view of the course which it was their duty to pursue
towards, the princess. They wished to consider her merely as the sister of
the King of Prussia, and to make their indulgence in her case a measure
of policy. In consequence of this view, they determined on hinting to the
princess the policy of separating her cause from that of her husband ; in
which case, they gave her an assurance of their readiness to recognize the
claims of her children — informed her, that she could continue to live in the
palace at the Hague, enjoy all the honours attached to her situation, and
secure for the office of stadtholder and the sovereignty of the states all that
the law had given them. The exclusion of the prince was merely to be
regarded as a personal exception, arising from usurpations of every descrip
tion, wholly foreign to the office of stadtholder, which they were far from
wishing either to abolish or to deprive of its constitutional privileges. On
this occasion the states of Holland gave a noble proof of justice and mode
ration, for their cities, with their inhabitants and their property, had been
made objects of the most culpable aggression by the prince, without warning
or provocation. It was therefore just to punish him, and him- alone, for his
tyranny. The plan w>hich they devised was one of great wisdom, but a
circumstance of the most serious description prevented its execution.
" The princess made the bitterest and most violent complaints to her
brother, of the manner in which she had been treated by a body of Holland
troops, on her journey to the .Hague. In the letter, which, in the meantime,

J 52 HISTORY OF THE, CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
she wrote to the states, she uttered ho word of complaint either against the
members of the commission at Woorden, or the officer who. had interrupted
her progress, respecting their personal conduct towards her. The King of
Prussia, deceived by the princess's letter, directed his minister to address a
note to 'the states-general, demanding reparation for the insult and outrage
which had been offered to his sister, and designating the suspension of her
journey as an act of high treason. The states replied to the royal notice by
a detailed explanation of the faCts.gave incontestible proofs of the misrepre-
'' sentations which the princess's . letter contained, and did not for a moment
doubt that they had satisfied the king; they even thought they might calcu
late on his influence, in order to prevail dn the princess his sister to accept
of the conditions which they had proposed to her.
"In the interval between the sending of the note by the cabinet of Berlin
and the reply of the estates, the French ambassador, being perfectly cogni
sant of all- the circumstances of the case— the stoppage of the carriages, the
acts of the commission of Woorden, and all the disorders which the Orangist
party had excited in the province, offered his services to assist in informing
Herr Von Thulemeyer, the Prussian ambassador, of the true state of affairs.
This offer was accepted both by the states and the Prussian minister, and
conferences were opened for this purpose at the French, ambassador's hotel.
The result of the explanations given by the members of the states, especially
by Gislaer, was such as to produce complete conviction in the mind of Von
Thulemeyer, who undertook to inform the princess of the desire, of the
states, that she should change her policy, and separate her own cause from
that of the stadtholderate. The minister undertook, at the same time, to
communicate to his court an account -both of this project and of all the in
formation which he had just received, as well respecting the conduct of the
prince, as what was merely personal to her royal highness, and the obstruc
tions offered to her journey.
" The minister, however, was wrong in flattering himself that he could
persuade the princess to give in her adherence to the views of the patriots ;
she calculated with too much certainty on- diplomatic intervention. In fact,
news was speedily received at the Hague, from the agent of the republican
Berlin, that an army of 20,0Q0 Prussians was assembled at Wesel, and Von
Thulemeyer received orders from his- court to declare that these troops were
designed to support the demand made for apology and reparation from the
states of Holland, for the insults offered to the king's sister — his majesty not
having been at all satisfied by the explanations which had been given. The
minister notified, moreover, that the .camp at Wesel had been judged neces
sary, on account of the camp of 15,000 men which the French, had an
nounced their intention of forming at Givet; but, unfortunately for the
patriots of Holland, the latter camp was never really formed.
"The' intervention offered by France respecting the recent events, was
accepted by the states-general ad referendum. Afterwards, the deputies of
the provinces, each according to the interests of their constituents, explained
that Prussia also, as well as England, was amongst the number of the powers
of whose mediation they accepted. Prussia, availing herself of an almost
isolated wish, to put herself forward as a mediatrix, persisted in loudly de
manding such satisfaction as the states of Holland could not give without
degradation. In the meantime, the Duke of Brunswick, who was entrusted
with the command of the army assembled at Wesel, proceeded to Nimeguen
and had a conference with the stadtholder. Finally, and to render the dif
ficulties of the case almost insuperable, France herself, more disposed to

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY ,0F NAPOLEON. 153
advise than to take up arms,. prevailed upon the states to admit- Prussia and
England into a share of the mediation. The cabinet of Versailles, by thus
deceiving the hopes and confidence of the republican party, committed a
great political error. If France had really established a camp of 15,000
men at Givet, Prussia would have recalled her 20,000 men from Wesel, and
would not have .ventured to risk the chances of a hostile demonstration
against France. She would have preferred sacrificing the stadtholder, and
been eager to accept for the princess the proposal made by the states; but
all prudence, as well as all sense, had equally deserted both parties. The
mediation of England was an insult to the states; it was impossible to make
any -proposal more revolting to the province of Holland than the mediation
of England, whose money had been employed to excite those very disturb
ances and the defection of the troops. There was, on the other hand, great
danger in refusing the mediation ; and as to that of Prussia, besides- em
bracing the differences of the respective provinces amongst themselves, it
was also specially to decide the dispute between the states-general and the
stadtholder, although Holland was the sovereign, and the prince its dele
gate. In the condition in which France had suffered the question to be
placed, it was no longer possible to think of declining the English media
tion without, at the same time, rejecting that of France and Prussia.
" In this difficult situation, the states thought of a means suggested by
their prudence, and this was, instead of having recourse to the public medi
ation of the .three powers, to treat under the form of a private mediation, to
which the force and character of an arbitration should be given.. The me
diator, in this . case, was to be France. A distinguished citizen should be
sent to Versailles, and have an, interview at Paris with the Prussian minister
Count Von Goltz ; and these two should plead their respective causes before
Count Montmorin, the minister of foreign affairs. The plenipotentiary of
Holland was to preserve the strictest incognito, in order to avoid awakening
the suspicions of. England, and was to assume the character of an ordinary
traveller. His instructions were', to propose at first an armistice between the
two parties; and then, this point. being obtained, to concede the office and
dignity of stadtholder to the princess. In this manner it was proposed cun
ningly to elude English mediation. Paulus, whom we have already men
tioned, was by common consent entrusted with this delicate mission. It
was impossible to trust the highest interests of the state to a more honour
able or skilful man. The French minister, having been consulted on -this
plan, gave it his sanction.
"As, however, the negotiation necessarily required time, and it was im
portant that, the stadtholder should hot profit by the delay, in order to
recommence a new and successful attack upon Utrecht, an application was
made to Versailles to put that city in a proper state of defence. This im
plied a grant of engineers and artillery, which France sent. The defences
were put on a respectable footing, and the troops of the stadtholder soon
discovered, on their first attack, that the town must have received powerful
reinforcements. At the same time that the court of Versailles granted this
aid to the patriots of Utrecht, it required the states of Holland to address a
letter to the princess, such as should furnish Prussia with a- reason for sus
pending her military operations. The idea of such a measure was far from
being agreeable to the patriots; they regarded it as a positive humiliation,
and a step of very doubtful prudence. Would Prussia be satisfied ? And
if not, would France take up arms to support her opinion? This proposal
was received ad referendum by the states of Holland. At Amsterdam it was

154 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OB* NAPOLEON.
rejected with indignation, and being finally sent back for deliberation to the
General Assembly, it was received by a' majority of ten against four. Four
towns and the equestrian order refused to vote. The letter was then writ
ten to the princess in the sense, and with the intention, pointed out by the
French minister s • Everything, however, had become fatal to the patriots ;
on the 8th of September, 1787, this resolution had been adopted, the letter
written, sent to the princess, and a copy transmitted to Thulemeyer, to be
forwarded to Berlin : and on the next day the minister received from Berlin,
and sent to the council of Holland, a note, in which fhe king, his master,
expressed his last terms, which were such as to put a complete end to all
hope of any reconciliation whatsoever. The king, moreover, fixfed a period
of four days, within which time the states were either to comply with his
conditions, disavow all that-had been done by the commission of Woorden,
respecting his sister's journey, and agree to punish all of whom she had
complained, or otherwise the troops at Wesel would enter the territories of
the republic. This threatening note, in which the King of Prussia affected
absolute dominion over the republic; at once laid open the reasons of his
sister's journey, the concerted understanding which had never ceased to be
maintained between the 'courts of Nimeguen and Berlin, and at the same time
proved that Von Thulemeyer, instead of receiving orders from his master, only
received them from Nimeguen, at the appointed time, to destroy on the mor
row, all that had been prepared the day before. The patriots perceived also
that the negotiation between Prussia and France partook of that weakness
which then characterized the court of Versailles, which was buried in the
enjoyment of pleasure, on the very brink of that abyss which was soon to
swallow it up. Who knows what would have happened had France been
faithful to her honour and her policy, and boldly maintained her( feelings of
friendship for the united provinces by a grand military demonstration ? She
gave the signal for a war into which she might have drawn one part of Eu
rope ; she could have saved the- liberty of her allies, and probably would
herself have escaped the revolution.
" By pursuing this course, she would have acted consistently with her con
duct in the case of North America, where, without any provocation on the
part of England, she had contributed her aid to increase the armies of the
insurgents. The interest which she had in defending Holland, was more
direct, more just, and politic, whilst in abandoning her at the moment of
danger, she voluntarily condemned her to be humiliated by Prussia and
England. Thus, when the French Revolution broke out, the people of
Holland did not forget the grounds of reproach which. they had against
Louis XVI. .
" On the 12th, the states, in reply to the Prussian note, declared that
. they could enter into no further deliberation on the communication made
by Von Thulemeyer, but that two members of the states would be sent to
Berlin, to offer the king new explanations respecting the interruption' of
the princess's journey ; that they would write first to the princess to take
her opinion on this mission, and that the ministers of France and Prussia
should be requested to send a copy of this resolution to their respective
courts. In the meantime, however, nothing was neglected to obtain as
sistance from France. Givet, where there was a good garrison, is so near
Holland that had France been really desirous of rendering any active as
sistance, succours could still have reached it, in time to have made a useful
junction with the Holland troops. Count Esterhazy, who was in command
at Givet,- was at the Hague; and an ineffectual application for interference

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY ' OF NAPOLEON. 155
was made to him. The people of Holland had now no other resource,
than to oppose one disaster by another, by opening their sluices. This
ruinous means was far from being sufficient ; it was necessary to be well
assured of the-fidelity of the garrisons, which were for the most part com
posed of foreign soldiers ; and had even this been placed beyond doubt, it
would only have given them time to wait for feeble assistance, which would
be wholly insufficient to resist the Prussian troops. ,
" On the 16th, the states were informed of the march of the Prussians,
who were advancing in three columns upon the province of Holland ; that,
the inundation having failed in consequence of drought, the fortified and
strong city of Gorcum could not be maintained'; and that in three days,
the enemy would be at the Hague. It was known, at the same time, that
France would interfere with an imposing force, provided, a formal requisi
tion to that effect was sent to the king. On the arrival of this news, two
resolutions were adopted ; first, to evacuate the Hague and remove the
seat of government to Amsterdam, whieh was capable of defence; and
secondly, to send without delay to Versailles and formally solicit French
troops ; all this was too late. Utrecht, on which they thought they might
calculate, was evacuated by the advice of its commandant, the Prince of
Salm, and fell into the hands of the enemy ; the same took place with
respect to Gorcum, which surrendered on the' 17th. On the 18th, the
Prussians were expected at the Hague, and the town became the scene of
the most frightful excesses. The mob, instigated by the partisans of the
stadtholder, mounted his colours — abused all who did not wear them— as
sailed the patriots in all directions — maltreated them — threw them into the
canals, and plundered and destroyed their houses. The people would have
also destroyed the French ambassador's hotel, had not a guard of soldiers
been sent for its protection. This frightful tumult — rwhich was repeated
in the different towns of the province, and especially in those which lay
on the prince's route — lasted fifteen days at the Hague, and was not sus
pended till the 20th of September, the day on which the stadtholder made
his formal entry. By changing the municipal officers in all the towns
through which he passed, he gave the signal for the reaction. The new
corporations hastened to nominate new deputies to the states; and two
small towns alone, together with Amsterdam, maintained those already
chosen. In consequence of these new elections, the prince, on his arrival
at the Hague, had obtained a majority of sixteen votes against three ; and
thus the revolution, or, more properly- speaking, the counter-revolution was
complete. The first act of the states-general was to annul all that had
been done against the prerogatives of the stadtholder, and to restore him
to all his dignities. The commission of Woordon was dissolved, and in
order more clearly to show the spirit in which these great changes^were
made, and the influences which dictated them, the states resolved to invite
the prince to come to the Hague. They thought themselves obliged to make
this reparation, in order, as far as in them lay, to disavow the conduct of
their predecessors respecting the journey of her royal highness. Their tri
umph, however, did not end with what regarded the reform of the government ;
it was necessary also to humiliate the cabinet of Versailles, which well de
served it in consequence of its unpardonable. indifference; and at the same
sitting it was resolved, that the King of France should be asked not to send
any troops into Holland, to- disturb the peace which was now re-established.
In this manner, France was made to have a public share in the proscrip
tion which annihilated the liberty of Holland, and was dishonoured by

156 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
being thanked for assistance which it had never sent". The stadtholder and
the princess gav-e themselves up to a delirium of joy, on the attainment of
this criminal victory, for which they were indebted to foreign bayonets.
From this moment the authority "of the stadtholder was a real usurpation,
and that usurpation appeared the more intolerable to the people, as the
prince was ungrateful,, and- moreover a revolted subject.
" In the meantime, the Prussians continued their victorious march. The
gates of the cities were opened on their approach ; Utrecht was surrendered
through the- treachery of its commandant, the Prince of Salm, in spite of
the efforts of the French engineer and artillery officers, who had' put it in
a condition to resist any attack. The places constituting the cordon, and
the little villages in the environs of Amsterdam, defended themselves with
obstinate intrepidity, and the Prussians lost great numbers of men before
they could obtain possession of them. The small garrisons of these places
retreated to Amsterdam, in which the Chevalier de Ternant, a brave and
intelligent French officer, had the command. \His Orders, however, in all
these parts, and especially respecting military movements, were necessarily
subject tothe, approval of the municipality, which again depended wholly
on the opinion of the citizens. This gave rise to daily obstacles in the
execution of his orders, and rendered impossible that rapidity which the
variety and necessity of the circumstances Connected with the defence of
the city imperatively required. This officer, considering it wholly useless
to have the command of a town in which the armed inhabitants deliberated
upon the orders issued for their safety, determined on giving it up, and
secretly quitted the city without being discovered by the Prussians, by
whom it was completely invested.
" This city, whose public will had been so courageous, and its determined
resistance so strong, since the usurpation of the prince and the commence
ment of the civil war; had now no other course left than to capitulate.
France, which had always been ready with advice, and never with assist
ance, was the' first to urge the propriety of this course. The capitulation
was signed on the 10th of October. As there had been a revolution, fol
lowed by a complete victory, there was necessarily a reaction against the
conquered party, and this was followed by considerable emigration. The
town of- St. Omer/ became the asylum of the emigrants. France distin
guished herself by a generous munificence towards the fugitives, her allies.
Her army not having rendered assistance, this duty devolved upon her ad
ministration, which fulfilled it in a spirit of benevolent liberality, the recol
lection of which should never perish, either in France or in Holland. It
was however, the duty of France, when emancipated in her turn from politi
cal bondage, to make reparation to Holland for the abandonment to which
she had been exposed by monarchical France. Her power and influence
were completely put aside, even as an ally, by the influence of England,
which hastened to form an alliance with the new power. Prussia, and with
good reason, too, figured also in these treaties; in conjunction with England
and the stadtholder, she formed one of a triple alliance, by which Holland
was held captive under the yoke of the most absolute despotism. It was
nothing less than a cruel derision, on the part of the three powers; ao-ain to
speak of Holland under the name- of a republic. The two treaties in
question were signed in the month of April, 1788.
" When a people fall under the yoke of an oppressive bondage, they
must wait for the moment of their deliverance. Their instinct will warn
them of the circumstances which can set them free. The French revolu-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 157
tion, which broke out in the following year, was calculated to awaken the
hopes of the Dutch patriots, and to show them, in their old friends the
French, new allies who were finally- to become their deliverers. The
republic of Holland, however- — oppressed by the stadtholder, by England,
and by Prussia — was condemned to form a party in the coalition against
free France before becoming free in its turn. Its wisdom, which had sur
vived its independence, protested in vain in the name of the country in
danger, and demanded a condition of perfect neutrality. The stadtholder,
who had previously subjugated it to his yoke, was destined to save it by
exposing it to new perils, and he himself was to fall by the very arms which
he had employed against it — by a revolution. Finally, it was necessary
that Holland should be conquered by the French republic, in order itself to
become a true republic, which it had only in reality been before the estab
lishment of the stadtholderate, and afterwards, before this office had been
made hereditary in the house of Nassau-Orange.
" The annihilation of Dutch liberty was effected in less than twenty days,
under the very eyes of France. This event caused no inconsiderable dis
quietude in Europe, and no doubts were entertained that the cabinet of
Versailles would prepare to take signal vengeance upon that of Berlin, and
that the war might thus become universal in Europe. This was, unques
tionably, the view which ought to have been adopted by Louis XVI., whose
kingdom was already beginning to be agitated, and he might probably have
succeeded in turning aside the minds of the people from their designs, or
at least it would have been then easy to have satisfied the wishes and inte
rests of the citizens and the populace, by a few concessiens which would
not endangered the crown. By marching an army to the north, he would
have forced England and Prussia to treat with him respecting the indepen
dence of Holland. By such a course, which would have been both just and
politic, he would have insured the respect of his own subjects, of his allies,
and his enemies; then he would have regained that preponderating' voice in
Europe, which would have given him the free use of the forces- of his
kingdom, and an opportunity for the glorious struggle of his navy with that
of Great Britain. After having easily settled the affairs of Holland by his-
powerful intervention, he would have equally decided those of France her
self. His alliance with Spain and Austria would have been strengthened
by that of Prussia, and he would thus have become the head and chief of
the quadruple alliance. The effect of this imposing position would have
been to have brought about a peace between Russia and Turkey, and to
have protected Poland against the oppression of the former power, as he
would have defended Holland against Prussia. Moreover, England and
Prussia, being thus isolated in the great general policy of Europe, would
not have assumed the character of- dictators, which they exercised at that
period. Prussia, hemmed in by its three great neighbouring empires, would
have been . constrained to be thankful for permission to existl England
would have remained alone against Europe, and the France of Louis XVI.
might have been able to realize what the France of the revolution after
wards undertook under less favourable circumstances. This quadruple alli
ance was attempted and concluded ; and in spite of the weakness of the
French ministry, it would have changed the whole condition of Europe,
but cardinal Lormenie eluded that glory with perseverance. The secret of
the treaty was betrayed, and the French ministry changed. Prussia now
assumed in Europe the place of France, which was monstrous; and Hol
land became nothing better than a province of England. Austria joined

158 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Russia in the war against the Turks, whilst the latter fought against the
Swedes and Poles. The Poles threw themselves into the arms of the King
of Prussia, who had become the protector of the Germanic Empire. Joseph
the Second trembled on his imperial throne. Brabant revolted, and de
clared itself free. Prussia, .which had just destroyed the legal liberty of
Holland, supported the insurrection in -'Belgium. The revolution spread
over France, and threatened Europe.
"^.The spirit of independence was not completely extinct in Holland, and
the hatred which the victorious party of the stadtholder, inspired increased
from day to day, and was especially nourished by the fermentation which
prevailed in Brabant. Two violent republicans, Van-der-Noot and Van-
der-Mersch, had appeared in these disturbances; their object was tp rouse
the whole of the population against the Auslrians, to drive them out of the
country, and to proclaim national independence. The conquest, or rather
the subjugation, pf Holland, had cost the stadtholder only twenty days, and
the reduction of the insurgents in Brabant was an operation scarcely more
difficult for the Austrians. But., notwithstanding ' these successes of force,
the inhabitants of these two neighbouring provinces, naturally enemies to
each other, only waited for the favourable moment to regain those advan
tages which they had just lost. The invasipn of Brabant by the army of
the French republic soon avenged the Belgians for the Austrian reaction.
The French were every where received as liberators. Holland would have
escaped conquest, and would of herself, at a later period, and by her, own
strength, have accomplished her deliverance from the yoke of the stadt
holder, had not the cabinet of London, which had all of a sudden come
forward as an enemy of the liberty of nations, notwithstanding the bloody
example which Great Britain herself had set a century before, drawn Hol-
lard, her vassal, into all the dangers of the coalition.
The conquest of Brabant was the true reason, which led the English to
war. The English ministry hoped to recover Belgium by the army of the
allies, and also to free themselves from all. uneasiness respecting Holland.
It would, however, have been more natural to conclude, that Brabant being
conquered and contented to be in the power of the French, France would
suddenly and with advantage, pounce upon Holland, where the vengeance
and oppression of the stadtholder had created so many partisans of revolu
tionary principles. Duraouriez, therefore, was no sooner victorious at Je-
mappes; than he made all .possible speed to enter Holland. He had already
taken Breda and Gertruydenburg, and was besieging Willemstadt and Ber-
gen-op-zoom, when the disagreements which existed between him and his
generals, and also among the generals themselves, placed Belgium anew
under the power of .Austria.by the loss of the battle of Neerwinden. The
coalition raised the shout of victory, but it was soon obliged to pay for its
first success, which was the result of the misunderstandings among the
French leaders, and perhaps of an understanding with the Prince of Co-
bourg, of which Dumouriez was accused. Whatever- may have been the
fact with respect to this treason, the convention sent commissioners to arrest
him in his camp at Maulde ; he seized them and sent them to the Austrians.
This must be regarded as a wicked action, baser than even treason itself.
He might have quitted his country without delivering up his fellow-citizens;
he would then have been nothing more than a deserter in dread of punish
ment. Dumouriez had entertained the idea of delivering up Louis XVI.
himself, but was not in a condition to do it. After the death of this mo
narch,, he had the strange and extraordinary vanity to propose marching

, HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 159
with his, army to Paris, to destroy the convention which had condemned
the king ; and he was himself fortunate in escaping the vengeance of that
army, of which he was in the habit of speaking with as much arrogance as
if it had belonged to him. Dumouriez was neither a good general nor a
good Frenchman. If he could not Occupy Holland, he should, at least,
have preserved Belgium ; and under no circumstances should he have
threatened his country with civil war, in order to punish, its government —
that is, to avenge himself. He betrayed and deserted his country, and spent
a contemptible life in exile, gaining a scanty subsistence, by the use of his
pen, in Hamburgh. England, which refused an asylum to Napoleon, gave
one to Dumouriez ! In that country he prolonged his exile, for France
never wished for his return. There was .no Frenchman who ever could
have recalled him ; he is the first who has ever been guilty of treason at the
head of a French army, and he died abroad, amongst strangers and in their
pay- "At the close of 1794, the republic felt itself in a condition to revenge
the affronts which Dumouriez. had received at the gates of Holland. The
armies of the North,, and of the Sambre and Meuse, were encamped on the
left bank of the Rhine and the Meuse. Holland, becoming fearful and
restless under this proximity, sent to treat respecting peace. It was then,
however, a part of the political religion of France to make war in the name
of principles, and it resolved to punish the stadtholder for his usurpations
over the liberties of the Batavian people. There was still another reason,
that of driving out the English, who had no other military position upon
the Continent than Holland, and of thus, by their expulsion, annihilating
the Orangist party, of whom they constituted the political support. In con
sequence, the Dutch plenipotentiaries were sent back, and it was resolved
to lend a helping hand to the patriots of 1787, whose wishes, long com
pressed, were ready to burst forth with new energy, for the re-establishment
of their liberty and the destruction of the stadtholderate. The republic
politically appreciated the position of Holland ; and its generosity towards
the Dutch constituted the whole of its policy, for the government published
a declaration, that it would only attack Holland to secure her independence;
and it kept its word. The danger to the stadtholder's government becom
ing every day more imminent, and the states still hoping to calm the storm
and ward off its violence, notwithstanding the dismissal of its plenipoten
tiaries, asked -for an armistice. The French republic was consistent in its
designs, and refused. The frost had set in, and Pichegru, who was at that
time both a good citizen and a good general, waited till it should become
so intense as to freeze all .the rivers, when he meant to commence his
operations. On the 27th of December, the Meuse was frozen ; he commen
ced with an attack upon the island of Bommel, and extended his operations
at the same time along the whole of the frontiers. The brigades of Osten
and Daendels passed the river in safety — marched against the island, and
though unprovided with canon, took possession of its batteries. This
movement was executed by the troops of Daendels. Those of Osten, at the.
same time, crossed the inundations, carried three forts, and passed;, the Waal
in the same manner ; and the very strong town of Heusden, finding itself
blockaded, was obliged to capitulate. The Dutch troops commenced, on
all sides, a retreat upon Willemstadt — abandoning the isles which defended
the mouths of the Scheldt, the Rhine, and the Meuse, all the positions, all
the passages, and all the fortresses. On the very first day, they lost an
entire corps whose retreat was cut off, nearly 2,000 prisoners, and avast

160 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. •
quantity of artillery. These operations were executed simultaneously on a
preconcerted plan, by the left and centre of the French army.
"The right at first met with resistance. A corps in position at Thiel
was obliged to re-cross the Waal before 7000 Austrians. England had
25^000 of them in pay in Dutch Brabant and' Holland, under the orders of
Alvinzy. This attack, which was followed by no result, had been agreed
upon at an extraordinary council, which was convoked at Nimeguen, by
the two sons of the stadtholder, and the generals of the allies. The stadt
holder was still in possession of Gorcum with the grand army and that of
the states-general, and was" supported, by the English between Cuilenburg
and the canal, of Sanderen. Alvinzy's army defended the Rhine, from
Wesel to Arnheim* All the attacks of the French were combined on this
river ; they were engaged in besieging Mayence and Mannheim with suc
cess, whilst the. Prussians and Austrians had united their forces for the
relief of these cities, but to no purpose. The Prussian army already re
sumed that system of inaction which it had adopted in Holland. The cause
of the stadtholder was daily more compromised by his allies themselves ;
and, above all, by those whom he. had wished to make his subjects. The
town of Grave, after a two months' siege, was compelled to surrender, and
gave the French the command of the Meuse. In like manner, the capture
of Thiel secured to them the passage of the Waal, which Macdonald passed
below Nimeguen. Moreau commanded the right wing of the army of the
north, and was covered by Vandamme. Two columns, under Reynier and
Jardon, passed the Waal ; then Macdonald appeared under the walls of
Nimeguen, took a very strong post; and beat the combined forces of the
English and A ustrians. The line of the French operations embraced a
part of the left bank of the Rhine, and was protected by the occupation of
places on the Meuse, such as Ruremonde, Venloo, and Grave, which kept
open its communication with the country to the rear. In the centre, it
occupied the district between the Waal and the Meuse; Bommel, Naardem,
Gertruydenburg, and Breda, were blockaded by the left wing of the army's
Which extended also to the banks of the Moerdyk and to Willemstadt. In
consequence of this position of the French army, all that Holland • could
call her national barriers were become nearly useless for her defence, and
the invasion of the whole territory could no longer1 be a matter of doubt.
The province of Utrecht was, from its position, that which must first fall
under the yoke of the conqueror. A crisis of nature came at this moment
to the aid of the besieged government. A thaw came on, which placed the
whole of the French army in a difficult position by the breaking up of the
ice on the Waal, and thus cut off the communications between the main
body of the army and the divisions which occupied the territory called the
Island of Batavia, situated1 between fhe Waal and the Rhine. Every exer
tion was made .to furnish them with supplies of all kinds, but there was
great reason to fear that the whole success of this fortunate invasion, which
depended on the strength of the ice, would be lost, and that recourse must
be had to all the tedious operations of an ordinary campaign, after the
sufferings of a -severe winter. Fortunately, the frost returned with all its
previous intensity, and the troops in the Island of Batavia were delivered
from danger.
"The army commenced its operations anew on the lith of January.
The enemy was forced along the whole line ; after a bloody encounter,
Buren and Cuilenburg surrendered. The allies retired on the right bank
of the Rhine, and some of the forts of Gertruydenburg were taken. Piche-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 161
gru had an immense advantage in this undertaking, in the moral conspiracy
of the people in favour of the republic. The towns which were taken they
regarded as delivered ; and it was so in reality. The citizens, oppressed
for seven years by the nobles, went out to meet the conqueror. On every
new success, the French general found additional auxiliaries, and loosened
the bond between_the allies and the stadtholder's troops. Two affairs were
going on at the same time, which gave each other mutual aid — a revolution
in favour of the invaded nation, and a war against its oppressors ; the latter
was kept no secret, for the convention caused it to be everywhere proclaim
ed by its agents.
" The Dutch general, Daendels, who from the very commencement of
the disturbances, had taken refuge in France, to escape the vengeance of
the stadtholder, addressed a communication to the towns of his native coun
try, in the following terms : — ' The representatives of the French people call
upon the Dutch nation to deliver itself from bondage. They have no wish
whatever, as conquerors, to reduce it to subjection, or to force it to accept
assignments, but to form an alliance with it as a free people. Let Dort,
Haarlem, Leyden, and Amsterdam, then, organize and make the revolu
tion, and determine its nature by deputies, their representatives, in Bois-le-
duc' It was impossible to pursue a better line of policy. Such language,
supported and confirmed by the movements and success of a noble army,
could not fail to produce an immense effect. It was calculated at once to
convince and to exalt the people. This war might have been well and
justly called, the war of the public welfare ; for it was advantageous to two
nations, and that, too, in a manner altogether beyond suspicion. There
was 'a well-understood service — a natural feeling of gratitude, and a near
and indissoluble alliance.
" Daendels' letter was rapidly circulated .through all the towns ; in Leyden
its effect was electrical ; the citizens peaceably declared to their magistrates
that their functions were at an end, and proceeded to appoint others. The
revolution was conducted enfamille. On the same day on which the letter
was received in Amsterdam, the same course was pursued in Leyden, with
this single difference, that the magistrates asked twenty-four hours for de
liberation; but whilst they were deliberating, one of Daendels' aides-de-camp
arrived, who made them responsible for the public tranquillity. The burgo
masters then resigned their office, and a French commandant assumed the
duties relinquished by an officer of the stadtholder. The national colours
were hoisted •; every one submitted to the rule of the republic, and, on the
next day, Daendals entered Amsterdam with some troops. Utrecht had, in
like manner, thrown open its gates to Pichegru. The plan adopted by the
convention was thus completely successful. It Was Holland herself that had
carried out this revolution, under the protection of France. Changes con
tinued to be daily effected, from the 15th to the 31st of January. After the
17th, and before the revolution in Leyden and Amsterdam, the stadtholder
had gone to the states-general and resigned all his offices and dignities, for
himself and his two sons. From thence he proceeded direct to Schevenin-
gen, and embarked, with his family, for England.
" The King pf Prussia, who seven years before braved monarchical France,
and dared to send an army to bring Holland under the yoke of his brother-
in-law, and who, by virtue of the treaty of Antwerp, made with England and
Austria, had engaged to raise 60,000 men for the objects of the coalition,
now remained an unmoved spectator of the ruin of the stadtholder, and of
11

162 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
the triumph of the French republic over his allies. This remarkable incon
sistency with the principles which he had maintained in 1787, and which
he had fully recognised by recent treaties, was made equally manifest by the
inaction of . General, Mollendoif, whose co-operation would have been so use
ful to German patriotism, in enabling.the allies, to raise the sieges of Mayence
and Mannheipi. Conduct, like this announced a complete change of policy.
Frederick-William, with his allies, had just destroyed the kingdom of Poland,
and shared the spoils of that conquest, in which his arms reaped but little
glory. This prince had, apparently, no liking for anything but such successes
as were at once infallible and- useful. From the bottom of his heart he would
have wished to destroy the French republic a]so, as he had done the kingdom
of Poland, and to become a sharer in the spoil, . The scheme of partition
had been indeed premeditated, agreed on, and stipulated at Pilnitz, and a
large, portion of France was, in their own minds, destined to be the prey of
the allies, ButjFranpe was a, very different enemy from Poland; although,
at that time, she had no citizen, so great as Itosciuskp,
" The King of Prussia had, no doubt, calculated that even if he should
defend Holland, he Would be no less obliged, at a later period, to defend him
self at home. He had the courage to give to all monarchies an example,
which, no doubt, indicated more policy than, generosity or fidelity to his en
gagements. During, the time that his allies were being beaten from the coasts
of Holland to Mannheim, he was carrying on negotiations for peace in Basle,
with the committee of public safety which, all the monarchs of Europe had
placed under the ban. This government, has for twenty years preserved the
privilege of being, disposed to make peace with its, enemies, and to go lo
war with its friends,; to make and unmake treaties, and to carry on a dou
ble line of negotiations, in order that it may always attach itself tp the
stronger. At this period, the arms of France were in the ascendant ; and
the court of Berlin sought for the friendship of the republic, because its
friendship constituted a protection.
"Notwithstanding the departure of the , stadtholder . and his family, the
war continued to bei carried on in Holland by the Anglo-Austrian army, but
merely on the position of a retreat against an invasion. This was the French
inundation over the ice of the Batavian inundation. Vandainme had been
at Utrecht from the 17th of January ; the English evacuated the town in
the presence of our trppps; it was a pursuit in- full view. The army of the
Sambre and Meuse -formed a junction with.the, army of the north, and when
the latter marched oh the Yssel, the former occupied its position ir* the ter
ritory of Cleyes. On the 18th of January, the city of Amersfort, which
had been, the seat of government since the revolution of 1787, fell info the
power of Macdonald's division, and with it the whole country as $? aa
Leek, to the north of Amsterdam. This corps was the advanced guard of
the centre, which was under the orders of Moreau. This general replaced
the divisions on the Rhine, which had been sent forward. On the 18th, the
day on which these movements took place, Pichegra having entered Am
sterdam, Gertruydenburg capitulated ; and four: days afterwards, the left of
the army having marched on the ice, across an arm of the sea, took posses
sion of Dort, Rotterdam, the- Hague, &c. The convention resounded with
the miraculous triumphs of the republican armies,
" Two noble citizens, Paulus and Schimroejpenynck, did bPnour to their
country, and can never be forgotten in France. The former, in'his character
of president of the states-general, convoked an assembly at the Hague, which

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 163
constituted itself under the name of the Provisional Representatives of the
Dutch People.- This body adopted as its model, the government and. usages
of liberating France. The sovereignty of the people, the rights of man, and
the equality of citizens, were announced with acclamations ; committees of
public safety were established, the abolition of the stadtholderate pronounced,
and the oath to the constitution of 1787 annulled. The French general had
his instructions ; . he issued a proclamation which forbade the Dutch troops
to be disarmed ; and no better proof could be given either of the- strength or
the intentions of his government.
" This course was very skilfully adapted.; for there is nothing more griev
ous to the conquered, than to be disarmed. France had ho desire to
conquer the Dutch* — she only conquered them with a view tp their liberty
and independence. Finally, the new states decreed, that their troops should
take an oath not' to carry arms against France ; and, on the 24th of January,
they sent orders to all the cities and towns to open their gates.
" At this period a feat of arms was accomplished, quite new in the his
tory of nations. . The Dutch fleet, which was frozen up in the Zuider Zee,
was captured by our artillery and light .cavalry : this must be regarded rather
as a singularity than a prodigy — above all,- after the march which' the army
had made across the rivers and canals by which Holland is intersected in
all directions. In this way the most insurmountable means of defence had
become natural means of attack, which permitted the invaders to approach
the objects of their assault on those sides on which their points of defence
were entrusted to the sluices and canals. The taking of the Dutch fleet by
the French cavalry presented something so marvellous and unexampled in
the annals of war, that it made a greater impression upon Europe than the
gaining of a pitched battle would have done. Middleburg, Flessingue, and,
finally, Zeeland, although defended by, the sea, surrendered to the French
troops, which were established there in a strong military position. Terror
seized upon the English in all directions, and their precipitate retreat be
fore the smallest movements of our troops decided the army to march on
the Yssel, the attack of which appeared to have been put off till the spring.
Between the 3rd and the 11th of February, the whole province of Overyssel
was occupied, and the English retired into the two most distant provinces,
those of Friesland and' Groningen. Thither they were followed by the
divisions of Moreau and Macdonald.- Groningen surrendered, after some
engagements in the environs, where the allies had fortified- themselves.
Their fixed retreat, however, was still honoured by some warm affairs. At
length they evacuated the country. The English, repelled by the inhabi
tants, and pursued by the- French, retreated in all haste to embark at Bremen,
and the conquest of Holland completed the grand system of the frontiers of
France. The whole Rhine belonged'to her ; there was no longer. an elec
torate or sovereign bishopric on its banks. Austria and the German princes
had lost all their possessions on this river. The Rhine fortress opposite
Mannheim was in the power of the French ; that town and Mayence were
closely invested, and about to . fall under the repeated assaults of the be
siegers. The taking of Savoy and of the country of Nice, the occupation
of a portion of Biscay and Catalonia, had brought the Pyrenees and the
Alps within the circuit of the republican limits. The military glory of the
French republic was sufficiently attested by the glorious results of the
oampaigns of 1794 and 1795. The capture of a hundred and fifty cities,
one hundred engagements, and twenty-nine pitched battles, exalted the

164 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
French name above that of all the other nations of Europe — even above
the most glorious recollections of its own history. Such was the glory of
France, and the war in Italy had not then taken place.
" The relations between France and Holland were settled by a treaty of
peace. This was the work of Sieyes, and established a happy harmony
between the interests of the two nations. In its negotiations, the conven
tion kept strictly in view the principles by which it. had been animated
during the war. The first article of the treaty recognized the sovereignty
and independence of the united provinces ; but- it was necessary for the French
government to retain securities, and the armies of France kept possession
of those strong places which England might have seized upon by surprise.
" Sieyes having presented the Dutch negotiators in a solemn sitting of
the convention, the treaty was ratified. In this sitting, the influence of the
convention insensibly exalted the grave character of the Dutch, and they
in their turn allowed themselves to be warmed by the clubs and popular
societies, whose authority had at that time risen, as was the case in France,
above that of the magistrates. These acts of violence constituted, indeed,
but feeble reprisals against the partisans of the house of Orange, who, in the
year 1787, had caused numerous towns to be sacked, and crowds of patriots
to be drowned by their emissaries ; these disturbances were, however, soon
appeased. The national moderation assumed its ascendancy; and justice
healed all wounds. On the 28th of January, 1796, the joyful anniversary
of the establishment of the Batavian republic, a grand solemnity was cele
brated. at the Hague. The opening of the National Assembly, of which the
celebrated Peter Paulus was elected President, took place on the 1st of
March. This noble citizen did not, however, long enjoy the splendid re
compense bestowed on his_ patriotism, for on the 17th of the same month,
the people, whom he had so energetically defended against the stadtholder,
followed him to his grave.
"After the convention, the Batavian republic had a collision with the
Directory, which sent it a constitution. There could be no charter; how
ever excellent, to which there would not have been a strong opposition in
Holland, on the very ground of its being sent from a foreign country, not
withstanding the terrific preponderance of the French republic. A fortu
nate circumstance eame suddenly to the aid of the Batavians, to whom their
opposition to France might have become fatal. The government of the
Hague received intelligence, that a squadron of six French vessels had
arrived in Batavia, had been there received, and protected that important
colony against the attacks of England. Out of gratitude for this signal
service, which could scarcely have been expected, the constitution sent by
the Directory was accepted, and the Dutch sea and land forces were placed
at the disposabof France. In the conferences which were held at Lille, it
is worthy of remark, that England only asked a trifling indemnity for the
dispossessed stadtholder, and the King of Prussia observed profound silence
respecting the fate pf his brother-in-law, to whom, seven years before, he
had given an army. It was in accordance with the conduct of this prince,
to push his neutrality to extremes. The house of Nassau had. disappeared
irrecoverably, and Dutch liberty was peaceably installed in its stead, by the
mere will of France. Thus this power, reconstituted, freed, and protected
by the grand republic, participated with the latter in all its hatred against
England ; and with it also continued to the very last to be regarded by the
English as an object both of vengeance and jealousy.
" In spite of the defection of the courts of Prussia and Spain, which had

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 165
entered into treaties with the committee of public safety, the coalition still
included a most formidable triple alliance, of which the powers were, Aus
tria, Russia, and England. Italy and Switzerland were occupied by Austro-
Russian armies, and an Anglo-Russian one appeared unexpectedly on the
coasts of Holland, whose independence England wished, at any cost, to de
stroy, and to wrest it from the power of the French republic. Forty thou
sand men of these two nations disembarked under the orders of a son of Eng
land—the Duke of York. This great undertaking was supported by a con
siderable fleet, which, if it had succeeded, and in the situation in which the
Directory had then allowed itself to be entangled in the affairs of Italy and
Germany, would have annihilated all the triumphs of France on the Rhine,
which would have been to endanger the existence of the republic.
" The Austrians were also in force ; and the French soil might have been
attacked by its old frontiers. General Abercrombie commanded the advanced
guard of the Anglo-Russian force, and was opposed by General Daendels
with as many Batavian troops as he could collect, but without effect.- The
passage of the Helder was forced, and a most shameful treason on the part
of the Dutch marine delivered up the Dutch fleet on the first appearance of
the English in the Zuider Zee, and it was again united with the British
flag. Brune collected 25,000 men, and hastened to North Holland to repel
the invasion of the Duke of York. Several engagements, without any
decided results, served to signalize the courage, of our soldiers. The Anglo-
Russians advanced, and gained a solid footing in the country, and it would
have been all over with the Batavian republic, had the whole 40,000 men
disembarked on one day. The English reckoned on the aid of the stadt
holder's party, in driving out the French, and reducing Holland again under
the yoke of the house of Orange. The time, however, had not yet arrived ;
the cowardice of the fleet, which had submitted ' to them without a combat,
gave them the best reason to hope for success. Amsterdam, however, was
to be again called upon to act a great part in the destinies of Holland. On
the news of the taking of the Texel by the English fleet, and when there
was nothing more to prevent them from approaching its. very walls, Amster
dam armed all her batteries, opened her coffers, raised national levies, and
established defences by means of her canals. Forty gun-boats were armed
as if by enchantment ; reinforcements from France arrived, and that beauti
ful capital was saved. Notwithstanding the example given by the navy, and
the immense advantages which commerce might have flattered itself with
deriving from an accommodation with England, love for their country and
hatred towards the stadtholder prevailed. It was, indeed, a nation of mer
chants, but it possessed, in the highest degree, the virtues of a nation which
was free, and which deserved to be so. It rose against strangers. General
Brune took advantage of this natural impulse, to organize an imposing force.
He not only stopped the progress of the enemy, but proved victorious in
two pitched battles; at Castricum and Alkmaer. The Batavian troops dis
tinguished themselves, and proved themselves worthy of fighting in the
French ranks; their generals merited every commendation. Brune was
justly hailed as the deliverer of the Batavian republic ; the Romans would
have decreed him the honours of a triumph.
" By saving Holland, he saved France from invasion, and the day of
Alkmaer was decisive of the fate of the Anglo-Russian expedition. The
Duke of York, driven into the sand hills, cut off from his fleet, encumbered
with wounded, and destitute of supplies, resolved to negotiate. The French

166 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
general did not conceal from himself the important loss which he had suf
fered, nor how many brave men his victory had 'cost him, and he eagerly
accepted the proposition of the enemy. Conferences were .established, the
negotiators soon came. to an understanding, and the capitulation was signed.
By virtue of this treaty, the Duke of York was to evacuate all the. positions
Which he occupied on the Zuider Zee, to re-embark his troops, and to send
from England 800 French prisoners in exchange for the same number of
Anglo-Russians, who were given up' to Jiim. . General ¦ Brune has been
reproached for not having required the restitution of the Texel fleet.
• "The-issue of this.formidable expedition raised the patriotic courage of
the Batavians, who had so nobly rushed to arms to repulse a foreign inva
sion. From that moment, the political and military destinies of the two
republics -became inseparable
"Four times after this period did the Dutch uselessly change the form of
their government, each change being founded upon a similar operation in
the forms of the government of France, but none of them proved sufficient
to re-establish the prosperity of the country. The sternest patriots in Hol
land recognized the advantages which this country would derive from being
incorporated with the French -empire, but they Were kept back in their
resolves by the loss of their nationality ; on the other hand, the partisans of
the Prince of Orange consisted merely of. those who regretted the loss of
offices and .employments which were no longer necessary in a republic, and
the whole of fhe nobility of Gueldres would rally eagerly around the throne
^of a King of Holland.
"The Grand-Pensionary Schimmelpenynck requested urgently to be
allowed to resign his power ; a\\ the assistance of art had proved unequal to
save the country, and the highest functionaries of the state proclaimed
aloud the necessity of trusting to the fortune of France the future good or
ill of their, unfortunate country.
" The opportunity was excellent for removing Holland from the influence
and commerce of England, but was it more advisable to reunite it to the
empire, or to form it* into a new kingdom, under the sceptre of a French
prince?. ,¦'.*'
"The former of these plans might have increased the difficulties of a
negotiation for a general peace ; it would have burthened the treasury of
France with the- payment of an enormous debt, which at that time amount
ed in capital to a sum exceeding two millions of francs, and the annual
interest of which exceeded 80,000,000, and that in presence of a system of
imposts, which reached every taxable article, and deprived the Dutch of
sixty-five per cent, of their income. It is true, the union with France
would have discharged Holland from all those obligations towards France
which treaties had imposed on her, but this would only have been to deprive
France of so much of her resources. The Batavian republic was obliged
to pay an annual subsidy of 25*000,000 francs, and to maintain an array of
25,000 French on a war footing. This led to the greatest abuses, but all
in favour of France. The French regiments were all sent successively to
Holland to be clothed, mounted, and paid, These circumstances formed a
serious counterbalance to the advantages which might have been derived
from the union, and all yielded in importance to a Systsra which would
place Holland, politically, within the sphere of French interests, leaving to
it the possession of its own nationality, with monarchical forms under the,
crown of a French prince. I was firmly of opinion that no human consider-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 167
•ation would be able to withdraw one of my brothers from my supreme
dictation, npr turn him aside from his duties towards me, as the chief and
benefactor of the family.
" The individuals sent to Paris hy the states-general as ambassadors ex
traordinary, were Admiral Werhuel, Gogel the minister of finance, Van
Styrum and William-Six, councillors of state, in order to declare that Hol
land, seeing no other prospect except that of a frightful national bankruptcy,
the results of Which it was impossible to foresee, requested its incorporation
in the empire as a favour, which -would relieve it from the burthen of its
military condition, and restore it to the commerce of the empire. They
even proffered in this case to allow their debt to remain chargeable upon
themselves, and to make every exertion to pay, provided they were no longer
called upon to submit to a- greater amount of taxation than the French.
" The ambassadors remained four months in Paris, and were, at length,
authorized to offer the crown of Holland to Prince Louis. ' We come,'
said they,' of our own accord, and supported by the suffrages of nine-tenths
of our fellow-countrymen, to entreat you to unite your fate with ours, and
to save a whole people from .the perils With- which they are threatened.'
" The prince did not dissemble the repugnance which he felt to under
take the burthen of a crown, and it was necessary to comrrtand in order to
induce him to decide. When the minister for foreign affairs Went to St.
Leu, to submit the constitution of Holland for his signature, he said to him :
' It is impossible for me to form a judgment of the contents of such an
important document at one reading, being a stranger to all the preliminary
discussions which have taken place ; I do not know whether they may not
call upon me to promise more than I shall be. able to fulfil. The only
assurance which it is possible for me to give, is, that I will devote myself
with zeal to the interests of Holland, and use my best endeavours to justify
the good opinion of me with which, no doubt, the Emperor my brother has
inspired you.'
"All Louis's impressions at that time were under the dominion of a mor
bid state of mind. He avowed to his most intimate friends* that he felt in
a condition of moral spasm, which rendered life insupportable ; but that, by
his acceptance of the throne, he hoped for a-cure. 'In Holland,' he said,
' the interests and wants-of the public, and the administration of their affairs,
will completely:oceupy my mind ; I shall carry with me into my adopted
country all my best affections, and I shall probably be able, by degrees, to
recover from my physical and moral prostration.' Mistrust, however,
already governed all his actions, even before he left Paris, for a single word
which escaped from Talleyrand gave him reason to suspect that he was
sacrificed to a mere political expedient.
" The solemnity of the proclamation of the King of Holland took place
at St. Cloud, and made a great sensation in the political world, in conse
quence of the declaration of the reasons assigned by the Batavian republic
for placing itself under the dominion of a French prince.
"As a king, prince Louis always exhibited a truly paternal solicitude for
the interests of his people, and sacrificed to them even all his patriotic feel
ings as a Frenchman ; and no Dutchman could ever say, that he was a more
ardent lover of his country than the king. His abdication, after a reign of
five years, was the action of a morbid mind, but the consequence of the
course of political conduct which he pursued, in direct contradiction to
those principles which had placed the crown on his head. The error which

168 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
my brothers committed consisted in not comprehending that they*were hot,
and could, not be, kings., except as supporters of my^olicy ; and that their
kingdoms could never acquire prosperity except as satellites of France. The
act of the King of Westphalia in quitting the grand army with his guard,
in order not for a moment to be under the command of a French marshal,
and that of the King of Holland, in submitting, as a question to his privy
council, whether they should not, at the cannon's mouth, refuse entrance
into Amsterdam to.the corps of Marshal Oudinot, are things which common
sense could scarcely believe, were it not that the testimony of credible wit
nesses of those moments of infatuation does not permit the facts to be
doubted. "The first cause of coolness between the King of Holland and my cabi
net, was a question respecting commercial duties. The manufactures of
Leyden, and the linens of Overyssel and. Haarlem, suffered extremely from
the protection granted to articles of the same description by the tariff pf
customs established in the empire, and I constantly resisted all the importu
nities of the king to obtain some reduction or modification of these duties.
" Shortly afterwards, the military condition of Holland became also a
subject, of vexation and bitterness. I required that its army should be
maintained on a r'espeptable footing, and on this promise I had consented
to withdraw the 25,000 Frenchmen, whom the Dutch had hitherto been
obliged to support, clothe, and. pay, in compliance with the treaty of 1799,
The .Dutch army, however, underwent most important reductions in its
effective force, and secret orders from the king had successively recalled
into the ports of Holland, under pretence of repairs, but, in fact, to be dis
armed, the vessels belonging to the flotilla of Boulogne. There was no
longer left at Boulogne any thing except a few Dutch sloops, out of a flotilla
of above one hundred sail. I was deeply offended,. as a sovereign and a
brother, but I confined myself to writing thus to Louis-r--' You are sacri
ficing your navy to an unseasonable idea of reform ; you will lose your
colonies, and I shall do nothing for Holland, if you diminish your land and
sea forces. It is necessary to have 50,000 men, and twenty sail of the line.
It is not you who can save Holland, it is only the sincerity of her progress in
my line of policy. Why do you interfere ? Flushinghas not been divided;
withdraw from it the Dutch administration which impedes the execution of
my orders. I wish to have no other commandant there than my own. I
am desirous of carrying on great works ¦ there, "which'will be for the ad
vantage of the country, and of the administration of Zeeland, with which
I do not wish to interfere, '
" When war with Prussia became imminent, I thought it necessary to
collect at Wesel a body of troops, Dutch and French, and I wrote to Louis,
' You will make a useful diversion at Wesel, where I beg you to concentrate
your army, which I shall augment by the addition of a division of my troops;
This army shall be called the army of the north, of which you will take
the command, and you will so manage as to, give the impression that it
is larger than it really is. If the Prussians become aware of the change of
my dispositions, and invade Holland, they are lost, and if they do not do
so, they are equally lost. Whilst they suppose that I am arranging my line
of operations to march to the Rhine, I have already calculated that in a few
hours after the declaration of war, they cannot prevent me from outflank
ing their left, and bearing down upon them with a greater force than they
can oppose, or than is necessary for their destruction. The line once

HIS-BbRY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON, 169
broken, all their efforts to succour their left will result to their disadvantage ;
and if qut off in theh\march, they will fall successively into my line. The
results will be incalculable ; perhaps in six weeks I may be in Berlin — my
army is stronger than that of the Prussians — and even if they should beat
me at first, they shall soon afterwards find me in their centre with 100,000
fresh troops, and bent on the execution of my plan.
" ' Marshal Mortier will manoeuvre with the 8th corps, in order to get
possession of Hesse-Cassel, and to drive out the elector, who is Prussian
both in his- heart and as a general in the service of that kingdom. He only
wishes to remain neutral in order* the better to serve the King of Prussia,
and to injure my army, in the rear of which he wishes to find himself
placed by the events of the opening of the compaign, It is necessary that
the army under your command should be always in readiness to give assist
ance to Marshal Mortier, who has but few troops under his orders.'
" The King of Holland obeyed. But how ? And yet he had written to
me, ' My co-operations as a king allied with your majesty, shall be as free
and open as the friendship which I feel for your majesty as a brother, and
which' has subsisted since my earliest youth.'
" Thedetails respecting the composition of the army which was to be
collected at Wesel, were very offensive to the King of Holland. Each bri
gade was to be formed of a French and a Dutch regiment. The chief
commands were to be reserved to the French generals, even to that of the
artillery, although the whole of the batteries were to be furnished by the
Dutch artillery.
" These two circumstances — the occupation of the electorate of Hesse,
and the fusion of the Dutch regiments into the French ranks.— made a deep
and bitter impression upon the. king, who said he owed it tp his honour to
show the troops of his new country in line.; and this co-operation in a pro
ject calculated to injure -a prince with whom he was on the most friendly
terms was very repulsive to his feelings of delicacy. In what regarded the
organization of the army, he was obliged to obey, but he flattered himself
that it would be possible for him to avoid allowing, a single man in his army
to enter the territory of Hesse-Cassel. In this hope he was deceived, for
Marshal Mortier, by virtue of. the Emperor's orders, insisted on an active
co-operation ; and on the 1st of November, the King of Holland was on
his march in person against Hesse-Cassel. When the elector sent his first
equery to compliment him, he availed himself of the opportunity to say to
that prince, that he had been obliged to invade his territory^for being ne
cessarily engaged in the war, and having, the command of a corps of the
French army, he had to conform ,to the plan of operations by which the
whole was regulated ; but as a neighbour and a. sovereign he thought he
might, without betraying his duties to his ally, advise the elector to remain
in his capital, which would otherwise be taken from his country ; whereas,
if he persisted, things might still be arranged, as he had declared his wish
to remain neutral.
" An accidental circumstance which occurred during this campaign, de
veloped, in the mind of the King of Holland, the feeling of distrust which
destroyed all his relations with the Emperor. General Duppnt-Chaumont,
the minister of France at the Hague, under the former government, had
not yet been accredited to the government of the king, although he still
continued to be the channel through which all diplomatic relations were
carried on. He was an old soldier of reputation, and a man of remarkable
talent; the king induced him to accompany him to the army, perhaps to

170 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY ©F NAPOLEON.
enjoy the benefits of his military experience, and,'perhaps also, because of
the interest which he felt in the recitals of thex early events of our revolu
tion, and of the wars of the republic, in which this general had taken a
very active part. All the reserve' of diplomacy gradually disappeared be*1
fore the intimacy pf military companionship; the most secret instructions
of the ambassador were divulged ; the king learned, that if new-credentials
were, not delivered to him, if he was only regarded in the grand army as a
Frenchprince, if the Order of the union, the guards of the Dutch marshals,
and finally, the coronation itself still remained, notwithstanding his warm
importunity, questions unresolved by the Emperor, it was because the affairs
of Holland were not yet definitively settled in his political scheme, and that-
the country was reserved as a sacrifice for a peace with England. • It was
from this circumstance that was dated Louis's resolution secretly to resist
all my wishes, my advice, and even -my orders-. ' I cannot,' said he, ' resist
my brother by open force ; but if I have been deceived by him as to the
character which awaited me as king of Holland, I will -prove at least to my
people and to posterity, that nothing has been able to make me deviate from
what I owe to a country which has become mine, and to which I am
bound by the most sacred oaths and obligations.'
" Gerieral Dupont-Chaumont, -who, by his indiscretion, and still more by
his own impressions, had thus betrayed his duty as representative of the em
pire, sent a report to Paris of all that had taken place during these conver
sations on the march and at head-quarters.
" He wrote that the king had resolved to act, henceforward, exclusively
as king of Holland, and put a stop to the effect of those dispositions which
he had adopted since his accession to the throne, with a view to the com
plete amalgamation of the interests of the two countries, but which he now
began to foresee might eventually prove ruinous to the cause of Holland.
. " Justice, however, must be done to Louis, by admitting that he rendered
very important services during that war.
" Another circumstance, the Berlin decrees, became a source of bitterness
in the relations between the courts of the Hague and the Tuileries. The
rigorous execution of the continental system was the same as a death-blow
to Dutch commerce. The Berlin' decrees bore date 21st of November,
1806, and are as follow :
" ' Seeing, first, that England does not recognize the law of nations, as
observed by all civilized ; states secondly, that she not only treats as an
enemy every thing which belongs to the states with which she is at war, and
thus not only seizes upon ships of war, and makes prisoners of their crews,
but even o'f the crews of merchant vessels arid their supercargoes, who, in
consequence of their being obliged to go to sea on matters of business, fall
into her hands ; thirdly, that the right of conquest is applied by her to mer
chant vessels and private property, Whilst it ought in reality to affect the
property of the hostile state .alone ; ¦ fourthly,- that she extends the right of
blockade to fortified places and commercial cities, as well as to bays and
the mouths of rivers, whilst, according to the usages of civilized nations,
it can be applied only to fortified places ; that she declares a place in a
state of blockade, even when there is no ship of war actually there, and no
blockade really exists, whilst a place cannot he considered in this condition,
except where it is properly invested, so that nothing can go out ; and that
a state of blockade cannot be established, even with the combination of all
her naval forces, along the whole coasts of a country ; fifthly, that it is an

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 171
unheard of abuse of the right of blockade, to use it merely with a view to
prevent communications among nations, and to establish the manufacturing
interest of England on the ruins of those of the continental nations ; sixthly,
that the object of England is to oblige all who have any, intercourse with
her on the continent to favour her views and become her accomplices ; se
venthly, that such conduct on the part of England, worthy of barbarous times
alone, can merely be useful to herself, and is prejudicial to all other powers;
and, eighthly, that it is a natural right to oppose an enemy with the same
arms which she employs, and, when she discards all liberal views, the result
of the progress of knowledge and civilization, to throw them aside in oppo
sition to her.
" ' We have resolved to oppose England by the adoption of those maxims
against her which she has adopted in her maritime code.
" ' The principles of the present decree shall be considered as one of the
fundamental laws of the empire, till England shall see fit to regard the rights
of war, as the same by sea as by land; to see that they do not extend to pri
vate property, and still less to the persons of private individuals, who are not
taken with arms in their hands ; and that the right of blockade can only ex
tend to places invested by a sufficient force to effect such a purpose.
" '¦ We have decreed, and do decree as follows :
" ' Art. 1. The British isles are declared to be in a state of blockade.
'"Art. 2. All commerce or intercourse with the said isles is strictly in
terdicted, "'Art. 3. All letters or parcels addressed to England, or to an English
man, or written in English, shall be detained at the post-office.
" ' Art. 4. Every subject of England, of whatever rank or condition he
may be, who shall be found in our states, or in those of any of our allies,
shall be made a prisoner of war.
" ' Art. 5. All goods or property, of whatsoever kind, belonging to Eng
lish subjects, shall be considered as lawful prizes.
" ' Art. 6. All commercial intercourse with England is strictly prohibited ;
and all the manufactures of that country, or its colonies, wheresoever found,
are to be regarded as lawful prizes.
"' Art. 7. The one-half of the proceeds arising from the sale of such
goods or rrierchandise, shall be applied to the re-imbursement of those mer
chants whose ships have been taken by English ships or corsairs.
" ' Art. 8. No ship coming direct from England, or any of her colonies,
or proceeding thither, after the publication of this decree, shall be allowed
to enter any port.
" ' Art. 9. Every ship which shall make use of any false papers, so as to
defeat this decree, shall be seized, and her cargo confiscated and treated as
English property.
" ' Art. 10. Our Conseildes Prises (Admirality Court), at Paris, is charged
with the duty of deciding all disputes, which shall arise on the subject of
these captures, which shall be made within the empire, or the countries
occupied by our troops, in consequence of this decree. Our court of jus
tice in Milan is charged with the decision of all such disputes as shall arise
on this subject in our kingdom of Italy.
'" Art. 11. The present decree shall be communicated by our minister
of foreign affairs to the Kings of Spain, Holland, Naples, and Turin, as
well as to our allies, whose subjects, as well as ours, are the victims of Eng
lish injustice on sea.'

172 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEOSJ.
" Undoubtedly, the last article was equivalent to an order for the execu
tion of ithese articles tc the Kings of Spain, Holland, and Naples, and the
less doubt that could be entertainelfpf this, the more culpable did these
kings render themselves, who, yielding to the influences of local interests,
eluded the full execution of these measures, which were the results of deep
political views, and intended as a means of compelling, England to enter
upon negotiations, which aim, from the moment of my accession to powef,
was the ruling idea of all my political conduct.*

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 173

NOTE.

The following note will serve to finish the portrait of Sir Hudson Lowe,
and to represent him in his true colours :
" General Bonaparte cannot be allowed to traverse the island freely. Had
the only question been that of his safety, a mere commission of the East
India Company would have been sufficient to guard him at St. Helena. He
may consider himself fortunate that my government has sent a man so kind
as myself to guard hirii, otherwise he would be put in chains, to teach him
to conduct himself better."
To this note the Emperor replied :
" In this case it is obvious that, if the instructions given to Sir Hudson
Lowe by Lords Bathurst and Castlereagh do not contain an order to kill
me, a verbal order must have been given ; for whenever people wish mys
teriously to destroy a man, the first thing they do is to cut him off from all
communication with society, and surround him with the shades Of mystery,
till, having accustomed the world to hear nothing said of him, and to forget
him, they can easily torture him or make hira disappear."

HISTORY

OF THE

CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON

VOL II.

12

HISTORY

CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON
IN ST. HELENA.

CHAPTER I.
GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS ON FRANCE.
" France, by her geographical situation, the fertility of her soil, the
energy and intelligence of her inhabitants, is the arbitress of European
states. She departs from the character assigned her by nature when she
becomes a conquering power. She descends from it, when she consents
to obey the obligations of any alliance whatsoever. She is among the na
tions of Europe what the lion is amongst the other animals which surround
him. She cannot move without being either a protectress or a destroyer.
She lends the assistance of her arm, but never exchanges aid for her own
personal interest, or to augment the weight of her influence in the scale of
nations. Her own force is always sufficient ; for, even when she is mo
mentarily affected by the malady of nations— intestine divisions — she
recovers, by convulsive efforts, the power of punishing her enemies for
having dared to provoke her to the combat. In 1793 and 1794, the whole
of Europe, formed a coalition against her; 100,000 fanatical Vendeans,
armed and paid by England, threatened. Paris ; 1,300,000 Frenchmen in
stantly flew to arms, from the love of their country, and not, as has been
said, through fear of the guillotine. Europe was conquered— condemned
to recognise the French republic, and to submit to the. empire of those
principles of liberty and equality by which France had just been regene
rated. There is nothing great of which the French are not capable ; dan
ger electrifies them; it is their Gallic inheritance. The love of glory is
with them like a sixth sense; and when, after many years of peace, the
wailings of a few mothers shall no longer find an echo, the conscription
will become a point of honour, and the nation will be able to defy reverses,
invasion, and ages !
" Those who are called to hold the reins of such a kingdom should com
prehend the full value and bearing of the favourable position which France

180 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
enjoys, and never suffer a nation which was destined to be a sun, to de
generate into a satellite.
" The whole of my policy was uniformly directed by this opinion', both
during the consulate and the empire. I was ambitious to effect the fusion
of all the great interests of Europe, as that of parties had been effected in
France — to become the arbiter between nations and their kings ; but for
this, it was first necessary to gain the confidence and the friendship of the
latter, which could only he acquired at the expense of my popularity with
the former. I knew it, but I felt myself to be all-powerful, and took little
note of those murmurs which would have been soon replaced by gratitude,
had the great work of my ambition been accomplished. It was with this
view, that, after the battle of Austerlitz, I gave liberty to Alexander, who,
being hemmed in at Holich, asked it of me, and gave me his imperial word
that he would lead back into Russia, by hasty marches, the shattered rem
nants of the Russian army, and no longer mix himself in the quarrels of
Austria ; — that after Wagram I did not partition Austria ; I could have
done it — nothing would have been easier ; for one of the arch-dukes begged
me to separate the crowns of Bohemia arid Hungary from that of Austria;
and he said to me — ' Place me upon the throne, I will give you every pos-
sible guarantee that you can require, and then only you will have nothing
to fear from the Austrian power, whose policy is the depression of France.
Metternieh is your personal enemy ; my brother suffers himself to be led
blindfold by him ; and, whatever may be said, he will still remain master
under the reign of my nephew.'
" I, however, believed the protestations of the Emperor Francis. I suf
fered the triple crown to remain upon his head, but I was wrong. I com
mitted a fault, also, in marrying the arch-duchess Marie-Louise, because
from that day I looked upon the house of Austria as a part of my family,
and if Ihad not been ruled by my own impressions of the sacredness of
family bonds, I would have waited for the pacification of Spain before I
engaged in the affairs of the north, and the re-establishment of the king
dom of Poland. Had I not reckoned on the integrity of the Austrian alli
ance, the war in Russia would not have taken place. It could have been
avoided in principle. It would have been enough for that purpose not to
have interfered with the infractions of the treaty of Tilsit, and to have
allowed Russia to sell her natural productions to England in exchange for
English manufactures. This was the vital question of the quarrel.
" Each of my victories was a diplomatic step in my aim of restoring
peace to Europe. After the battle of Marengo, as well as after those of
Austerlitz, Jena, Wagram and Dresden, I always offered a general peace ;
and when 400,000 Frenchmen and allies of France were on the banks of
the Niemen, and whilst the Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia
were waiting for a friendly reception on my passage, I still stretched out
the hand of a brother to the Emperor Alexander, and renewed to him the
solemn declaration, ' that all my conquests beyond the natural limits of
France, were neither made nor retained for any other purpose than that of
compensation or exchange at a general peace.
" Had I reigned twenty years longer, I would have shown the difference
between a constitutional emperor and a king of France. The kings of
France have never done any thing but for the interests of their dynasty,
and with a view of increasing their feudal power by the depression of the
high nobility, the extinction of the great fiefs and their reunion with the
crown.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 181
" Henry IV. was a valiant captain, but he owed his crown more to his
double abjuration than to his victories. His memory is only popular, be
cause by a bon-mot he gave evidence of some sympathies for the people.
But, in fact, he never did any thing for them. . y
" Louis XIV. was a great king. He did great things, and noBly main
tained the honour of the nation, both in his wars and by his diplomatic
acts ; but the whole spirit of his reign may be compressed into the single
phrase — ' Vetat c'est moi,' (I am the state.) All his actions and thoughts
were directed towards the attainment of personal greatness. He acted and
created from pride, and not from patriotism.
" The national character sank under the reign of the kings of the third
race : every thing for the moment and the fancy, and nothing for the fu
ture; such was the principle and such were the manners which they con
ferred on the French nation. I would have changed the face of France
and of Europe. Archimedes promised to move the world, if they only fur
nished him with a fulcrum for his lever ; I would have made a fulcrum for
myself, wherever I could have placed my energy, my perseverance, and
my budgets. With budgets well employed, a world may be regenerated ;
with budgets squandered, a world may be ruined. Had the city of Paris
employed, in solid buildings, all the money which it wasted for ten centuries
on structures of wood and painted cloth, to feast its kings, Paris would
have been a wonder worthy of fabulous times : wherever my dominion has
extended, there remain durable monuments of its benefits.
" The magnificent docks of Antwerp and Flushing are capable of con
taining the most numerous fleets and sheltering them both from the fury
of the tempest and the attacks of enemies — the hydraulic works of Dunkirk,
Havre, and Nice— the gigantic harbour of Cherbourg — the maritime works
in Venice — the beautiful roads from Antwerp to Amsterdam — the plan and
commencement of the canal,, intended to connect Amsterdam with Ham
burg and the Baltic — the road along the banks of the Rhine — the road
from Bourdeaux to Bayonne — the passes of the Simplon, Mont Cenis, Mont
Genevre, and the Corniche, which open up the Alps in four directions, are
works which exceed in boldness, grandeur, and art, any thing ever at
tempted by the Romans. The bridges of Jena, Austerlitz, Sevres, and
Mours — that over the Durance — those of Bourdeaux, Moissac, Rouen, Tu
rin, and Lisere — the canal which connects the Rhine and the Rhone by
the Doubs, and unites the German ocean with the Mediterranean — that
which unites the Scheldt and the Somme, and forms a channel for com
merce between Amsterdam and Paris — that which joins the Ranee and the
Vilaine — the canal of Aries, that of Pavia, and that of the Rhine — the
draining of the marshes of Bourgoin, Cotentin, and Rochefort — the works
undertaken for draining the Pontine marshes, which would have been com
pleted in 1820 — the rebuilding and reparation of almost all the churches
in France, demolished or injured in the revolution — the construction, in
eighty-three departments, of buildings, as establishments for the extirpa
tion of mendicity, by offering work and a refuge to the poor against the
infirmities of age, and the evils of destitution — the embellishments of Paris,
the Louvre, the Exchange, the square on the Quai d'Orsay, the triumphal
arch of the Barriere de I'Etoile, the granaries, the Madeleine, the canal of
Ourg, and the subterraneous channels for the distribution and the construc
tion of sewers — the restoration of the monuments of Rome, the re-estab
lishment of the manufactories of Lyons, and the "reconstruction of its
buildings and streets destroyed in 1793 — the erection of many hundred

182 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
manufactories of cotton, of beet-root sugar, or of wood, all raised by the
aid of millions supplied from the civil list— 50,000,000 employed in re-
pairing and embellishing the palaces of the crown— 60,000,000 in furni
ture placed in the royal residences in France, Holland, Turin, and Rome
 60,000,000 in diamonds as a dotation to the crown of France, all pur
chased with my. treasures— -the Musee Napoleon, estimated at more than
400,000,000j created by my victories, and containing nothing but objects
legitimately acquired by treaties ;-?-these are the monuments left 'by my
passage ; and history Will record" that all this was accomplished in the
midst of continual wars, without a loan, whilst the public debt was in
the course of extinction every year, with a normal budget of less than
800,000,000 for more than 40,000,000 of people in the empire, and when
the army amounted to 600,000 men, with the crews- of 100 sail of the line.
" France was in want of a great naval harbour in the channel, as was
often felt during the last war; Louis XV [. had undertaken to form one at
Cherbourg, which was a gigantic undertaking, for the means at his dispo
sal at that period, in which the finances of the country were in a deplora
ble condition. The protection of the roads by a breakwater presented the
greatest difficulties ; it was suggested to employ cones constructed on shorej
towed to the spot destined for the breakwater, then filled with stones, and
sunk for a foundation ; this was extremely ingenious. From rivalry, how
ever, the project failed. The genius which was to have constructed de
fences on shore, which were to serve as auxiliaries to those of the dike,
constructed them in suoh a manner in the Isle of Pelet, and at Fort Quer-
queville, that the breakwater became no longer the principal part, and that
which had been intended to cover and protect a great navy, whether col
lected to terrify the enemy, or driven in for refuge in the chances of war,
offered only an asylum for a small number of ships/when it ought to have
contained 100 at least. The additional accommodation might have been
gained at a small increase of expense, by carrying the breakwater further
out into the roads. There was another inexcusable circumstance con
nected with the execution of these works, and one very characteristic of
this period of decay. All the works connected with the eastern entrance
Were finished before it Was even thought necessary to try, by actual sound
ings, whether ships of war could enter at low water without striking, and
it was discovered also that the western passage would be impracticable for
ships drawing more than eighteen feet water, unless they diminished the
length of the breakwater, leaving the passage 2400 yards wide, which
¦would have rendered the fire from Fort Qu.erqueville very uncertain in its
effect. " One of my first cares was to complete the works of Cherbourg. After
a long examination of the whole subject, I gave orders for the elevation of
the breakwater, and for the construction of three strong forts, one at each
extremity, and the third in the centre. In less than a year there sprang
up, as if by magic, a real island, crowned with batteries of the heaviest
calibre. Till this time, the English merely laughed at our efforts, which
they believed would lead to no result. The cones, they said would go to
pieces in time, the stones would be scattered by the force of the sea, and
French fickleness would do the rest. But now it became another affair.
The western passage was still too wide, a cross-fire could not have been
maintained with effect, and a bold enemy might have renewed the dis
asters of Aboukir. I* gave orders for the construction of an enormous
elliptical fort within the breakwater. This fort was at its centre, designed

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 183
for its support, and commanding the' central battery. It was two stories
high, fitted with casements, and bomb proof, mounted with fifty heavy
guns, and twenty mortars of large dimensions. The docks, excavated in
the granite rocks, are works worthy of the greatest periods of Rome, and
the Romans never executed any thing more magnificent. All these works
were completed in 1814. I had thus obtained a means of sheltering fifty
additional ships of the line, but this was not enough to complete my con
ception. I proposed to renew the wonders of Egypt at Cherbourg. I had
built my pyramid in the sea, and I now wished for my lake Mceris. I
was desirous of concentrating at Cherbourg an immense naval force, in
order to have it always in my power to threaten England, and to attack
her with great force in case of necessity. I took up a position in which
the two nations could fight, as it were, at close quarters, and the issue
could not be doubtful, for it would have been the struggle, hand to hand,
of forty millions of Frenchmen against from fifteen to twenty millions of
Englishmen. It would have been terminated by a battle of Actium, and
then what would I have done with England ?— destroyed her? Certainly
not. I would only have required from her that the term of her naval do
mination should cease, that her intolerable usurpation, her enjoyment of
the rights imprescriptible and sacred to all, should have an end. I would
have irequired the freedom, the liberty of the seas, the independence and
honour of the flags of all nations, and I should have had on my side the
power, the good rights, and the wishes of the whole continent.
" The convention had no desire for a war with England, and had a good
negotiator in London ; Chauvelin, the ambassador, Was no longer recog
nised, but Maret, who then had charge of foreign affairs, was directed to
treat. He made very reasonable overtures, which were rejected. Having
returned with new powers, he made important concessions, very advan
tageous both to England and Holland ; but Pitt dreaded the degrefe of power
to which France might raise herself, if she were allowed peaceably to esta
blish her revolution, and he never thought that he would imperil the des
tiny of the" whole of Europe by taking up arms against French liberty.
" The convention had sacrificed Louis XVI. The great crime Was com
mitted : but England was the only power in Europe which had no pretence
of right to punish them for it. It was England, nevertheless, that under
took to perform an act of vengeance which would have been quite natural
for the houses of Spain or Austria. It was evident that after having dared
to commit such a crime, the convention neither had the inclination nor the
power to shrink before any menaces, nor to retrograde in its career. The
warlike enthusiasm, but, above all, the revolutionary enthusiasm, which
had been exhibited in France after the battle of Jemappes, ought to have
led men to foresee, that in the moment of the most serious danger, when
the armies of Clairfait and the emigres were threatening the country, there
would be a great national demonstration— an unanimous rising en masse
throughout the whole of France for its defence. England, however, which
assumed the lead in forming the coalition, knew well that she would only
occupy the second line in the war, and would even scarcely appear other
wise than in her subsidies-. It was of great importance to her, that conti
nental Europe should be embroiled in dangers ; the supremacy which she
aimed at usurping would thus become more certain, and she would rule
over Europe by the evils which she was instrumental in causing — she
would curb and delay the progress of French industry, by keeping the
French people busy in the field of battle. She supported within the repub-

184 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
lie those factions which were to tear it to pieces ; she refused to negptiate
with the convention, and she promised herself to nourish terror ; she wished
to be heir of the death of Louis XVI., and dispute its results with the re
public. Chauvelin was dismissed on the 24th of January, 1793 ; Maret
remained till February 3d, but he also was ordered to leave the country
when war became imminent ; he carried back with him the conviction, that
Pitt was the irreconcilable enemy of the prosperity of France. England
carried with her, in her hatred, all Europe, except Denmark, which always
remained faithful to France, and Tuscany, governed by the wise and libe
ral Leopold. This was a sentence of death to Holland, which was so placed
as to receive the first fire of the republic; but William V., who had des-.
troyed that fine country, to which his ancestors had been invited with such
glorious hospitality, was, in consequence of his eagerness to accede to the
wishes of England, obliged to submit to the results" of his usurpation and
his servility. The convention declared war against England, and against
Holland, which had become her satellite.
" It would be a magnificent field for speculation, to estimate what would
have been the destinies of France and of Europe, had England satisfied
herself with denouncing the murder of Louis XVI., which would have
been for the interest of public morality, and listened to the counsels of a
philanthropic policy by accepting revolutionized France as an ally. Scaf
folds would not then have been erected over the whole country ; kings
would not have shaken on their thrones, but their states would have all,
more or less, passed through a revolutionary process, and the whole of
Europe, without a convulsion, would have become constitutional and free,
without jealousy and without ambition. The fancy of the Abbe de St.
Pierre would have been realized. The French republic would have felt
secure in her own resources and surrounding safety, and would not have
entertained the idea, or felt the wish, of invading other states. She would
not have felt the necessity of victory, and the implacable legislation which
supported that necessity within herself would not have shed those torrents
of blood which have steeped the soil of France : no other superiority, ex
cept that of law, would have sprung up in her bosom, and there would
have been no room for the display of private ambition. Her whole glory
would have been in her tribunes and on her seats of justice, and all her
interests would have constrained the development and perfection of indus
try. Commerce and agriculture,- with the arts, would have become the
patrimony of liberty. A single campaign,' perhaps, would have taken
place in the commencement, which would have fixed the limits of France
at the Rhine, the Alps, and the Pyrenees. This would have been her only
conquest. France would then have been the greatest miracle in civiliza
tion ; she would have revived the Rome of the Scipios, and the Greece of
Miltiades. and Leonidas. England would have been merely a manufac
tory and a counting-house, because France would have become the metro
polis of the world. The sentence of death was passed upon France by
England, but events seemed to arrest the judgment and to give hopes of
its revocation.
" A king does not belong to nature, but only to civilization, and he must
march at its head. The ancient crown of the Bourbons was broken, and
Louis XVI. brought to the scaffold, because royalty, had not kept pace
with the progress of civilization. The French people said of Napoleon,
' He is our King — the others are the kings of the nobles.' The con
fidence of the people constituted his power. The people were right ; all

HISTORY QF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 185
Napoleon's thoughts when on the throne were for France ; all his wishes
in exile were for her happiness, and if he gained the affection of the French
people, it was because he deserved it, by never promising anything which
he did not perform. The first duty of a prince is to fulfil the wishes and
meet the expectations of his people, but what the people wish seldom cor
responds with what they say ; the wishes and wants of the people are found
less in their mouths than in the heart of the prince. Every system may
be maintained, that of affability as well as that of severity ; both have their
chances of success and their dangers. I often affected severity in order
to spare myself the necessity of doing that which policy demanded. The
archives of my ministers, those of my cabinet, have fallen into the hands
of my most implacable enemies, and what have' they found there to im
pugn my justice, and the rigid probity of my administration 1 Nothing.
Where is the sovereign who, in my position, in' the midst of factions, dis
turbances and unceasing conspiracies, would have inflicted fewer punishr
ments, or had less recourse to the executioner ? And, notwithstanding,
what was the calm which pervaded France on my elevation to the head
of affairs as First Consul! All my disinterestedness and all the inflexi
bility of my character were absolutely necessary to change the modes of
administration and to put an end to that frightful spectacle of demoraliza
tion organized in the saloons of Barras, which recalled the monstrous dis
orders of the times of the regency.
" Immorality is, unquestionably, the worst and most destructive dispo
sition which a sovereign can possess, because it becomes the fashion and
a means of .success to courtiers, among whom all vices find their natural
support ; it poisons the very sources of all virtue, and infects the whole
social body like an epidemic. It is, in short, the most dreadful of all na
tional scourges. Public morality, on the contrary is' the natural comple
ment of law, and has an especial code of its own. There is no doubt, that
revolutions regenerate morals, in the same manner as the richest manure
produces the most splendid vegetation.
¦" The occupation of Amsterdam by our troops, was ordered by me, be
cause of the necessity for shutting all the coasts and the ports of Holland
against English commerce. I ordered the French division of our garri
son, which was cantoned at Utrecht, to guard the coasts of the Zuyder
Zee. " The king abdicated. If he had had more confidence in me, he would
have remained King of Holland ; the Dutch loved him, and justly, and
would have preserved him at the peace ; the esteem and love of his people,
would have done for him what the treaty of 1813 did for Murat.
*' The dangers of France brought back Louis to me ; he came to offer
me his services like a good brother and a good Frenchman.
" The expedition against Walcheren and against Antwerp, was the
means of proving his worth as a king and as a general. His instantane
ous and energetic decision saved Antwerp ; Holland was almost destitute
of troops ; all the disposable forces of the Dutch army were on the Elbe.
Louis did not hesitate to confide the crown to the patriotism of the Dutch,
and he arrived at the head of the royal guards to the assistance of Ant
werp ; he had escaped every danger, and had paralysed the English ex
pedition, when Bernadotte arrived there. France will acknowledge, soon
er or later, when her hour of reverses shall come, the good conduct of all
my brothers. All eagerly advanced to offer for her service their persons
and their fortunes ; my sisters even sacrificed with joy their jewels to pay

186 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
for the recruiting of the army. Proscription and ruin are the effects of
French gratitude at the present day."

It appears to me that the proper place for the two following letters, is
at the end of this dictation ; they explain the causes of the bad understand
ing between the two brothers as sovereigns :
" When your majesty ascended the throne of Holland, one part of the
Dutch nation wished for a union with France; the esteem which history •
made me conceive for this brave nation, made me desirous that it should
retain its name, and its independence. I myself framed its constitution,
which was to form the foundation of the throne of your majesty, and I
placed you on it._
" I cherished the hope that your majesty, educated according to my
principles, would have perceived that Holland, which had been conquered
by my subjects, and which only owed its existence and independence to
their generosity, — that Holland, weak, without allies, without an army,
could be and ought to be conquered the very day that she should attempt
any direct opposition against France, — that your majesty would not se
parate your policy from mine,-— that Holland, in short, was bound by trea
ties to me. I had hoped that by placing on her throne a prince of my
own blood, I had found the mezzo termine which Would conciliate the in
terests of the two states, by uniting them in a common interest* and in a
common hatred of England ; and I was proud of having given to Holland
a. government suited to it, as I had given one to Switzerland by my act of
mediation. But I have not been slow in perceiving that I deceived my
self with vain hopes ; my expectations have been disappointed ; your ma
jesty has, on ascending the throne of Holland, stretched all the springs of
your reason, and tormented the delicacy of your conscience, to persuade
yourself that you are Dutch.
" I carry in my heart, and I have raised upon the bayonets of my sol
diers, the estimation and honour of the French name too high, for Holland
or any one to insult it with impunity.
" Of what do the Dutch complain ? Have they not been conquered by
our armies 7 Do they not owe their independence to the generosity of
France, which has consequently opened to their commerce its rivers, and
its ports, which has only made use of, its conquest to protect them, and
which has, till this hour, made no other use of its power, than to consoli*
date their independence 7
" You must understand that I do not separate myself from my prede
cessors, that I consider myself the representative of them all, from Clovis
down to the committee of public safety, and that the evil said out of pure
gaiety of heart against the governments which preceded me, I consider
said with the intention of offending myself. I know that it has become
the fashion among certain persons to praise me, and to decry France ; but
those who do not love France, do not love me, and I consider those my
greatest enemies who calumniate my people.
" Your majesty has deceived yourself respecting my character ; you
have a false idea of my kindness, and of my feelings towards yourself.
" You have disarmed your squadrons, dismissed your sailors* disorgan-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 187
ized your armies, so that Holland is at present without an army and with
out a fleet, as if magazines, merchandize, and merchants could consoli
date one's power ; all this constitutes a rich community, but there cannot
be a king without means of raising an army, and without a fleet.
" The Dutch merchants have taken advantage of the period when I was
engaged on the Continent, to renew their relations with England, and thus
to defeat the only means of injuring that nation. I have clearly shown
my dissatisfaction at this conduct by closing France against them; and I
have given you to understand that without any assistance from my armies,
and by merely shutting up the Rhine, the Weser, the Scheldt, and the
Meuse, as far as Holland is concerned, I should place her in a more criti
cal position than if I declared war against her, and that I should isolate
her in such a manner as to annihilate her utterly.
" This intention was known in Holland,- your majesty appealed to my
generosity, to my sentiments as a brother, in order to change my inten
tions j I considered that this hint of my wishes would be sufficient, and
removed the prohibition from my custom-houses ; but your government
has soon returned to its former systeml -
" All the American vessels which presented themselves at any of the
Dutch ports, whilst they were not permitted to enter those of France, have
been received by your majesty. I was obliged a second time to close my
ports against Dutch traders ,- certainly I could not well have made a more
definite declaration of war. In this state of things, we were at liberty to
consider ourselves as really at war. In my address to the legislative body,
I partly expressed my dissatisfaction, and I will not conceal from you,
that it is my intention to annex Holland to France, as the most dreadful
blow I can give to England.
" In fact, the mouth of the Rhine and that of the Meuse ought to belong
to us. The principle in France, that the Rhine is our natural limit, is a
fundamental principle. Your Majesty writes to me, in your letter of the
17th, that you are certain of being able to hinder all commerce with Eng
land ; that you can have finances, fleets, and armies ; that you will re-es
tablish the privileges of the constitution, by allowing of no principles ex
clusively belonging to the nobility, by reforming the marshals — a rank
-which is nothing but a caricature, and which is incompatible with a power
of the second rank ; finally, that you will command the seizure of the de-
p6ts of colonial merchandise, and everything which has arrived in Ameri
can vessels, and which should not have been permitted to enter the port. My
opinion is, that your Majesty is making engagements which you will not
be able to fulfil ; and that the union of Holland to France is only deferred
for a time. I confess that I have no more interest in uniting the right
bank of the Rhine with France, than I have in incorporating with it the
duchy of Berg or the Hanseatic towns. I have no objection, therefore, to
leave Holland in possession of the right bank of the Rhine ; and I shall
remove the prohibition given to my custom-houses, whenever the existing
treaties, which shall be renewed, are fulfilled. These are my demands —
" ' 1. Interdiction of all commerce and of all communication with Eng-
land. ' " ' 2. A fleet of fourteen ships of the line, seven frigates, and seven
brigs or corvettes, armed and fully equipped.
" < 3. An army of 25,000 men.
" ' 4. Suppression of marshals.

188 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NA.POLEON.
" ' 5. Destruction of all the privileges of the nobility, contrary to the
•constitution, which I have given and guaranteed.'
" Your majesty can negotiate on these principles with the Duke of Ca-
dou, by means of your ministers ; but you may be certain that the first
packet, the first vessel of any kind that is introduced into Holland, I shall
re-establish the closing of my ports ; that the first insult that is offered to
my flag, I shall seize by force, and have hanged at the yard-arm the Dutch
officer offering the insult to my Eagle. Your Majesty will find in me a
brother, if 1 find in you a Frenchman upon the throne of Holland ; but if
you forget the sentiments which attach you to our common country, you
will not be surprised if I also forget those bonds which nature has placed
between us. In a word, the union of Holland with France is that which
is most useful to France, to Holland, and to the Continent ; for it is what
would be most injurious to England. This union may be effected by mu
tual arrangement, or by force. I have sufficient cause of complaint against
Holland to declare war against her; but I will place no difficulties in the
way of any arrangement which will yield to me the boundary of the Rhine,
and by which Holland will bind herself to fulfil the conditions above stipu
lated. *l Your affectionate brother,
(Signed) "Napoleon.
" Trianon, July 21, 1809."

" Mon Fhere, — I have received your letter of the 16th of May. In the
situation in which we are, it is necessary always to speak openly. You
know that I have heard of some of your tricks, which were not intended
to fall under my eyes. I know your most secret feelings, and everything
you can say in contradiction will be of no avail. You need not speak of
your feelings, and of your childhood ; experience has taught me how much
regard I am to pay to such phrases. Holland is in a disagreeable situa
tion, it is true. I can well understand that you would like to be out of it,
'brit I am surprised at your addressing yourself to me on the subject. I
can do nothing in the matter; it is yourself and yourself alone who can
produce any effect. As soon as you conduct yourself in such a manner as
to persuade the Dutch that you act according to my advice — that all your
proceedings, and all your feelings are in accordance with mine, you will
he beloved and esteemed, and you will acquire the power necessary to re
constitute Holland. This illusion sustains you somewhat even yet.
" Your late journey to Paris — your return, and that of the Queen, and
some other circumstances, have made your people believe that it is still
possible you may return to my system and to my opinions ; but you alone
can confirm this hope, and destroy every doubt of such a termination.
There is not one of your actions which your clumsy Dutchmen do not
weigh, as they would weigh matters of credit or of commerce ; they know,
therefore, with what they have to do. When, to be a friend of France
and of me, is sufficient reason for being in favour at your court, all Hol
land will perceive this — all Holland will rejoice at it, and "will consider
this a natural situation ; but all this depends upon yourself, and since your
return you have done nothing to forward it. Do you wish to know what
will be the result of your conduct 7 Your subjects, finding themselves
tossed about from France to England, and from England to France, not
knowing what hopes to form, what wishes to express, will throw them-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 189
selves into the arms of France, and will loudly demand their union with
that country, as a refuge against so much uncertainty. Your government
aims at being paternal, and is, in fact, only weak.
" Even in Zealand, where everything is Dutch, the people are content
to be united to a great country, in order to be freed from this fluctuation,
which they cannot conceive.
" Do not deceive yourself, every one knows that without me there is no
credit — that without me you are nothing ; if, then, the example that you
have had in Paris — if the knowledge of my character, which is, to go
straight to my end without allowing myself to be stopped by anything, has
not sufficiently enlightened you, what would you have me do 7 Having
possession of the Meuse and of the Rhine, as far as their embouchure, I
can do without Holland ; Holland cannot do without my protection. If,
subject to one of my brothers, and only expecting its safety from me, it
does not see in you my image ; if, when you speak, it is not I who speak,
you will destroy your own sovereignty. Do not believe that you can de
ceive anybody. Do you wish to see the course which good policy recom
mends to you 7 Serve France — serve glory ; it is the only way to remain
King of Holland. Under a king, the Dutch have lost the advantages of a
free government ; you were, then, for them a harbour of refuge, but you
have spoiled this harbour ; you have strewn it with reefs, by wishing to be
King of Holland before being my brother.
" Do you know why you were a harbour of refuge to the Dutch ? It
is because you were the pledge of an eternal union between France and
Holland, the bond of a community of interest between myself and that
country, which had become, by means of you, a part of my empire ; a
province, moreover, particularly dear to me, because I had given to it a
prince who was to me almost as a son. If you had been what you ought
to have been, I should take as much interest in Holland as in France ; its
prosperity would be a matter of as much anxiety to me as that of France.
" If you had understood me, you would be at present king of 6,000,000
of subjects. I should have considered the throne of Holland as a pedestal
upon which I should have set up Hamburg, Osnaburg, and a part of the
north of Germany : this would have been the kernel of a people which
would have assisted in destroying the national feeling of the Germans,
which is the principal object of my policy. Far from doing this, however,
you have followed a course diametrically opposed to it ; I have been com
pelled to forbid you France, and to take possession of a part of your coun
" You do not say a word in your advices, or inform me of a single cir
cumstance, which is not already known to me, which does not turn to
your disadvantage and injure you ; for, in the mind of the Dutch, you are
a Frenchman, in the midst of them for four years only ; they only see in
you a representative of me, and the advantage of being freed from all sub
altern robbers and agitators, who have harassed them since their conquest.
If you wish to make yourself a Dutchman, you would be less to them than
a Prince of Orange, to whose race they owe their standing as a nation,
and a long course of prosperity and glory. It is proved to Holland that
your removal from my policy has caused them to lose advantages which
they would not have lost under Schimmelpennynck or a prince of Orange.
Be first the brother of the Emperor, and you may be sure that you will be
on the road to promote the advantage of Holland. But to what purpose
is all this ? The die has been cast ¦; you are incorrigible. Already you

190 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
are driving out the few French who remain with you j I can no longer
give you counsel- or advice, but must make use of threats and force.
" What is the use of these prayers and mysterious fasts, which you
have ordered. Louis, you do not wish to reign long. All your actions
reveal, better than your confidential letters, tjie secret feelings of your
soul. Listen to a man who knows more of it than you ; return from your-
false course, and believe me, " Your affectionate brother,
(Signed) « Napoleon."

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 191

CHAPTER II.
SITUATION OF ITALY IN THE SPRING OF THE YEAR 1796.— NEGOTIATION WITH
THE REPUBLIC OF GENOA.
" My first acts, as General, after my entrance into Milan, were the
pacification and re-organization of Italy.
" The minority of the aristocracy which governed the republic of Genoa,
the majority of the third class, and the whole of the population on the
shores of the Ponente, were favourable to French ideas. The city of
Genoa was the only one in this state which had stability ; it was defended
by a double circle of fortifications, a great number of cannon, 6000 regu
lar troops, and a national guard amotyiting to the same number.
" At the first signal from the senate, 30,000 men, collected from the in
ferior corporations, such as those of the colliers and porters, the peasants
of the valleys of the Polcevera, the Besagno, and the Fontana-Bona, were
ready to rise in defence of their prince.
"An army of 40,000 men, the whole equipage de siige, and two months'
labour, would be required in order to take this capital. In 1794, 1795,
and the beginning of 1796, the Austro-Sardinian army covered it on the
north, and communicated with it by the Bochetta ; the French army cov
ered it on the west, and communicated with it by the corniche of Savona.
Being thus placed between the two belligerent armies, Genoa was in a po
sition to be equally succoured by both, — she held the balance between
them ; the one in whose favour she should decide, would gain a great ad
vantage ; she was, therefore, in the existing circumstances, of great weight
in the affairs of Italy. The Genoese senate felt all the delicacy, and, at
the same time, the strength of this position; it availed itself of them to re
main neuter, and constantly resisted the offers and threats of the coalition.
The commerce of the town became more extensive, and brought immense
riches into the republic ; but its port had been forcibly entered by the Eng
lish squadron ; the catastrophe of the frigate " La Modeste" had deeply
affected every French heart ; the convention had dissimulated, but only
awaited a favourable opportunity for exacting a signal reparation. Sever
al noble families, who were- the most attached to France, had been banish
ed ; this was a fresh insult which the government had to redress. After
the battle of Loano, in the winter of 1796, the directory thought that the
favourable moment for its purpose was now arrived ; so much the more so,
as the-penury which its Italian army was then suffering, made it attach
great importance to an extraordinary aid of five or six millions. These
negotiations were proceeding at the time when Napoleon was raised to the
command of the army ; he disapproved of this sordid policy, which could
have no success, and the necessary effect of which would be to embitter
the minds of the inhabitants of this important capital, and render them un
favourable to the French. ' We must either,' said he, ' scale the ramparts,
establish ourselves by a vigorous stroke, and destroy the aristocracy, or

1 92 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
respect the independence of the town, and above all, leave it its money.'
A few days afterwards, the enemy having been driven beyond the Po, and
the King of Sardinia having laid down his arms, the republic of Genoa
was at the mercy of France.
" The directory would have wished to establish a democracy in this
state, but the French armies were already on their way fr6m Genoa. The
presence, and perhaps the sojourn of a body of 15,000 French soldiers
under its walls, would have been necessary to secure the success of such
a revolution. " The march of Wurmser, who was then crossing Germany and enter
ing the Tyrol, was already echoed on all sides. After that time, the de
feat of Wurmser, the manoeuvres in the Tyrol and among the defiles of
the Brenta, and the movements made by Alvinzi for the purpose of reliev
ing Wurmser, who was blockaded in Mantua, rendered it necessary that
the army should be concentrated on the Adige ; the army had -besides
nothing to fear from the Genoese — their nobles were divided among them-
1 selves, and the people were favourable to the French.
" Girola, the imperial minister, profiting by the absence of the French
army, and secretly favoured by the feudatory families, had kindled an in
surrection in the imperial fiefs, and had formed bands composed of Pied-
montese deserters, of vagabonds left without any employment, in conse
quence of the disbandment pf the light Piedmontese troops, and of Austrian
prisoners, who had been carelessly guarded by the French, and had escap
ed on the march. These bands infested the Appenines, and harassed the
rear of the French army. Matters went so far, that in the month of June it
was found absolutely necessary to put an end to this state of things ; a de
tachment of 1200 men J and the presence of the general-in-chief at Tortona,
sufficed to re-establish order. Napoleon gave instructions to the French
minister at Genoa, Faypoult, to commence negotiations, for the purpose of
increasing the influence of France with the government, as far as this could
be done without rendering the presence of an army necessary. He requir
ed — lstly, the expulsion of the Austrian minister, Girola ; 2ndly, the
expulsion of the feudatory families, conformably to one of the statutes of
the republic ; and finally, the recall of the banished families.
" These negotiations were drawn out to a great length. . While they
were going on, five French merchant vessels were carried off from the port
of Genoa, without any attempt being made to protect them, although they
lay close under the Genoese batteries ; the senate, alarmed at the threats
of the French agents, sent to Paris the senatpr, Vincentes Spinola, a man
very favourable to France, who, after some negotiation, signed, on the 6th
of October, 1796, an agreement with Charles Lacroix, minister of foreign
affairs. All the complaints of France against Genoa were sunk in oblivion,
and the senate paid a contribution of four millions, and recalled the banish
ed families ; France ought, perhaps, to have profited by these favourable
circumstances, to bind the republic by an offensive and defensive alliance,
to add the imperial fiefs and Massadi Carara to its territories, and to draw
from it a contingent of 4000 infantry, 400 cavalry, and 200 artillery. But
the utility of this system of alliance with the oligarchs was repugnant to
to the democrats of Paris.
" By this agreement, however, tranquillity was restored, and lasted till
the treaty of Montebello, in 1797; and during the whole time that the
trench army was in Germany, no cause of complaint arose from the con
duct of the people of Genoa.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 193
" The armistice of Cherasco with the King of Sardinia, had isolated the
Austrian army, and had given the French an opportunity of expelling it
from Italy, investing Mantua, and occupying the line of the Adige.
" The peace concluded at Paris in the month of May following, placed
all the fortresses of Piedmont, except Turin, in the power of France. The
King of Sardinia thus found himself at the disposal of the republic. His
army was reduced to 20,000 men ; his paper money threatened the ruin of
the private gentry, and of the State ; his subjects were malcontent and
divided — even French ideas had partisans, though but few. Politic states
men would have wished to revolutionize Piedmont, in order to leave nothing
which might harass the rear of the army, and to increase the means of
France against Austria; but it would have been impossible to overthrow
the throne of Sardinia, without intervening directly and with imposing
forces ; while the scenes which were passing before Mantua sufficiently oc
cupied all the republic's Italian troops ; and, besides, a revolution in Pied
mont might lead to a civil war; it would, in this case, be necessary to leave
in Piedmont, for the purpose of keeping it in order, more French troops
than could be supplied by Piedmontese levies ; and in case of a retreat, the
population, which would have been put into a state of excitement, would run
into inevitable excesses; and moreover, might not the Kings of Spain and
Prussia be alarmed at seeing the French republic, the hater of kings, over
throw with its own hands a prince with whom it had but shortly before
signed a treaty of peace 7 These considerations determined Napoleon to
come to the same result by an opposite road — viz., an offensive and defen
sive allianee with the King of Sardinia; this plan united all advantages,
and had no drawback. In the first place, this treaty would in itself be a pro
clamation which would restrain the malcontents ; they would no longer be
able'to give credit to the protestations of the democrats of the army, who
did not fail to promise them the support of France ; the country would,
therefore, remain quiet ; 2ndly, a division of fine old troops, of 10,000
Piedmontese, would reinforce the French army, and would give it fresh
chances of success ; 3rdly, the example of the court of Turin would have
a happy influence on the Venetians, and would contribute towards deter
mining them to seek in an alliance with France, a guarantee for the integrity
of their territories, and the maintenance of their constitution ; at the same
time, the Piedmontese troops which were enrolled in the French army
would become imbued with its spirit, and would be attached to the general
who should lead them to victory ; in any case, they would be hostages
placed in the centre of the army, and would be guarantees for the disposi
tion of the Piedmontese, and if it was true that the King of Sardinia could
not maintain his position, surrounded as he was by the democratic republics
of Liguria, Lombardy, and France, his fall would be the result of the
nature of things, and not that of a political act, pf a nature to alienate the
other allied kings from France.
" The alliance of France with Sardinia,"* said Napoleon, " resembles a
giant embracing a pigmy ; if he stifles him, it is against his will, and solely
the effect of the extreme difference in their bodily strength."
The directory would not understand the wisdom and depth of this policy;
it authorized the opening of negotiations, but shackled their conclusion.
Monsieur Poussielgue, secretary of legation at Genoa, had conferences at
Turin during several months ; he found the court disposed to form an alli
ance with the republic ; but this not very skilful negotiator allowed himself
to be drawn into granting concessions which were • evidently exaggerated!;
13

194. HISTORY OF TH EC APTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
he promised Lombardy to the King -of Sardinia. Now, such a project was
not at all to be brought into consideration — to increase this prince's territo
ries, and give him hopes which were never to be realized ; he would reap
sufficient advantage from the treaty, in a guarantee that his kingdom would
be kept entire.
When Mantua opened its gates and Napoleon marched to Tolentino in
order to dictate from thence the terms of peace to the Holy See, and after
wards to proceed to Vienna, he fully saw how important it was to bring
the affairs of Piedmont to a conclusion, and authorized General Clarke to
negotiate with Monsieur de Saint Marson an offensive and defensive alli
ance ; this treaty was signed'at Bologna, on the 1st of March, 1797; the
King received from the republic the guarantee of his states ; he furnished
to the French army a contingent of 8000 infantry, 2000 cavalry, and twenty
pieces of cannon.
The court of Turin, entertaining no doubts of the ratification of a treaty
set on foot by the general-in-chief, hastened to assemble its contingent,
which would have rejoined the army then in Carinthia ; but the Directory
hesitated to ratify the treaty, and the contingent remained in Piedmont,
cantoned near Novarro, during the whole of the campaign of 1797.
The policy to be pursued towards the Infant, the Duke of Parma, was
prescribed by our relations with Spain ; an armistice was first granted, on
the 9th of May, 1797, and some months afterwards, the Infant signed at
Paris his treaty of peace with the republic ; but the French minister did not
understand how to realize the aim which the general-in-chief had proposed
to himself. The success of the French army in Italy had determined the
King of Spain to conclude, in the month of August, 1796, an offensive and
defensive alliance with the republic ; consequently, it would have been easy
to- persuade the court of Madrid to send a division of 10,000 men to the Po,
for the purpose of guarding the Duke of Parma, and, by help of the bait of
an addition to the territories of this prince, to have enlisted this, division
under the French standard. Its presence would have awed Rome and
Naples, and would have contributed, in no small degree, to the success of
all the military movements ; the alliance with Spain having determined the
English to evacuate the Mediterranean, the French and Spanish squadrons
were masters of it, and this facilitated the movements of the Spanish troops
in Italy. The sight of a Spanish division in the ranks of a French army
would have a fortunate influence in deciding the senate to form an alliance
with France, and this alliance would bring to the army a reinforcement of
10,000 Sclavonians.
The armistice of Milan, of the 20th of May, 1796, had suspended the hos
tilities which had been carried on against the Duke of Modena ; the French
army was not large, and the space of country which it occupied immense;
it would, therefore, have been very unwise to have taken a detachment of
two or three battalions from it for a secondary object. The armistiee with
Modena placed all the resources of that duchy at the disposal of the army,
and did not require the employment of any troops for the maintenance of
the public tranquillity. Commander d'Este, furnished with powers from the
Duke, commenced at Paris, negotiations for a definitive/peace ; the French
ministry acted wisely, and did not hasten to come to any conclusion. The
Duke, who was entirely devoted to the Austrians, had retired to Venice,
and the regency which governed his states had sent several convoys of
provisions into Mantua, at the moment when the blockade was raised at
the end of August and the beginning of September ; as soon as the general-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

195

in-chief was informed of this direct violation of the armistice, he complained
of it to the regency, who vainly attempted to justify itself on the ground of the
existence of former treaties. In the meantime, however, a detachment of
the garrison of Mantua, which had passed the Po at Borgo-forte, was inter
cepted ; it marched to Reggio on the 20th of October, intending to proceed
to Tuscany ; the inhabitants of Reggio closed the gates of their town ; the
detachment then took refuge in the fort of Mbnte-Cherisio, where the patriPts
surrounded it, and forced the soldiers to lay down their arms: two Reggians
were killed in the struggle ; they were the first Italians who sealed the
liberty of their country with their blood. The prisoners were conducted
to Milan by a detachment of the national guard of Reggio, and were re
ceived there in triumph by the congress of Lombardy, the national guard,
and the general-in-chief; and this event was the subject of several civic
fetes which contributed to excite the imaginations of the Italians. Reggio
proclaimed its liberty ; the people of Modena wished to do the same, but
were restrained by the garrison ; in this state of things, there was but one
plan of action to be pursued. The general-in-chief declared that the arm
istice of Milan had been violated by the regency in re-victualling Mantua; he
sent garrisons to the fortresses of the three duchies of Reggio, Modena, and
Mirandola ; and, in virtue of his right of conquest, proclaimed their indepen
dence. This revolution ameliorated the position of the army, as a provis
ional government, entirely devoted to the French cause, was now substitut
ed for the former unfriendly regency; national guards, composed of warm
patriots, were formed in every duchy. Hostilities with Rome having been
suspended by the armistice of Bologna, June 23rd, 1796, the papal court
sent Monsignor Petrarchi to Paris. After passing some weeks in. confer
ences, Petrarchi sent to Rome a prospectus of the treaty proposed by the
directory. The assembly of cardinals gave their opinion that it contained
things Contrary to the faith, and was npt admissible ; Petrarchi was recall
ed. In September, the negotiations were recommenced at Florence ; ihe
government commissioners then with the army were invested with the
powers of the directory. After one or two conferences, the commissioners
presented to Monsignor Galeppi, plenipotentiary of the pope, a treaty of
sixty articles, as a sine qua non, declaring that they could make no change
in any part of it.
The cardinals decided that this treaty also contained things contrary to
the faith ; and the negotiations were broken off, on the 25th of September.
The court of Rome, no longer doubting that France was bent upon its des
truction, gave itself up to despair, and resolved to ally itself exclusively
with the court of Vienna. It began by suspending the execution of the
armistice of Bologna ; it had still to pay sixteen millions, which were now
on the way to Bologna, where they were to be paid into the treasury
of the army ; these convoys of money returned to Rome ; their re-entrance
was a triumph. Monsignor Albani set out on the 6th of October for Vi
enna, there to solicit the support of the Austrian government; the Roman
princes offered patriotic gifts and levied regiments, and the pope issued
proclamations for the purpose of kindling the holy war.
All the efforts of the court of Rome were calculated to be able to raise
an army of 10,000 men, of the most miserable troops possible; but it
counted on the assistance of the King of Naples, who secretly engaged to
support it wilh an army of 30,000 men ; and although the inimical dispo-
sition and bad faith of the Neapolitan cabinet were well known at the Va
tican, the pope still invoked its aid. •

196 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
" Any means are welcome to. them in their delirium," wrote the minis.
ter Cacault.; " they would cling to red-hot iron." This state of affairs had
a vexatious effect on the whole of Italy. Napoleon was in sufficiently
embarrassing circumstances without this fresh addition ; he was already
menaced by Alvinzi, whose troops, were being collected in the Tyrol and
on the Piave ; he reproached the French ministry for having left him igno
rant of negotiations which he alone could direct. Had he been entrusted
with their direction, as he ought to have been, he would have delayed the
overture for two or three weeks, in order to have received the sixteen millions
owed by the Holy See, in fulfilment of the armistice of Bologna. He would
not have allowed spiritual and temporal affairs to have been brought for
ward at the same time in the treaty ; for, let the latter, which formed the
essential part of it, once be arranged, a few months delay in coming to
an understanding concerning, the former, woujd have been indifferent; but
the mischief was done, and the French government, which now perceived
it, invested him with the authority necessary to remedy it, if this shoulfl
be possible. The essential thing was, to gain time, to calm the passions
which had been roused, to restore confidence, and to restrain within -bounds
the alarmed spirits of the Vatican. He commissioned M. Cacault, the
French agent at Rome, to disavow, confidentially, all the spiritual matter
contained in the; negotiations of Paris and Florence ; and to inform the
papal see that Napoleon was now charged with the negotiation, and that it
would no longer have to do either with the directory or the commissioners,
but with him. These overtures produced a good effect. In order the more
to strike the minds of the people, the general went to Ferrara, on the 21st
of October, drove to the house of Cardinal Mattei, archbishop of that city,
and had several conferences with him ; he convinced him of his pacific
intentions, and sent him to Rome with a direct message of peace to the
pope. The hopes to which the army of Alvinzi had given rise in Italy,
were, a few days afterwards, extinguished by the battle of Areola. Na
poleon thought this a favourable moment for terminating the affairs of
Rome ; he went to Bologna with 1500 French troops and 4000 Cispadans
and Lombards, and threatened to march against Rome ; but this time the
papal see Jaughed at his menaces, it was negotiating a tre.aty through its
minister at Vienna, and knew that two fresh and large armies were ad
vancing -into Italy; the cardinal and the Austrian minister at Rome said,
haughtily — " Should it be necessary, the pope will evacuate Rome ; for
the further the French general removes his army from the Adige, the
nearer we shall be to our safety." And, in fact, Napoleon, being a few
days afterwards informed of Alvinzi's movements, recVossed the Po and
marched quickly to Verona. But the battle of Rivoli, fought in the month
of January, 1797, destroyed for ever the hopes of the enemies of France.
Mantua shortly after opened its gates— the moment for chastising Rome
had arrived ; a small Gallo-Italian army marched to the Appenines. All
the difficulties between France and the papal see were settled by the treaty
of Tolentino, as will be seen in the next chapter.
The Grand Duke of Tuscany was the first prince in Europe who ac
knowledged the French republic. At the time when the French army in
vaded Italy, he was at peace with France, his states, which lay beyond
the Appenines, exercised no influence on the theatre pf the war. It is true,
that after the investiture of Mantua, a French brigade marched upon Li-
vorno, but this was only for the purpose of expelling English commerce
from it, and facilitating the deliverance of Corsica ; in every other affair,

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 197
the States of Tuscany were respected. The garrison of Livorno was never
above 1800 men;, it was doubtless a sacrifice to employ three battalions
for a secondary object ; but the soldiers employed in this service were those
of the 57th half brigade, who had Suffered much, and needed repose.
Manfredini, the prime minister of the grand duke, showed skill and
activity in removing any obstacles which might injure his master, and to
him the duke owed the preservation of his states. Three or four agree
ments of slight importance were signed between the French general and
the Marquis Manfredini ; by the last, signed at Bologna, it was agreed that
the French garrison should evacuate Livorno ; on this occasion the grand
duke, in order to liquidate old accounts, put two millions into the treasury of
the army. On the conclusion of the peace of Campo-Formio, this prince
preserved his states entire ; he had experienced some annoyance, but
nothing more ; during the Italian war, no injury was done to him, partly
out of respect for existing treaties, and partly on account of the desire en
tertained by France to soften the animosity with which the house of Lor
raine was animated against the republic, and to detach it from England.
When the French army had reached the Adige, and central and lower
Italy thus found themselves cut off from Germany, Prince Pignatelli came
to head-quarters, and demanded and obtained for the King of Naples an
armistice, which was signed on the 5th of June, 1796. The division of
Neapolitan cavalry, consisting of 2400 horsemen, which formed a part of
Beaulieu's army, went into cantonment around Brescia, in the centre of
the French army. A Neapolitan plenipotentiary was dispatched to Paris,
with powers to negotiate and sign a definitive treaty of peace with the re
public ; this treaty met with difficulties from the ill-timed cavils which
were carried on at Paris, and from the effects of the constant and well-
known bad faith of the court of the two 'Sicilies. The directory should
have thought itself only too happy in being able to make peace with the
King of Naples, since this prince had 60,000 men under arms, and had
from 25 to 30,000 men at his disposal to send To the Po. Napoleon in
cessantly urged the conclusion of this treaty. The French minister of
foreign affairs demanded from Naples a contribution of some millions, which
that government refused, and with justice, to pay ; but in the month Of
September, when it was acknowledged by all parties that the alliance of
Spain with France, and the deliverance of Corsica from the English yoke,
had determined the cabinet of St. James's, to recall its squadrons from the
Mediterranean, thus leaving that sea and the Adriatic in the power of the
French squadrons, the court of Naples, alarmed at these events, subscribed
to all the demands made by the directory, and the peace was signed on
the 8th of October. :
But the hatred and bad faith of this cabinet, and its little respect for its
signature and its treaties, were such, that it continued, long after the peace
had been signed, to harass Italy by the movement of troops on its fron
tiers, and by menaces of attack ; conducting itself, in fact, just as if it had
been in a state of war. It would be difficult to express the indignation ex
cited by this want of all shame and respect, which finally brought on the
ruin of this cabinet. In the beginning of September, when the French
armies of the Rhine, Sambre, and Meuse, were still in Germany, the
French government instructed Napoleon to write to the Emperor, threaten
ing that if he would not consent to peace, ihe French armies would des
troy his maritime establishments at Fiume and Trieste. Nothing was to
be hoped from so inexpedient a stlp. Afterwards, when the armies of the

198 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Sambre, Meuse, and Rhine had been thrown back into France, and the
bridge-entrances of Kehl and Honingen were -besieged, Moreau proposed
an armistice, which the arch-duke refused, declaring that he intended to
get possession of both ; but as Marshal Wurmsur, with nearly 30,000
Austrians, was blockaded in Mantua, and as Alvinzi's efforts to relieve
him had just been defeated at Areola, the directory conceived the hope of
obtaining the acceptance of a general armistice, which would preserve
Honingen and Kehl to France, and Mantua to Austria. In consequence
of this project, General Clarke received the necessary powers, and went
to Vienna to propose this armistice, which was to last till the month of
June, 1797; the sieges of Kehl and Honingen were to be raised, and the
statu quo established, as regarded Mantua ; Austrian and. French commis
saries were to send into the town the provisions necessary for the inhabi
tants and troops. General Clarke arrived at Milan on the 1st of December,
in order to arrange matters with the general-in-chief, who was commis
sioned to take the necessary steps in order to obtain for the plenipotentiary
all the passports which he needed. Napoleon said to him — " The sieges
of Kehl and Honingen are easy to raise ; the arch-duke has but 40,000- men
before Kehl ', let Moreau sally out at break of day from his entrenched camp
with 60,000 men, defeat him, take his artillery and provisions, and des
troy all his works ; and besides, Kehl and Honingen are not equal in value
to Mantua; there would be no means of feeding Ihe number of inhabitants
— men, women, and children — not even that of the garrison. Marshal
Wurmsur, by reducing all the inhabitants to half rations, would in six
months save enough to live on for another six ; if the government propose
that this armistice shall serve as an opportunity for commencing negotia
tions for peace, this is an additional reason for not proposing it as long as
Mantua remains in the power of the Austrians ; we ought to gain a battle
under the walls of Kehl, and await the surrender of Mantua, before offer
ing an armistice and peace." The orders of the government were, how
ever, decisive : General Clarke wrote to the Emperor, and sent him a letter
from the directory. In consequence of this proceeding, Baron Vincent,
aide-de-camp to the Emperor, and General Clarke, met at Vicenza, on the
3d of January ; they had two conferences there. Baron Vincent declared
that the Emperor could not receive at Vienna the plenipotentiaries of a je-
public which he did not acknowledge ; that, moreover, he could not detach
himself from his allies ; and that, finally, if the French minister had any
communications to make,- he might address himself to Monsieur Giraldi,
the Austrian minister at Turin. Thus, this disastrous idea of an armjstice
was happily eluded by the enemy. The French minister had scarcely re
turned to the Adige, when Alvinzi began manoeuvring to relieve Mantua;
this gave rise to the battles of Rivoli and La Favorite, as will be seen in
the account of the Italian wars.
The cabinet of Luxembourg, however, saw in this answer of Baron Vin
cent's, it knew not why, an open tendency towards negotiations, and during
the month of January, 1797, it addressed tp General Clarke instructions for
negotiating a peace, which he was authorized to sign — on condition, lstly,
that the Emperor. should renounce Belgium, and the province of Luxem
bourg; 2ndly,that he should acknowledge to the republic the.cession of Liege
and other small enclosures of principalities which had been made ; 3rdly,
that he should use ,his influence in order to give to the stadtholder an in
demnity in Germany; 4thly, that the republic, on its part, should restore
to Austria all its Italian states ; these conditions did not obtain the appro-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 199
bation.of Napoleon, who thought that the republic had a right to require
the limits of the Rhine, and a state in Italy, which might nourish French
influence, and keep the republic of Genoa, the King of Sardinia, and the
Pope, in their state of dependence, for Italy could no longer be considered
as it was before the war ; if the French ever repassed the Alps, without
leaving a powerful auxiliary in Italy, the aristocracies of Genoa and Ve
nice, and the King of Sardinia, influenced by the necessity of securing
their interior existence against democratic and popular ideas would attach
themselves to Austria by indissoluble bonds. Venice, which, for a cen
tury past, had had no influence in the . balance of Europe, enlightened
now by an experience of the dangers she had just seen, would have energy,
money, and armies, to reinforce the Emperor, and repress the ideas of
liberty and independence which were nourished on the main land. Pon
tiffs, kings, and nobles, would unite in defending their privileges, and clos
ing the Alps against modern ideas.
Three months afterwards, Napoleon signed the preliminaries of peace
on the basis of the limits of the Rhine ; that is to say, with an acquisition
to the republic of the fortress of Mayence, and a population of 1,500,000
persons over and above what the directory required, and the existence of
one or two democratic republics in Italy, which communicated with Swit
zerland, forming a line across the whole of Italy from north to south, from
the Alps to the Po, surrounding the King of Sardinia, and covering, along
the line of the Po, the centre and south of Italy.
In case of need, the French armies, pouring in through Genoa, Parma,
Modena, and Bologna, might appear suddenly on the Piave, having passed
the Mincio, Mantua, and the Adige. Genoa, this republic of 3,000,000
inhabitants, would secure the French influence over the 3,000,000 inhabi
tants of the kingdom of Sardinia, and the 3,000,000 of the states of the
church and Tuscany, and even over the kingdom of Naples,
The course of conduct to be pursued towards the people of Lombardy
was a delicate matter ; France was willing to conclude a peace as soon as
the Emperor should renounce Belgium and Luxembourg. No engage
ments could, therefore, be contracted ; no guarantee given, which was con
trary to these secret arrangements of the cabinet. On the other hand, all
the expenses of the army had to be borne by the country, and they not
only absorbed the revenues, but gave rise to an overplus of charges, great
er or smaller in proportion to the number of troops which were quartered in
different places. In France, the system of indirect taxation had been sup
pressed. The system of contributions was very insufficient ; the treasury
was not under proper control ; everything was conducted in an irregular,
corrupt, and unskilful mariner ; all the wants of the army were left un
provided for ; it was necessary to supply them by contributions raised in
Italy ; considerable sums were sent from thence to aid the armies of the
Rhine, the squadrons of Toulon and Brest, and even the administration
of Paris.
In the meantime it became essential to counterbalance in Italy the influ
ence of the Austrian party, which was composed of the nobility, and a
part of the clergy, on whom the influence of Rome acted with more or
less success. Napoleon supported the party which wished for the inde
pendence of Italy, yet without compromising himself; and in spite of the
critical state of the times, he gained over the opinion of the majority of the
nation. He not only had a great respect for religion, but he neglected
nothing which was likely to conciliate the minds of the clergy. He made

200 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
use, at the right moment, of the talismanic words, liberty and national
independence, which, since the times of Rome, have never ceased to be
dear to the Italians. He confided the administration of the provinces,
towns, and communes, to the inhabitants, by choosing from among them
such men as were most to be recommended, and who enjoyed the greatest
proportion of popular favour ; he appointed, as police, the national guards,
who were levied thrpughout the whole of Lombardy, in imitation of those
of France, under the Italian colours — red, white, and green.
Milan had been attached to the Guelph party, and such was still the
general tendency of the inhabitants. The patriot party was daily increas
ing in number ; French ideas were daily making fresh progress, and the
state of the public mind, after the entire defeat of Wurmser, was such,
that the general-in-chief authorized the Lombard congress to make a levy
of a legion of 3000 men. In the course of November, the polish generals,
Zayonyerk and Dombrouski, hastened from Poland with a great number
of their officers, to offer their services to Italy ; the congress was author
ized to levy a legion of 3000 Poles. These troops were not brought for-
ward against the Austrians, but served to maintain publie tranquillity, and
to restrain the pope's army. When difficult circumstances determined
the general-in-chief to proclaim the Cispadan republic, the Lombard con
gress was greatly alarmed, but it was soon made evident that this was the
effect of the difference of circumstances. The army's line of operations
did not pass through the Cispadan territories ; and, in short, it was not
difficult to convince the most enlightened members of the assembly, that,
even were it true that this proceeding originated in the desire felt by the
French, government not to enter into engagements which the issue of the
war might not enable it to fulfil, this ought not to be any cause of alarm ;
for that, in fine, it was evident that the fate of the French party in Italy
depended on the hazards of the battle-field ; and that, moreover, the gua
rantee which France henceforth gave to the Cispadan republic, was equal
ly favourable to them ; since, if circumstances should one day oblige the
French to consent to the return of the Austrians into Lombardy, the Cis
padan republic would then be a place of refuge for the Lombards, and a
central point where the flame of Italian liberty might be preserved and
cherished. Reggio, Modena, Bologna, and Ferrara, embraced the whole extent of
the country, from the Adriatic to the statesr of Parma, by which they were
joined to the republic of Genoa, and through this to France.
If the French government thought it should be obliged to restore Lom
bardy to Austria in order to facilitate peace, it felt so much the more
strongly the importance of preserving, on the right shore of the Po, a
democratic republic, over which the house of Austria could establish
neither right nor claim.
These four states preserved, for several months, their independence,
under the government of their municipality ; a junto of general safety,
composed of the Capratas, &c. &c, was organized for the purpose of con
certing means of defence, and restraining the malcontents. A congress,
composed of a hundred deputies, assembled at Modena during the month
of November ; the Lombard colours were there declared to be the colours
of Italy ; some, bases of a government were decreed — viz., the suppression
of feudality and the equality of the rights of man ; these small republics
formed a confederation for the common defence, and united to raise an
Italian legion, containing 3000 men. The congress was composed of per-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 201
sons of all ranks : cardinals, nobles, merchants, lawyers, and men of let-^
ters. Insensibly, ideas became more enlarged, the press more free, and
at length, in the beginning of January, 1797, after some resistance, the
spirit of locality was conquered ; these different republics united themselves
into one, under the name of the Cispadan republic, of which Bologna was
declared the capital, and adopted a representative constitution. The coun
ter-blow of this event made itself felt at Rome.
The organization and disposition of these new republicans formed an
efficacious barrier against the spirit which was being propagated by the
Holy See, and against the troops which it was collecting in Romagna.
The Lombard congress formed a close alliance with the Cispadan republic,
which thenceforth attracted the eyes of all Italy. Of all the cities of Italy,
Bologna is the one which has constantly exhibited the greatest degree of
energy and of true enlightenment. In February, 1797, after the peace of
Tolentino, Romagna having been ceded by the pope, was naturally joined
to the Cispadan republic, and increased its population to nearly two mil
lions. Such was the state of Italy at the end of the year 1796, and the
spring of 1797, when the French army resolved to cross the Julian Alps,
and march against Vienna.

202 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

CHAPTER III.
TOLENTINO.
Cardinal Busca had, six months before, succeeded Cardinal Zelada
in the office of secretary of state in Rome. He had broken with France,
and openly formed a connexion with Austria, and laboured with more
zeal'than success in the attempt to form a respectable army. He was
anxious to restore those times when the pontifical armies decided the fate
of the Peninsula. He had contrived to stimulate the Roman nobles to
such a degree, that, with greater emphasis than sincerity, they offered to
provide regiments fully equipped, horses, and armies. The cardinal had
great confidence in the attachment of the Italians to their religion, and in
the naturally warlike spirit of the people of the Apennines. Napoleon had
dissembled amid many outrages, and many insults ; but the fall of Mantua
placed him in a situation to take a splendid vengeance.
On the 10th of January, 1797, a courier sent with despatches from Car
dinal Busca to Monsignor Albani, charge d'affaires at Vienna, was inter
cepted near Mezzolo, and the whole policy of the Roman Government was
unveiled. The contents of these despatches were as follow : " That the
French were desirous of peace, and even solicited it with importunity ; but
that he would obstruct and prolong its conclusion, because the Pope had
determined to trust entirely to the fortune of the house of Austria ; that the
conditions of the armistice of Bologna neither had been nor would be ex
ecuted, notwithstanding the loud complaints of Cacault, the French minis
ter; that fresh troops were in the course of being levied with activity in
the states of the church ; that his holiness accepted General Colli, whom
the court of Vienna proposed, as the commander of the papal armies ; that
it was necessary for this general to'bring with him a good number of offi
cers, especially of engineers and artillery ; that orders had been given at
Ancona for their reception ; that he was sorry to see that Colli would be
obliged to come to an understanding with Alvinzi, with whose manoeuvres
he was dissatisfied ; and that it would be well for him to go and review
the Pope's troops in Romagna, before coming to Rome."
A courier was instantly dispatched to Cacault, the French minister,
with orders to leave Rome " for several months." Napoleon wrote to
him: "They. have loaded you with humiliations, and have had recourse
to all possible means to lead you to depart from Rome. Now, resist all
their urgent solicitations to induce you to remain ; set out immediately on
the receipt of this letter."
Cacault wrote to Cardinal Busca, secretary of state, in the following
terms : " I have been recalled by my government, and am obliged to set
out this evening for Florence, of which I have the honour to give your
eminence due notice, and subscribe myself," &c.
Busca kept up the game till the very last, and replied : " Cardinal Bus
ca was far from expecting to receive such news as that which the honour-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 203
able Monsieur Cacault has just communicated tp him. His sudden de
parture for Florence does not allow Cardinal Busca to do more, than as
sure him of his profound esteem."
At the same moment, General Victor crossed the Po at Borgo-Forte, at
the head of 4000 infantry, and 600 horse, and formed a junction at Bo
logna with the Italian division of 4000 men under General Lahoz. These
9000 men were quite sufficient to conquer the states of the church.
A few days afterwards, Napoleon went to Bologna, and published a
manifesto in the following terms :
" Art. 1. The Holy See has formally refused Articles 8 and 9 of the
Armistice concluded at Bologna, on the 20th of June, under the media
tion of Spain, and solemnly ratified at Rome, on the 27th of the'same
month. " 2. The Roman government has never ceased to arm and excite the
people to war, by means of manifestoes ; it has caused the territory of
Bologna to be violated ; its troops have advanced to within ten miles of that
city, and threatened to occupy it.
" 3. His holiness has entered into negotiations with the court of Vienna,
hostile to France, as is proved by the letters of Cardinal Busca, and the
mission of Bishop Albani to Vienna.
" 4. He has confided the command of his troops to Austrian generals
and officers, recommended and sent by the court of Vienna.
" 5. He has refused to give any reply to Jhe official notes addressed
to the Roman government by citizen Cacault, minister of the French re
public, with a view of opening negotiations for a peace.
" 6. The treaty of armistice has therefore been broken and infringed
by the Holy See, in consequence whereof, I hereby declare the armistice
concluded between the court of Rome and the French republic on the 20th
of June, to.be at an end." ,
In support of this manifesto, Cardinal Busca's intercepted letters were
published, and many other documents might have been added, but these
letters revealed the whole.
Cardinal Mattel, after having been three months in a college at Brescia,
had obtained permission to return to Rome. Availing himself of the oppor
tunity which he had had of knowing the general, he had written to him
several times, and the latter profited by the circumstance to forward to this
Cardinal in Rome the intercepted letters of Cardinal Busca. The reading
of these communications filled the whole of the sacred college with confu
sion, and effectually closed the mouths of that minister's partisans.
On the 2nd of February, head quarters were established at Imola, in the
palace of Bishop Cheramonte, afterwards Pope Pius VII. On the 3rd, the
small French army arrived at Castel-Bolognese, in presence of the Pope's
army, which was drawn up in position on the right bank of the Senio, in
order to dispute the passage of the bridge. This army was composed of
from 6 to 7000 regular troops, or peasants collected by the tocsin, com
manded by monks, and inspired with fanaticism by the preachers and mis
sionaries. It had eight pieces of cannon. The day's march had been long,
and as the French were placing their guards, the bearer of a flag of truce
presented himself in a burlesque manner, and declared, on behalf of his
eminence, the eardinal-in-chief, that if the French army continued to ad
vance, he would fire upon them. This terrible menace caused a fit of
hearty laughter. An answer was returned, that there was no desire to ex
pose the French army to the caadinal's fire, and that the army was only

204 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
taking up its position for the night. Cardinal Busca, however, had suc
ceeded in his expectations. Romagna was on fire, a holy war had been
proclaimed ; the tocsin had never ceased for three days, and the lowest
classes of the people were in a, state of frenzy and madness. The forty
hours' prayers, missions in the public places, indulgences, and even mira
cles, had all been put in requisition. Here were martyrs, whose wounds
had bled ; there Madonnas which had shed tears ; everything announced a
fire ready to consume that beautiful province. Cardinal Busca had said to
Cacault, the French minister: "We shall make a Vendee of the Romagna;
we shall make one of the high lands of Liguria ; we shall make one of all
Italy." The following proclamation was posted at Imola — " The French army
is about to enter the Pope's territories. It will be faithful to the maxims
which it professes ; if will protect religion and the people.
" The French soldier carries in one hand the bayonet as a guarantee of
victory ; in the other, the olive branch as a symbol of peace, and the pledge
of protection. Woe to those, who, seduced by profoundly hypocritical
men, shall draw down upon themselves and their houses, the vengeance of
an army, which, in six months, has made prisoners of 100,000 of the Em
peror's best troops, taken 400 pieces of cannon, 110 stand of colours, and
destroyed five armies."
At four o'clock in the morning, General Lannes, commanding the ad
vanced guard of the small French army, ascended the Senio for a league
and a half, passed the river at a ford at daybreak, and formed in order of
battle in the rear of the Pope's forces, cutting off their retreat to Faenza.
General Lahoz, supported by a battery, and covered by a line of sharp
shooters, passed the bridge in close column. In a moment, the whole of
the armed multitude were in disorder, the artillery and baggage were taken,
and between 4 and 5000 cut down. A few monks, chiefly of the mendi
cant orders, fell with crucifixes in their hands — almost all the troops of the
line were taken prisoners. The cardinal -general made his escape. The
battle did not last an hour, and the loss, on the part of the French, was
very small. On the same day they arrived at Faenza, where they found
the gates shut and the tocsin ringing ; the ramparts were mounted by a few
pieces of cannon, and the people in their fury provoked their conquerors
by every species of insult. On being summoned to open their gates, an
insolent reply was returned from the town.
It became, therefore, necessary to break them down and to enter by main
force. " The case is the same as that of Pavia !" cried the soldiers — which
was a request to be allowed to pillage. " No," replied Napoleon ; " at
Pavia, the people, after having taken an oath of obedience, revolted, and
attempted to murder our soldiers who were their guests. These people are
only mad, and must be subdued by clemency." A few convents only were
maltreated. This interesting town being saved from its own madness, the
French next proceeded to deliver the province. Agents were sent through
out the country to enlighten the minds of the people, and to calm their agi
tation and frenzy which were extreme ; the most effectual means, however,
was the restoration of the prisoners of war.
The prisoners taken at the battle of the Senio were collected in the gar
den of one of the convents in Faenza. The first moments of terror still
continued, and the prisoners, in fear of losing their lives, fell on their knees,
and begged for mercy with loud cries, on the approach of Napoleon. He
addressed them in Italian, and said : " I am the friend of the whole people

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAP0XE0N. 205
of Italy, and particularly of those of Rome. I come among you for your
good — you are free ; return to the bosom of your families, and tell them
that the French are friends of religion, of order, and of poor people." Joy
succeeded consternation — the unfortunate prisoners gave way to their feel
ings of gratitude with all that vivacity which belongs to the Italian char
acter. From the garden, Napoleon went to the refectory, where the officers were
assembled, of whom there were several hundreds, and among them some
members of the best families of Rome. He conversed with them for a long
time, spoke of the liberty of Italy — of the abuses of the pontifical govern
ment — of those who acted in opposition to the spirit of the gospel, and.of
the folly of attempting to resist a victorious and well-disciplined army,
which had seen so much service. He gave them permission to return to
their respective homes, and, as the price of his clemency, he requested
them to make known the sentiments with which he was animated towards
the whole people of Italy, and especially towards the people of Rome. These
prisoners became so many missionaries, who spread themselves overall
the states of the church, and never ceased to pour out eulogies upon the
good treatment which they had experienced. They carried with them pro
clamations, which by these means reached the most remote villages in the
Apennines. The plan was successful, the public mind underwent a com
plete change, and when the army arrived successively at Forli, Casino,
Rimini, Pegaro, and Sinigaglia, the people showed themselves most favour
ably disposed. They had passed from one extreme to another, and now
received, with every demonstration of joy, those Frenchmen whom a kw
days before they had been taught to consider, and did consider, as the ene
mies of their religion, property and laws. The monks themselves, with the
exception of the mendicant orders, calculating on the interest which they
had really at stake, seriously applied themselves to the task of informing
the masses respecting the real state of the question. There were among
them many men of real merit, who were groaning under the follies of the
government. Colli, who was at the head of the Pope's army, had commanded the
Piedmontese forces at Mondovi and Cherasco ; he knew whom he had to
deal with ; and on this occasion he chose an excellent position on the
heights in advance of Ancona, and there formed a camp with the 3,000
men who remained with him. But under various pretexts, he and his Aus
trian officers retired to Loretto as soon as the French army appeared. The
position occupied by the Romans was excellent. General Victor dispatch
ed an officer with a flag of truce, to summon them to submit, and whilst
the conferences were taking place with this view, the French and Italian
troops extended their line to the right and left, surrounded them, took them
prisoners without firing a shot, and entered the citadel without resistance.
The same course was pursued respecting the prisoners, as had been
adopted in the case of those taken at the battle of the Senio ; they were sent
home, well supplied with proclamations, and formed a body of new mission
aries, who preceded the march of the army. Ancona is the only port in
the Adriatic between Venice and Brindisi, which is at the extremity of the
most easterly point of Italy ; but it was then in such a neglected condition,
that even frigates could not enter the harbour. It was on this occasion
that Napoleon perceived what was necessary to be done to fortify the place
and improve the port. Great works were executed at Ancona, during the
existence of the kingdom of Italy ; and now, ships of any size, even three-

206 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
deckers, can enter the harbour with safety. The Jews, who are very nu
merous in Ancona, as well as the Mahometans of Albania and Greece, were
there subjected to ancient and humiliating restrictions, only fit for a bar
barous age. One of the first acts of the Emperor was to strike off their
bonds and set them free. In spite, however, of the presence of the army,
the people ran in crowds to throw themselves at the feet of a Madonna
which shed tears. Some sensible citizens gave intelligence of this proceed
ing, and Mcenge was sent thither. He reported that in reality the Madonna
did weep. The chapter was ordered to bring her to head quarters, and it
was discovered that the whole was an optical illusion, very skilfully man
aged by the assistance of a glass. The next day the Madonna was replac
ed in the church, but without the glass ; she wept no more. A chaplain,
who had been guilty of this piece of knavery, was arrested. It was regard
ed both as an offence against the army, and a means of bringing religion
into contempt.
On the 10th the army encamped at the church of our lady of Loretto.
This is a bishop's see, and the seat of a magnificent convent ; the church
and the buildings are splendid. There are immense and beautifully furnished
apartments for the treasures of the Madonna, and the lodgings of the clergy,
the chapter, and the pilgrims. The church contains the casa-santa, or
dwelling of the Virgin at Nazareth, the very place in which she was visited
by the angel Gabriel. This dwelling consists of a small house, of ten or
twelve yards square, in which there is a Madonna placed under a canopy.
The legend says, that angels carried it from Nazareth lo Dalmatia, when
the infidels overran Syria, and thence across the Adriatic to the summits of
Loretto. The shrine of the Virgin is visited by pilgrims from all parts of
Christendom. Presents, consisting of diamonds and all sorts of precious
stones and metals, sent from various countries, formed her treasury, which
amounted to many millions. The court of Rome no sooner knew of the
approach of the French army, than they ordered all the treasures of Loretto
to be packed up and placed beyond the reach of danger ; above a million,
however, was still found in gold and silver. The Madonna itself was sent
to Paris and deposited in the national library, where it was to be seen for
many years. It was a statue very rudely carved, which was a proof of its
antiquity. The first consul restored this relic to the Pope on the conclusion
of the concordat, and it has been replaced in the Casa-Santa.
, Several thousand French priests, who had left their country, were now
sojourning in Italy ; and; in proportion as the French army advanced into
the Peninsula, the tide was rolled back Upon Rome. As'soon, however, as
the army entered the papal states, they found themselves deprived of further
means of retreat or refuge. Some of the more timid had crossed the Adige
in good time, and returned into Germany, for Naples had refused them an
asylum. The heads of tjie different convents, on whose resources they
were a heavy burden, seized upon the pretext of the arrival of the army,
and affected to fear that the presence of the French priests would draw
down the vengeance of the conqueror upon their convents, and they drove
away these unfortunate men. Napoleon made a decree, and issued a pro
clamation, in which he relieved the apprehensions of the French priests,
and commanded the convents, bishops, and chapters, to receive them, and
to furnish them with everything necessary for their support and comfort.
He prescribed to them the duty of looking upon those priests as friends and
countrymen, and ordered them to receive and treat them as such. The
whole army became animated by the same feelings, and this led to a great

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 207
number of very affecting scenes; many of the soldiers recognised their old
pastors, and these unfortunate old men, living in exile many hundred
leagues from their own country, received for the first time, marks of re
spect and affection from their countrymen, who, until then, had treated
them as enemies and criminals. The news of this measure was spread
abroad throughout the whole of Christendom, and especially in France.
Some critics were unfavourable to this policy, but their views were stifled
by the feeling of general approbation, and especially by that of the directory.
In the meantime, consternation reigned in the Vatican. One piece of
bad news rapidly succeeded another. The government first learned that
the papal army, on which they had placed such confidence, had been com
pletely destroyed, without having opposed the slightest resistance. The
couriers, who afterwards arrived, bringing intelligence of the arrival of the
French in the various cities, made them acquainted with the complete
change of opinion which had taken place in the public mind, and informed
them that sentiments of friendship and a desire for liberty had taken the
place of hatred and fanaticism. Busca soon became convinced that a
Vendee was not a thing to be created at pleasure ; that if extraordinary
circumstances do create it, nothing but grave faults can give it consistency
and duration. It was soon known that the French army had taken posses
sion of Ancona, Loretto, and Macerata, and that the advanced guard was
already on the summits of the Apennines. "The French do not march,"
said the prelates ; " they run."
In the meantime, the officers and soldiers who had been taken prisoners
and sent home from Faenza and Ancona, diffused the feelings of confidence,
by which they themselves were animated, throughout all the quarters of
Rome. The partisans of liberty raised their heads, and showed themselves
openly in the city itself. The members of the sacred college, no longer
seeing any ground of hope, began to think of their own safety. All the
necessary preparations were made for their departure to Naples. The
carriages of the court were ready, when the general of the Camaldules
arrived at the Vatican, and prostrated himself at the feet of the holy father.
On passing through Casena, Napoleon had recognized him, and, knowing
the confidence which Pius VI. had in this monk, he commissioned him to
go and assure his holiness that his life was not in danger, that the French
general would respect his person and office — that he might remain in
Rome — that he would only have to change his cabinet and to send pleni
potentiaries, with full powers, to Tolentino, to conclude and sign a defini
tive peace with the republic. The general of the Camaldules acquitted
himself of his mission with success ; the Pope took confidence, dismissed
the ridiculous Busca, and called Doria to the head of affairs, who was well
known for the judicious moderation of his opinions. He further counter
manded his departure from Rome, and named plenipotentiaries to conclude
and sign a definitive peace.
The instructions of the directory were opposed to all negotiations with
Rome. The members were of opinion that the time was come to put
an end to the temporal reign of the Pope, and to have no more trouble on
that score ; that it would' be impossible to find any occasion on which the
court of Rome should be more obviously in the wrong; and that it was
nothing less than folly to think of a sincere peace with a set of theologians,
who were so strenuously opposed to those principles on which the new repub
lics were founded. Undoubtedly, the temporal power of the Pope appeared
incompatible with the prosperity of Italy. Experience had proved, that

208 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
*r\
neither moderation nor good faith was to be expected from that court ; but
Napoleon was of opinion, that he could neithjr revolutionize Rome, nor
unite its territory to the transpadane republic, without marching upon
Naples and overthrowing its throne. , In Naples, the liberal party was
numerous enough to give considerable disquiet to the court, but too weak
tp offer" effectual assistance to the French army. The court of Naples felt
that a "revolution in Rome would be the forerunner of its fall. In order,
however, to undertake an expedition against Naples, an army of at least
,25,000 men was necessary, and the employment of so great a force in that
direction was not compatible with the great design of dictating the terms of
a peace under the walls of. Vienna. - •
The advanced guard of the French army had crossed the Apennines.
It was within three days' march of Rome ; and, on the 13th of February,
the head-quarters were invTolentino. Cardinal Mattei, Monsignor Galeppi,
the Duke of Braschi, and, the Marquis Massini, the Pope's ministers pleni
potentiary, arrived there on the 14th ; Monsignor Galeppi conducted the
conference. This prelate was endowed with great, fertility of mind, and
deeply versed in homiletic learning ; but the court of Rome was in the
wrong, and ought to be punished. This could only be done by the cession
of the conquered provinces, or by contributions to an equal amount in
value. The three legations, the Duchy of Urbino, the March of Ancona, and
the districts of Macerata and Perugia, were conquered. The bases being
thus settled, Ihe conclusion of the treaty required only five days' discussion.
Galeppi, who had said a great- deal respecting the total ruin of the papal
finances, found resources wherewith to make compensation for the con
quered provinces, or at least to diminish the number of those which the
Pope should cede. The treaty was signed in the convent occupied as the
head-quarters of the French army.
The treafty was concluded on the conditions, and in the form following :
" General Bonaparte, commander-in-chief of thearmy of Italy, and
Citizen Cacault, agent of the French republic in Italy, plenipotentiaries
furnished with full powers by the executive Directory, and his Eminence
Cardinal Mattei, Monsignor Galeppi, the Duke of Braschi, and the Marquis
Massini, plenipotentiaries of his Holiness, have agreed, and do agree, to the
following articles :
" Art. 1. There shall be peace, friendship, and a good understanding
between the French republic and Pope Pius VI.
" 2. The Pope revokes all adhesion, consent, and accession, whether
open or secret, given by him to the coalition in arms against the French
republic ; every treaty of alliance, offensive or defensive, with all powers
or states whatsoever. During the continuance of the present war, as well
as in all subsequent wars, he engages not to furnish to any power in arms
against the French republic, any succours of any kind or denomination
whatsoever, whether in men, ships, munitions of war, provisions, or money.
"3. Within five days after the ratification of the present treaty, his
Holiness binds himself to dismiss all levies recently raised, and to preserve
only such regiments as existed previous to the armistice signed at Bologna.
" 4. No ships of war, nor privateers, belonging to the powers at war with
the French republic, shall be allowed to enter the harbours or roadsteads
of the states of the church, and much less to remain in such harbours or
roads. " 5. The French republic, as before the war, shall continue to enjoy all

HISTOitY OF THE CATTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 209
those rights and privileges which France possessed in Rome — shall be
treated, in all respects, as the most favoured nations, and especially with
respect to its ambassador or minister, consuls, or vice-consuls.
" 6. The Pope fully and clearly renounces all his rights or pretensions
over or to the cities and territories of Avignon, the county of Venassin, and
its dependencies ; and transfers, cedes, and abandons the said rights to the
French republic.
" 7. The Pope equally renounces for ever, cedes, and transfers to the
French republic, all his rights to the territories comprised under the names
of the legations of Bologna, Ferrara, and Romagna ; no injury shall be in
flicted on the Catholic religion in the fore-mentioned legations.
" 8. The town, citadel, and villages, forming the territory of the city of
Ancona, shall remain in the hands of the French republic till the conclu
sion of a continental peace.
" 9. The Pope binds himself and his successors, not to transfer, to any
persons whatsoever, any claims or titles to the lordships attached to the
territories ceded by this treaty to the French republic.
" 10. His Holiness engages to cause to be paid and delivered at Foligno,
to the paymaster of fhe French army, on the 15th of Ventose inst. (March
5th, 1797,) the sum of 15,000,000* of livres — ten millions in currency,
and five millions in diamonds and other valuable effects— in addition to
16,000,000 which remain due, according to Article 9 of the armistice
signed at Bologna, and ratified by his Holiness on the 27th of June.
"11. In order fully to discharge the'remainder pf the obligations con
tracted by the armistice signed at Bologna, his Holiness agrees lo furnish
800 cavalry horses with their accoutrements, 800 draught horses, oxen,
buffaloes, and other objects, which are the production of the states of the
church. *
" 12. Independent of the sum mentioned in the foregoing articles, the
Pope will pay to the French republic, in cash, diamonds, and other pre
cious articles, the sums of 15,000,000 livres|tournais* of France, of which
10*000,000 shall be paid in the course of the month of April ensuing.
• " 13. Article 8 of the treaty of armistice signed at Bologna, and refer
ring to manuscripts and works of art, shall be executed in full, and as
quickly as possible.
" 14. The French army will evacuate Umbria, Perugia, and Camerino,
as soon as Article lO of the present treaty shall be executed and fulfilled.
" 15. The French army shall evacuate the province of Macerata, with
the exception of Ancona, Fermo, and their respective territories, as soon as
the first five millions of the sum mentioned in Article 12 of the present
treaty, shall have been paid and delivered.
" 16. The French army shall evacuate the territory of the city of Fano,
and the duchy oF Urbino, as soon as the second five millions of the sum
mentioned in Article 12 of the present treaty shall have been paid and de
livered, and Articles 3, 10, 11, and 12, fully executed.
" The last five millions, constituting a part of the sum stipulated by
Article 12, shall be paid at latest in the course of the ensuing month of
April. " 17. The French republic cedes to the Pope all its rights over the dif
ferent religious foundations in the cities of Rome and Loretto; and the Pop*
cedes to the French republic all the allodial possessions belonging to the Holy
* The "livre tournais de France," is equal in value to the French franc, lOd. English.
14

210 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
See in the three provinces of Bologna, Ferrara, and Romagna, and especially
the district of Mezzola and its dependencies ; in case of sale, however, the
Pope reserves one-third of the amount of the produce of such sale to be re
turned to his permanent funds.
" 1*8. His Holiness, by his minister in Paris, shall cause the assassina
tion committed on the person of Basseville, secretary of legation, to be
publicly disavowed.
" In the course of the year, the sum of 300,000 livres shall be paid by
his Holiness,tto be divided amongst those who have suffered from this
crime. " 19. His Holiness shall set at liberty all persons who may be detained
in custody on account of their political opinions.
" 20. The commander-inTchief will set at liberty, and enable to return
to their homes, all prisoners of war taken from his Holiness, as soon as the
ratification of this treaty shall have been received.
" 21. Pending the negotiations for a commercial treaty between the
French republic and the Pope, the commerce of the republic shall be placed
on the same footing as,, that of the most favoured nations. i
" 22. Conformably fo Article 6 of the treaty concluded at the Hague, on
the 27th Floreal, year 3, the terms of the peace now concluded between the
French republic and his Holiness, are declared to be common to the Bata
vian republic.
"23. The French post, shall be re-established in Rome, on the same
footing on which it previously stood.
" 24. The school of arts, instituted in Rome for all Frenchmen, shall be
re-established, and continue to be directed as before the war; the palace
belonging to the republic, in which that school was placed, shall be restor
ed without injury.
" 25. All the articles, clauses, and conditions of the present treaty are
to be of perpetual obligation upon his Holiness Pope Pius Vt, and all his
successors. " 26. The present treaty shall be ratified with the least possible delay.
_ " Done and signed at the head quarters at Tolentino, by the under-men
tioned plenipotentiaries, on the 1st Ventose, year 5 of the French republic,
one and indivisible (Feb. 19th, 1797.)
(Signed)
" Bonaparte, Cacault,
" Cardinal Mattei, L- Galeppi,
" L. Duca Braschi Onesti, and
" Camillo Marchese Massini."
Napolepn insisted, for a long time, that the court of Rome should engage
to suppress the inquisition. It was represented to him, that the inquisition
was no longer what it had been ; that, at present, it was rather a tribunal
of police than of religious opinion, and that autos-da-fe no longer existed.
He appreciated these reasons at their just value, and desisted from pressing
this article, out of complaisance to the Pope, who was deeply affected, and
opened up h.s views in his private correspondence. He satisfied himself
with the cession of the legations of Bologna, Ferrara, and Romagna, and
*he occupation of Ancona with a garrison : this was the consequence of
the same principle which led him to respect the temporal existence of the
rZL .5 *? , Patri°ts °f the transpadane republic wished, he had in-
creased the territory of this new republic by the addition of he duchy of

history of the captivity of napoleon. 211
Urbino, and the provinces of Ferrara and Macerata, and had extended its
boundaries to Otranto and the Apennines, it would then have come in contact
with the kingdom of Naples. War with this court would, in that case,
have become the infallible consequence, and this war would have taken
place, whether France and the court of Naples desired it or not.
The importance which this court attached to the stipulations of this
treaty was so great, that its minister, Prince Pignatelli, followed the French
head quarters, which was a striking proof of their alarm. This prince
was not deficient either in intelligence or activity ; but he stopped at no-
means to keep himself well informed. Many times, but especially at
Loretto, and during the negotiations at Tolentino, he was surprised listen
ing at the doors, and exposed himself to the indignity of being driven away
by the porters. The peace stopped the advance of the French troops.
After the signature of the treaty, the commander-in-chief entrusted Gen
eral Victor with the superintendence of its execution, sent his aide-de-camp,
Colonel Yanot to Rome, as the bearer of a respectful letter to the Pope,
and set out for Mantua.
This letter and the Pope's reply, which were published, formed a great
contrast with the language then commonly in use, and this peculiarity was
remarked. Mantua had now been for a month in the hands of the republic ; the hos
pitals were still full of Austrians. Napoleon went to the ducal palace and
sojourned there for several days. A very great number of beautiful pic
tures had been found in this city, which he caused to be sent to the museum
in Paris. Titian's magnificent frescoes of the war of the Titians, the ad
miration of all connoisseurs, were in the palace of the T. The commission
of artists submitted various plans for their removal and transference to
Paris, but there would have been a great risk of losing and destroying these
chefs-d'oeuvre. Napoleon caused an engineering arsenal to be established,
and ordered General Chasseloup, commanding the engineers, to direct his
attention to the improvement of the fortifications ; the weak side at that
time was that of La Pradella and Pietolli. From this moment forward, all
his efforts were directed to the establishment and consolidation of his new
creations. Having given orders respecting Mantua, he proceeded to Milan
the centre of the administration and of Italian politics. Public opinion in
the meantime had made great progress.

212 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

CHAPTER IV.

LEOBEN.

The news of the battles of Tagliamento and of Tarwis, of the combat of
Gorizia, and of the entry of the French into Clagenfurt and Layback caused
a general consternation in Vienna. The capital' was threatened, and desti
tute of any means of effectual defence : the richest furniture was stowed
away, and all the most important papers lodged in security. The Danube
was crowded with boats engaged in conveying the valuables of the Viennese
to Hungary, whither fhe young archdukes and archduchesses were also sent.
Among the latter was the Archduchess Marie Louise, then about five years
and a half old, who afterwards became empress of the French.
Discontent was general — " In less than a fortnight," said the Viennese,
" the French will be under our walls, the ministry do not think of making
peace, and we have no means of resisting this terrible army of Italy !"
The armies of the Rhine and the Moselle, of the Sambre and the Meuse,
were to commence the campaign, and pass the Rhine on the same day on
which the army of Italy should pass the Piave, and thus advance rapidly
into Germany. Napoleon, in giving an account of the battle of Taglia-
rhento, announced that he was about to cross the Julian Alps in a few days,
; and push forward into the very heart of Germany ; that between the 1st
and the 10th of April, he would be at Clagenfurt, the capital of Carinthia—
that is to say, sixty leagues from Vienna ; that it was, therefore, impor
tant to put the armies of the Rhine in motion, and inform them of their
line of march. The government replied to him on the 23d of March, com
plimented him on the victory of Tagliamento, made excuses for the armies
of the Rhine not having already opened the campaign, and assured him,
that they should be put in motion without delay. Four days afterwords,
however, on the 26th of March, the government wrote to him, that Mo-
reau's army could not commence the campaign, because it had no boats to
enable it to cross the Rhine, and that the army of Italy could not, there
fore, calculate upon the co-operation of the armies of Germany, but must
rely upon itself alone. This despatch, which arrived at Clagenfurt on the
31st of March, gave rise to many conjectures. Was the Directory afraid
that these three armies, which constituted the whole force of the republic,
if once united under the same general, would prove too powerful? Was
it the checks which these armies had suffered in the preceding year, which
rendered them timid? Or must this strange pusillanimity be attributed to
want of resolution and courage on the part of the generals? It was im
possible that the government should wish to destroy or sacrifice the army
of Italy, as it had wished to do in June 1796, by ordering one-half of the
troops to march against Naples. Napoleon, not being able to calculate on
the co-operation of these two armies, could not flatter himself with being

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 213
able to enter Vienna, because he had not cavalry enough to descend into
the valley of the Danube, although he might reach the summit of the Sim
mering without destruction. He thought it his best course, in the position
in which he was placed, to conclude a peace ; which was an object of uni
versal desire in France.
On the 31st of March, twelve hours after having received the despatch
of the Directory, he wrote to the Archduke Charles, as follows :— " Sir,
brave soldiers make war and desire peace ! Has not the present war now
lasted six years? Have we not killed enough people and inflicted evils
enough upon unfortunate humanity? She utters complaints on all sides.
Europe, which had taken up arms against the French republic, has laid
them down. Your nation alone remains, and yet blood is about to flow
more copiously than ever. This sixth campaign is announced by sinister
presages. Whatever may be the issue, we shall destroy, on both sides,
thousands of men, and at last be obliged to come to an understanding, be
cause everything has its limits, even the most hateful passions.
" The executive directory of the French republic has already signified
to his majesty, the emperor, its desire to put an end to a war so ruinous to
the people of both nations. The intervention of the court of London op
posed the fulfilment of the wish. Is there no hope of coming to an under
standing? Must we; for the interests and passions of a nation removed
from the evils of war, continue to slaughter one another? You, sir, who,
by your birth, stand so near the throne — you, who are the commander-in-
chief, and exalted far above those low passions, by which governments and
ministers are often animated, are you determined to deserve the title of a
benefactor of humanity and to become the true deliverer of Germany ?
" Do not suppose, sir, that I intend by this, to say that it is not possible
to deliver the country by force of arms ; but on the supposition that the
chances of war should turn iu your favour, Germany will not be the less
ravaged. For myself, sir, if the overture which I now make to you saves
the life of a single man, I shall be prouder of the civic crown which I shall
thus have deserved, than of that melancholy glory which is the result of
military success."
On the second of April, Prince Charles replied as follows : " Assuredly,
General, whilst making war, and obeying the call of honour and duty, I
desire peace as much as you, for the well-being of the people, and the in
terests of humanity. As, however, in the position in which I am placed, it
does not fall within my sphere either to discuss or terminate the quarrels of
belligerent nations, and as I am not entrusted with any powers by his ma
jesty to treat, you will see that I cannot enter into any negotiations on that
subject, and that I must wait for orders upon a point of such deep impor
tance, and which is not completely within my power.
" Whatever may be the future chances of war or hopes of peace, I beg
you to be assured, General, of my esteem and distinguished considera
tion." In order to support this overture for negotiations, it was necessary to ad
vance, and approach Vienna.
The advanced guard at this time occupied St. Veit, and the head-quar
ters were in Clagenfurt. At break of day, on the 1st of April, Massena
advanced on Friesach ; in front of the castle, he found the enemy's rear
guard in charge of considerable magazines, which the archduke had caused
to be there collected. He pushed rapidly forward, entered Friesach pell-
mell with the enemy's troops, seized upon the whole of the magazines, and

214 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
continued the pursuit as far as Neumarkt. On approaching this town, he
fell in with the archduke, with four divisions just arrived from the Rhine,
those of the Prince of Orange, and two other generals, together with the'
reserve of grenadiers, and prepared to dispute the passage of the gorges of
Neuynarkt. The commander-in-chief immediately ordered Massena, to
collect the whole of his division on the left of the high road ; he placed
Guieur's division on the heights on the right, and kept the division pf Ser-
rurier in reserve. At three o'clock in the afternoon, the 2d regiment of
light infantry belonging to Massena's division, charged the enemy's first
line, and covered itself with glory. t This regiment was just come from the
Rhine, and the soldiers, in allusion to the troops of the German princes,
which were not reckoned good, called it the contingent. The soldiers of
the 2d, piqued by this ridicule, challenged the old soldiers of Italy to ad
vance as far and as fast as themselves ; they performed prodigies of valour.
Prince Charles was present in person, but to no purpose «he was driven
from all his positions, and lost 3000 men.
The French troops entered Neumarkt at night mixed with the Austrians,
took 1200 prisoners, six pieces of cannon, and five stand of colours. It
was still four leagues to Scheifling, the point at which the third transverse
road abuts. The Austrian general, not being able to delay the conqueror's
march, had recourse to a stratagem, in order to gain twenty-four hours,
and to give time to General Kerpen to form at Scheifling. He made a pro-
position for a suspension of arms, in order to enable him, as he said, to
take into full consideration the letter written to him on the 3lst of March.
Be.rthier replied, that it was possible both to negotiate and fight, but that
no armistice could be agreed to till the French were at Vienna, unless to
treat for a definitive peace.
At day-break, the French advanced guard commenced their march upon
the Muer ; strong reconnoitring parties were sent forward as far as Murau,
to meet the corps of General Kerpen. Napoleon himself marched thither,
but that general had retired. General Sporck only, who commanded his
rear-guard, was slightly wounded. The French head-quarters remained,
on the 4th and 5th, at Scheifling, a castle situated on the banks of the
Muer. The road from Scheifling to Knittelfeld follows the bank of the Muer,
and passes through some frightful gorges. At every step positions present
themselves, at which the French army might have been stopped. It was
of the highest importance to the archduke to gain a few days, in order that
they might come to their senses in Vienna, and to enable the troops who
were hastening from the Rhine to arrive and cover the great capital. The
same reasons prescribed to the French army not to lose a moment in ac
celerating its march. On the 3d, the advanced guard fought a very warm
engagement in the gorges of Unzmarkt, overthrew the enemy in spite of
their superiority in numbers, drove them from all their positions at the point
of the bayonet, and entered Knittelfeld. The loss of the Austrians was
considerable — 1500 prisoners and four pieces of cannon. Colonel Car-
rere, a distinguished officer in command of the artillery Pf the advanced
guard, was killed, deeply regretted. He was an excellent officer in the
field* and one of the frigates at Venice was named after him, as a mark of
honour. She was one of those on board of which Napoleon returned from
Egypt) and landed at Frejus. On the 6th of April, the head quarters were
at Judenburg, the chief town of one of the circles of Carinthia.-
After the affair of Unzmarkt, the army met with no more resistance, and

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 215
the advanced guard arrived at Ledben, on the 7th. Here, Lieut.-Gen.
Bellegarde, chief, of Prince Charles's staff, and General Meerfeld, presented
themselves with a flag of truce, and after a conference with the commander-
in-chief, placed in his hands the following note : " General, his Majesty the
EmperOr and King has nothing more at heart than to secure ihe repose of
Europe, and to terminate a war which afflicts both nations. In consequence
of the overture made in your letter to his Royal Highness Prince Charles,
the Emperor has sent us to you, in order to come to an understanding on
this most important subject. After the conversation which we have just
had with you, and persuaded of the good will, as well as of the intention of
the two powers to put an end to this disastrous war as speedily as possible,
his imperial highness asks for a suspension of arms for ten days, in order
to be able to arrive at the desired result without further loss of time, that
all those delays and obstacles arising from a state of active hostilities may
be removed, and everything may contribute , lo re-establish peace between
the two nations."
The French General replied on the same day : " In the military posi
tions of the two armies, a suspension of arms is decidedly contrary to the
interests of the French ; but should such a suspension lead to a peace so
much desired, and so useful to the people, I consent without regret to the
proposal. The French republic has often manifested to his majesty its de
sire of putting an end to this cruel struggle ; it coniinues to, hold the same
sentiments, and, after the conference which I have had the honour to hold
with you, I do not doubt that, in a few days, peace between the French re
public and his majesty will be re-established."
The suspension of arms was agreed to, and a paper to that effect signed
at seven o'clock in the evening. It was to continue for five days. The
whole country, as far as the Simmering, was now in possession of the
French army. Gratz, one of the largest cities in the Austrian monarchy,
had surrendered with its citadel. Whilst at dinner, General Berthier asked
the Austrian commissary generals, where they thought Bernadotte's divi
sion was ? " At Laybach," they replied. " And Joubert's ?" " Between
Brixen and Miilbach." " No," answered he, " both are en echelon ; the
most distant is a day's march from this place." This answer surprised
them very much. On the 9th, headquarters being at Ledben, the advance
guard pushed forward to Briick, sending detachments as far as the Sim
mering. Adjutant-General Leclerc was dispatched to Paris, to convey the
intelligence to the government of an agreement to a suspension of hostili
ties. This general was a distinguished officer, intrepid on the field of battle,
and well versed in business.
From Clagenfurt, the commander-in-chief had, on the 30th of March,
sent his aide-de-camp, Cavalette, at the head of a party of cavalry, as far
as Lienz, to meet General Joubert. This general had not, however, ar
rived from the Tyrol, and the towns-people, seeing that the party consisted
only of a handful of men, rose upon them ; and the detachment owed its
safety to the coolness and intrepidity of the aide-de-camp who commanded
it. One dragoon only, lost his life. A few days afterwards, General Za-
goncheck, with some squadrons of dragoons, took possession of Lienz, and
opened a communication with the army of the Tyrol. The town was dis
armed, and the' inhabitants punished. On the 8th of April, Joubert arrived
at Spital, near Villach, formed the left of the army, and immediately placed
the prisoners in the rear.
General Bernadotte, after having organized Carniola, received orders to

216 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
cross the Save and the Muer, and to concentrate himself upon Leoben ; he
left General Friaud, with a column of 1500 men, to protect the evacuation
of Fiume, and to keep Carniola in check. It was easy toforesee, that with
such a small force, General Friaud might be. repulsed ; his orders, in that
case, were to defend the Isonzo, and, finally, to throw himself into Palma
Nova, to complete the garrison there. What had been foreseen, happened;
a force of 6000 Croats attacked him on the 10th of April ; though only one
against four, his troops repulsed the enemy with considerable loss ; but the
General felt the necessity of evacuating Fiume ; and the truce of Juden-
burg found him, on the 19th of April, at Materia, covering Trieste. These
events, exaggerated like those of the Tyrol, were repeated in Venice, and
were the principal cause of the commotion and taking up arms, which
caused the ruin of that state. During the five days lhat the truce lasted,
from the 7th to the 12th of April, the division of Massena established itself
at Bruck, at the foot of the Simmering, having an advanced guard half-way
up the hill, the head-quarters were at Leoben, at the bishop's palace ; the
division of Serrurier occupied the important city of Gratz, and was caus
ing the castle to be repaired. These five days of repose were necessary
and very useful.
The armistice terminated on the 13th ; but at nine o'clock in the morning,
the Comte de Meerfeld arrived with full power to negotiate the preliminaries
for peace, conjointly with the Marquis de Gallo, the Neapolitan ambassador
at Vienna, who was in high favour with the Empress, whose influence in
affairs of state was very decided. An agreement was signed, prolonging
the armistice till the 20th of April, and conferences were begun relative. to
the preliminaries of peace. On the 16thj>f April, after a long discussion,
they had determined upon three plans which were dispatched by them to
Vienna, and to which the French plenipotentiary had given his consent.
On the 17th, the answer of the cabinet of Vienna having been brought by
the Baron Vincent, aide-de-camp of the Emperor, the preliminary articles,
public and private, were agreed upon ; the secretaries of legation had ren
dered neutral a small country-house, about a league from Leoben, where
the preliminaries were signed on the morning of the 18th. General Clarke,
as we have seen, was provided with full power by the government, but he
was then at Turin. Some time was necessary for his arrival ; and as he
was not at head-quarters on the 18th, Napoleon went a step further on this,
as on several other occasions, and signed the preliminaries himself.
Clarke arrived at head-quarters a few days afterwards. The Austrian
plenipotentiaries had thought to do something agreeable to the French, by
putting in the first article, that the Emperor recognised the French repub
lic- " Strike that out," said Napoleon ; " the republic is like the sun,
which shines of itself; it is only the blind who do not see it." In fact,
this recognition was obnoxious, because, in case the French people should
some day erect for itself a monarchy, the Emperor might say, that he had
recognised the republic. It was stipulated by the preliminaries that the de
finitive peace should be treated of at a congress to assemble at Berne, and
that the peace of the empire should be the object of another congress which
should be held in a German city. The limits of the Rhine were guaran
teed to France ; the Oglio was to be the limit of the house of Austria in
Italy, and of the Cisalpine republic, which was composed of Lombardy,
Modena, the Bergomasque, and the Cremasque. The city of Venice was
to receive legations from Ferrara and from Bologna ; and was to receive
the Romagna, as a compensation for the loss of its states on the Continent.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 217
By this treaty, the Emperor was to retain Mantua, but the French republic
was to obtain Venice. The French armies were allowed to communicate
from Milan to Venice, along the right bank of the Po, to pass out at the
Piave, and to render null the lines of the Mincio, of the Adige, and of Man
tua. No opposition was offered to the two republics forming one, if they
both desired it. Venice had existed for nine centuries, without possessing
any territory in Italy, and had only been a maritime state ; this was the
period of its greatest power ; besides, it is true that the arrangements were
made out of haired for the Venetians. It was just at the time when the
despatches of the 3d and 6th of April had arrived from General Kilmaine.
The French army were full of indignation at the description of the mur
ders committed on their stragglers. An insurrectionary cockade had been
set up at Venice, and the English minister wore it in triumph, whilst the
lion of St. Mark floated in his gondola. This minister possessed very great
influence. On the 27th of April, the Marquis de Gallo presented to the general-in-
chief, at Gratz, the preliminaries, ratified by the Emperor. If the exchange
did not take place immediately, the reason was that it was necessary to
wait for the ratification of the executive directory ; but as there could be no
doubt that they would then ratify the preliminaries, the army evacuated
Styria, and part of Carniola and of Carinthia. Several overtures having
been made by the plenipotentiaries of the Emperor, the aide-de-camp, Le-
marrois, conveyed the answers to Vienna ; he was received with distinc
tion ; it was the first time since the revolution that the tri-colour cockade had
been seen in that capital. It was at one of these conferences at Gratz,
that one of the plenipotentiaries, authorized by an autograph letter of the
Emperor, offered Napoleon to obtain for him, at the peace, a sovereignty of
250,000 souls in Germany, for himself and his family, in order to secure
him against republican ingratitude. The general smiled, and commissioned
the plenipotentiary to thank the Emperor, in his name, for this proof of
friendship towards him, and to say, that he wished for no greatness, no
riches, which were not given to him by the French people ; and he is said
to have added — " And with this support, believe me, sir, my ambition will
be satisfied."
The adjutant-general, Dessoles, was dispatched to Paris with the news
of the opening of the negotiations. General Massena conveyed to ihe di
rectory the preliminary treaty ; he received a formal audience, on the 9th
of May. All the generals, at all distinguished'during the campaign in Italy,
had been dispatched to Paris with trophies of the success of the French
arms ; Massena alone, who held the first place, by the share he had had in
the campaign, had not yet been sent to Paris ; it was only just, therefore,
to associate his name with this great national festival, since it was the re
sult of the intrepidity and valour of the French arms.
The position of the army of Italy was prosperous ; the account of the
19th of April gave 38,500 infantry, 4,500 cavalry, and 120 cannons; on
the whole, 43,000 men, united in the same field of battle, and ready to take
up their position in a single march on the Simmering. It had experienced
but very slight losses since the opening of the campaign. The fortresses
of Palma-Nova, Clagenfurt, and Gratz, were victualled and garrisoned,
and depdts of all kinds were formed in these places. The morals of the
French army were at the highest point ; at the battle of Neumarkt, only a
third of the division of Massena was engaged, and it was sufficient to over
throw the elite of the Austrian army, though very favourably posted. The

218 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
army of the archduke, on the contrary, was demoralized ; he had scarcely
any of the old Italian army remaining. The six divisions which had ar
rived from the Rhine, had been successively and considerably broken ; they
had been much diminished. Napoleon might then have pushed forward
to Vienna, but this would have produced no decisive result ; he could not
have maintained his position, because the armies of the Rhine had not only
not entered on the campaign, but had announced that they could not enter
on it. The opinions of the directory were divided ; there was a split even
among the directors themselves ; the government was powerless : there was
no public spirit in France, and the finances were in a deplorable state.
The army of the Rhine was without pay, and in the greatest poverty. One
of the greatest obstacles to his passage of the Rhine, was the fact, that the
treasury could not furnish Moreau with the 30 or 40,000 crowns necessary
for the construction of the machinery of a bridge. The regiments formed
in La Vendee for the recruiting of the Italian army, each about 4000 strong,
by means of joining together several corps, arrived at Milan, from 900 to
1000 strong ; three-quarters had deserted on the road. The governor had
no means of bringing back the deserters, or of recruiting the army.
From the very first conferences, the Austrian plenipotentiaries had grant
ed the cession of Belgium and of the lines of the Rhine; but they required
a compensation for this ; and when this was offered to them in Germany —
in Bavaria, for example — they added immediately that it would be neces
sary, in that case, to guarantee to the republic of Venice its present consti
tution, and to consolidate the aristocracy of the golden book; not wishing
to allow, under any pretext whatever, that the Italian republic should ex
tend from the Alps and the Apennines, as far as the Isonzo and the Julian
Alps. But this would have been to consolidate the most active and the.
most constant enemy of Ihe republic — an enemy which, perceiving from
the events which had just happened, the dangers to which it would be ex
posed, would have henceforth no other policy than to connect itself to, and
to make common cause with Austria, which, in fact, would have willingly
entered into an offensive and defensive alliance with the Venetian oligarchy*
against the democratic Italian republic. This, then, would have been to
increase the power of Austria, both by Bavaria and by the Venetian territo
ry. In the instructions given by the directory to General Clarke, they had
authorized him to sign much less advantageous conditions. Peace waS the
will of the people, the government, and the legislative body. Napoleon
signed the preliminaries of it.
Hoche had just been promoted to the command of the army of the Sam
bre and Meuse ; he was a young man, full of talent, valour, and ambition.
He had under his orders a splendid army, which he acknowledged contain
ed 80,000 men under arms ; he felt within himself the strength to command
it well ; he stamped with impatience at every fresh account of the» victories
in Italy. He entreated the directory, by every courier, to permit him to
enter Germany. His troops shared his ardour ; even the inhabitants, in
formed by their correspondents of the rapid march of Napoleon towards
Vienna, and of the retrograde movements of the Austrian armies on the
Rhine, asked why the French armies of the Sambre, Meuse, and Rhine
remained inactive, and lost such precious time ?
On the 18th of April, Hoche crossed the Rhine by the bridge of Neu-
wied, while Championnet, who had quitted Diisseldorf, arrived at Turke-
rath and Altenzirchen. Kray commanded the Austrian army. Hoche at
tacked him at Heddersdorf— took several thousand of his soldiers prisoners

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 219
— seized some of his cannon and standards and threw them into the Maine.
He had just arrived before Frankfort, on the 22nd of April, when the staff
of General Kray forwarded to him a despatch from General Berthier, an
nouncing the signature of the treaty of Leoben. He immediately conclud
ed an armistice, and removed his head-quarters to Friedberg, occupying
the Nidda and Wetzlar. Moreau was at Paris ; he solicited the machinery
necessary for the construction of a bridge, for the purpose of crossing the
Rhine at Strasburg ; but as soon as Desaix, the commander, pro tempore,
of the armies of the Rhine, learned that Hoche was engaged in battle with
the enemy, he threw a bridge, on the 20th of April, at six o'clock in the
morning, across the river,- at a village several leagues below Strasburg,
On the 21st, at two o'clock in the morning, the army crossed the Rhine.
Moreau, who had arrived in great haste from Paris, was at the head of the
army at the moment when Sytaray, who had collected 20,000 men and
twenty pieces of cannon, attacked it. The combat was warm : the Austrians
were completely defeated ; they left some prisoners, and twenty pieces of
cannon in the hands of the conqueror. All the baggage and equipages of
the Austrian chancery were taken ; amongst them, the carriage of Klinglin,
which contained the correspondence between Pichegru and the Prince of
Conde ; Moreau kept this discovery secret for four months, without giving
any account of it to the government.
After this victory the army again ascended the Rhine, and took possession
of Kehl. Its advanced guard was already beyond Offenburg, in the valley
of the Kiutzig. Thither, on the 22nd, a courier of the Italian army brought
the news of the signature of the preliminaries at Leoben. Moreau sus
pended hostilities, and concluded an armistice with Sytaray.
Hostilities did not commence on the Rhine until eight hours after the treaty
of Leoben was signed, and Napoleon received intelligence of them a week after
the signature of the treaty. Why had they not recommenced five days sooner,
or, at least, why had directory written that the co-operation of the armies of
the Rhine must not be reckoned on? But the affairs of the war were directed
without vigour and without talent ; the administration was corrupted, and
led to no satisfactory result. By one of the arrangements of the constitu
tion of the year 3, the treasury was independent of the government, a most
false and disastrous idea, and the most absurd which could have been con
ceived by the metaphysics of our modern legislators ! This alone was
sufficient to compromise the existence of the republic.

220 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

CHAPTER V.

VENICE.

Venice, founded in the 5th century, by some inhabitants of the districts
of Friuli and Padua, who fled to the lagunes in order to shelter themselves
from the incursions of the barbarians, originally occupied by the sites of
Heraclea and Chiozza. The patriarch of Aquilea afterwards established
himself, with his clergy, at Grado, on the occasion of the Arian schism.
Grado became the capital. Padua at first gave laws and consuls to the
Venetians. In 697, they first appointed a doge ; Pepin, King of France, built a
small fleet at Ravenna, and compelled the Venetians to retreat to Realto and
the Sixty Islands which surround it, where they found themselves protect
ed by the lagunes, from Pepin's resentment ; this is the present site of
Venice. In 830, the body of St. Mark the Evangelist was brought thither
from Egypt, and he became the patron saint of the republic. From the
year 960, the Venetians were masters of Istria and of the Adriatic ; their
possession of Dalmatia was still disputed by the Kings of Hungary. In
1250, they, in conjunction with the French, took Constantinople. They
had possession of the Morea, and of Candia, up to the middle of the 17th cen
tury. Italy, a prey to revolutions, has frequently changed its masters,
but Venice, always free and independent, has never acknowledged a foreign
power ; she has always found means to throw off the tyrannical yoke of
the Peninsula.
Venice is the best situated commercial port in Italy. Merchandise from
Constantinople and the Levant arrives there by the shortest route, across
the Adriatic, and from thence is diffused over northern Italy, as far as
Turin, by the Po, and over Germany, by being carried up the Adige as
far as Bolzano, from whence roads lead to Ulm, Augsburg, Munich, and
Nuremberg. Venice is the sea-port of the Upper Danube, the Po, and the Adige :
nature destined it to be the storehouse of the Levant, Italy, and southern
Germany. Before the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope, Venice carried
on the commerce with India by Alexandria and the Red Sea, and even
struggled to intercept the navigation of the Portuguese. It equipped a con
siderable fleet in the Red Sea, and established an arsenal, watering-places,
and magazines, near Suez ; the remains of these buildings are still to be
seen at the fountains of Moses.
But the Portuguese defeated these fleets, constructed at so great an ex
pense ; and the state of anarchy in which Egypt then was, finally closed
this route of Indian commerce.
The Lagunes are formed by the waters of the Piave, the Brenta, and the
Livenza ; they fall into the sea by three great passages, La Chioggio, II
Malamoco, and II Lido.
After the abolition of the democracy in 1200, the sovereign power was

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 221
in the hands of an aristocracy consisting of some hundreds of families, in
scribed in the Golden Book, which furnished to the great council as many
as 1200 voters. The population of the states of the republic amounted to
three millions, and was extended over the rich districts and fertile plains
which surrounded Venice. The following were the Venetian territories :
the districts of Bergamo, Brescia, Cremona, Vicenza, Padua, Polesina,
Treviso, Bassano, Cadorino, Belluno, and Friuli, on the peninsula of Italy;
Istria, Dalmatia, and the Gulf of Cattaro, on the shores of the Adriatic ;
and, lastly the Ionian islands. Its territories were bounded on the north
by the upper range of the. Julian Alps, from the Adda to the Isonzo. This
chain of mountains is everywhere impassable for carriages ; it forms the
frontier on the side of Germany, and can only be crossed by three roads,
those into the Tyrol, Carinthia, and Carniola. In 1796, this republic had
greatly fallen to decay ; it was but the shadow of its former self. Three
generations had succeeded each other without having been engaged in any
war. The sight of a gun made these unworthy descendants of the Dando-
los, Zenos, and Morosinis tremble.
During the war of the succession, and those of 1733 and 1740, they had
endured with cowardly resignation, the insults and outrages of the Austrian,
French, and Spanish armies.
The Venetian navy consisted of a dozen of sixty-four-gun Vessels, as
many frigates and a great number of small ships, which sufficed to awe
the barbarians, command the Adriatic, and defend the Lagunes. The
army consisted of 14,000 men, was composed of Italian regiments levied
in the provinces, and of Sclavonians from Dalmatia; they were brave, and
very much devoted to the republic, and the Sclavonians had the advantage
of being strangers to the language and manners of the Peninsula.
Those families alone whose names were inscribed in the Golden Book,
had a share in the administration ;. they exclusively composed the senate,
the councils, the Council of Forty, and other assemblies : this displeased
the nobility of the main land, among whom were included a great many-
rich, illustrious, and powerful families, who, deprived of all power, and
subject to the reigning class of nobles, passed their lives without receiving
distinction or honours, and nourished a deeply-rooted jealousy of the sove
reign nobility. These families were partly descended from the ancient con-
dottieri, podestd, or other personages who had played a distinguished par£
in the republics of their towns, and whose ancestors, after having long op
posed the enterprises of Venice, had at last fallen victims ; thus, to the
dislike with which the nature of the government inspired them, were added
many carefully perpetuated historical subjects for resentment.
The people of the provinces were in general discontented ; most of them
made common cause with their nobles. The Venetian nobles, however,
who had estates and establishments in almost every province, had also their
partisans. The priests were without credit and without respect in this re
public, which had very early freed itself as much as possible from the tem
poral power of the Pope.
In the year 1792, the allied powers urged Venice to take part in the
war ; it does not appear that any serious discussions on this subject took
place in the senate ; the votes were unanimous in favour of neutrality ; the
republic was so distant from the theatre of war, that it looked upon itself as
a stranger to the affairs of France.
When the Count de Lille took refuge at Verona, the senate only granted
him permission to remain there by consent of the committee of public

222 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
safety, who were better pleased that he should be at Verona, than at any
other place.
When the French troops marched, in 1794, towards Oneille, Italy was
thought to be menaced with an invasion, and several powers assembled at
the congress of Milan ; Venice refused to send ambassadors fo it, not that
she approved of the French principles, but because she feared to give herself
up to the mercy of Austria, and was not willing to give up that cowardly
and enervated policy which she had for several generations pursued.
But when Napoleon arrived at Milan, when Beaulieu fled terrified beyond
the Mincio, and occupied Peschiera, where he placed his right wing, in the
hope of defending this line, the uncertainty and alarm of the senate were
very great. The great gulf which had till then defended Venice from the
struggle between the aristocracy and ihe democracy was now crossed; Ihe
war of opinion and actual war arose in the bosom of the state ; stormy discus-
sions agitated the councils, in which three different opinions were maintained.
The young oligarchs demanded an armed neutrality ; they wished strong
garrisons to be placed in Peschiera, Brescia, Legnago, and Verona ; that
these places should be declared in a state of siege ; that the army should be
increased to 60,000 men, lhat the lagunes should be put in a posture of
defence, and covered with armed chaloupes ; that a squadron should be
equipped for the purpose of defending the Adriatic ; and that, in this formi
dable attitude, the republic should declare war against the first who should
entrench on its territory. The partisans of this opinion went even further ;
they said : " If it come to the worst, there is less shame in perishing with
arms in our hands. By defending our territory, we shall prevent French
ideas from being propagated in the large towns of the provinces ; we shall
obtain the more regard from the two inimical parties, as being in a condi
tion to exact it. If, on the contrary, we peaceably open our gates, the ter
ritories of the republic will become the seal of the war between these two
powers, and from that moment, sovereignty will fall from the hands of the
prince. His first duty is to protect his subjects : if their fields and lands
become the prey of war, the unhappy people will lose all respect and es
teem for the government which has abandoned them. The causes of dis
content which already exist will be increased to a violent pitch ; the repub
lic will expire without exciting a single regret."
The partisans of the old policy declared that they ought not to take any
decisive line of conduct ; that they ought to beat about in order to gain
time, and see how matters would go. They confessed that all these dan
gers did indeed exist ; that they had reason to fear at once the ambition of
Austria and the principles of France ; but that these evils were happily
transient ; that with management and patience, the inconveniences which
they feared might be avoided ; that the French were of a conciliatory dis
position, easily persuaded by caresses; that if they proceeded aright, they
could gain over the minds of the chiefs, and obtain their good opinion ;
that in the present state Of the public mind, an armed neutrality would
lead to war, which was above all things to be avoided ; that Providence
had placed the capital in a position which sheltered it from any insult ;
and that they must oppose to every difficulty, patience, moderation and
time. Battaglia said : " The republic is truly in danger. On one side the
French principles are subversive of our constitution ; on the other, Austria
makes attempts against our independence. ,Of these two inevitable evils,
let us choose the least ; the greatest, in my opinion, is Austrian slavery.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 223
Let us increase the list of the Golden Book — let us inscribe in it the names
of such of the provincial nobility as deserve that honour ; by this means
we shall conciliate our people, there will no longer be any opposition among
ourselves. Let us garrison our strong places, levy our army, equip our
fleet, hasten to -meet the French general, and to offer him an offensive and
defensive alliance. We shall, perhaps, be obliged to make some slight
changes in our constitution, but we shall save our independence and our
liberty. An armed neutrality has been proposed ; two years ago, this plan
would have been the best you could have pursued ; it would have been just,
because equal towards both the belligerent parties,; it would have been pos
sible, because there was then time to prepare for it. But now it is other
wise ; you cannot forbid the French to do what you have permitted or
tolerated from the Austrians ; this would be to declare war against the
French army, when it is victorious, when in a week it will be at Verona,
and that without your even being secure of Austria ; but to declare war
two months hence against so active and enterprising an enemy — this, of
all plans would be the worst — it would be precipitating ourselves into dan
ger, instead of avoiding it.
" The second course of conduct which has been proposed to you —
namely, that of patience and time, is as bad as the first ; political circum
stances are no longer what they were, times are greatly changed, the crisis
in which we now stand bears no resemblance to any of those in which the
prudence of our ancestors triumphed. French principles are in every mind,
and are reproduced under every variety of form ; they are a rushing tor
rent, whose course it would be in vain to attempt to arrest by patience,
moderation, and cunning. The measure which I propose to you can alone
save you ; it is simple, noble and generous. We can offer to the French
a contingent of 10,000 men, and retain what we require for the defence
of our fortresses. They will soon have taken Mantua, and carried the
war into Germany. After the first steps have been taken, all will be easy,
because all the parties who divide the state will act together in the same
spirit — our independence will be saved — we shall save the great founda
tions of our constitution. Austria has no influence over our people, and
lastly, she has no fleet, whilst, at any moment, the fleet of Toulon may be
signaled from the Lido."
This opinion excited the passions, and struck every intelligent mind,
but it gained few suffrages. Aristocratic prejudices got the upper hand of
the interest of the country. This resolution would have been too noble
for degenerate men, incapable of elevated ideas.
Tlie proveditor, Mocenigo, received Napoleon at Brescia with great mag
nificence ; he expressed the good feelings of the senate towards France.
Splendid festivals established intimacies between the officers of the French
army and the principal families of the place. Each noble endeavoured to
become the particular friend of a French general. At Verona, the prove
ditor, Foscarelli, imitated this example, but the pride of his character was
unfavourable to dissimulation ; he but ill disguised his secret sentiments ;
he was one of the number of senators who were ,the most hostile to the
new ideas ; he had not dared to protest against the entrance of the French
into Peschiera, because they succeeded the troops of Beaulieu ; but when
they demanded from him the keys of the arsenal, for the purpose of
strengthening the ramparts, and set about manning the galleys, he com
plained of this violation of the neutrality of the republic. On Napoleon's
arrival at Peschiera, Foscarelli endeavoured to dissuade him from march-

224 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
ing to Verona, and even threatened to order the gates to be closed, and the
artillery to be brought into play. " It is too late," answered the general ;
" my troops have entered it — I am obliged to establish my defence on the
Adige during the siege of Mantua; 1500 Sclavonians would not enable
you to oppose the passage of the Austrian army ; neutrality consists in
having the same weight, and the same measure for every one ; if you are
not my enemies, you ought to grant to or tolerate from me, the same as
you do from my enemies."
These various disputes being reported to the senate, it was decided to
recall Foscarelli, and to replace him by Battaglia, on whom was bestowed
the dignity of proveditor of all the provinces beyond the Adige, Verona
included; Battaglia was an acute, well-informed man, of mild manners,
and sincerely attached to his country, very favourably inclined to the
France of former times, and preferring even republican France to Aus
tria. By degrees the theatre of war extended over the whole of the Venetian
possessions, but it was always the Austrians who entered upon any new
territory. Beaulieu occupied Peschiera and Verona; Wurmser entered
Bassano^ and crossed Vicenza and Padua ; Alvinzi and Duke Charles oc
cupied Friuli, Palma-Nova, and all the country as far as the eastern boun
daries of the republic.
Great agitation was manifested in the provinces — -discontent was propa
gated with rapidity ; to the. old hatred of the oligarchy was now joined the
attraction of the new opinions. Italy was generally regarded as lost to the
Austrians, and this would bring with it the fall of the aristocracy.
Napoleon constantly endeavoured to moderate the agitation which was
yet more excited by the general spirit of the army. When he returned to
Tolentino, entirely occupied with his project of marching to Vienna, he
saw himself constrained to pay attention to this state of things, which em
barrassed him. The irritation had gone on increasing. Brescia and Ber
gamo were in a state of insurrection. The Fenarolis, Martinengos, Lec-
chis and Alessandris were, at the head of the insurgents ; they belonged to
the first and richest families. The municipalities of these two towns ex
ercised great authority ; ' they had the control of the finances, disposed of
the revenues, and had the power of appointing to offices. If the lion of
St. Mark was still to be seen in them, it was rather in deference to the
general-in chief, than as an act of submission to the sovereignty.
Continual and violent declamations against the Venetian nobles — some
times verbal, sometimes poured forth through the channel of the press,
were heard on all sides. The injustice of their government was demon
strated with bitterness, and by all possible means : " What right has Ve
nice," said they, " to rule in our cities ? Are we less brave, less enlighten
ed, less rich, less noble ?" The pride of the senators was deeply offended at
seeing subjects who had for centuries been submissive to their government,
forget the immense distance which separated them from their masters, and
compare themselves with them. Everything gave warning of a violent
shock. Battaglia, in his despatches to the senate, concealed as much, as
possible the outrages of the Brescians, and softened down to the latter the
indignation and passion of the senate. Always seeking to conciliate, he
ceased not, in his frequent intercourse with the general-in-chief, to interest
him in the republic.
It would have been dangerous thus to leave, in the rear of the army*
three millions of people given up to disorder and anarchy. Napoleon did

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 225
not conceal from himself that he had no more influence over the friends
of France than over the senate itself. He could suppress their rebellious
movements, but he could not prevent them from speaking and writing,
from irritating the prince by a mass Pf details of administration which
were strange to him. To have disarmed the patriots of Brescia and Ber
gamo, declared for the senate, proscribed the innovators, and filled the
dungeons of Venice with them, would have been to alienate from him for
ever the popular party, without gaining the affection of the aristocracy ;
and if this cowardly policy could have found place in his projects, its final
and infallible result would have been, as in the case of Louis XII., the
rising of the whole population against the French party. To persuade the
senate to attach itself to France, and to modify its constitution in order to
satisfy the wishes of the people of the provinces, was the best and most
suitable plan. This was Napoleon's constant aim ; after each fresh victory
which he gained, he renewed this proposal, but always in vain. A, third
project suggested itself — namely, to march upon Venice, occupy that capi
tal, effect by force the political changes which circumstances rendered in
dispensable, and entrust the government to the partisans of France ; but
Venice could not be approached as long as Prince Charles kept his posi
tion on the Piave ; it would, therefore, be necessary to commence by de
feating the Austrian army, and expelling it from Italy ; and should this
end be obtained, would it then be well to lose the fruit of the victory, and
delay the passage of the Alps, for the purpose of bringing back the war
to Venice ? which proceeding would give the archduke time to think of
himself, reinforce his troops, and create fresh obstacles. It was under the
walls of Vienna that Napoleon looked forward, to the signing of a peace,
which should crown so many victories. Venice was, besides, very strong ;
she was defended by her lagunes, by armed vessels, and by 10,000 Scla
vonians ; she was mistress of the Adriatic, and could by this channel re
ceive fresh troops ; and finally, she had within her the moral strength of
all the ruling families, who would feel strongly called upon to struggle for
their political existence. Who could calculate how long the French army
would be stopped by this enterprise ? And should the struggle be at all
prolonged, what effect might not an active resistance have on the rest of
Italy? This new war could not fail to meet great opposition at Paris ; the mi
nister was very active ; the legislative body was in opposition to the di
rectory ; the directory itself was divided. Should it be consulted on the
subject of the war with Venice, it would not reply, or would evade the
question ; should Napoleon, as he had hitherto done, act without authority,
he would be reproached, except in case of immediate success, with having
violated every principle ; in his character of general-in-chief, he only had
the right to repulse force by force. To undertake a fresh war against an
armed power, without orders from his government, would be to render
himself guilty of usurping the rights of sovereignty, and he was already
but too deeply engaged in a struggle with republican jealousy.
The episode of Venice might become the principal affair ; Napoleon,
therefore, decided to take, with regard to the Venetians, simply military
precautions ; he was secure of Brescia, Bergamo, and the whole right
shore of the Adige. He placed troops in the castles of Verona, St. Felix,
and St. Piero, and in the Old Palace ; this made him master of the stone
bridges. The troops which had been employed in the expedition against
the Pope, were now on their return to the Adige ; they would form a re-
15

226 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
serve large enough to awe the senate. Arrangements were made that all
the convalescent and wounded who should leave the hospitals, were to be
organized into marching battalions, and added to the reserve ; butthis, in
fact, weakened by so much the acting army.
Napoleon resolved, however, to make one fresh effort. He desired an
interview with Pesaro, who at that time directed the affairs of the republic.
Pesaro described to him the critical state of the country, the bad disposi
tion of the people, the just complaints of the senate ; he said, that these
difficult circumstances required the senate to take strong measures, and to
raise extraordinary armaments, which, however, ought not to give any
umbrage to the French ; that the senate was obliged to issue arrests at
Venice, and in the provinces ; that it would be unjust to consider as rigor
ous measures against the partisans of France, that which was only a just
punishment inflicted on turbulent subjects who were endeavouring to over
throw the laws of their country.
Napoleon granted the critical situation of Venice, but, without losing
time in discussing its causes, came immediately to the point : " You de
sire," said he, " to arrest the proceedings of those whom you call your
enemies, but whom I call my friends. You entrust the administration to
men distinguished by their hatred to France — you raise fresh troops.
What remains for you to do, in order to produce a declaration of war?
And yet your ruin would in that case be entire and immediate ; it would
be in vain for you to rely on the assistance Of the archduke ; within a
week I should drive his armies from Italy. There is one way remaining
by which you may deliver your republic from its present difficult situation;
I offer you an alliance with France ; I offer to secure to Venice her pro
vinces, and even her authority in Brescia ; but I demand in return that
she shall declare war against Austria, and furnish to my army a contin
gent of 10,0*00 infantry, 2000 cavalry, and twenty-four cannon. I think
it would be well done, to enrol in the Golden Book the principal families
of the provinces ; I do not, however, make this a sine qua non. Return
to Venice ; let the senate deliberate on these proposals, and come back to
sign a treaty which alone can save your country." Pesaro agreed to the
wisdom of this project, and set out for Venice, promising to return within
a fortnight. On the 11th of March, the French army was put in motion for the pur
pose of crossing the Piave. Immediately on the arrival of this intelli
gence at Venice, orders were issued that fourteen of the principal inhabi
tants of Bergamo should be arrested and brought before the Council of
Ten. The chiefs-of the patriotic party, informed in time by a Venetian
commissary who was devoted to their cause, intercepted the courier, ar
rested the proveditor himself, raised the standard of revolt, and proclaimed
the freedom of Bergamo. The deputies which they sent fo the head
quarters of the French general, found him on the battle-field of Taglia
mento. This event thwarted Napoleon's projects, but it was irremediable.
The Bergamese had already entered into a confederacy with Milan, the
capital of Lombardy, and with Bologna, the capital of the transpadane
republic. The same revolution took place a few days afterwards at Bres
cia; the two thousand Sclavonians garrisoned there, were disarmed-; the
proveditor Battaglia was respected, but sent back to Verona. The Vene
tian General, Fioravante, marched against the insurgents, occupied Salo,
and threatened Brescia; Lahoz, a Milanese, went to meet him, defeated
his troops, and expelled him from Salo.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY1 OF NAPOLEON. 227
Pesaro returned, as he had promised, to the head-quarters, then at Go-
ritzia. The archduke had "been defeated at Tagliamento; Palma-Nova
had opened its gates ; the French standard floated over Tarvis beyond the
Isonzo, and on the summit of the Julian Alps. " Have I kept my word ?"
said Napoleon to him : " The Venetian territories are covered with my
troops ;' the Austrians flee before 'me. In a few days I shall be in Ger
many. What is the decision of your republic? I have offered her the
alliance of France ; does she accept it ?"
" Venice," answered Pesaro, rejoices at your triumphs ; she knows that
she can only exist by the aid of France ; but, faithful to her ancient policy,
she is determined to remain neuter. Under Louis XII. and Francis I. her
forces were of some weight in the field of battle ; but now, even were the
entire population in arms, of what benefit-would our assistance be to you ?"
Napoleon made a last effort ; he failed ; and said to Pesaro, on parting,
" Since your republic is then determined to remain neuter, so let it be-r-I
consent ; but let it cease raising armaments. I leave sufficient troops in
Italy to support my authority there.
" I am now on my way to Vienna. What I would have pardoned to
Venice when I was in Italy, will become an unpardonable crime when I
am in Germany. Should my soldiers be assassinated, my convoys ha
rassed, or my communications interrupted on the Venetian territories, your
republic will cease to exist ; it will have pronounced its own sentence."
General Kerpen had imitated the movement of General Joubert, which
had been put into operation on the 20th of March ; he had abandoned the
Tyrol, and had passed, by Salzburg and Rottenmann, into the valley of
the Muer, where he hoped to rejoin the archduke ; but having heard, at
Scheifling, of the rapidity of the French army's march, he re-crossed the
mountains, and did not effect his junction till some time after, in the plain of
Vienna. General Laudon, left by him to guard the Tyrol, with only 2000
regular troops, succeeded in re-organizing 10,000 Tyrolean militia, who,
discouraged by so many defeats, had dispersed. This reinforcement gave
him greatly the advantage in numbers over the small guard which had
been ordered by Joubert to cover the road to Trent..
General Serviez had about 1200 men; he evacuated the two shores of
the Tarvis at the approach of the enemy, and retreated to Monte Caldo.
Laudon occupied Trent. Being now master of the whole of the Tyrol, he
inundated Italy with proclamations ; he spread to Venice, to Rome, to Tu
rin; and to Naples, the news of the defeat of the French. " The Tyrol
had been the tomb of Joubert's troops ; Napoleon had been defeated at
Tagliamento ; the imperial troops had gained brilliant victories on the
Rhine." He came down from Trent into Italy with 60,000 men, for the
purpose of entirely cutting off the retreat of the wrecks, of the army,
which the archduke was pursuing ; and, finally, summoned Venice and all
Italy to arms, and to revolt against France.
At this news, the Venetian oligarchy no longer kept measures.' The
French minister attempted in vain to show the senate on what an abyss it
stood ; he denied the pretended disasters of Joubert in the Tyrol, as well
as those, quite as false, of the Sambre, Meuse and Rhine ; he proved that
hostilities had not yet been commenced ; he went so far as to communicate
the plan of the campaign, from which it resulted that the abandonment pf
the Tyrol by Joubert was an arranged movement; that, he was at that
moment marching through Carinthia towards the Pasterthal ; and that, far
from having lost his end, he had attained it. Pesaro gave no credit to

228 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
these communications ; he too earnestly desired the disasters pf the French.
The court of Vienna, on its part, omitted nothing which might serve to
rouse the passions of the enemies of France. It was an essential part of
its plans to organize insurrections in the rear of the army.
The corps-de-reserve, which had been left at Palma-Nova, the garrison
of Osapo, and the prudenceof the proveditor Mocenigo, kept Friuli tran
quil ; perhaps, too, the inhabitants of this province, who were nearer the
theatre of action, were better informed respecting the state of affairs.
The rising en masse of the Veronese had long since been arranged ;
more than thirty thousand peasants had received arms, and only awaited
the signal for massacre ; three thousand troops, composed partly of Vene
tians, and partly of Sclavonians, had been sent to Verona to form a garri
son there. Emile, the proveditor, who was devoted to the senate, conferred
with Laudon; he informed him of the weakness of therFrench garrison,
and, as soon as he thought himself secure of the assistance of the Austri
an troops, gave the signal for revolt.
On the 17th of April, the second day of the Easter festival, after ves
pers, the tocsin sounded ; the insurrection burst forth ; a general massa
cre of the French commenced ; the people, in their fury, even went so far
as to murder four hundred sick people in the hospitals. General Balland
shut himself up in the castle with the garrison. The Veronese authori
ties, alarmed by the artillery of the forts, which the General directed
against the town, decided to demand a parley ; but the fury of the popu
lace opposed this measure ; a reinforcement of two thousand Sclavonians,
sent from Vicenza by the proveditor Foscarini, and the approach of the
troops of the Austrian General Neiperg, added still more to the madness
of the people, who avenged the mischief done in the town by the bom
bardment, by massacreing the garrison of La Chuisa, who had been obliged
to capitulate before the rising of the . mountaineers.
General Kilmaine, commander-in-chief of Lombardy, made arrange
ments for assisting General Balland, on the first intelligence which he re
ceived of the insurrection at Verona. On the 21st, the first ranks of his
army appeared under Verona. The Generals Chabraud and Chevalier
fought several skirmishes, and succeeded in investing the town on the 22d.
On the 23rd the signing of the preliminaries pf peace with Austria became
known to the insurgents, and almost at the same moment they heard of the
arrival of the division commanded by Victor, which was hastening from
Treviso. The alarm spread ; their dejection was now equal to their for
mer fury ; they demanded a capitulation ; they accepted on their knees
the conditions which Balland.exacted ; they gave hostages, and order was
again established.
The French owed them a heavy debt of vengeance ; the blood of their
comrades, ignominiously murdered, still flowed in the streets ; no such
vengeance was, however, taken ; three inhabitants only were given up to
justice ; the people were all disarmed, and the peasants sent back to their
villages. The oligarchy of Venice, not less blind, allowed the crew of a French
corvette, which, pursued by an Austrian frigate, had taken refuge under
the batteries of the Lido, to be massacred before their eyes. The French
minister protested against this violation of the right of nations, and de
manded that justice should be exercised against the assassins. The sen
ate laughed at his representations and his threats, and issued a decree, by

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 229
which it granted rewards. to such of its satellites as had taken part in the
massacre of Captain Laugier and his crew.
As soon as Napoleon was informed of the disorders and murders which
were being committed in the rear of the army, he sent the aide-de-camp
Junot to Venice, charging him to deliver to the senate the following letter,
dated from Judenburg, the 9th of April :
" Throughout all the provinces the subjects of the illustrious republic
are in arms : their rallying cry is — Death to the French ! The number
of -French soldiers who have already fallen victims to their rage amounts
to some hundreds. It is in vain for you to affect to disavow the tumults
which you yourselves have raised. Do you think that, because I am at a
distance, in the heart of Germany, I shall not have power to enforce res
pect towards the soldiers of the first nation in the world ? Do you think
that the French legions will leave unpunished the assassins stained with the
blood of their comrades ? There is not a man amongst them who, when
charged with this vengeance, will not feel his courage- and his means tri
pled. Do you fancy yourselves still in the age of Charles VIII. ? Since
then, opinions are changed indeed in Italy I"
Junot had orders to read this letter to the senate, and to express all the
indignation of the general-in-chief, but terror had already seized on Ve.
nice. The illusion was dissipated ; they now knew that the armies on the
Rhine had not commenced hostilities ; that Joubert was at Villach with his
body of troops ; that Victor was close to Verona ; that the French were
already directing their march to the lagunes ; finally, that Napoleon, vic
torious in every combat, had carried terror to Vienna itself; that he had
just granted a truce to the archduke, and that the emperor had sent am
bassadors to him to demand peace.
The French minister, L'Allemand, presented Junot to the senate ; he ful
filled his mission with all the frankness and roughness of a soldier ; the sen-
are was humbled, and endeavoured to make excuses. The friends of lib
erty raised their heads, and foresaw the moment of their triumph. A de
putation was sent to the general-in-chief, then at Gratz, and was commis
sioned to offer him any reparation which he might desire ; the members of
this deputation had private instructions to corrupt, by bribes, all such per
sons as might have influence with the general ; but all was in vain.
The senate at the same time dispatched courier after courier to Paris,
and put considerable sums at the disposal of the Venetian minister, in the
hope of gaining over the leaders of the directory, and causing such or
ders to be dispatched to the general-in-chief as should save the aristocracy.
This intrigue succeeded in Paris : the distribution of ten thousand bills of
exchange gained for the Venetian minister the orders which he solicited ;
but these orders were not clothed with all the legal forms. Despatches in
tercepted at Milan, gave Napoleon the clue by which to unravel this in
trigue ; the list of the bills distributed in Paris was in his hands ; he an
nulled them all by his own authority.
On the 3rd of May, he issued from Palma-Nova, his declaration of war
against the Venetian republic, founding this declaration on the principle of
repulsing force by force. This manifesto was couched in the following
terms :
" While the French army is engaged in tlje defiles of Styria, and has
left far behind it Italy and its principal warlike establishments, where but
a few battalions remain, the following is the conduct of the Venetian gov
ernment.

230 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
" It profits by the Holy Week to arm 40,000 'peasants — adds to these,
ten regiments of Sclavonians, divides them into bodies, and posts them . at
various points, for the purpose of intercepting the communications of the
French army.
" Extraordinary commissaries, guns, ammunition of all kinds and can
non, are sent from Venice itself in order to complete the organization of
the different corps. All persons in the provinces who are favourably dis
posed towards us, are arrested ; -all those who are known to nourish a fu
rious hatred against the French, and more especially the fourteen conspi
rators, whom the proveditor Priuli arrested three months ago, as being
convicted of plotting a massacre of the French, are loaded with rewards,
and enjoy the whole confidence of the government.
" In all market-places, coffee-houses, and other places of public resort,
the French are insulted, called Jacobins, regicides, atheists; they are
finally expelled and forbidden to re-enter the town.
" The inhabitants of Padua, Vicenza, arid Verona, are ordered to take
up arms, and to second the various bodies of troops— to commence, in
short, these new Sicilian vespers. • ' It is our business,' says the Venetian
officers, ' to verify the proverb, that Italy is the tomb of the French.' —
The priests in the pulpit, preach the crusade ; and priests, in the Venetian
states, say nothing but what the government pleases. Pamphlets, perfidi
ous proclamations, anonymous letters, are printed in various towns, and
begin to excite the people ; and in a state where the liberty of the press is
not allowed, in a government as much feared as it is secretly abhorred,
the printers print nothing, the authors compose nothing, but what suits the
senate. " At first every thing seems to favour the treacherous project of the go
vernment ; French blood flows on every side ; convoys, couriers, every
thing appertaining to the army is intercepted on all the roads.
" At Padua, a commander of a battalion and two other Frenchmen are
assassinated ; at Castiglione di Mori, unarmed soldiers are murdered ; and
on the -high roads between Mantua and Legnago, Cassano and Verona,
more than two hundred French are killed.
" Two battalions, intending to join the army, meet a Venetian division
at Chiari, which endeavours to oppose their passage ; an obstinate combat
ensues, and our brave soldiers cut a passage over the dead bodies of their
enemies. " At Valeggia, there is another combat ; at Malegnana, they are obliged
to fight once more ; the French are everywhere few in number, but they
are accustomed not to reckon the number of their enemies.
" On the' second day of Easter, at the sound of the tocsin, all the French
are assassinated in Verona ; neither the sick" in the hospitals, nor those
just recovering, and taking the air in the streets, are respected ; they are
thrown into the Adige, after beihg pierced with a thousand stiletto wounds ;
more than four hundred soldiers are also massacred. During a whole
week the Venetian army besieges the three castles of Verona ; the ean-
nons which the Venetians place as a battery are taken from them at the
bayonet point ; the town is set on fire ; and the corps-d' -observation which
arrives in the middle of these doings, completely routs these cowards, and
takes 3000 prisoners — among them several generals.
" The French consul's house in Zante is burnt down. In Dalmatia, -a
Venetian war-ship takes an Austrian convoy under its protection; and fires
several times upon the sloop Le Brim. The Liberator of Italy, a vessel be;

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 231
longing to the French republic, and only carrying three or four small
pieces of cannon, is sunk in the port of Venice, by order of the senate.
" The young and interesting Lieutenant Laugier, commander of this
vessel, as soon as he sees himself fired upon from the fort and from the
admiral's galley, being only at the distance of a pistol shot from each, or
ders his crew to go down into the hold. He himself mounts the deck
alone, amidst a shower of grape-shot, and endeavours, by speaking, to dis
arm the fury of the assassins ; but in vain — he falls ! His crew throw
themselves into the water, and endeavour to escape by swimming ; they
are pursued by six chaloupes, manned by troops in the pay of Venice, who
strike down with hatchets the sailors who are endeavouring to find safety
in the open sea. A boatswain, wounded, bleeding and exhausted, has the
good fortune to gain the shore, and to cling to a piece of wood close to the
castle ; but the. commandant himself cuts off his hand with a hatchet.
" Considering the above grievances, authorized by cap. xii., art. 328, of
the constitution of the republic, and impelled by the urgency of circum
stances, the general-in-chief requires the French minister, now in Venice,
to quit the said city.
" He orders the various agents of the French republic in Lombardy, and
in the Venetian provinces, to leave the said provinces within twenty-four
hours. "; He further orders the various generals to treat as, enemies the troops
of the republic of Venice ; to throw down, in all the towns of the provin
ces, the Lion of St. Mark ; each general will receive to-morrow particular
instructions for his ulterior military operations."
On reading this manifesto, the arms fell from the hands of the oligarchs,
they no longer thought of defending themselves : the great council of the
aristocracy assembled, and gave up the sovereignty to the people ; a mu
nicipality was the depository of it. Thus did these- families, so proud and
so long held in regard, and to whom an alliance had been offered in, such
good faith, fall without offering any resistance. In vain did they, in their
anguish, solicit the aid of the court of Vienna ; in vain did they entreat it
to include them in the truce and in the negotiations for peace. That
court was deaf to their prayers ; it had its own views.
On the 16th of May, Baragnay d'Hilliers entered Venice; he had been
called upon by the inhabitants, who were menaced by the Sclavonians.
He took possession of the forts and batteries, and planted the tri-color in
the square of St. Mark. The aristocracy was entirely and for ever over
thrown ; the democratic constitution of 1200^was proclaimed. Dandolo, a
man of a quick, warm character, enthusiastic in the cause of liberty, a per
son of integrity, and a distinguished lawyer, placed himself at the head of
the affairs of the city.
The Lion of St. Mark and the Corinthian horses were taken to Paris.
The Venetian fleet consisted of twelve ships of sixty-four guns, and as
many frigates and sloops. They were manned and sent to Toulon.
Corfu was one of the most important strong places of the republic;
General Geutili, who had taken Corsica, approached it with four battalions
and a few companies of artillery, on board a squadron formed of Venetian
vessels. He took possession of this place, the true key of the Adriatic, as
also of the other Ionian Islands, Zante, Cerigo, Cephalonia, St. Maura,
(the ancient Ithaca), &c. &c.
Pesaro was overwhelmed with reproaches, and took refuge at Vienna ;
Battaglia sincerely regretted the fall of his country; he had long disapproved

232 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
of the proceedings of the senate, and had but too well foreseen this catas
trophe ; he died some time afterwards, sincerely regretted by the good and
honourable. Had his advice been followed, Venice would have been saved.
The Doge Manihi, at the moment when he was swearing allegiance to Aus-
tria, fell dead into the arms of Morosini, who had become commissary of
the Emperor.
On the receipt of the declaration of war against Venice, all the provinces
were in arms against the capital. Each separate town proclaimed its- inde
pendence, and constituted a government for itself. Bergamo, Brescia,
Padua, Vicenza, Bassano, Odina, formed themselves into separate repub
lics. It was this system which had been the origin of the cispadane and
transpadane republics. They adopted the principles of the French revolu
tion, abolished convents, but respected the religion and property of the secu
lar priests ; they constituted national domains, and suppressed feudal privi
leges. Chosen men from the nobility and proprietor's of land formed them
selves into companies of hussars and riflemen, under the title of a guard of
honour. The inferior classes formed battalions of a national guard. The
colours of these new republics were those of Italy. Notwithstanding Na
poleon's extreme vigilance in endeavouring to prevent outrages and des
truction, more took place at this period than at any other during the course
of the war. The country was divided into two very violent factions ; all
the passions of the people were roused to a high pitch ; at the time of the
surrender of Verona, the mont-de-piete, of that town, which possessed from
seven to eight millions of francs, was despoiled. Bouquer, the war com
missioner, and Landrieux, a colonel of hussars, were accused of this rob
bery, the character of which was rendered still more shocking by the other
crimes, necessary to its concealment, which preceded and followed it. All
that was found in the houses of the accused persons was restored to the
town, but the loss was nevertheless considerable.
General Bernadotte carried lo Paris the standards which had been taken
from the Venetian troops, and also the remains of those taken at Rivoli
and in Germany from Prince Charles. He presented these trophies to the
directory a few days before the 18th of Fructidor.
The frequent presentations of standards were, at this period, very useful
to the government; these manifestations of the disposition of the army con
founded the malcontents and made them tremble.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 233

CHAPTER VI.
NAPOLEON DURING 1797.
Montebello is a castle situated some leagues from Milan, upon a hill
which commands the whole plain of Lombardy. The French head-quarters
were there during the months of May and June. The assemblage of the
principal ladies of Milan, who came there daily to pay their respects to
Josephine ; the presence of the ministers of Austria, of the Pope, of the King
of the Two Sicilies* and of the republics of Genoa and Venice ; those of the
Duke of Parma, of the Swiss cantons, and of several princes of Germany ;
the numerous authorities of the cisalpine republic, and the deputies of cities;
the great number of couriers from Paris, from Rome, from Naples, Vienna,
Florence, Turin, Venice, Genoa, who came and went at all hours, — in a
word, the whole manner of life in this castle, caused the Italians- to speak
of it as the court of Montebello; and, in fact, it was a brilliant court. The
negotiations of peace with the Emperor — the polities of Germany, the fafe
of the King of Sardinia, of Switzeriand, of Venice and Genoa, were settled
there. The court of Montebello made several excursions to Lake Maggiore,
to the Borromean Isles, to the Lake of Comb ; and passed several days in
the different country-houses round these lakes. Every town — every vil
lage, wished to distinguish itself in showing esteerri and respect for the libe
rator of Italy. The corps diplomatique could not but be surprised at all
they saw.
General Serrurier conveyed to the directory the last colours taken from
the archduke. Charles: "This officer" (we quote from Napoleon's letter)
"has displayed in the two last campaigns, as much talent as civism ; his
division gained the victory of Mondovi, and contributed materially to that
of Castiglione, and to the taking of Mantua. It also distinguished itself at
the passage of the Tagliamento, at the passage of the Isonzo, and particu
larly at the taking of Gradisca. General Serrurier is severe to himself;
he is so, sometimes, towards others ; a firm friend to discipline, order, and
the virtues most necessary to the maintenance of society ; he disdains all
intrigue. These qualities have made him several enemies among men
always ready to accuse of incivism those who require them to submit to the
laws. " I consider him very fit to command the troops of the cisalpine republic
I beg you, therefore, to send him to his post as soon as possible."
Serrurier was well received at Paris ; the frankness and openness of his
character gave general satisfaction. During his residence in France, he
visited his native department of L'Aisne ; he had always been moderate
respecting the principles of the revolution, but when he returned from
France, he was very warm in favour of the republic, so indignant was he at
the bad feeling he had had occasion to rem'ark. ,
Just as the French army was entering Venice, Count d'Entraigues escaped
from that town. He was stopped at the Brenta by the troops of Berna-

234 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
dotte's division, and sent to head-quarters at Milan. The Count d'Entraigues
was from Nivernois. As one of the deputies from the nobility to the con
stituent assembly, he was an ardent patriot in '88 and '89 ; but shortly
after the beginning of the general assembly, being a nephew of M. de St.
Priest, he changed sides, emigrated, and was one of the principal agents of
royalty in other countries, and unceasing in his intrigues. He had been at
Venice for two years, nominally attached to the English embassy, but in
fact, as minister of the counter-revolution, and putting himself at the head
of all the plots for injuring or rising against the French army. He was
suspected of having had a share in the massacre at Verona. Generals
Berthier and Clarke searched his papers, made a list of all the contents of
his secretaire, and sent this list to Paris. The French government sent
an answer, ordering d'Entraigues to be brought before a military tribunal,
and judged according to the laws of the- republic ; hut, in the meantime, he
had interested~Napoleon, who had seen him several times. Not ignorant
of the dangers of his position, he took pains to please him who alone had
power over his fate ; he spoke to him without reserve, discovered to him
several intrigues then in progress, and compromised his party much more
than he was called on to do. This plan succeeded ; he was allowed to re
side in the town on his parole, and shortly afterwards made his escape into
Switzerland.. So little attention had been paid to him, that it was only some
six or seven days after his departure from Milan, that it was discovered he
had broken his parole. Not long afterwards, a sort of pamphlet by him
was spread all over Germany and Italy, calumniating his benefactor. He
described the horrible dungeon in which he had been immured, the torments
which he had suffered, the boldness which he had displayed, and the risks
he had run to obtain his liberty. Every one at Milan, where he had been
seen in every company, on the public promenade and elsewhere, was indig
nant at this conduct ; several members of the corps diplomatique shared the
general indignation, and even published declaratipns on the subject.
The republic of Genoa, during the three wars respecting the succession
of Parma, of Spain, and of Austria, had taken an active part in the quarrel;
its little armies had marched to the field with those of the crowns of France
and Spain. In 1747, the people had driven out of Genoa the Austrian gar
rison commanded by the Marquis of Botta, and since that time the town
had sustained a long and obstinate siege from the army of Maria Theresa.
In the eighteenth century, Genoa had carried on a bloody war against Cor
sica. National antipathy gave rise to interminable skirmishes between the
Piedmontese and the Genoese. This continual recurrence of military
events had contributed to. keep alive among the citizens of this republic,
weak as it was in respect to population and extent, an energy which gave
it quite a different standing frpm that of Venice. Thus the Genoese aris
tocracy had successfully resisted the storm ; it had preserved itself free and
independent; it had allowed itself to be dictated to neither by the coalition,
nor by France, nor by the popular party ; it had preserved, in all its purity,
the constitution which Andreas Doria had given it in the sixteenth century.
But the proclamation of the independence of the cispadane and transpa-
dane republics, the abdication of the aristocracy of Venice, the establish
ment of a popular form of government in the whole of the Venetian statess
and the enthusiasm inspired by the victories of the French, gave such an
increase of weight to the popular party, that some change iri the constitu
tion became unavoidable. France did not believe itself justified in placing
any confidence in the aristocracy ; but it was considered advisable. that the

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 235
revolution should take place without any open interference on its part, and
merely by means of the advance and the force of public opinion. Faypoult,
the French minister at Genoa, was an enlightened man, moderate in his
politics, and rather weak in character ; this was an advantage in the then
state of things, since he rather restrained than increased the enthusiasm of
the revolutionary party.
Those who had observed the course of events, had calculated that mat
ters would come to a crisis about the end of August ; they did not believe
that the aristocracy could prolong its resistance beyond that term. The
revolutionary spirits of the club Morandi, impatient at the slow progress of
events, and perhaps too, urged on by secret agents from Paris, drew up a
petition in which, they demanded the abdication of the aristocracy, and the
proclamation of independence.
A deputation presented it to the Doge, who did not show himself averse
to give satisfaction to the petitioners ;• he even named a junta of nine per
sons, amongst whom four were to be plebeians, to propose to him the neces
sary changes in the constitution.
The three state-inquisitors or supreme censors, chiefs of the oligarchy
and enemies of France, saw this state of things with grief. Convinced
that the aristocracy had but a very little longer tirne^to exist, if they allow
ed things to go on as they were, and did not take some means of prevent
ing them, they sought for assistance in fanaticism to gain over to their side
the inferior corporations. If they could be enabled to gain the coal-porters
and the colliers* they would thus acquire assistance sufficient to keep all
classes of the citizens in awe. They made use of the confessional, the
pulpit, sermons in the squares and streets, miracles, the exposition of the
holy sacrament, even the prayers during forty hours, in order to obtain
from God, that he would remove from the republic the storm which threat
ened it; but instead of avoiding the storm, they attracted it by this impru
dent conduct. On the other hand, the Morandi Club agitated ; they de
claimed, printed, excited the people in a thousand ways against the nobles
and the priests, and made many proselytes- They soon considered the
moment favourable, and took up arms on the 22nd of May; at 10 o'clock
in the morning, they seized the principal gates^ particularly those of St.
Thomas, of the arsenal, and of the port. The inquisitors, terrified at this,
gave the signal agreed on to the coal-porters and colliers, who, conducted
by their syndics, rushed with cries of "Viva Maria," to the magazine of
arms, and declared in favour of the aristocracy. Thus, in a few hours,
10,000 men were organized and provided with arms, ready to defend- the
prince. The minister of France, terrified at their vociferations against the
Jacobites and the French, proceeded to the palace and endeavoured to con
ciliate the hostile parties. At the sight of these preparations on' the part of
the oligarchy, and of this great number of defenders, the patriots felt their
weakness ; they had reckoned that the mass of the citizens would rise in
their favour, and that this would give them the advantage over their adver
saries ; but the citizens, terrified at the fury of the coal-porters, remained
shut up in their houses. The patriots, thus deceived in their hopes, could
not see any means of safety except in adopting the French cockade, which
had very nearly produced fata] effects to several French families resident
in Genoa.
Every one ran to arms : the patriots were defeated on all sides, and
driven from their positions. During the night between the 23rd and the
24th they retained possession of St. Thomas's gate ; they lost it, however,

236 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
early on the 24th. The triumphant party compelled everybody to wear
the Genoese cockade ; they permitted the pillage of the houses inhabited
by French families ; and several Frenchmen were even committed to
prison. The minister Faypoult would certainly have been insulted but for a guard
of honour that the doge sent to his hotel, consisting of 200 men. Meriard,
the commissary of the navy, a prudent man, who had taken no part in the
disturbances, was dragged by the hair to the fort- - of La Lanterne ; the
house of the consul Lachaise was pillaged ; every thing French was obli
ged to be prepared for insults, and even sometimes for wounds.
The citizens were indignant, but dared not make any resistance for fear
of the conquerors. From the 23rd to the 29th, the minister Faypoult pre
sented several notes on the subject, without receiving any satisfaction. Just
at this time Admiral Brueys, with two men-of-war, and two frigates, pre
sented himself at the port on his return from Corsica. The doge opposed
his entrance under the pretext that his presence would irritate the populace,
and that they would then commit all sorts of excesses against the French.
Faypoult was weak enough to submit to this measure ; he sent orders to
Brueys, therefore, to Sail for Toulon.
When the moderate|party in Ihe senate observed upon the imprudence of
this conduct, the oligarchs answered, that as' the French were engaged in
negotiations with Austria, they would not dare to march a body of men
against Genoa ; that the opinions which prevailed at Paris were not demo
cratic ones ; that it was known that even Napoleon disapproved of the
principles of the club Morandi ; and that he would think twice before ex
posing himself to the possibility of blame from his government, and to the
hostility of Clichy's party, which was the most powerful in the legislature.
All these fallacious hopes were soon dispelled. As soon as Napoleon
was informed that French blood had been shed, he dispatched his aide-de
camp, Lavalette, to Genoa ; he required from the doge that all the French
who had been arrested should be immediately placed at the disposal of the
French minister; that the coal-porters and colliers should be disarmed, and
the inquisitors arrested ; declaring, at the same time, that the heads of the
patricians should pay for any French lives,' as well as that the property of
the republic should make reparation for any damage done to theirs. He
desired the minister Faypoult to quit Genoa, and to retire to Tortona, with
all the French residents who chose to follow him, in case these demands
should not be complied with in twenty-four hours. Lavalette arrived at
Genoa on the 29th of May, at four o'clock in the afternooon ; at six,
he was presented to the senate, who, after having heard his demands,
and seen the letter to the doge, promised to give him an answer the
same evening. In fact, the French were immediately set at liberty,
and conducted to the hotel of the ambassador iri the midst of an im
mense concourse of people, who testified their sympathy for them. The
middle classes and the populace, encouraged by this proceeding of Napo
leon's; which convinced them of his protection, roused themselves, and de
manded with loud cries, that the cut-throats of the oligarchy should be dis
armed. The same evening 4000 muskets were replaced in the arsenal.
The discussion in the senate was warm ; thg aristocratic party were in the
minority. A division of French troops had been sent to Tortona. Genoa,
if besieged by sea and land, would have been promptly reduced to humilia
tion ; it is even probable, that the mere sight of the French troops would

HISTORY.,OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 237
have been sufficient to give to the citizens, and to the mass of the " tiers
etat" power sufficient to shake off the yoke of the aristocrary.
In the meantime, the answer of the aristocracy was not satisfactory, be
ing only a sort of compromise. Faypoult determined to leave Genoa. La
valette was to remain there to protect such French residents as should not
leave with the minister. Upon the French minister's demanding his pass
ports, the doge assembled the senate, which alone had the power of grant
ing them. The senate was therefore obliged a second time to take into con
sideration the position in which the republic was about to be placed. After
some discussion, the resolution of giving way to the demands of the gene
ral-in-chief was adopted : it was decreed, lstly, that a deputation, consisting
of MM. Cambiaso, (doge,) Serra, and Carbonari, should be immediately
dispatched to Montebello ; 2ndly( that the inquisitors should be placed in a
slate of arrest ; 3rdly, that the coal-porters and colliers, who had only act
ed accqrding to the orders of the prince, and who in reality had no interest
whatever in the affair, should become quiet as soon as submission was real
ly determined on.
On the 6th of June, the deputies of the senate signed a convention at
Montebello, which put an end to the constitution of Doria, and established
at Genoa the democratical form of government. This convention was con
ceived in the following terms :
" The French republic and the republic of Genoa, wishing to confirm
and consolidate the union and harmony of feeling which- have always exist
ed between them, and believing that the happiness of the Genoese people
requires that the sovereign power should be restored to them : the two states
have agreed upon the following articles.
" Art. I. The government of the republic of Genoa recognises the prin
ciple, that the sovereign power resides in the united body of all the citizens
of the Genoese territory.
" 2, The legislative power shall be confided to two representative coun
cils, composed, the one of 300, the other of 150 members. The execu
tive power shall be delegated to a senate of twelve, presided over by a doge.
Both doge and senators shall be chosen by the two councils. .
" 3. Each commune shall have its municipality, and each district its ad
ministration. " 4. The mode of election of all the authorities, the divisions into dis
tricts,' the portion of authority to be confided to each corporation, the
organization of the judicial authorities, and of the military force, shall
be determined by a legislative commission, which shall be required to
frame a constitution, and all the organic laws of the government : taking
care at the same time to do nothing contrary to the Catholic religion ; to
guarantee the consolidated debt; to preserve the free port of the city of Ge
noa, and the bank of St. George ; and to take measures for providing, as
far as is possible, for the support of the poor nobles at present in existence.
This commission shall complete its task in one month, reckoning from the
day of its appointment.
" 5; The people, being thus re-established in their rights, every species
of privilege or pf particular organization, tending to destroy the unity of
the state, is, ipso facto, annulled.
" 6. The provisional government shall be confided to a commission, con
sisting of twenty-two members, with the present doge at their head ; and
this commission shall date from the 14th of the present month of June,
being the 26th of Prairial of the year 5 pf the French republic.

238 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
" 7. Those citizens who shall be called upon to compose the provision
al government of the republic of Genoa, shall not be permitted -to refuse
this office, without being considered as indifferent to the welfare of their
country, and condemned to pay a fine of 2000 crowns;
" 8. When the provisional government shall be formed, it shall deter
mine the necessary rules respecting the form of its deliberations. It shall
name, in the course of the first week of its appointment, the legislative
commission, empowered to frame a constitution,
" 9. The provisional government shall provide for the proper indemni
fication of all the French residerits who shall have suffered loss during the
days of the 3rd and 4th of Prairial, (May 22 and 23.)
" 10. The French republic, anxious to give a proof of the interest which
it takes in the happiness of the people of Genoa, and desirous of seeing
them united and free from factions, grants an amnesty to all the Genoese
of whom she might have reason to complain, whether on account of the
events of the 3rd and 4th of Prairial, or on account of the several events
which have taken place, in the various imperial feofs.
" The provisional government shall also endeavour, most anxiously, to
put an end to all factions, to unite all the citizens, and to cause them to
see the necessity of rallying around the public liberty, granting further,
for this purpose, a general amnesty.
"11. The French^ republic will grant to the republic of Genoa its pro
tection, and even the assistance of its arms, in order to facilitate, if neces
sary, the execution of the above-named articles, and to maintain the inte
grity of the territory of the Genoese republic."
The people triumphed with that vivacity which is the characteristic of a
spirit of party and of all southern nations ; they even committed some
excesses ; they burned the Golden Book, and broke the statute of Doria.
This outrage, offered to the memory of so great a man, offended Napoleon
— he demanded of the provisional government that the statue should be
restored. In the meantime, the exclusives had got the upper hand j the constitu-
tion, therefore, was also of the same spirit ; the priests were rendered dis-
affected, and the- nobles exasperated ; they were both excluded from all
offices of state. This constitution was to be submitted to the assembly of
the people on the 14th of September ; it was printed and posted up in all
the communes. Several of the country communes declared that they
would , not accept it ; the priests and nobles endeavoured everywhere to
rouse the peasants. At last, the insurrection broke out in the valleys of
the Polcevera and of the Besagno ; the insurgents took possession of the
three bastions of L'Eperon, La Tenaille, and La Lanterne, which latter
commands the port. General Duphot, who had "been sent to Genoa, to
organize- the troops of the republic, which amounted to six thousand men,
was called upon by the provisional government to fight in their defence.
He drove out the insurgents and recovered the two forts. On the 7th,
tranquillity Was again established in the valleys; the peasants were dis
armed. Napoleon was displeased at these accounts. He was then entirely oc
cupied with the negotiations with Austria, and had not been able fo pay
any very particular attention to the affairs of Genoa ; but he advised them
not to displease the nobles, and to satisfy the priests. He retarded the
publication of the constitution ; he made all the changes which the priests
and the. nobles required ; and thus, purged of the spirit of demagogy, with

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 239
which it had been tinged, it was put into execution, with the consent of all
ranks. He loved Genoa ; he wished to have gone there himself, in 6rder
to unite all parties, but circumstances succeeding each other with unexam
pled rapidity, prevented this design.
After the treaty of Campo Formio, on the point of quitting Italy, on the
11th of November, 1797, he wrote the following letter to the Genoese gov
ernment :
" I will respond, citizens, to the confidence you have reposed in me.
You feel obliged to diminish the expenses of your administration, in order
not to overtax your people. It is not enough to act in no respect contrary
to religion ; you must endeavour moreover to give no subject of inquie
tude to even fearful consciences, and no tool to evil-intentioned persons.
" To exclude all the nobles from any public office would be an act of
injustice in the highest degree ; you would be doing then what they did
before. The free port is an apple of discord which has been thrown in
the midst of you. . . . The town of Genoa' must hold ¦ the freedom of its
port from the will of the legislative body. Why is the Ligurian people
so changed ? Its first impulses of fraternity have been succeeded by fear
and terror. The priests had first rallied round the tree of liberty ,-
they first told you that the morality of the gospel is democratic ; but
men, paid by your enemies, and the immediate assistants of tyranny in
all revolutions, have taken advantage of the faults, perhaps even the
crimes of some priest's, to write against religion ; and the priests have
retired. . . You have proscribed en masse, and the number of your enemies
has increased. . . When in any state, but particularly iii a small state, one
becomes accustomed to condemn without hearing, to applaud a discourse be
cause it is impassioned, when exaggeration, and madness are called vir
tue, moderation and equity designated as crimes, that state is near its
ruin. Believe me that wherever my duty and the service of my country
may call me, I shall consider that one of the most happy moments of any
life, in which I hear that the people of Genoa are united amorig them
selves and live happily."
A motion of Sieyes, having for its object the banishment of all the no
bles from France, with an equivalent compensation in manufactured goods
for their Ipsses, was just at this time under discussion in the Council of
Five Hundred, in Paris ; so that this advice given by Napoleon to the re-
pilblic of Genoa, appears to have been, in fact, intended for the French re
public. At any rate, the latter profited by it ; for this extreme and terrible
measure, which spread alarm and disorder everywhere, was abandoned,
and never more introduced.
No French battalion had passed Tortona. The revolution of Genoa was
effected solely by the influence of the " tiers etat ;" and had it not been for
the proceedings of the inquisitors and the club Morandi, it would have been
effected without any disorders, without trouble, and without any even in
direct interference of France.
The King of Sardinia was placed in a false position ; the following
treaty, negotiated at Bologna by Napoleon, and signed at Turin by Clarke,
existed, yet did not exist.
"The executive Directory of the French republic, and his majesty the
King of Sardinia, wishing by all means in their power, and by a more
intimate connexion of their respective interests, to contribute to bring about,
as quickly as possible, that peace which they both desire, and which must
assure the repose and the tranquillity of Italy, have determined upon con
cluding a treaty of alliance offensive and defensive ; and have charged

240 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
withifull powers to that effect— ^to wit, the Directory of the French repub
lic, General Clarke; and his majesty the King of Sardinia, the Chevalier
D. ClementDamian de Priocca-, Knight Grand Cross of the orders of St.
Maurice and St. Lazarus, principal Secretary of State of his majesty in
the Home Department : who, after having exchanged their, respective full
powers, have agreed upon the following articles :
" Art. 1. There shall exist an offensive alliance between the French .re
public and his majesty the King of Sardinia, until a general peace.
" After that time, the alliance shall be -simply a defensive one, and shall
be established upon a basis conformable to the reciprocal interests of the
two powers. i
" 2. As the-present alliance has no other object than that of hastening
the conclusion of peace, and of assuring the tranquillity of Italy, it shall
only be binding during the present war against the Emperor of Germany,
being the only one of the continental powers who continues to oppose such
salutary intentions. His .majesty the King of Sardinia will remain neuter
in respect to England and the other powers still at war with the French
republic. " 3. The French republic, and his majesty the (King of Sardinia, guar
antee to one another, as far as lies in their power, all their present posses
sions in Europe, during all the time that the present alliance shall continue
in force. The two powers will unite their forces against the common ene
my from without, and will lend no assistance, direct or indirect, to an en
emy within.
" 4. The contingent of troops which his Sardinian majesty shall furnish
in consequence of the present alliance, shall be 8000 infantry, 2000 cav
alry, and 40 pieces of cannon. In case the two powers shall think it
necessary to increase this contingent, this increase shall be agreed upon
by commissioners, with full powers on the part of the executive directory,
and of his majesty the King of Sardinia.
" 5. The contingent of troops and- of artiljery shall be ready and as
sembled at Novara — to wit, 500 cavalry, 4000 infantry, and 12 pieces of
cannon, on the 30th Germinal of the present year, (April 19, O. S.,) the
remainder fourteen days later.
" This contingent shall be kept at the expense of his majesty the King
of Sardinia, and shall receive orders from the general-in-chief of the
French army in Italy.
" A particular convention drawn up in concert with the general, shall
determine the mode in which the contingent shall serve.
" 6. The troops composing it, shall share, in proportion to the number
actually under arms, in the contributions imposea on the conquered coun
tries, reckoning from the day on which the contingent shall have joined
the armies of the republic.
" 7. The French republic promises to grant to his majesty the King of
Sardinia, at the general or continental peace, all the advantages that cir
cumstances permit it to procure for him.
" 8. Neither 'of the contracting powers shall conclude a separate peace
with the common enemy, and no truce shall be concluded by the French
republic with the armies at present in Italy, without including in it his Sar
dinian majesty. v
", 9.. All contributions imposed in the states of his majesty the King, of
Sardinia, which have not been acquitted or compensated for, shall pease
immediately after the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 241
"10. The various equipments which shall have been furnished in the
states of his Sardinian majesty to the French troops, as also to the prison
ers of war, sent back into France, as well as those which have been the
consequence of separate conventions on this subject, in so far as they have
not been acquitted or compensated for by the French republic in conse
quence of the said conventions, shall be repaid in kind to the troops form
ing the contingent of his Sardinian majesty ; and in case the equipments to
be restored shall exceed the wants of the contingent, the remainder shall
be discharged in cash.
"11. The two contracting powers shall immediately name commission
ers to negotiate in their name? a commercial treaty conformable to Art. 7,
of the treaty of peace concluded at Paris between the French republic,
and his majesty the King of Sardinia ; in the meantime, the posts and all
commercial relations shall be re-established without delay, as they were
previous to the war.
" 12. The ratifications of the present treaty shall be exchanged at Paris
with the least possible delay.
" Done and signed at Turin, the 16th Germinal, year 5, of the French
republic, one and indivisible, (April 5, 1797, O. S.)
(Signed,) M. Clarke,
Clement Damian."
The directory did not avow its intentions openly, but it was evident that
it did riot intend to ratify the treaty. On the other hand, Napoleon per
sisted in considering this ratification indispensable. He attached impor
tance, as was right, to a division of veteran Piedmontese soldiers, whose
value he well knew. Considering himself as personally engaged to the
court of Sardinia, he employed all his efforts to secure the interior tran
quillity of the states of the king. Meantime, the Piedmontese malcontents
became every day more numerous ; they ran to arms and were defeated.
This position was extremely delicate ; it excited in the highest degree the
dissatisfaction of the Jacobins in France and Italy ; and when the royalist
party had triumphed at Turin, the arrests and vexations which they allow
ed themselves to commit were a continual source of complaint at head
quarters. At the end of September, the directory, when signing the ultimatum for
the negotiations of Campo Formio, gave Napoleon to understand that they
persisted in refusing to ratify the treaty with Sardinia. The minister of
foreign affairs, when communicating to him the resolution of the directory,
advised him to cause the Sardinian soldiers to be corrupted by some of
the Italian recruiters, which would enable him, he said, to obtain the as
sistance of the 10,000 Piedmontese troops, without any obligation to the
court of Turin. But the officer's list of the troops was not to be corrup
ted; besides which, an operation of this kind could not be completed with
out losing too much time, for it was necessary to commence the campaign
immediately. This conduct on the part of the directory was one of the causes which
decided Napoleon to sign the peace of Campo-Formio, without paying any
attention to the ultimatum of the 29th of September, which, in his opinion,
could not have been inserted in the protocol, without causing a rupture. In
the meantime, the directory finally comprehended the importance of reinforc
ing the Italian army by the 10,000 men of the Piedmontese contingent;
they decided upon ratifying the treaty of Turin, and sent it, on the '21st of
16

242 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
October to the legislative body ; but it was too late ; the peace of Campo-
Formio had been concluded with Austria on the 17th.
Thus, after the campaigns of Napoleon in Italy, the King of Sardinia
preserved his throne, weakened, it is true, by the loss of Savoy and Nice,
having lost some of his fortresses, a few of which had been demolished,
and some garrisoned by the French, but having acquired the immense ad
vantage of becoming the ally of the French republic, which guaranteed to
him the integrity of his states. This prince, however, did not deceive him
self as to his position ; he knew that he owed the preservation of his throne
to Napoleon, and was well aware how insincere was the apparent alliance
of the directory ; he had been very near his downfall, surrounded as he had
been by the French, the Ligurian, and the Cisalpine democracies ; he had
still to contend against the opinions of his people. The Piedmontese called
loudly for a revolution, and the court began to consider Sardinia as a haven
of refuge.
The court of Rome had at first faithfully executed the stipulations of the
treaty of Tolentino ; but in a short time it allowed itself to be influenced by
Cardinal Busca and by Albani. It began again to levy troops, and had the
imprudence openly to brave France, by sending for General Provera to com
mand them. It even refused to recognise the Cisalpine republic. The
victorious position of the republic, and the threats of its ambassador,
promptly terminated these vain demonstrations of independence. Provera
only remained a few days at Rome, and then set out for Austria. The
Cisalpine republic, glad of the opportunity of taking possession of some df
the provinces belonging to the papal dominions, declared war against the
Vatican. At the sight of the storm which threatened to burst over them,
these weak and imprudent old men humbled themselves, and gave to the
Cisalpine directory all the satisfaction they demanded.
If in this conduct we find no trace of that ancient policy which rendered
the Vatican so illustrious during the last centuries, we must remember that
its government was worn out, and that the temporal power of the popes
was entirely gone ; it ended as the sovereignty of the ecclesiastical electors
of the empire also ended.
The court bf Naples was directed by the Queen, a woman of remarkable
talents, but with ideas as much disordered as were the passions which agi
tated her heart. The treaty of Paris of the 10th of October, 1796, had
made no change in the dispositions of this cabinet, which did not cease mak
ing preparations, and giving trouble during the whole of the year 1797 ;
and yet no treaty could be more favourable. It was conceived in the fol
lowing terms :
" The French republic and his majesty the King of the Two Sicilies,
equally animated with the desire of causing the advantages of peace to suc
ceed the necessary evils of war, have named the following persons, to wit,
for the executive directory, Citizen Charles Delacroix, minister of foreign
affairs, and for his majesty the King of the Two Sicilies, Prince Belmonte
Pignatelli, gentleman of the chamber, and minister plenipotentiary at the
court of his Catholic Majesty, to treat in their name of the clauses and con
ditions proper to re-establish a good intelligence and friendship between
these two powers ; which persons, after exchanging their full powers, have
agreed upon the following articles :
" Art" \' There sha11 be Peace> friendship, and a good understanding
between the trench republic and his majesty the King of the Two Sicilies.
In consequence, all hostilities shall definitely cease, reckoning from the
day on which the ratifications of the present treaty shall be exchanged.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 243
" In the meantime, and until that period, the conditions agreed upon at
the armistice of the 17th Prairial, year 4, (June 4, 1796,) shall continue
fully and entirely jn force.
" 2.- Every prior agreement, engagement or convention, on the part of either
of the two contracting parties, which may be contrary to the present treaty,
is hereby annulled, and is to be regarded as non-existent ; consequently,
during the present *war, neither of the contracting powers shall furnish to
any enemy of the other, any assistance in troops, vessels, arms or muni
tions of war, provisions, or money, under any title or denomination what
soever. " 3. His majesty the King of the Two Sicilies will observe the strictest
neutrality in respect to all the belligerent powers; he will, therefore, engage
to refuse admittance into his ports to all vessels armed for war belonging
to the said powers, exceeding four ia number, according to the rules of the
above-mentioned neutrality. •• All furnishing of ammunition, or of merchan
dise known under the name of contraband, shall be refused to them.
" 4. Every security and protection against their enemies, shall be afford
ed to all merchant vessels of the French republic, in whatever number, in
all ports and roadsteads of his majesty the King of the Two Sicilies, and to
all vessels of war belonging to the republic, not exceeding the number
specified in the preceding article.
" 5. The French republic and his majesty the King of the Two Sicilies
engages to free from sequestration all effects, revenues, or goods, seized,
confiscated or retained from citizens or subjects of either power, in conse
quence of the present war ; and to admit them respectively to the exer
cise of any rights or privileges to which they may have legal claim.
" 6. All prisoners made on either side, including sailors and mariners,
shall be restored within a month, reckoning from the date of the exchange
of the ratification of the present treaty, after paying any debts contracted
during their captivity ; the sick and wounded shall remain in the hospitals
until their recovery; when they shall be immediately sent back.
" 7. In order to give a proof of his friendship for the French republic,
and of his desire to keep up a good understanding between the two powers,
his majesty the King of the Two Sicilies consents to cause to be set at liberty
every French citizen who may have been arrested within his dominions,
on account of his political opinions in reference to the French revolution ;
all goods and chattels, which may have been sequestrated or confiscated
for the same reason, shall be restored to their owners.
"8. For the same reason which dictated the preceding article, his majesty
the King of the Two Sicilies engages to cause all suitable search for, and
to deliver up, if possible, to the rigour of the law, those persons who stole
the papers belonging to the last minister of the republic at Naples in 1793.
" 9. The ambassadors or ministers of the contracting powers shall enjoy,
in the respective states, the same prerogatives as they enjoyed before the
war, with the exception of those which depended on the alliance of the
ruling houses.
" 10. Every French citizen and every member of the household of an
ambassador or minister, consul, or other agent, accredited and recognized
by the French republic, shall enjoy, in the states of his majesty the King
of the Two Sicilies, the same liberty of worship as is enjoyed by the indi
viduals of those not Catholic nations most favoured in this respect.
" 11. A commercial treaty shall be negotiated and concluded as soon as
possible, between the two powers, founded upon the basis of mutual utility,

244 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
and such as to secure to the French nation advantages equal to those which
the nations most favoured in this respect enjoy in the kingdom of the Two
Sicilies. Until the conclusion of this treaty, the commercial and consular
relations shall be reciprocally established, such as they were before the
war. " 12. Conformably to Art. 6, of the treaty concluded at the Hague the
27th of Floreal, year 3 of the republic (May 16, 1795,) the same peace,
friendship and good intelligence, agreed upon in the present treaty between
the French republic and his majesty the King of the Two Sicilies, shall be
considered to exist between his majesty and the Batavian republic.
" 13. The present treaty shall be ratified, and the ratifications exchang
ed within forty days from the day of signature.
"Done at Paris, the 19th of Vendemiaire, year 5 of the French republic,
one and indivisible, corresponding to October 10, 1796, O. S.
(Signed) Charles Delacroix,
Prince de Belmonte Pignatelli."
Whilst Napoleon was on his march to threaten Rome, the Prince of
Belmonte Pignatelli, the Neapolitan minister, who followed the head-quar
ters, showed him, in confidence, a letter from the Queen, in which she an
nounced to him that she was about to march 30,000 men to cover Rome.
" I thank you for thisconfidence," said the General, " and I will return it with
another ;" he rang for his secretary, sent for the Neapolitan portfolio, and
took from it a despatch, which he had written to Ihe directory in the month
of November, 1796, before the taking of Mantua, and read ; " The embar
rassment which the approach of Alvinzi gives me, would not prevent me from
sending 6000 Lombards and Poles to punish the court of Rome ; but as it is to
be foreseen that the King of Naples might march 30,000 men to the defence
of the Holy See, I shall not march upon Rome till Mantua is taken, and the
reinforcements you are sending me are arrived : in order that if the court
of Naples should violate the treaty of Paris, I may be able to dispose of
.25,000 men, with which I can take possession of their capital and oblige
them to retire lo Sicily." An extraordinary courier, dispatched in the night
by Prince Pignatelli, was, no doubt, commissioned to inform the queen how
his insinuation had been received.
Since the treaty of Paris, the Neapolitan legations were generally more
hostile and more arrogant towards the French, than during the time of war ;
and the Neapolitan ambassadors even asserted openly that the peace would
not be of long duration. This absurd conduct did not prevent the cabinet of
Naples from entertaining ambitious views ; during the conferences of Mon
tebello, of Udine, and of Passeriano, the envoy of the Queen of Naples en
deavoured to obtain the islands of Corfu, Zante, Cephalonia, Santa-Maura,
the Marches of Macerata, of Ferrara, of Ancona, and the duchy of Urbino ;
he even went so far as to express a desire of enriching himself, at the expense
of the Pope and the republic of Venice ; and these acquisitions the, queen ex
pected to obtain from the protection of France : and it was especially by the
mediation of Napoleon, that she expected to obtain her wishes. The
throne of Naples survived the peace of Campo-Formio ; it would have
maintained itself tranquil and happy in the midst of the storms which agi
tated Europe and Italy, if it had been directed by a sounder policy.
It had been found necessary to yield to the wishes of the Lombards, and
to form them into a democratic state, under the name of the Transpadane

history of the captivity of napoleon. 245
republic. This republic included all the left bank of the Po, from the
Mincio to the Ticino. The Cispadane republic extended along the right
bank of the Po, from the duchy of Parma, exclusive, to the Adriatic.
The constitution of the Cispadane republic had been decided upon in a
congress of the representatives of the nation, and then submitted to the ac
ceptance of the people; voted by an immense majority, it had been put in
execution at the end of April. The nobles and the priests had been able to
get themselves elected to all the offices ; the citizens accused them of not
being well-intentioned to the new order of things : the discontent was gene
ral. Napoleon perceived the necessity of giving a definite organization to
these two states.
Immediately after the refusal of the court of Vienna to ratify the conven
tion signed at Montebello, with the Marquis of Gallo, and which contained
the basis of a definite peace, Napoleon created the Cispadane and Transpa
dane republics ; which united under the same government 4,000,000 of in
habitants, and composed a force capable of influencing ulterior events.
Notwithstanding, the authorities of the Cispadane obstinately refused a
union so contrary to all their prejudices. The administrations of Reggio,
Modena, Bologna, and Ferrara, submitted -.with difficulty lo the necessity of
combining under the same government. The spirit of locality everywhere
opposed a resistance to the union of the two nations on the opposite banks
of the Po ; and the probability is, that this plan of union would have been
wrecked upon the obstinacy of the people, if they had not been made to
believe that this was only a preliminary to the union of all the inhabitants
of the peninsula under one government. The desire which all the Italians
entertain of forming a single great nation, overcame the petty jealousies of
the local administrations. Two particular circumstances assisted this gene
ral cause. Romagna, which the Pope had ceded by the treaty of Tolenlino,
had proclaimed itself independent under the title of the Emilian republic^ it
had not chosen to unite with the Cispadane, on account of its antipathy to
Bologna, but eagerly embraced the idea of joining the Cisalpine ; and by
numerous petitions it solicited the formation of this republic. At the same
time, Venice and the states of the Continent, uneasy at the mystery of the
preliminaries, voted in the popular assembly for the formation of the Ita
lian republic. These two circumstances smoothed down all the difficulties.
The spirit pf locality gave way before public spirit, private interest before
general welfare ; the union was decreed by common consent.
The new republic took the name of the Cisalpine republic ; Milan was its
capital. This was a fresh subject of dissatisfaction at Paris, where it was
wished that it should have been called the Transalpine republic; but the
wishes of the Italians tending towards Rome, and to the union of the whole
peninsula in one state, the denomination of Cisalpine was one which flat
tered their wishes, and which they decided on adopting, as they did not
dare to call themselves the Italian republic.
By the treaty of Campo-Formio, the Cisalpine republic was increased by
that part of the Venetian states situated on the right bank of the Adige,
which, in addition to the Valteline, made for it a population of 3,600,000
souls. These provinces, the richest and most beautiful in Europe, com
posed six departments. They extended from the mountains of Switzerland
to the Tuscan Apennines, and from the Ticino to the Adriatic.
Napoleon had wished to give the Cisalpine republic a constitution differ
ing in some respects from that of France. He had requested some states-
man, such as Sieyes, to be sent to him at Milan ; but this idea did not

246 history of the captivity of napoleon.
please the directory ; they required that the Cisalpine republic should receive
the constitution which France had adopted in 1795. The first Cisalpine
directory was composed of Serbelloni, Alessandri, Paradisi, Moscati, and
Contarini, chiefs of the French party in Italy. . Serbelloni was one of the
greatest landed proprietors of Lombardy. The inauguration took place in
the palace of Milan, on the 30th of June. The independence of the Cisal
pine republic had been proclaimed on the 29th, in the following terms :
" The Cisalpine republic has been for a number of years under the go
vernment of the house of Austria. The French republic has succeeded
them by right of conquest ; but it renounces all poSver over the Cisalpine
republic from this day, and proclaims it free and independent. Acknow
ledged as such by France and by the Emperor of Austria, it will soon be
so by all the powers of Europe. The executive directory of the French
republic, not content with having employed its influence, and the victories
of the French arms, to assure the existence of the Cisalpine republic, ex
tends its care still further ; and convinced that if liberty is the first of bless
ings, so a revolution which succeeds to it must be the greatest curse ; it
gives to the Cisalpine people its own constitution, which is the result of the
knowledge of the most civilized nation of the world. The Cisalpine people
will, therefore, pass from a military to a constitutional government. In
order that this change may be effected without trouble or bad feeling, the
executive directory has judged fit to name, for this time only, the members
of the government and the legislative council ; so that the people will only
have to name the successors to the vacant places after the lapse of a year,
according to the constitution. For a great number of years, no republic
has existed in Italy. The sacred fire of liberty has been smothered, and
the most beautiful part of Europe has groaned under the yoke of foreign
lords. It will be the duty of the Cisalpine republic to convince the world
by its wisdom, its prudence, and the good organization of its troops, that
modern Italy has not degenerated, and that it is still worthy of liberty.
" Bonaparte, general-in-chief, in the name of the French republic, and in
consequence of the preceding proclamation, hereby names the following as
members of the directory of the Cisalpine republic — viz., the citizens Ser
belloni, Alessandri, Moscati, Paradisi. The fifth shall be named in as short
a time as possible. These four members shall be installed to-morrow, at
Milan." A general federation of the national guards and of the authorities of
the new republic took place in the Lazaretto of Milan. On the 14th of
July, 30,000 national guards and deputies of the departments took the oath
of fraternity. They swore also to employ all their efforts for the recogni
tion of liberty and of their country. The Cisalpine directory named its
ministers, the administrative authorities, constituted its military commands,
and governed the republic like an independent state. The keys of Milan
and of all the strong places were given up by the French officers to the
Cisalpine officers. The army quitted the states of the republic, and en-
camped in the territory of Venice. From this period dates the first forma-
tion of the army of Italy, which was afterwards numerous and acquired so
much glory.
From this moment the manners of the Italians quite changed ; some years
afterwards, they were no longer the same nation. The cassock, which had
been the general dress for young people, was replaced by the uniform 5 in
stead of passing their lives at the feet of women, the young Italians fre
quented the nding-schools, the fencing-rooms, and the gymnastic exercises ;

history of the captivity of napoleon. 247
the children even ceased to play at religious services ; they had regiments
of tin soldiers, and imitated, in their play, the events of the war.
In plays or in the pieces performed in the streets, there was always an
Italian who was represented as very cowardly, and a sort of bully captain,
sometimes a Frenchman, but more often a German, very foolish, very
brave, but very brutal, who generally ended by administering some gentle
correction with a stick to the Italian, amidst great applause from the spec
tators. Now the people would no longer suffer such allusion ; authors were
obliged, in order to satisfy the public, to represent the Italians on the stage
as brave, putting strangers to flight, in order to uphold their honour and
their rights. The national feeling was roused and its spirit formed. Italy
had songs at once patriotic and warlike ; even the women repulsed with
disdain those men, who, in order to please them, affected effeminate man
ners. The Valteline is composed of three valleys. The Valteline, properly so
called, the Bormio, and the Chiavenna ; its population is about 160,000
souls ; the inhabitants profess the Roman-catholic religion, and speak
Italian. Geographically speaking, it belongs to Italy ; it lies along the
shore of the Adda, to its embouchure into ihe Lake of Como, and is sepa
rated from Germany by the high Alps. It is eighteen leagues long and six
wide; Chiavenna, its capital, is situated two leagues from the Lake of
Como, and fourteen leagues from Coire, from which Bormio is seventeen
leagues. It formed part, anciently, of the Milanese territory, and was
given by them to the church at Coire, in 1404.' In 1512, the Grisons
were invested with the sovereignty of the Valteline by Sforza, by means of
the capitularies, for whom the dukes of Milan were expected to guarantee.
The Valteline was thus subject to the three Grisons, the inhabitants of
which mostly speak German, confess the Protestant religion, and are sepa
rated from it by ihe high chain of the Alps.
There is no situation more dreadful than that of one nation subject to
another. It was thus that the lower Valais was subject to the higher Valais,
and that the Pays de Vaud was subject to Berne. The unfortunate inhabi
tants of the Valteline had long complained of the vexations which they ex
perienced, and of the humiliating yoke to which they were obliged to sub
mit. The Grisons, poor and ignorant, came among them, who were the
richer and more civilized, to enrich themselves. The poorest peasant of
the Grison league considered the same distance to exist between himself and
the richest inhabitant of the Valteline, as between a sovereign and his sub
ject. Surely, if any situation can justify a revolution, and seem to make a
change necessary, it is that in which the Valteline then was.
In the course of May, 1797, the inhabitants of the three valleys revolted,
ran to arms, drove out the representative of sovereignty, and mounted the
Italian tricolor flag ; they then proceeded to name a temporary governor,
and addressed a manifesto to all the powers, setting forth their wrongs, and
expressing their resolution to reconquer those rights of which no people can
be justly deprived. They sent as deputies to Montebello, Jiudiconni, Planta,
and Paribelli, men of worth and character, to demand the execution of the
capitulations, which the Grisons had violated in every particular.
Napoleon had a dislike to interfere in any questions which might have
reference to Switzerland, and which, in this point of view, were of general
importance. However, having caused the documents relating to the affair,
to be showri to him, which were preserved in the archives of Milan, he per
ceived that the Milanese government was called upon to give a guarantee ;

248 history of the 'captivity of napoleon.
and as the GriSon league also solicited his protection, to cause their sub
jects to re-enter into their allegiance ; he accepted the office of mediator,
and ordered the two parties to present themselves before his tribunal, in
the course of. the following month of July, lo defend their respective rights.
During this delay, the Grison league implored the assistance of the Helvetic
body. Barlhelemy, the French minister at Berne, solicited warmly in their fa
vour. At length, after many proceedings on both sides, Napoleon, before
giving a final decision, advised the two parties to have recourse to an ami
cable arrangement, and proposed to them, as a means of conciliation, that
the Valteline should make a fourth in the Grison league, equal in every
thing to the three others. This advice deeply wounded the pride of the
Grison peasants. They could not understand how a peasant who drank
the waters of the Adda, could be the equal of one who drank the waters of
the Rhine. They were indignant at such*an unreasonable proposal as that
of equalling catholic peasants, speaking Italian, rich and enlightened,
with protestant peasants, speaking German, poor and ignorant. The
ring-leaders did not share these prejudices, but they werb led astray by
their interests. The Valteline was for them a very important source of
revenue and of riches, which they could not resolve upon giving up. They
intrigued at Paris, at Vienna, at Berne. Everywhere they received pro
mises ; they were advised to gain time ; they were blamed for having in
vited and accepted any mediation. They declined making any arrange
ment, and did not even send any deputies at the lime appointed for dis
cussing, before their mediator, the question regarding the treaties, in oppo
sition to the deputies of the Valteline.
Napoleon condemned the Grison league by default ; and as an arbitrator
chosen by the two parties, and the representative of the Milanese govern?
ment which had guaranteed the capitulations of the Valtelins, he pro
nounced his judgment in these terms, on the 19th Vendemiaire, year 6,
(October 10th, 1797):
" The inhabitants of the Valteline, Chiavenna, and Bormio, revolted
against the laws of the Grisons, and declared themselves independent dur
ing last Prairial. The government of the Grison republic, after having
employed other means to reduce its subjects to obedience, had recourse to
the mediation of the French republic in the person of General Bonaparte,
and sent to him as their deputy, Gaudanzio Planta.
" The inhabitants of the Valteline having also demanded the same me
diation, the general-in-chief received the respective deputations at Monte
bello, on the 4th of Mestidor (June 22d) ; and, after a long conference,
accepted, in the name of the French republic, the office of mediator. He
then wrote to the Grisons, and to the Valtelins, to send deputies to him as
soon as possible.
" The inhabitants of the' Valteline, Chiavenna, and Bormio sent punc
tually the required deputies.
_ " Several months have elapsed, and fhe Grison government has not yet
dispatched any, notwithstanding the repeated requests of Citizen Comoy-
ras, president of the republic at Coire.
" On the 6th of last Fructidor (August 23,) the general-in-chief, seeing
the anarchy in which the Valteline was plunged, caused a letter to be writ
ten to the Grison government, desiring them to send deputies before the
24th of Fructidor (September 10.)

history of the captivity of napoleon. 249
"It is now the 19th of Vendemiaire (October 10,) and the deputies from
the Grisons have not made their appearance.
' " Not only have they not appeared, but there is no doubt that, in con
tempt of the mediation accepted by the French republic, the Grison league
has prejudged the question, and that the refusal to send deputies is the re
sult of powerful intrigues.
" Consequently, the general-in-chief, in the name of the French repub
lic :
"Considering — 1st. That the good faith, the upright conduct, and the
confidence of the inhabitants of the Valteline, Chiavenna, and Bormio, in
respect to the French republic, obliges the latter to reciprocate these qua
lities, and to assist them.
" 2d. That the French republic, in consequence of the request made
by the Grisons, is become arbitrator and mediator between these two na
tions. " 3d. That there is no doubt that the Grisons have violated the capitu
lations which they were bound to observe in respect to the inhabitants of
the Valteline, Chiavenna, and Bormio ; and that, consequently, the latter
have re-entered into the rights which nature has given all nations.
" 4thi That one people cannot be subject to another, without violating
the principles of public and natural law.
" 5th. That the wishes of the inhabitants of the Valteline, Chiavenna,
and Bormio tend very decidedly to the Cisalpine republic
" 6th. That the conformity of religion and of language, the nature of
the locality, of communication, and of commerce, equally authorize this
union of the Valteline, Chiavenna, and Bormio, with the Cisalpine repub
lic, from which it was formerly separated.
" 7th. That since the decree of the communes composing the Grison
league, the proposal of organizing the Valteline, as a fourth component
part of the Grison league, has been rejected ; that, consequently, the Val
teline has no other refuge against the tyranny of the Grisons, than by a
union with the Cisalpine republic ;
" Decrees, by virtue of the authority with which the French republic is
invested, by means of the request which the Grisons and the Valteline
made for its mediation, that the Valteline, Chiavenna, and Bormio are at
liberty to unite themselves to the Cisalpine republic."
The question was thus decided. Bursts of joy and of enthusiasm ani
mated the unfortunate inhabitants of the Valteline ; rage and humiliated
pride produced the contrary effects among the Grisons.
Immediately after this decree, the Valteline and the Cisalpine republics
began to negotiate their union. The Grisons then perceived their fault.
They wrote to Napoleon, that their deputies were setting out to defend their
rights before him, thus pretending to be ignorant of what had taken place.
He answered them, that if was too late ; that his decision had been given
on the 10th of October, and that the Valteline was already united to the
Cisalpine republic; that the question, therefore, was set at rest for ever.
The justice which had thus been done to this little nation, produced a
favourable effect upon every generous mind.
The principles upon which the judgment of Napoleon was founded,
spread abroad throughout all Europe, and gave a mortal blow to the usur
pation of the Swiss cantons, who had nations for their subjects. The
aristocracy of Berne should have been enlightened by this example, and

250 history of the captivity of napoleon.
should have felt that the moment was come to make some sacrifices to the
increasing light of the age, to the influence of France, and its justice.
But prejudice and pride never listen to the, voice of reason, of nature, or
of religion. An oligarchy only yields to force. It was not till many
years afterwards that the inhabitants of the higher Valais consented to
regard those of the lower Valais as their equals, and that the peasants of
the Pays de Vaud and of Aargau forced the oligarchs of Berne to acknow
ledge their rights and their independence.

history of the captivity of napoleon. 251

CHAPTER VII.

peace of campo-formio.

The exchange of the ratifications of the preliminaries of Leoben took
place at Montebello, on the 26th of May, between Napoleon and the Mar
quis de Gallo. A question of etiquette arose for the first time ; the Em
perors of Germany were not in- the habit of giving the alternative to the
Kings of France, and the cabinet of Vienna was fearful that the republic
v/ould refuse to recognise this custom, and that, in imitation of its exam
ple, the other powers of Europe would cease to allow the Emperor to as
sume that kind of supremacy, which had always been conceded to the holy
Roman empire since the days of Charlemagne. It was in the first moments
of his joyful intoxication, at the acquiescence 6f the plenipotentiary of
France in this ancient usage, that the representative of Austria renounced
the idea of a congress at Berne, consented to a separate negotiation, and
agreed not to open the congress of Rastadt, with a view to the settlement
of a peace for the empire, till the following July. In a few days, the con
tracting parties came to an understanding on the terms of a definitive trea
ty, on the following basis : — 1st, the Rhine to be the boundary of France ;
2dly, Venice and the river Adige to constitute the boundaries of the Aus
trian dominions in Italy ; 3dly, Mantua and the Adige to-be the limits of
the Cisalpine republic. The Marquis de Gallo declared, that by the next
courier he had no doubt of receiving powers ad hoc to sign a treaty found
ed on these bases. On the 6th of May, Napoleori and General Clarke had
received the necessary authority from France. The conditions were more
favourable lo France than the directory had dared to hope ; and the peace,
therefore, might be considered as concluded.
At the- time of the revolution, Clarke had been a captain in the Orleans
regiment of dragoons, and from 1789 he followed the party of Orleans.
In 1795, he was called to the aid of the Committee of Public Safety, and
appointed to conduct the topographical department. Being specially pro
tected by Carnot, he was selected by the Directory, in 1796, to make over
tures of peace to the Emperor, and for this purpose went to Milan. The
real object of the journey was not to open a negotiation, but to be present
at head-quarters as the secret agent of the Directory, and to exercise a
species of surveillance over the General, whose victories began to give
some degree of umbrage. Clarke sent notes to Paris with his observations
upon the leading persons in the army, which excited murmurs, and exposed
him to disagreeable consequences. Napoleon, convinced that government
stood in need of instruction, preferred confiding this secret mission to a
known man, to entrusting it to subaltern agents, who are prone tp collect in
the wine-shops and antechambers the greatest absurdities ; he therefore pro
tected Clarke, and employed him in various negotiations with the King of
Sardinia and the princes of Italy. After the 18th Fructidor, he defended

252 history of the captivity of napoleon.
him with warmth, not only because he had found means of gaining his
esteem, but also because he thought it becoming his dignity to defend a man
with whom he had been long in habits of daily intercourse, and of whom
he had no ostensible reason to complain. Clarke had not a military mind ;
he was a man of business, — a careful and honourable worker, and a great
enemy to all knavery. He was descended from an Irish family, which had
accompanied the Stuarts in their misfortunes. Proud of his descent, he
rendered himself ridiculous under the empire by means of genealogical re
searches, which formed the strongest contrast with the opinions which he
had professed, the career he had run, and the circumstances of the age in
which he lived ; this was an absurdity. But this failing did not prevent
the Emperor Napoleon from entrusting him with the portfolio of the war
department, as he considered him a good administrator, who ought to be
attached to his interests in consequence of the favours which had been
heaped upon him; Under the empire he rendered very important services,
by the integrity of his administration ; and for the sake of his memory it
must ever be a subject of regret, that at the close of his career he formed
part of a ministry which must for ever bear the bitter reproach of France,
for having made her pass under the Caudine forks, by disbanding the army
whichhad been the glory of the nation for twenty-five years, and, to the
astonishment of her enemies, delivering into their hands places which were
still impregnable.
If, in 1814 and 1815, the royal confidence had not been placed in men
whose souls were humbled by the force of circumstances, or who, being
renegades to their country, saw neither safety nor glory for the throne of
their master, except under the yoke of the Holy Alliance — had the Duke
of Richelieu, whose ambition it was to deliver the country from the pre
sence of foreign bayonets — had Chateaubriand, who had just rendered
such eminent services at Ghent, been entrusted with the direction of pub
lic affairs, Frarice would still have come forth powerful and terrible from
these two great national crises. Chateaubriand had received the holy fire
from nature ; his works attest it, his style is not that of Racine, but that
of a prophet ; there was no man in the world, except himself, who could
have ventured to say with impunity in the tribune of the Chamber of
Peers, that if Bonaparte's grey riding-coat and his three-cocked hat
were placed upon a stick en the coast of Brest, it would cause all Europe
to ritsh to arms. Should he ever come to the helm of affairs, it is quite
possible that Chateaubriand may fail, as so many other great men have
done ; but it is certain that every thing 'which is grand and national ought
to harmonize with his genius, and that he would repel with indignation all
inducements to perform those infamous arts by which the administrations
of those times disgraced themselves. Count Meerfield, the new Austrian
plenipotentiary, arrived at Montebello on the 19th of June. The cabinet
disavowed the Marquis de Gallo, and persisted in not treating for a peace
except at the congress of Berne, and in conjunction with its allies. Aus
tria had evidently changed her system. Had she become a party to a new
coalition ? Did she place her confidence in Russian armies ? Was it one
of the effects of Pichegru's conspiracy ? Were hopes now entertained
that the civil war, which then desolated the west of France, would spread
over the whole country, and the power fall into the hands of the conspira
tors ? •
The Austrian plenipotentiaries admitted that they had no answer to make,
when Bonaparte observed to them that England and Russia would never

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 253
consent to the Emperor's indemnifying himself at the expense of the an
cient state of Venice ; and that, to refuse to negotiate, except in concert
with these powers, was in effect the same as to proclaim their intention of
once more having recourse to the chances of war. The minister Thugut
sent new instructions ; he gave up the congress of Berne, and adhered to
the principle of a separate negotiation.
The riegotiations were opened at Udine on the 1st of July, at which
General Clarke alone was present on the part of France. Napoleon an
nounced that he would not join in the deliberations till he had seen from
the minutes of the conferences that the Austrian ministers were really de
sirous of concluding a peace, and empowered to bring it to a conclusion.
A few days afterwards, he left Montebello and proceeded to Milan, where
he remained during the months of July and August. Austria was watch
ing with anxiety the issue of the crisis which was agitating France, and
these two months were passed in useless conferences. The 1 8th of Fruc
tidor, however, destroyed all their hopes, and Count Cobentzel proceeded
in all haste to Udine, armed with full powers from the Emperor, whose
entire confidence he possessed. The Marquis de Gallo, Count Meerfield,
and Baron Engelmann, took part in the negotiation, but really only figured
there for mere form.
Napoleon went to Passeriano, and Clarke having been recalled, he found
himself sole plenipotentiary for France. On the 16th of September, ne
gotiations were commenced with Count Cobentzel. The conferences were
alternately held at Udine and Passeriano. The four Austrian plenipoten
tiaries occupied the one side of a rectangular table, at the ends of which
were seated the secretaries of legation, whilst the other side was occupied
by the French plenipotentiary alone. When the conference was held at
Passeriano, the whole party dined with Napoleon, and when at Udine they
dined at the quarters of Count Cobentzel. Passeriano is a charming coun
try-house, on the banks of the Tagliamento, four leagues from Udine, and
three from the ruins of Aquileia. After the first conference, Count Co
bentzel disavowed all that his colleagues had been saying for four months
past; he put forward extravagant pretensions, and it was found necessary
to recommence that system of assumption and bullying which had been
exercised since the month of May. The course to be pursued with such a
negotiator was obvious ; it was necessary to retire as far from any just
middle course on the one side, as he continually did on the other.
Count Cobentzel was a native of Brussels ; extremely agreeable in so
ciety, and of the most refined manners, but obstinate and intractable in
matters of business. His reasoning was deficient in justness and preci
sion ; he was conscious of the deficiency, and attempted to supply the
want by pomposity of expressions and imperious gesticulations.
The Marquis de Gallo, minister of Naples at Vienna, enjoyed at the
same time the favour of the Queen of Naples and that of the Empress.
He was insinuating and supple in his manner, but honourable in disposi
tion. Count Meerfeld, colonel of a Hulan regiment, had- attracted notice, and
succeeded in gaining the confidence of Baron Thugut, the Austrian min
ister. Engelmann was a man of office and detail, of upright mind and
good intentions.
After the arrival of Count Cobentzel, the progress of the negotiation was
such as to leave no reason to doubt that Austria was sincere in her desires
for a peace ; that she had contracted no new engagements with England

254 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
or Russia. The Austrian negotiators having arrived at the conviction, that
a peace was not to be concluded except by the adoption of the bases which
had been laid down in the preliminaries of Montebello, it would have been
immediately concluded had not the directory changed its policy. The
18th of Fructidor blinded its members as to their real power, and they
thought they could demand new sacrifices from the nation with impunity.
They caused if to be insinuated to Napoleon, that it would be well to break
off the negotiations and to re-commence hostilities, at the same time that
the official correspondence was always dictated in the Spirit of the instruc
tions of the 6th of May. It was evident they desired war, but wished to
throw the responsibility of the rupture upon the shoulders of the negotiator.
When it was seen that this move was completely unsuccessful, and they
believed their power to be consolidated, they sent their ultimatum in a des
patch, dated the 29th of September.
Napoleon received the despatch on the 6th of October, at Passeriano.
France was now unwilling to cede to the Emperor either the territory of
Venice or the frontier of the Adige ; this was equivalent to a declaration
of war.
Napoleon, however, had fixed ideas of his own upon the degree of obe
dience which he owed to his government, in reference to the proper dis-
charge of his military duties. He did not consider himself bound to exe
cute the orders of the government, except merely in as far as he thought
them reasonable, and their success probable. He would have regarded
himself as guilty of a crime, if he had consented to execute a mischievous
plan, and, in such a case, would have offered his resignation, which was,
in fact, the course which he pursued in 1796, when the directory was de
sirous of sending a part of his army into the kingdom of Naples.
His ideas were not so completely fixed respecting the degree of obedi
ence which he was bound to render as a plenipotentiary. Could he send
in his resignation in the very midst of a negotiation, or compromise the
issue of it, by executing orders with which he could not agree, and which
were, in fact, equivalent to a declaration of war? But his principal
character at Passeriano was that of a commander-in-chief. It appeared
to him absurd to declare war in his character of a plenipotentiary,
when he would, at the same time, feel himself constrained, as a general,
to desert his office, in order not to commence hostilities, entered upon
against his judgment.
The minister for foreign affairs delivered him from his anxiety. Iri one
of his despatches, he informed him that the directory, in determining upon
its ultimatum, had been of opinion that the general-in-chief was in a con
dition to compel its acceptance by force of arms. He reflected long
and deeply on this communication, and the result was, a conviction
that he held in his hands the fate of France ; that peace or war was de
pendent on the course which he chose to pursue. He decided upon adhe
ring to the instructions of the 6th of May, and signing the peace upon the
bases agreed to at Montebello, which had been approved of by the govern
ment before the 18th Fructidor.
The motives by which he was determined, were — lstly. That the gen
eral plan of the campaign was faulty. 2ndly. That, not having received
the ultimatum till the 6th of October, the war could not be re-commenced
till the 15th of November, and that it would then be very difficult for the
French armies to penetrate into Germany, whilst the season would be fa
vourable for collecting a great number of Austrian troops in the plains of

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 255
Italy. 3rdly. That the command of the army was entrusted to Augereau,
whose political aspirations had been greatly exalted by the events of Fruc
tidor, and his staff chiefly composed of Seids of the propaganda, intoxica
ted with the principles of 1793, which was an insurmountable obstacle to
that agreement which must necessarily exist between two armies engaged
in the pursuit of the same object.
Napoleon had expressed a wish that the command of the army on the
Rhine should be given to Desaix, on the defection of Moreau. 4thly. Be
cause he had requested a re-inforcement of 12,000 infantry, and 4000 ca
valry, which had been refused ; he had only in his army 50,000 troops of
the line* and was, meantime, twenty days' march nearer Vienna than the
army of the Rhine, having to contend against three-fourths of the whole
Austrian forces, which covered Vienna on the side of Italy, whilst a mere
corps of observation was opposed to the armies of the Rhine and Moselle,
the Sambre and Meuse. 5thly. Because the directory, in its madness, in
the despatch of the 29th of September, had announced its intention of re
fusing to ratify the treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, which had
been concluded with the King of Sardinia, on the 5th of April preceding.
By the terms of this treaty, the king had engaged tp furnish a contingent
to the army of Italy, consisting of 8000 infantry, 2000 cavalry, and forty
pieces df cannon. This refusal of the directory caused a general con
sternation in Turin ; the court could no longer fail to see the design of the
French government ; it had nothing more to care for. It would be neces
sary, therefore, to weaken the army of Italy to the amount of 10,000
men, in order to reinforce the garrisons of Piedmont and Lombardy.
On the 21st of October, the directory caused it to be made known, that
in compliance with the wishes of the commander-in-chief in Italy, they
had resolved to reinforce the army in that country by 6000 men drawn
from the army of the Rhine ; to modify the plan of the campaign accord
ing to his desire; and finally, to ratify the treaty of alliance, offensive and
defensive, with the King of Sardinia ; and that they had communicated
their intentions to the legislative body on the same day — the 21st of Octo
ber. The treaty of Campo-Formio had, however, been signed three days be
fore this despatch was written, and it did not reach Passeriano till twelve
days after the signature of the peace. Had the directory adopted this re
solution on the 29th of September, fhe day on which it decided on the
terms of the ultimatum, Bonaparte would, perhaps, have decided on going
to war, with a view of deliveririg the whole of Italy as far as the Ispnzo,
of which he was more desirous than any other person.
It was the interest of Napoleon to conclude a peace. The republicans, on
their part, manifested extreme jealousy—" So much glory," they said, " is in
compatible with liberty." Had he recommenced hostilities, and the French
armies gained possession of Vienna, the directory, persevering and zealous in
the spirit which had actuated its members since the 18th of Fructidor,
would have made the greatest efforts to revolutionize the empire, and this
would indubitably have led to a new war with Prussia, Russia, and the
Germanic confederation. The republic, however, was ill-governed ; the
administration was corrupt, and inspired neither confidence nor considera
tion. If he broke off the negotiations, the responsibility of the conse-
quences would rest upon him ; if, on the contrary he gave peace to his
country, he would add to the glory of a conqueror and pacificator, that of
being the founder of two great republics ; for Belgium, the departments on

256 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
the Rhine, Savoy, and the county of Nice, could not legitimately be in
corporated with France, except i>y means of a treaty of peace with the
Emperor, which was equally necessary for the consolidation of the Cisal
pine republic. Covered with laurels, and with the olive branch in his
hand, he would then retire with safety into private life, with a glory equal
to that of the most renowned heroes of antiquity ; the first act of the
drama of his public life would be thus terminated ; circumstances and the
interests of the country would decide his subsequent career ; glory, the
love and esteem of the French people were the means of arriving at every
thing. France wished for peace.
The struggle of kings against the republic was a struggle of principles ;
it was the Ghibellines against the Guelphs — it was the oligarchs who reign
ed in London, Vienna, and Petersburg, struggling against the republicans
of Paris. The French plenipotentiary conceived the idea of changing this
condition of things, which always left France alone against the others
combined — of throwing an apple of discord among the allies ; of changing
the state of the question, and creating new passions and new interests.
The republic of Venice was completely aristocratical, and the courts of St.
James and Petersburg took a lively interest in its fate ; and the house of
Austria, by seizing on Venice and its territory, would excite their highest
dissatisfaction and jealousy.
The senate of Venice had behaved badly to France, but very well to
Austria. What^opinion would the nations entertain of the morality of the
cabinet of Vienna, when Ihey saw it appropriate to itself the states of the
Austrian allies — above all, the most ancient stale of modern Europe, which
maintained principles strongly opposed to those of the French democrats;
and that under the pretext of convenience alone ?
What a lesson would this be for Bavaria, and the other powers of the
second order ; the Emperor would be obliged to deliver up to France the
fortress of Mayence, which he only held as a deposit ; he would appro
priate to himself the spoils of the German princes, of whom he was the
legal and constituted protector, and whose armies were fighting in his ranks.
All this would exhibit to the view of 'Europe a bitter satire on absolute go
vernments and European oligarchies — would make their old age obvious
to all, and announce that the lime of their decadence and dissolution had
arrived. Austria would be satisfied, for if she ceded Belgium and Lombardy, she
received an equivalent, if not in revenue and population, at least in refer
ence to geographical and commercial position. Venice was bounded by
Styria, Carinthia, and Hungary. The league of the European oligarchy
would be divided; France would avail herself of the opportunity to join
issue hand tp hand with England, in Ireland, Canada, and the Indies.
The different parties into which the Venetians were divided became im
mediately extinct ; aristocrats and democrats united against the sceptre of
a foreign nation. No fears could be entertained that a people of such mild
manners would adopt any affection for a German government ; that a great
commercial city and naval power would sincerely attach herself to a mo
narchy foreign to the sea and destitute of colonies ; and if ever ihe mo
ment should arrive for calling the Italian nation into life, this circumstance
would prove no obstacle. The years the Venetians would have passed
under the yoke of the Austrian government would lead them to receive a
national government with enthusiasm, whatsoever it might be, a little more
or a little less aristocratic, .whether the capital was fixed at Venice or not.

HISTORY, OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 257
The Venetians,Lombards, and Piedmontese, the Genoese, with the peo
ple of Parma; Bologna, and Bergamo ; the Ferrarese, Tuscans, Romans,
and Neapolitans, all required to be reduced to their first elements before
they could be converted into one Italian state. It was necessary, so to
speak, to recast them. In fact, fifteen years afterwards, in 1812, the Aus
trian power in Italy, the throne of Sardinia, those of the Dukes of Parma,
Modena, and Tuscany : that of Naples itself, the oligarchies of Genoa and
Venice, had all disappeared. The temporal power pf the Pope, which in
all past time had been, the cause of the division of Italy, was no longer
likely to be an obstacle. The grand duchy of Berg had still remained va
cant, and was waiting for the court of King Joachim. '< I require," Na
poleon had said, in 1805, at the council of Lyons, " twenty years to create
the Italian nation." Fifteen years had sufficed ; all was ready, and he
only waited for the birth -of a second son to conduct him to Rome, crown
him King of the Italians, confer the regency on Prince Eugene, and pro
claim the independence of the Peninsula from the Alps to the Ionian sea,
from the Mediterranean to the Adriatic.
The court of Vienna, worn out with the bloody struggle which she had
sustained for several years, no longer attached any importance to Belgium,
which it was impossible for her to defend; she considered herself fortunate,
after so many disasters, in obtaining indemnities for losses which were be
yond recovery, and in contracting an alliance with France, which would
guarantee to her advantages in the arrangement of German affairs. Al
though, however, a perfect understanding was arrived at respecting the
principles, the contracting parties were far from being agreed on the mode
in which the execution was to be effected. Count Cobentzel said, " He
would have the Adda for a frontier, or nothing." He supported his preten
sions on statistical calculations. " You wish," said he, " to re-establish the
system of 1756 ; for that purpose it is necessary to give us an advantage-
pus peace, which may be decided on, irrespective of the events- of the war;
both powers have had their glorious days : our armies ought mutually to
esteem each other ; and a disadvantageous peace for one of the. powers,
would prove nothing better than a truce. In consenting to this principle,
how is ityou refuse to grant us a complete and absolute indemnity ? What
are the bases of power ? Population and revenue. What losses does the
Emperor my master sustain ? Belgium and Lombardy, the two most popu
lous and richest provinces in the* world — Belgium, which is of double value
to you, because it ensures you the possession of' Holland, and will enable
you to close all the ports against England, from the Baltic to the straits. of
Gibraltar. We consent, moreover, to concede to the republic Mayence, the
four departments of the Rhine, Savoy, and the county of Nice. What do
we ask of you in return for such extensive concession ? Four millions of
Italians — bad soldiers, but inhabiting, it is true, a very fertile country ; we
have then a right to look for the valley of the Adda as our frontier."
The French plenipotentiary replied, " It is an advantage to Austria to be
relieved of Belgium, which was a burthensome possession ; England alone
could have an interest in her retaining possession of it. If you calculate
what that province has cost you, you will be convinced that it has always
been an object of expense tp your treasury. But in no case can it any
longer be of any particular value to us, because the new principles which have
changed the state of France have been already adopted there. To desire
to obtain in the very frontiers of Styria, Carinthia, and Hungary, an in
demnity equal in revenue and population to a distant and detached province,
17

258 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
is an exaggerated pretension ; besides, by passing the Adige you will wea
ken yourselves, and neither you nor the Cisalpine republic will have a
frontier." These reasonings probably produced a conviction in the minds of the
Austrian plenipotentiaries— however that may be, they reduced their pre
tensions to the line of the Mincio. " But," said Count Cobentzel, " that is
our ultimatum, for were my master, the Emperor, to consent to give you
up the keys of Mayence, the strongest placein the universe, without ex-,
changing them for the keys of Mantua, it would entail dishonour and dis
grace:" All the official means of protocols, notes and replies, having been
exhausted without any. satisfactory results, 'recourse was had to confidential
conferences ; at last, however, nothing farther could be gained or conceded
on either side, and the armies were put in m'otion.
The French troops, which were cantoned in fhe districts of -Verona, Pa
dua, arid Treviso, passed the Piave, and established themselves on the right
bank of the Isonzo. The Austrian army was encamped upon the Drave
and in Carniola. On their way from Udine to Passeriano, the Austrian
ambassadors were obliged to traverse the French camp. They were re
ceived with the highest -military honours, and the conferences were accom
panied by the continual rolling of drums. Count Cobentzel, however, re
mained immoveable. The carriages were ready, and he announced' his
departure. Op the 16th of October, the conferences were held at Udine, at the quar
ters of Count Cobentzel.' Napoleon recapitulated, in form of a manifesto
to be entered on the minutes-, the course of conduct pursued by the French
government since the signing of the preliminaries of Leoben, and at the
same time renewed his ultimatum.
The Austrian ambassador made a lorig reply, in order to prove that the
indemnities offered by France were not equivalent to the fourth of what he
had lost ; that the Austrian power would be considerably weakened, whilst
the French power would be increased to such a degree, as seriously to
threaten the independence of Europe ; that with the possession of Mantua
and the Adige as a frontier, France would in reality unite the whole of
Italy to the territory of the Gauls ; that the Emperor was irrevocably re
solved to hazartj all the chances of a war, and to take refuge even in his
capital, rather than consent to such a disadvantageous peaCe ; that Russia
offered him assistance, that her armies were ready to march to his aid, and
then it would be seen what Russian troops were ; that it was very evident
Napoleon had sunk his character of a plenipotentiary in that of a general,
and did not, therefore, wish for peace. He added that he would . take his
departure during the night, and that all the blood which might be shed in
this new struggle would fall on the head of the representative of France.
Then the latter, with great coolness, but deeply offended by this' outbreak,
rose from his seat, and took from a cupboard a small porcelain tray, which
Count G6bentzel liked, as having been a present from the Empress Cathe
rine; "Well!" said Napoleon, " the truce is broken and war declared!
But remember, that before the end of autumn, I will break your monarchy
to pieces, as I now dash this porcelain into fragments." As he said these
words, he dashed the porcelain upon the ground and its fragments : were
strewed oyer the floor. He saluted the congress and departed. The Aus
trian plenipotentiaries stood speechless. A few moments after, they heard
that whilst he was getting into his carriage, he had dispatched an officer to
Prince Charles, to give him notice that the truce was broken, and that hos-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 259
tilities would re-commence in twenty-four hours. Count Cobentzel, alarm
ed at- the prospect, sent the Marquis de, Gallo to Passeriano, carrying with
him a signed declaration, that he consented to adopt the ultimatum of
France. On the next day, the 17th of October, the peace was signed, at
five o'clock in the evening. It was on this occasion, that, the secretary
who framed the treaty, having inserted, as the first article, " The Emperor
of Germany recognises the French republic," Napoleon said, " Put out that
article ; the French republic is like the sun ; he who cannot see it must
be blind. The French people are masters at home ; they have created a
-republic — to-morrow, perhaps, it may become an aristocracy, and the day
after, a monarchy. This is its imprescriptible right, and the form of its
government is a question of home, and not of foreign affairs." The
treaty was dated at Campo-Formio, a small village between Passeriano and
Udine, which had been declared neutral by the secretaries of legation for
that purpose. It was thought advisable to go there, although there was no
house fit to serve as a lodging for the plenipotentiaries.
By this treaty, the Emperor recognised to the republic its natural bound
aries, the Alps, the Mediterranean, the Pyrenees, and the ocean — consented
to the formation of the Cisalpine republic by the amalgamation of Lom
bardy, the duchies of Reggio, Modena, and Mirandola — the three legations
(Bologna, Ferrara, and Romagna,) the Valteline, the Venetian states on
the right bank of the Adige (those of Bergamo, Cremona, and Polesina,)
and ceded the Breisgau, which removed the hereditary states to a distance
from the French .frontiers. It was agreed that the fortifications of Mayence
should be put into possession of the troops of the republic, after a mili
tary convention to be agreed upon at Rastadt, where the French plenipo
tentiary and Count Cobentzel were to meet. All the princes deprived of
their territories on the, left bank of the Rhine, were to receive indemnities
on the right bank, by the secularization of the ecclesiastical states. The
peace of Europe was to be settled at Rastadt. The cabinet of the
Luxembourg and- that of Vienna were to co-operate. The Prussian
territory, on the left bank was reserved ; and it was agreed, that it
should be ceded to the republic- by the treaty of Rastadt, but with an
equivalent in Germany for Austria. Corfu, Zante, Cephalonia, Santa
Maura, and Cerigo, were ceded to France, which, on its part, consented
to the Emperor's taking possession of the Venetian states situated on the
left bank of the Adigef which would add more than two millions of people
to the population of the empire. By one of the articles, the property
possessed by the Archduke Charles, as heir to the Archduchess Christina,
in Belgium, was assured to him ; it was in consequence of this article, that
the Emperor Napoleon, at a later period, purchased for a million of francs
the chateau of Laeken, near Brussels,- which before the revolution consti
tuted a part of the property of the Archduchess ; the other domains belong
ing to the Archduke in the Netherlands, were obtained by the Duke of
Saxe-Tescheri. This stipulation was a testimony of esteem which the
French plenipotentiary gave to the general against whom he had just been
fighting, and with whom he had kept up relations honourable to both.
During the conferences at Passeriano, General Desaix came from the
army of the Rhine, to inspect the battle-fields which had - been rendered
illustrious and memorable by the army of Italy. Napoleon received
him at his head-quarters, and thinking to astonish him, made him ac
quainted with the light which the portfolio of Entraigues had thrown upon
the conduct of Pichegru. " I knew long ago," said Desaix, smiling, " that

260 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Pichegru was a traitor ; Moreau found proofs of it in the papers of Klinglin,
as well as the details of the corruption, and of the reasons by which his
military manoeuvres were regulated. Moreau, Regnier, and myself only
were in the secret. I wished' Moreau immediately to give an account of it
to the government, -but he refused. Pichegru," added he, " is perhaps the
only example of a general who purposely allowed himself to be defeated."
He alluded to the manosuvre by which Pichegru removed the principal
part of his forces to Rassein on the upper Rhine, in order to Cripple the
operations before Mayence. Desaix visited all the battle-fields, where he
was received with the greatest distinction. It was from this period' that his
intimate friendship with. Napoleon dates ; he loved glory for itself, and
France above everything. He was a man of a simple, active, and pre
possessing character, and of extensive information ; no man was more
thoroughly acquainted than he with the theatre of war on the upper Rhine,
Suabia, Bavaria. His death caused tears to flow from the eyes of the
conqueror of Marengo.
About this time, General Hoche, the commander of the army of the Sam
bre and Meuse, died suddenly at Mayence. Many persons have supposed
that he was poisoned, but the supp6sitipn has no foundation whatever.
This young general distinguished himself at the lines of Weissenburg in
1794, gave abundant proofs of his abilities in La Vendee in 1795 and
1796, and had the glory of pacifying, for a time, that disturbed province.
Influenced by a noble patriotism, an ardent disposition, and remarkable
bravery, and an active, restless ambition, he did not know how to wait for
the course of events, but always exposed himself by premature enterprises.
By marching his troops to Paris at the crisis of the 18th Fructidor, he vio
lated the constitution, and was very near falling a victim to his temerity.
He attempted an expedition to Ireland; no one was more capable of pro
moting its success. On every occasion, he testified his attachment to
Napoleon. His death, and the disgrace of Moreau, left both the armiesof
the Rhine, and the Sambre and the Meuse, without commanders. The
government united these two armies into one, and gave the command of
the whole to Augereau.
Napoleon successively sent the principal generals to Paris with stands qf
colours, which at once served as a means of making the government ac
quainted with their persons; and of attaching them to their cause by suitable
rewards. He commissioned General Berthier to be the bearer of the treaty
of Campo-Formio, and wishing at the same time to give a proof of his re
spect for science, he associated with him, in the commission, Monge, who
was a member of the commission of the arts and sciences in Italy, and who
belonged fo the old Academy of Sciences. The commander-in-chief took
great pleasure in the very interesting conversation of this great geometri
cian and naturalist of the first order, who was a very zealous patriot, but
always pure-minded, sincere, and truthful. Loving France and its 'people
as if they were his own children, he regarded democracy arid equality as
the results of a geometrical demonstration ; he was of an ardent mind, but,
whatever his enemies may have said, an honest man ; on the invasion of
the Prussians in 17"92, he offered to give his two daughters in marraige to
the first two volunteers who should lose a limb in the defence of the terri
tory of France, which offer on his part was sincere. He followed Napoleon
to Egypt, and science is indebted to him for his excellent work on descrip
tive geometry.
The treaty of Campo-Formio took the directory by surprise ; it was far

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 261
from expecting such a result, and gave indications of its dissatisfaction. It
is confidently said, that its members thought for a moment of not ratifying
it, but public opinion was too clearly pronounced, and the advantages se
cured to France by the peace were too obvious to admit of such a course.
Immediately after the signature of the peace, Napoleon returned to'
Milan to put a finishing hand to the organization of the Cisalpine republic,
and to complete the administrative measures of his army. He was then to pro
ceed to Rastadt, in order to terminate the great work of a general continen
tal peace, and he took leave of the Italian people in these words :
" Citizens, — Reckoning from the first of Brumaire, your constitution will
be in full activity ; your directory, your legislative body, your court of cas
sation, and other subordinate administrative departments will be fully or
ganized. " You are the first example in history of a people who have become free
without factions, without revolutions, without internal commotions.
" We have given you liberty ; study to preserve it. After France, you
are the most populous and the richest of all republics ; your position calls
upon you to play a distinguished part in the affairs of Europe.
" In order to be worthy of your destiny, pass nothing but wise and
moderate laws.
" Cause them to be executed with energy arid power.
" Favour the propagation of knowledge, arid respect religion.
" Do not fill your ranks with outcasts of society, but with citizens who
cherish the' principles of the republic, and are intimately attached to its
prosperity. " You require to be deeply penetrated with a feeling of your power, and
of the dignity which surrounds a free man.
" Divided amongst yourselves, and subject for ages to tyranny, you
could not nave regained your liberty ; but, should you be left to yourselves
for a few years, no power on earth will be strong enough to deprive you of
its possession.
" Till that time, the great nation will protect you from the attacks of your
neighbours. Its political system will be united to yours.
" Had the Roman people made the same use of power as the French
people have done, the Roman Eagle would still have been on the Capitol,
and eighteen centuries of tyranny and bondage would not have dishonour
ed the human race.
" In order to consolidate your liberty, and with the sole view of promot
ing your happiness, I have accomplished a work, which only ambition and
the love of power have hitherto prompted men to perform.
" I have made appointments to a great number of places, and been ex
posed to the danger of over-looking men of integrity, and of nominating
intriguers ; but there were still greater inconveniences in leaving you to
make these nominations, before you were organized. «
" I am about to depart in a few days. Only the orders of my govern
ment, and the imminent danger of the Cisalpine republic, will recall me to
the- midst of you.
" To whatever part, however, the service of my country may call me, I
shall always take a lively interest in the prosperity and glory of your re
public. (Signed) Bonaparte.
"Head-Quarters, Milan, the 22nd of Brumaire,
year 6, (Nov. 12th, 1797.")

262 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Napoleon set out for Turin where he alighted at the house of M. Gin-
guene, the French minister, on the 17th of November. The King of Sar-'
dinia wished to see him, and to give him some public evidence of his gra
titude. The circumstances, however, were already such, that he did not
think it right to accept these friendly demonstrations of the court. He
continued his route to Rastadt, and crossed Mount Cenis ; at Geneva, he
was received as he would have been at a French town, and with all that
enthusiasm peculiar to the Genevese. On his entry into the Pays de
Vaud, three groups of young and pretty girls came, at the head of the in
habitants, to compliment him. One'of these groups was dressed In white,
the second in blue, and the third in red. These young maidens presented
him with a crown, on which was inscribed the famous sentence, in which
the liberty of the Valteline had been proclaimed ; a maxim so dear to the
people of the Pays de Vaud ; " One people ought not ta be subject to an
other people." He passed through several Swiss towns — among others,
Berne — and crossed the Rhine at Basle, on his way to Rastadt.
The order of the day on his departure from Milan, contained the fol
lowing address — " Soldiers ! to-morrow I set out for Rastadt. Separated
from the army, I shall sigh for the moment when I shall again be in the
midst of it, ready to brave new dangers. Whatever post the government may
assign to the soldiers of Italy, they will always prove tliemselves worthy
supporters of liberty, and of the glory of the French name. Soldiers ! in
discoursing of the princes whom you have conquered, the people whom
you have enfranchised, and the battles which you have fought in two cam
paigns, say to yourselves — In two campaigns we will do more still /"
On his arrival at Rastadt, Bonaparte found the state-apartments of the
palace prepared for him. Treilhard and Bonniet, whom the directory had
appointed as his fellow-commissioners in these negotiations with the Ger
manic body, had preceded him some days. At this congress? the aged
Count Metternieh represented the Emperor as the head of the German
confederated states, and Count Cobentzel represented him as head of the
house of Austria ; there were, therefore, two legations, opposed to each
other both in their interests and their instructions. Count Lehrbach was the
representative of the circle of Austria in the Diet. Count Metternieh sup
ported the character of pomp and parade — Cobentzel conducted the busi
ness. After having exchanged the ratifications of the peace of Campo-
Formio, the plenipotentiaries, in execution of the treaty, signed the con
vention for the surrender of Mayence. The Austrian troops were to march
out of Mayence, and to leave behind merely the troops of the elector,
whilst, at the same moment, the French were to invest and take possession
of the fortress. 2ndly, the French were to abandon Venice and Pal ma-
Nova, leaving behind Venetian troops only, and the Austrians were to
seize upon these cities^ as well as the whole country. Albini, the minister
of Mayenee, uttered the most violent complaints, and all the German prin
ces gave way to the loudest reproaches. " Mayence," said they, " does
not belong to Austria." They accused the Emperor of having betrayed
Germany for the promotion of his interests in Italy. Count Lehrbach, as
deputy from the circle of Austria, was deputed to reply to all these com
plaints and protestations ; he acquitted himself with all that power, arro
gance, and irony, which were natural to his character.
Sweden sent a representative to Rastadt in her character of mediatrix,
and as one of the guarantees of the treaty of Westphalia. Since the
treaty of Teschen, Russia had arrogated to herself the same pretensions,

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 263
but she was at this moment at War with Ftance. Since the treaty of W7est-
phalia, the condition of the states of Europe had undergone many chan
ges ; Sweden at that time exercised a great influence upon Germany ; she
was at the head of the Protestant party, and was resplendent with all the
glpry of the victories of the great Gustavus. Russia was not then Euro
pean, and Prussia had scarcely an existence. These two powers had made
a rapid advance : whilst Sweden was falling into decay, and was now sunk
into a power of the third order. Its pretensions, therefore, were altoge
ther unreasonable ; and besides, this court had been foolish enough to ap
point, on this occasion, Baron Fersen, as its representative at the congress
of Rastadt. The favour which this Swedish baron had formerly enjoyed at
the court of Versailles, his intrigues in the constituent assembly, and the ha
tred which he never failed to testify towards France, rendered him the
most unsuitable person on whom their choice could have fallen ; his selec
tion might, in fact, be regarded as an insult to the republic. When, as a
matter of etiquette, he was, introduced into the apartments of the French
plenipotentiary, he caused himself to be announced as ambassador of Swe- '
den, and mediator at the congress. Napoleon told him he could not re
cognise any mediator, and that, besides, his former opinions disqualified
him from exercising such an office between the republic and the emperor
of Germany ; and that he would not receive him again. Baron Fersen
was so completely disconcerted, and the manner Of his reception, made
such a noise, that he left Rastadt the next day.
Immediately after the surrender of Mayence to the French troops, Na
poleon united in conference with. Treilhard and Bonniet, and after having
shown them that the instructions of the directory were insufficient, he de
clared his intention of not remaining any longer at the congress, and that
he was about to set out. The business was more complicated at Rastadt
than at Campo-Formio; and it was ifecessary to cut it short, in order to
bring it to a conclusion.
The directory did not know what course to adopt ; they appointed new
plenipotentiaries, who were to join Trielhard and Bonniet. Bonaparte, al
ready dissatisfied with the foreign policy of France, determined to have
nothing more to do with a negotiation which would necessarily turn out
badly. Moreover, the internal condition of the country was presaging the
approaching triumph of the demagogues ; and besides, the same reasons
which led him to decline any public reception at the court of Sardinia, de
termined him to withdraw from the testimonies of admiration heaped-upon
him by the German princep. He thought it best to bring to a close the
first act of .his political life, by the peace of Campo-Formio, and to retire
into private life at Paris, as long as circumstances would allow. During
his short sojourn at Rastadt, he caused the French plenipotentiaries to be
treated with all that attention and respect due to the representatives of a
great nation from the, representatives of foreign powers, and from that
crowd of petty German sovereigns who were present at the congress. , Be
fore his coming, the French plenipotentiaries had been treated with some
neglect ; the allowances which had been assigned to them were altogether
insufficient. He persuaded the government to jplape very considerable
sums at the disposal of the negotiators, in order that they niight appear in
a manner consistent with their rank, and this step contributed to the man
ifestation of the consideration due to the republic.

264 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

CHAPTER VIII.
NAPOLEON IN PARIS AFTER THE CAMPAIGN OF ITALY.
Napoleon departed from Rastadt, traversed France incognito, arrived in
Paris without stopping, and alighted at his small house in the Rue Chante-
reine, Chaussee d'Antin. The municipal body, the administration of the
department, and all the public bodies, emulated each other in presenting
him with tokens of the national gratitude. A committee of the Conseil des
Auciens submitted a proposal to bestow upon him the estate of Chambord,
and a magnificent hotel in Paris. The directory — it is not easy to say
why — took alarm, at this proposition : its confidential friends caused it to
be withdrawn. By a decision of the municipality of Paris, more indepen
dent than the councils, the name of the Rue de la Victoire was given to
the Rue Chantereine.
During the two years in which Bonaparte had been in command in Ita
ly, he had filled the world with the splendour of his victories, and now the
coalition of the great powers was broken Up. The Emperor and the prin
ces of the empire had recognised the republic. The whole of Italy was
subject to her laws. Two new republics had been created there on the
French system. England alone remained under arms, but even she had
manifested a wish for peace, and if the treaty had not been signed, it was
wholly owing to the folly of the directory after the day of Fructidor.
In additiCn to these great results, obtained in reference to the foreign af-
fairs of1 the republic, there were joined all the advantages which she had
gained in her internal administration and her military power. In no period
of the history of the country had the French soldier more strongly enter
tained the feeling of his superiority over all the soldiers of Europe. It
was owing to the influence of the victories of Italy, that the armies of the
Rhine, and the Sambre and Meuse had been able to carry back the French
colours to the banks of the Lech, where Turenne had been the first to
raise our standards. At the commencement of 1796, the Emperor had
180,000 men on the Rhine, and wished to carry the war into France. The
armies of the Sambre and Meuse, and of the Rhine, had. no sufficient
forces to offer resistance ; their numerical inferiority was notorious ; and
if the valour of so many brave men was a guarantee for an honourable
defence, the hope of conquest could never have entered into their contem
plation. The days of Montenotte, Lodi, &c, carried alarm to Vienna ;
they obliged the Aulic council to recall successively Marshal Wurmser', the
Archduke Charles, and more than 60,000 men from the German armies,
which restored the equilibrium on that side, and enabled Moreau and Jour-
dan to take the offensive.
More than 120,000,000 of francs in fhe form of extraordinary contri
butions, had been raised in Italy ; 60,000,000 had been employed in pay
ing, providing for, and re-organizing the army of Italy, whilst the other

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 265
60,000,000, sent to the treasury of Paris, had been applied to the improve
ment of the internal condition of the country, and to the service of the ar
my on the Rhine. But at that time, the whole system of the minister of
finance was so Vicious, the administration so corrupt, and the treasury so
badly governed, that the arrhies derived very little advantage from this vast
wealth. Independently of this important succour of 60,000,000, the trea
sury was indebted to the victories of Napoleon for 70;000,000 of annual
saving, a sum to which the support of the armies of the Alps and of Italy
amounted in 1796.
Considerable supplies in hemp and timber, and vessels of various kinds,
seized by conquest at Genoa, Leghorn, and Venice, served to form a very
necessary relief to the naval yards at Toulon. The national museum was
enriched with chefs-d'oeuvre of the arts, which had embellished Rome,
Parma and Florence, and which were estimated at more than 200,000,000.
The commerce of- Lyons, Provence, and Dauphine, began to revive
from the moment in which the free passage of the Alps was opened to it.
The squadrons of Toulon rode triumphant in the Mediterranean, the Adri
atic, and the Levant. A new era of happiness and prosperity dawned
upon France, and it was to the conqueror- of Italy that the country was
pleased to- owe these advantages.
After the arrival of Napoleon, the chiefs of all parties presented them
selves at his house, he refused to receive them. The public was extremely
curious to see him ; the streets and squares through which it was thought
he might pass, were thronged with people ; but he showed himself no
where. The Institut having named him a member in the department of
Mechanique, he adopted the costume of the members of the body. As a
general rule, he received at home only a few savans — such as Monge, Bar-
thollet, Borda, Laplace, Prony, and Lagrange ; and some generals — as
Berthier, Desaix, Lefebvre, CafTarelli, Dufalge, Kleber, and a very small
number of deputies.
He was received in a public audience by the directory, which had cau
sed a great platform to be erected for the purpose at the Luxembourg ;
the pretended object was the formal acceptance of the peace of Campo-
Formio. He avoided speaking of Fructidor, of the affairs in which the
nation was at the moment engaged, and of the expedition to England.
His address was simple, but at the same time contained numerous remarks
Calculated to suggest various reflections. The following observations fell
from him in various parts of his speech: "The French people, in order
to secure their liberty, have had kings to combat ; and in order to obtain
a constitution founded upon reason, they haye had the prejudices of eigh
teen centuries to subdue. Religion, feudality, and despotism, have succes
sively governed Europe for twenty centuries ; but from the peace which
you have just concluded will date the era of representative governments ;
you are now to organize the great nation, whose vast territory is circum
scribed by those boundaries alone which nature herself has prescribed.
" I place in your hands the peace of Campo-Formio, ratified by the Em
peror. This peace secures the liberty, prosperity and glory of the repub
lic. When the happiness of the .French people shall be founded upon the
best organic laws, the whole of Europe will become free."
During this ceremony, General Joubert and Brigadier General Andreossi
carried the flag which the legislative body had given to the army of Italy,
and which was covered with inscriptions in letters of gold. Some of these
were as follows : — " The army of Italy has made 150,000 prisoners, ta-

266 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
ken 1.70 stand of colours, 550 pieces of heavy artillery, 600 field-pieces,
five4 iquipdges de pont, nine ships of ,64 guns, twelve frigates of 32 guns,
twelve sloops, and eighteen galleys. Armistice with the Kings of Sardinia
and Naples, with the Pope, with the Dukes of Parma and Modena. Pre
liminaries of Leoben. , Convention of M#itebello with the republic of Ge-
noa. Treaties of Tolentino and Campo-Formio. Given liberty to the
states of Bologna, Ferrara, Modena, Massa-Carrara, Romagna, Lombardy,
Brescia, Bergamo, Mantua, Cremona— part . of the Veronese, of Chiaven
na, Bormio, and the Valteline ; to the people of Genoa, to the imperial
fiefs, te the departments of Corcyra, the iEgean Sea, and Ithica. Sent to
Paris the chefs-d'auvre of Michael Angelo, Guercino, Titian, Paul Vero
nese, Albano, the Caracci, Raphael, Leonardo da Vinci, and others. It
has been victorious in eighteen pitched battles, and in sixty-seven partial
engagements ; 1. Montebello ; 2. Millesimo ; 3. Mondovi ; 4. Lodi ; 5. Bor-
ghetto ; 6. Lonato ; 7. Castiglione ; 8. Roveredo ; 9. Bassano ; 10. St.
George ; 11. Fontanaviva ; 12. Caldiera ; 13. Areola ; 14. Rivoli ; 15. La
•Favorite; 16. Tagliamento; 17. Tarwis ; 18. Neumarkt."
The directory, the legislative body, and the minister of foreign affairs,
gave splendid fetes to Napoleon. He appeared at them all, but remained
only for a very short time. That of Talleyrand was characterized by the
highest degree of good taste. . A celebrated lady, determined to break a
lance with the conqueror of Italy, addressed 'him in the midst of a large
circle, and asked him, who, in his opinion, was the greatest woman in the
world, dead or alive? He smilingly replied, '* She who has borne the most
children." The public crowded- to the sittings of the Institut to see him,
and there he was always to he found seated between. Laplace and Lagrange
— the latter of whom was sincerely attached to him. When he wept to
the theatre he sat in a private, box,, and rejected decisively the application
of the managers of- the opera, who were desirous of giving him a grand
representation. Marshal Saxe, Lowendhal, and Dumouriez, had all been
present at such representations on their respective returns from Fontenay,
Bergen-op-zoom, and Champagne. When, on his return from Egypt, on
the 18th Brumaire, Napoleon appeared at the Tuileries, he was still un
known to the inhabitants of Paris, who exhibited the most eagef desire -to
gratify their curiosity. •
The directory treated him with the greatest distinction ; when they
thought it their duty to consult him, they sent one of the ministers to invite.
him to be presenkat the council. When there, he sat between two of the
directors, and gave his opinion upon questions of importance.
The troops, as they re-entered France, extolled him to the skies in their
songs, and proclaimed aloud that it was necessary to drive away the law
yers, and make him a king. The directors affected the greatest frankness,
and went so far as to show him the secret reports of the police, but they
were unable completely to conceal the annoyance and chagrin which they
felt at so much popularity. Napoleon fully appreciated fhe delicacy and
embarrassment of such a situation. The administration was badly con
ducted, and many hopes were turned towards the conqueror of Italy. The
directory wished him to return to Rastadt, Dut he refused, on the pretext
that his mission in Italy had been concluded with the peace of Campo-For
mio, and that it was nP longer suitable to his views to wield both the pen
and the sword. Shortly after, he consented to accept the command of the
army of England, in order to impose upon Europe, and to cover the de
sign and preparations of the expedition to Egypt.

HISTOKY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 267
The troops composing the army destined for the invasion of England,
were cantoned in Normandy, Picardy, and Belgium. Their new general
was to inspect all the points, but he wished to traverse the departments in
cognito. These mysterious' movements caused still greater uneasiness in
London, and effectually masked the preparations going on in the South. It
was on this occasion, on his visit to Antwerp, that he conceived the design
of those great maritime establishments, which he caused to be put into ex
ecution under the empire. It was also on one of these journeys that he-
perceived all the advantages which St. Quentin would derive from the canal
Which was afterwards opened under the consulate, and settled his ideas as
to the superiority of Boulogne for attempting an enterprise against England
simply with pinnaces.
The principles which were henceforward to guide the policy of the re
public had been laid down by Napoleon at Campo-Formio; without any
regard to the instructions of the directory ; the latter, in fact, had remained
wholly ignorant of them ; besides, the members could not govern their pas
sions; every new incident influenced them. Switzerland furnished the first
example of this. France had had constant reason to complain of the can
ton of Berne and of the Swiss aristocracy. All the foreign agents, whose
business it was to agitate France, found a point d'appui in Berne. The
question was now discussed, whether it would not be wise to fake advan
tage of (he great influence which the republic had just acquired in Europe,
to destroy the preponderance of that aristocracy. Napoleon strongly ap
proved of this feeling of indignation on the part of the directory, and
thought with it, that the moment was now arrived to secure the political
influence of France in Switzerland, but he did not think it necessary for
that reason to revolutionize the country. It was necessary to conform to
the spirit of the treaty of Campo-Formio, and to arrive at the accomplish
ment of the object designed, with as few changes as possible. His wish
was, that the French ambassador should present a note to the Helvetic diet,
and that its contents should be supported by two camps, one in Savoy, and
a second in Franche-Comte ; that in the note it should be declared, that
France and Italy thought it necessary for their policy and safety, as well
as for the dignity of the three nations, that the Pays de Vaud, Argau, and
the Italian bailiwicks, should become free cantons, in all respects indepen
dent, and equal to the others ; that they had reason to complain of the aris
tocracy of certain families in Berne, Soleure, and Fribourg, but that they
would be disposed to forget all grounds of complaint, provided that the
peasants of these cantons and of the Italian bailiwicks were restored to
their political rights.
All these changes might have been effected without difficulty or having
recourse to arms ; but Rpwbefl, through the influence of Swiss demagogues,
caused a different system to-be adopted, and without regard to morals, re
ligion, or the localities of the cantons, the directory determined to impose
upon the whole of Switzerland a uniform constitution, similar to that of
France. The small cantons were irritated at the loss of their liberty, and
the whole country rosW at the prospect of a change which destroyed all
existing interests, and kindled universal resentment. It became necessary
for the French troops to interfere and to conquer — blood flowed, and Eu
rope took alarm.
On the other hand, the court of Rome, influenced by that spirit of infa
tuation by which it was characterized, and embittered rather than corrected
by the treaty of Tolentino, persisted in its system of aversion to France.

268 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
This cabinet of weak old men without wisdom, excited a great fermenta
tion in opinion around them. It quarrelled with the Cisalpine republic, and
was guilty of the great imprudence of appointing the Austrian General
Provera to the command of its troops; this general played his part in pro
moting the general excitement, and a tumult broke out. Young Duphot, a
general of the greatest promise, who happened to be at Rome as a traveller,
was massacred at the gate of the French ambassador, whilst endeavouring
to allay the spirit of disorder. The ambassador retired to Florence. Na
poleon, when consulted, replied by his usual adage : " That it was not for
events to govern policy, but for policy to regulate events ; that, however
wrong the court of Rome might be, the course of conduct to be pursued
towards it was still a very grave question ; that it was necessary to correct,
but not to destroy it ; that, by overturning the Holy See and revolutionizing
Rome, a war with Naples would be the necessary result, which ought tp be
avoided ; lhat the 'Frerich ambassador ought to be ordered to return to
Rome, to demand the punishment of the ringleaders, and to receive a nun
cio from the Pope, who would express the regret of his Holiness ; to drive
away Provera, to raise the most moderate .prelates to the head of the go
vernment, and to force the Holy See to conclude a concordat with the Cis
alpine republic, that by these combined measures, Rome would be tranquil-
ized, and unable to cause further uneasiness ; that the concordat with the
Cisalpine republic would moreover have the effect of preparing the minds
of the people of France for a similar measure. Lareveillere, surrounded
by his theophilanthropists, was decidedly of opinion that measures should
be adopted against the Pope.
" The time had now arrived," said he, " to make this idol disappear.
The words Roman republic would be sufficient to fill with transport the
ardent imaginations of the revolution. The general of, Italy had been too
circumspect in his time, and if any disputes or quarrels now arose with the
Pope, it was entirely his fault. But, perhaps, he had his particular views ;
in fact, his conduct towards the Pope, and his generous compassion for ex
iled priests, had, given him in France many partisans, who were not friends
of the revolution."
As to the fears expressed on the probability of such measures leading to
a war with Naples, he treated that part of the question .with great subtlety.
According to him, France had a numerous party in Naples, and ought to
entertain no fear of a power of the third rank. Berthier received orders to
march with an army upon Rome, and to re-establish the Roman republic ;
which was done. The names of consuls and senate, and other offices and
orders of ancient Rome, again greeted the ear. Fourteen cardinals assem
bled in the church of St. Peter, to chant a Te Deum, on the re-establish
ment of the Roman republic, and the overthrow of the throne of St. Peter.
The people, intoxicated with independence, carried with them in their en
thusiasm the greatest part of the clergy.
The hand which had hitherto guided and restrained the officers and ad
ministrators of the army of Italy, was no longer there, and in Rome they
allowed themselves to fall into the most unpardonalfse excesses. The fur
niture of the Vatican was wasted and destroyed, the best works of art and
rarities of every description were seized upon, and a general feeling of dis
satisfaction was raised among the inhabitants. The soldiers themselves
protested loudly against the conduct of some of their generals, whom they
accused of exciting the disorder. This state of things was attended with
the greatest danger, and there was the greatest possible difficulty in restor-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 269
ing order. It is said, with good reason, that the Romans were stimulated
by the intrigues of Neapolitan, English, and Austrian agents.
Bernadotte had been appointed ambassador to the court of Vienna. This
appointment was bad ; for the disposition of this General was too excitable
and warm ; his head was not sufficiently calm ; besides, a General could
not be a very acceptable ambassador to a nation which had been constantly
beaten. A civilian ought to have been sent, but the directory had not such
a man at their disposal ; men of this class were either too obscure, or had
been alienated by the government. However this may be, Bernadotte suf
fered himself to be governed by his temper, and committed grave faults.
One day, without any one being able to divine the reason of his conduct,
he caused the national tri-colour to be hoisted on the top of his hotel ; he
had been insidiously urged to this step by agents who wished to compro
mise Austria. In fact, the populace broke out into disorders, torfe down the
tri-colour, and insulted Bernadotte.
The directory, in its rage, called upon Napoleon to'support them by his
influence upon public opinion. They made him acquainted with a message
to be sent to the councils, in order to lead to a declaration against Austria,
and with a decree, by virtue of which the command of the army destined
for Germany was to be conferred upon him. This general, however, did
not concur in the opinion of the government. " If you wish," said he,
" to make war, you must prepare for it, quite independently of this incident
respecting Bernadotte; you must not engage your troops in Switzerland,
in the South of Italy, or on the coasts of the ocean.
" It will be necessary not to proclaim the intention of reducing the army to
100,000 men, which is not yet executed, it is true, but which is known, and
operates as a discouragement to the troops. These measures indicate that
you have reckoned upon the continuance of peace. Bernadotte has been
essentially wrong, and by declaring war, you will play the game of Eng
land. It requires but a very small knowledge of the cabinet of Vienna, and
its policy, to be certain, that if it had really wished for war, it would not
have insulted you, — on the contrary, it would have caressed you, and lulled
your suspicions, whilst the troops were being prepared for action ; you would
only have discovered its real intentions by the first fire of its artillery. Be
assured, that Austria will give you satisfaction. To suffer a nation thus to
be at the mercy of such casual events, is not to have, or to pursue, any great
system of policy." The power of truth calmed down the indignation of the
government, and the Emperor gave ample satisfaction. The conferences
•Of Seltz took place, but the incident delayed the expedition to Egypt for fif
teen days.
In the meantime, Napoleon began to fear, that in the midst of the storms
which the vacillating course pursued by the government, and the nature of
things, was every day accumulating, an enterprise to the East had become
contrary to the true interests of the country. " Europe," said he, to the di
rectory, " is anything but tranquil ; the congress of Rastadt is not termina
ted — you are obliged to keep your troops in the interior to secure the elec
tions, and some are necessary to keep down the spirit of insubordination in
the departments' of the West. Would it not be better to countermand the
expedition, and to wait for more favourable circumstances?"
The directory took alarm, and fearing that Napoleon would place himself
at the. head of the government, it became the more ardent in urging on the
expedition. It was not aware of all the consequences of those changes which
had taken place in the political system within six months. According, to it,

270 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
the events in Switzerland, far from weakening France, gave it excellent mili-
tary positions, and the Helvetic troops as auxiliaries. Affairs with Rome
were settled, for the Pontiff had already withdrawn to Florence, and the
Roman republic was proclaimed ; the case of Bernadotte could not be at
tended with any further consequences, for the Emperor had offered to make
reparation — the moment, therefore, was more favourable than ever for mak
ing attacks upon England in Ireland, and Egypt.
Napoleon then offered to leave Desaix and Kleber behind ; their talents
might become useful to France. The directory refused them ; it did not
appreciate their merits. "The republic," said the directors, " is not de
pendent on these two generals, but could find a crowd of officers to cause
the country to triumph, if it were in danger — soldiers are much more want
ed than generals."
The gbvernment was on the very edge of a precipice, which it did riot
perceive. Its affairs were badly conducted — it abused the victory of Fruc
tidor. It was not its good fortune to be able to rally around the cause of
the country those who really did not belong to the faction of foreigners, but
had merely been drawn away in its suite. It was thus deprived of the ser
vices of a very great number of individuals, who out of resentment threw
themselves into the arms of the opposite party, although both their interests
and their opinions naturally led them to attach themselves to that form of
government. The directory found itself constrained to employ men with
out character ; and hence. a great degree of public dissatisfaction, and the
necessity for maintaining large bodies of troops in the interior, with a view
to secure the elections, and to keep down the spirit of revolt in La Vendee.
It was easy to foresee that the new elections would lead to great agitation.
The directory had no longer any system of administration, except in mat
ters of foreign policy. It went on, from day to day, led by the individual
dispositions of the directors, or by the various nature of a government con
sisting of five persons. It neither foresaw nor anticipated anything, and
had no perception of the difficulties which seriously obstructed its course.
When they were asked, "How will you make the approaching elections?'''
"We will provide for that by a law!" replied Lareveillere. The result
showed what the nature of the law was of which he was thinking. When
it was said to them, " Why do you not recall all the friends of the republic,
who have only been led astray in Fructidor ? Why do you not recall Car
not, Portalis, Marcaire, &c, in order to form a fasces against foreigners
and emigrants, of all those, who possess enlightened and liberal ideas!"
They made no answer — they could not conceive the nature of their solicitude
— they thought themselves popular, and believed their government to rest
upon a solid foundation.
A party composed of influential deputies in the two councils, the Fructi-
dorians, who sought for a protector, and the most observant and enlighten
ed generals, long and eagerly pressed Napoleon to make a movement, and
to put himself at the head of the republic; but he refused. His time was
not yet come. He did not yet think himself sufficiently popular to be able
to stand alone. With respect, to the art of governing, and to what was ne
cessary for a great nation, he entertained ideas very different from those of
the men of the revolution and of the assemblies, and he was afraid of com
promising his character. He resolved to set out for Egypt, but with the
determination of re-appearing, as soon as circumstances should arise to ren
der his presence desirable or necessary, as he foresaw would certainly hap
pen. In order to secure him the mastery of France, it was necessary that

HISTOHY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 271
the directory should suffer reverses in his absence, and that his return should
restore victory and success to our colours.
The government proposed to celebrate the anniversary of the execution
of Louis XVI., and it was a subject of earnest consideration among the di
rectors and the ministers, whether Napoleon ought to be present at this cere
mony or not. It was feared, on the one hand, that it might injure his popu-
larity if he did not go, and on the other, that if he went, people would forget
the directory, and fix their attention wholly on him. It was, however, de
termined that, notwithstanding this, his presence was required by policy.
One of the ministers was commissioned lo arrange the affair. Napoleon,
Who was desirous of avoiding all participation in celebrations of this kind,
observed that — " He filled no public office ; that personally he had nothing
to do at this proposed fHe, which, from its very nature, could be pleasing
to very few ; that it was one of the most impolitic things to do, for the event
which it commemorated was a catastrophe and a national misfortune ; that
he could very well understand why the anniversary of the 14th of July-
should be commemorated, because on it the people had woo their liberty
and their rights, but that they might have been gained without polluting
themselves by the execution of a prince declared inviolable and irresponsi
ble by the constitution itself; that he would not pretend to say, whether that
event was useful or injurious, but he maintained that it was an unfortunate
incident ; that natiohal/^/es were celebrated for victories, whilst men wept
for the victims who lay dead upon the field of battle ; that the celebration of
the execution of a man, could never be the act of a government, but of a
faction or a clubjthat he could not conceive how the directory, which had
caused the clubs of Jacobins and of anarchists to be shut, and which was
now in treaty with so many princes, did not perceive that such a ceremony
made more enemies fhan friends to the republic ; and that, instead of con
ciliating, it alienated — instead of softening, embittered — instead of strength
ening, shook and weakened ; aud, finally, that it was altogether unworthy
of the government of a great nation." The negotiator on this occasion em
ployed all his means of persuasion. He attempted to prove that " this fHe
was just because it was politic ; that it was politic, because all countries and
republics had celebrated, as a triumph, the fall and overthrow of absolute
power and the murder of tyrants ; that Athens had always celebrated the
death of Pisistratus, and Rome the fall of the Decemvirs ; and that, more
over, it was in accordance with the law of the land, and that every man
owed it submission and obedience; and, finally, that the influence of the
General of Italy upon public opinion was such that he ought to appear at
this ceremony ; and if he did not appear, his absence would be injurious to
the interests of the republic."
After several interviews and conferences, a mezzotermine was hit upon.
The Institut, as a body, was to be present at the fete ; it was agreed that
Napoleon, as a member of the Institut, should appear amongst its savans,
and follow the class to which he belonged, thus discharging a corporate
duty, which he did not consider as a voluntary act. The affair thus ar
ranged was very agreeable to the directory. When, however, the members
of the Institut entered the church of St. Sulpice, some one who recognized
Bonaparte pointed him out, and from that moment the whole public attention
was fixed upon him. The thing which the directory feared really took
place. Its members were completely eclipsed. At the close of the cere
mony, the, multitude allowed the directory to retire unattended, waited for
him who had been so anxious to conceal himself amongst a crowd, and

272 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
made the air re-echo with the cries of — " Vive le General de Varmee
d'ltalie !" so that these events merely served to increase the displeasure of
the government. .
About this time, another circumstance occurred which imposed upon Na
poleon the disagreeable necessity of blaming, in no measured terms, the con
duct of the directory. Two young persons, who frequented the Cafe Gar-
chi, and dressed their hair after a particular fashion, were, under the pre-
text of a political movement, insulted, attacked, and assassinated. This
murder was committed according to the orders of Sotin, the minister of
police, and executed by his agents. The circumstances were now of such
a nature as to compel Napoleon, although living in as retired a manner as
possible, to direct his particular attention, for the sake of his own safety, to
measures of this description^ He loudly expressed his indignation. The
directory took alarm, and commissioned one of their ministers to go and
explain to him the motives of their conduct. They instructed him to say —
" That such events were common at critical periods ; that revolutionary
times were not regulated by the ordinary method? of proceeding ; that it was
in this case necessary to place restrictions upon high society, and to repress
the boldness of the salons ; that this was one of that kind of primes with
which the ordinary tribunals could not deal ; that they could not, undoubt
edly, approve of the lanlerne of the constituent assembly, but that without
it the revolution never would have made progress ; and, finally, that it was
one of those evils which it was necessary to tolerate in order to avoid
greater." Napoleon replied — " That such language might have been just endura
ble before Fructidor, when parties were drawn against each other, and the
directory had been rather in the position of defending itself than that of
carrying on the administration; that then, perhaps, such^acts might have
been defensible on the plea of necessity ; but that at present, the directory
found itself invested with full powers — no opposition was offered to the due
course of law — the citizen?, if .not attached, were at least submissive, and
such, an action had, therefore, become an atrocious crime, a real outrage
upon civilization; that wherever the words law and liberty were named,
all citizens became responsible for one another ; that here, with this em
ployment of cut-throats, every man must feel himself struck with terror,
and be ready to ask, where is this to stop ?"
These reasons were too cogent to need development to a man of intelli
gence like the minister, but he had a mission, and did his best to justify an
administration, whose favour and confidence he was anxious to continue to
enjoy.'

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 273

CHAPTER IX.

CONDUCT OF NAPOLEON AS CONSUL.

" As Consul, my first thought after the battle of Marengo, was to open
negotiations with England, and had Fox lived, there can be no doubt that
a permanent peace would have been made between England and France,
because Fox knew the true interests of his country. It would have been
easy to have inspired the two nations with the most friendly dispositions
towards one another. The French have always esteemed the English and
their national qualities ; wherever esteem exists, there is only a step to
friendship ; and had suitable measures been adopted for the purpose, nothing
would have been easier, than to have brought about this in the case of
England and France. I have done England great mischief, and would
have done her more had the war continued ; but I have never ceased to es
teem the English people, and would have made almost any sacrifices to be
at peace with them, except such as would have involved or tarnished French
honour. On the throne, I expressed a high opinion of the English nation
— of its liberty, policy, independence, greatness, and generosity. A mar
tyr to the crimes of its ministers, my esteem for the people still remains.
," In 1800, as First ConSul, I wrote as follows to the King of England :
" ' Is the war, which has now desolated the four quarters of the world
for eight years, to be eternal ? Are there no means of bringing about an
understanding ? How is it that the two bravest, most powerful, and en
lightened nations of Europe can sacrifice to ideas of vain glory, any longer
than their safety and independence require, the advantages of commerce,
internal prosperity, and social peace? How is it, that they do not feel that
peace is the first of necessities, as it is of glories ?'
" This honourable and conciliatory advance was repulsed ; six months,
however, had scarcely elapsed, when Lord Minto, the English ambassador
at Vienna, sent a note, in which he expressed a desire, on the part of the
cabinet of St. James, to enter, conjointly with Austria, into negotiations for
peace with France. There was, however, great reason to believe that this
overture was not sincere, and that England only wished to take part in the
negotiations, with a view to embarrass and prolong their course, and to find
a pretext for re-attaching Russia to the coalition. In truth, had England
wished for peace, there was nothing to prevent her from treating directly,
and from authorizing Austria to conclude directly for herself.
" On presenting herself at Luneville, and making common cause with the
court of Vienna, was England ready to sacrifice a portion of her conquests
beyond sea, in order to purchase back the countries conquered by France
in Germany and Italy ? The egotism of the insular politics was too well
known to allow any one to deceive himself by such illusions ; peace with
Austria could be easily concluded, because there was a precedent in the re-
18

274 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOL EON.
cent treaty of Campo-Formio ; peace with England, on the contrary, was
surrounded by difficulties." The last arrangement was that of the treaty of
1783 ; since that time everything had been completely changed. To admit,
therefore, a negotiator from England at Luneville, was to place the shuttle
and yarn in her hands, to enable her to weave a new coalition. The cabi
net of the Tuileries, however, in order to be better convinced of the truth of
its conjectures, proposed at once to open the negotiations of Luneville with
the ministers of Austria and England, on condition, that during the continu
ance of the negotiations, hostilities should continue by sea and land; which
was strictly according to the usage in such cases. The treaties of West
phalia, Utrecht, Aix-la-Chapelle, &c, had been, concluded in this manner.
The superiority of the Frerich armies was too well established to enable
England, by her intrigues, to retard the progress of the negotiations. Every
new victory would have merely served as a stimulus to the allies to bring,
them to a conclusion ; the proposition, therefore, was rejected. It was then
proposed to admit the plenipotentiaries to Luneville, and to continue the ar
mistice by land, provided that it was also extended to sea, that bolh the
allied powers should be on the same footing. Was it, in fact, right that
Austria should demand the prolongation of the armistice in order to nego
tiate, and that England should be admitted to the congress without any ces
sation of hostilities ? Had the English minister been sincere in his declara
tions, he would have found very little inconvenience in making some slight
sacrifices as a compensation to France for the injury which she suffered by
the prolongation of the armistice by land ; and, finally, if this second pro
position was rejected, it might then be proposed to treat separately, but at
the same time, with Austria and England ; with Austria by prolonging the
armistice, and with England during the continuance of hostilities.
" The English minister showed great astonishment, and exclaimed
against the strange ^proposition of a naval armistice ! It was something
new in the history of the two nations ; but, at last,' he admitted the princi
ple. Count Otto, who was in London, as a commissioner to treat for the
exchange of prisoners, carried on the negotiations with Lord Grenville.
He soon perceived, however, that England, whilst conceding the principle,
wished to refuse its consequences, and so to fetter the conditions of the ar
mistice as to offer no advantage whatever to France. The three German
cities which were invested, received supplies, and England consented to the
adoption of the same course with respect to Belleisle, Malta, and Alexan
dria. The two last, however, were in no want of provisions, but could, on
the contrary, furnish some to England. The only advantage which France
could derive from a naval armistice, was, that it would enable her to renew
her commercial intercourse with all the ports in her colonies. England re
fused to concede this in the case of Malta and Egypt. France finally pro
posed as her ultimatum, that instead of raising the blockade of Alexandria,
six frigates, armed en fiiite, should enter the harbour as cartel-ships ; this
would afford the means of sending an additional force of 4000 men to the
army of Egypt, a very small advantage indeed compared with those ob
tained by Austria by the prolongation of the armistice, which enabled her
to employ her vast English subsidies in raising new troops and strengthen
ing her means of resistance.
" The negotiations for a naval armistice were broken off. The fortresses
of Ulm, Philipsburg, and Ingolstadt, were surrendered by the Emperor to
France, as the price of the prolongation of the truce for six weeks.
" A few months afterwards, the peace of Luneville saved the house of

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 275
Austria, and re-established a calm upon the Continent. And finally, short
ly afterward?, the minister signed the preliminaries of London, by which
the English oligarchy, baffled and confounded, acknowledged the democra
tic French republic, not only increased by the Belgian provinces, but by
Piedmont, Genoa, and the whole of Italy. .
" Fox came to France. His journey was a series of acts of homage ren
dered by all classes of the people. Fox was the model of a statesman, and
his school, sooner or later, ought to rule the^orld.
" The void produced by the French revolution in the organic system of
ancient Europe, was by no means filled in the eyes of the oligarchy, who
felt, more strongly than ever, the dangers which threatened their political
domination. The centre of action and point d'appui of all these plots
against the new order of things in France, was in London ; the exhaustion
of the people had imposed upon the oligarchy the peace of Amiens ; but a
two years' truce was too long a tax upon the hateful and irreconcilable pas
sions by which their hearts were filled ; all the organs of the aristocracy,
therefore, were set to work to re-open the bloody arena, on which two great
nations, made to be friends, were about to be condemned to a death-struggle
for twelve years more.
" On the 20th of May, 1803, a proclamation, issued by the government,
announced to France the rupture of the peace of Amiens :
" ' We are forced to make war to repel an unjust aggression ; we will do
so with glory.
" ' If the King of England is resolved to keep Great Britain in a state of
war, till France shall recognise his right of executing or violating treaties
at his pleasure, as well as the privilege of outraging the French government
in official and private publications, without allowing us to complain, we
must mourn for the fate of humanity.
" ' We assuredly wish to leave to our descendants the French name
honoured, and without a stain.
" ' Whatever may be the circumstances, we, shall, on all occasions, leave
it to England to take the initiative in all proceedings of violence against the
peace and independence of nations.; and she shall receive from us an exam
ple of that moderation, which alone can afford any real security for social
order and the happiness of nations.'
" On his part, the English minister made the King of England say, ' that
he was about to place himself at the head of his people; that France had
serious designs against the constitution, the religion, and the independence
of the English nation ; but that, through the measures which he was about
to take, this same France would reap nothing from its project but defeat,
confusion, and. misfortune.'
" ' Is this indeed,' cried the First Consul, < the language of the King of
England, the chief of a nation which is mistress of the seas, and sovereign
of India ? Do those who adopt such language, forget that Harold, the per
jured, also put himself at the head of his people ? Are they ignorant that
the prestiges of birth, the attributes of sovereign power, and the royal pur
ple, are very fragile bucklers in those moments when death, traversing the
ranks of the combatants, awaits the glance of the prince, and an 'unexpect
ed movement, in order to choose the party which is to furnish his victims ?
In the day of battle, all men are equal.
" ' The habit of fighting, superiority in tactics, the coolness and presence
of mind of the commander, make the conquerors or the conquered. A
Septuagenarian King, who should for the first time put himself at the head

276 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
of his army, would only be an additional embarrassment on the day of bat
tle, and furnish a new chance of success to his enemies.
" ' The King of England speaks of the honour of the crown, the main-
tenance of the constitution, of religion, laws, and independence. Would
not then the peaceable enjoyment of all these blessings have been secured
to the English people by the peace of Amiens? What has the rock of
Malta to do with the religion, the laws, and the independence of England ?
It does not lie within the compass of human prudence to penetrate the se
cret means which the wisdom of Divine Providence will adopt for the hu-
miliation of perjury, and the punishment of those who foster divisions and
sow enmity between two great nations, and drive them to make war under
the most miserable pretexts.
'< < Defeat, confusion, misfortune ! all these menaces are absurd, and un
worthy of the chief of a great nation, even where he an Alexander, Caesar,
or Frederick ; for the more elated he might be by victories, the more unpar
donable would he be to forget that -the fate of war and the issue of a battle
often depend on very trifling events : to venture to predict that the French
army would meet with nothing on the soil of England but defeat, confusion
and misfortune !'
" Two- hundred thousand men covered, with their camps, the coasts of
France, from the Ostend to the mouth of the Somme. Measures were
taken to concentrate all the maritime resources of France, Spain and Holland,
with a view of sweeping the channel, and facilitating and covering the passage
of thousands of gun-boats and barges which were being built iri all the dock
yards of France and Holland, and which were to be collected between St.
Valery and Ostend for the embarkation of' ihe troops. On both sides of
the channel, nothing was to be seen but preparations for attack- or defence.
The aged and venerable George III. left' his royal residence to exchange his
peaceful life for the fatigue of camps*
" The cabinet of St. James's omitted no means to rouse that kind of
apathetic indifference with which the danger of England was viewed at the
the courts of Vienna, Petersburg, and Berlin. La Vendee could not have
frankly laid down arms, and attempts were made to raise the standard of
insurrection in that province. These attempts were useless ; the concordat
had rallied the clergy around the government of Napoleon ; the Vendean
peasant Was weary of war, enjoying with thankfulness the blessings of the
pacification, and the gifts which the First Consul distributed with a liberal
hand, to heal the wounds of the war, by rebuilding the churches, and re
pairing or reconstructing their habitations.
" The cabinet of St. James's was led into numerous mistakes by the emi
grants, who, deceived by the illusions of their own minds, had induced
their protectors to engage in many troublesome expeditions. It had a great
idea of the power and means of the Jacobins, persuaded itself that a great
number of them were dissatisfied— -that they were disposed to unite their
efforts with those of the royalists, and would be seconded by generals jea
lous of the First Consul. It thought that by systematizing these efforts of
parties opposed to each other, but united by a common passion, it might form
one powerful enough to create an efficacious diversion.
"During the past four years, 1 had reunited all the parties into which
France was divided before my accession to power ; the list of emigrants
was closed ; I had at first marked;- then erased, and finally granted an am
nesty to all those who wished to return' to their country ; all their existing
and unsold property had been restored, with the exception of the forests, of

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 277
which the law assigned them the revenues ; there no longer remained on
that list any names except those of persons immediately attached to the
princes of the house of Bourbon, and who did not wish to take advantage
of the amnesty. Thousands upon thousands of emigrants had returned,
and been subjected to no other conditions than the oath of fidelity and obe
dience to tha republic. I thus enjoyed the most delightful consolation which
a king can enjoy, that of re-organizing more than 30,000 families, and of
restoring to their country all that remained of men who had made France
illustrious in different ages ; even those who continued emigrants frequent
ly received passports to come and visit their families. The publie altars
were rebuilt, the deserted or exiled priests were restored to their functions,
and paid by the republic. These laws effected great amelioration in publie
affairs. They, however, were accompanied by the inevitable inconvenience
of emboldening, by their very mildness and indulgence, the enemies of the
consular government, the royalist party, and the hopes of our foreign ene
mies. '* From 1803 till 1804, there were five conspiracies ; itds to this period
that the death of fhe Duke i'Enghien belongs."

278 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

CHAPTER X.

THE DUKE D'ENGHEIN.

The Duke d'Enghein lost his life because he was one of the principal
actors in the conspiracy formed by Georges, Pichegru, and Moreau.
Pichegru was arrested on the 28th of February, Georges on the 9th,
and the Duke d'Enghien on the 18th of March, 1804.
The Duke d'Enghien took an active part in all the iritrigues which had
been carried on from 1796 by the agents of England ; this is proved by
the papers seized in the cartridge-box of Klinglin, and the letters of the
19th of Fructidor, 1797, written by Moreau to the directory.
The king's speech, delivered to the English parliament in March, 1803,
announced the commencement of a new war, and the rupture of the peace
of Amiens. The French government indicated the design of carrying the
war into England. During the years 1803 and 1804, the whole sea-coast
at Boulogne, Dunkirk, and Ostend was covered with camps ; formidable
squadrons were prepared in Brest, Rochefort, and Toulon ; the whole of
ihe dock-yards of France were filled with gun-boats, sloops, rafts, and pin
naces, and thousands of men were employed in excavating and enlarging
the channel ports, to enable them to contain these numerous flotillas. Eng
land, on her part, flew to arms ; Pitt relinquished the peaceful occupations
of the exchequer, put on a uniform, and thought of nothing but warlike
machines, battalions, forts, and batteries ; the aged and venerable George
III. forsook the quiet of his palaces, and was daily engaged in reviews ;
camps were formed on the heights of Dover, and in the counties of Kent
and Sussex ; the two armies were, in fact, in sight of one another, separa
ted merely by the straits.
At the same time, England neglected none of those means calculated to
rouse the continental powers ; but Austria, Russia, Prussia, and Spain,
were either allies or friends of France, which gave laws to the whole of
Europe. The attempts which were made to re-kindle the war in La Ven
dee, were not more successful. The concordat had rallied the clergy to
Napoleon, and the feelings of the inhabitants of the province had under
gone a complete change, for they contemplated with gratitude the progress
of his administration. The great public works which he had decreed gave
employment to thousands of hands ; it was designed to connect the Vilaine
with the Ranee by a canal, which would enable the French coasters to
pass from the coasts of Poitou to those of Normandy without the necessi
ty of doubling Cape Ushant. A new city was springing up in the midst of
La Vendee, and eight new public highways were about to traverse the
west ; and finally, considerable sums, in the form of insurances, were dis
tributed among the Vendeans, in order to enable them to rebuild their houses,
churches, and parsonages, which had been burnt or destroyed by order of
the committee of public safety.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 279
All the emigrants who were in the pay of England had received orders
to form a junction in the Breisgau, and in the grand duchy of Baden. Mas-
sey, an English agent who corresponded with ihe government, Drake, and
Spencer Smith, had taken up their abode at Offenburg, and furnished in
profusion whatever money was necessary for the execution of all these
plots. The minister, Decres, who was desirous above everything of gaining the
favour of his master, used every possible exertion, by means of smugglers,
to ascertain what was going on in England, and was Ihe first to give infor
mation respecting the plots which were being woven in Germany, and in
which Spencer Smith and Drake were the chief instruments.
The First Consul made bitter complaints to the minister of foreign af
fairs, of the negligence displayed by the French diplomatic agents at the
German courts ; Monsieur de Talleyrand was excited to action, and re
quired explanations from Baron Dalberg, charge d'affaires of Baden, in
Paris, and one of his most intimate acquaintances. Dalberg now saw an
opportunity of making his fortune, and he judged correctly ; for it was to
this circumstance he was indebted for being created a duke, with a pension
of 200,000 francs. He did not hesitate to reveal, even to the minutest de
tails, all lhat he knew of the presence of the Duke d'Enghien at Etten-
heim, and of the attempts of the English agents in Munich and Switzer
land. Marshal Moncey, inspector-general of the Gendarmerie, and Count
Schee, prefect of Strasburg, confirmed by their reports the opinion that the
Duke d'Enghien was the soul of the conspiracy, and had been invested
with extraordinary powers to enter France in the character of Lieuten
ant-General of the kingdom, in ihe name of the Pretender, as soon as the
conspirators had succeeded in assassinating the. First Consul.
On receiving this intelligence, an extraordinary council was convoked at
the Tuileries. The ministers and the chief dignitaries of the senate and of
the legislative body were present, and all were of opinion that the safety of
the republic demanded the adoption of extraordinary measures. The for
cible capture of the Duke d'Enghien was decreed.
Caulaincourt, aide-de-camp of Napoleon, was bound to obey the instruc
tions which Berthier, and Talleyrand the minister of foreign affairs, were
desired to give him, for the accomplishment of the mission with which he
was entrusted. >¦
1st. To confound the plots which were laid by the English ministers on
the right bank of the Rhine.
2ndly. To make sure of the persons and papers of the Baroness de Reich
and her accomplices, who were busy at Offenburg in devising schemes for
the overthrow of the consular government, and the death of the First
Consul. 3rdly. To give explanations to the court of Baden respecting the violation
of their territory, as soon as Ordenner had seized upon the Duke d'Enghien.
Ordenner was bound to obey his orders, to . pass the Rhine with 300
dragoons, and to carry off the prince ; and a court-martial was bound to
condemn him, if he was proved guilty. Innocent or guilty, Caulain
court and Ordenner were bound to obey : if he were guilty, the court-
martial was obliged to condemn him — if innocent, they ought to have
acquitted him, inasmuch as no order could justify the conscience of
a judge. There is.no doubt, that if Caulaincourt had been appointed
judge of the Duke d'Enghien, he would have refused ; but being charged

280 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
with a diplomatic mission, he was bound to obey. AH this is so
obvious, that nothing but folly, or the madness of party-spirit, can find any
thing to say against it. It is true that such party-spirit found il easy to
attack an ancient name distinguished by new and honourable services, and
was bent on calumniating Caulaincourt in this case. This hatred and in
justice were among the causes of his favour. Caulaincourt, being entrust
ed before the time of the Empire with oneof the departments of service
in the palace, had afterwards merely the title of the functions which he had
already filled.
The death of the Duke d'Enghien ought to be attributed to those who in
London directed and commanded the assassination of the first consul, who
destined the Duke de Berry to enter France through the district of Beville,
and the Duke d'Enghien by Strasburg. It ought to be attributed also to those
who, by their reports and conjectures, forced the council to regard him as
the chief of the conspiracy ; and it ought to be made a subject of eternal
reproach to those who, urged on by a criminal zeal, did not await the'orders
of their sovereign before executing Ihe sentence of the court-martial.
The Duke d'Enghien fell a victim to the intrigues of the time ; and his
death, which has been made a matter of reproach to Napoleon, was inju
rious to him, and of no political utility whatever. Had Napoleon been
capable of decreeing the commission of such a crime, Louis XVIII. and
Ferdinand would not now have been upon their thrones.
It is true that the Emperor, in his will, has taken upon himself the re
sponsibility of this act, which even in his eyes was not justified by necessity,
had not a strange impression on his own mind excited him to one of those
passionate movements to which he sometimes yielded, as we shall see.
The Emperor had written and sealed up his will about twelve days, when
he first saw, in the European papers, in relation to the death of the Duke
d'Enghien, an attack as unjust as it was virulent against two persons to
w hom no blame whatever attached. These were the Dukes of Vicenza
and Rovigo — " Bring me my will," said he ; and having broken the seal
by a convulsive movement, he seized his pen,- and wrote, in characters
scarcely legible, " I decreed and determined the death of the Duke d'Eng
hien, because it was necessary for the safety, interest and honour of the
French people, when the Count d'Artois maintained sixty assassins in Paris.
Under the same circumstances, I would act in the same manner." An
hour after having performed- this act, he called us, made us seal up the
will and codicils, and place our own seals and signatures upon the envelopes.
Napoleon never committed crimes. What crime would have been more
profitable to him than the assassinalion of the Count de Lille and the Count
d'Artois ? The proposition was often made to him, especially by *** and
***, and would not have cost him two millions. The Emperor rejected
the proposal with contempt and indignation. During the whole of his reign
no attempt was ever made on the lives of these princes. When Spain was
in arms in the name of Ferdinand, this prince, and his brother Don Carlos,
the sole heirs of the throne of Spain, were at Valencey , in the heart of Berry ;
their death would have put an end to the affairs of Spain. He was advised
to adopt such, a course* but he regarded it as criminal and unjust. Were
Ferdinand, and his brother Carlos, put to death in France?
It would be easy to quote many other examples, but these two may suf
fice, as being the most striking and conclusive. Hands accustomed to
gain battles by the sword never tarnish themselves by the commission of
crimes, even under the vain pretext of public utility ; this pretext has, in

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 281
all ages, been the frightful maxim of weak governments alone, which dis
avow all the obligations of religion, honour, and European civilization.
Napoleon attained the summit of human greatness by direct paths, with
out ever having committed an action which morality ought to disavow. In
this respect his elevation is unique in history. David, in order to secure
the throne, put to death the house of Saul, his benefactor ; Csesar kindled
the flames of civil war, and destroyed the government of his country ;
Cromwell caused his master to be executed on the scaffold. Napoleon was
a stranger to all the crimes of the Revolution. At the time in which he com
menced his political career, the throne had crumbled into dust. The amiable
Louis XVI. had perished, and factions were rending the country to pieces. It
was by the conquest of Italy, and by the peace of Campo-Formio, which
ensured the greatness and independence of France, that Napoleon commenc
ed his career ; and when he assumed ihe supreme power in 1800, he
triumphed over anarchy. His throne was raised on the unanimous desires
of the French people.
A dictation of the Emperor seems to me to be necessary to complete the
foregoing reflections.

282 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

CHAPTER XI.
ON STATE-PRISONS.
The aged Queen Caroline of Naples was living in Sicily, overwhelmed
with vexation, and steeped in humiliations. The English had unworthily
sacrificed her to their ambitious views upon Sicily. She was thirsting for
vengeance, and her imagination — degraded by all the blood which she had
caused to be shed, wheri the unskilfulness, of the directory re-opened to her
the gates of Naples— could not be restrained within any bounds, when she
thought she saw a ray of hope.
The marriage of one of her daughters with the Duke of Orleans was made
subservient to the policy of the moment. On the birth of the Duke de
Chartres, she conceived the infernal idea of offering him up as a holocaust,
in order to buy back the crown of Naples. " This child," she wrote to
the Emperor, " will one day become a dangerous rival of your son ; he will
fully represent a principle of conciliation between interests which you have
amalgamated in appearance, but which your death will separate anew.
Restore me to the crown of Naples, and I will at the same time serve your
cause, and satiate my hatred of the English, by new Sicilian Vespers, which
will swallow up a whole race of rivals of your dynasty."
The Emperor was filled with indignation, and caused the bearer of this
execrable message to be conveyed to a state-prison ; there he would have
remained, had not the events of 1814 restored him to liberty.
It was such men who filled the state-prisons of the empire ; and every
thing which has been said of imperial despotism is a calumny.
THE EMPEROR'S REPLY TO AN ENGLISHMAN WHO SPOKE WITH CONTEMPT
OF LOUIS XVIII.
, " You are badly acquainted with the course of events, and are unjust
towards Louis XVIII. Neither he nor any of the princes of his family
were deficient in courage during the events of the Hundred Days. It was
on the first appearance of the Revolution in its early progress that they
proved themselves wanting in courage. Like princes, they should have
shared all the dangers of the Vendeans, in 1815. They did all they could
do — the whole people repudiated them, and merely regarded them as kings
of the emigrants. It was impossible for the Bourbons to have prevented
the popular masses from carrying me off in triumph from Cannes to Paris.
Mark what took place at Lyons : the troops deserted the Count d'Artois ;
remember the case of Ney, at Besancon. At the cry of Vpve VEmpereur,
his soldiers compelled him to recognise the orders sent by me through my
aide-de-camp St. Yon, whilst he was dictating to his staff plans for oppos
ing me. Think of the Duchess of Angouleme, at Bordeaux — she was
heroic in her resolutions, but not a voice responded to her appeal ; and yet
Bordeaux was the very city, which, ten months before, had been the first
to raise the shout of Vive le Roi ! Think of the Duke of Angouleme in

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 283
the South, and the Prince of Conde in La Vendee ; the magic of his name
proved powerless against the impressions left by my reign.- The Vendean
peasants said to him : ' We can do nothing against Napoleon : he has re
built our churches and our houses, he has restored to us our priests, and
we can have no wish for civil war.'
" The Bourbons have proved powerless in stopping the reaction provok
ed by the madness of some incorrigible emigrants, and the antipathy against
them became a complete epidemic, which seized upon all classes of the
nation. Do greater justice to the Bourbons — they are a race of brave men
— cowardice among them is but a rare exception — their fault consisted in
being only the representatives of superannuated interests ; and they were,
consequently, repulsed by all the interests of new France."
" It has been said that the number of priests arrested amounted to five
hundred. The fact is, that there were never more than fifty-three priests in
detention, on account of secret correspondence with Rome, arid they were
legally imprisoned. Cardinal Pieiro, because he was at the head of the
correspondence with the petite eglise, in order to establish vicars apostolic,
which were contrary to the principles of the Gallican church and danger
ous to the safety of the state ; and Cardinal Paeca, because he signed the
bull of excommunication, on account- of which no ill will was exhibited to
wards the Pope, but the whole responsibility of this act was thrown on the
minister who signed it. The intention was, if any person was assassinated
atRome in consequence of this bull, to inflict punishment on the Cardinal.
The bull, however, excited universal contempt, which was an extremely
fortunate circumstance for the Roman cardinals and prelates. D'Astro,
vicar of Paris, kept up a correspondence with Cardinal Pieiro ; he had re
ceived, and clandestinely hawked about bulls unknown and not received in
France, which was contrary to the principles of the Gallican church, and
characterized as a criminal offence by the penal code.
" How was it possible that 500 priests should have been arrested for af
fairs connected with the church, when the whole number of persons, at
that time confined in the eight state-prisons, only amounted to 243 indi
viduals, which was composed — first, of priests who were, imprisoned for
the reasons assigned ahove ; of emigrants, whose names were still retain
ed on the list, for having borne arms against the nation ; of agents of En
gland or foreign powers, who had violated their oaths, and who, if they
h&d been judicially tried, would have been immediately condemned to
death ; a degree of severity which there was no desire to exercise. 2dly,
of Chouan chiefs, or promoters of civil war, condemned to death, but not
executed, because they had given useful information to the government,
and whose knowledge was important, either to identify new Chouans who
might be arrested, or to furnish accounts of localities and past events
which it was desirable thoroughly to understand ; 3rdly, of emigrants, who
had received an amnesty, but were still under the inspection of the police,
for having been engaged in conspiracies against the state and the govern
ment. They, also, if subjected to a judicial trial, would have been con
demned to death, but their trial would have contributed to keep alive the
public feelings with respect to the danger to which FranCe was exposed, of
losing her chief; moreover, some of these plots, such as that of the Ba
ron de la Rochefoucauld and of Vaudricourt, commissioner of war of the
army of Conde, at the same time that they were criminal, were so stupid,
that it was quite sufficient to keep their advisers and abettors in a state

284 HISTORY. OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
prison till the peace ; 4thly, of men ;of a lower class, loaded with crimes
cognizable by the inferior courts, but belonging to still existing associa
tions and societies, whom the jury, though persuaded of their guilt, would
not have dared to condemn, for fear of their accomplices. Their deten
tion was founded upon an order signed hy the judge who had presided at
their examination, and who testified the facts, supported by an order sign
ed by the Prefect and the Council of the Prefecture, and which required
that these persons should not be, set at liberty, but kept in prison as being
dangerous to public tranquillity. Such were the persons who made up the
number of 243, confined in the eight state-prisons of a country containing
40,000,000 of inhabitants, and emerging from the evils of a horrible rev
olution, which had shaken the foundations of the whole social system of
an empire long agitated by civil discord, and continually harassed by fo
reign wars. There is no similar case to be found in the history of nations
— for there is no country in Europe which does not contain a greater num
ber of persons pining in prisons, under the warrant of various authori
ties, and under forms approved*by the laws. These 243 individuals, the
number of whom continually diminished, were detained in eight prisons^
of which Vincennes was one ; each, therefore, one with the other, contain
ed from thirty to forty persons.
" These state prisons were established by virtue of a decree of the coun
cil of state, of the date of the 3rd of May, 1810 : it was a liberal- regula
tion, and a beneficent act of the administration,- but which, from being ill-
understood, gave. rise to the strangest ideas in foreign countries. Sir Fran
cis Burdett, at a meeting in Westminster, accused me of having establish
ed six Bastilles. The decree was couched in the following terms :
*' We, Napoleon, Emperor of the French, King of Italy, protector of
the confederation of the Rhine, mediator of the Swiss confederation, &C,
&c.
" On the report of our minister of general police, considering that there
is a certain number of our subjects detained in state-prisons, whom it
would neither be convenient to bring to trial before the ordinary. tribunals,
nor to set at liberty — that several of them have, at various periods, made
attempts to disturb the public peace — that they would necessarily be- con
demned to death by the public tribunals, but. that superior considerations
prevent their being sent to trial — that others, after, having been conspicu
ous as chiefs of revolutionary bands in the civil wars, have been again
seized in open rebellion, and that motives affecting the general interest, are
equally opposed to their being brought to trial — that, many are either no
torious public robbers, or men addicted to crime, whom our courts have
not been able to condemn, although convinced Of their criminality, but
whose enlargement would be injurious to the interests and safety of the
public; — that a certain number, having been employed as agents of the
police in foreign countries, and failed in their fidelity, can neither be set
at large^ rior brought to trial, without compromising the security of the
state — and finally, that Some belonging to different united countries, are
men who cannot be brought to trial, because their crimes are either polit-
cal or anterior to the union, and that they could not be set at liberty with
out compromising the interests of the state. Considering, however, that
it is due to ou£ justice to be well assured that such of our subjects as are
confined in our prisons of state, are confined for just reasons affecting the
public well-being, and not from any private considerations or personal
causes — that it is proper to establish legal and solemn forms, for the ex-

HISTOEY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 285
amination of each particular case, arid by such examination every year, to
review the decisions of the privy council and the causes of detention, and
to ascertain the propriety of its being prolonged, thus equally providing
for the security of the state and that of its citizens — by the advice of our
privy council, have decreed, and do hereby decree, as follows :^
" CHAP. I.  FORMALITIES TO BE OBSERVER FOR THE DETENTION OF
STATE PRISONERS.
" Art. 1. No person shall be kept in any state-prison, except by virtue
of the decision of the privy council, founded upon a report of- our chief
judge, minister of justice, or our minister of police — such privy council
being constituted according to the act of the 16th Thermidor, year 10,
chap, x., art. 86.
"2. The detention authorized by the privy council, shall in no case be
extended beyond a year, unless authorized by a new decision of the privy
council, in the manner about to be explained. 3. In the month of Decem
ber in each year, the list of all state prisoners shall be laid before us at a
special privy council. 4. The list shall contain the names of all the pri
soners, together with their Christian names, age, residence, profession,
place of imprisonment, its period and causes, together with the date of the
decision of the privy council or councils, by which it has been authorized.
5. The column for observations shall contain an analysis of the reasons
for putting an end to, or prolonging, the detention of each prisoner. 6.
Before the 1st of January in every year, the decision of the privy council
affecting each prisoner, forwarded by the minister of state, and certified by
the minister of justice, shall be sent to the minister of police., and to. the
attorney-general of the court of appeal of the district. 7; The minister
of police shall send to the commandant of every state-prison, a formal
document certified by himself, and containing the decisions of the privy
council concerning each of the prisoners. 8. Each of these decisions
shall be copied in a register kept for that purpose, according to the forms
prescribed by law, and notified to every prisoner.
" CHAP. II,  OF THE INSPECTION OF STATE-PRISONS.
" Art. 9. Each prison shall be inspected at least once in every year,
previous to the report of the privy council, referred . to as above. Such
inspection shall be made by one or more councillors of state, appointed by
us for that purpose, on the recommendation of our minister of justice, arid
shall take place before the 1st of September in each year. 10. Our com
missioners shall visit every part of such prison, in order to be well assu-
red1;hat no one is detained contrary to the prescribed forms, and that the
means of safety, order, cleanliness, and health are carefully maintained.
11. They shall hear the complaints of each prisoner apart, his observa
tions On the change of circumstances which may affect his case, and his
demands either to be brought to trial or set at liberty. 12. They shall set
at liberty all persons detained contrary to the provisions required by chap.
i. 13. They shall make a report of their mission, and give their opinion
on the case of each prisoner. ' 14. These opinions shall all be laid before
the privy council referred to in chap- i., art. 3. 15. Before the 15th of
February in each year, the attorney-general of the imperial court of the
district, by means of one of his deputies or imperial attorneys under his

286 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
orders, shall verify such reports, and see that no persons are detained in
the state prisons within his jurisdiction, in opposition to the forms above
prescribed, and that the registers are regularly kept. A minute of this vi
sit shall be. drawn up, which shall be forwarded to our minister of justice,
and in case of any contravention of this decree, pr of any detention either
illegally enforced or prolonged, the commissioner charged with the duty
of such visitation shall set all such persons at liberty.
" CHAP. III.  OF PERSONS KEPT UNDER SURVEILLANCE.
" Art. 16. The list of all persons under surveillance shall belaid before
us by the minister of police, at the annual special council, referred to in
art. 3. 17. This list shall be drawn up in the form prescribed for prison
ers of state, in art. 4 ; and instead of the decision of the privy council re
quired in the case of state prisoners, the authority by which the surveil
lance has been commanded shall be mentioned. 18. The prolongation or
cessation of the surveillance shall be decided on by the privy council.
" CHAP. IV.  OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF STATE-PRISONS.
" Sect. 1. — Of the Inspection of Prisons.
" Art. 19. The superintendence or administration of every state-prison,
shall be entrusted to an officer of Gendarmerie, who shall have the com
mand of the party appointed for guarding the prison, and shall determine
all such measures of safety or precaution as may be necessary to prevent
escape. 20. There shall be a jailor for the interior superintendence, and
the keeping of the registry. The jailor shall have under his orders a suf
ficient number of keepers. 21. The military commandant shall be selec
ted by us, on the recommendation of our minister of police, to whose of
fice shall exclusively belong every thing relating to the administration of
state-prisons, the maintenance of the buildings, the food, clothing, and
safe keeping of the prisoners. 22. The jailor shall be nominated, and
his nomination revocable at pleasure, by our minister of police. 23. The
commandant, jailor, and keepers, shall be each of them responsible for the
safe keeping of the prisoners, as far as his own department is concerned.
24. If from negligence, or any other cause whatsoever, a prisoner be suf
fered to escape, they shall be deprived of their situations, and prosecuted
as the law requires. . . .
" Sect. 2. — Of the Relations of the Officers.
" 25. The jailor shall be subordinate to the commandant, and receive
his instructions from him. 26. The commandant shall correspond with the
minister of police, and the councillor of state of the arrondissement* 'and
be under the surveillance of the prefect.
" Sect. 3.— Of the Interior Regulation.
" 27. The governor shall keep an exact register of the prisoners ad
mitted and discharged, and copies of the orders by virtue of which they
are kept in confinement. 28. No order for the discharge of a prisoner
can be executed, without a notification to the commandant of the decision
of the privy council, by which such discharge has been ordered. 29.
Any governor or keeper, who shall be found guilty of having favoured the
clandestine correspondence of any prisoner, ordered to be kept au secret,

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 287
shall be deprived of his situation, and punished by six months' imprison
ment. 30. The commandant shall not, under any pretext ttvhatsoever, al
low the prisoners committed to his charge to go out, eitheT with himself,
the governor, or any of the keepers. 31. In case of the sickness of a
prisoner, the commandant shall immediately give notice to the officer of
health, who shall visit and treat the patient. 32. Every prisoner who
shall require the same, shall be entitled to receive the sum of two francs
daily, or the common allowance, in aid of his support. 33. Prisoners
shall retain the disposition of their property, unless otherwise specially or
dered. 34. With this view they shall give, under the surveillance of the
commandant, all the necessary powers and receipts. And whatever sums
they receive shall only be given them in his presence, and under his au
thorization. " Art. 35. There shall be no state-prisons, except in the places hereinaf
ter mentioned. 36. No state-prisoner shall be confined, except tempora
rily or in transition, in any other state-prisons than those appointed by us.
37. State-prisons shall be established in the Castles of Saumur, Ham, If,
Landskrona, Fierre-Chatel, Fenestrelle, Campiano, and Vincen-
nes. 38. Our ministers of justice, war, police, and finance are command
ed, each in his department, to carry this decree into effect ; a copy of which
shall be inserted in the Bulletin des Lots."

" The whole people of France would have been filled with indignation,
had I attempted or wished to re-establish Lettres de Cachet ; the forty ma
gistrates composing the council of state, would not even have entertained
such a proposal ; I should besides have been insane, if, having any de
sign to interfere with the civil liberties of the people, I had commenced, as
I actually did, by proclaiming and causing to be inserted in the Bulletin
des Lois, regulations which were guarantees for individual liberty, and
opposed to all our constitutions, even to that existing before 1789, and
maintained by the parliaments.
" Under the convention, the laws against suspected persons and against
emigration, had given birth to a great number of state-prisons ; there were
more than 2000 of them, containing as many as 60,000 persons ; during
the early part of the reign of the directory, this number was greatly di
minished, and all these prisons successively ceased to exist. The number
of prisoners of state was gradually reduced to 3000 ; they were removed
into the ordinary prisons, and their superintendence was in the hands of
the administration, and especially of the police. The commissioners of
police and the minister were magistrates of the public safety, and had au
thority to cause names to be enrolled in the jailor's books. A special article
of the constitutions of that period conferred this right on the minister of
police or on the administration, in case of any plots or conspiracies against
the well-being of the state. The number of prisoners was augmented in
1799, after the revolution of Prairial, by the execution of the law of the
hostages. There were 9000 prisoners at the time of the 18th Brumaire ;
these were, for the most part, set at liberty, and in the period of the em
pire scarcely 1200 remained belonging to these classes.
" The police was accustomed to exercise the most deplorably arbi-
trary rule. It was consequently found necessary to transfer the surveil
lance of the prisons to the tribunals, to authorize the imperial attorneys

288 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
general to visit and examine them, and to set all-those at liberty, who were
not actually in the hands of justice. The police of the prisons was con
ferred on the tribunals ; the police was no longer allowed to detain per
sons in the common prisons ; the prisoners of state, to whom we have al
ready referred, were placed under the immediate administration of the
police, with power to the imperial attorneys-general to visit and examine
the list even of the state-prisoners, and set all those at liberty who had not
been arrested by virtue of a decree of the privy council, countersigned by
the minister of justice. From that moment, liberty was ensured in France.
Every prisoner could at once address himself to the magistrates ; the mi
nister of police and his agents were despoiled of that frightful power which
enabled them to arrest any man at their discretion, and. to keep him in
their hands without his being thereby, ipso facto, amenable to the law or
under its protection. Thus,- instead of a committal emanating from a mere
commissary of police, a deliberative resolution of the privy council became
necessary, in order to retain a prisoner in the hands of justice. This privy
council, over which I -presided, was composed of five high dignitaries and
of two ministers, besides the ministers of police and justice,, of two sena
tors, two councillors of state, the first president, and the imperial attorney-
general of the court of cassation. In all, there were sixteen persons of
the highest dignity and character in the empire, who were appointed to
decide on cases of personal arrest. Was a better guarantee ever given to
the citizens of any country 1 This decree declared, that no prisoner of
slate could be kept in confinement beyond the term of a year, and that at
the termination of the year he was to be set at liberty, if the privy council
did not prolong the term of his' captivity by a new resolution. For this
purpose, the prisons were visited each year by two councillors of state ;
their reports,. recommending charge.or discharge, were carefully examined,
and measures, in accordance with the opinion of the minister of justice,
adopted by the privy council. The privy council delivered their votes,
commencing with that of the president of the supreme court of cassation.
" This decree, then, was a real benefit— a liberal law^adiapason to esta
blish the harmony of society, by means of which nothing arbitrary was left
in the hands either of the magistracy, the administration, or the police, and
a complete guarantee was given to the citizens. There was no councillor of
state, appointed, as an inspector of prisons, who did not regard it as an ho
nour to be instrumental in releasing as many persons as possible. AH
those who were present at meetings of the privy council, can attest that
these councillors always acted as if they had been the advocates of the
prisoners. The prisons would have disappeared with the circumstances to
which they owed their origin, with that race of brigands which had been
called into existence by the civil wars. The intriguing priests of the petite
eglise — the men who were exasperated by the revolution, by the losses
which they had suffered, and their prejudices, were continually engaged in
devising assassinations or weaving plots for the overthrow of the state.
There were 200,000 individuals in France who had emigrated, or been
transported,- or figured in the civil wars, to whom I had restored their
country and their property, but under the condition of their being subjected
to special surveillance. It was from this class of men that the state-pri
soners were drawn ; and the right of surveillance was legalized conform
ably to the liberal spirit of justice, by which all the acts of the council
were animated.
" Wheneverthe fourth part of the privy council were of opinion that a

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 289
prisoner might be set at liberty, he was immediately discharged. Prison
ers thus arrested, independently of the right of recourse to the privy coun
cil, andto the council of state, had also a constitutional guarantee in the
committee of the senate for th'e protection of individual liberty ; none of
them neglected to apply to the committee ; the committee deliberated, and
asked for explanations from the minister of police. This body was the
means of setting many at liberty ; it was necessary to pay attention to its
demands, because, when its members had once given their opinion, if the
administration failed to listen to it, they immediatel/ made a report to the
senate. Although this committee for the. protection of individual liberty
never made much noise, never delivered long harangues, nor exhibited any
desire to draw public attention to itself, yet it was of the greatest utility.
Had the state prisons, like a Bastile, contained citizens who were merely
the victims of the intrigues or dissatisfaction of the prince, this, interven
tion alone would have been sufficient to put an end to the abuse. It is
equally erroneous to suppose that the legislative body had no share in fhe
formation of the laws ; the legislative committees discussed the substance
of them with the Councillors of state, and formed projects of new laws ;
their influence was not tumultuous, but it was not the less. real.
"An event which occurred at Dantzig caused me to reflect upon the
decree respecting state-prisons. An old man had been confined for fifty
years in the castle of Weichselmuride, and .had lost his memory ; it was
no. longer possible either to know who he was, or the reasons for which he
had been imprisoned.
" I was anxious for the strict execution of the law; which prescribed,
that in all ordinary cases, persons should be placed before a magistrate
within twenty-four hours after their arrest ; that in extraordinary cases,
according to the nature of the circumstances, t there should be no greater
exception to this rule than the space of a year; and that in all such Cases,
the sentence of detention should be pronounced by a privy council of six
teen persons, and on the report of the minister of justice. This, regulation
may have excited foolish complaints. In public societies, people talk idly,
without any knowledge of the question. The title, perhaps, was not well
chosen ; and it would have been better to have called these houses, prisons
for the confinement of persons subjected to general surveillance.
" No people ever enjoyed a larger share of civil liberty than those of
France under my reign; there is no state in Europe which has not had a
greater number of individuals arrested and cast into prison under various
titles or forms, or who are not actually engaged in suits pending before
- the tribunals. A country in which the insolence and injustice of the press
upon its quays and public places, is authorized by law, ought not to boast
of enjoying true civil liberty. Such Hberty does not exist for the common
people in England, however real it may be in the case pf the higher classes.
If the criminal legislatipn of England be compared with that of France,
who can doubt the superiority of the latter, and the comparative abusesand
imperfections of the former? As to the criminal legislation of Austria,
Russia, Prussia, and the other states of Europe, suffice it to say, that there
is. neither publicity nor confrontation of witnesses. My laws, are highly
esteemed by the Italians, and there is no country into which they have been
introduced, whose inhabitants have not petitioned for their continuance as a
favour.. " Misfortune brings with it good as well as evil ; it makes us acquainted
19'

290 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
with the truth. It reduces convictions to errors, and transforms conse
quences into the condition of fantastic dreams. Now that my head no
longer bears the heavy burtheri of a crown, I can reflect, like a philoso
pher, on the times in which my faults were the work of Providence ; I re
cognise the influence of chance in the destiriies of man, and in those events
which are decisive of the fate of empires. The favours which I bestowed
were most frequently merely happy accidents for those on whom they were
bestowed. And yet, what king is there who can say more conscientiously
than myself, that he has been anxious to disregard all intrigue, and to ren-
der justice to his subjects? Intrigue, however, is so skilful, and merit so
awkward and timid, extremes so nearly meet, and the atmosphere of courts
is so murky, that do what one will, it is impossible always to proceed on
the true course. A good choice is a mere lottery in the case of a sove
reign, and intrigue is constantly at work to undermine the path under the
feet of merit. Any errors which I may have committed in the bestowal
of favours, have not, in fact, been voluntary, but the results of a vice in
herent in the very existence of royalty, and of governments of every de
scription, by whatever name they are called.
" When I began to form a court, I sought among the high officers of the
army for names which, by their reCent and glorious celebrity, might wor
thily replace those which were the most illustrious of the ancient. court.
Some old names presented themselves to me; the Duchess of Montmoren
cy, the Countess of Remusat, the Count of Beam, and Count Segur, who
had formerly been ambassador at Petersburg ; it was, however, absolutely
necessary to engraft these names upon names in the army, and which were
connected with the revolution, in order to avoid provoking discontent and
want of confidence among the people. I was also desirous of having done
with the reasoners in the army of the Rhine, by rallying around my per
son the most brilliant amongst them. CaulaincPurt had long served under
Moreau, and he was entrusted with the task of sounding the feelings of his
old comrades. Col. Preval, formerly an adjutant-general, and a very dis
tinguished officer, was one of those whom I was desirous, of having about
my person. He belonged to a military family, and his fitness and abilities
recommended him to my attention above all others; I was told that he re
jected the proposition with contempt. I was not astonished, for such, in
fact, was the feeling by which all the faithful friends of Moreau were at
that time influenced. Well, nothing could be more untrue !
" Ten years afterwards, General Preval, whose personal qualities were
so worthy of admiration, was brought into immediate relation with me, and
I found that he had never refused, but would have been delighted to have
become a member of my household. It is a subject of regret both for him
and for me, that he was prevented from becoming what I desired. He is
an officer of great merit, and had he not been kept at a distance from me,
1 should certainly have made him minister of war ; but I should have had
to begin by conferring upon him dignity and rank. Under my reign, it
was not so easy to find a suitable minister. No man in France understood
the organization and mechanism of armies as well as General Preval. His
military conduct at Frankfort was something perfect in policy, and on that
occasion, he furnished me with the standard of what might be expected from
a general who was as intelligent as he was brave. But I am looking for
examples of the effect of intrigues. Have I not, by such means, been de
prived, in the course of years, of the services of Macdonald, Dalmas, Le-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 291
courbe, Carnot, and Dessoles ? With respect to the last, however, I have
nothing to regret, since his treason in 1814. In short, let it be proved to
me, that any sovereign has shown himself more anxious than myself to do
justice, or has better understood how to identify himself with the interests
of his people, and then I shall repent of not having done more. I am,
however, conscious that whilst on the throne, I constantly made it my first
thought and desire to realize my motto : ' Everything for the French peo
ple:"

292 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

CHAPTER XII.

BRIEF VIEW OF THE CONSULAR PERIOD.

"The 1st of January, 1804, completes the magnificent picture of the
progress of the prosperity of France during the consular government.
" The legislative body, through the medium of their president, sent me
the following address :
" ' The representatives of France offer you their thanks, in the pame of
the French people, for all the useful works planned and executed in France,
and for the improvements in agriculture and industry, which the war has
not interrupted.
" ' The custom of entertaining great ideas sometimes causes superior
minds to neglect the details of administration. Posterity cannot reproach
you with this fault. The idea, and the practical carrying out of it, have
always been co-existent during your government.
" ' Everything is improving ; hatred is being extinguished, opposition is
giving way, and under the victorious influence of a spirit which bends all
to its will, the circumstances, the systems, and even the men who appear
most opposed to one another, approach and unite, and together serve to
promote the glory of their common country.
" ' Former customs and present customs are beginning to agree ; every
thing is preserved which should maintain the equality of civil and political
rights ; everything is resumed which may tend to increase the splendour
and the dignity of a great empire. All these advantages have been brought
about in four years. Those rays of our national glory, the brightness of
which had been diminishing for five years, have regained all their splen
dour under your government.'
" It has always been considered possible to have effected a landing in
England, and when this landing was once effected, the question was re
duced merely to a second battle of Austerlitz or of Jena. Did Hannibal
look behind him when he crossed the Alps ? Did Csesar, when he landed
in Epirus, look back ? London is only a few days' march from the coast
of the channel ; the army and the militia of England were extended over a
very wide space ; as for the coast-guards, it would have been impossible
for them to have united at the point of disembarkation, or to reach London
quickly enough to protect it. The place chosen for the landing was only
known to myself. I concealed it from those most in my confidence ; none
of the generals of the army knew it ; nothing could give any idea of where
it would be. It might be Hastirigs, Torbay, or some point at,the mouth of
the Thames. It was quite necessary, therefore, to guard an extent of coast
more than thirty leagues lohg, and four days would' be necessary to collect
forces for that purpose ; whilst, in two, or three at the most, the French
army, once disembarked, might have arrived in London with a van-guard
of 50,000 men.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 293
" The flotillas were only to be the means of disembarking from 160 to
200,000 men, in the space of a few hours, and of taking possession of all
the maritime places. They were to cross over, under the protection of a
numerous squadron, assembled at Martinique, and coming with all speed
to Boulogne ; and if this fleet should miss its object one year, it might suc
ceed another time. Fifty, sixty, eighty, or a hundred sail of the line, could
sail from Toulon, from Brest, from Rochefort, L'Orient, Cadiz, and unite
at some common rendezvous; this fleet would then appear in the English
Channel like a dreadful tempest, whilst the English squadrons were en
gaged in scouring the seas for the protection of the East and West Indies.
Had not the squadron of Toulon, although encumbered by 500 transport
vessels, been able to gain Egypt, in spite of the English squadron under
Lord Nelson ? At Paris, in the Faubourg St. Germain, every one laughed
at the project of a landing ; Pitt, however, did not laugh at it in London.
He seems to have conceived almost all the extent of the danger. He there
fore managed to clog France with a coalition; at the very moment when
she was about to execute her purpose : the English oligarchy was never in
greater danger.
" I should not have entered London as a conqueror, but as a liberator ; I
should have acted over again the part of William III., but with more gene
rosity and disinterestedness. The discipline of my army would have been
as strict in London as it was in Paris. No sacrifices,- no contributions even,
would have been exacted from the English. My troops would not have be
haved ¦ like conquerors, but like brothers, who had come to restore them to
liberty and to their rights. I should have told them to assemble, and
themselves to work at their regeneration ; I should have told them that they
were our elder brothers in matters of constitution and of political legisla
tion ; that we only wished to take a part in the work of Iheir regeneration ;
and I should have kept my word faithfully and strictly. Thus, only a few
months would have elapsed, before the two nations, so bitterly opposed to
each pther, would have become completely identified in their principles,
their maxims, and their interests ; and I should only leave England in order
to complete, from north to south, the work of European regeneration under
monarchical forms. This system might have been as liberal as the repub
lican system. Both aimed at the same object. Never was a more vast
idea conceived in the interest of the progress of civilization, nor brought
nearer to realization ; it- might have been executed with firmness, modera
tion, and good faith. And it is worthy of remark, that of the obstacles
which caused it to fail, none took their origin from men : they were all
caused by the elements. In the south, it was the sea ; in the north, the
burning of Moscow and the frost ; thus, the water, the air, the fire — all na
ture, and nothing but nature was the opponent of a regeneration command-
ed by nature itself! The problems of Providence are not to be solved.
" If, by events difficult to comprehend, the French army had been obliged
to stop at the Medway, it would have done, in all the ports of the Thames
and in the roadstead of Portsmouth, what the English did at Toulon ; the
arsenals of Portsmouth and Chatham would have been left in ruins, and for
at least twenty years, the maritime power of England would have given no
annoyance to France."

294 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

CHAPTER XIII.

GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS ON THE POLICY OF FOREIGN GOVERNMENTS, AND
ESPECIALLY OF THOSE OF ENGLAND AND AUSTRIA.
The incessant quarrels with Sir Hudson Lowe, and perhaps also his
conversation with Lord Amherst, had led the Emperor's mind to reflect on
his gigantic struggle with England, and the constant efforts which he had
used to induce the English ministers to see that it was the interest of both
nations to come to a good understanding with one another. During the
whole day, the Emperor appeared to be labouring under a sort of moral and
physical depression. He had scarcely quitted his sofa or the fire-side, for
a moment, and his valet-de-chambre had remarked that he had only taken
a little soup and the wing of a chicken for his dinner. Towards midnight
he caused me to be sent for, and asked me, with a smile, if I was in a hu
mour to spend the remainder of the night with him. He then led me into
the drawing-room, and giving free course to the impulse of his mind, he
dictated to me the following note, as materials for that chapter of his me
moirs which might treat of his negotiations with England :
" When deplorable weakness and endless versatility manifest themselves
in all the acts of power ; when yielding, sometimes to the influence of one
party, and sometimes to that of another, and living from day to day with
out any fixed plan, or any definite object in view, its possessors have exhibi
ted the clearest evidence of their incapacity, and the most moderate citizens
are compelled to agree that the state is not governed ; when, finally, to the
incapacity of the administration at home, it is guilty of the greatest error
which it is possible to commit in the eyes of a proud nation — viz., degra
dation in the opinion of foreign nations — then a vague restlessness begins
to pervade the whole mass of society. It is deeply agitated by the fear of
the loss of national reputation and honour ; and turning its eyes upon it
self, it appears to seek for a man capable of effecting its deliverance.
"Such a tutelary genius' is always to be found within the bosom of a
populous nation, but sometimes he is slow to appear, and, in fact, it is not
enough that he exists, he must be known by others, and know himself, too.
Till this happens, all attempts are vain, all intrigues powerless ; the inac
tion of the multitude protects the nominal government, and, in despite of
its incapacity or even its treasonable betrayal of the national interests, the
efforts of its enemies do not prevail against it. But no sooner does this
deliverer, so impatiently expected, appear, and give symptoms of his ex
istence, than the national instinct divines it, and calls him to his post : ob
stacles disappear before him, and the whole of a great people unite, with
one accord, and seem to say — ' This is the man !'
" Such was the state of the public mind in France, when the nation con
fided its destiny to my hands.
" Peace, without having been gained in the field of battle would have

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 295
ruined the republic. War was absolutely necessary to maintain energy
and unity in the state, as long as its administrative machinery did not work
perfectly. Peace would have brought, in its train, a reduction of taxation
and a discharge of a part of the army. Many men had been under arms
since the levy en masse, in 1792, and were only raised for the defence of
the country. To have detained them in service, when the republic was at
peace with the Continent would have been to abuse their patriotism, and
provoke dissatisfaction and discontent amongst a great number of families,
and, under all circumstances, it would have been necessary to give them
their discharge. The consequence would have been that France, after
two years of peace would have found herself in a notorious and dangerous
inferiority in the presence of the Whole of monarchial Europe, which- as
necessarily would have continued to be allied against her republican insti
tutions. " I owed it, however, to public opinion to open negotiations for peace ;
and the majority of the nation wished ardently for it, and circumstances
appeared favourable to its conclusion.
" The cabinet at Berlin had just given evidence of a very pacific dispo
sition. Count Haugwitz, the first minister, had said to the minister of
France — ' The revolution with you has been accomplished from below up
wards, and by a succession of the most frightful storms ; it will proceed
more slowly among us, but will come, sooner or later, and from above
downwards. The king is a democrat, after his fashion. He is an enemy
to the privileges of the nobility, and has been born in the school of philo
sophers ; and in a few years, the law will be in Prussia what it has be
come, by means of the revolution of France, equal for all. Have patience,
then, and, believe me, we shall be your allies by the force of events, and
that will be the day on which your government shall offer us guarantees of
stability.' At the same time, however, a Prussian corps de armee was
assembling on the Lower Rhine, and threatening the department of the
Roer. " Duroc was sent to Berlin ; the king and the queen showed him the
most marked attention, and gave him various proofs of their regard. The
Prussian troops quitted the banks of the Rhine, and returned to their usual
quarters, but the cabinet still remained in an expecting attitude.
"After the 26th of December, 1799, the First Consul wrote to King
George. This unusual step produced very different effects in England.
The aristocracy merely regarded it as a violation of royal etiquette ; the
people, weary of the sacrifices which the war imposed upon them, were
displeased with the insulting reply of Lord Grenville. This minister wrote
to Monsieur de Talleyrand, that peace was impossible as long as France
was governed by a system subversive of all social order, and as long as
the house of Bourbon was not restored to the throne — an event which would
restore her colonies to France, as well as the friendship of all Europe.
This arrogant minister allowed his passion to impel him so far as to say to
parliament, ' To cease from fighting against a nation which is an enemy to
all worship, all morality, and all government, is not to labour for the com
mon good, but it is rather to grow weary of resisting evil. It is necessa
ry, then, to carry on the war with vigour against a nation which is desirous
of subjecting the world to its ravages. I declare, in the presence of Eu
rope and of England, that I would prefer war and all its horrors, as long
as France shall persist, as she has hitherto done, in the maintenance of
those opinions and principles which have led to and effected the revolution :

296 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
they were Jacobins, and\they are so still. France proclaims *var against
kings; she regards nothing as sacred', and is faithless to her treaties.' The
courageous efforts of the Whigs were unavailing to defend the First Consul
from the furious assaults of the Tories, and to prove to them that to refuse
peace was, in fact, to deny the history of their country, and to. fight in or
der to trammel the progress of civilization. The cabinet of Vienna was in
the,pay of England, and its refusal to treat on the basis pf the treaty of
Campo-Formio served the policy of Napoleon. The battle of Marengo re
placed France in the position, without which no treaty of peace could have
any permanence.
" Italy being lost — Vienna menaced— Austria asked for peace. Lieut.-
GenPral Count St. Julien arrived at Paris on the 21st of July, 1800, as the
bearer of a letter from the Emperor of Germany to the First Consul. He
announced himself as a plenipotentiary, commissioned to negotiate, con
clude, and sign the preliminaries of a peace. The Emperor's letter was
precise, and contained full powers : ' You may place,' observes the writer,
' full confidence in everything which Count St. Julien may say on my be-
halfj and I will ratify all that he may do.' I commissioned Monsieur de
Talleyrand to negotiate with this plenipotentiary, and in a few days the
preliminaries were arranged. I asked nothing vvhich had not been already
decided upon by the treaty of Campo-Formio, for I agreed to the Empe
ror's receiving indemnities in Italy for his losses in Germany. I only re
quired that the two armies should remain in their respective positions till a
definite peace was signed.
" The Emperor's . letter could leave 'no room to doubt respecting Ihe
ratification of the preliminaries. It, however, proved otherwise ; the cabi
net of Vienna disavowed Count St. Julien. Baron Thugut wrote that the
Emperor, his master, was bound to England by treaties of peace, which
rendered it impossible for him to ratify the treaty, but that he was, never
theless, disposed to open new negotiations ; and he communicated the con
tents of a letter, in which Lord Minto explained the grounds on which the'
English ministry was equally well disposed to concur in promoting a gene
ral peace.
" The changes thus effected in a few months were very gratifying to the
self-love of France. Not long before, France had made the first efforts to
obtain a peace, to which Lord Grenville replied by torrents of abuse. Suf
fering himself to indulge in the most extraordinary insinuations, he had ex
pressed his desire that the princes of that race of kings should be restored
to the throne of France, without which peace was impossible ; and now it
was the same Lord Grenville who asked to treat with the First Consul, and
even to buy the opening of a negotiation at the price of a naval armistice,
which was wholly to the advantage of France.
" The best thing which the republic could have done would have been to
recommence hostilities. I was anxious, however, to overlook no opportu
nity of re-establishing peace with England, and for the attainment of that
object I suppressed the resentment which I felt in consequence of the insult
offered to the French republic by the cabinet of Vienna, and made no al
lusion to it in' my reply. My minister of foreign affairs wrote to Baron
Thugut, that the First Consul was ready to accept the proposal for a dou
ble negotiation and the admission of an English plenipotentiary, to the con
ferences at Luneville, on condition of an armistice by sea as well as by
land ; and that hostilities should recommence by land, if England refused
to acquiesce in a naval armistice.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 297
" At the same time a courier was sent to Monsieur Ofto, who was then in
London, acting as French commissioner for an exchange of prisoners. I
directed him to write, that my wish was that my ships and neutral vessels
should be allowed to convey succours and provisions to Malta and Alexan
dria, in the same manner as the fortresses of Ulm and Ingolstadt were to
be provisioned and reinforced by the Austrians. On the 24th of August,
M. Otto addressed a note to Lord Grenville, in which he informed him of
the contents of the communication made by Lord Minto, the English ^am
bassador in Vienna, in which he signified the desire of the English govern
ment to take part in the negotiations which were about to be opened between
Austria and France for the re-establishment of peace, and stated that the
First Consul Was willing to admit an English plenipotentiary to the nego
tiations, but that in this case the conclusion of a peace would become more
difficult, the interests to be discussed more numerous and complicated, and
the negotiations prolonged, so as to be injurious to the cause of the French
republic, unless some compensation were given for the prolongation of the
armistices of Marengo and Sarsdorff, by a naval armistice with England.
" Lord Minto's despatches had not arrived in London.
" Lord Grenville was astonished at the receipt of this note, and sent to
request M. Otto to communicate to him the whole of the letter of which he
had sent a part ; the latter immediately complied. In the meantime, Lord
Minto's courier arrived in London, and Lord Grenville said .to M. Otto,
that the idea of a naval armistice was something new in the history of na
tions — that, nevertheless, the British ministry acceded to the principle, and
would send Mr. Thomas Grenville as plenipotentiary to the place appoint
ed for the opening of the negotiations. For this purpose, he requested M.
Otto to furnish him with the necessary passports to enable him to enter
France and reach his destination.
" This was evidently a mere elusion of the question, in order to gain time
and to enable Austria to repair her losses before the resumption of hostili
ties. It was now the end of August, and M. Otto requested a categorical
reply before the 3rd of September, because the armistice with Austria ex
pired on the 10th of that month.
" Onthe-4th of September Lord Grenville confined himself to asking
for a written plan, as he was at a loss precisely to comprehend what France
intended by an armistice applicable to naval operations.
" M. Ofto immediately forwarded his plan, the principal features of which
were : 1st, that the ships of war, and the trading vessels of both nations,
should erijoy free navigation without being subjected to search or visita
tion ; 2ndly, that the squadrons blockading Toulon, Brest, Rochefort, and
Cadiz, should return to English ports ; and 3rdly, that Malta, Alexandria,
and Belleisle should be placed on the same footing as the fortresses of Ulm,
Philippsburg, and Ingoldstadt ; and consequently, that all French and neu
tral ships should have free access to these ports.
"On the 7th of September, Lord Grenville replied, that his Britannic
Majesty admitted the principle of a naval armistice ; although contrary to
the interests of England, it was a sacrifice which she was willing to make
in favour of peace, and of her ally, Austria ; but that none of the articles
of the French scheme were admissible ; and he offered to negotiate the fol
lowing counter-scheme as a basis :
" ' 1st. Hostilities shall cease by sea ; 2ndly, supplies shall be granted
to Malta, Alexandria, and Belleisle for a fortnight at a time, according to
the number of men which the garrisons respectively contain ; Srdly, the

298 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
blockade of the harbours of Brest, Toulon, and other harbours belonging
to France or her allies shall be raised; but no vessel of war which shall
be in any of the said harbours shall go to sea during the continuance of
the armistice, and the English squadrons shall remain in sight of these
ports.' "jOn the 16th of September, the French commissioner replied that his
gpvernment proposed to his Britannic Majesty, that the negotiations should
be opened at Luneville, that the English and Austrian plenipotentiaries
should be admitted to a joint negotiation, and that, in the meantime, the war
should continue by sea and land, or that there should be an armistice with
Austria alone, and a negotiation with Austria alone ; and that, in the lat
ter case, negotiations could be carried on between France and England,
either in Paris or London, without any interruption of the naval war.
" The prolongation of the armistice by land would give Austria time to
re-organize her armies, seriously injured at Marengo and Maestricht,
would efface the impressions produced upon the minds of the Austrian sol
diers by those two great victories, and enable the King of Naples to put
himself in a condition to interfere in the affairs of Italy ; levies en masse
were already in the course of organization in the Apennines, and the
March of Ancona.
" A suspension of hostilities had only been conceded to Austria, on her
formal, promise of concluding a peace without delay, and by means of ne
gotiations independent of her treaties with England. The First Consul,
therefore, felt himself perfectly authorized to resume the offensive, both on
the Rhine and in Italy, on the 10th of September; General Moreau did
not, however, put his advanced guard in motion till the 19th, and he stop
ped almost immediately, on the request of the Austrian general, and the
offer made to him, by the court of Vienna, of placing the fortresses of Ulm,
Ingolstadt, and Philippsburg, in his hands as a pledge of the sincerity of its
desire for peace.
" The First Consul acceded to this proposal, and a prolongation of the
armistice for forty days was granted, reckoning from the 30th of Septem
ber. At the same time he consented to modify his first proposition res
pecting England, and on the 20th of September, M. Otto wrote to Lord
Grenville, that 1st, the French government agreed that the French or al
lied squadrons should not leave their positions during the continuance of
the naval armistice ; 2ndly, that only such communications with Malta
should be authorized, as were necessary to convey supplies every fifteen
days, at the rate of 10,000 rations per diem ; but that Alexandria not be
ing invested by land, and having an abundant supply of provisions, it re-
quired that six French frigates sailing from Toulon should be allowed free
ingress and egress to and from Alexandria, without being disturbed by the
English fleet, on the single condition of having on board an English offi
cer with a flag of truce.
" The only advantages which the republic could have obtained from a
suspension of hostilities by sea, were, that these six frigates armed en
flute, would have been able to convey from 3 to 4000 men as reinforce
ments to Egypt, as well as such materials of war for the artillery, as it
might stand in need of; As soon as the principle of negotiation was ad
mitted, Lord Grenville authorized M. Amman, his under-secretary of state,
to confer with M. Otto, with a view of coming to an understanding. At
their first interview, the under secretary proposed to M. Otto, the evacua
tion of Egypt by the French army, as a consequence of the convention of

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 299
El' Arish, concluded on the 24th of January preceding, 'but broken on the
18th of May following, in consequence of England not having agreed to
its ratification. Such a proposition could not for a moment be entertained
— M. Amman perceived the difficulty, and relinquished the point. A few
conferences sufficed to bring the parties to a perfect understanding on all
the points, except that of sending six frigates to Alexandria. It was found
impossible to come to any agreement on a point which so nearly concerned
England and her views upon Egypt, and on the 9th of October, the Engr
lish commissioner declared the negotiations at an end.
"These events led to serious complications ; Malta capitulated towards
the beginning of September, and, on the other side, a general rising was
organized in the Apennines, ready to break out on the arrival of 10,000
English under General Abercrombie, and of a Neapolitan division which
was to pass the frontiers of the kingdom, as soon as they were certain of
the landing of the English corps.
" In a state of things so dangerous to France, it became necessary to
conclude a peace at any cost.
" The opportunity appeared so much the more favourable, as a change
of ministry had just taken place in Vienna. Baron Thugut was replaced
by Count Cobentzel, the negotiator of the peace of Campo-Formio, who
regarded it as an honour to be called a man of peace. His first act was to
announce in Paris, that Count Lerbache was about to set out for Luneville
without delay. Shortly after he himself set out for Paris ; his secret pur
pose was to gain time.
" The First Consul gave him a most distinguished reception, but on the
next day the veil was torn off. On being requested by the minister of fo
reign affairs to show his credentials, he hesitated, and alleged that the eti
quette required the respective parties to make a regular exchange of pow
ers at Luneville. The First Consul had appointed his brother Joseph, as
his plenipotentiary at this congress, whom he now ordered to set out forth
with for Luneville, and requested Count Cobentzel to proceed thither with
out delay. The minutes of the proceedings were opened on the 6th of
November, and an exchange of powers took place, but, at the first sitting,
the Austrian plenipotentiary declared that he could not treat without the
concurrence of an English plenipotentiary, and as an English plenipoten
tiary could not be admitted without the consent of England to the last con
ditions proposed by France, in the question of naval armistices^uch a de
claration was equivalent to a rupture. On the 17th of November, hostili
ties recommenced on the Rhine, and in Italy ; but as the minutes were
still open, the French plenipotentiaries at Luneville were ordered to pro
pose to Count Cobentzel to sign a separate peace with the Emperor, which
in case of need might be kept secret, till negotiations were definitely bro
ken off with England. This peace was to embrace the following condi
tions : —
" ' The Mincio as the boundary between the Cisalpine republic and the
Austrian states in Italy ; the duchy of Tuscany for the Infant Duke of
Parma ; the legations for the Archduke Ferdinand ; the restitution of Pied
mont to the King of Sardinia, with the Sezio for its boundary on the side of
the Cisalpine republic ; the Alps and the Rhine as the frontiers of France.
On these conditions hostilities were again to cease.'
" Austria refused. It was not until the French head-quarters were es
tablished at St. Piotten, and the advanced guard within four leagues of
Vienna, that she determined to renounce her alliance with England. On

300 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
the 19th of February, 1802, she signed the peace of Luneville, which was
ratified by the Emperor in, Vienna on the 7th of March following.
" A very grave question was at this time agitated — the right of search.
" In the month of December, 1800, a mutual engagement was entered
into by Sweden, Denmark, Russia and Prussia, to lend assistance each to
the others against the pretensions of the English admiralty, which arro
gated to itself the right of visiting and searching all vessels sailing un-
der a neutral flag.
" This treaty was called the quadruple alliance, laid down, and was for
med to support the following principles :
" ' 1st. The flag covers the merchandise.
" ' 2ndly., All vessels under convoy of the ships of a neutral state, are
ipso facto, free from visit or search.
" ' Sdly. Munitions of war alone are contraband, and subject to sei
zure. " ' 4thly. The right of search is not to be employed, except in cases
where munitions of war are on board.
" ' 5thly. Neutrality is established in all cases in which the captain
and the half of the crew are natives of the country under whose flag
the ship sails.
" ' 6thly. Ships of war belonging to the contracting powers, shall be con
sidered entitled to convoy merchant vessels not only of their own,, but of
each of the four powers reciprocally.
" ' 7thly. A Russian, Danish, and Swedish squadron shall be continu
ally at sea, to protect the commerce of the contracting nations, and to
cause the principles laid down in this treaty to be respected.'
" This question had led to a complete division between the cabinets of
France and England, and involved the necessity of war between these two
great'rivals for the supremacy of the sea. The treaty of Amiens had de
cided nothing on this point ; the First Consul was desirous of peace, and
his plenipotentiaries had orders not to embarrass or entangle the negotia
tion by the discussion of questions whose solution was not indispensable
to the interests of the moment.
" During the ages of barbarism, the right of nations was the same by
sea and land. Individuals belonging to hostile nations were seized and
made prisoners, whether they were taken with arms in their hands or not,
and were kept in bondage till an adequate ransom was paid. Their pro
perty in money and goods was confiscated in whole or in part. The in
fluence of civilization, however, had effected a complete change in this
respect among nations at war by land, without halving produced the same
effect in cases of vessels at sea ; so that matters are regulated by two dif
ferent rights, as if there were two kinds of reason and justice. The right
of nations in war by land no longer justifies the spoliation of individuals,
nor any change in their personal condition. War only applies to govern
ments ; thus property does not always change hands ; stores of merchan
dise remain intact ; personal liberty is guaranteed. Those alone are con
sidered as prisoners of war, who are taken with arms in their hands, or
who form a part of the military force. This change has effected a vast
amelioration of the evils of war, rendered the conquest of nations more
easy, and war less bloody and disastrous^
" A conquered province takes an oath of submission and obedience,
and, if the conqueror requires it, gives hostages, surrenders its arms,
and pays the usual taxes to the credit of the conqueror, who, if he

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

301

deems it necessary, has and exercises the right of imposing an extraordi
nary levy, either for the support of his army, or as an , indemnity for the
expenses of the war. This contribution, however, has no regard to the
value of merchandise ; it is only a pro rata increase of the ordinary
contributions to a greater or less extent, nearly equal to a year's revenue,
and is imposed upon the whole body of the people, so that it never in
volves the ruin of individuals.
" The right of nations which regulates maritime war has still continued
to remain the same as it was in ages of barbarism. The property of indi
viduals is confiscated, and persons not engaged in actual hostilities are made
prisoners. When two nations are at war, all vessels belonging to - either
one or the other; whether at sea or in port, are liable to be seized and con
fiscated, and the individuals on board to be made prisoners of war. , Thus,
by a manifest contradiction (supposing France and England to be at war)
an English ship which should be found in the port of Nantes,' for example,
at the moment at which the war was declared, would be Confiscated, and
the crew made prisoners of war, although not engaged in hostilities ; whilst
goods in the same city, belonging to an English merchant would not be se
questrated or confiscated, and the merchant himself travelling in france
would receive the necessary passports to enable him to leave Ihe country.
An English Vessel at sea, captured by a French ship, would be confiscated,
although the cargo belonged to- private individuals, and the crew would be
made prisoners of war although not taken in arms, whilst a convoy of a
hundred wagons of merchandise belonging to an Englishman, and tra
versing France at the time of a declaration of war between the two powers,
would not be seized.
" In a war by land, even territorial properties possessed by foreign sub
jects are not confiscated ; they are, at most, placed under sequestration.
The laws therefore which regulate war by land are much more conforma
ble to the spirit of civilization, and individual safety and well-being, than
those which prevail in naval affairs, and it is greatly to be desired that a
time may come, when the same liberal ideas shall be extended to naval
wars, and that the great belligerent powers may carry on warlike opera
tions against each other, without the confiscation of merchant ships, or
treating their crews as legitimate prisoners of war; and commerce would
then be carried on, at sea, between the belligerent parties, in the same way
as it is carried on by land, in the midst of the battles fought by their ar
mies. " According to common rights, the sea is the domain of all nations ; it
extends over three-fourths of the globe, and forms a medium of intercourse
among the different inhabitants of the earth. A ship laden with merchan
dize, and at sea, is still subject to the civil and criminal laws of the coun-
try under whose flag she sails ; she may, perhaps, be considered as a float
ing colony, inasmuch as all nations are equal sovereigns upon the sea. , If
merchant vessels belonging to belligerent powers were allowed to navigate
the ocean freely, much less would there be any reason for exercising any
right of search in case of neutrals ; but as it has become a principal that
merchant vessels belonging to the states of belligerent powers areiiable to
capture and Confiscation, the result necessarily is, that all ships of war
should have the right of satisfying themselves with respect to thegenuine-
ness of the flags of neutral ships with which they fall in at sea, for if, in
any case, sjje.proved to be an enemy's vessel; she would be liable to. seizure,
hence the right of search, recognised by all the great powers of Europe in

302 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.'
various treaties ; hence vessels of war have a right to send out their boats,
and order an officer to gp on board neutral vessels, to require the captain
to produce his ship's papers, and thus to assure themselves of the country
to which the ship belongs. The exercise of this right is recognized by all
treaties, but at the same time, the greatest delicacy is expected and enjoined
in the manner of its exercise ; it is usual for the armed ships to remain be
yond the range of cannon-shot, and for only two or three persons to go on
board the vessel visited, in order that all appearance of force or violence
may be avoided.
" The principle has been recognized, that a vessel belongs to the nation
under whose flag she sails, when she is furnished with proper papers, and
the captain,and one-half of the crew are citizens of the nation to which the
vessel claims to belong. . All civilized powers have agreed, in forbidding
their neutral subjects to carry on a contraband trade with powers which are
at war. Alt such articles as powder, balls, shells, guns, saddles, bridles,
or other munitions of war whatsoever, are reckoned contraband, and vessels
with such articles on board are supposed to have transgressed the laws of
their own country, because every sovereign binds himself to forbid his sub
jects to carry on trade in such articles, and therefore all such articles are
. liable to seizure and confiscation.
" The visit made by a cruiser is not merely a simple visit to ascertain
the genuineness of the flag under which the ship visited sails, but the com
mander of the cruiser, in the name of the sovereign whose flag the vessel
bears, exercises a new right of search to ascertain whether the vessel has
any contraband articles on board.
" Should there be any soldiers on board, they too are regarded as con
traband, and this right does not at all derogate from the principle, that the
flag covers the merchandise.
" There is still another case, that in which vessels belonging to neutral
powers .proposed to enter ports in a state of siege, and blockaded by an
enemy's squadron, such vessels being laden not with munitions of war, but
with provisions, timber, wine, or other merchandise, which might be useful
to the besieged, and enable them to prolong their defence. After long dis
cussions among the powers, it was finally agreed and determined by seve-
ral treaties, that in every case in which a port is really blockaded so that
there would be manifest danger to a vessel attempting to enter the harbour,
then the commander of the blockading squadron is empowered to interdict
neutral vessels from entering the port, and to capture the ship, provided she
makes an attempt to violate the blockade, and to sail into the port either by
force or stratagem.
" Thus maritime laws are based upon these principles : 1st. The flag
covers the merchandise ; 2ndly, a neutral vessel must submit to be visited
by ships of war belonging to belligerent nations, to ascertain whether she
is bona fide a vessel belonging to the country whose flag she bears, and
that her Cargo does not include contraband articles ; 3rdly, contraband is
restricted to munitions of war ; and, 4thly, neutral vessels may be prevent
ed from entering any harbour which is really blockaded, so that there
would be manifest danger to any vessel attempting to enter such port or
harbour. These principles form the code of maritime law for neutral ves
sels, because the different powers have freely, and by various treaties,
bound themselves to the observance of them, and to enforce that observance
upon their subjects in all cases of necessity. '
" The different maritime powers — Holland, Portugal, Spain, France,

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 303
England, Sweden, Denmark, and Russia, have at different times, and in
various treaties, successively bound themselves, each to the others, by the
formal recognition of those principles which have been established and pub
lished in general treaties of pacification, such as those of Westphalia in
1649, and of Utrecht in 1712.
" England in the war with America, in 1778, pretended : 1st, that all
merchandise for ship-building, such as wood, hemp, pitch, &c, were con
traband of war ; 2ndly, that a neutral vessel had the right to proceed from
a friendly to an enemy's port, but that she could riot be allowed to trade
between one enemy's port and another ; Srdly, that neutrals could not sail
from the colonies of a belligerent power to the mother country ; 4thly, that
neutral powers had no right to send their merchantmen under convoy of
ships of war, or in such case, that they were still liable to the right of
search. " No independent power would acquiesce in these unjust pretensions-; for
the sea being the common domain of nations, no one power can have the
right to regulate and establish a law for what takes place there. If the
right of search be permitted in the case of neutral vessels, it is because the
various sovereign nations have recognized this right for common conve
nience, and by special treaties. If munitions of war are contraband, it is
because treaties have made them so. If belligerent powers'can seize them,
it is because the sovereign under whose flag the neutral vessel sails, has
bound himself not to allow such a description of trade. The list of contra
band articles cannot, however, obviously be extended at discretion, as was
objected to the English claim, and no nation has bound itself to forbid trade
in naval munitions, such as ship timber, hemp, pitch, &c.
" With regard to the second claim — it is contrary, it was said, to recog
nised usage : you cannot intermeddle with the commerce of neutral nations,
further than to ascertain the genuineness of the flag; you have no right to
know what a neutral ship is doing on the high seas, because such a vessel
is on her own rightful element, and beyond your authority. She is not
protected, it is true, by the batteries of her country, but she is so by the
moral power of her nation and of her sovereign.
" The third pretension has no better foundation- A state of war can,
and ought to have, no effect upon neutrals. They ought to be able to do
in war what they can do in peace. In a state of peace, there is nothing to
prevent a vessel belonging to one country from trading between another
country and its colonies. If foreign vessels are permitted to trade in this
way, this permission is not founded upon the law of nations, but on muni
cipal regulations ; and in all cases in which a nation is disposed to confer
this privilege on foreign vessels, no other nation has any right to interfere.
" With regard to the fourth pretension, it was replied, that as the right of
search was instituted merely in order to ascertain the genuineness of the
flag, and whether the cargo was composed of articles contraband of war,
an armed vessel under the commission of the sovereign of a neutral nation
is a much better assurance of the genuineness of the flag, and of the car
goes not being contraband of war, than can result from any search what
ever ; and it would be a consequence of such a pretension, that a fleet of
merchant vessels, under convoy of eight or ten ships of the line, would be
liable to have the right of search enforced by a brig of war, or a privateer
of a belligerent power.
" During the American war (1778) Monsieurlde, Castries, then minister
of Marine in France, published, and caused to be adopted, a regulation re-

304 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
lative to the commerce of neutral powers. This, regulation was drawn up
in conformity with the spirit o(. the treaty of Utrecht, and of the rights of
.neutral nations. The principles above mentioned were therein declared to
be inadmissible, and that thefr observance was only to. continue for six
months, after which, they should cease to be regarded by neutral nations
which should not have made their rights known by England.
" This course was both just and politic. It satisfied all ,the neutral pow
ers, and threw a new light upon this question.
" The Dutch, who then carried on the largest trade, annoyed by the
English cruisers, and the decisions of the ErigHsh Admiralty, caused their
merchant ships to be convoyed by vessels'of war, hoping that this course
would at least protect them against the exercise of the right of search. A
convoy, escorted by several Dutch ships of war, was, however, attacked,
taken, and carried into an English harbour, an event which filled the
Duich with indignation, and shortly after, Holland and Spain declared war
against England.
" Catherine, Empress of Russia, took such a part in these great ques
tions as the dignity of her flag and the interests of her empire demanded.
The trade of Russia principally consisted in articles employed in ship
building, and' this led her to resolve to unite with Sweden and Denmark in
forming an armed neutrality. These powers declared their determination
to make war upon any belligerent power which should violate the following
.principles, which th.ey assumed as the basis of their union: 1st, that the,
flag covers the merchandise (contraband excepted) ; 2ndly, that the right
of search exercised by a, ship of war upon a neutral vessel, should be exer
cised with the greatest possible delicacy ; 3dly, that munitions of war alone,
such as cannon, powder and ball, are contraband ; 4thly, that every power
has a right to convoy merchant ships ; and that in this case, the declaration
of the commander of, the ship of war is sufficient to protect the flag and
cargoes of the ships under hqr convoy and protection; 5thly, that a port
cannot be regarded as blockaded by a squadron, except where there is
manifest danger of entering such a port: — and that a ship is not to be pre
vented from entering a port previously blockaded by a force no longer be
fore it, from whatever cause the absence of the blockading squadron may
have taken place, whether from stress of wmther or from the want of pro
visions. " The armed neutrility of the northern powers was announced to the
belligerent powers on the 15th of August, 1780. France and Spain, whose
principles %ere thus recognised, hastened to express their adherence
to these conditions. England alone testified extreme dissatisfaction, but
did not venture to brave the new confederation. She contented herself
with the non -enforcement of her own principles, and thus virtually renounc
ed them. Fifteen months afterwards, the peace of 1782 put'an end to the
maritime war. The war between France and England commenced in
1793 ; England very soon became the soul of the first coalition. vVhilst
the armies of Austria, Spain, Russia and Piedmont invaded our frontiers,
she employed all possible means to ruin our colonies. The taking of Tou
lon, where our squadron was destroyed by fire, and the rising of the west,
in which a great number of sailors perished, annihilated our marine, and
England no longer set any limits to her ambition. Thenceforth mistress
of the seas, and without a rival, she thought the moment was come, in
which she might without danger, revive her former pretensions, which she
had tacitly renounced in the war of 1790— that is to say, that materials for

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 305
ship-building are contraband ; that neutral powers have not the right to
convoy their merchant ships by ships of war, and thus protect them from
the right of search ; and that a blockade is to be respected not only when
the blockading squadron*is present, but when it is absent from stress of
weather or other reasons. She, however, went still further, and put for
ward three new pretensions : 1st, that the flag does not cover the merchan
dise, but that the property of an enemy is liable to be seized and confiscat
ed even in a neutral bottom ; 2ndly, that neutrals have not a right to cany
on trade between the colonies and the mother country of a belligerent na
tion ; and, 3rdly, that a neutral vessel may enter an enemy's port, but not
proceed from one enemy's port to another.
" The assassination of Paul I. left England complete liberty of action to
maintain; with greater force than she had ever yet displayed, her preten
sions to the absolute dominion of the seas. The quadruple alliance was
dissolved, and Denmark cruelly punished for having dared to measure her
strength with England in a naval engagement.
" Pitt had at this time retired before the ascendant of France ; the signa
ture of the treaty pf the quadruple alliance, the occupation of Hanover by
Prussian troops, and the necessity to, sign a peace imposed upon Austria by
the defeat at Hohenlinden, had deprived him of all hope of success in his
scheme of preventing any serious approximation to peace between France
and England. Lord Hawkesbury had replaced Lord Grenville in the for
eign office, and hastened to renew the negotiations with Monsieur Otto.
There was some reason to hope for success on this occasion, but on the
arrival of the news concerning the events which had just taken place at
Petersburg, the demands of England proved that peace would be1 impossi
ble until some new events should constrain its adoption.
" It became necessary, at all costs, to alarm the hearts of the citizens of
London ; considerable armaments were ordered to be got in readiness on
the whole coast of France, from the Gironde to the Scheldt ; all the French
dockyards were put into a state of full activity in order to construct a flo
tilla for the conveyance of troops across the channel. The English on
their side raised troops, threw up entrenchments at the mouth of the Thames,
and gave many other proofs of their fear of an invasion.
" The interviews between M. Otto and Lord Hawkesbury had never been
discontinued, and the pretensions of he cabinet of St. James, inadmissible
as they were, had still continued to be discussed, in the expectation5 of the
occurrence of some events favourable to peace, when the First Consul, at
the propitious moment, caused a counter-project to be submitted through
M. Otto to the following effect :
" lstly. Restitution of Egypt to the Grand Seignor, PortMahon to Spain,
Malta to the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, and the recognition of the
Ionian republic.
" 2ndly. Ceylon to England, and the restoration of the Cape of Good
Hope to Holland.
" 3dly. Restoration, by England, of the colonies in the West Indies',
taken by her during the war.
"4thly. Restoration to Portugal of the province of Olivenza, occupied
by a Franco-Spanish army.
" Lord Hawkesbury replied, that, England was disposed to restore the
Island of Malta to the Knights of St. John ; that she considered the Indian
question settled by the acquisition of Ceylon — that as to the question of the
Antilles, she was ready to restore Martinique, but must retain possession
20

306 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
*
of Trinidad and Tobago, and require that Demerara should be a free port.
After long discussions, all these, points were admitted, on condition that
Spain should retain the province? of Olivenza in lieu of Trinidad. On the
first of October, 1801, the preliminaries of peace*were signed by M. Otto
on these bases.
," The joy consequent on the announcement of this peace, was still great
er in England than in France. Lauriston, ihe First Consul's aide-de-camp,
who was sent to England as the bearer of the ratifications of the treaty,
signed by M. Otto, was received with the most enthusiastic ovations, and
Mr. Addington, the prime minister, said to him : ' This is not an ordinary
peace ; it is an act of reconciliation between the two most powerful nations
in the world.'
" Conferences for a definitive peace were opened at Amiens. Lord
Cornwallis was the representative of England; the interest of Spain were
entrusted to the Marquis d'Azara ; Herr Schimmelpenynck appeared on
behalf of Holland; and the First Consul selected his brother Joseph for
France. On the 27th of March, 1802, the peace was signed.
" From this day forth, the great object of the English Tories was a rup
ture of the treaty ; and in this they were aided and abetted by the criminal
device of a body of emigres, who marched under the banner of the Count
d'Artois. The French government had nothing wherewith to reproach it
self. It did everything possible, consistent with French honour, to preserve
the peace.*
" The cabinet of St. James, by violating the peace of Amiens, involved
Europe in a mortal struggle (against the French republic, at the very mo
ment in which it offered, through M. Malhouet, an emigre, formerly min
ister of Louis XVI., to place at my personal disposal 30,000,000 of francs,
and the whole moral assistance of England, to induce me to proclaim my
self king of the French, on the sole condition of ceding to England the rule
of the Mediterranean, which would ensure the markets of the Levant for
her manufactures, and sooner or later open to her the way to India by the
Euphrates or the Red Sea.
" The reply to be given to this proposal required no hesitation ; I gave
it myself to Lord Whitworth, the English ambassador, in the following
terms ; ' I wish to owe nothing to strangers or to their interference ; if ever
the French nation places theroyal crown upon my head, it shall be of its
own free accord.' . ¦>•
" During the war in Italy, Austria had already sought to work upon my
ambition by-her insinuations ; the Marquis de Gallo, the ambassador of
Naples in Vienna, offered me, on the part of the Emperor, a sovereignty
in Germany ; but then, as always, my device as well as my life has been
tout pour la France.
" In 1805, Napoleon, when conqueror of Austria, wrote anew to the
King of England : ' Is not the world large enough to hold our two nations ;
and has not reason power sufficient to suggest means of reconciliation, if
both parties earnestly desire it ? Peace is the wish of my heart, though
war has never been unfavourable to my arms. I conjure your Majesty,
not to deny yourself the happiness of giving peace to the nations.'
" Pitt made war to the death upon the French revolution, because he re
garded it as a species of mutual struggle for the English aristocracy* In
1806, however, before the battle of Jena, he would have accepted the pacific
offers of the Emperor of the French, when the latter said to Lord Lauder-
dale :

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 307
" ' You would do better to persuade your government to peace, for in a
month I shall be master of Prussia. Prussia and Russia, if united, might
offer some resistance, and perhaps with some hopes of success ; but Prussia
cannot do that alone. The Russians are three months' march distant from
the first battle-field. The plan of the Prussian campaign is lo defend Ber
lin, instead of retiring behind the Oder, and there awaiting the Russians
before risking a battle. The Prussian army will be destroyed, and I shall
be in Berlin before the advanced guard of the Russians shall have passed
the Vistula- - Make peace, therefore, whilst the moral power of the Prussia
of Frederick the Great aids you with its friendship.'
" The Emperor of Austria offered to interpose, in order to decide his al
lies. ' The English,' said he, in the interview granted him at Austerlitz —
1 the English are merchants ; they set fi re to the Continent, in order to se
cure the commerce of the world for themselves ; and France is right in her
quarrel with England.'
" Pitt's death in 1806, brought Fox to the head of affairs, and rendered
peace possible. It might have been expected that the ancient rivalry of two
great nations, worthy of mutual love and esteem, would have been extin
guished ; but the day of reconciliation had not yet arrived. Fox died, and
the shade of Pitt protected the Tory ministry, which returned to power.
The English cabinet, by following. Pitt's principles, endeavoured on all
hands to find new enemies for France. It sent a squadron to the Tagus to
draw Portugal into the war ; threatened the Ottoman Porte to compel it to
enter into the coalition ; intrigued with Russia, with a view to change her
pacific intentions ; and excited Prussia against France, by persuading her
that she would lose Hanover, which France had suffered her to occupy,
but which she would not guarantee, except on the condition of making com
mon cause in compelling England to accept a peace. As long as Fox di
rected the negotiations, they were carried on in an honourable and frank
spirit, with the view of re-establishing peace ; after his death, the only ob
ject was to break them off, by all possible means to elude the responsibility
of the rupture, and to give the war a spirit of greater violence than before,
in hopes that a new coalition would be all in favour of the allies of Eng
land, and would be for her merely an account current at the Treasury ; and
finally, that France would be exhausted, and finish by succumbing in this
incessant struggle against the whole of Europe.
" The decrees of Berlin and Milari were nothing but just reprisals upon
England for the course which she had pursued. The continental system
appeared like the mere swagger of a diseased mind ; no one comprehended
its bearings, and it was even necessary to have recourse to force to ensure
its execution. The tree, however, soon bore fruit, and time will do the
rest. " Had it not been for the treachery of 1814, the face of commerce would
be now changed, as well as the route of industry ; the impulse was im
mense, and our manufacturing interests and property were increasing im
measurably ; the progress of knowledge was gigantic ; ideas were every
where being rectified, and science becoming popular in France. " I have
been careful," said Napoleon to his minister of commerce, " not to fall
into the errors of men of system, of preferring myself, and my own ideas,
to the wisdom of nations. True wisdom is the result of experience ; the
economists who preach up freedom of trade, constantly quote the commer
cial prosperity of England as a model for imitation ; but England is the
country of prohibitions, and, in some things, she is right, for protection is

308 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
always necessary to encourage rising industry, and, in such cases, the va
lue of this protection cannot be replaced by customs — smuggling destroys
the object of the law. Men in general fall far short of the truth in the so-
lution of all these questions, so vital to national prosperity. The truth,
however, will be more and more approximated by taking, as the basis of
our reflections upon this subject, the classification which I have always
adopted in agriculture, industry, and commerce — objects which are distinct,
and form a real gradation :
"lstly. Agriculture is the soul, the foundation of all national prospe
rity. " 2dly. Industry — the ready money and prosperity of the people.
" 3dly. Internal trade — the profitable employment of the products of
agriculture and industry.
" 4thly. Foreign trade — the profitable employment of the surplus of the
national products, the superabundance of property, but of much inferior
interest to the others, lo which it is subservient, and not they to it.
" It was the whole plan of the imperial administration to promote these
diverse interests according to their natural rank, but it was never success
ful in satisfying them all. Time will tell what they owe to it ; the national
resources which it has created, and the deliverance which it has effected
for them from the bondage of the merchants of the city. It is now time
to make known the secret of the treaty of commerce of 1783. The En
glish imposed it under threats of i recommencing the war, and this was
what they wished to repeat on the rupture of the peace of Amiens ; but
Napoleon was possessed of gigantic power, and felt that he was so ; he
replied, that he would persist in refusing, even if their armies were on the
heights of Montmartre. He has been blamed, and that justly, for con
ceding licences; but this arose from the necessity of the moment, and
was only a temporary resource, as the whole continental system was
merely an\arm of war. It would have been easy to come to an under
standing concerning a peace, by a system of reciprocity in customs, in
accordance with the interest of the two great commercial prosperities of
England and France.
" During the interview with Alexander in Erfurt, in 1808, the Emperor
induced him to join in a new attempt at reconciliation.
" Finally, in 1812, when Napoleon^was in the apogee of his power, he
made a fresh offer of peace to England, in concert with the Emperor of
Austria and the King of Prussia, who went to Dresden expressly to visit
him, and to give him a splendid proof of the sincerity of their alliance.
The English ministry, and the libels of all the oligarchs in the world may
say what they will, the Emperor Napoleon always wished for peace with
England, because he regarded a general peace as the first condition of the
regeneration of Europe. *
" The cabinet of Lprd Castlereagh, as well as that of the Venetian aris
tocracy, , suffered itself to be ruled by old women. The great Lord Chat
ham said — ' If England were to act with justice towards France, for twen
ty-four hours only, she would run to her ruin.' England. is indebted to
Lord Castlereagh for all the embarrassments of her situation, and the cri
sis which threatened her. A man must have been blinded by an absurd
respect for the opinions of Lord Chatham, or by a more absurd vanity of
disinterestedness, worthy of a new Don Quixote, to have acted as Lord
Castlereagh did at fhe congress of Vienna, at a time when Austria- ac
quired 10,000,000 of people; Russia 8,000,000 ; Prussia 10,000,000 ; and

. HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 309
even Holland, Bavaria, and Sardinia, obtained extensions of territory. En
gland would not have asked too much as an indemnity for the almost in
credible arid impossible efforts which she had made, if she had demanded
and required the establishment of small maritime independent states put
under her protection, such as Hamburgh, Bremen, Lubeck, Stralsund,
Dantzig, Antwerp, Genoa, and Venice, to serve as an entrepot for her ma
nufactures, with secret stipulations, which should ensure her the means of
extending her trade with a moderate competition. A still graver fault,
however, was committed,- by suffering Russia to obtain the crown of Po
land. It would have been a hundred times better to have given it to the
King of Prussia or to the Emperor of Austria ; nor should the Emperor of
Russia have been allowed to usurp the protectorate of the four provinces
on the Danube. Russia is aggressive by nature — sooner or later she will
make an irruption into Europe; and this, in fact, is her duty for advancing
the progress of civilization among the four-fifths of her population. Such
an irruption would be a powerful and seductive means of consolidating her
rule over the numerous and valiant races who dwell on her frontiers. They
would be drawn towards her by the fabulous tales of the pleasures of Eu-
. rope ; all would successively be grouped in the ranks of the Russian light
troops. The attractions of the plunder of a city like" Paris are much more
than sufficient to induce all the barbarians of the north to unite in a pre
datory incursion into Europe. These nations have all the elements of suc
cess ; they are brave, active, and indefatigable, insensible to changes of
climate ; they -subsist upon very little, and submit to discipline like brutes.
Should Russia succeed in destroying the nationality of Poland, and ac
quiring Ihe fraternity of the Poles, she will then be without a rival. She
will keep England at bay by threatening her possessions in the Indies, and
hold Austria in check by the great moral superiority of her troops, and
the assistance of the members belonging to the Greek Church, who are so
numerous in Hungary and Gallizia. According to all appearances, a Greek
Patriarch will one day officiate in St. Sophia, and from that moment En
gland will be deprived of India, and Europe at the mercy of the knout.
" Another fault, perhaps not less grave, committed by the English mi
nistry, was that of having united Belgium with Holland ; because Holland
never will be strong enough to prevent France from seizing upon Belgium
when she pleases, and because Holland, not having the manufactures of
Belgium, would again become, in her own interest, the entrepot for the
most important products of the English manufactures. It would have
been much better for England to have restored Belgium to the Emperor of
Austria. " In short, the cabinet of Lord Castlereagh is responsible for all the
evils and all the disasters which threaten England, for having failed to
take advantage of the opportunity of ensuring immense commercial ad
vantages to his country, and of rendering his nation the richest and the
most powerful in the world. He signed the treaty of Paris, and conducted
himself at the congress of Vienna, as if England had been conquered.
From being the directing power of the coalition, as she really was, he
transformed her into a mere auxiliary ; happy in being able to pick up- a
few crumbs at the banquets of kings, instead of speaking like a master,
he placed himself in the wake of the chanceries of Vienna, Petersburg,
and Berlin, which for twenty years had all been in the pay of the treasury
in London. He left his country oppressed by an immense debt, contracted
mainly for the interest of one family — the Bourbons— and of that Holy

310 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Alliance, now so forgetful of all that England did for them, that they al
ready begin to close the markets of the Continent against her manufac
tures, with no less rigour than was done by the Emperor of the French
himself. " The debt of England is a gnawing worm — the chain of all those em
barrassments which will affect her future course ; for, in order to sustain
this immense weight, it will be necessary to continue, during peace, the
levy of those extraordinary taxes imposed during the war ; this will, ne
cessarily, lead to an increase in the price of provisions, and insensibly
bring the people to the most frightful misery. One of two things must
happen : either the wages of labour must increase proportionally, and
then the products of English industry will no longer be able to compete
with the productions of other nations in the continental markets, and the
manufacturers will suffer ; or, the wages of labour will remain stationary,
to the advantage of the manufacturers, and in this case the labouring
class will not be able to gain the means of providing for the most neces
sary wants.
" The first element of the well-being of a nation consists in a just equi
librium between the amount of taxes imposed for the maintenance of the
public revenue, and the surplus of the price of its labour ; unfortunately,
however, the taxes are not productive till they reach the masses of the
people, and whenever they affect the bread of the people they engender
misery and all those scourges which it brings in its train.
" It is imperative on England to endeavour to combat this devouring
monster — her debt — by all positive and negative means — by the reduction
of her expenses and the increase of her commerce with the whole world.
In making reductions, she must be unsparing ; it is necessary to cut to the
quick, when mortification threatens. In the case of sinecures, salaries,
and the expense of her land-armies, reforms must be sweeping. The po
litical greatness of England consists in her navy, and not in those small
armies which she has sent to the continent in the train of the large ar
mies of Russia, Austria and Prussia.
" It is equally necessary for her to have recourse to a wise reform of
innumerable abuses, connected with ecclesiastical property, the position of
farmers in reference to their landlords, the administration of Ireland, as
respects the mother country, and that kind of social interdict which is im
posed upon nearly one-third of the population of Great Britain in conse
quence' of their religious failh; and, finally, by a free admission of all
those really interested to the rights and privileges of electors. The pre
sent state of the electoral franchise is nothing more than a brilliant decep
tion, which' places the majority of parliament in the nomination of the
aristocracy and the crown. As to Ireland, she possesses merely the
fiction of a representation in parliament; but it is true, that she is, in
fact, a conquered country. It would have been, in reality, much better for
her to have been treated as a conquered country, and then she would, at
least, have had the advantage of not seeing her national debt doubled" by
fusion with that of England.
" In England the aristocracy are absolute masters, and the moment that
any reform threatens to touch their power or privileges, they have recourse
to the habitual cry — ' The foundations of the constitution— touch the
foundations, and the whole edifice will fall into ruins — and the liberties
of the nation be destroyed.' It is true, that, in spite of its monstrous de
fects, when viewed in connexion with the civilization of .the age, the En-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 811
glish constitution presents the curious phenomenon of a magnificent re
sult ; and it is the blessings of this result which make the people afraid of
risking their loss ; but how much more would these advantages be felt, if
wise reforms were employed to facilitate the motions of this grand and
beautiful machine !
" In her foreign policy, she must know how to dare to exercise, in case
pf necessity, those rights of sovereignty by sea, which the sovereigns of
the Continent exercise for the protection of the industry of their subjects;
dare to oblige them to open iheir markets to English products, under pain
of establishing a tariff upon the rights of navigation, as a compensation for
their burthensome or prohibitory duties on English commerce. Can it be
that a King of Denmark has any belter right of sovereignty over the
Sound than a King of England has over the Channel or the straits of Gib
raltar? Is it that the protection of the English marine is of no value to
the trading vessels of most of the Continental states ? There is, in fact,
no want of sufficient reasons for establishing the right of search under any
pretext whatever. In speaking to the imagination of philanthropists of all
colours, there is no longer any public right to invoke, when the equilibrium
is destroyed ; and at present the dominion of the sea belongs, in fact and
incontestably, to England — consequently, she has a right to say to the Con
tinental states — ' Your merchandise shall not be allowed to pass over my
seas, without the payment of the same amount of customs which you im
pose on your Continent — freedom of trade for my merchandise — amen ; but
customs with you and not with me — no.'
" This, it may be said, would be war, but upon whom ? Spain has not
three ships fit to put to sea ; Holland has not four ; Naples one or two ;
Denmark has none, since the burning of her fleet at Copenhagen ; Russia
— but it would require only the smallest effort on the part of England to
shut up the Russian fleet in her ports, and burn her ships. As to France,
what will her navy be for twenty-five years to come ? The hundred ships
which were built under the empire the treaty of Paris has taken from her !
Poor France !
" The Continent, such as it has been made by the treaties of 1814 and
1815, will submit to the law — bow to the tariffs and open its markets ; for
England can make war upon whom she will with impunity, whilst no con
tinental power can go to war without, experiencing great losses in her com
merce ; and this state of things will continue till France has again assu
med her proper rank of a great nation, with a hundred ships of the line,
as she had under Napoleon and Louis XIV., and 500,000 troops on
her frontiers. The disinterestedness of England, in the division of the
spoils of French empire, would be explicable, if she had designed to esta
blish her empire on the Continent by the gratitude of Ihe people, or if she
had been seated in a congress of kings as the natural protectrix of consti
tutional institutions. What would the poor Poles, the poor Spaniards, and
the poor Italians, not have given to escape being placed under the iron yoke
of the czar or the inquisition ! What a noble. character. What a glorious
opportunity did the morning after the battle of Waterloo afford for opening
the markets of the whole of Europe to English commerce ! What better
could the cabinet of St. James have done than to give its hand to those
noble means of modern regeneration, which sooner or later will be effec
tual, and against which kings by right divine, and the oligarchy by assump
tion, may exhaust all their efforts in vain ! It is the rock of Sisyphus which
they keep raised above their heads, and which will fall and crush them

312 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
when the arm is no longer able to sustain its weight. Napoleon has plant
ed the seeds of liberty with a bountiful hand, wherever the civil code has
been introduced.
" The English ministry which shall put itself, at the head of the liberal
ideas of the Continent will receive the blessings of the universe, and all
the heart-burnings felt towards England will be forgotten. Such a course
would have been quite in the spirit of Fox. Pitt would not have under
taken to pursue it. In the case of Fox, his heart warmed his genius, whilst
in that of Pitt his intellect withered up his heart. _,
" Whenever England shall undertake the regeneration of Europe, she
will rest her efforts upon a foundation as deep as the earth ; Napoleon's foun
dation was upon sand. The institutions of England are those of ages;
England reigns over things established and immoveable. Napoleon had
the immense task of establishing them — of purifying a terrible and unex
ampled revolution. He succeeded in subduing anarchy — in binding into a
bundle the scattered elements produced by the work of the republicans, but
he was constantly obliged to surround this bundle with his powerful arm
to save it from the attacks from without, whilst Europe was incessantly in
arms to conquer the principles which his crown represented within. Fac
tions attacked him with the most opposite views ; he was libelled in the
time of the directory for his concessions ; he would have been the object
and France the victim of a contre Brumaire. In France the people are
by nature so restless, so busy, and so gossiping, that there would be twenty
revolutions, and, consequently, as many constitutions, all ready in the port
folios of political constitution-mongers, of whom there are as many in
France as there are bill-discounters under the pillars of the exchange in
Amsterdam. " The conduct of the English ministry at the Congress of Vienna, and
the negotiations of the treaty of 1815 ; its forgetfulness of all duty and
patriotism, can only be explained on the supposition of a secret design, the
object of which was to reduce the English people under the yoke of mili
tary power ; to forge chains to fetter all their liberties; to reduce their con-
stitutional institutions to the shadow of their former selves, and to cover
them with the mantle of despotism, all which would be in perfect accord
ance with those principles which Prince Metternieh wished, and wishes, to
triumph as the rule of European organization born at the Congress of Vi
enna. The liberty of England is a subject of continual alarm in Vienna and
Petersburg. When the English people feel the royal yoke too heavy to bear,
or when their distress becomes insupportable — the grape-shot or the cord
of the executioner are the implements of justice. This is possible as long
as the evil has not penetrated to the marrow of the masses ; but when it
has touched the vitals, then those who were only a mob in the deluded eyes
of power, become a nation, and then it is seen when too late, that it is in
deed the masses which constitute the people, and not a few nobles or mil
lionaires ; for the rabble no sooner gains the ascendancy than it changes
its name and calls itself the nation. If conquered, a few wretches are
seized — they are denominated rebels or robbers ; and thus the world goes.
Mob, robbers, rebels, or heroes, according to the chances of the strife.
Poor humanity !"

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 313

CHAPTER XIV.

GENERAL POLICY OF SPAIN TOWARDS FRANCE DURING THE REIGN OF FERDI
NAND.

About this time the newspapers informed us that a proposal had been
made to bring back the Emperor to Europe, and to change the damp resi
dence of Longwood for the fine air of Naples. We hastened to carry this
news to the Emperor ; but he shook his head and said : " It is impossible ;
as long as the men who formed the congress of Vienna are in power, the
sight of my shadow would suffice to strike them with terror ; the best plan
for the English government would, doubtless, be to come to an understanding
with me and to receive my promise not to leave Malta, without the Prince Re
gent's consent for ten years : after the expiration of which period I should be
hospitably received in England ; this plan would save eight or ten millions a
year, a sum which I uselessly cost the government here ; but I repeat, spare
yourselves the pain of hope deceived. We have nothing to hope for from
the oligarchs, unless danger opens their eyes, and proves to them that I
alone had the power to keep the entrance- door of revolution closed, as well
in the interests of kings as in that of the people."
Sir Hudson Lowe had now left us for some days in tranquillity. The
Emperor had resumed his habit of taking exercise, and worked a great
deal. Some news which he received from his brother Joseph led him to
speak of Spain ; he told me that during the hundred days, the most influ
ential chiefs of the Cortes of Cadiz, the guerillas and the army had com
municated with him, and assured him that an aid in money would enable
them to bring back King Joseph to Madrid, and to effect in Spain what the
landing at Cannes had produced in France ; so deeply had an immense ma
jority of the Spaniards become aware, since the return of Ferdinand, of all
the benefits to Spain contained in the constitution of Bayonne. " In any
other circumstances," added the Emperor, " I would have assisted them,
but I did not wish to render my position more complicated by interfering
in the affairs of others before having finished my own. I could not forget
that the misfortunes of 1813 and 1814 proceeded from my intervention in
the affairs of Spain. It was the events of Bayonne which destroyed my
morality in Europe, divided my forces, multiplied my embarrassments, and
opened a school to the English army. I committed, besides, great faults
in the choice of my instruments, for the fault lies much more in the machi
nery than in the principle.
" Spain had long been the subject of my meditations ; its manners ; its
territorial divisions; its old customs, on which all Castilian honour hangs;
the ignorant superstition of the population, all were so many obstacles
which it would be necessary to overcome, in order to regenerate the Span
ish nation, which would be grand and powerful under the empire of con
stitutional institutions ; but it was impossible not to occupy myself with its

314 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
affairs. In the crisis in which France then stood, in the struggle of new
ideas, in the great cause of the age against old Europe, Spain could not be
left behind in the social re-organization ; it was absolutely necessary to
carry it forward, nolens volens, in the movement of France ; the fate of
France demanded this, and the code of the safety of nations is not always
that of individuals; and besides, Spain justified this necessity by her con
duct during the war with Prussia and with Poland ; when she at that time
considered Napoleon in peril, she had deserted the alliance which her old
king had sworn to him ; the insolent proclamation of the Prince of the
Peace ; the sudden embarkation of the 25,000 men belonging to the corps
of La Romana, could not be forgotten. The injury ought not to have re
mained unpunished ; it merited a declaration of war ; and it was a great
misfortune that the Emperor did not take this open and honourable step on
his return from Tilsit. The issue could not be doubtful ; but France had
need of repose ; the war with Spain had cost it great sacrifices.
" The nation despised its government, and cried aloud for the blessings
of regeneration ; hopes might be entertained of accomplishing it without
shedding any blood ; the dissensions in the royal family authorized this
hope, to which the events of the Bayonne gave all the appearance of cer
tain realization.
" A constitution had been freely accepted and sworn to by all orders
of the nation, the new king had met with nothing, on his route from Ba
yonne to Madrid, but homage and demonstrations of satisfaction from the
people, who were grateful for their deliverance from servitude under su
perannuated institutions, and proud of the respect which the Emperor of
the French testified for Spanish nationality ; in fact, King Joseph was the
only Frenchman among them ; he was surrounded entirely by Spaniards ;
his ministers, courtiers, and guards, were all Spanish.
" The constitution of Bayonne was but a work of circumstances ; eve
rything contained in it which was contrary to the interest of the mass of
the people would have disappeared from it in time ; Spain, like Poland,
Germany, and Italy, would have been governed by the principles of the
French civil code. Men of talent of all conditions would have been ap
pointed to the first offices in the kingdom, and to all public employments,
without distinction of birth. The choice of dynasties is, and ought to be,
but a secondary question : family bonds are, doubtless, of some value ;
but this value is so transient, and so often belied by history, that it did not
at all influence the Emperor in the choice of his brothers as kings of Hol
land,' Westphalia, and Naples ; for in crowning them, he considered them,
in his own mind, as viceroys — agents of his policy, whom he would recall
into the French ranks, according to the exigencies of the definitive arrange
ments of a general peace, or the re-organization of the Continent of Eu
rope. " It was the mean intrigues of the princes of Spain, their family quar
rels, their betrayal of all the interests of their country, and not the ambi
tion; of placing the crown of Spain on the head of one of the Emperor's
brothers which brought on the events of Bayonne.
" It was at Fontainebleau, after the peace of Tilsit, that the first idea of
an interventiPn in the affairs of Spain was suggested to the Emperor.
" Whilst serious dissensions were arising between the king, CharlestIV.,
and his son, the -Prince of Asturias; negotiations were being carried on with
Monsieur Izquierdo to bring about the eventual partition of Portugal, in or
der to punish the house of Braganza for its submission to the orders of

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 315
the cabinet of St. James. The Prince of the Peace endeavoured to avail
himself of this circumstance to realize the ambitious dream of the Duke
of Alba, and to obtain for himself the small sovereignty of Algarve, as a
recompense for the devotedness which he then testified towards France.
This was the knot of the negotiation. Izquierdo, who was much more
the agent of the favourite than that of the old king, sacrificed every
thing to gain this end. The negotiation made his wishes easy of attain
ment ; the agreement was signed on the 27th of October. Prince Talley
rand informed Count Elma, the Portuguese minister at Paris, of the con
clusion of this treaty ; it commenced the era of treason. The court of
Lisbon prepared itself for everything ; a second treaty, consequent upon
the first, was also signed at Fontainebleau on the 27th of October ; it set
tled the respective forces which were to be employed in the campaign
against Portugal. A French corps, consisting of thirty thousand men,
was to enter Spain, and march direct to Lisbon, in concert with a Spanish
division, 10,000 strong ; and a reserve of 40,000 French was to be in
readiness to follow the movement in case the English should interfere.
" At the same time that France was thus treating with Spain, and en
dowing the prime minister of Charles IV., Prince Talleyrand, who, as the
minister of foreign affairs, had just been carrying on the negotiations and
signing the treaty, reminded the Emperor of the more than equivocal con
duct of the cabinet at Madrid, in the year 1806, and of the famous pro
clamation of the Prince of the Peace, dated the 3rd of October, 1806. He
drew up a memorial containing the causes of complaint of France against
Spain, and proposed to the Emperor to take decisive measures towards
that power.
" ' There is but one reigning branch of the Bourbons remaining —
that in Spain ; if left in our rear when we turned against the powers of
Germany, this branch would always occupy a threatening position, in case
of any wars which France might have to sustain, either in the north or in
Italy ; it would paralyze a part of our forces, and it would be a continual
object of uneasiness ; accessible as it is to the intrigues of England, and
always ready to open its ports to English merchandise and troops, it would
render the whole system of peace and war incomplete. The moment is
come for declaring that the last branch of the house of ^Bourbon has ceas
ed to reign.
" ' Let a prince of the imperial house occupy the throne of Spain, and
the system of the empire will be complete : Prussia subdued, Russia en
feebled in men and money by an unfortunate war, the confederation of the
Rhine consolidated, the kingdom of Italy secured, the bonds of friendship
with the east drawn closer, leaving nothing to be feared from the malevo
lence' of Austria. Your majesty has now before you time sufficient for
attempting and concluding an enterprise which will only require one cam
paign and the employment of an army of 30,000 men ; an army which,
it having been stipulated by the treaty of the 27th of October, will be le
vied and pass the frontier without exciting any suspicion. Spain, taken
entirely by surprise, will offer no serious resistance ; disgusted with her
government, prepared for necessary innovations, she will welcome your
Majesty's troops as liberators.' "
This theme became the subject of the evening conferences between the
Emperor and Prince Talleyrand ; the latter was urgent, and the Emperor,
who was as well pleased to talk of this as of anything else, did not look
upon the project of conquering the-Peninsula, with 30,000 men, in a seri-

316 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
ous light. He applied his reasonings and calculations to the eventual cases
of a possible execution ; he even sent for Marshal Moncey who had con
ducted the war in the Pyrenees, arid questioned him on the different points
of stratagem of which he had made use in 1794.
The inhabitants of the castle knew nothing of what was passing ; they
only remarked the length of the Emperor's conversations with his minis
ter of foreign affairs, which were sometimes prolonged to a late hour in
the night ; every one formed his own conjectures.
Another minister, who was roused by jealousy, and whose position gave
him pretensions to, and means of, knowing everything — viz. the minister
of police — became uneasy at these new confidences to which he had not
the key ; he at last thought he had discovered it, and his error gave rise to
a very singular incident.
Fouche imagined that the subject of their conferences must be projects
of divorce, and formed a plan in his own mind for cutting short the ques
tion on which they so long deliberated, feeling assured that this service
would add to his credit, at the expense of a rival ambition.
He went directly to the Empress Josephine. He enlarged upon the in
terests of France, which called for a successor to the empire ; he repre
sented to the Empress the glory which would exalt her above all other
women, if she made this magnanimous sacrifice. Aided by the natural
supposition that a minister would not dare to make such overtures without
being authorized, Fouche so far succeeded in persuading Josephine, that
he ventured to bring her the draft of a letter which she was to write to the
president of the senate, in which she offered to the country the relinquish
ment of her position as an empress and a wife. The Empress, who feebly
combated his reasons, put off signing the letter till the following morning.
One of the ladies of the court, Madame de Remusat, a woman of spirit,
who had no notion of descending from her position as the favourite of an
empress, to that of lady of honour to a fallen princess, made up her mind
to' act decidedly. She waited for the moment when the Emperor, having
left his cabinet, was entering his bed-chamber. ' It was one o'clock in the
morning. She gave her name ; the Emperor was going to bed ; she was
at an equivocal age, and found it very difficult to obtain admittance ; she,
however, insisted upon it, and said that in the morning it would be too late.
The Emperor's curiosity was excited, and the door was opened. The
thing was, in fact, curious enough ; the Emperor learned that it was all
about causing his wife to divorce herself. - He immediately hastened to
her, undeceived her, and gave her the assurance that if reasons of state
should ever cause him to dissolve their marriage, she should receive the
first intimation of it from himself alone. He kept his word.
Prince Talleyrand, who let no opportunity escape of giving the Empe
ror pledges of his unbounded devotedness to his dynasty, and who had al
ready advised him to seat one of his brothers on the throne of Naples,
perseveringly urged his project of dethroning the Spanish dynasty of the
Bourbons, which would complete the work of extinguishing the last bran
ches of the elder line of Bourbon, and he vainly entreated that his plans
should, be put into execution. But instead of marching into Spain at the
head of 30,000 men, the Emperor set out for Venice, without even an
swering the letters written to him by the princes of Spain, imploring his
intervention ; these letters are remarkable :

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 317
"St. Laurent, 29th of October, 1807.
" Sire and Brother — At a moment when I was entirely occupied in
devising means to aid in the destruction of our common enemy — when I had
hoped that all the plots of the late Queen of Naples were buried with her
daughter — I saw with horror that the spirit of intrigue had penetrated even
into the bosom of my palace. Alas ! my heart bleeds in reciting so fear
ful an attempt ! — my eldest son, the presumptive heir of my throne, had
formed the, horrible design of dethroning me ; he had gone -so far as to
make attempts against the life of his mother. Such a fearful attempt must
be punished with the most exemplary rigour of the laws. The law which
called him to the throne must be revoked ; one of his brothers will be
more worthy to supply his place in my heart and on the throne.
" I am at this moment seeking for his accomplices, in order to make
stricter inquiry into this plot of the blackest dye, and I have not lost a
moment in sending this information to your majesty, praying you to aid
me with your counsel and knowledge.
" I pray God, my good brother, to have your Majesty in- his holy keep
ing. (Signed) The King."
" Jt'rom the Escufinl, Oct. 11th, 1807.
" The fear of interrupting your imperial and royal majesty in the midst
of the more important exploits and affairs which incessantly surround you,
has hitherto prevented me from gratifying directly my most heartfelt de
sire, that of expressing, at least by writing, the sentiments of respect, es
teem, and attachment which I cherish towards a hero who outshines all his
predecessors, and who has been sent by Providence to save Europe from
the total overthrow which menaced it, to steady its tottering thrones, and
to restore nations to peace and happiness.
" Your majesty's virtues, your moderation, your kindness even towards
your- most implacable enemies, all these united to make me hope that the
expression of these sentiments would be received by you as the effusions
of a heart filled with the sincerest admiration and friendship.
" The position in which I have long stood, and which cannot have es
caped your majesty's penetrating ey*e, has been another obstacle which ar
rested my pen when on the point of expressing my wishes to you ; but,
filled with the hope of finding in your imperial and royal majesty's mag
nanimous generosity the most powerful protection, I determined not only to
express the sentiments of my heart towards your august person, but to
pour my griefs into your bosom as into that of a tender father.
" I am very unfortunate in being obliged by circumstances to conceal as
a crime an action so just and laudable, but such are the fatal consequences
of the extreme goodness of the best of kings.
" Filled as I am with respect and filial love for him to whom I owe my
existence, I can scarcely dare to say to your majesty, that these very quali
ties, so estimable in themselves, but too often serve as instruments to artful
and wicked persons to hide the truth from the eyes of the sovereign, al
though such truth is so analogous to characters like that of my revered
father. "If these persons, who unhappily exist here, would allow him, to know
your majesty's character as I know it, with what ardour would he not de
sire to draw closer those ties which should unite our houses, and what

318 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
means would be more proper for this object, than to demand of your majes
ty the honour of forming an alliance between a princess of your august fami
ly and myself? this is the unanimous desire of all my father's subjects ;
and I doubt not that if would also be his, notwithstanding the efforts of a
few malcontents, as soon as he should be informed of your majesty's wish
es ; this is what my heart desires, but it is not the plan of the perfidious
agents who besiege him, and they may in the first moment surprise him ;
such is the ground of my fears.
" Your imperial and royal majesty's answer can alone unravel their
plots, open the eyes of my well-beloved parents, make them happy, and at
the same time complete the happiness of ihe nation and mine.
"The whole world will more and more admire your majesty's goodness,
and you will always have in me a most grateful and devoted son.
" 1 therefore implqre with the greatest confidence your majesty's pater
nal protection, and lhat you would not only deign to grant me the honour
of an alliance with your, family, but would remove all the difficulties and
obstacles which may oppose the fulfilment of this wish of my heart.
" This act of kindness on the part of your majesty is so much the more
necessary to me, as I cannot make the least effort myself, since this would
be taken as an insult to paternal authority ; I am, therefore, reduced to one
course — namely to refuse, as I constantly do, to form an alliance with any
other person without the consent and approbation of your majesty, from
whom alone I await the choice of a wife. This is a happiness which I
hope from the goodness of your majesty, and pray that God may preserve
your precious life for many years.
"Written and signed with my own hand, and sealed with my seal, at
the Escurial, October 11th, 1807. " From your majesty's most affectionate
servant and brother, " Ferdinand."
The Emperor set out without having seen Fouche, but he sent him a
message, enjoining him to interfere no more in any affairs but those of his
office, and to silence the reports of divorce which he had spread in Paris.
The French troops, under the command of Prince Murat, crossed the
Pyrenees and entered Spain, conformably to the treaty of Fontainebleau,
without the Emperor's having come to any decision concerning the memo
rial which had been submitted to him by his minister of foreign affairs ; but
events suddenly changed the face of things ; the French ambassador at
Madrid sent informalipn that the Prince of the Peace was advising the King
Charles IV. to retire first to Seville, and then lo Mexico, and to give up the
Peninsula to England. This advice could not be explained, except by being
attributed to an infernal combination. t
The French ambassador at Madrid, soon afterwards announced the revo
lution of the palace which had placed the crown on the head of Ferdinand,
and forwarded the protest of the old king, together, with the letter in which
he implored the Emperor's aid, and called for the punishment of a parricide
on the Prince of Asturias. Charles IV. wrote from Aranjuez, March 21st,
1808. " Sire and Brother, — You have, no doubt, received information of
the events of Aranjuez, and of their results. Your majesty will not look
without some interest on a king, who, forced to abdicate his crown, comes
to throw himself into the arms of a monarch his ally, placing himself en-

history of the captivity of napoleon. 319
tirely at his disposal, which alone can bring happiness to himself, his fami
ly, and his faithful subjects.
" My declaration of abdication in favour of my son was forced from me
by circumstances, and by the arms and clamours of a rebellious guard,
which plainly showed me that I must choose between life and death ; and
my death would have been followed by that of the queen. I have been
forced to abdicate, but being now re-assured, and full of confidence in the
magnanimity and genius of a great man, who always showed himself my
friend, I took the resolution of putting myself entirely at your disposal,
leaving in your hands my fate, that of the queen, and of the Prince of the
Peace .
" I address to your imperial and royal majesty a protest against the events
of Aranjuez, and against my abdication. I refer to it, and confide .entirely
in your majesty's goodness. I pray God to have you in his holy keeping.
" Your majesty's affectionate brother and friend,
" The King."
"protest.
r
" I hereby protest and declare that my decree of the 19th of March, by
which I abdicated the crown in favour of my son, is an act to which I was
forced in order to prevent greater misfortunes, and the shedding of the blood
of my well-beloved subjects ; it is consequently to be regarded as null and
void. (Signed) " The King.
" Aranjuez,Mareh 21st, 1808."
On the 29th of March, the Emperor wrote as follows to the Grand Duke
de Berg :
" Sir, — I fear that you have deceived me with respect to the situation
of Spain, and that you were deceived yourself : the affair of .the 20th of
March has singularly complicated matters ; I am in great perplexity.
" Do not imagine that you are about to attack a disowned nation, and
that your troops have but to show themselves to subdue Spain. The revo
lution of the 20th of March, proves that the Spaniards possess energy.
You have to do with a new people ; they will have all the courage and all
ihe enthusiasm which are met with in men who have not worn out their
political passions.
" The aristocracy and clergy are masters of Spain; should they become
alarmed for their privileges and their existence, they will raise against us
levies which might eternize the war.
" I have partisans in Spain ; if I present myself in the character of a
conqueror, I shall have them no longer.
" The Prince of the Peace is detested, because he is accused of having
given up Spain to France; this is the grievance which has aided Ferdi
nand's usurpation ; the popular party is the weakest.
" The Prince of Asturias possesses none of the qualities requisite for the
chief of a nation ; this will not prevent his being made a hero of, for the
purpose of opposing him to us. I do not wish any violence to be exercised
towards the members of this family ; it is never of use to render oneself
odious, and to inflame hatred. Spain has more than 100,000 men under
arms. This is more than is requisite for maintaining an interior war with

320 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
advantage ; these forces, separated into various divisions, and placed at dif
ferent points, might bring about the rising of the whole monarchy.
" I now present to you at one view, the' obstacles which are insurmount
able; there are others which you will yourself perceive.
" England will not neglect this opportunity of adding to our embarrass
ments ; she daily sends information lo the forces which she maintains on
the coasts of Spain and on the shores of the Mediterranean ; she is enroll
ing regiments of Sicilians and Portuguese.
" The Royal Family not having quitted Spain for the Indies, it is only a
revolution which can change the state of this country. This is perhaps the
country of Europe, which is the least qualified for it ; those who perceive
the monstrous vices of this, government, and the anarchy which has sup
planted legal authority are the smallest number ; the majority profit by
these vices and this anarchy.
" I can, in accordance with the interests of my empire, do much good to
Spain. What are the best means to take for this end ?
" Shall I go to Madrid? Shall I act as great Protector, by pronouncing
between the father and son ? It seems to me that it would be difficult to
establish Charles IV. on the throne ; his yoke and his favourite are blfeome
so unpopular, that they could not maintain themselves for three months.
" Ferdinand is an enemy to France ; it is for this reason that he has
been made king. To place him on the throne would be to serve the fac
tions which for twenty-five years have desired the annihilation of France.
A family alliance would be but a weak tie ; the Queen Elizabeth and seve
ral other French princesses perished miserably, when an opportunity was
afforded of sacrificing them with impunity to some other vengeance.
" My opinion is that we must not be precipitate ; that we must take
counsel from the events which follow. We must strengthen our army,
keep it on the frontiers of Portugal, and wait.
" I do not approve of the plan which your highness has pursued, in tak
ing possession principally of Madrid. You should have kept the army at
a distance often leagues from the capital. You could not be sure that the
people and the magistracy would recognise Ferdinand without any resist
ance. The Prince of the Peace must have partisans among the public
officers. There is besides a kind of attachment of habit to the old king,
which might produce some results. Your entry into Madrid, by alarming
the Spaniards, powerfully served the cause of Ferdinand ; I have ordered
Savary to go to the old king, and see what is passing ; you will concert
measures with him, I will ultimately resolve on the line of conduct which
I shall pursue ; in the mean time, this is what I judge suitable to prescribe
to you. v
" You will not arrange that I shall have an interview in Spain with Fer
dinand, unless affairs appear to you in such a position that I ought to re
cognize him as King of Spain.
" You will treat the king, the queen, and the Prince Godoy well ; you
will exact for them and pay to them the same honours as formerly ; you
will act in such a manner, that the Spaniards shall not be able to conjee*
jecture what line of conduct I shall pursue ; this will not be difficult, as I
have not yet determined on it myself.
" You will give the nobility and clergy to understand, that should France
interfere in the affairs of Spain, their privileges and immunities will be je-
spected. You will tell them that the. Emperor desires to perfect the politi
cal institutions of Spain, in order to put that country on an equality with

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 321
the actual state of civilization in Europe, and to free it from the rule of
favourites ; you will tell the enlightened magistrates and citizens that Spain
needs a regeneration of its government ; that it needs laws which shall se
cure the citizens from the arbitrariness and usurpations of feudality, and
institutions which shall revive industry, agriculture and the arts.
" You will describe to them the 'state of tranquillity and ease which
France now enjoys, notwithstanding the wars in which she is always en
gaged ; the splendour of her religion which owes its re-establishment to the
concordat which I signed with the Pope ; you will demonstrate to them the
advantages which they may draw from a political regeneration ; interior
order and peace, exterior respect and power. Such must be the spirit of
your conversation and of your letters ; precipitate no step ; I can wait at
Bayonne; I can cross the Pyrenees, and, strengthening myself on the side
of Portugal, carry on the war in that direction.
" I will take care of your private interests ; give no thought to them
yourself. Portugal will be at my disposal ; let no personal project occupy
you and direct your conduct ; that would injure you still more than it would
me. "You go too fast in your instructions of the 14th. The march which
you prescribe to General Dupont is too rapid, on account of the events of
the 19th of March. There are some changes to be made in your instruc
tions to the generals. Make new arrangements ; you will receive instruc
tions from my minister of foreign affairs.
?' I desire that the strictest discipline maybe observed; no pardon for
any fault, however small ; the inhabitants will be treated with the. greatest
consideration; the churches and convents will be especially respected.
" The army will avoid any rencounter, either with divisions of the Spa
nish army or with detachments. No bait must be offered either on one
side or the other.
" Allow Solano to pass Badajoz — have him well watched ; trace out the
marches to be followed by my army, in such a manner as always to keep
it at a distance of several leagues from the Spanish divisions. Should ihe
war be kindled, all would be lost.
" It is for policy and negotiators to decide the fate of Spain ; I recom
mend you to avoid an explanation with Solano, as well as with the other
generals, and the Spanish governments.
" You will send me two expresses daily ; in case of any more important
event, you will dispatch an officer of ordnance to me. You will immedi
ately send back the chamberlain Cournan, who brings you this despatch,
committing to him a detailed report.
" I pray God to have you in his holy keeping. " Napoleon."
What took place at Bayonne is well known : Charles IV. gave up all his
claims to the Emperor Napoleon, Ferdinand renounced his, a junto was
formed for deliberating upon and voting a constitution, and Joseph Bona
parte, being raised to the throne, entered Spain, accompanied by the gran
dees who had accepted the offices of his court.
Prince Talleyrand, who had long been impatient under the superiority
of rank accorded to two citizens like Cambaceres and Lebrun, had ex
changed his office of minister for the honour of being reckoned among the
great dignitaries of the empire, retaining at the same time the office of
chamberlain, a household office, but with a salary which was not to be de-
21

322 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
spised. He approved what had been done at Bayonne, offered his castleat
Valeneay, and wheri- the princes of Spain had been sent to him, conceived,
and offered with the most meritorious zeal to execute, the project of making
them, swear allegiance to the Emperor.
After the conferences at Erfurt, at which the Emperor Alexander left
the south of Europe entirely at the disposal of Napoleon, the latter quitted
Paris for the purpose of placing himself at the head of his army in Spain,
He crossed the Pyrenees with 60,000 veteran troops, composed of ihe corps
of Marshals Lannes, Soult, and Ney, and the guard ; hut before arriving
at Madrid, which resisted for two days, he had to fight, and gain the battles
of Tudeia, Espinosa, Burgos, and Somnassiesa.
These victories produced very various sensations at Paris^ The more
easy the seizure of Spain had appeared to Prince Talleyrand, when he
drew up the memorial at Fontainebleau, the more sure a presage did this
obstinate resistance now seem to him of a future disastrous to the Empe-
ror. His old rancour rejoiced at this prospect* and his re-awakenfed am
bition busied itself with calculations of the advantages which it might draw
from these disasters and from the errors of public opinion.
"•The Emperor," said he, " will not return from Spain ;" and from that
moment his resolution was taken. He transformed into a grave wrong
what might be considered as a fault, and the echoes of his saloons con
stantly repeated that an insatiable ardour for combats and power had re
pulsed the best counsels ; that he had predicted to the Emperor what was
now happening to him, and that the reward of his prudent and devoted
skill had been his being obliged ta resign his office of minister of foreign
affairs, which he had done the more willingly as he had perceived the im
possibility of preventing the Emperor from hastening to his destruction.
The intriguers. of the saloons formed the opinions of the coteries, and the
coteries that of the capital.
After having Ire-organized thei government at Madrid, and subdued the
northern provinces, the, Emperor was preparing to march towards the
south, when he learned that the English army, under General Moore, was
advancing from the Taragno towards Valladolid, for the purpose of inter
rupting our line of operations, and cutting off our communication with
France ; the Emperor quitted Madrid on the 24th of November.
On receiving information of his march, General Moore began his retreat.
The French who had been delayed twentyrfour hours in their passage of
the Guadarama by a storm, rested every night at the place which the En
glish had quitted in the morning.
The Emperor, on his arrival at Astorza, received a despatch there, on
the 2d of January, informing him that the Austrians were forming maga
zines, and were collecting troops on the shores of the Im, in order to at
tempt an aggression unforeseen and favoured by his absence. He was, at
the same time* informed of the intrigues of the vice'elector, which had
already assumed the appearance of flagrant usurpation.
Conventicles had collected a certain number of influential members of
the senate. A ministry had already been organized. - Laplace, Trais,
Garot, were at the head of the list. Clement de Ris omitted no detail in
his report ; he gave the names of all the persons who were to compose this
ministry. All measures had been taken for attempting then what was af
terwards executed in 1814.
On receiving this news, the Emperor soon took his resolution ; he left
to Marshal Soult the mission of driving the English, into the sea at the

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 323
mouth of the Carogna ; and set out, on the 3d of January, for Valladolid.
As early as 1805, England had incited Austria against us, in order to ward
off the invasion with which she herself was threatened ; the same means
were put into operation in 1809, in order to effect a diversion in favour of
Spain. The Emperor, who had intended to pass from the Corogna into
Portugal, and to return by Cadiz to Madrid, after' having subdued the whole
Peninsula, was now obliged to renounce this wise project. After having
passed a few days at Valladolid, for the purpose of making the necessary
preparations for his absence by organizing the army, and placing it in a
position in which it could await his return, he set out suddenly for Paris,
and arrived there a day before the express announcing his departure from
Valladolid. On Sunday, the 23d of January, the first Sunday after his return, he
received at his grand levee, the high dignitaries and officers of the crown,
the ministers, the high chancellor of the legion of honour, the officers of
the senate, &c. Before this numerous assembly, he addressed himself to
the high chamberlain.
He reminded him of the memorial of Fontainebleau, of his endeavours
and urgent entreaties to persuade him to commence the war with Spain.
He told him that he did not reproach him with this as wilh a fault, because
he had afterwards followed this advice given at an inopportune time. He
then added : " You have changed your opinion. When you thought you
foresaw a change of fortune, you made a merit of giving me advice exactly
opposed to that which you had urged upon me for six weeks, and turn
ed it into a fault on my part not to have followed it. I know all ; I can
forget all ; but when a person creates for himself interests opposed to mine,
and acts against me, he ought to have the modesty to resign an office so
nearly attached to my person."
The high chamberlain, who had remained silent, understood that he was
already displaced ; and it was, in fact, the case : M. de Montesquieu had
for two hours had his nomination to this high office of the crown in his
pocket. The disasters of fhe campaign of Moscow made it necessary to recall the
armies of Spain to the Rhine. The minister of foreign affairs, the Duke
of Bassano, proposed to the Emperor, in order to put a term to two affairs
now become very dangerous, to restore the Pope to Rome, which would
appease the religious order, and to send back Perdinand to Spain, which
would paralyze the powerful action of the Cortes, and would remove all
subject for fear on the side of the south, until the conclusion of the struggle
in which the Emperor was now engaged with the north.
The Emperor at first only admitted the first clause of this advice. He
signed the concordat at Fontainebleau, January, 1813. He could not re
solve to renounce the great results which he might expect from the immense
sacrifices which had been making in Spain since the year 1809*
Spain was, doubtless, conquered, when the hostile demonstrations of
Austria obliged him to leave the government of that country to King Jo
seph and his marshals. In less than three months, four Spanish armies,
amounting together to 160,000 men, had been defeated and dispersed.
Madrid and Saragossa had fallen into the hands of the French. The En
glish army had been forced to re-embark, after having suffered immense
losses. But a change had, since then, come over the affairs of the Penin
sula. England had made incredible efforts to rekindle the war ; she had
lavished armies and treasures on this object. Spain was surrounded on

324 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
three sides by the sea ; the English squadrons easily and suddenly landed
fresh troops at all the various points of the coast ; in Catalonia, in Biscay,
in Portugal, in the kingdom of Valencia, and at Cadiz.
The error committed in Spain, after Napoleon's departure, was not that
of proceeding too quickly, but of proceeding too slowly ; if he had remain
ed there a few months longer, he would have taken Lisbon and Cadiz, con
ciliated parlies, and pacified the country. The guerillas were not formed
till a year after Napoleon's departure, and then solely through the effects
of the pillage, disorders, and abuses, of which the marshals set the exam
ple, in contempt of the emperor's most decisive and strict commands.
The corps under the command of Marshal Suchet, which occupied the
kingdom of Valencia, never suffered a want of anything : the country, be
ing well governed by the marshal, supplied all the necessities of the army ;
the contributions were regularly paid, and war was carried on, as it would
have been in Germany, and all this because the marshal set an example of
severe probity, and maintained discipline among his troops. Had all the
other marshals done the same, the war would have been reduCed to the
chances of a battle. Spain was lost after a five years' struggle against not
only the population of a large and valorous kingdom, but also against the
Anglo- Portuguese army which had become as skilful in manoeuvres as that
of the French.
It is difficult to find an explanation of these false manoeuvres, of the
faults of strategy, which brought on the disasters of Talavera, Salamanca
and Vittoria. One cannot help calling to mind on this occasion, the dis
graceful causes of the affair of Beleme. ' The want of fortresses is a false
argument ; the French ha4 taken them all. The true cause is this,' that
the Spaniards offered the same resistance to the French as they had done
to the Romans. Conquered nations can only become subjects of the con
queror by a mixture of policy and severity, and by an amalgamation with
the, army. Things failed in Spain. If the French had amused themselves
with making establishments on the Ebro, instead of marching over the
Samo-sierra, and against Madrid and Benevente, for the purpose of expel
ling the English after the victories of Vittoria, Espinosa, Tudeia, and Bur
gos, they would have had 200,000 English, Spanish, and Portuguese troops
against them, and their army would, in two months, have been driven be
yond the Pyrenees.
Aftei* the Emperor's departure, the pursuit of the English army was ex
ecuted without vigour , having forced the English to re-embark, the French
general ought to have marched against Lisbon, Cadiz, and Valencia ; po
litical means would then have done the rest. No one can deny that if the
eourt of Austria had not declared war, and had thus allowed Napoleon to
remain four months longer in Spain, all would have been brought to a ter
mination. The presence of the general is indispensable ; he is the head,
the guiding star of an army ; it was not the Roman army, which subdued
Gaul, but Ceesar ; it was not the Carthaginian army at the gates of Rome
which made the republic tremble, but Hannibal ; it was not the Macedoni
an army which overturned the empire of Persia, but Alexander ; it was
not the French army which carried the war to the banks of the Weser
and the Im, but Turenne ; it was not the Prussian army which defended
Prussia for seven years, but Frederick the Great.
After the fatal events of Leipzig, it was of great importance to the
French to put an end without delay to the dangers created by the affairs of
Spain. The Duke of Bassano received instructions to send the Duke of

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 325
San Carlos to Valencay, with proposals to Ferdinand to return to his king
dom ; Count Lafarest, who was living on his estate in the neighbourhood
of Tours, received at the same time orders to go secretly to Valencay,
under the name of Don del Basca, and negotiate the treaty which should
restore the Prince of Asturias to liberty and his crown.
Ferdinand had always shown the greatest aversion to the Cortes. The
Spaniards long regretted the constitution of Bayonne ; had it triumphed,
they would no longer have had an ecclesiastical jurisdiction in secular af
fairs, no more feudal service, no interior barriers. Their national domains
would not have remained uncultivated and useless to the state and nation.
They would have had a secular clergy — a nobility enjoying no feudal pri
vileges or exemptions from contributions and public expenses — they would
now be a different people.
Ferdinand had often said that he preferred remaining at Valencay to
reigning in Spain with the Cortes ; nevertheless, when Napoleon proposed
his remounting the throne, in 1813, he did not hesitate. Count Lafarest
was sent to him to negotiate this affair. The treaty was soon drawn up ;
no conditions were imposed on Ferdinand ; for the engagement which he
entered into to ratify the sales of national domains made during his ab
sence, and not to call any of the persons who had held public employments
to account, cannot be regarded as a condition. Ferdinand at this time
loudly manifested his resolution of taking things in Spain as he found
them, and reigning like a constitutional king. As soon as the treaty was
concluded, he again proposed to contract, by a marriage, a closer alliance
with Napoleon ; this request was neither refused nor accepted. The reply
given was, that the moment for agreeing to it was not yet come ; that when
Ferdinand was reseated on his throne, if he renewed his request from
Madrid, it should then be received as it ought to be.
The treaty of Valencay had been negotiated with the greatest secrecy ;
it was important that it should not come to the knowledge of the English ;
they would have thwarted a proceeding, the result of which was to be to
leave the army free to arrive in the plains of Champagne in time for the
campaign of 1814.
The events which were being brought about at Pans settled things oth
erwise. The party which was struggling to overthrow Napoleon, suc
ceeded in discovering this secret negotiation ; they attempted to persuade
him that a regard for his glory ought not to suffer him to renounce Spain,
and to secure his rejection of the treaty of Valencay.
Not having succeeded in their purpose, they published the existence of the
treaty, and employed all the resources of intrigue to delay Ferdinand's
departure, and thus retard the return of the army to France. Ferdinand
was lo have quitted Valencay in the course of November, 1813, and yet he
did not cross the Pyrenees till the month of March, 1815.
While this negotiation was being opened with Ferdinand, Mons. Fallat
de Beaumont, former archbishop of Bourges, received instructions to go to
Fontainebleau, with full powers to treat with the pope respecting his return
to Rome.
In the meantime, the intrigues of the former high chamberlain, to whose
counsels fate willed that the Emperor should again listen, effected a change
in the cabinet. The report of Count St. Aignous, on his arrival from the
head quarters, was the occasion and pretext of this change ; the office of
minister of foreign affairs was entrusted to the Duke of Vicenza. The
Emperor, however, by a formal arid unusual exception, left to the Duke of

326 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Bassano, the care of pursuing the two negotiations which he had opened.
The treaty of Valencay was signed on the 8th of December, 1813, and
the pope, although he would not subscribe to any written engagement, was
restored to his states. One thing alone was reserved to Ferdinand, who
demanded the hand of one of the Emperor's nieces. It was agreed that
this demand should be listened to when it was renewed from Madrid. It
had been calculated that the first columns of the veteran army of Spain
might be drawn up in Hne on the 1st of March.
The secret of the treaty was now known to all. enemies at home and
abroad. Constantly renewed intrigues retarded its execution. The ratifi
cation of it was, however,' signed ; but precious days had already been
lost. Such a desire was felt at Valencay, as at the Tuileries, to make pro
vision for all difficulties, that it was agreed, that if the least opposition to
the execution af all the conditions of the treaty was made on the part of
the Cortes at Madrid, it should only be looked upon, in case of need, as an
engagement destined to become a publie treaty when the prince should
have resumed his power, and in opportune circumstances.
The Duke of San Carlos had been despatched to Madrid, three days af
ter the conclusion of the treaty. The king was to follow him without de
lay. But through an unpardonable fault of the Duke of Sueldre, minister of
war, the King of Spain could not quit Valencay till the 13th of March.
The king was to be received at the frontier by Marshal Suchet, whose
head-quarters had just been established at Figuieres. The Duke of San
Carlos informed the marshal of this arrangement on his way to Madrid,
and spoke to him at great length of the constitutional fidelity of the king.
The secrecy which it had been wished to maintain concerning the trea
ty of Valencay, and the promptitude , of its execution, were of immense
importance. They would have been the only means of preventing the English cabi
net from acting on the spirit of the Spanish government, and thus prepa
ring the reception given by it to King Ferdinand and his envoy.
On the arrival of the Duke of San Carlos at Madrid, the regency lis
tened to him with coldness, and after having heard the object of his mis
sion, asked him what he had been doing at the time when the Spaniards
were fighting desperately for their king, and suffering the fatigues, priva
tions, and dangers of war. It reproached him with his pleasures at Paris,
with his luxury and dissipation, and even with his love affair with the Prin
cess Talleyrand.
As regarded his mission, it declared that the king should be received as
king when he had taken his oaths in the presence of the Cortes ; that, till
then, he should only receive the honours due to him as Prince of Asturias
— that the necessary orders should be given along a certain route, that of
Burgos, that he might at each station find an escort of sixty men, and that
the authorities might be instructed as to the conduct they were to pursue.
General Elliot and Monsieur de Zagas, nephew of General Ofaril, for
merly minister of war under Joseph Bonaparte, were successively dis
patched lo Madrid by the king, on missions similar to that of the Duke of
San Carlos, and were treated in the same manner by the regency — with
pride and disdain ; it found subjects for criticism in some details of their
personal conduct ; reproached General Elliot with having allowed himself
to be defeated at Valencia ; and, in short, its whole conduct announced
that when the king should have remounted the throne, the credit of the

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 327
Duke of Sain Carlos, Elliot, and de Zagas would not last long, should his
majesty be guided by the spirit of the regency.
Ferdinand at last arrived, on the 19th of March, at Perpignan, and on
the 22nd, at the head-quarters at Figuieres, where he was to await the re
turn of General Elliot from Madrid ; his whole conversation showed that
he felt a deep sense of what he owed to the regency, to the Cortes, and to
the nation. ' v
" He only desired to reign," he said, " by the laws which his victorious
people had made for themselves."
He communicated to Marshal Suchet the proclamation which, he was
about to publish, declaring his sentiments, and he asked his advice, be
lieving that what he was going to do would be in perfect accordance with
what he ought to do. Marshal Suchet, who was well acquainted with the
state of Spain, entirely approved of the proclamation, which contained the
most explicit and candid declarations ; he only requested, with a delicate
feeling of propriety, that the king should insist still more strongly on the
praise merited by the Spanish army. The Marshal breakfasted and dined
every day with the king, who, pntil the return of Messrs. Elliot and Za
gas, still testified the same disposition.
But it was soon changed. On the arrival of these gentlemen, they both
advised him to throw off at once the yoke which the regency wished to
impose on him, and to travel to Madrid by a different route from that point
ed out by the regency. They persuaded him to pass through Saragossa,
in order to see in the ruins of this great and illustrious city, the sad proofs
of the courage of his subjects. They sent emissaries into the country
around to excite the people to assemble in masses along the route to be ta
ken by the king. They intoxicated him with the enthusiasm of which he
was the object, and which burst forth with especial strength at Saragossa.
From that moment, Ferdinand's wise resolutions were banished. The
regency, informed of these proceedings, uttered threats ; General Elliot
began to collect armed forces, and finding himself at the head of about
10,000 men, marched towards the capital. The regency sent a few bat
talions to oppose him ; he soon put them to rout ; Ferdinand entered Mad
rid as a conqueror, and the counter-revolution was made.
Marshal Suchet wrote to the Emperor, that on the first news of the trea
ty of Valencay, the regency, happy at, and proud of, a deliverance which
it regarded as its work, had manifested the intention of proceeding to the
frontier, to be the first to salute with its acclamations the return of the con
stitutional king to Spain ; but that inexplicable delays had excited distrust,
and changed these dispositions. " Had the treaty been executed two
months earlier," said he, " Spain would have warded off the catastrophes
which await her, and France would have been saved."

328 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

CHAPTER XV.
AFFAIRS OF ROME AND CONCORDAT OF FONTAINEBLEAU.

During these occurrences, letters from Las Cases gave us hopes of see
ing him again. He had obtained permission to return to England, and
was to pass by St. Helena. Without doubt, our reason, our knowledge of
the character of Sir Hudson Lowe, had already convinced us that- we should
not be permitted to take a last farewell of this so devoted friend of the Em
peror ; but hope is the support of the suffering soul, and we hoped in spite
' of ourselves. The health of the Emperor continued to get worse and worse. I saw
him more frequently than any one, and consequently I was better able than
any one else to trace the causes of the malady which was manifested so
often, and under such different, forms. His chest could not endure the effect
of the moist atmosphere of Longwood, and still less the sudden changes of
temperature to which it was subject. In fact, the thermometer at St.
Helena varies 10° per day, according as the sun is above or below the
horizon. Ihave remarked that great heat produces no effect on the Emperor; he
had already been accustomed to it in Egypt ; but moisture of climate exer
cises a terrible influence on his health. I have frequently seen him, after
coming in from a ride at night, suffer from attacks of cough so violent as
not to cease till vomiting ensued.
It was in the midst of these new apprehensions for the health of the Em
peror, that Sir Hudson Lowe presented himself before me, to complain that
we consumed too much fire-wood ; and that it was unreasonable for the
Emperor, under the tropics, to have a fire every day in his bedroom. He
even asserted that this could only arise from a wish, on his part, to cause
more expense to England.
I recalled to his recollection that it was not long since the boards of the
bedroom had sunk, and suddenly a gush of stagnant water sprang from a
sort of marsh which extended along two-thirds of the room.
" But," said he, " since I have had the boards repaired, and the water
emptied out, it seems to me that there is no further occasion for a fire."
" In that room, certainly," answered I ; " but what do you say respect
ing the others, where the boards are rotten, and the walls covered with
moisture ?"
And at the same time I pointed out to him with my finger proofs of what
I advanced. However, Sir Hudson was uneasy on account of the Emperor's state of
health, and he proposed to the grand marshal to have one of those wooden
barracks, which can be set up and taken down at pleasure, erected for him
at the end of the library, " in order," said he, " that General Bonaparte

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 329
may be able to take exercise without being exposed to the sun and the
rain." When thjs proposal was repeated to the Emperor, he merely
shrugged his shoulders, and murmured between his teeth, "Disgusting
irony!" The Emperor at last decided upon addressing to Lord Liverpool a long
memorandum, in the form of observations on the bad treatment he had ex
perienced. The grand marshal committed this sealed despatch to the officer
on duty.
The bad temper of Sir Hudson Lowe increased continually, and at last
became such, that Bertrand and I did not know what means to use, so that
the Emperor might not hear of his. outrages. Poor O'Meara, on his part,
was exposed to all his ill-humour. Sir Hudson Lowe wished him to issue
bulletins after his fashion ; the Emperor heard of this, and refused O'Meara's
assistance, however much he might have need of it. Long and painful
discussions followed ; Sir Hudson at length yielded, and it was settled that
no bulletin should be issued without having been previously shown to Ber
trand or myself; and in order to avoid any occasion for an insult, it was
settled that the Emperor should merely be designated as the patient.
This simple announcement of a fact will say more than any commen
tary !
The arrival of a vessel from Europe gave an agreeable diversion to all
these ignoble plots during some time. We received pamphlets and some
books on the subject of the reign of the Emperor. I profited by them to
awaken the recollection of a happier lime, and he dictated the following
note on the affairs of Rome :
AFFAIRS OF ROME.
" Nappleon had given, in the years 1796 and 1797, in Italy, particular
attention to affairs of religion. This knowledge was necessary to a con
queror and to the legislator of the Transpadane and Cispadane republics, in
the same way as, when in Egypt, he studied the Koran, because it was ne
cessary for him to be acquainted with the principles of Islamism, the go
vernment, the opinions of the four sects, and their relations to Constantino
ple and Malta. His profound knowledge of each religion contributed to
captivate the affection both of the Italian clergy and of the Ilemas of Egypt.
" He never repented of having signed the concordat of 1801 ; the expres
sions put into his mouth on that subject are false ; he never said, that ihe
concordat was the greatest error of his reign. The disputes which he
had with Rome proceeded from the abuse made by this court of the mixture
of spiritual and temporal power.
" This may have occasioned him some moments of impatience : it was
the lion stung by flies ; but nothing ever altered his feelings, either with re
gard to the principles of his religion, or the great act which has had such
important results.
. ¦"¦ The concordat of 1801 was necessary to religion, to the republic, to the
government ; the temples of worship were closed, the priests persecuted ;
they were divided into three sects — the constitutional priests, the vicars
apostolic, and the bishops who had emigrated to England. The concordat
put an end to these discussions, and raised the Roman-catholic apostolic
chureh from its ruins ; it was facilitated by the favourable disposition of the
venerable Pius VII., who, immediately on hearing the proposal of it, has
tened to reply : ' Assure the First Consul, that I shall willingly enter into

330 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
a negotiation, the aim of which is so praiseworthy, so suitable to* my holy
office, and so conformable to the .wishes of my heart.' The plenipoten
tiaries of the Holy See were, Cardinal Spina,' and a celebrated theologian ;
Joseph "Bonaparte, Cretel, a state councillor, and Bermir, then a rector,
formerly a chief of the Vendean army, were invested with powers by
France. " One would be inclined to think, that the immense interest which the
Holy See had in seeing the altars of Christ again raised in France, would
have over-ruled all secondary questions ; but wifh Rome the contrary al
ways happens.
" Canonical institutions, the admission of the priests who had taken their
oaths in the re-organization of the French church,' the consecration of the
goods of the church, gave rise to acrimonious debates, while the subject of
divorce presented no difficulty, and the Roman negotiators declared that
they would consent to admit the marriage of priests, if the First -Consul
would consent to yield to the Pope the right of adjourning indefinitely ca
nonical institutions, which consenL would have been equal to a renunciation
of the right possessed by the chief of the state to nominate bishops.
" But it was necessary to bring these discussions to a close ; the French
negotiators and ihe ambassador of France at Rome, received instructions
to declare, that if the Holy See did not, within the space of three days, ac
cede to the offers of France, and sign the Concordat, the negotiations should
be looked upon as broken off, and the First Consul, desirous,1 above every
other consideration, of bringing back the French nation to religious senti
ments, would consider, in his wisdom, whether or not he would follow the
example of Henry VIII.
" The venerable Pius VII. was troubled by this declaration, the sacred
college trembled. Cardinal Gonzalve set out in haste for Paris ; all diffi
culties were smoothed down, the concordat was signed at Paris on the 15th
of July, 1801, and the Holy See ratified il in the course of the same month,
as well as Ihe' decree issued by the First Consul, which, under the title of
' Regulations for the execution of the Concordat,' settled the otganic ar
ticles. " The question of divorce and that of the marriage of priests, are the two
great social questions which have escaped the shipwreck of the supreme
jurisdiction of the catholic church ; this is not the opinion maintained by the
ignorant fanatics of the profanations of the holy sacrament. Councils have
always admitted the dissolution of marriage. The council of Trent fixed
rules for it ; it appointed thirteen cases in which a nuptial benediction,
given in contempt of the observance of any one of these thirteen conditions
of the nullity of a marriage, should be dissolved and declared null. To
discuss the rupture or nullity, to cavil, is not a principle; to render the
bond of a marriage indissoluble, is to provoke crime, is to place the curate
of a village above the power of the law.
" A separation in mezzo termine can only be put in practice among the
higher classes ; the mass of the people can find no protection, -they are
obliged to groan during their whole lives under the evil consequences of one
day, or to rush to crime, in the hope of an impunity which should secure
the return of calm to their homes.
" Henry IV. possessed the religious right of divorce, and that during the
reign of a religious fanaticism, which had condemned him to choose be
tween an abjuration and a throne ; and to debar a simple citizen from any
means of breaking the tie which binds him to a barren woman, to a Mes-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 331
salina, or to a shrew, is to establish an inequality in the face of the law
between men of the same nation, is to place ourselves again under the em
pire of feudal distinctions, is to retrograde to the middle ages, to an order
of things which was destroyed from the very root by the revolution of
1789. It is true that marriage is bolh a civil and a religious contract, and
as the law declares that it can only be legally contracted by being per
formed in presence of the municipal officer appointed to execute the com
mands of the law, it must also, in order to obtain validity in the sight of
religion, be subjected to the formalities imposed by it, in order that the
priest may give the nuptial benediction. The rupture of marriage ought
then necessarily to be doubly pronounced, by the natural judges of all ques
tions of religious belief— viz., the metropolitan authorities.
" In this state of things, equally suggested by reason to the legislator,
and by faith to the pious man, perfect equality before the law for all men,
entire liberty to have a marriage dissolved, whatever may be the religion
of the person requiring it, catholics and protestants would be under the do
minion of the same law, while on the contrary, since the abolition of di
vorce by the effects of a senseless reaction, the inequality between the
catholic and the protestant is flagrant. The former cannot dissolve his
marriage, while to the latter it is easy, for a protestant has only to acquire
the right of citizenship in a protestant village on the frontiers of France to
be able legally to divorce his wife.
" The celibacy of priests is only a perfection of holiness; the councils
declared this ; and this truth cannot be disputed, for these same councils de
legated to the Pope the power of releasing a priest from his vows and per
muting him to marry.
" M. de Talleyrand, minister of foreign affairs during the negotiations
for the concordat, had been Bishop of Autun before the French revolution,
but considered himself free, like every French citizen, through the effects
of the laws of the republic to contract a marriage, he wished to marry a
Dutch woman. The Pope released him from his vows and Madame Gramt
became Princess Talleyrand, and not even the most ardent defender of the
canons ventured to raise his voice against this marriage. .
" Napoleon rebuilt the altars, put an end to all disorders, desired the
faithful to pray for the republic, dissipated all the scruples of the purcha
sers of national domains, and broke the last thread by which t!i? ancient
dynasty still communicated with the country, by depriving of tiieir places
the bishops who had remained faithful to it, denominating them rebels, who
had preferred the affairs of the world and terrestrial interests before the
affairs of heaven and the cause of God.
" It has been said, ' Napoleon ought not to have interfered in religious
affairs, but to have tolerated religion in practising its worship ;' but what
worship ? Restore its temples ; but to whom ? To the constitutional par
ty, to the clergy, or to the papist vicars in the pay of England ? It was
proposed to Napoleon in the conferences for the negotiation of the concor
dat, to assign a delay in the exercise of the right of instituting bishops,
conferred on the Pope ; but he had already made great concessions ; he
consented to the suppression of those dioceses whose sees dated from the
birth of Christianity ; he deprived a great number of ancient bishops, by
his own authority, of their places, and sold, without giving any indemnity,
four hundred millions' worth of goods belonging to the clergy.
" It was decided that, even as regarded the interests of the republic, new
stipulations which would have favoured the ultra-montanes, ought not to

332 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
be exacted. It was in one of these conferences that Napoleon said ; < If
the Pope had not existed, he must have been created for this occasion, as
ihe Roman consuls created a dictator in difficult circumstances.'
" It is true that the concordat acknowledged the existence in the state of
a foreign power, which was likely to trouble it one day, but it did not in?
troduce it — it had always existed.
" Being master of Italy, Napoleon considered himself master of Rome,
and this Italian influence served him as a means for counteracting the Eng?
lish influence.
" The pieces printed at London, concerning the discussions. between the
court of the Tuileries and that of Rome, are apocryphal ; they have never
been avowed. The effect hoped for from their publication was that of ex
alting the imaginations of the Spaniards and those of the saints of Chris
tendom ; the Petite Eglise published them about with furious zeal. Some
of these pieces are false, Ihe others are more or less falsified. It is to be
lamented'that they should have found place in an important work ; it would
not have been difficult to prove their falsity, lstly. The court of the
Tuileries never promised, either directly or indirectly, to allow legations,
and the Pope looked upon this condition as the price of his journey to Pa
ris. It is possible that he flattered himself with the hope of obtaining
Romagna, in which lay Casena, his native country, from the gratitude of
the Emperor ; it is possible that during his stay in Paris he spoke of this
desire directly to the Emperor ; but it was very slightly, and without hopes
of success. 2ndly. How could it be supposed that the court of Rome had
been requested to establish a patriarch in France ? A patriarch would only
have possessed influence in France, while the Pope, who was the patriarch
of the great empire, possessed an influence over the whole universe. France
would then have lost by the change ! Srdly. How could the Emperor have
demanded the acceptance of the civil code ? Did not the Napoleon code
rule in France and Italy ? ' Did he require the assistance of the court of
Rome to frame laws for his own subjects ? 4thly. Why should he have
demanded liberty of worship? Was not this a fundamental law of the
French constitution. Had this law more need of the sanction of the Pope,
than that of Maron the minister, and the consistory of Geneva? 5thly.
How could he have demanded the reform of the too numerous bishoprics in
Italy? Had not the, concordat of Italy provided for this? It is true that
some negotiations were carried on respecting the bishoprics of Tuscany and
Genoa, but in the form established for these kind of affairs. 6thly. What
interest could he have in wishing the pontifical bulls relating to the bishop
rics and benefices in Italy to be abolished ? — was not all this regulated by
the concordat of Italy? 7thly. Why should he have demanded the aboli
tion of religious orders ? — were not these orders already abolished in France
and Italy ? How could it be supposed that, engaged as he was in discus
sions with the court of Rome, he would demand freedom of marriage
for the priests, which would have been, in all gaiety of heart to give his
enemies an advantage? What did the celibacy of the priests matter to
him ! Had he any time to lose in theological discussions ? 9thly. What.
interest could he have in wishing Joseph Bonaparte to be consecrated King
of Naples by the Pope? Had the Pope wished to do so, Napoleon would
have opposed his desire, for fear that he should afterwards put forward a
claim to be suzerain of Naples.
" The'direet correspondence between the Emperor and the Pope, from
1805 to 1809, remained secret ; it solely concerned temporal affairs, re-

, HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 333
garding which he needed neither the consent nor the advice of his bishops ;
but in 1809, when the Pope, relying on a passage in the proceedings of
the council of Lyons, endeavoured, by the brief of Savona, addressed to
the chapter of Florence and to that of ParisJ to interfere with the duties of
capitular vicars during the vacancies of the sees, the discussion began to
refer to spiritual matters. The Pope then felt the need of the counsel and
intervention of the clergy — he established a council of theologians. The
choice which he made was fortunate ; the Bishop of Nantes, who had for
half a century been one of the oracles of Christendom, was the soul of the
council ; from this time, all the discussions became public.
_ " Fox, conversing with Napoleon after the treaty of Amiens, reproached
him^with not having obtained freedom for the priests lo marry : Napoleon
replied : ' I had and have need of using pacifying measures ; it is with
water, and not with oil, that theological volcanoes must be calmed;
it would have given me less trouble to have established the confession of
Augsburg throughout my empire.'
"Ever since the coronation,- discussions had been carried on concerning
the cardinal's hats, some expressions which the Pope had allowed himself
to use in his harangues on the organic laws, and the briefs relating to the
penitentiary tribunals, as also concerning some circumscriptions of the
bishoprics of Tuscany and Genoa, and some secret affairs relative to the
kingdom of Italy ; but none of these discussions directly occupied the two
sovereigns ; they were constantly abandoned to the care of the chanceries,
which treated all these affairs with moderation and wisdom.
" The carrying off the Pope was neither foreseen nor ordered by the Em
peror; it was a personal act of General Miollis, an old republican who was
at the head of the troops stationed in the states of the church.
"The disputes between the cabinet of the Tuileries and that of the Holy
See, were never caused by any religious question ; they were entirely poli
tical, and date from the year 1805 — a period at which the squadrons of
the coalition threatened the shores of Italy with an Anglo-Prussian debar
kation. " The arming of Ancona was included in the general plan for the de
fence of Italy. The Emperor commissioned his ambassador at Rome to
demand it from the Holy See. He made offers of an offensive and defen
sive alliance between the king of Italy and the court of Rome. The Pope
refused, and answered : ' that as father of the faithful he could enter into
no league against his children, and neither could nor would make war
against any one.' The Emperor replied : ' The history of the Popes is full
of accounts of their leagues with the emperors, the kings of Spain, and the
kings of France. Julius II. commanded armies : in 1797, I, General Bo
naparte, defeated the army of Pius VI., which was fighting among the
ranks of the Austrians against the French republic, and since, in our days,
the banners of St. Peter could float, without any derogation to their sancti
ty, beside the eagles of Austria ; they may well float over the walls of An
cona, as allies of the eagle of France. Nevertheless, out of respect to the
scruples of the holy father, I consent that the ^treaty of alliance shall be
confined to the case of an attack from the infidels or heretics.'
" Events succeeded each other rapidly in this time of deadly struggle
between England and France. Ancona must be occupied at any price;
the safety of the kingdom of Italy depended upon this being done ; Gene
ral Miollis received orders to garrison it, and was charged with the defence
of the marches and legations. The nuncio quitted Paris immediately on

334 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
hearing of this arrangement, and, though minister of the smallest existing
temporal power, unhesitatingly declared war against the colossal French
empire. The cabinet of the Tuileries affected not to consider itself at va
riance with Rome and instructed its a/mbassador to make no change in his
diplomatic relations with the Holy See.
" The battle of Esling, for a moment, revived the hopes of the coalition.
" The exasperated feelings of the people manifested themselves very
strongly in several districts of the states of the church, and General Miol-
lis with alarm saw himself exposed to the fanaticism of a people roused by
the holy name of religion. Bis troops, extended along a line of sixty
leagues in extent, amounted to scarcely 6000 men, and in Rome itself, he
had less than 1500 to keep that great city under authority. His position
was very critical. He recollected the sinister examples of the massacres
of Verona, in 1797, and of Rome, in 1798, when General Duphot fell
under the daggers of the dregs of the populace, who had been exasperated
by the priests ; and he saw no prospect of safety but in one of those extra
ordinary and unforeseen measures which are sometimes taken. General
Miollis did not recoil from the fearful responsibility of violating the supreme
majesty of the Pope ; yet he was still hesitating, when he received a letter
signed by the queen of Naples, advising and even authorizing him to
adopt this measure ; from this moment his hesitation vanished — he carried
off the Pope in the middle of the night, and sent him lo Florence. The ef
fect of this measure was sudden as a thunderbolt — a most profound stupor
reigned throughout the town and in the mountains, instead of the threaten
ing effervescence of the previous evening.
" The Grand Duchess of Tuscany was not a little astonished that a ge<
neral should dare to act thus without the Emperor's orders, and became
naturally alarmed at the part of the responsibility which would rest on
her, if the Pope remained- in Tuscany ; she sent courier after courier to
the imperial head-quarters, requiring General Miollis to send the cortege
along the sea shore into the states of Genoa. The Pope was conducted to
Savona. " Nothing could equal the displeasure of the Emperor ; he immediately
understood all the difficulties which would arise, and his first act was to
order the Pope to be taken back to the Vatican. But all the dreams of
General Bonaparte, all Ihe projects of the Emperor concerning Italy re
ceived from this carrying off of the Pope the possibility of being realized.
Of the three obstacles which had always been opposed to the unity of Ita
ly, two had disappeared, by the will of the Erflperor; the third, the only
one which his thoughts had but timidly approached, the residence of the
vicars of Jesus Christ at Rome, was now removed by one of those inex
plicable combinations of destiny which sometimes occur, and which . now
transported the chair of St. Peter from the banks of the Tiber to those of
the Seine. Paris would be the capital of the great empire, and the resi
dence of the sovereign pontiff of 80,000,000 Catholics. The spiritual
power of the Popes would naturally be strengthened by the support of the
great temporal power of the Emperor ; the golden days of the church
would be revived. The removal of the Popes was a fact gained to the
fortune of the empire ; Napoleon accepted it; it was on this occasion that
he wrote to the Abbe Duvoisin, Bishop of Nantes, whose great merit he held
in high estimation, and with whom he corresponded, in the following words :
" < Let your mind be perfectly easy ; the policy of my state is intimate-
ly connected with the maintenance of the Pope's power : I must make him

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY pF NAPOLEON. 335
more powerful than ever : he will never have as much power as my policy
would lead me to give him.' "
The Bishop of Nantes preached the catholic religion by , the wisdom of
his reasonings and the excellence of the morality which he professed. In
his discussions, he abandoned everything which it was difficult for reason'
to admit, and thus placed himself on an excellent ground on which to ar
gue with his adversaries.- He was a contemporary of Diderot, of D'Al-
embert, and of the philosophers of this period, and had endeavoured, and
with success, to combat their opinions ; he, had gained the esteem and con
fidence of the Emperor, who consulted him on all questions relating to the
church. The carrying off of the Pope was not an act of the Emperor's
will, but one of those accidents which often happen in politics as well as
in the course of life. The whole of the imperial palace at Turin was put
at the disposal of the Pope. At Savona he was lodged in the archbishop's
palace, which afforded him every convenience ; the intendant of the civil
list, and the Count Salmatori provided abundantly for every thing neces
sary. He remained there for several months, during which time proposals were
made to him to return to Rome, if he would agree not to disturb public
tranquillity, to recognize the government established in that capital, and
only to. occupy himself with spiritual affairs ; but, perceiving that they
wished to weary him out, and that the world went on without him, he ad
dressed briefs to the metropolitan chapters of Florence and Paris, to dis
turb the administration of the dioceses during the vacancies of the sees, at
the same time that Cardinal Pietro sent vicars apostolic into the vacant di
oceses. Then, first, did the discussions which had been carried on for five
years, lose their temporal character; and begin to take concern in spiritual
matters ; and this gave rise to the first and second assemblies of bishops,
to the council of Paris, to the bull of 1811, and finally, to the concor
dat of Fontainebleau, in 1813. Nothing was yet settled concerning the
temporal affairs of Rome ; this uncertainty encouraged the resistance of the
Pope ; the Emperor, who had been harassed for five years by the most
pitiful arguments, arising from the mixture of temporal and spiritual pow
er, decided at length to separate them for ever, and no longer to allow the
Pope to be a temporal sovereign. Jesus Christ had said : " My kingdom
is not of this world ;" though heir to the throne, of David, he had wish
ed to be pontiff and not king.
In the beginning of the year 1810, Napoleon passed a decree uniting
Rome to the empire. He made arrangements on the most liberal scale for
everything relating to the temporal concerns of the Pope and cardinals, and
caused the senate to issue the follpwing decree :
'* Clause I. — Concerning the Annexation of the States of Rome to the
Empire.
" lstly. The state of Rome is annexed to the empire, and forms an in
tegral part of it. 2ndly. It will form two departments, that of Rome, and
that of Trasimene. 3rdly. The department of Rome will send seven de
puties to the legislative body, that of Trasimene four. 4thly. The depart
ment of Rome will be classed in the first series, that of Trasimene in the
second. -5thly. A senatorship will be established in the departments of
Rome and Trasimene. 6thly. The city of Rome is the, second city in the
empire. The mayor of Rome will, on his appointment, take the oath of

336 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
allegiance to the Emperor ; he will thus, as well as the deputies of the city
of Rome, rank on all occasions next after the mayors and deputies of Pa
ris. 7thly. The heir-apparent of the Imperial Crown will bear the title of
King of Rome, and receive the honours due to this rank. 8th. There will
be at Rome a prince of the blood, or a high dignitary of the empire, who
will hold the court of the Emperpr. 9thly. The estates which will form
the dotation of the Imperial Crown, conformably to the decree of the 30th
of January last, will be regulated by a special decree. lOthly. The Em
perors, after having been crowned in the church of N6tre Dame, in Paris,
will be crowned in the church of St. Peter, in Rome, before the tenth year
of their reigns, llthly. The city of Rome will enjoy such particular
privileges and immunities as shall be determined by the Emperor Napoleon.
" Clause II. — Concerning the Independence of the Imperial Throne of
all other Authority.
" 12thly. Any temporal sovereignty is incompatible with the exercise of
spiritual authority in the interior of the empire. 13thly. Immediately on
their elevation to the chair of St. Peter, the popes will take an oath never
to oppose in ariy way the four propositions of the Gallican church, de
creed in the assembly of the clergy,' in 1682. 14thly. The four proposi
tions of the Gallican church are declared common to all the Catholic
churches of the empire.
" Clause III. — Concerning the Temporal Affairs of the' Pope.
" 15thly. Palaces will be prepared for the Pope in the various places of
the empire where he may wish to reside ; he will necessarily have one at
Paris, and one at Rome. 16thly. A revenue of two millions of francs,
arising from rural possessions, and free of all impost, and six millions in
various other parts of the empire, will be assigned to the Pope. 17thly.
The expenses of the sacred college, and of the propaganda, are declared
imperial. 18thly. The present organic decree will be transmitted to His
Majesty the Emperor and King."

During all this time, the deputations of bishops had always instructions
to make proposals to the Pope for his return to Rome, provided he would
acknowledge the temporal government which had been established there,
and would occupy himself solely with spiritual affairs ; but he constantly
refused. Napoleon understood the interests of the church ; they were constantly'
united in his thoughts with those of the crown ; and to him the catholic
church owes the power which, during the last forty years, it has regained
in France. The concordat of 1801 excited violent passions against the
First Consul; celebrated generals raised their voices, and accused him of
betraying the republic ; one of them, the general who commanded the
Grenadiers of the guard, dared to carry his reproaches even into the pa
lace ; but his excitement soon vanished, as by magic, before the paternal
mildness with which Napoleon listened to him ; and that very evening he
set out on some diplomatic mission for Lisbon. Madame de Stael had
placed herself at the head of the saloon' malcontents, and said at the same

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 337
time to the republicans : " You have but a moment ; to-morrow, the tyrant
will have 40,000 priests for his Seides."
Napoleon showed in his disputes with the Holy See, more patience than
accorded with his situation and character, and if he sometimes employed
sarcasm in his correspondence with the Pope, he was always provoked to
it by the bitter style of the Roman Chancery, which expressed itself in
the same manner as might have been used in the time of Louis le Debon-
naire, or of the emperors of the house of Swabia; a style so much- the1
more out of place as it was addressed to a man eminently well-informed'
concerning the wars and affairs of Italy, and who knew all the temporal
intrigues of the popes by heart. The court of Rome might have avoided
alMhese disputes, by frankly annexing itself to the great system of France
— closing its ports against the English, summoning some French battalions
to the defence of Ancona, and, in short, maintaining tranquillity in Italy.
As regards spiritual questions, no others were discussed between the
Emperor and the Pope, except those laid down in the two verbal processes
— that of the two ecclesiastical commissions, and that of the council of
Paris ; the only important question was that concerning the bishops.
The Pope rendered him justice ; and when he heard of the disembarka
tion at Cannes, he said to Prince Lucien, with a manner that marked his
confidence — " The Emperor having disembarked and arrived, you will go
to Paris. This is well ; make my peace with him ; I am at Rome ; he
shall never have any annoyance from me."
Man, launched into life, asks himself- — " Whence do I come ? What am
I ? Whither do I go ?" Mysterious questions, which draw him towards'
religion ; we all hasten towards it — our natural inclination urges us so to
do. We believe in the existence of God, because everything around us
proclaims it ; the greatest minds have believed in it— Bossuet, Newton,
Leibnitz. We have heed of believing, and without doubt believe most frequently
without exercising our reason ; faith becomes wavering as soon as we be
gin to reason ; but even then we say in our hearts — " Perhaps I shall again
believe blindly ; God grant it !" For we feel that this must be a great
happiness, an immense consolation in adversity and in great trials, and'
even in accidental suggestions of immorality.
The virtUous man never doubts of the existence of God ; for if his rea
son does not suffice to comprehend it, the instinct of his soul adopts the
belief. Every intimate feeling of the soul is in sympathy with the senti
ments of religion.
¦ When Napoleon received the supreme power, his mind became occupied
with the great elements of the social body ; he recognized all the impor
tance of religion — he resolved to re-establish it ; but it would be difficult
to believe all the resistance he had to overcome in order to attain his ob
ject, and to re-erect the altars of Catholicism. The council of state was
not favourable to the concordat. The greater part of its members, those
who held the highest places in public esteem, only gave way after taking
a resolution to become Protestants, in order to remain independent of
Rome, if the church again took up the sceptre which the revolution had
broken. The disposition of the public mind" was then tending strongly towards
reform. ' But besides that the First Consul himself firmly maintained his
natal religion, the highest political motives for re-establishing it existed.
What ad vantage would he have gained by proclaiming Protestantism ? He
22

338 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
would have awakened religious fanaticism and created new parties, when
the first aim of his ambition was to abolish.them in France* and rally the
French people beneath the banner of national interest. Parties, under
whatever denomination they may rank, weaken the social system, and give
favourable opportunities to the intrigues of foreigners. None of these
dangers were to he feared from there-establishment of Catholicism. Catho
licism had, besides, the great advantage of gaining the favour of the Holy
See; and from that time what an influence would it have! — what a lever
of opinion on. eighty millions. of catholics ! During his disputes with the
Vatican, Napoleon had never, either as First Consul or as Emperor, touch
ed upon points of dogma. The Pope had dispensed the Emperor from
public communion, and by this determination showed him the value of the
sincerity of his religious faith. A council of cardinals had been held on
this subject ; the most of them had strongly insisted on his receiving the
communion in public, and said, that his example would be of great import
ance to the church, and that he ought to give it. The Pope answered, that
if he only performed this action as he would a part of a ceremonial, it would
be a sacrilege : " I cannot desire that he should do this — my conscience
opposes it. Napoleon is not, perhaps, favourably disposed to it. A tjme
will doubtless come, when faith will urge him to perform this act of devo
tion. In the meantime, let us not load either his conscience or our own."
Pius VII. was personally attached to the Emperor ; their private intima
cy was never interrupted by their disputes as sovereigns ; and to this esteem
and this mutual affection must be attributed the concluding of the concordat
of Fontainebleau, by which the Pope renounced all temporal sovereignty.
The Pope left Paris after the coronation, without having obtained the re
ward which he thought he had merited. He demanded the execution of
the famous donation of Countess Matilda, and showed the Emperor some
letters, written by Louis XIV., who, in the last years of his reign, had ^hus
compromised the honour of the crown of France. The Emperor, after hav
ing read the letters, threw them into the fire, instead of giving them back
to the Pope, who stood in amazement at this act of power.
To have executed the donation would have been to sacrifice the interests
of the empi re in order to pay a debt of personal gratitude ; and that nothing
in the world could have persuaded Napoleon to do. The sacred college
became hostile to him, and Rome was thenceforth the centre of all the plots
woven against him.
Fanatic priests proclaimed in the senate bulls and letters of the Pope ;
they represented the Emperor as excommunicated by the vicar of Jesus
Christ. A Monsieur Franchet, director of the posts in a department on the
frontiers of Savoy, was the intermediate link of all these clandestine webs;
and the son of a former minister of religious affairs, who was himself a
councillor of state, charged, per interim, with their administration, knew
all, without informing the Emperor of it. The prefect of Lyons was the
first who gave him any intimation of these proceedings. It was necessary
to give some example which should stop these madmen; the Emperor
wished to give it paternally ; he could not resolve to punish as he deserved,
the son of a virtuous man, whom he had numbered among his friends.
But when, at the next sitting of the Council of State, he saw Monsieur
Portalis enter and take his seat as if he had nothing to reproach himself
with, Napoleon could not restrain his indignation. " Monsieur Portalis,"
said he, " is it your religious principles which have induced you to betray
your duty to your sovereign? But should this be so; why come and seat

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 339
yourself in my council of state ? I do violence to the conscience of no one;
did I force you to become one of my councillors of state? Was it not
rather a signal favour which you solicited from me? You are the young
est here, and perhaps the only one without personal claims ; I only saw in
you the heir to your' father's services. You swore allegiance to me. How
can your religion accord with the flagrant violation of an oath? Speak,
however ; you are here as in a family circle ; your colleagues will judge
you. Your fault is great — very great ! A murderous conspiracy is ren
dered abortive as soon as we seize the poniard in the hand of the assassin j
but a moral conspiracy is a train of powder.
"I have surrounded myself with men of all parties; I have even placed
near my person emigres, men from the army of Conde ; and I have done
this because I have confidence in French honour, and in serving me they
swore allegiance to me. Since I have been at the head of affairs you are
the first person who has betrayed me." Monsieur Portalis had npthing to
say, but stammered out some unmeaning excuses.
The Emperor said — " Leave the room, sir ; you are no longer a coun
cillor of state."
Pius VII. had been for six months at Fontainebleau ; his court was com
posed of the Cardinal of Bayonne, Cardinals Buffo, Rovende, Doria, and
Agnani ; Ihe Bishop of Edessa ; several almoners, and a staff of physicians ;
some French prelates, and some from the kingdom of Italy, such as Mon
sieur de Basal, Archbishop of Tours, Cardinal Mancey, called Archbishop
of Paris, the Bishops of Nantes, Treves, Evreux, Plaiseur, Ideltre, and
Faenza. Independently of the great question of the temporal sovereignty of. the
Popes, questions of comparatively secondary importance, but grave in
themselves, were in discussion, and appeared insoluble in the state of exas
peration in which the sacred college had for three years been. It was im
possible to obtain bulls of consecration for the bishops who had been ap
pointed to vacant sees ; and what was still more important, the Pope obsti
nately refused to sanction the establishment of the bishoprics created by the
Emperor at Hamburg, Amsterdam, and Diisseldorf, for the propagation and
glory of Catholicism.
The Emperor demanded, for the interest of religion, that the Holy See
should be obliged to publish the bulls",, as well as the -concordat of 1.801 T
within a given time, and that the sovereign should have a right, during a
limited period, of nominating to the bishoprics.
The Pope's resistance to such just demands at length appeared to be
weakened ; the ill-will on the part of the cardinals had sensibly diminished,
as letters from the Bishop of Nantes announced. The Emperor resotved
upon taking a personal step in order to accomplish a complete reconcilia
tion, which was rendered so desirable by the interests of his policy and by
his religious sentiments; he relied, and with reason, pn the friendship and
esteem which the Pope had never ceased to exhibit towards him, notwith
standing their disputes as sovereigns.
He demanded of the Prince of Neufchatel to hold a coursing chase on his
estate of Gros Bois, near Melun. While the chase was yet being actively
carried on, he set out for Fontainebleau, arrived there quite unexpectedly,
and presented himself to the Pope, who, moved by this unhoped-for homage,
received him with great kindness, and testified a lively and friendly plea
sure at his visit. Their interview lasted for several hours; and from this
moment the Pope's resistance was vanquished. The conversation was car-

340 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
ried on in Italian, and bore the kindly stamp of the names by which they
addressed each other-^-" father," and " son." The Pope agreed provision
ally to. the. residence at Avignon, and without totally renouncing his tem
poral sovereignty over Rome, he consented to come to arrangements res
pecting compensation, and agreed to the fixing of a limited time for the ex
pediting of the bulls. These bases being agreed upon, the Emperor imme
diately dictated the new concordat to which they gave rise. The Pope was
present ; he expressed his approbation, either by wo*ds or signs, of every
one of the stipulations. The cardinals were commissioned finally to draw
up the document ; they were occupied four days in fulfilfing this charge.
On the 25th of January, 1813, the concordat was signed, in presence of
the whole court of France,, which had united itself to that of the holy father,
in order to give the greatest possible solemnity to this ceremony. The
Empress was present. All. the actions arid words of the Pope were so
many testimonies of the joyand serenity of his mind; he seemed happy,in
short, to see a good understanding re-established between himself and the
Emperor. The Cardinals of the household received magnificent presents. -The
Emperor loaded them with benefits ; he pardoned the fourteen cardinals who
were either prisoners or exiles, and the reconciliation appeared complete;
on his side it was so.
The concordat of Fontainebleau being- signed, the Pope had' a prospect
of finding, in riches, homage, and royal pomp, more than a compensation
for the loss of his temporal power. The Emperor desired to make an idol
of him. Paris was to become the capital of the Christian universe, the cen
tre of action and direction of the religious as of the political world. This
would be a great means of drawing closer the ties of the federative parties;
of the empire. "CONCORDAT AT FONTAINEBLEAU.
"His Majesty the Emperor and King, and his Holiness the Pope, wishing
to put'a term (6 the differences which have arisen between them, and to
provide for difficulties which have arisen concerning several affairs of
the church, have agreed to the following articles, which are to serve as
a basis for a definite arrangement:
" Art. 1. His holiness will exercise the office of Pontiff in France, and
in the kingdom of Italy, in the same manner, and with the same forms as
his predecessors.
" Art. 2. The ambassadors and ministers of foreign powers at the court
of the Pope, and the ambassadors, ministers, or charges d'affaires of the;
Pope, who may be at foreign courts,1 will enjoy the same immunities and
privileges as were enjoyed by- the diplomatic body.
" Art. 3. The domains of the holy father which have not been alienated,
will be exempt from all kinds of imposts ; they will be administered by his
agents or charges d'affaires. Those which have been alienated will be
replaced by a revenue pf two millions of francs.
" Art. 4. During the six months following the usual notification of the,
nomination by the Emperor to archbishoprics and bishoprics of the empire,,
and of the kingdom of Italy, the Pope will give the canonical institution,.
conformably to the concordats and in virtue of this present. The previous
inquiry will be made, by the metropolitan bishop. Should the six months,
elapse without the Pope's -having granted the institution, the metropolitan,.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 341
or, in default of him, the oldest bishop of the province, will proceed to con
secrate the nominated bishop, so that by this means a see may never be
vacant longer than a year.
" Art. 5. The Pope will have the right of nomination, to ten bishoprics,
either in France or in the kingdom of Italy; these ten will be afterwards
agreed upon.
"Art. 6. The six .suburban bishoprics will be re-established. The Pope
will have the right of nomination to them. Their existing possessions will
be restored, and measures will be taken with regard to such as have been
sold. On the decease of the bishops of Agnani and Riete, their dioceses
will be annexed, to the said six bishoprics, conformably to an arrangement
which will be made between his majesty and the holy father.
"Art. 7. With regard to those bishops of the Roman states, who may
from circumstances be absent from their bishoprics, the holy father may
exercise in their favour his right of giving bishoprics in partibus. A pen
sion equal to the revenue which they enjoyed will be given them, and their
vacant sees, either in France or the kingdom of Italy, may be filled.
" Art. 8. His majesty and his holiness will come to an agreement at an
opportune time, concerning the reduction to be made, if necessary, in , the
bishoprics of Tuscany and Genoa, as well as concerning the bishoprics to
be established in Holland, and the Hanseatic departments.
"Art. 9. The propaganda, the penitentiary's court, and the archives,
will be established in the place of the residence of the holy father.
"Art. 10. His majesty restores to his favour those cardinals, bishops,
priests, and laymen, who have incurred his displeasure during the present
events. "Art. 11. The holy father gives his approbation to the above articles
through consideration of the present state of the church, and confidently
relies on his majesty's powerful aid in administering to the many necessi
ties qf religion in the times in which we live.
(Signed) " Napoleon.

" Pope Pius Vlf.

" Fontainebleau, January 25th, 1813.''

" Decree of the 25th of March, 1813.
" Napoleon, Emperor of the French, King of Italy, Protector of the Con
federation of the Rhine, Mediator of the Swiss Confederation, &c. &c.
" We have decreed, and decree, as follows :
"Art. 1. The concordat signed, at Fontainebleau, which regulates the
affairs of the church, and which was published as a law of the state, on
the 13th of February, 1813, is obligatory upon the archbishops,, bishops,
and chapters of France, who will be bound to conform to it.
" Art. 2. As soon as we shall have nominated any ecclesiastic to a va
cant bishopric, and shall have made "known our nomination to the holy
father, in the form laid down by the concordat, our minister of religious
affairs will send an announcement of the nomination to the metropolitan,
or, in default of him, to the oldest bishop of the ecclesiastical province.
"Art. 3. The person whom we shall have nominated will address him-

342 history of the captivity of napoleon.
self to the metropolitan* who will make the necessary inquiries, and will
inform the holy father of the result.
" Art. 4. Should the person nominated come under the head of some
ecclesiastical exclusion, the metropolitan will immediately send us informa
tion of the fact ; but in case no such motive of exclusion exists, if the in
stitution has not been accorded by the Pope within six months after the no
tification of our nomination, the metropolitan, conformably with the terms
of Art. 4 of the concordat, will be bound to institute the said person in his
bishopric, with the assistance of the bishops of the province.
" Art. 5. Our imperial courts of justice will take cognisance of all affairs
known under the name of ' appeals against abuses,' as well as of all such
as result from the non-execution of the laws of the concordats.
" Art. 6. Our chief judge will present, to be discussed in our council, a
plan for a law which shall determine the legal procedures and punishments
applicable to these matters.
"Art. 7. Our kingdoms of France and Italy are charged to execute this
present decree, which will be inserted in the archives of the laws.
(Signed) "Napoleon."
The emperor wished to give great importance to the curates ; he wished
to render them useful in forwarding the development of social intelligence;
The more enlightened and well-informed they are, the less do they seek to
abuse their ministry. To their course of theology, the Emperor would
have added elementary courses of agriculture, of the useful arts, and of a
practical knowledge of medicine and law. They would then truly have
been a providence to their flocks ; and as he would have made them en- ,
tirely independent with respect to fortune, they would have formed a very
respectable and worthy class of society, and would have enjoyed great
consideration ; they would not have possessed the power of the feudal seig-
norial clergy, but they would have possessed, and that without danger, all
its influence. A curate would have been the natural mediator of peace, the
true moral head, who would have directed the lives of his parishioners.
If we remember that in addition to the instruction thus acquired at the
seminaries, the priests would have to pass through their probation and no-.
viciate, which, in some measure, guarantee the vocation, and 'suppose good
dispositions of heart and mind, we are inclined to declare that such a class
of pastors distributed among the people, would have brought about a moral
revolution entirely to the advantage of civilization. The Emperor had al
ready several times expressed, in the council of state, an opinion' that it
would be well to abolish the council of the ministers of religious affairs,
and had exposed, in order to strengthen his argument', the impropriety of
placing the priests in a position in which, they were ohliged to bargain about
the sacred and yet indispensable acts of their office. He wished to replace
their casual income by a great increase of salary. A curate would have
had at least 6000 francs income. To make up for this, however, the num
ber would have been reduced, and the small parishes, which are for the
most part only so in name, would only have had chapels of ease.
To have rendered the offices of religion gratuitous, would have been lo
increase its dignity and its charitable nature, and to do: much for the mass
of the people. All are born, many marry, all die. Why, then, should
not the expense of religious assistance in these various phases of life be
looked upon as a charge of the state, and be included in the list of general
taxes ?

history of the captivity of napoleon. 343
In principle, convents are useless, and are examples of debasing indo
lence. There are, however, certain things to be said in their favour ; there
fore, to tolerate them, to restrict them to a useful number, and only to per
mit annual vows, is the best policy for France in this respect ; for an empire
like that of France can and ought to have Trappists. No law could, with
out revolting tyranny, enforce the practices which they observe, but these
very practices sometimes form the delight of him who voluntarily imposes
them on himself. The monastery on Mount Cenis was re-established by
the First Consul, because the monks were found useful, and heroic in their
efforts for the safety of travellers. The monks would perhaps be by far
the best of the instructing bodies, if they could be properly kept in check.
But there is a religious society, the tendency of which is highly dange
rous, and which should never have been admitted into the territories of the
empire — viz., the Society of Jesus. Its doctrines are subversive of all
monarchical principles. The General of the Jesuits desires to be sove
reign master, the sovereign of sovereigns. Everywhere that the Jesuits
are tolerated, they strive for power, at any price. Their society is by na
ture fond of ruling, and nourishes, therefore, an irreconcilable hatred of all
existing power. Any action, any crime, however atrocious it may be, is
meritorious, if committed for the interest of the society, or by the orders
of its General. The Jesuits are all men of talent and learning. They
are the best existing missionaries, and would be, were it not for their ambi
tion of ruling, the best instructing body, for the propagation of civilization
and the development of its progress. They may be of service in Russia
for some years longer, because the first need of that empire is civiliza
tion. Another religious interest had attracted the attention of the Emperor,
because it might have been brought to have an influence on the increase of
national riches. Millions of Jews were scattered over the earth — their -
riches were incalculable ; France might hope to attract them to her domi
nions by giving them equal rights in the empire with the catholics and pro-
testants, and by rendering them good citizens ; the reasoning on this sub
ject was simple. Their Rabbins taught them that they should not practise
usury in transactions with their own people, and that it was only permitted
to exercise it'towards the Christians ; the moment they were placed on an
equality of rights with the other subjects of the Emperor, they would re
gard him as they would have done Solomon or Herod, as the chief of their
nation, and consider the rest of his subjects as brethren, of tribes similar
to theirs ; they would enjoy all the rights of the country, and would think
it but just that they should share the charge of paying the imposts, and
submit to conscription. The Emperor realized his projects on this point.
The French army gained many good soldiers, great riches poured into
France, and much more would have been brought to it, had it not been for
the events of 1814, because the Jews would all have successively come and
established themselves in a country where equality of rights was secured
to them, and where the door to honours was open to their ambition. The
Emperor wished to tolerate all religions ; he wished every one to think and
believe in his own way, and that all his subjects — protestants, catholics,
Mahometans, and even deists — should enjoy equal privileges, so that a
man's religion might in no way influence his public fortune.
The Emperor proposed to hold religious sessions in the same manner as
he held legislative ones. The councils of Paris would be the representa-

344 history of the captivity of napoleon.
tives of the whole of Christendom ; the Pope would preside over them,, but
the Emperor would open them^-their sessions would be convoked and
closed by his decrees, and their decisions would be approved and published
hy him as they would have been by the Emperor Constantine or by Char
lemagne. Rome had thrown off the yoke of imperial supremacy solely
through the fault of the emperors, who had allowed the popes to reside at
a distance from the seat pf the empire.

history of the captivity of natoleon. 345

CHAPTER XVI.

CORSICA.
The Emperor was in the mood for work ; I availed myself of it to re
mind him of his history of Corsica, written under the impressions of a
young man of twenty, and proposed to him to re-write it, under those of
his experience of things and of men ; he laughed at this, courtier-like criti
cism, and answered : " Very well ; go and find it, and we will set to work."
I give it here as he dictated it to me.

" The history of Charlemagne is full of absurdities, which even the most
learned critics have not been able to clear up. It would, then, be super
fluous to attempt to discover the events which took place in Corsica during
the time of that prince. Philippi, the author of the most ancient chronicle
of the island, lived in the 15th century ; he was archdeacon of Aleria.
Lampridi wrote at Rome, towards the end of the last century, a very
voluminous history of the revolutions of this country ; he was a man of »
talent, and distinguished for literary acquirements. At the same period,
several histories were published in Tuscany and other parts of Italy. We
have, in France, a great number of writings on Corsica, under the titles
of journeys, memoirs, revolutions, histories, &c. &c. Public curiosity was
excited by the* continued struggles of this people to free themselves from
oppression, and to declare and maintain their independence.
" The African Arabs ruled for a long time^h Corsica. The arms of
this kingdom are still a death's head, with a band over the eyes, on a white
ground. The Corsicans distinguished themselves at the battle of Estie,
where the Saracens were defeated, and obliged to renounce their designs
upon Rome. There are some who think that this shield was given them
by Pope Leo II., as a testimony of their valour.
" Corsica is said to have formed a part of the dotation of Constantine,
and of that of Charlemagne ; but what is more certain, is, that it formed a
part of the Countess Matilda's inheritance. The Colonnas of Rome affirm,
that in the 9th century, one of their ancestors wrested Corsica from the
hands of the Saracens, and became its king. The Colonnas of Istria and
Cuierca have been acknowledged hy the Colonnas of Rome and by the
genealogists of Versailles ; but the historical fact of the sovereignty of a
branch of the Colonna family in Corsica, is not the less a problem. This
much, however, is certain, that Corsica formed the twelfth kingdom recog
nised in Europe, a title of which these islanders were extremely proud,-
and which they never would renounce. It was in virtue of this title that

346 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
the Doge of Genoa wore the royal crown ; and at the moment when they
were the most zealous for iheir liberty, they reconciled these opposite ideas
by proclaiming the Holy Virgin their queen.
" We find traces of this in the deliberations ,pf several councils, among
the rest, in that which was held at the Convent 3e la Vinsalosea.
" Like the rest of Italy, Corsica was under the rule of the feudal sys
tem ; every village had its superior lord : but the enfranchisement of the
commonalties in this island preceded the general movement, which took
place in Italy in the 1 1th century, by fifty years.
" There are still to be seen, on steep rocks, ruins of castles which tra
dition points out as the places of refuge of the superior lords during the
war of the commonalties in the 12th, 13th, 14th, and 15th centuries. The
district called that of the Liamone, and especially the province of La Ro-
cea, exercised the principal influence in the affairs of the island.
"But during the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries, the parishes called the
districts of the commonalties,- or otherwise of the Castagnichia; in their
turn preponderated in ihe councils or assemblies of the nation.
" Pisa was the nearest town of the mainland to Corsica ; it was the first
which carried on commerce with this island, established settlements there,
insensibly extended its influence, and finally brought the whole island under
its government. Its administration was mild, and suited the wishes and
opinions of the islanders, who served -it with zeal in its wars with Florence.
The enormous power of Pisa was destroyed by the battle of Malaria. On
its ruins arose the power of Genoa, which inherited the commerce of Pisa.
The Genoese established themselves in Corsica ; this was the commence
ment of the misfortunes of the country, which constantly increased.
" The senate of Genoa not having found the way of engaging the affec
tion of the inhabitants, sought to weaken and divide them,-and to keep them
in ignorance and poverty.
I " The picture drawn by the Corsican historians of the crimes of the ad
ministration of the oligarchs of Genoa, is one of the most hideous present
ed by the history of mankind ; and there are, therefore, but few examples
to be found of a haired and antipathy equal to that nourished' by the island
ers against the Genoese.
" France, though so close a neighbour to Corsica, never made any claims
to it. It has been said, that Charles Martel sent one of his lieutenants
thither to fight the Saracens ; but this is very apocryphal. It was Henry
II. who first sent an army there, urider the command of Marshal Cherus-
co, of the celebrated San Pietro Ornano, and of one of the Unsins, but they
only remained a few years in the island.
"Andreas Doria, although very aged, having passed his 85th- year, re
covered the island for his country.
" Spain, divided into several kingdoms and solely occupied with its war
against the Moors, had no designs upon Corsica till very lately, and was,
even then, diverted from them by its wars in Sicily.
"The parishes of the districts of the commonalties, Rostino, Campag-
nani, Orezzaj and La Peuta, were the first to revolt against the government
of Genoa; the other parishes of La Castagnichia, and insensibly all the
other provinces of the island followed their example. This war, which
commenced in 1729, was terminated in 1769 by the annexation of Corsica
to the French monarchy ; the struggle lasted forty years. The Genoese
levied Swiss armies, and had several times recourse to the great European
powers, by taking auxiliary troops into their pay. It was thus that the

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 347
Emperor of Germany first sent Baron Wachtendorf into Corsica, and af
terwards the Prince of Wurtemberg ; and that Louis XV.' sent Count Bois-
sieux, and afterwards Marshal Mjaillebois, thither. The Genoese and Swiss
armies suffered defeats. W^fftendorf and Boissieux were also defeated ;
the Prince of Wurtemberjpjnd Maillebois obtained some victories and sub
dued the country ; but they left the spark among the ashes ; and immedi
ately on their departure the' war broke out with fresh fury. The old Giaf-
feri, the canon Orticone, a cunning and eloquent man, Hyacinthe Paoli,
Cianaldi, Gaforio, were successively at the head of affairs, which they con
ducted with more or less success, but always with fidelity, and under the
inspiration of the most noble sentiments. The sovereign power was in the
hands of a council composed of deputies from the parishes. This council
determined war and peace, and decreed the taxes and levies of militia ; no
paid troops were maintained ; but all citizens capable of bearing arms
were inscribed in three lists in every commonalty ; they marched against
the enemy at the summons of their chief. Each individual supported the
expenses of his own arms, ammunition, and provisions.
"It is difficult to understand the policy of Genoa at this period. Why
such obstinacy in a struggle which was so burdensome to her? she ought
either to have renounced Corsica or have contented its inhabitants.
" If she had inscribed the principal families of- the island in the Golden
Book, and had adopted a system entirely opposed to that in which she had
succeeded so ill, and which she was not sufficiently powerful to maintain,
she would have conciliated the Corsicans and attached them to her govern
ment. This opinion was often expressed in the senate : ' The Corsicans
are more in a condition to take possession of Genoa, than you are to take
possession of their mountains. Attach these islanders to you by a just
government ; flatter their ambition and their vanity ; you will by ihis
means have a seminary for good soldiers, who will be useful in guard
ing your capital, and you will preserve settlements so advantageous to your*
commerce.' " The proud oligarchy replied : « We cannot treat the Corsicans more
favourably than the two nations of the two rivers ; the Golden Book would
become principally filled with the names of provincial families. This
would be a total subversion of our constitution ; in proposing it, you pro
pose to us to abandon the heritage of our fathers. The Corsicans are not
formidable ; it is to our errors that they owe all'their success ; with more
wisdom, it will be an easy matter for us to subdue this handful of rebels,
who have neither artillery, discipline nor order.' ^
" In all the councils (there were some years in which several were held)
the Corsicans published manifestoes, in which they detailed their causes of
complaint, both old and new, against their oppressors ; their object was to
interest Europe in their cause, and at the same time to excite the patriotism
of the people.
" Several of these manifestoes, drawn up by Orticone, are full of ener
gy, good reasoning, and the most noble and elevated sentiments.
" False ideas are entertained respecting King Theodore. Baron Neuch-
off was a Westphalian ; he landed on the coast of Aleria, bringing four
transport vessels laden^with guns, powder, and shoes. The expenses of
this store were borne by Dutch private persons and speculators. This un-'
expected aid, arriving at a moment when the Corsicans were discouraged,
seemed to descend from heaven. The chiefs proclaimed the German baron
king, and represented him to the people as a prince of Europe, who was a

348 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
guarantee fo them of the powerful aid which they would receive.^ This
proceeding had the desired effect,' it influenced the multitude for eighteen
months ; its influence was then spent, and Baron Neuchoff returned to the
Continent. He re-appeared several times pnHlre: coast, bringing important
aid, which he owed to the court of Sardinia^ndBhe Bey of Tunis.
" This is a curious episode of this memorable war, and shows what va
rious resources were at the command of the leaders of the Corsicans.
" In the year 1775, Pascal Paoli was declared first magistrate and gene
ral of Corsica: He was the son of Hyacinthe Paoli, had been educated in
Naples, and was noW a captain in the service of the King Don Carlos.
" The parish of Rostino named him its deputy to the council of Alesani.
His family was very popular. He was tall, young, well-made, well-inform
ed, and eloquent. The council was divided into two parties ; the one pro
claimed Paoli chief and general ; this party was composed of the warmest
patriots, and those who were the most disinclined to any accommodation.
The more moderate party supported, iri opposition to him, Matras, deputy
of Fiumarbo. The two deputies quarrelled on the subject and fought;
Paoli was defeated arid obliged to shut himself up in the convent of Alesani.
His cause seemed to be lost, he was surrounded by the partisans of his rival.
But as soon as the news of Paoli's situation arrived in the parishes of the
commonalties, all the mountain tops were immediately lighted up with alarm
fires ; the caverns and forests resounded with the terrible blasts of the
trumpet ; this was the signal of war. Matras attempted to get the start of
these formidable troops.; he assaulted the convent; being himself of an
impetuous character, he advanced in the foremost rank and fell mortally
wounded. From this moment all parties united in acknowledging Paoli ;
a few months afterwards the council of Alesani was acknowledged by all
the parishes. Paoli displayed talent ; he conciliated the minds of the peo
ple ; he governed by fixed principles, established sphools and a university,
and gained the friendship of Algiers and of the people of Barbary ; he
formed a navy of light vessels ; had correspondents in the maritime towns,
and took possession of the island of Capraja, from which he expelled the
Genoese, who were not without some fears that the Corsicans would land
on the banks of their river., He did all that it was possible to do, under
existing circumstances, and among the nation which he ruled. He was
about to take possession of the five portsof the island, when the senate of
Genoa, in alarm, had again recourse to France. In 1764, six French bat
talions were sent to guard the maritime cities, and under their aegis, these
places continued to recognise the authority of the senate.
" The French garrisons remained neuter, and took no part in the war,
v/hich continued to be waged between the Corsicans and the Genoese. The
French officers loudly expressed opinions greatly favourable to the island
ers and opposed to the oligarchs, and this circumstance completed the alien
ation of the inhabitants of the cities from the Genoese. In the year 1768,
the French troops were to return to France ; this moment was awaited with
impatience ; no trace of the authority of Genoa remained in the' island ;
when at this juncture the Duke of Choiseul conceived the idea of annexing
Corsica to France. This acquisition appeared to him important, as being
a natural dependence of Provence, and as being fitted to protect the com
merce of the Levant, and to favour the future operations of the French in
Italy. " After long deliberation the senate cPnsented to this measure, and Spi-
nola, the Genoese ambassador at Paris, signed a treaty by which it was

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 349
agreed that the King of France should subdue and disarm the Corsicans,
arid govern them until such time as the republic should be able to repay
him the advanoes which this war would have cost him. Now, more than
30,000 men would be required in order to subdue and disarm the island,
and it would be necessary to maintain numerous garrisons there for several
years-; and the expense of all this would necessarily amount to a sum
which the republic of Genoa would neither be able nor willing to repay. /
"Both the contracting parties were well aware of this fact ; but the oli
garchs thought by this stipulation to save their honour, and to ward off the
odium which, in the eyes of all Italy was thrown upon them by their so
lightly yielding a part'of their territory to a foreign power. Choiseulsaw,
in this turn of the affair, a means of deluding England,, and of retracing
his steps, if necessary, without compromising the honour of France. Louis
XV. wished to avoid a war with England.
" The French minister opened a negotiation with Paoli ; he demanded
of him that he should persuade his countrymen to acknowledge themselves
subjects of the French king, and that he should, - conformably to a wish
which had been sometimes expressed by former councils, freely acknow-,
ledge Corsica to be a province of the kingdom. In return for this conde
scension, he offered Paoli fortune and honours ; and the noble and gener-
oUs character of the French minister could leave the Corsican no cause of
uneasiness on this point. Paoli rejected these offers with disdain ; he con
voked the council, and exposed to its members the critical state of.affairs ;
, he did not conceal from them that it would be impossible to resist the arms
of France, and that but a vague hope existed of the interference, of Eng
land. There was but one cry in the assembly — Liberty or Death ! Pa
oli exhorted them not to engage rashly in this affair,. demonstrating that
such a struggle should not be undertaken without reflection, and in a fit of
enthusiasm. A young man of twenty, a deputy in the council, made a
speech full of energy, which completed the already enthusiastic tendency
of the assembly. He had just come from Rome and Pisa, and was filled
with the enthusiasm which is aroused by reading the ancient classical au
thors and which reigned in these schools. ' If, to be free, it were sufficient
to desire it, all the nations of the earth would be so. And yet but few of
them have attained -to the blessings of liberty, because but few have
possessed the necessary energy, courage, and virtue.' Others added that,
brought up as they had been for forty years among arms, they had seen
their parents and their children perish in the struggle for the independence
of their. country, a blessing .bestowed on them by nature, which had iso
lated them from all other nations.
" They all seemed indignant that France, which had so often acted the
part of u mediator in their quarrels with Genoa, and had always professed.
the most disinterested motives, should now come forward as a party in-the
affair,, and pretend to believe that the government of Genoa could sell the
Corsicans like a herd of cattle, and against the tenor of the facta con-
venta. " MaiHebois had, in the year 1738, levied the royal Corsican regiment,
formed of two battalions, and. consisting entirely of Corsicans. Th©
French carried on a communication, through the officers, with the princi
pal chiefs of this regiment. Many of thera showed themselves above cor
ruption ; but some yielded, and made a merit of advancing to meet a do
mination which' was henceforth inevitable. ¦..-,.
"In order to justify themselves and to make proselytes they said— ' Our-

350 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
ancestors struggled against the tyranny' of the oligarchs of Genoa; but
we are now at length delivered from it -for ever. If Giafferi, Hyacynthe
Paoli, Gaforio, Ortecone, and all the great men who died in the defence of
our rights, could now see their native country become an integral part of
the most splendid monarchy of Europe, they would rejoice, and would not
regret the blood which they shed in its cause ! Open your records ; you
have always been the sport of the Pisans or the Genoese — nations, in re
ality, much less powerful than your own. All the ports of Provence and
Languedoc will now be opened to you ; you will be respected by the inha
bitants of Barbary ; you will be an object of jealousy to Tuscany, Sardi-
nia, and even to. Genoa itself; calling yourselves Frenchmen, you may
show yourselves with pride in any part of Europe. You Say that, by fol
lowing this plan, we should acknowledge that Genoa had the right to sell
us — this is not so. The treaties concluded between the two powers, in the
secrecy of the cabinet, do not concern us. Let us fulfil the wish of the
council of Calca-Sana, and spontaneously request the King of France to
include us in the number of his children ; he will acknowledge us by this
name. Beware of the delusions of your passions ; you cannot, without
betraying the interests of your countrymen, engage in such an unequal
contest. If you wish that the King of France should question you, he will
do so ; but it will then be too late to stipulate for your privileges, or to
claim your rights. You will be slaves, by the incontestible right which
governs the world, that of force and conquest. France is a collection of
small states; Provence is not governed like Languedoc, nor Bretagnelike
Lorraine. You may, then, unite all the advantages of liberty and inde
pendence with those attached to a union with the most enlightened nation
of Europe, and to the protection of the most powerful monarch.'
" The patriots and the mass of the people neither read the writings nor
listened, to the speeches of the advocates of this course of proceeding :
' We are invincible in our mountains ; we have defended them against the
auxiliary troops of Genoa, against the imperial army, and against the forces
of France itself; let us sustain the first shock, and England will inter-_
fere. You speak of the advantages we should gain by declaring ourselves
subjects of the King of France ; we wish for none of them ; we will be
poor, but masters in our own land, governed- by ourselves, and not the
sport of a commissary from Versailles: You speak of stipulating for our
privileges : but the French monarchy is absolute ; it is founded on the prin
ciple — as the king wills, so the law wills; we should, then, find no safe
guard in it against the tyranny of a subaltern. Liberty or death.
" The priests and the monks were the most enthusiastic. The mass of
the people, and above all the mountaineers, had no idea of the power of
France. Accustomed frequently to fight and repulse the feeble troops of
Count Boisseux and Maillebois, nothing' that they had yet seen had alarm
ed them. They mistook these weak detachments for French' armies. The
council was almost unanimous in favour of war ; the people shared the
same feelings.
" The treaty by which Genoa was to cede Corsica to the king, excited
a general, feeling of reprobationin France. When it became known, from
the resolutions of the council, that France was to make war, and to put
part of its forces in motion against this small nation : the injustice and un
generous character of this war moved all minds.
" The guilt of all the blood which was about to be shed was attributed
entirely to Choiseul: ' What need have we of Corsica? None. Has it

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 351
only now come into existence ? And why is it only now that France turns
her thoughts to it ? We have but one interest in the matter — viz., that
England should not establish its power in Corsica ; everything else is in
different to us. But if , this war is not prescribed by necessity, it is still
less so by justice. Genoa herself has no right to the island ; and if she
had, she could not transfer this right to a foreign power.. When Francis
I., by the treaty of Madrid, ceded Burgundy to Charles V., the whole pro
vince revolted, and declared that the King of France had no right to alien
ate ; and yet this was as early as the sixteenth century. What ! can men
then be sold like herds of cattle ! Grant to the oppressed party, in this
struggle between Genoa and Corsica, a protection worthy of the exalted
greatness of the king ; this will attach the people to you by bonds of gra
titude ; it will spare you an act of injustice, a costly war, and the trouble
of, for years, keeping under subjection a country discontented and ill-dispo
sed towards your government, and which would writhe under the hand
that oppressed it. Are our finances in too good a condition ? or are the
imposts which now weigh upon the people too light ?'
, " This reasoning was, however, in vain ; it did not arrest the proceed
ings of the cabinet. Lieutenant-General Chauvelin landed at Bastia, with
12,000 men under his command. He published - proclamations, intimated
his orders to the comtnonalties, and commenced hostilities. But his troops,
defeated at the battle of Borgo, and repulsed in all their attacks, were com
pelled, at the end of ihe campaign of 1768, to shut themselves up in the
fortresses, and only communicated with each other by the help of a few
cruising frigates. The Corsicans thought themselves saved ; they did not
doubt that England would interfere. Paoli shared this illusion ; but the
English ministry, uneasy at the agitation which was beginning to show
itself in the American colonies, had no desire\to declare war with France.
It transmitted a feeble note to Versailles, and contented itself with the yet
more feeble explanations which were given. Some London clubs sent arms
and money to the Corsicans ; the court of Sardinia and some Italian soci
eties secretly sent them aid ; but these were but feeble resources against
"the formidable armament which was being prepared on the shores of Pro
vence. The check experienced by Chauvelin had been seen with satisfac
tion throughout the whole of Europe, and especially in France. The
French people had. the good sense to see that their national glory was not
at all compromised in this struggle with a handful of mountaineers. Even
Louis XV. himself expressed sentiments favourable to the Corsicans ; he
was by no means desirous of having this new crown placed on his head ;
and the promoters of the scheme were obliged, in order to determine
him to order preparations for a second campaign to be made, to speak to
him of the joy which would be felt by the philosophers, at seeing their
great king defeated by. a free people, and compelled to retreat before them.
The influence of this on the king's authority, said they, would be great ;
there were fanatics in the cause of liberty, who would see miracles in the
success of so unequal a struggle. The monarch no longer deliberated. —
Marshal Va'ux set out for Corsica ; he had 30,000 men under his com
mand, antl the ports of the island were inundated with troops. The is
landers defended themselves, however,, during a part of the campaign, but
without hopes of success. The population of Corsica then amounted, at
the most, to 150,000 inhabitants; 30,000 were taken up by the forts and
the French garrisons ; there remained 20,000 men fit to carry arms, but

352 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
from these must be taken all those who served under such chiefs as had
treated with the agents of the French ministry.
" The Corsicans fought obstinately at the passage of the river Goto. Not
haying had time to destroy the bridge, which was of stone, they made use
of the bodies of those who had been killed to form an intrenchment. Paoli,
driven to the south of the island, embarked in an English vessel at Porto-
Vecchio, landed at Livorno, traversed the Continent, and arrived in London.
Pie was everywhere received, by sovereigns and people, with the greatest
marks of admiration.
" It was not possible, without doubt, to resist the army of Marshal Vaux.
And yet there was a moment when he had scattered all his troops ; when
he had deceived himself, believing that the country was subdued and dis
armed ; but the fact was that none but old men, women, and children had
remained in the villages, and that only old guns had been given up to him
on his landing. All the strong and brave men of the island, inured to civil
wars which had lasted for forty years, were wandering among the woods
and caverns, and on the tops of the < mountains. Corsica is a country so
extraordinary, and so difficult of access, that a San Pietro, in these circum
stances, would have fallen separately on all the divisions of the French
army, hindered them from rallying, and compelled them to shut themselves
up in the fortresses ; which event must assuredly have obliged the court of
Versailles to change its system. But Paoli had neither the quick sight, the
promptitude, nor the military vigour required for the execution of such a
plan. His brother, Clement, had he had more talent, would have been
suited to the duty by his warlike virtues. Four or five hundred patriots
followed Paoli, and emigrated ; a great. number of others abandoned their
villages and. houses, and continued for many years to carry on a desultory
kind of war, intercepting the^passage of the convoys, and of all isolated sol
diers. The Corsicans called them « patriots,' the French named them ' ban
dits.' They merited the latter appellation by the cruelties which they com
mitted, though never upon their countrymen.
. "In the year 1774, five years after the subjection of the island, some_
refugees returned thither, and raised the standard of revolt in the district of
Nivlo, a parish lying on the highest mountain. The Count of Narbonne-
Fritzlar, lieutenant-general and commandant of the island, marched- against
the mountaineers with. the greatest part of the garrisons. He dishonoured
his character . by the cruelties which he committed. Major-general Sion-
ville rendered himself odious to the Corsicans; he burnt the houses, cut
down, the olive and chestnut trees, and tore up the vines ; and committed
all these ravages not only on the property of the bandits, but on that of
their relations lo the third degree. The country was a prey to terror ; yet
the inhabitants still secretly nourished, a silent discontent.
" Notwithstanding all this ravage and destruction, the intentions of the
cabinet of Versailles, were beneficent : it granted to the Corsicans freedom
to have provincial assemblies or. states, composed of three orders — the
clergy, the nobility, and the tiers etat. It re-established the magistracy- of
twelve nobles, ^whicb the Corsicaris had always claimed ; this was a Pisan
institution, a kind of intermediary commission of the states, whidi regulat
ed the taxes, and the interior, government of the province. At the time of
each sitting of the states, a bishop, a deputy of the nobility, apd a person
selected from the tiers etat, were received at the French court, bringing di
rectly to the king a summary of the complaints of the country. Encour.
agement was given to agriculture. The African company of Marseilles

HISTORY OF THE CArTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 353
was compelled to recognise some ancient customs favourable to the Corsi
can fishermen, with regard to the fishing for coral. Fine roads were cut
through the country, and marshes drained. An attempt was even made to
form colonies, consisting of inhabitants of Lorraine and Alsace, in order to
give the Corsicans models of agriculture.
" The taxes were not heavy, the schools were encouraged ; the children
of the principal families were invited to France to be educated there. It
was in Corsica that the political economists made the trial of the taxation
paid in the produce of the land instead of in money.
" During the twenty years which passed between 1769 and 1789, the
island gained a great deal. But all these beneficent measures did not touch
the hearts of the Corsicans, who, at the time of the revolution, were as far
as possible from being Frenchmen.
"A lieutenant-general of infantry, crossing the mountains, was once
talking to a peasant of the ingratitude of his countrymen ; he recounted to
him all the good measures of the French administration : ' In your Paoli's
time,' added he, ' you paid double what you do now.' ' Very true, sir, but
then we gave, now you take.' The natural wit of these islanders exhibited
itself in all circumstances. A thousand of their repartees might be cited ;
we take one at random. Some titled officers, travelling in the Nivlo, said
one evening to their host, one of the poorest inhabitants of the district :
' Look at the difference between us Frenchmen and you Corsicans ; see
how we are supported and clothed I' The peasant rose, looked at them at
tentively, and asked each one his name. One was a marquis, another a
baron, the third a chevalier. ' Bah !' replied he ; ' it is true, I should like to
be clothed like you ; but is every one in France, a marquis, a baron, or a
chevalier ?'
" The revolution changed the disposition of the Corsicans ; they became
Frenchmen in 1790 ; Paoli quitted England where he had been living on a
pension, granted him by the parliament, but which he now resigned. He
was received by the Constituante, by the national guard of Paris, and even
by Louis XVI. His arrival in Corsica caused a general rejoicing. The
whole population hastend to Bastia to see him. His memory was extraor
dinary ; he knew the names of all the families, though it was with the pre
vious generation that he had to do. In a few days his influence was as
powerful as ever. The executive council appointed him general of a divis
ion, and commander of the troops of the line in the island.
" The corps of national guards conferred the command on him ; the elec
toral assembly made him president. He thus united, in his own person, all
the offices of power. This proceeding of the executive council was by no
means politic ; but it must he attributed to the spirit which then reigned.
However this may be, Paoli faithfully served the revolution till the 10th of
August. The execution of Louis XVl. completed his rising disgust for the
revolutionary government. He was denounced by the popular societies of
Provence, and the convention, whose proceedings no consideration could
arrest, summoned him to appear at the bar ; he'was approaching his' eigh
tieth year ; this was desiring him to lay his own head on the scaffold ; he
had no resource but to appeal to his countrymen ; the whole island, excited
by him, rose in insurrection against the convention.
" The commissaries, representatives of the people, who were charged
with the execution of the decree, arrived at this moment : all they were able
to do was to retain, by the help of a few battalions, the fortresses of Bastia
and Calvi. Had the decision of the course to be taken by Corsica depend-
23

354 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
ed on an assembly of the principal families, Paoli would not have succeed
ed. The excesses committed in France were generally blamed by these
persons, but they thought t'hat they were transient, that it was easy to de
fend themselves from them in Corsica, and that it would not be well, in or
der to obviate the evils of the moment, to endanger the happiness and tran
quillity of the country. Paoli was astonishedUt the little influence he had
in private conferences. Several even of those who had accompanied him
to England, and who had passed the last twenty years in cursing France,
were now the most averse to his designs, among others General Geritilli ;
among the mass of the population, however, at the appeal of their old chief,
there was but one cry. In a moment the flag with the death's head was
hoisted oh every tower, and Corsica ceased to be French. A few months
afterwards, the English seized Toulon ; when they were expelled from it,
Admiral-Hood cast anchor at San Fiorenza ; he landed 12,000 men there,
and- placed them under the command of Nelson ; Paoli added a reinforce
ment of 6000 men. They invested Bastia; Lacombe, St. Michel, and
Gentili defended the town with the greatest intrepidity ; it only capitulated
at the end of a four months' siege. Calvi resisted forty days of open tren
ches. General Dundas, who commanded an English corps of 4000 men,
and who was encamped at St. Fiorenza, refused to lake part in the siege of
Bastia, not wishing to compromise his troops without a special order from
his government.
" Arid now was to be seen a strange spectacle ; the king of England' plac
ing on his head the crown of Corsica, which was no doubt much surprised
at finding itself side by side with the crown of Fingal.
" In the month of June, 1794, the council of Corsica, at which Paoli pre
sided, declared that the political ties of that country with France were
broken, and that the crown should be offered to the King of England. A
deputation, composed of the following persons — viz., the president Galeazzi;
Filippo, a native of Vescovato; Negroni, of Bastia ; and Cesare-Rocea, of
thedistrict of Rocea, proceeded to London, and the king accepted the crown.
He named Lord Gilbert Elliot viceroy. The council, at the same time that
it had determined on offering the crown to the King of England, had desir
ed a constitution, which secured the liberties and privileges of the island;
it was modelled after that of England.
" Lord Elliot was a man of merit; he had been, viceroy in India ; but he
very soon quarrelled with Paoli. The old man had retired into the moun
tains ; he now testified his disapprobation of the conduct of the viceroy, who
was influenced by two young men, Pozzo di Borgo, and Colonna ; the one^
was in his service as a secretary, the other as an aide-de-camp. Paoli was
reproached with being of a restless character, with not being able to resolve
to live as a private person, and with always endeavouring to take the state
of master of the island upon himself. Yet, the influence which he had in
Corsica, and which was never contested, the services which he had render
ed to England in the late affair, and all the honourable and worthy points
of his career and of his character, led the.English minister to act towards
him with circumspection and respect. Paoli had several conferences with
the viceroy and the secretary of state. It was at one of these that, piqued
by some observations, he said to them : " Here I am in my kingdom ; I
made war for two years against the King of France ; I expelled the repub
licans ; and if you violate the privileges and rights of the country, I can
slill more easily expel your troops." A few months after this, the King of
England wrote him a letter, suitable to the circumstances, in which, ex-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 355
pressing the interest he felt in his tranquillity and happiness, he advised
him to come and finish his days in a country where he was respected, and
where he had been happy. The secretary of state took this letter to Paoli,
then at Porto Vecchio. Paoli felt that this was a command ; he hesitated ;
but nothing then announced that the Reign of Terror in France was about
to come to an end. The army of Italy was still in the province of Nice.
By declaring war against the English, Paoli would have exposed himself
to the attacks of both the belligerent parties. He submitted to his fate, and
went to London, where he died in the year 1807. We must do him the
justice to say, that in all his letters from England, during the last eight
years of his life, he advised his countrymen never to separate themselves
from France, but to associate themselves with the good and evil fortunes of
that great nation. He left a considerable sum, by will, to be appropriated
to the foundation of a university at Corte.
" If the English wished to preserve their influence in Corsica, they should
have acknowledged its independence, consolidated the- power of Paoli, and
granted some slight subsidies, for the purpose of retaining a kind of supre
macy, as well as the privilege of anchoring their, squadrons in the principal
roads, especially that of S, Fiorenza. They would then have had a point
of rest in the Mediterranean, would have been able, in case of need, to levy
an auxiliary body of from 5000 to 60Q0 brave troops, which might be em
ployed in that sea ; the ports of Corsica would have been at their service.
The numerous refugees who were in France would insensibly have rallied
round a national government; and France itself would easily have been
brought, at the peace, to recognise a slate of things which opinion had re
commended to Choiseul. The Corsicans were extremely dissatisfied wilh
the English governors ; they did not understand their language, their habi
tual gravity, or their way of living. Men continually at table, almost al
ways somewhat intoxicated, and not at all communicative, formed a strong
contrast with the Corsican manners. The difference of religion was also
a cause of repugnance. This was the first time, since the birth of Chris
tianity, that Corsica had been profaned by a heretical worship ; everything
they saw confirmed them in their prejudices against the Protestant religion.
This worship, devoid of ceremony, these bare and melancholy temples
could not accord wilh southern imaginations, excited as they were by the
pomp of the catholic worship, its beautiful churches, adorned with paint
ings, and images, and its imposing ceremonies.
" The English scattered their gold lavishly around ; the Corsicans re
ceived it, but it inspired them with no feelings of gratitude.
" At this period, Napoleon entered Milan, took possession of Livorno,
and collected all the Corsican refugees there, under the orders of Gentili.
The excitement of the mountaineers became extreme. At a grand fete, at
Ajaccio, the young Colonna, the viceroy's aide-de-camp, was accused of
having insulted a bust of Paoli ; he was incapable of such an action; The
insurrection broke out ; the inhabitants of Bogognano intercepted the com
munications between Bastia and1 Ajaccio, and surrounded the viceroy, who
had marched against them with a body of troops ; he was obliged to aban
don his two favourites, and send them from his camp. Disguised, and es
corted by their relations, they went to Bastia, by cross roads, and arrived
there before the viceroy. Elliot saw that it was impossible to maintain his
position in Corsica; he sought a refuge, and took possession of Porto-
Ferrajo. Gentili and all the officers landed, in October 1796, in spite of
the English cruisers. They organised a general rising of the population.

356 HISTORY OF THE .CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
A]l the crests of the mountains were covered at night with alarm fires ; the
harsh sound of the mountain-horn, the signal of insurrection, was heard in
all the valleys. They took possession of Bastia and of all fhe fortresses.
The English hastily embarked, and left many of their prisoners behind.
The king of England wore the crown of Corsica but two years ; and the
affair only served to unveil the ambition of his cabinet and throw ridicule
on himself. This fancy cost the treasury five millions sterling.1 The trea
sures of John Bull could not have been worse employed.
," Corsica formed the third military division of the republic. General
Vaubois was appointed to the command of it. In the beginning of the year
1797, some ill-disposed persons, under pretext of religion, raised- an insur
rection in a part of Fiumarbo; and wishing to give the weight of a great
name to their enterprise, placed General • Giafferi at their head. General
Vaubois marched against them, and took Giafferi prisoner ; he was ninety
years old, and entirely ruled by his confessor. He had been educated at
Naples, where he had served, and had attained the rank of major-general ;
he; had for eight years previous to this affair enjoyed a pension and had
livpd peaceably in retirement; Vaubois had him taken before a military
committee, which condemned him to. death ; he was shot. This catastro
phe drew tears from every Corsican ; he was the son of the celebrated
Giafferi who had led them during thirty years in the struggle for their in
dependence;- his name was eminently national. The old man should have
been considered as in his second childhood, and the punishment should have
been made to fall on the hypocritical monk who guided him.
" Corsica lies at a distance of twenty leagues from the coast of Tuscariy,
forty from that of Provence, and sixty from that of Spain. Geographically
regarded, it belongs to Italy ; but as this peninsula does not form a power,
Corsica is very naturally an integral part of France. Its extent is about
500. leagues square ; it has four maritime towns, Bastia, Ajaccio, Calvi,
and Bonifaccio, 60 dales or valleys,. 450 villages or hamlets, and three
large roads, capable of containing the largest fleets — San Fiorenza, Ajaccio,
and Porto- Vecchio. The island is mountainous; it is traversed from the
north-west to the south-east by a high range of granite mountains, which
divides the island into two ; the highest peaks are always covered with snow.
The three largest rivers are, the Golo, the Liamone arid the Tavignano.
From the high mountains there flow rivers, or torrents, which empty them
selves into the sea in all directions ; at their mouths there are small plains
of,one or two leagues in circurnference. The coast on the side next Italy
from Bastia to Aleria is a plain, twenty leagues long, and three or four
brpad. The island is wooded ; the plains and hills are, or may be, covered
with olive-trees, mulberry-trees, fruit-trees, orange and pomegranate trees.
The backs of the mountains are covered with woods of chestnut-trees, in
the midst of which lie villages which are naturaUy fortified by their posi
tion. On the tops of the mountains are forests of pines, fir-trees, and
green oaks. The olive-trees are as large as those in the Levant ; the chest
nut trees are of enormous size, and the fruit is of the largest kind; the
pines and fir-trees are not inferior to those of Russia in height and size ;
but when used as masts, they are only serviceable for three or four years ;
at the end of this time they have become dry and brittle, whereas the pines
of Russia always retain their elasticity and suppleness ; oil, wine, silk, and
wood for building are four great branches of exportation which contribute
to enrich this island. The population amounts at the least to 180,000 ; the
country produces corn, chestnuts, and cattle, sufficient for their wants.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 357
Before the invasion of the Saracens, the sea-shore was all peopled : Aleria
and Mariana, two Roman colonies, were two great towns, containing each
a population of 60,000 souls ; but the incursions of fhe Mussulmen, in the
seventh and eighth centuries, and afterwards that of the people of Barbary,
drove the Corsicans to the mountains ; the plains became uninhabited, and
consequently unhealthy.
" Corsica is a fine country in the months of January and February, but
in the dog-days the drought is felt ; a scarcity of water occurs, especially in
the plains ; and the Corsicans are fond of residing on a declivity, from
whence they descend, in winter, to the marshes, to pasture their cattle or to
cultivate their plains.
" "San Fiorenza is designed by nature for the capital of the island, the
bulwark of its defence, and the centre of all the government magazines, be
cause its roads are the largest in the island and the nearest to Toulon.
This point ought to be regularly fortified ; in all the other towns, only side-
batteries ought to be maintained.
" The air of San Fiorenza is in the present day insalubrious — not in the
roads, but at the place where ihe little town is situated ; yet it would not be
difficult to drain the -marshes. A part of the population of Bastia, which is
but a few leagues distant, would naturally go to this new town. In default
of San Fiorenza, Ajaccio should be the capital, the centre of administration
and of defence, because it is the second road on the side towards Toulon,
and the nearest to it after S. Fiorenza. An Italian interest predominated
in the choice of Bastia as a capital, because it is the town which lies the
nearest to Italy ; the direct communication from thence with France is dif
ficult ; the inhabitants are obliged to double Cape Corso ; this town, besides,
has no roads, and its port can only receive merchant vessels.
" To fortify any other town except S. Fiorenza or Ajaccio would be use
less, since it could not be defended against an enemy who was master of
the sea, and since the national guard would suffice for the defence of the
interior of the island. In case of an attack, the troops of the line should
collect in one maritime town, in order to prolong their defence and await
succour. "The most urgent wants of Corsica are the following : lstly, a good
rural code which should protect agriculture against the incursions of cattle,
and ordain the destruction of goats ; 2ndly, the draining of the marshes, in
order gradually to bring back the population to the sea shore ; 3rdly, pre
miums for the purpose of encouraging the plantation and grafting of olive
and mulberry trees ; they should be double for the plantations made on the
sea-shore; 4thly, a just but severe police; a general and absolute privation
of all arms, large and small, such as stilettoes, poniards, &c. ; 5thly, 200
places reserved exclusively for young Corsicans, in the lyceums, military
schools, seminaries, veterinary schools; schools of agriculture, the arts and
trades in France; 6thly, a regular exportation for the royal navy of build
ing timber; and advantage should also be taken of this circumstance to
found hamlets on the sea-shore, and on the skirts of the forests; for all the
endeavours of the government should tend towards drawing the population
down into the plains."

358 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

CHAPTER XVII.
MEMOIRS, OF BONAPARTE WHEN YOUNG— CROWNED AT THE ACADEMY OF LYONS.
The 1st of January, 1817, arrived, yet more melancholy than the 1st
of the. January preceding had been. The departure of Count Las Cases
had left painful impressions on us all.
There are some anniversaries more dreary than all others, because they
naturally bring back a series of recollections which force one to compare
the past with the present. The 1st of January — this family festival, at
which the Emperor of the Tuileries was first saluted by a wife whom he
adored — by a son who was his hope — by a people whose happiness was
his principal occupation— by four beings who were his brothers by blood —
and, finally, by ten or twelve more who called themselves his brothers in
affection — presented itself this time as a dreary gateway to a year still
more dreary than that which had just passed. Instead of the Tuileries,
our miserable habitation ; instead of our France, so often regretted, St.
Helena, so often lamented ; instead of the caresses of a family, the con
gratulations of courtiers, the shouts of a nation, and the homage of Eu
rope — the good wishes, though without hope, of some companions in
captivity, whose numbers might at any moment be diminished by the ca
price of an odious gaoler. The Emperor received with kindness our good
wishes and our homage. " I believe you," said he to us ; " but I only
expect from fate that death, which will terminate my misfortunes. You
yourselves see that every day is marked by some new outrage ; I pity
you, for the more proofs yoU give me of your devotion, the more you must
feel my sufferings. Let us hope, at least, that Mr. Lowe will allow me to
pass this day without condemning me to remain shut up in my room to
avoid meeting him in the garden; <
" Your children shall dine with me. I wish their joy to be complete.
Come, Hortense, you shall have the first present."
The hopes of the Emperor were not, however to be realized; and the
insult would forcibly liave brought back his thoughts to his cruel position,
had not General Gourgaud kept, till the next day, the secret of the preten
ded mistake, which caused him to remain for an hour the prisoner of a
sentry. One of the sentries of Hut's-gate interpreted- his orders wrong, and ar
rested General Gourgaud, who was only set free at the expiration of this
sentry's guard by the corporal who relieved him. The grand marshal
hastened to Sir Hudson Lowe to complain, but obtained no other answer
than the general one, that it was an error which should not be repeated ;
and yet a week afterwards the same error occurred. How, indeed, could
it be otherwise, when a sentry, who interpreted his orders in our favour,
received a hundred lashes, whilst the interpreting them against us was

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 359
merely considered as an excess of zeal, a proof of fidelity, a mark of bad
intentions towards us. We learned on this occasion that Sir Hudson very
frequently gave orders to the sentries during his rides, without the com
manders of the detachment knowing anything of them, except by the re
port of the corporal who had relieved the sentinel to whom such extraor
dinary orders had been given, in direct opposition to the rules of military
service. We heard also, that the soldier who had arrested General Gourgaud,
had received from Sir Hudson positive orders to arrest any Frenchman
who should present himself at Hut's-gate to pass, except he were accom
panied by an English officer, even if it should be General Bonaparte him
self. - But HutVgate was within our limits, which extended for more than
a mile beyond this in two directions ; in the third direction alone, Hut's-
gate formed the boundary.
The dinner was really a family dinner ; all the expenses were borne by
our children, and their childish happiness awakened in the Emperor the
remembrance of his youth ; his first love and his first meditatipns on hap
piness returned to his recollection. He took pleasure in repeating to us
his long conversations with the Abbe Raynal, in speaking to us of his cor
respondence with this celebrated man, and of what he had written under
his inspiration. The correspondence of the Emperor with the Abbe Ray
nal, and the manuscript of his first literary work, had been, confided by
him to an inhabitant of Lyons, whose name he had forgotten. He related
this to M. de Talleyrand, in one of his after-dinner chats with him under
the shade of that beautiful allee of horse-chestnut trees, which began at
St. Cloud, just opposite to his cabinet, and he witnessed some regret at not
being able to see again these first impressions of his youth. M. de Talley
rand was too good a courtier to let such a good opportunity of doing some
thing agreeable to his master escape him. He said nothing, but his first
care on returning to Paris was to send for M. Derenade, one of his most
intimate friends, and the most suitable man in France, by reason of his
acuteness, his general information, and his literary connexions, to discover
the person with whom the manuscript had been deposited. A fortnight had
not elapsed when M. de Talleyrand presented himself at St. Cloud, having
carefully placed in his portfolio, as minister of foreign affairs, the packet
which he had received from Lyons the evening before. The Emperor
eagerly looked through it, and found there to his great surprise, some frag
ments of letters to M. Butafoco, and a republican profession of faith, un
der the title of" " Souper de Beaucaire."
These writings bore the impression of the excitement produced in the
head of a young man by the events of the revolution. He committed them
to the flames ; but he preserved, notwithstanding their quite as republican
tendency, a history (partial) of Corsica, and a memorial of the sentiments
which it was most necessary to impress upon men for their happiness.
The Academy of Lyons had rewarded this treatise with a gold medal, and
this homage from a learned body was a precious souvenir of his youth.
The manuscript concerning Corsica served him as a basis for his histo
ry of Corsica, which I shall mention further on. I give here the treatise
crowned by the Academy of Lyons :
" Literary societies ought never to have been animated by any other
feeling than the love of truth and honour ; but there is no truth without
prejudice. There are no men where kings are despotic : there is only the

360: HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
slave oppressor, still more vile than the^lave oppressed. This* explains
why literary societies, since the beginning of time, have offered the melan
choly spectacle of flattery and the most disgraceful adulation.
" This explains why the really useful sciences, those of morals and of
politics, have been suffered to languish in oblivion, or have been lost in a
labyrinth of obscurity. They have, however, made rapid progress in lat
ter times. This has been owing to some men of spirit Who, urged for
wards by their genius, have feared neither the thunder of a despot, nor the
dungeons of a bastile. These rays of light illumined the atmosphere ;
threw a new light upon public opinion, Which, proud of its rights, destroy
ed, the enchantment which had bound the world as by a spell for so many
centuries. Thus was Rinaldo restored to virtue and to himself as soon as
a. courageous and friendly hand heldup to him the buckler, in which were
traced, at the same time, his duties and his apathy.
" To what can we with more propriety compare the immortal works
of these great men, than to the divine buckler of TassO?
" The liberty thus acquired after an energetic struggle of twenty months,
and the most violent exertions, will be for ever a glory to France, to phi
losophy, and to literature. Under these circumstances, the academy pro
poses to determine those truths and feelings which it is most necessary to
inculcate upon man for his happiness. This question, really worthy of
the consideration of the free man, is in itself an eulogy on the sages who
have proposed it. None is more likely to answer the purpose of the foun
der. " Illustrious Raynal ! if in the course of a life harassed by prejudice,
and the great whom thou hast unmasked, thou hast ever been constant
and immovable in thy zeal for suffering and oppressed humanity, deign this
day, in the midst of the applause of an immense nation, which, called by
thee to liberty^ renders to thee its first homage, deign to smile upon the ef
forts of a zealous disciple whose feeble attempts thou hast been kind enough
sometimes to encourage. The question which I am about to consider is
worthy of thy pencil ; but without aiming at possessing its power, I have
exclaimed to myself with Courage, 1 1 too am a painter.'
" It is indispensably necessary, in the first place, to fix clearly our ideas
of happiness.
" Man is ,born to be happy. Nature, a beneficent mother, has endowed
him with all the organs necessary to this first design of his creation. Hap
piness, then, is nothing more than that enjoyment of his life, which is most
conformable to his organization. Men of all climates, of all sects, of all
religions-; — are there any among you, the prejudices of whose dogmas
should prevent them from acknowledging the truth of this principle? Let
such, if any there be, place their right hands on their hearts, their left on
their eyes, let them enter into themselves, let them consider truly and hon
estly — and then let them say whether they do not believe with me in this.
" We must live, then, in a manner conformable to our organization, or
we can enjoy no happiness.
" Our animal organization feels certain indispensable cravings ; those of
eating, drinking, of procreation ; nourishment, therefore, a lodging, a co
vering, a wife, are indispensably necessary to our happiness.
" Our intellectual organization gives rise to demands no less imperious,
and the satisfaction of which is much more precious. It is in their full
development that happiness is really to be sought. Perception and the rea-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 361
soiling powers form the essence of man. These are his titles to the supre
macy which he has acquired, which he retains, and will retain for ever.
" Our feelings revolt against restraint, render dear to us the beautiful and
the just, and disagreeable to us the oppressor and the wicked. Woe to him
who does not acknowledge these truths ! He knows nothing of life but the
shade ; he knows no pleasures but the enjoyments of sense.
" Our reasoning powers lead us to make comparisons. From reasoning
arises perfection, as fruit from the tree. Reason, the inexorable judge of
our actions, ought also to be their invariable guide. The eyes of reason
preserve man from the precipice of his- passions, in the same way as its
decrees modify even the feeling of his rights. Feeling gives rise to soci
ety ; reason maintains it entire.
" It is necessary for us, therefore, to eat, to drink, to procreate, to feel,
and to reason, in order to live like a man ; that is, in order to be happy.
" Of all the legislators whom the esteem of their fellow-citizens has
raised up to give them laws, none appear to have been more convinced of
these truths than Lycurgus and Paoli. It was by very different courses,
however, that they have put them in practice in their legislations.
" The Lacedaemonians enjoyed an abundance of food, they had conve
nient habitations and dress, their wives were robust, they reasoned in their
social meetings, and their government was a free one. They enjoyed their
strength, their skill,: their glory, the esteem of their countrymen, the pros
perity of their country. These were all means of gratifying their feel
ings. Their affections were excited— their families, their emotions roused
by the varied views and the beautiful climate of Greece; buff it was prin
cipally at the sight of strength and of virtue that they felt moved. Virtue
consisted in courage and strength. Energy is the life of the soul, as well
as the main-spring of reason.
" The actions of a Spartan were those of a strong man ; the strong man
is good, the weak man wicked. The Spartan lived in a manner conform
able lo his organization : he was happy.
" But all this is but a dream. On the banks of the Eurotas, at the pre
sent day, resides a pasha of three tails ; and the traveller, grieving over
this sight, retires affrighted, almost doubting, for a moment, the goodness
of the governor of the universe.
" But to conduct men to happiness, must they then be equal in means ?
To what point must the love of an equality of faculties be inculcated upon
them ? Since feeling is necessary to a happy life, what are the feelings
with which they should be inspired? What are the truths which ought to
be explained to them ? You say, without reasoning no happiness can exist.

" FIRST PART.
" Man at his birth brings with him into the world a right to that portion
of the fruits of the earth necessary for his subsistence.
" After the buoyancy of childhood comes the commencement of passion.
He chooses from among the companions of his sports her who is to be the
companion of his destiny. His vigorous arms, in connexion wilh his
wants, demand labour; he casts a glance around him; .he sees the earth,
divided among a few possessors, affording the means of luxury and of su
perfluity. He asks himself, by what right do these people possess all this ?

362 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Why is the idler everything, the labourer almost nothing? Why have
they left to me nothing of all this — to me who have a wife, an aged father
and mother to maintain ?
" He runs to the minister, the confidant of his secrets ; he explains to
him his doubts : ' Man,' answers the priest, ' never reflects upon the exist
ence of society — God conducts all — abandon yourself to Providence — this
life is only a passage — all things are disposed by a justice, the decrees of
which we should not seek to explain — believe, obey, never reason, and
work : these are your duties.'
" A proud soul, a sensitive heart, a natural reason, cannot be satisfied
with this. answer. He wishes to communicate his doubts and his inquie
tude, arid goes to the wisest man of the country— a notary. ' Man of wis
dom,' he says, ' they have divided the goods of the cpuntry and have
given me nothing.' The wise man laughs at his simplicity, takes him into
his study, leads him from act to act, from contract to contract, from testa
ment to testament, and proves to him the legitimacy of the division of
which he complains.
" ,' What I are these the titles of these gentlemen ?' he exclaims, indig
nantly ; ' mine are more sacred, more incontestable, more universal ; they
are renewed with my breathing, circulate with my blood, are written on
my nerves and in my heart ; they are the necessity of my existence, and
above all; of my happiness.' And with these words he seizes these pa
pers, and casts them into the flames.
" He immediately begins to fear the powerful arm called Justice ; he
-flees to his hut, and throws himself in violent emotion on the cold body of
his father. This venerable old man, blind and paralyzed by age, seems
-only still to live by the forgetfulness of the great tyrant Death. ' My fa
ther I' he cries, ' you gave me life, and with it a lively desire for happiness ;
and now, my father, robbers have divided everything among themselves.
I have but my arms left ; for those they could not take from me. I am
condemned, then, to the most ceaseless labour, to the most degrading toil
for money. Neither under the sun of August, nor during the frosts of Ja
nuary, will there be any repose for yoUrson. And as the reward of such
great labour, others will gather the harvest produced by the sweat of my
brow ! And if I could even supply all that is necessary ! I must feed,
clothe, lodge, and keep warm a whole family. We shall be in want of
bread, my heart will be torn at every moment, my sensibility will be blunt
ed, my reason will be obscured. Oh, my father ! I shall live stupid and
miserable, and perhaps wicked. I shall live unhappy. Was I born for
this ?'
" ' My son,' answers the venerable old man ; ' the sacred characters of
nature are traced in your bosom in all their energy ; preserve therri care
fully, in order to live happy and strong ; but listen attentively to what the
experience of eighty years has taught me. My son, I reared you in my
arms, I witnessed your young years ; and now, when your heart begins to
palpitate, your nerves are doubtless accustomed to labour, but to moderate
labour, which refreshes the body, excites the feelings, and calms the impa
tient imagination. My son, have you ever wanted for anything? your
dress is coarse, your habitation rustic, your food simple : but once more I
ask, have- you ever had a desire unsatisfied ? Your sentiments are pure as
your sensations, as yourself. You wished for a wife ; my son, you have
chosen one. I aided you with my experience to direct your youthful, heart.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 363
Oh ! my tender friend, why do you complain ? You fear for the future ,•
act always as you have hitherto done, and you need not fear it.
" ' My son, if I had been among the number of those miserable men
who possess nothing, I should have trained your body to the animal yoke ;
I should myself have stifled your feelings and your ideas ; I should have
made you the first of the animals in your shed. Bent under the dominion
of habit, you would have lived tranquil in your apathy, contented in your
ignorance — you would not have been happy, oh my son ! but you would
have died without knowing that you had lived;, for, as you yourself say,
in order to live it is necessary to feel and reason ; and then, not to be
weighed down by physical wants. Yes, good young man, let this informa
tion refresh and console you ; calm your inquietude ; these fields, this hut,
these cattle are ours. 1 have purposely kept you in ignorance of this ; it
is so happy and so sweet to rise, so hard to descend !
" ' Your father will soori be no more ; he has lived long enough, he has
known true pleasures, and now feels the greatest of all, since he once more
presses you to his bosom. Impress one thing on your heart, my son, if
you wish to imitate him; your soul is ardent; but your wife, this sweet
gift of love, and your children, what objects are these with which to fill the
void in your heart — do not nourish a cupidity of riches. Riches only in
fluence happiness, in as far as they procure or refuse physical necessaries.
You have these necessaries, and with them a habit of labour ; you are the
richest man in the country ; bridle, then, your disordered imagination :
you require but to call reason to your aid.
" ' Are the rich happy ? They have it in their power to be so, but not
more than you have ; they have it in their power, I say ; for they are
rarely happy. Happiness resides especially in your station of life, be-*
cause it is that of reason and feeling. The station of the rich is the em
pire of a disordered imagination, of vanity, sensual enjoyments, caprice,
and fantasy — never envy it ; and even should all the riches of the country
be offered you, cast them far from you ; except indeed you should receive
them for the purpose of dividing them immediately among your fellow citi
zens. But, my son, this struggle of strength of mind and magnanimity
is only fitting for a god. Be a man, but a true one ; live master of your
self. Without strength of mind, there is neither virtue nor happiness.'
" I have thus demonstrated the two extremities of the social chain ; yes,
gentlemen, let the rich man be the one, I consent to this ; but let not the
miserable man be the other ; let it be the small proprietor, or small mer
chant, or the skilful artisan, who may, by moderate labour, feed, clothe,
and lodge his family. You will recommend then to the legislator, not to
establish the civil law under which a few men might possess everything.
He must resolve his political problem in such a manner that even the least
may have something. He will not by this means establish equality ; for
the two extremes are so distant, and the latitude so great, that inequality
may exist in the intervening ranks ; man can be happy in the hut as well
as in the palace, covered with skins as well as clothed in embroidery from
Lyons ; at the frugal table of Cincinnatus, as well as at that of Vitellius ;
but then, he must have this hut, these skins, this frugal table. How can
the legislator bring this about ? How can he resolve his political problem
in such a manner that even the lowest may have something? The diffi
culties are great, and I know of no one who understands better how to
overcome them than Monsieur Paoli.
" M. Paoli, whose solicitude for the welfare of humanity and of his fel-

364 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
low-countrymen is his distinguishing characteristic ; who for a moment
revived in the middle of the Mediterranean the splendid days of Sparta and,
of Athens ; M. Paoli, full of those feelings and of that genius which na
ture sometimes unites in one man for the consolation pf nations, appeared
iri, Corsica, and drew the eyes of Europe upon himself., His fellow-citi-
zens, tossed hither and thither by wars at home and^abroad, recognized his
ascendant, and proclaimed him nearly in the same' manner as the citizens
of Athens formerly did Solon, or those of Rome the triumvirs.
" Affairs were in such disorder that a magistrate clothed with great au
thority, and possessing transcendent genius, alone could save his country.
" Happy the nation in which the social chain is not firmly enough rivet
ed to cause fear of the consequences of such a rash step. ! — happy, when
it produces men who justify this unbounded confidence, who render them
selves worthy of it !
" Placed at the helm of affairs, and summoned by his countrymen to
give them laws, M. Paoli established a constitution, founded not only on
the same principles as the existing one, but even on the same administra
tive divisions ; there were municipalities, districts, procurators, and a syn
dic of the procurators of the community. He overthrew the clergy, and
appropriated the property of the bishops to the nation. In short, the course
of his government was almost that of actual revolution. He found, in his
unequalled activity, in his warm and persuasive eloquence, and in his pene
trating and supple genius, means of protecting his new constitution from
the attacks of the malicious and of his enemies, for Corsica was then at
war with Genoa. -
" But M. Paoli's principal merit in our eyes is that he seemed convinced
«Df the principle, established by civil law, that the legislator should assure
to every man such a portion of property as would suffice,, with moderate
labour, for his support.- For this purpose, he separated the territories of
each village into two kinds ; those of the first order, plains fit for sowing
or for pasture land ; and those of the second order, mountains, fit for the
cultivation of olive-trees, chestnut-trees, and trees of all kinds. The lands
of the first order, called pasture-ground, became public property ; but the
temporary use of them was enjoyed by individuals. Every three years
the pasture-ground of each village was divided among the inhabitants^
The lands of the second order, susceptible of peculiar cultivation, remained
under the inspection of individual interest.
" By this wise arrangement, every citizen was born a proprietor, with
out destroying industry, or injuring the progress of agriculture ; in short,,
without having helots.
" But all legislators have not found themselves in the.same circumstances,
they have not all been able to manage affairs and to conduct them to such
a happy issue : but yet, pressed by the principle they have rendered ho
mage to it by excluding from society all those who possessed nothing, or
did not. pay a certain tax. Why this second- injustice ? Because the man
whom the laws have not enabled to be happy, cannot be a citizen ; because
the man who has no interest in the maintenance of the civil law, is its .ene
my ; a portion of property ought to have been secured to him, in order to
interest him in and attach him to this law; but in default of this, it has
been necessary to exclude him, as a degraded, dull creature, and as such
incapable of exercising a portion of the sovereignty. These are doubtless
the political reasons — but what are they in the eyes of morality, of humani
ty I When I see one of these unfortunate creatures transgress the law of

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 365
the state, and suffer for it, I say to myself: ' It is the strong making the
weak their victim.' I imagine I seethe American perishing for having vio
lated the law of the Spaniard.
" After having persuaded the legislator that he should care equally for the
fate of all ranks of citizens in the reaction of his civil law, you will say to
the rich man : ' Your riches constitute your misfortune : remain within
the limits of your senses ; you will then no longer be uneasy or fantastical.
How many young housekeepers run to ruin, because they are in want of
the very thing which makes you so uneasy ; you have too much, and they
have not enough. Your lot is the same, with this difference, that you being
wiser might remedy it, whilst they can only groan. . . Man of ice, does
your heart, then, never beat? I pity you, I abhor you ; you are unhappy,
and the cause of unhappiness in others I'
" Without marriage, we have said, there is neither health nor happiness ;
you will, therefore, teach the numerous class of advocates of celibacy that
their pleasures are not true ones ; except you find that, convinced that they
cannot live without wives, they seek in those of other men the gratifica
tion of their appetites ; you will then publicly denounce them. You will
denounce the extravagant presumption of the minister of Brahma ; you
will teach him that the happy man alone is worthy of his Creator, that
the Fakir who mutilates himself is a monster of depravity and folly.
"You will laugh with indignant disdain, when they endeavour to per
suade you that perfection consists in celibacy. You have opened the great
book of reason and feeling, and will, therefore, disdain to answer the so
phisms of prejudice and hypocrisy.
" Let the civil law secure to every one physical necessaries ; let the in
extinguishable thirst for riches be replaced by the consoling feeling of hap
piness. At your voice let the old man be the father of all his children ;
let him divide his property equally among them ; and let the pleasant sight
of eight happy households cause the barbarous law of primogeniture to be
for ever abhorred. Let man, in short, learn that his true glory is to live as
a man ; and at this voice let the enemies pf nature be silent, and bite their
serpent tongues with rage. Let the minister of the most sublime of reli
gions, who should bring peace and consolation to the wounded souls of the
unfortunate, learn to know the sweet emotions of love ; let the nectar of
pleasure make him sincerely sensible of the greatness of the Author of his
being ; then, truly worthy of public confidence, he will be a man of na
ture, and an interpreter of her decrees ; let him choose a companion ; that
day will be the triumph of morality, and the true friends of nature will
celebrate it heartily. The minister, awakened to a feeling of those new
joys, will bless the age of reason as he tastes its first berfefits.
" These, gentlemen, are the truths, as far as regards animal necessities,
which must be taught to men for their happiness.
" SECOND PART.
" What is sentiment ? It is the bond of life, of society, of love, of friend
ship ! It is that which unites the son to the mother, the citizen to his coun
try ; it is especially powerful in the child of nature ; dissipation and the
pleasures of sense destroy its delicacy and refinement, but in misfortune
man always finds it again ; it is that spirit of consolation which never
abandons us but with pur lives.
" Are you not satisfied ? climb to one of the peaks of Mont Blanc, watch

366 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
the sun emerging by degrees,, bringing consolation and warmth to the hut
of the labourer. Lpt the first beam which he sheds, dwell and be remem
bered in your heart. Bear in mind the pleasure you enjoy.
" Descend to the coast of the sea ; observe the god of day sinking majes
tically into the bosom of infinity ^-melancholy will overpower you — you
will abandon yourself to its impression ; no one can resist the melancholy
of nature.
" Stand under the monument of St. Remi — contemplate its majesty ; the
finger of these proud Romans traced in past ages, transports you into the
society of Emilius, Scipio, and Fabius : you return to yourself to gaze on
the mountains at a distance covered with a dark veil, crowning the immense
plain of Tarascon, where a hundred thousand-Cimbrians lay buried. The
Rhone flows at its extremity more rapid than an arrow ; a road lies upon
the left, a small town in the distance, a flock in the meadows ; you dream,
without doubt — it is the dream of sentiment.,
" Wander abroad into the country ; take shelter in the miserable cabin
of a shepherd ; pass the night stretched upon sheepskins, with your feet to
ihe fire. What a situation I — midnight strikes ; all the cattle of the neigh
bourhood go forth to pasture, their lowings commingle with the voices of
their conductors. It is midnight — forget it not ; this is the moment to hold
deep communion with yourself: to meditate on the origin of nature, andto
taste its most exquisite delights.
"On your return from a long walk, you are overtaken by the night;
you arrive by the light of the silvery rays in "the perfect silence of the uni
verse ; you have been oppressed by the burning heat of the dog-star ; you
taste the delights of the evening freshness, and the salutary balm of medi
tation. <m
" Your family is gone to bed, your lights are extinguished, but not your
fire ; the cold and frosts of January obstruct vegetation in your garden.
What do you do there for several hours ? I do not suppose that you wan
der forth possessed with the passion or ambition for wealth ; in what are you
engaged? You commune with yourself.
" You know that the metropolitan church of St. Peter's in Rome is as
large as a town ; a single lamp burns before the great altar. You enter
there at ten o'clock in the evening, and grope your way ; the feeble light
does not enable you to see anything but itself; you believe you are only
entering when the morning has already arrived ; Aurora sheds her
light through the windows, and the paleness of the morning succeeds to the
darkness of the night ; you at length begin to think of retiring, but you
have been there six hours ! Could I have Written down your thoughts, how
interesting to morality would they have been !
" Curiosity, the mother of life, has led you to embark for Greece ; you
are driven by the currents on the isle of Monte-Christo — at night you seek
for shelter ; you traverse the little rock, and you find one upon a height, in
the midst of the ruins of an old monastery, behind a crumbling wall covered
with ivy and rosemary ; you arrange your tent ; you are surrounded on
all sides by the mighty sea, and the hoarse roaring of iis waves as they
dash against the rocks, suggests to you the idea of this element so terri
ble to the feeble voyager. A light covering and a wall fifteen centuries old
form your shelter ; you are agitated by the agitation of sentiment.
" Are you, at seven o'clock in the morning, in the midst of flowery thick
ets, or in a vast forest, during the season of fruit? Are you asleep in a
grotto surrounded by the waters of the Dryads, during the raging heat of

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 367
the dog star ? You will pass whole hours alonet unable to tear yourself
away from the scene, or to bear the intrusion of those who come to inter
rupt your enjoyment.
" He is not human who has not experienced the sweetness, the melan
choly, the thrill which most of these situations impart. How deeply do I
pity him who cannot comprehend, or has never been affected by the elec
tricity of nature ! If sentiment made us experience these delightful emo
tions only, it would even then have done much for us, it would have afford
ed us a succession of enjoyments without regret, without fatigue, without
any kind of violent excitement ; these would have been its precious gifts, had
not patriotism, conjugal affection, and divine friendship been also amongst
the number of its bounties.
" You return to your country after many years of absence ; you traverse
the scenes of your youth, which were witnesses to the agitation which the
first knowledge of men, and the morning of passion produced in your
senses. In a moment you live through the life of your youth and partici
pate in its pleasures. You say you have a father, an affectionate mother,
sisters still innocent, brothers, at the same time friends ; oh, happy man !
run, fly, lose not a moment I Should death stop you on the way you will
not have known the delights of life, those of sweet gratitude, of tender re
spect, and of sincere friendship. But you say, I have a wife and children.
A wife and children ! It is too much, my dear friend, it is too much ; never
leave them more, pleasure would overwhelm you on your return, grief op
press you at your departure — a wife and children, father and mother, bios
thers and sisters, a friend ! And yet we complain of nature, and say why
were we born ? We submit with impatience to the transitory evils of life,
and run with wild impefflfcsity after emptiness of vanity and riches. What
then, oh ! unfortunate mortals, is the depraving draught, which has thus
altered the inclinations inscribed in your blood, your nerves, and your eyes?
Had you a soul as ardent as the fires of Etna, if you had a father, a mo
ther, a wife and children, you have no reason to dread the anxieties and
wearisomeness of life.
" Yes, these are the only, the real pleasures of life, from which nothing
can distract you, of which nothing can deprive you. It is vain for man
to surround himself with all the blessings of fortune — as soon as these sen
timents fly from his heart, tedium seizes upon him ; sadness, gloomy mel
ancholy and despair succeed ; and if this condition continues, he relieves
himself by death.
" Pontaveri was torn away from Tahiti, conducted to Europe, watched
with care, and loaded with attentions ; no means of distraction were forgot
ten or neglected. One single object attracted his attention and snatched
him from the arms of grief. It was the mulberry tree ; he embraced it
with transport, exclaiming : ' Tree of my country ! tree of my country !'
All that the court of Copenhagen could offer was lavished in vain on five
Greenlanders ; anxiety for their country and their family brought on mel
ancholy, and melancholy was the precursor of death. Instead of this, how
many English, Dutch, and French are there who live among savages !
These unhappy men were degraded in Europe, the sport .of the passions,
and the melancholy refuse of the great, whilst the man of nature lives hap
pily in the bosom of sentiment and natural reason.
'< We have now seen how sentiment enables us to enjoy ourselves, na
ture, our country, and those who surround us. It remains to observe how
it makes us thrill at the contemplation of the different vicissitudes of life.

368 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Here we become convinced that if it makes us friends of what is lovely and
just, it fills us with repugnance towards the oppressor and the wicked.
" A young beauty has just entered her sixteenth year ; the roses on her
cheek are changed for the lily, the fire of her eyes is extinguished; the
vivacity of her graces degenerate into the languor of melancholy: she
loves. Does she inspire you with respect, with confidence? it is the res
pect, the confidence of sentiment. Does she inspire you with contempt for
her weakness ? Be it so, but never utter it, if you value my esteem.
" Nina loved ; her well-beloved died ; she would have died with him —
she survived him long, but only to remain faithful to him. Nina knew
well that the object pf her affections was dead, but sentiment could not con
ceive his annihilation. She waited for it always, she would wait for it still.
You complain contemptuously of her folly — harsh man ! Instead of that,
feel esteem for her constancy and the tenderness ofyher heart. This is the
esteem and tenderness of sentiment.
" An adored wife has died — she was the wife of your enemy. The un
fortunate husband is overwhelmed with his loss. He flees from the society
of men ; the drapery of mourning replaces the garments of rejoicing. Two
torches are upon the table — despair in his heart. Thus he passes the lan
guishing remnant of his Hfei With a good soul you feel your hatred ap-
peasedr— you run to her tomb, and lavish upon it marks of the reconcilia
tion of sentiment.
" You have read Tacitus ; which of you has not cried out with Cato the
t younger, 'Let some one give me a sword, that I may kill this monster.'
Now, at the expiration of two thousand years, -the recital of the deeds of
Marius, Sylla, Nero, Caligula, and Domitian, excite feelings of apathy and
repugnance. Their memory is that of hatred arilf execration."

It was thus, that those days which were a kind' of living ephemeris, led
the Emperor by the subtle and capricious thread of memory, sometimes to
the days of his youth; obscure, indeed, but always laborious — sometimes
to the years of his triumphal consulate', and sometimes to the more gloomy
and stormy period of his imperial power.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 369

CHAPTER XVIII.
RECOLLECTIONS OF RUSSIA— RECOLLECTIONS OF EGYPT.— PAUL I.— KLEBER.

In the meanwhile, the Spey arrived with despatches and news from Eng
land. She brought accounts of the bombardment of Algiers by Lord
Exmouth. This event made an impression upon the Emperor : " The des
truction of these barbarian powers," he said to us, as soon as he heard the
details of the news, " was one of my projects ; I have never been able to un
derstand how the maritime powers of Europe could submit to these corsairs.
During the peace of Amiens, I proposed to England to put an end to them,
and I do not at this moment recollect what prevented us from coming to an
understanding on the subject. At a later period, I, at several times, gave
Prders to the minister of marine to study the question of Algiers ; I do not
think that England has adopted the best method by attacking their batteries
by force ; this was exposing their ships to almost certain destruction ; a rigid
blockade, or the landing- of a few thousand men, and an attack by land,
would appear to me likely" to have produced a more certain result than could
be obtained by the other course, and without the useless exposure of" brave
men to such canaille. And besides, what would Lord Exmouth have done,
if, on the next day after the bombardment, the Dey of Algiers had refused
to consent to any one of the conditions which England imposed upon him ?
it would have been impossible for him to renew the combat with his shat
tered vessels ; he would have been obliged to change his tone, to await the
arrival of a new squadron, or to depart without having accomplished any
thing, and to have all the disgrace of failure.
"If the Algerines are really struck with terror, and if they execute the
treaty which Lord Exmouth has dictated at the cannon's mouth, England
will have rendered a signal service to humanity; I cannot, however, believe
that it will be so ; and besides, these barbarians do not alter their practice
with respect to their prisoners, and will only treat them the more cruelly,
because they have no longer any hope of obtaining a ransom.
"The order of Malta entertained a noble thought, and had the English
faithfully executed the treaty of Amiens, the Emperor Paul would certainly
have restored this order t« its former importance. This prince attached
great importance to the title of Protector of Malta; his chivalrous spirit was
pleased with the design of the flag of the order again becoming the terror of
the barbarians, and the protection of commerce in the Mediterranean. When
he heard of the refusal of the English minister to deliver- Malta into his
hands, his anger knew no bounds ; he is said to have driven his sword
through the despatch which conveyed the intelligence, and to have ordered
his minister of foreign affairs to send it back directly to London.
" Paul was a man who had a soul, and was accessible to noble resolu
tions, but all his moral faults were concentrated by the restless forebodings
24

370 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
of that animal instinct which I have so often observed in some of my bravest
soldiers : Lasalle, for example, who in the middle of the night wrote to me
from bivouac- on the battle-field of Wagram, to ask me to sign immediately
the decree for the transmission of his title and his majorat of Count to his
wife's son, because he felt that he was about to fall in the battle on the en
suing day ; aud the unfortunate man was right. Cervoni, who stood near
me at Eckmiihl, and now faced cannon for the first time since the war in
Italy, said to me, ' Sire, you forced me to quit Marseilles, which I loved, by
writing to me that the Cross of the Legion of Honour was only to be won
by soldiers in the presence of the enemy. Here I am — but this is my last
day.' A quarter of an hour afterwards, a ball carried away his head.
Paul I. was constantly dreaming of conspiracies and assassination. He had
brought a skilful mechanic from abroad, in order to make1 him a number of
secret passages by which he might escape from the different chambers which
he most frequently used in his palace. There was one man alone who. had
his entire confidence, and that was Count Pahlen, governor of St. Peters
burg, and chief director of the police. He was at supper, with the general
the. night before his assassination, -when he received a letter revealing to him
to the most minute details, the whole scheme of the conspiracy, naming
Count Pahlen as :the chief, and warning him that the plot was completely
ripe for execution. Some fatality prevented him from breaking the seal,
and he thought no more of it when he retired to his private apartments.,
Had he opened the letter, he would have been saved !
" On the evening before, he had received a similar warning, and having.
immediately commanded the presence of Count Pahlen, the following singu
lar conversation ensued ; ' There is,' said the Emperor, ' a plot against my
life. The English ambassador is the prime mover ; the consultations take
place at the house, of Madame de Gerbsdorf, and Prince Sabof is one of its
most zealous promoters.'
" ' I believe it,' replied Count Pahlen. ' My son Alexander is in league
with the conspirators.' ' I believe it,' Pahlen again laconically replied.
' But you yourself are concerned in it.' ' If I had not been,' said Count
Pahlen, interrupting him, ' how could I have found it out and saved you?'
This sang-froid imposed upon the unfortunate Paul the First. Count.
Pahlen having perceived that the handwriting on the letter delivered during
supper was the same as that of the informer of the evening before, no soon
er left the supper table, than he ran directly to Prince Sabof, Count Orloff,
and General Benigsen to inform them of their impending danger. The
whole four went immediately to the house of the grand Duke Alexander,
whose hesitation was likely to compromise them all. They said to, him,
' It is absolutely necessary to finish the affair this very night ; the Emperor,
within these twenty-four hours, has received two important revelations; to
morrow your head and ours will fall upon the scaffold, if to-morrow Russia
does not salute you as her Emperor.' ' Save the life of my father 1' cried
Alexander ; covering his face with his hands. ' The will pf God be done !'
replied the conspirators, and they quitted him to proceed to the house of the
grand Duke Michael, where the Emperor was then residing.
"Prince Sabof, being commander-in-chief of the guards, all the doors
were opened to him, but the Cossack who was on duty at , the door of the
Emperor's chamber refused him permission to enter. The conspirators
could not hesitate,;, they rushed upon him, and entered by force. Paul, ter
rified by the clash of arms, lost his presence of mind, and attempted to es
cape by the secret passage ; but whilst he was trying to open the door, the

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 371
conspirators, conducted by General Benigsen, surrounded him, and one of
them, Prince Sabof, presenting an act of abdication for his signature, said
to him — ' Sire, I arrest you, in the name of the Emperor Alexander.' On
his refusing to sign and attempting to defend himself against his assassins,
they fell upon him and strangled him ; it is said that the General was the
one who inflicted the mortal blow. The name of Benigsen reminds me,
that after the battle of Friedland, an exchange of the cordon of our orders
took place between Alexander and myself, and he asked me to bestow the
cross of the Legion of Honour on this same general, which I refused, from
the recollection of his crime. I said to him, ' I will bestow it with pleasure
on the soldier whom you shall point out to me as the bravest in your army;
but I must refuse it to a general who laid the hand of an assassin on his
sovereign.' " There can be no doubt that the Emperor Alexander retained the con
viction up till the last moment, that the Emperor Paul would abdicate and
save his life ; but he ought to have delivered up the assassins of his father
into the hands of justice ; the bonds of nature imposed this upon him as a
sacred duty ; and if it be true, unfortunately for him, that the conspiracy
imposed upon him a yoke of iron during the first years of his reign, he
ought to have recollected that the hand which directed all, did not protect
the murderers. It was of little consequence to the cabinet of St. James
what became of the Emperor's murderers — what they desired they pur
chased at the price of a great prime, and that was, a complete change in the
policy of the' cabinet at St. Petersburg. Alexander might, without fear,
have avenged the death of his father, by the exemplary punishment of the
assassins, on the day on which he broke with me, and placed the whole
power of Russia at the disposal of England. The Empress-mother was
inflexible in the pursuit of vengeance, and never suffered the conspirators
to approach her person."
In the meantime, the insult offered to General Gourgaud, by the senti
nel at Hut's-gate, could not be long concealed from the Emperor. These
repeated shocks affected his health, so that he always remained shut up for
several days in his miserable apartments, and on each occasion, it was a
species of diplomatic victory on our part, to prevail on the Emperor to
agree to take the fresh air ; and we only succeeded, when the want of ex
ercise produced serious effects, and manifested itself by the swellings of
his legs and pains in his head. The Emperor always persuaded himself
that a bath of some hours, and working by night, were specific remedies
against the discomforts arising from want of exercise. It is certain he of
ten found them to produce salutary effects.
The Emperor conceived the hope of obtaining from the Prince Regent,
some modification of the despotic power exercised by Sir Hudson Lowe.
He could never bring himself to believe that a King of England, had no
other power than that of naming his ministers. He dictated to me a long
expose of all the useless vexations of which he was daily made the victim,
but this labour was laid aside, up till the moment when it served as a basis
for the observations of the Emperor Napoleon on the speech of Lord
Bathurst. A visit made by Admiral Malcolm gave new life to the negotiations for
a better understanding, which some concessions on the part of Sir Hudson
Lowe, seemed at length to render possible. He came personally to the
house of the grand marshal to inform him that, henceforward, the free en
joyment of the road from Miss Masson's cottage and Woody Range would

372 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
be restored to us, as before the restrictions of the 9th of October. On the
next morning, however, all was changed. The restless and tormenting
humour of Sir Hudson had resumed its empire, and taking his text from
the observations made1 by the grand marshal on fhe restrictions of the 9th
of October, he said to him that " the person who had dictated to him ob
servations couched in such terms and containing so many falsehoods,
could not have been guided by any desire of conciliation, and that he had
decided on not doing anything which would be regarded as a concession on
his part to such observations ; that, in consequence he had returned to his
determination of the preceding evening, and that things should remain as
they had been prescribed by the restrictions of the 9th of October — that
he thought the person who offered his mediation only did it with a. view of
previously obtaining an excuse, rather than in any hope of gaining conces
sions." " Let General Bonaparte," he added, " send me his proposals by Admi
ral Malcolm, and I will give him an answer. In the meantime, the admi
ral came to Longwood, and the Emperor, after having received an assu
rance from him of his confidence in Sir Hudson Lowe's desire to put an
end to those quarrels which closed the doors of the audience-room at Long-
wood against him, authorized him to say to the governor that he would
receive with pleasure any explanations transmitted through the mediation
of the admiral, and that if he would re-establish all things on the footing
on which they stood in the time of Sir George Cockburn, all should be
forgotten. ' Journals, pamphlets, and letters received from England by way of the
Cape, put an end, for some days, to these painful discussions. M. Miot's
work on the Campaign in Egypt, as well as the- articles in the Quarterly
Review, and Pillet's collections upon the same subject, attracted the Em
peror's attention. The accusation of having caused 1500 prisoners to be
shot, and especially that of having poisoned those who were suffering from
the plague, at Jaffa, excited his indignation, and he passed a considerable
part of the night in dictating to me the following remarks :
" 1st. El' Arish, the first port in Egypt, is a poor village in the desert
¦which separates Africa from Asia. Five or six springs, furnishing the
quantity of water necessary for an army of 30,000 men, are there found
in the midst of a wood of palm-trees, and it is to this circumstance that the
village and port of El' Arish are indebted for their existence : 4000 men,
under the command of the Djezzar Pasha, the new Seraskier of Egypt,
were in possession of this important position, when Napoleon was crossing
the desert to occupy Syria. Orders were issued to General Regnier to
make himself master of El' Arish ; on the 9th of February he attacked
the village, drove out the Turks, and took - three hundred prisoners ; 2000
Arnauts succeeded in shutting themselves up in the fort ; these troops were
commanded by chiefs independent of one another; their cavalry, 1500
strong, retired half a league from the fort, and took up a strong position
with a view to protect the road to Syria. Regnier had only 900 hussars,
and could not therefore venture to assail the Turkish cavalry, which were
thus able to wait tranquilly for the army of Abdalla. On the first news
of the presence of the French at El' Arish, this army commenced its
march, consisting of from five to six thousand men, infantry as well as
cavalry, among whom were the Mamelukes, with twelve pieces of cannon.
On the evening of the 12th, this force pitched its camp within 1500 toises

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 373
i
of El' Arish, which would have rendered General Regnier's position very
critical, had he not been joined at break of day on the 13th, by Kleber's
division, and 300 cavalry, under the command of Murat.
" Kleber undertook the blockade of the fort, and Regnier posted his di
vision on the sides of the ravine, or hollow way, in order to keep the Tur
kish army in check. He remained in this position during the 13th and
14th, andi on the night between the 14th and 15th, he quitted his camp,
ascended the hollow way a league, and then crossed it. His division was
composed of three regiments of infantry, which he drew up in order of
battle, changed his front, his right in advance, and his left resting on the
ravine. His order of battle was formed in three close columns at a suffi
cient distance to be able to extend their ranks. Two hundred paces in ad
vance of each column, he placed the grenadiers and light company of each
regiment, forming, in all, about 150 men, and sixty men of the cavalry.
About two o'clock in the morning, when he was at a little distance from
the enemy's camp, he ordered a halt, arranged his men, marched forward
with the advanced guard of the three columns, and dashed into the midst
of their camp on three different sides. This produced the greatest confu
sion among the Turks ; he marched directly to the tent of the Pasha, who
had only time to escape on foot half-dressed. The whole army was dis
persed, and abandoned their tents, baggage, artillery, and provisions, with
about 150 killed, and more than 1200 prisoners, 1000 saddle and draft-
horses, and 500 camels. The fugitives did not begin to rally till they
reached Kan-zouses. On the next morning at day-break, Napoleon, who
had crossed the desert in all haste upon a. dromedary, arrived and sum
moned the garrison of El' Arish, which returned a haughty reply of defi
ance. A battery of 4 — 12 was erected by means of a quantity of stones,
which lay at about a pistol shot from the fort ; a partial breach was soon
effected, and then the four chiefs proposed a parley. With this view, they
came to the tent of the general-in-chief, asked an armistice of fifteen days,
and offered to surrender, if they were not relieved in the meantime. At
the end of two hours' useless discussion,, during which these four chiefs,
who exactly resembled four leaders of brigands, appeared very resolute,
and confident of being relieved, the conference was broken up. The suc
cess of an assault was infallible, but it would probably have cost from six
to seven hundred men, wherefore the artillery was again directed towards
the fort, and the fire was kept up with such spirit and precision, that 800
bombs were thrown in the course of the morning, the greatest number of
which burst in the fort. As it was very small, they committed fearful de
struction, and covered it with dead bodies and streams of blood. The gar
rison lost courage, new parleys took place, and the four chiefs signed a ca
pitulation. The fort was surrendered at the break of day, the enemy
marched out with the honours of war, laid down their colours and arms,
and took an oath not to carry arms against the French, but to return to
Bagdad, and not to set foot in Syria for a year. Three hundred of them
(Maugrabins) volunteered to join the French army, 500 had been either
killed or wounded, and 3200 were escorted by a detachment, two days'
march into the desert in the direction of Bagdad.
" ' CAPITULATION OF EL' ARISH.
" ' The Commandant of the Fort of El' Arish, and the other Commanders
of the troops to the General-in-chief :
" ' We have received the terms of capitulation, which you have addres-

374 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
sed to us ; we agree to surrender the fort of El' Arish, and will return to
Bagdad by the desert. Herewith we send you the list of Agas in the fort,
who promise and swear, for themselves and their soldiers, not to serve in
the army of Djezzar, and not to re-enter Syria for a year from this date.
We shall reeeive a passport and colours from you, and will leave in the
fort all the ammunition which is there. AH the Agas who are in the fort,
solemnly swear by God, Moses, Abraham, and the Prophet, (to i?hom may
God be gracious !) and by the Koran, to execute faithfully all these arti
cles, and especially not to serve under Djezzar. The Most High and the
Prophet are' witnesses of our sincerity.
(Signed) Ibrahim, Commandant of the fort of El' Arish.
El Hadjy Mahommed, Col. of Maugrabins.
, El Hadjy, Aga of the Arnauts.
Mohammed, Aga, Chief Commissary.'
" There were found in the fort, three pieces of cannon, 200 horses, sev
eral hundred camels, and great quantities of provisions.
" On the 22d of February, two hours before day, Kleber formed the ad
vanced guard of the army, and marched towards Syria, with orders to
advance on Kan-zouses, although the distance was equal to twelve leagues.
Napoleon set out with one hundred dromedaries and one hundred cavalry,
to join his advanced guard ; he proceeded at a trot, but as he passed by
Santon Caaba, he remarked with astonishment, that the ditches in which
the Arabs concealed their straw,, their corn, and occasionally their roots,
had not been plundered by his soldiers. He found no sledges, which how
ever was not extraordinary, as the fear of the Arabs prevented them from
having any in the army. Having arrived at the sources of the Rapho,
where the two columns stand which mark the limits between Asia and
Africa, he was surprised to find no traces of spilled water, as the advan
ced guard must have passed the place about two hours previously. He
was only then about two leagues distance from Kan-zouses, he continued
his march, and arrived in the neighbourhood of the village towards the
close of the day. The Chasseurs of the advanced guard fired two shots,
and immediately afterwards a very fine camp, belonging to the Turkish ar
my, appeared in sight, and the Turks instantly flew to arms. What, then,
became of Kleber and the advanced guard? A hasty retreat was deter
mined on, although the horses were fatigued, and the French arrived at
the sources of theLawi, at ten o'clock at night, after having been pursued,
by the Turkish cavalry for more than half a league. The night having
become dark, the Pasha became afraid of an ambuscade, and returned to
the camp. For several hours the detachment was a prey to a thousand
gloomy reflections, and seemed to have no resource from despair. How
ever, at two o'clock in the morning, a detachment of dromedaries return
ed, which had been in a direction in which they hoped to meet with a
miserable hut occupied by Arabs who possessed some herds of camels ;
they brought back intelligence that a French army, as numerous as the
stars of the firmament, or the sands of the desert, had taken the route of
Kan-zouses. " Napoleon, guided by an Arab, mounted his dromedary and set out at
day-light. He soon fell in with some dragoons, who appeared worn out
with fatigue, and from them he learned that Kleber had mistaken his way,
and that the soldiers, surprised at not having arrived at Santon Caaba,
where, according to what had been told them, they were to find the ditches

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 375
filled with roots, began to suspect that they had missed their way; that
Kleber had ordered a halt, and that there was no more water than was suf
ficient to make soup ; that in consequence of the original project, accord
ing to which the advance-guard was to avail itself of the wells of Rapho,
and would arrive at Kan-zouses in a day, they had taken supplies of water
merely for a day. Two hours afterwards Napoleon came up with the di
vision, and as soon as the soldiers saw him, they uttered shouts of joy.
Worn down with fatige, and dying of thirst, their spirits were completely
broken; and some of the young soldiers, in their despair, had even pro
ceeded to break their firelocks. Hope, however, returned at the sight of
their General, who collected them and addressed them in the following
terms : — ' There are on the way several camels loaded with water, which
will arrive in less than three hours. I admit that there is still a great dis
tance to march,, but if it be necessary, learn how to die with honour and
without complaint.' In fact, they did not arrive at Jassy till midnight, where
they met the detachment and the camels laden with skins of water. Napo
leon now proceeded on the march, with Lasne's division, and arrived at
Kan-zouses on the 24th, from whence the Turkish army had departed. The
armies did not meet till they were near Gaza. The Turks did not resist the
charge of the French for a moment ; the fort and city of Gaza were taken.
On the 1st of March, the French head-quarters were established at Azola,
and on the 2d, at Rumste. An advanced-guard was pushed forward to
wards Jerusalem, where multitudes of Christians were in irons and in mo
mentary dread of the poniards of the Turks. Napoleon, however, secretly
concluded an armistice with the Pasha, and finding all thus tranquil on his
right flank, on the 4th he marched to Jaffa, which was regularly invested,
and several batteries of 12-pounders made ready for action. Jaffa was only
fortified by a wall, but it contained a garrison of from 6000 to 7000 men,
among whom were a body of artillery sent from Constantinople, and trained
by French officers. As soon as the batteries were ready to play, a cartel
was sent to summon the place; a quarter of an hour afterwards, the army
saw the head of the unfortunate bearer stuck on a pike, and his dead body
was thrown over the wall. This was the signal for attack ; in three hours,
a breach was effected in one of the towers, forty or fifty grenadiers and a
dozen of sappers made good a lodgment; the column followed, and the
town was carried by assault. Nothing could arrest the- fury of the soldiers;
every person who came in their way was killed, and the plaee delivered up
to plunder. During the night the disorder was terrible, and order could not
possibly be restored even at daylight. AH that were saved of that Unfortu
nate garrison were sent prisoners to Egypt, with the exception of 800 men
who were shot. These.800 were the remnant of the garrison of El' Arish,
who, after having proceeded three days' march in the direction of Bagdad,
had changed their route, violated the terms, of their capitulation, and thrown
themselves into Jaffa. Prudence did not allow them to be sent to Cairo.
Accustomed to the desert, they would have found means to escape on the
way, arid they would have been found again in Acre. About 4000 Turks
perished at Jaffa, and nearly 3000 were saved. Of these, 1200 were sent
prisoriers to Egypt; 1300 soldiers and servants, natives of Egypt, were set
at liberty as countrymen, and 500 were sent to carry and diffuse the news
of the victories of the French, to Damascus, Jerusalem, Aleppo, &c.
" 2d. The army which had just raised the siege of St. Jean d'Acre was
destitute of the means of transport. Its general; nevertheless, succeeded
in conducting it, without loss, as far- as Jaffa ; a thousand sick, and about

37'6 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
the same number who had been wounded during the siege. On his arrival
at Jaffa, he caused them to be put on board ship for Damietta, as well as
all the sick who were in the military hospital, which he had taken care to
establish at Jaffa. At this time the plague was making the most frightful ra
vages in the French hospitals : five or six daily fell as victims to this dread
ful scourge. Those of the sick who were the strongest were sent away-
first, as soon as the vessel was loaded. The next vessel contained those of
whose recovery there was but little hope. Napoleon gave orders for the
departure of the army on the 27th of May, and on the 26th, according tp
custom, he sent one of his aides-de-camp (Lavalette) to visit the stores and
hospitals, and to see that his orders had been punctually observed and ex
ecuted. The aide-de-camp reported that the whole had been removed, with
the exception of seven men, of whom the officers of health despaired, and
who could not be removed, because they would infect with the plague all
those whom they approached ; that some of these unfortunates, seeing them
selves thus about to be abandoned to their unhappy fate, earnestly entreated
to be put to death, crying out that the Turks, on their arrival, would inflict
upon them unheard-of cruelties. It was, in fact, the- custom of these bar
barous monsters horribly to mutilate the persons ; to slit the noses and pull
out the eyes of those who had the misfortune to fall into their hands. The
surgeons on duty asked permission of the aide-de-camp to gratify their de
sires by giving them opium, at the last moment, for it would have been
horrible and inhuman thus to have abandoned these unfortunate men in this
condition ; the maxim — ' Do unto others, as ye would they should do unto
you,' ought here to be applied. Napoleon sent for Desguettes, the physi-
cian-in-chief, and Larrey, the surgeon-in-chief, in order to learn with cer
tainty whether it was impossible to convey these unfortunate men ; he
recommended that they should be put on horseback, with others to lead the
horses, and offered, in fact, his own saddles. The medical officers assured
him, that it was impossible, and obsprved that, these men could not survive
four-and-twenty hours. During this consultation on the possibility of re
moving them, they added, that they had consulted on the proposition of
allowing opium to be administered, but that Desguettes said, that his pro
fession being to cure, he could not give his authority to such a measure.
After this, Napoleon put off the departure of the army for twenty-four
hours. There was nothing urgent in the case; he was master of the coun
try, and Djezzar Pasha had not set out from Acre. The rear-guard, con
sisting of 800 cavalry, did not leave the town till the next day at four
o'clock in the afternoon, twenty-four hours after the aide-de-camp's visit
to the hospitals, and only after being informed that the seven patients were
all dead.
, " This circumstance, which has been so grossly misrepresented by libel
lers and enemies, is, in reality, a proof of Napoleon's humanity, and of his
solicitude for his soldiers. All of them regarded him as a father, and they
were right, for he loved them as if they had been his own children.
V After the battle of Heliopolis and the re-taking of'Cairo, in the months
of March, April, and May, Kleber imposed a contribution of six millions
of francs upon that city. Sheik Suddah, who was descended from a rela
tion of the prophet, and very highly revered in the East, was taxed at a
very considerable sum, which he refused to pay. Although the evil dispo
sition of this sheik towards the French was very well known, Napoleon
was accustomed to manage and flatter him, for which he was often even
blamed by many persons in the army. It happened- that this Suddah was

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 377
guilty of some acts of impertinence, for which Kleber caused him to be ar
rested and conducted to the citadel, where, according to the custom of the
country, he was punished by the bastinado. This caused a great noise in
the city, and the Ulemas were extremely indignant at his being exposed to
such treatment. Some weeks afterwards, a person named Soliman, a na
tive of Aleppo, was sent from Gaza by the Aga, who was with the grand
vizier, to wage a sacred war against Kleber. This man established him
self at the Mosque of Semil Azar, and it was confidently said, that the
sheiks were informed of his intentions, but that, being offended at the treat
ment inflicted on the Sheik Suddah, they did not interfere to prevent him.
The assassin, seizing upon a favourable moment, when Kleber was walk
ing in his garden, advanced, and presented a petition ; and whilst he was
reading the papers, plunged his kandjar into his body ; he was condemned
and executed, together with four sheiks, his accomplices. Before this, seve
ral persons had been dispatched in 1798 and 1799, by Djezzar Pasha, to
wage sacred war against Napoleon, but as the latter was a very great fa
vourite with the sheiks, they opposed these designs, and thus saved Ms
life."

378 HISTORY OF THE' CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

CHAPTER XIX.

DETAILS OF THE PRIVATE LIFE OF NAPOLEON AT ST. HELENA.
Things had just taken place which cast a fresh portion of acrimony into
the disputes between us and the governor of St. Helena, when Sir Hudson
Lowe adopted the very inexplicable idea of performing an act of polite
ness, and sent to General Bonaparte a small case of superior Bourbon cof
fee for his personal use, expressing his desire that this offer should be ac
cepted as a testimony of his respect, and of the anxiety which he felt to
anticipate the smallest wishes of the general. This, I repeat it, was an in
explicable circumstance, considering those feelings of irritation which pre
vailed in all our relations to one another, and above all, the sinister impres
sions which his visits pjid expressions had left upon the Emperor's mind.
I hesitated to convey this strange message, so much was I convinced that
the answer would be throwing oil upon the fire, but to my great asto
nishment, the Emperor merely said, " Cause the case to be carried to the
pantry — good coffee is a precious thing in this horrible, place." Cipriani
thought me mad, when I put the case into his charge to be used by Pierron,
the chief cook. I was obliged to repeat the Emperor's order, before he
would consent to obey, declaring to me over and over again, that he would
first of all submit it to a variety of trials before he allowed any of it to be
served up to his master. In short, the coffee was excellent.
The weather had now become fine ; the Emperor went out and termina
ted his walk by a visit to the grand marshal ; he had not put his foot out of
doors for forty-three days. On the next day, he complained of violent sick
ness, and remained four hours in the bath.
We have already spoken of the offers made to his brother Joseph by the
Spanish Americans. The news of this offer was agreeable to him ; he said,
however, on hearing of it, " Joseph will certainly refuse ; although possess
ing the mind, talents, and all the qualities necessary to make a nation hap
py, he loves his liberty and the enjoyments of social life too much to have
any wish a second time to launch into the storms of royalty. His accept
ance would be useful to these unfortunate people by saving them from the
calamities of a long civil war, and would be also very advantageous to
England, because she would acquire all the commerce of Spanish America.
Joseph neither could nor would have any diplomatic connexion with the
kings of France and Spain ; and as Spanish America could not do without
European productions, it would become necessary that all her markets should
be supplied with English merchandise. Moreover, Joseph loves me sincere
ly, and he would avail himself of this new means to obtain from the Eng
lish ministers some change in my position." *

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 379
Some months afterwards* the crown refused by Prince Joseph was offer
ed to the Emperor himself and rejected. The leader of the Spanish Ame
ricans, whose message reached Longwood, had foreseen all the obstacles
resulting from the Emperor's captivity, and forgotten nothing to insure the
success of their design ; but that great mind, which had twice laid down
the crown of France rather than be indebted for its preservation to a civil
war, could not possibly accept the sceplre offered to him by a people at war
among themselves and with the mother country, had not even a regard for
his own dignity dictated a refusal.
Sir Hudspn thought to make sure of victory in our incessant disputes by
inditing a voluminous memoir, justifying his conduct, and throwing the
whole blame upon Las Cases, the grand marshal, and myself. We had
misrepresented everything — words, writings, actions ; he was the best man
in the world, and the most desirous of softening the rigours of the Empe
ror's captivity, and we were execrable calumniators.
The Emperor indignantly did justice to this mean accusation against us
by throwing it in the fire.
This document contained one very remarkable passage. "Neither in
the instructions given to me, nor in those given to Sir George Cockburn,
have his majesty's ministers entered into any details. They have referred
these to my own judgment, and I am at liberty to take such precautions as
may seem to me desirable, and to do as I please. I have received, in ge
neral terms, the order to take the necessary precautions to prevent General
Bonaparte's escape, as well as not to allow any correspondence to reach
him which does not pass through my hands. The rest depends upon me."
" All that," said the Emperor, " is a mass of absurd and infamous insinua
tions. I maintain that the acts of this man are worse than those put in
force in Botany Bay ; for even there, the convicts are not forbidden to speak.
The man must he a fool to pretend to persuade me, that he has not treated
us badly ; we are neither fools nor ordinary persons, to suffer ourselves to
be imposed on by such gilded phraseology. There is assuredly no free
born man living whose hair would not stand on end with indignation on
finding himself made the butt of such disgraceful proceedings as those
which restrain us from addressing such persons as we may accidentally
meet with in the narrow limits destined for our promenade. It is merely
adding wrong to barbarism, to pretend that such measures as these are
-adopted from any feeling of their necessity. Ami deceived when I see in
this man an executioner sent to assassinate me, a man wholly without a heart,
and merely capable of discharging the office and duties of a gaoler ?"
I have already mentioned the great lack of water to which we were ex
posed. There was no sufficient supply for the Emperor's bath, and the
governor caused some to be carried to Longwood in casks used for provi
ding water for ships ; but this water exhaled such an unhealthy smell in
the course of being warmed, as made its use unfortunately impossible, and
the works, commenced with a view of providing an adequate supply for
Longwood, were yet far from being finished* When I complained to Sir
Hudson Lowe, he replied" that he would accelerate them as much as possi
ble," and excused himself by saying, " that he was not, hithertOj at all
aware, that General Bonaparte had any need of being boiled in hot water
for several hours every day." This strange pleasantry gives a complete
picture of ihe man!;:
At length1 a store-ship arrived withithe famous iron grating, so long and
so impatiently expected by Sir Hudson Lowe. One hundred and thirty-

380 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
five sentinels were insufficient to calm his nocturnal terrors, and he must
have a grating by which we should be as it were hermetically sealed, and
the key at night under his pillow.
The sudden variations of temperature always affected more or less the
Emperor's health, but these effects had hitherto given us no serious unea
siness. On this occasion, it was different. Symptoms of dysentery ap
peared, and we knew too well, by daily experience, what were the dan
gers of this disease in the burning climate of St. Helena. For three days
our uneasiness was extreme, although the disease did not increase, but
there was danger as long as the calomel did not, as the physicians say,
produce its effect. At length, on the 5th, improvement became sensible,
and on the 8th, the Emperor felt himself sufficiently recovered lo wish to
breath the fresh air in the garden. As soon, however, as he perceived Sir
Hudson Lowe, accompanied by two or three officers, at full gallop towards
our residence, he precipitately returned into his chamber.
Two vessels, arrived from Europe and the Cape, brought us newspapers,
pamphlets and letters. We heard the contents of our letters from the offi
cers of the camp, who being persuaded that we had read them, spoke to us
on the subject of their contents ; they had been on the preceding evening at
a ball given by Lady Lowe.
Among the number of our pamphlets, there was one written by Dr. War
den, surgeon of the Northumberland, which the Emperor read with inte
rest, and to which he dictated in reply, eight or ten letters, supposed to be
written from the Cape. The notes which he had previously dictated to me
on Egypt, were used in these letters. This was an occasion which he did
not wish to allow to pass by without refuting some of those odious calumnies.
Count Las Cases, to whom those letters from the Cape were attributed,
has denied being their author, and has published notes or observations on
this subject during his exile in Germany, which, like all his actions, are a
proof of his fidelity and attachment to the Emperor.
Notwithstanding the pains taken by Sir Hudson Lowe to envelope Long-
wood in an impenetrable veil, the Emperor's attack of dysentery became
known in the island. The commissioners were alarmed, called for official
communications respecting the Emperor's health, and renewed their impor
tunities to be allowed to see him. The governor did not yield upon the
question of free communication with Longwood, but he consented to give
a copy of the physician's bulletin which he received. This circumstance
was the commencement of his serious and personal disputes with Dr.
O'Meara. He wished the medical attendant to perjure himself; to prepare
bulletins according to his convenience — or, to speak more correctly, to
write them under his dictation. The bulletin of health would furnish him
with an opportunity of making a report of all that he had seen, heard or
learnt from the Emperor or concerning the Emperor during the course of
the day. He wished to make the physician a spy.
About this time the Emperor received a visit from Admiral and Lady
Malcolm, and saw again with great pleasure, Mr. Mackenzie, an officer of
the navy, who served on board the Indomitable, when she was at the isle
of Elba.
The tragical death of an employe of the governor, and one who possessed
his fullest confidence, was for some days the subject of universal conversation
on the island. It was wrongfully said that this man had hung himself, be
cause Sir Hudson Lowe had discovered that he had betrayed him by send-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 381
ing to me some copies of all the despatches from the ministry, as well as
bulletins pf all the news which he wished to conceal from us.
Several ships arrived from India and the Cape, and almost all the offi
cers of these vessels obtained permission to be presented at Longwood. It
was on this occasion that Captain *** availed himself of the opportunily to
place his services at the disposal of ihe Emperor, and offered to conduct
him wherever he pleased. He said that this feeling was inspired by his
strong indignation at the conduct pursued by the English government, and
above all, at that of Sir Hudson Lowe — an indignation, he added, which
was shared by all classes in England, with the exception of a few private
friends of the ministers.
The Emperor listened with the kindest interest to this noble and generous
offer — but refused to accept it. It was about the same period, that one of
the officers of the garrison conceived a plan of escape, the success of which
was almost certain. His plan was to reach the shore at a point of the coast
opposite to James' Town, which was guarded merely by a post of infan
try ;¦ small boats alone could approach the shore at this place, but a boat
well provided with rowers would have been sufficient to enable the fugitives
to reach the vessel appointed to receive them. This point was only an
. hour's walk distant. But whether the Emperor at this time had relinquish
ed all idea of desiring to escape, or whether he doubled the sincerity of
the offers which were made to him, or the possibility of their success, he
refused to accept them. In its proper place I will record another offer of
a more- serious kind which I was commissioned to make to him, and the
reasons which he assigned for its refusal. Two ships just arrived, the one
' from India and the other from China, brought to Longwood new subjects
for grave disputes with Sir Hudson Lowe ; a master gunner had been com
missioned to present the Emperor with a beautiful marble bust of the King
of Rome, made at Florence, and which was said to have been made in com
pliance with the orders of the Empress Maria-Louisa, to be presented to
the father and husband as a testimony of her affectionate remembrances.
But what consequences might not such a message produce,' according to
the imagination of Sir Hudson Lowe ! It was perhaps all a conspiracy !
The bust might contain a correspondence of the very highest political in
terest ! Not to suffer it to go to Longwood, and to break it in pieces, was
infhis opinion the advice of sound reason ; but what recriminations, and
what an echo would these recriminations find in public opinion, should
we become acquainted with these facts, and happen to divulge them !
When you are in doubt, abstain, says the proverb, and Sir Hudson Lowe
foUowed its advice. Six days were allowed to pass without the bust being
brought to Longwood, although on the day after the arrival of the Baring,
we had been informed of the gunner's commission. At length on the 11th,
Sir Hudson Lowe came to the grand marshal's house, and told him, with
an air of extreme embarrassment, that a statuary in Leghorn had made a
had bust of the son of the ArChduchess Maria Louisa, and had sent it to
St. Helena by the ship Baring, accompanied by a letter in jvhich he states
that the bust had been already paid for, but that he hopes the Emperor's
generosity will lead him to send an additional 100 Louis-d'ors ; a claim
which in his, Sir"H. Lowe's judgment, appeared exorbitant — so exorbitant,
he added, as to be a sufficient reason for not accepting the bust — as it was
evidently a shameful speculation of some inferior Tuscan sculptor. The
grand marshal did not suffer himself to be imposed upon by the cunning
governor, and assured him that the Emperor was all eagerness and joy at

382 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
the hope of seeing again the features of his son, and he begged him earn-
estly to send it that evening to Longwood. He did not, however, receive
it till the next day. So much cunning and malevolence of purpose cruelly
wounded the Emperor. He dictated the following letter to the grand mar
shal, to be sent to the gunner of the Baring.
" Mr. Radwick.
" Sir, — I have received the marble bust of the young Napoleon, and given
it to his father. Its reception has given him the most lively satisfaction.
"I regret that it is not in your power to come and see us, and communi
cate to us details which would have the greatest interest for a father, and
especially for one placed in such circumstances as he is.
" According to the letters forwarded to us, the artist values his work at
£100 sterling. The Emperor has commanded me to put into your hapds
the sum of £300 sterling ;* the overplus is intended to indemnify you for
the losses to which you have been exposed in the sale of your merchandise,
by not having been allowed to send your goods on shore, and for the pre
judice which that event may have raised against you, but which will secure
you the esteem of every gallant man.
" Have the goodness lo transmit to the persons who have paid him this
obliging attention, the Emperor's best thanks.
" I have the honour to be, &c ,
" Count Bertrand.
" P. S. — I beg you to acknowledge the receipt of the enclosed letter of
credit." "" '
This precious article was succeeded by other presents not less unexpect-
ed. The honourable Mr. Elphinstone, with a view of discharging a debt
of gratitude to the Emperor, sent to St. Helena several small cases, con
taining a set of chessmen in ivory, of marvellously beautiful workmanship,
a box of dice, another of counters, and two magnificent baskets of large
dimensions, all exquisitely carved. Each of these objects was ornamented
with the imperial crown — eagles and letter N. We have already said, that
this was an act of grateful homage on the part of Mr. Elphinstone, which
arose from the following circumstances.
On the evening before the battle of Waterloo, Captain, Elphinstone, bro
ther of the. gentleman in question, had been grievously wounded, and was
lying stretched on the field in a hopeless condition. The Emperor happen
ed to pass near him, observed his situation, and sent the surgeon in attend
ance on his person, to make the necessary application to staunch his
wounds, from which the blood was copiously flowing. His natural good
ness towards the wounded, prompted him also to give him some wine from
the silver flask which one of the chasseurs of the guard always carried on
service near his person, in case of a halt or bivouac. This providential
assistance saved Captain Elphinstone's life. These presents, as well as
some others, gave rise to very lively discussions between Sir Hudson Lowe
and the grand marshal, whilst more than a month elapsed between their
arrival at St. Helena and their being delivered to the Emperor. Mr. Man
ning, who had received the commission to deliver them, yielded to the wish
of Sir Hudson Lowe, of leaving us in ignorance of the fact, and left the
* In consequence of some unworthy manoeuvres the poor gunner did not receive his
money till nearly two years afterwards.

HISTORY of the captivity of napoleon. 383
boxes at James Town, in order to wait for the decision of the government,
as to whether they should be delivered to the Emperor or not.
This conduct of Sir Hudson Lowe gave rise to the following correspon
dence : "TO THE GOVERNOR.
" Sm, — I have received the five cases which you have taken the trouble
to send me, containing a set of chessmen, a box of counters, and two carved
caskets in ivory, sent from. Canton by Mr. Elphinstone. The Emperor
was surprised to see by your letter that you thought it would have been
your duty not to have transmitted these articles to Longwood. ' Did I act,'
you say, ' in entire conformity with the established regulations, I ought not
to forward them.' In this case, sir, you would have acted politely to keep
them. " But to what does this apply ? Did not these articles arrive through the
channel of the ministry ? It is indeed ordained in the minister's restric
tions that all letters must come through this channel ; but not articles of
dress, busts, furniture, &c. We have frequently received from the Cape
articles which have been sent us. And besides, Lord Bathurst, in his
speech, and you in your letters, indignantly denied that letters which came
here through the post, or other opportunities, had been sent to London, to
return to St. Helena. Your instructions therefore could not, nor cannot,
authorize you to keep back such articles as busts, furniture, books, or any
other effects which have no connexion with the security of the Emperor's
detention. " Is it because there is a crown on each of the counters ?i But no regu
lation can exist without our knowledge ; now, we are not aware that we may
not be permitted lo possess any article on which there is a crown ; if so, it
would also be necessary to make new packs of cards, because there are
crowns on those which are now used. The Emperor's linen, and the small
quantity of plate still in his possession, are often taken to the town ; they
are marked with a crown.
"But from whom did this regulation, which you say is in force, emanate?
From your government, which alone, by passing a bill, has a right to make
regulations ? Your minister declared, in open parliament, that no restric
tions had been made since those which had been printed and communicated
to' Europe, which your predecessor had, and which he delivered over to you;
he added, that you had no restriction, but had only taken measures of ex
ecution. In fact, then* you have no right to make restrictions.
" The Emperor wishes for favour from no one, and will have nothing
from the caprice of any person whatever ; but he has a right to know the
restrictions which are imposed on him. Your government, the parliament;,
and all nations have the same right ; I beg you then, sir, to communicate
to us these fresh restrictions ; if such as these did existj they would be in
contradiction of Lord Bathurst's assertion, ' that the only aim of the restric
tions was to secure the Emperor's safe detention.'
" The Emperor charges me to protest against the existence of any res
triction or regulation which shall not have been legally notified to him be
fore being put into execution. " I have the honour to be,
" &c, &c, &c,
" Count Bertrand."

384 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

THE GOVERNOR'S ANSWER TO THE FOREGOING LETTER.
« g1E) — j have received your letter, dated the 9th instant. The frequent
use which you make in it of the title, of ' Emperor,' and the tone in which
you express your feelings to me when you employ it, would sufficiently au
thorize me to be silent respecting its contents, as haying been addressed to
me under an inadmissible fofm, and to refer you to my letter of the 30th of
August, 1816, addressed to Count Montholon. I will not, however, avail
myself of these motives to refuse to reply to them.
" The only object which 1 had in writing to you on the 8th of this month
was, to prevent a belief from being entertained that I tacitly acknowledged,
or approved of, the imperial rank being recognised in the crown placed
everywhere above the initial letter of Napoleon, in presents sent to St.
Helena, particularly by an English subject, and coming from an English
factory. " If I had forwarded these articles without any remark, it would neces
sarily have been taken for granted that I saw nothing improper in this ;
and I know but too well how far this precedent would have been used at
any future departure from it, had I not explicitly declared the motives which
induced me, on this occasion, to allow these articles to be forwarded to you.
" The person who sent these presents has his personal opinions, but I
have the right of exercising my judgment in not permitting him to express
them through me ; and in forwarding the presents to their destination, with
out any other remarks than those contained in my letter, I did the utmost
which could be required of me by the respect which the wishes or expectations
of General Bonaparte demand from me. You ask me, sir, ' whether these
articles did not come through the channel of the ministry?' &c. &c.
" I should have considered myself, according to the general tenour of my
instructions, and even without reference to the decorations of these presents,
fully justified in retaining them until I received from my government ex
press orders to transmit them — except I made use of my discretionary
power, in examining them, and convincing myself that they contained no
means of communication which might serve for a clandestine correspond
ence. The letter which I sent you, even before the articles were disem
barked, is a sufficient proof that the latter alternative was that on which I
was always ready to act, instead of awaiting the tirrival of instructions
from England.
" You remark, sir, that I repulsed with indignation the accusation of
having sent back to London, to be re-sent to St. Helena, letters which had
come through ihe post, or by private opportunities. I did without doubt,
sir, indignantly repulse this accusation, as well as the reflections to which it
had given rise, because they contained neither truth nor justice ; because I
was disgusted at the feeling which turned into sources of vexation and re
proach, the marks of attention which I had shown, (for on seeing their
family letters, I had used, in favour of the persons who applied to me, a
discretionary power not authorized by my instructions ;) but I did not ad
mit that I had not a right, and was not perfectly authorized, to return let
ters to England, if I thought fit, when they came through irregular chan
nels. Presents may be as contrary to the safety of General Bonaparte's
detention as a letter, and might be liable to an examination«avhich would
entirely prevent their, serving, in any way, either for ornament or utility.
A letter can be concealed in the square of a chess-board, or under the bind-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 885
ing of a bo6k, as well as in the lining °f a flannel waistcoat ; and I am not
obliged to confide in the person who sends them, whoever this may be* If
I have allowed articles to be forwarded to you, it was because I was per
suaded that they were not of a reprehensible nature; and you- have cer
tainly, sir, n o reasonto complain of the manner in which I have used my
discretionary power, by consenting, as a general principle, to' the trans
mission of all articles arriving here, and even by forwarding several others
which arrived under cover to me, and the transmission of which was left
by the persons sending them, through delicacy, entirely to my choice* <
" You observe, sir, ' Is it because there is a crown on each of the coun
ters ?' &c. &te., and ask whether there exists any regulation forbidding you
to have in your possession any article on which there is a crown ?
" Without doubt, sir, there does not exist any special and written regu
lation, forbidding any article surmounted with a crown, to be forwarded to
Longwood, or preventing you from possessing any effects adorned with
one ; but, in the present case, we find the imperial crown above the initial
letter of Napoleon, cut and gilded, or engraved, and placed on every arti
cle. His abdication, the treaty of Paris, and the acts of the English par
liament, render useless the existence of any regulation* on this point. The
effects surmounted with an imperial crown now at Longwood, bore this
mark before the abdication. I have never disputed the possession, nor the
satisfaction they may procure.
" As regards the passage which you quote from the debates of parlia
ment, allow me to observe that it is inexact, according to all the newspa
pers which I have seen. The papers themselves do not agree ; one speaks
of regulations, another of instructions, not restrictions, as being the same,
at least without any substantial change, as those before prescribed.
" You say, sir, ' You have no right to make restrictions.'
" The act of parliament, the commission, and the instructions with
which I am provided, are, sir, my surest guides in this respect. I shall,
however, be allowed to add, that the first instructions which you demand
should be my only rule, have received a more liberal construction tharj
their strict and literal sense would seem to bear, relative to the degree
of exemption from personal constraint which General Bonaparte now en
joys. " You add — ' The Emperor wishes for no favour,' &c. &c.
" I have not the presumption to grant a favour to General Bonaparte,
and still less the arrogance to subject him to any act of my caprice. He
is subject to, no restriction with which the government is not acquainted,
and which the whole world may not know.
" I will take advantage of this opportunity to recall to your mind, that
General Bonaparte himself, in two interviews which I had with him, told
me that, as a general officer, I ought to act according to my instructions,
and not like an officer on duty ; but it seems that he now wishes me to ful
fil it like one. Another time he declared that he would not recognize any
direct or public surveillance. How do these suggestions agree with the
narrow limits within which you now seek to restrain the exercise of my
duties ?
" The views which you have expressed coincide the most with mine, see
ing that all exercise of my discretionary power, even when I endeavour to
act most favourably, only brings on new discussions ; but when none but
such opposite sentiments are manifested, you will acknowledge, sir, the dif
ficulty of reconciling them. 25

386 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
" You say, ' The Emperor charges^me to protest against the existence
of any restriction,' &c. &c.
" It is essentially my duty, whenever circumstances permit, to pay at
tention to any communication made to me in the name of the person you
thus designate. It would, however, be impossible to notify a regulation
called for by a sudden occurrence, before the circumstance which gives
rise to it has taken place. The measure of which you speak was not of a
nature to be communicated beforehand, but I venture to affirm, that it was
not put into execution before information had been given of it.
" I have the honour to be, &c. &c. &c,
" H. Lowe, Lieutenant-General."

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 387

CHAPTER XX.

LORD AMHERST.

Everything had been prepared for Lord Amherst's audience, as it had
been for that of Sir Hudson Lowe, on his arrival at St. Helena. The pre
sentation was to be performed by the grand marshal, one of us was to be
in the topographic cabinet, which would serve on this occasion as an ante
room, and the valets de chambre, St. Denis and Noverras, were to be sta
tioned at the doors of the ante-room and of the saloon in which the Em
peror was. The suite of Lord Amherst was not to be presented till after
the audience. Everything was done as had been arranged ; and if Lord
Amherst and his embassy had been received at the Tuileries, in the most
splendid days of the empire, they could not have been more courteous and
respectful, in manner as well as speech.
The mission of this ambassador formed the first subject of the conver
sation, and politics would not, probably, have been introduced at all, had
not Lord Amherst offered to take charge of, and transmit to the Prince
Regent, the requests which the Emperor might have to make to him.
This offer aroused in the Emperor's mind the recollection of the perpet
ual outrages which daily poisoned his life.
" Neither your king nor your nation have any right over me," said he,
in a tone of deep suffering. "England sets an example of twenty mil
lions of men oppressing one individual. Sylla and Marius signed their de
crees of proscription in the midst of combats, and with the still bloody
points of their swords ; but the bill of the 11th of April was signed in the
midst of peace, with the sceptre of a great nation, and in the sanctuary of
the law.
" The right of nations should, at least, have been the law of your min
isters ; but it would have paralyzed the savage hatred of some of them ;
they wanted the arbitrary right ; they lied to the parliament ; they pushed
the audacity of falsehood so far as to say, that they demanded the right
of regulating my captivity, in order to treat me with more liberality than
it was usual to grant to prisoners of war ; and what use have they made
of it ? They have delegated this discretionary power to a man chosen ad
hoc amongst men of a character known by their preceding missions, and
have said to him — ' If your prisoner escape, your career and your fortune
are lost.' Is not this telling him to abuse his power ? Does not this inte
rest all that is dear to man ? A gaoler in Europe cannot impose restric
tions according to his own caprice or panic terrors, on the prisoner entrus
ted to his charge ; he is obliged to confine himself to the execution of the
regulations established by the laws or magistrates. There is but one
means of taking from a prisoner all chance of evasion — to inclose him in

388 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
a coffin. The parliament which gave Charles I.'s head to the axe— the
convention whieh condemned Louis XVI. to die by the hand of the execu
tioner, found excuses for their crimes in national interest ; the bill of the
11th of April only serves the purposes of personal hatred; it will, sooner
or later, be the shame of England ; the parliament which voted it forgot its
sacred character, and, as a legislative body, committed a crime against
English honour. I am not allowed to leave this unhealthy hut, unless ac
companied by a guard ; I am forbidden to receive letters from my wife, my .
mother, or my family, except they have been read and commented on by
my gaoler.
" But of what use are these odious restrictions here ? What man of
sense can admit the possibility of my escape, when numerous cruising ves
sels hover round the island ; when posts are established at all points ; when
there are signals always ready to correspond with each other ; when no
vessel can approach or leave St. Helena without having been visited by
the Governor's agents ;¦ and, finally, when hundreds of sentinels are
posted round the limits of this place, from six in the evening till six in the
morning? . > > ¦ '
" But they do still more, if possible ; they want me to deny a glorious
fact — to acknowledge the shame of my country. They will have it- that
France had no right to place the imperial crown on my head -T and pre
tend to wash away by a decree of Sir Hudson Lowe's, the holy oil with
which the vicar of Jesus Christ anointed my forehead. The name of Ge
neral. Bonaparte was the one which I bore at Campo-Formio and at Lune
ville, when I dictated terms of peace to the Emperor of Austria ; I bore it
at Amiens, when I signed the peace with England ; I should be proud to
bear it still,, but the honour of France forbids me to acknowledge the King
of England's right to annul the acts of the French people.. My intention
was to take the name of Duroc ; your ministers, and their hired assassin,
Sir Hudson Lowe, oblige me, by: their ignoble intrigues on this subject, to
retain the title of the Emperor Napoleon.
" If your government denies my right to this title, it acknowledges im
plicitly that Louis XVIII. reigned in France at the time when I signed the
peace of Amiens, and when the Lords Lauderdale and Castlereagh nego
tiated with my plenipotentiaries. It does more : it acknowledges that the
Cardinal of York reigned in England when George III. signed the peace
of 1783, at Versailles ; and denies the royalty of Charles XIII. of Swe
den. To assert this opinion would be to give instability to all thrones, and
to propagate the germ of revolution in every monarchy.
" Your- ministers were not contented with giving parliament false 'infor«
mation respecting my position ; one of them said, in a numerous assembly
in Ireland, that I had only made peace with England for the purpose of
deceiving, surprising and destroying. Such calumnies against a man suf
fering under their oppression, and held by the throat to prevent his raising
his voice, must be disapproved by all men of truth and honour. '
" I always desired peaoe, and sincere peace, with England -, and I know
of no rivalries which should prevent two great nations from coming to an
understanding with each other, and from advancing conjointly towards
the end aimed at by my government. I wished to fill up the abyss of re
volutions, and to re-construct, without shaking, the European edifice, to
the advantage of all, by employing kings to bestow on continental Europe*
the blessing of constitutions, a blessing which your country, as well as
mine, only acquired at the price of a fearful social commotion. . England

' HISTORY OF THE GAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 389
had nothing more to fear from me, as soon as she would listen to me. If
Fox had lived, the face of Europe would have been changed — his genius
and his patriotism understood me — every great- and national idea vibrated
in his soul. He died, unfortunately for England, unfortunately for the
world. Not a cannon-shot would have been fired on the continent after
the battle of Austerlitz, if Lord Lauderdale's negotiations had been con
tinued. I repeat, that I always desired peace ; I only fought to obtain it.
The congress of Vienna thinks it will secure this blessing to Europe ; it is
deceived. War, and a terrible war, is being hatched under the ashes of the
empire. Sooner or later, nations will cruelly avenge me of the ingratitude
of the kings whom I crowned or pardoned. Tell the Prince Regent^ — tell
the parliament of which you are a principal member, that I await, as a fa
vour, the axe of the executioner, to put an end to the outrages of my gaoler."
Lord Amherst had heard with emotion these complaints of a great and
deeply wounded soul ; he did not seek to conceal the interest which he felt
in them. He promised to tell all to the Prince Regent ; and respectfully
offered his services to intervene with Sir Hudson Lowe.
" It would be useless," said the Emperor, interrupting him ; crime, and
hatred towards me are equally in this man's nature. It is necessary1 to his
enjoyment to torture me ; like the tiger, who tears with his claws the prey
whose agonies he takes pleasure in prolonging."

The evening after this audience, the Emperor said to us : " Lord Am
herst has failed in his mission, but he is nevertheless a diplomatist of talent
and skill. The precedent of Lord Macartney's embassy was an insur
mountable obstacle at the moment when Lord Amherst determined not to
submit to the Ko-tou. It appears that the ministers had foreseen this ex
action of the Court of Pekin, but that bad counsels had , determined Lord
Amherst to use, in refusing to submit to it, all the latitude left him by his
instructions. An ambassador is not the sovereign, whatever the old diplo
macy may say. No king ever regarded the ambassador of another king
as his equal. The last prince of the royal blood takes precedence of the
ambassador of the first king in Europe. ^The erroneous idea that an am
bassador standsin the place of his sovereign, is a feudal tradition ; because,
when the feudal system was in operation, if a great vassal found himself
Unable to render oath and homage in person to his suzerain, he sent an
ambassador as his representative, and to him all the honours due to his
master were paid. The character of an ambassador is, in relation to that
of a plenipotentiary minister, what the character of this latter is to that of
an envoy — it is a hierarchy of rank ; the ambassador in the first rank,
the minister in the second, the envoy in the third ; as negotiators, they all
three have the same rights, their signatures are equally good, and must
equally acquire their definitive value by the ratification of the sovereign.
The difference between these three diplomatic degrees of rank, only exists
as far as regards the honours to which they give a right. An ambassador1,'
for example, has a right to be treated with all the honours, and to be grant
ed all the privileges, allowed to men of the highest rank in the state ; the
ministers have a right to be treated as the chief hobility of the court would
be ; and the envoy has a right of precedence over the social masses. The
G%,a¥g&s-d? affaires are merely accredited agents sent to- the minister of of-
reigh affairs. ¦ t; -¦ ¦ ' -

390 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
" Lord Amherst recognized the truth of this diplomatic position ; but he
affirmed, that from this situation evidently resulted his right to exact that
a deputy, of a rank equal to his own, should perform before the portrait of
the King of England the ceremony of the Ko-tou, which he would then
himself perform before the Emperor of China, unless the Emperor signed a
declaration that if he sent an ambassador to England, this ambassador
should perform the Ko-tou before the King of England. This demand was
refused, and with justice ; the same- things could not be exacted from a
Chinese ambassador in London, as were exacted from other ambassadors.
" Lord Amherst demanded that the Emperor of China would at least
accept, as a compromise, the etiquette of presentation at the English court,
which requires the ambassador' to put one knee to the ground at the foot of
the ihrone, and present his letters of appointment.
" The court of Pekin persisted in its rejection of any modification of the
Ko-tou. . " Lord Amherst did not comprehend all the force of the only reasonable
objection against the Ko-tou, which was, the representing it as a religious
act, a ceremony of paganism, which his religion forbade him to perform ;
he combated but feebly the demands of the mandarins, who displayed in
this discussion much cunning and spirit of chicanery. And, in short, this
embassy will have cost a great deal of money, and have only served to
increase the unpleasantness of the relations between the two countries.
" Mr. Ellis, secretary to the embassy," added the Emperor, " interested
me deeply by the details which he gave me of the intrigues at the court of
Persia, at the time when I sent General Gardanna thither ; Mr. Ellis was
then the charge-d'affaires at this court on the part of England."

General Gourgaud meanwhile was melancholy ; some letters which he
had received from his mother had deeply affected him ; the Emperor had
perceived his sadness, but tried in vain to learn the cause of it. Two or
three days passed thus. A vessel was about to sail for Europe. The Em
peror sent for Gourgaud, and put into his hands an open letter, commis
sioning him to forward it to Paris* and giving him permission to read its
contents. It was a bill for a pension of 12,000 francs, to be paid to M.
Gourgaud, and transferred, at his death, to his son ; this manner of prov
ing to his officers the interest which he took in them was a custom of the
Emperor's ; I have often experienced it.
The affair of the bust was not yet terminated, and was fated to give rise
to more vexations to the Emperor. Sir Hudson Lowe sent him informa
tion, that General Bertrand's letter was the most impertinent he had ever
received in his life ; that General Bonaparte must keep in mind in future,
that General Bertrand only remained on the island through the favour of
Sir Hudson Lowe; and that if he again committed such a fault, he should
immediately be sent to the Cape ; and begged General Bonaparte to inform
him who was the author of the infamous calumny which accused him of
having intended to break the bust, and of having hindered the gunner of
the Baring in the sale of his venture.
The Emperor replied : " The gunner himself said this to the grand mar
shal. The governor complains of the letters which I caused to be written
to him ; let him fully understand that I wish to be under no obligations to
him ; if he is not authorized by his instructions to let me purchase the bust

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 391
of my son, and to allow me to receive the presents offered me by Mr. El
phinstone, in gratitude for my having saved his brother's life on the eve of
the battle of Waterloo, why did he forward these articles to Longwood ?
But where are these pretended restrictions, and why has he never commu
nicated them lo us ? The fact is, that they do not exist ; and I protest
against any restraints on my liberty of action, which shall not have been
communicated to me before being put into execution. Lord B.athurst de
clared in parliament that Sir Hudson Lowe had no right to ' add, in any
way, to the established restrictions, which have been communicated to me.
If by chance he took a fancy to protest against the crowns on the chess
men, why did he not do it? I should have laughed heartily at it ; but no;
what he wanted to do was simply to torment me by quoting the tenour of
imaginary regulations, in order to have an opportunity of insinuating, that
it is to his extreme goodness that I owe the bust of my son, and some ar
ticles of Chinese workmanship. A man becomes accustomed to the dun
geon of a prison, even if he has irons on his feet and hands, but never to
the caprice of his gaoler. I wish for no favour from him ; the only thing
now wanting to his pretensions is that he should exact that I should write
to him every day, to thank him for the air I breathe. Sir Hudson Lowe
fatigues me with his insinuations ; heis killing me by pin-wounds, morally
as well as physically ; an executioner would kill me with one blow ; the
governor's conduct is in everything crooked and mysterious ; it is the way
the petty tyrants of Italy act ; crime alone walks in darkness ; sooner or
later, his king and his nation will be informed of his unworthy conduct,
and if he escapes the chastisement of the laws which he is violating, he
will not escape the decree of infamy and reprobation which will be pro
nounced on him by all enlightened and humane men ; he is an unfaithful
deputy ; he deceives his government ; — the twenty falsehoods contained in
Lord Bathurst's speech, are an incontestable proof of this. His conduct
with regard to the bust of my son, is odious, and worthy of all his acts
since his arrival here."

APPENDIX TO VOL. I

ON THE BOURBONS.

CHAPTER I.
In the sixteenth century, ihe Pope, Spain, and the Sixteen wished in vain to
raise a fourth dynasty to the throne of France. Henry 1 V. succeeded Henry
III. without an interregnum. He triumphed over the League, but could only
maintain himself upon the throne by attaching himself to the party of the
majority of the nation.
Henry IV. was proclaimed at St. Cloud on the very same day on which Henry
III. died. His authority was recognized by all the Protestant churches, and by a
part of the Catholic nobility. The Holy League which had been formed against
Henry III., from a hatred to Protestantism, and on account of the assassination of
the Duke of Guise, was then predominant in Paris, and 'commanded five sixths
of the kingdom. The League refused to recognize the claims of Henry IV.,
but it did not proclaim any other master. Its leader, the Duke of Mayenne, ex
ercised authority under the title of lieutenant-general of the kingdom. Henry IV.'s
accession produced no change in the forms adopted by the League for the main
tenance and exercise of its power. Every city was governed by its own local or
military authorities, as in the times of the troubles and factions. At no period, not
even on the day after his entrance into Paris, did Henry IV. acknowledge any
of the acts of the League, nor did the latter ever put forward any pretensions: no
law or no public regulation ever emanated from the League. The Parliament of
Paris was divided into two parties; the one which favoured the League held its
sittings m Paris, and the other, which adopted the cause of Henry IV., assembled
at Tours.' The Parliament, however, could only register laws and perform judici
ary functions. The provinces preserved their organization : their privileges re
main intact, and they were governed by their ancient customs. We have said
that the League never proclaimed any other master: it, however, for a moment,
recognised the Cardinal de Bourbon, uncle of Henry, as king. The Cardinal
would not consent to second the designs of the enemies of his house. Besides,
Henry was in possession of his person ; no act, therefore, emanated from him, and
the League continued to be governed by the authority of the Duke of Mayenne as
lieutenant-general. There was, then, no interregnum between the death of
Henry III. and the accession of Henry IV. The League was divided into sev
eral parties ; the Sorbonne had decided that the right of birth could confer no
right to the crown upon a prince who was an enemy to the Church ; Rome had
declared that Henry IV., being a relapsed heretic, had forfeited his rights forever,
and could not recover them, even by again entering into the bosom of the church.
Henry IV., king of Navarre, was born in the Reformed faith ; at the time df St. Bar
tholomew he was constrained to marry Margaretof Valois, and to abjure the Reform
ed religion. Nosooner however,' did he find himself among his co-religionists south
of the Loire, than he declared that his abjuration had been made under constraint,

2 APPENDIX TO VOL. I.
and re-entered the Protestant communion. This step led to his being denomi
nated an obdurate heretic; but the majority of the League, all whose opinions
were moderate, concurred in the expediency of calling upon Henry to enter into
the bosuni of the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman Church, and to acknowledge
him as king, as soon as he had abjured his errors and received absolution from
the bishops.
The Leaguers convoked the States-General of the kingdom at Paris; the am
bassadors of Spain unmasked the designs of their master, and solicited the estates
to raise a fourth dynasty to the throne of France. Henry and Conde having
been declared relapsed heretics, had lost all their claims to the crown, and the
male line of the Capets was therefore extinct. They then put forward the claims
of the Infanta of Spain, who had been niece of Henry ,11., king of France, and
was the nearest claimant in the female line; and should the nation be of opinion
that the privilege of disposing of the crown had.reverted to it, in consequence of the
extinction of the male line, they still insisted that its choice should tall upon the
Infanta. They alleged that it was impossible (o find any one of a more illustrious
house, and that France owed to itself this duty, in consideration 61' the efforts
made by Philip II. to sustain the cause of the League. Spanish troops were in
Paris, under the orders of the Duke of Mayenne ; the Infanta would marry a
French prince, and (hey even indicated the Duke of Guise, son of him who had
been assassinated at Blois. An army of 50,000 Spaniards would be maintained
in Paris by the court of Madrid, which was ready to lavish its treasures, and to
put foith all its energies to ensure the triumph of this fourth dynasty. The Six
teen would support these propositions, sanctioned by the court of Rome, and
maintained by all the efforts of the legate. All these attempts, however, proved
vain: the national spirit was roused, and could not bear to see a foreign nation
disposing of the throne of France. That party of the Parliament which held its
sittings in Paris, having assembled its chambers, united in presenting a remon
strance to the Duke of Mayenne, lieutenant-general of the kingdom, urging him
to watch over the fundamental laws of the monarchy, and especially the Salic
law. Had the efforts of the Spanish, faction been successful in prevailing upon
the Parliament to declare that the descendants of Hugh Capet hud forfeited their
claims to the throne of France, it would have raised a new dynasty hi' the throne ;
and if this dynasty had been excepted by the nation and sanctioned by Europe,
the rights of the third dynasty would have been extinct.
Henry conquered the League at Arques and on the plains of Ivry, and after
ward beseiged Paris. He, however, soon recognized the impossibility of reign
ing in France without adopting the party of the majority of ihe nation. He had
proved victorious, with an army almost entirely French ; for if he had under his
orders a small body of English, the Leaguers had a much more considerable force of
Italians and Spaniards. The combat of the two parties was thus one of French
against French ; the foreigners were only auxiliaries, and whatever inisht have
been the result of the contest, neither the national honour nor independence
would have been compromised. Ventre Saint-Gris .' Paris iswellwortli a mass!
was the language which Henry employed to sound the opinions of the Huguenpt9;
and when at the council of Beauvais, he assembled the chief of his religious friends
in order to deliberate on the course proper fo be pursued, the majority, and, above
all, the men of greatest wisdom, advised the king to abjure, and lo adopt the
party of the majority of the nation. Henry accordingly abjured at St. Denis,and
received absolution from the bishops. Paris opened 'its gates to the conqueror,
and his authority was recognised by the whole of the'kingdom. Henry adopted
the national paity in good faith, and almost all the public offices were filled by
Leaguers. His Protestant followers, those who had always served him, and by
whom he gained his victories, often urired their complaints, and taxnd him with
ingratitude ; but, notwithstanding" all his circumspection, the nation long enter
tained feelings of distrust respecting the secret intentions of the king— and it
was alleged that the " cask would always smell of the herring."

APPENDIX TO VOL. I. O
CHAPTER II.
The Republic consecrated by the will of the people, by religion, victory, and all
the powers of -Europe.
Hugh Capet was raised to the throne by the choice ofa Parliament composed
of nobles and bishops, which then constituted the nation. The French monarchy
never has been absolute, for the intervention of the States-General has always
been regarded necessary in all the principal acts of legislation, and the ratifica
tion of all new imposition. Afterward, the Parliaments, assuming the privileges
of the States-General, and seconded by the court, ursurped the rights of the nation.
In 1788, the Parliaments were the first to acknowledge this fact. Louis XVI.
convoked the States-General in 1789, and the nation resumed the exercise of a
portion of its sovereignty. The Constituent Assembly gave the state a new
constitution, which was sanctioned by the opinion of the whole of France. Louis
XVI. accepted this constitution, and swore to maintain it. The Legislative As
sembly suspended the authority of the king; and the Convention composed of
deputies from all parts of the kingdom, and clothed with special powers, declared
the monarchy abolished, and created the Republic. All that heM to the royal
party quitted France, and appealed to the aid of foreign armies. Austria and
Prussia signed the treaty of'Pilnitz. Austrian and Prussian armies, aided by the
army of the princes (l'armee des princes,) commenced the war of the first coali
tion for reducing the French people to subjection. The whole nation flew to
arms. Austria and Prussia were beaten. Afterward, Austria, England, andRussia
formed the second coalition, which was vanquished like the first; and all the
powers recognized the French republic:
1. The Republic of Genoa, by an extraordinary embassy, on the 15th of June,
1792; 2. The Porte, by the declaration of 27th of March, 1793 ;
3. Tuscany, by the treaty of the 9th of February, 1795 ;
4. Holland, by the treaty of the 16th of May, 1795;
5. The Republic of Venice, by a special embassy, on the 30th of December, 1795;
6. The King of Prussia, by the treaty Basle, signed the 5th of April, 1795;
j. 7. The King of Spain, by. the treaty of Basle of the 22d of July, 1795 ;
8. Hesse-Cassel, by the treaty of the 28th of July, 1795 ;
9. Switzerland, by the treaty of the 19th of August, 1795;
10. Denmark, by the declaration of the 18th of August, 1795;
11. Sweden, by the embassy of the 23d of April, 1796 ;
12. Sardinia, by the Treaty of Paris of the 28th of April, 1796;
13. America, by an extraordinary embassy of the 30th of December, 1796;
14. Naples, by the treaty of the 10th of October, 1798 ;
15. Parma, by the treaty of the 5th of November, 1796 ;
16. Wirtemberg, by the treaty of the 7th of August, 1796;
17. Baden, by the treaty of the 22d of August, 1796 ;
18. Bavaria, by the treaty of the 25th of July, 1797;
19. Portugal, by the treaty of the 19th of August, 1797 ;
20. The Pope, by the treaty signed at Tolentino, on the 19th of February,
21. The Emperor of Germany, b$ the treaty of Campo-Formio, 7th of Octo
ber, 1797;
22. The Emperor of Russia, by the treaty of the 8th of October, 1801 ;
23. Finally England, by the treaty of Amiens, signed 27th of March, 1802.
The government of the republic sent ambassadors to, and received ambassadors
from, all nations. The tri-colpured flag was acknowledged on every sea, and
among all the people of the world. The Pope had treated with the Republic at
Tolentino in the character of a temporal sovereign; but he also recognized its exist
ence, and treated with it as a legal government in his character of the Head of
the Church by the Concordat signed in Paris on the 18th of April 1802. Most of
the bishops who bad followed the princes into foreign countries made their sub
mission, and those who wished to maintain their allegiance to them lost their sees.

4 APPENDIX TO VOL. I.'
Thus the Republic, sanctioned by the whole body of the people, victorious by its
arms, recognized by all the powers of the civilized world, was also acknowledged
by all religions, and especially by the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman Church.
The Republic was not only recognized by all the powers of the civilized world
after the death of Louis XVI., but none of these powers ever recognized a suc
cessor to this prince.- The third1 dynasty was therefore terminated in 1800, just
as the first and the second had previously been. The titles and rights of the Me
rovingians were extinguished by those of the Carlovirigians ; the titles and rights
of the Carlovingians were extinguished by those of the Capetians, in the same
manner as the titles and rights of the Capetians were extinguished by those of the
Republic. Every legitimate government extinguishes all the rights and claims
of that by which it has been preceded. The republic was then a government
both defactoarul de jure— legalized by the will of the nation, and sanctioned by
religion and the acknowledgment of the whole world.

CHAPTER III.
The Revolution made France a new nation; it freed the Gauls from the con
quests of the Franks; created new interests and a new order of things, suit
able to the well-being of the people — to their rights, to justice, and to ihe in
telligence and light of the age.
The French Revolution was not produced by the collision of two families dis
puting for the throne, but was a general movement of the mass of the nation :
against the privileged classes. The French nobility, like that of the rest of Eu
rope, dates from the time of the incursion of the barbarians, who shared the Ro
man Empire among themselves. In France, the nobles represented the Franks
and the Burgundians ; all the rest of the nation, the Gauls. The introduction of
feudal government established the principle that every territory or estate must
have a lord. All the political rights were enjoyed and exercised by the nobles
and priests, while the peasants were slaves attached lo the soil. The progress of
knowledge and civilization enfranchized the people. This new state of things
led to the encouragement of industry and commerce;' and during the eighteenth
century the greater part of the lands, wealth, and knowledge fell to the share of
the people. The nobles, however, continued to be a privileged class — preserved
the administration of justice, and possessed a great number and variety of feudal
rights. They enjoyed the privilege of exemption from all the burdens of the
state, and retained exclusive possession of all the most honourable employments.
All these abuses excited the indignation and complaints of the people ; and the
principal object of the Revolution was the destruction of all these privileges and
the abolition of seignorial justice ; for the administration of justice is an insepa
rable attribute of sovereign authority. It aimed at the suppression of feudal
rights as a remnant of the ancient bondage of the people; at subjecting the whole
body of the citizens and the whole property of the kingdom, without distinction,
to an equal share of the burdens of the state. And, finally, it proclaimed the
equality of all in the eye of the law. Every citizen was henceforward to be
'eligible to all the public offices of the state, according to his abilities and the
chances of fortune. The kingdom was composed of provinces which had been
united to the crown at very different periods. These provinces had no natural
boundaries — were differently divided, unequal in extent and population. Each
had its own peculiar customs and laws, in civil as well as in criminal affairs ;
their privileges were distinct ; taxation unequal, both in the amount and nature
of the impositions, which made it frequently necessary to isolate them by a chain
of custom-houses. In fact, France was not a state, but a union of several states
in juxtaposition, without being amalgamated with one another. Every thing had
been determined by the events of past ages and by accident. The Revolution,
guided by the principle of equality, both among the citizens of the state and all
the parts of its territory, destroyed these petty nations and formed one new state.

APPENDIX TO VOL. I. O
Brittany, Normandy, Provence, Lorraine, &c, existed no more, and there result
ed only one France. A new division of the country was made, without respect
to former limits — to judicial or administrative organization — to differences in civil
or criminal laws, or in taxation ; the dream of good men of all ages was realized.
The opposition offered to the progress of the Revolution by the court, clergy, and
nobility, and the wars with foreign powers, led to the laws against emigration —
to ,the sequestration of the estates of the emigrants, and to the application of their
produce to the maintenance of the war. A great part of the nobility attached
themselves to the cause of the princes of the house of Bourbon, and formedthem-
selves into an army which co-operated with the Austrian, Prussian, and English
armies. Noblemen brought up in the lap of ease and luxury, served as common
soldiers. Fatigue and war destroyed them in vast numbers ; many perished from
misery in foreign lands ; while the war in La Vendue, that of the Chouans, and
the revolutionary tribunala, mowed them down by thousands. Three fourths of
the French nobility were destroyed in this manner, and all the places in the judi
cial, civil, and military departments were filled by persons who sprung from the
mass of the people. The confusion and change produced by the Revolution in
persons and property were as great as those which had been effected in the whole
principles of government. There was even a new church : the dioceses of Vi-
enne, Narbonne, Frejus, Sisteron, and Rheims were replaced by sixty new dio
ceses, whose limits weie circumscribed by the new concordat and new bulls, ina
manner suitable to the actual divisions of the kingdom. The suppression of re
ligious orders and the sale of all the property of the clergy were sanctioned, and
the ministers of religion pensioned by the state. Every thing which had been
the result of the long course of events since the time of Clovis ceased to be. AU
these changes were so advantageous to the people, that they were carried into
effect with the greatest ease ; and in 1800 there no longer remained a vestige of
the ancient privileges of the provinces — of their ancient sovereigns, parliaments,
jurisdictions, or dioceses. In order to ascend to the origin of the existing state of
tilings, it was only necessary to have recourse to the new law which had estab
lished it. The half of the soil of the nation had changed hands, and the change
had brought independence and wealth to the peasants and citizens. The progress
of agriculture, manufactures, industry, and commerce, far exceeded all expecta
tion, and France presented the grand spectacle of a nation of more than 30,000,000
of inhabitants governed by one law, one rule, one order. All these changes were
in accordance with the well-being of the people and their rights, with justice,
and the intelligence and light of the age.

CHAPTER IV.
The French people established the imperial throne in order to consolidate all the
new interests. This fourth dynasty did not immediately succeed the third,
but the Republic. Napoleon was consecrated by the Pope, and recognized by
the powers of Europe — created kings, and exercised command over the armies
of all the powers of the Continent.
The five members of the Directory were divided ; enemies to the Republic
contrived to get a footing in its councils, and introduced into the government
men who were enemies to the rights of the people. This form of government
kept the state in a continual fermentation, and the great interests which the
French had conquered by the Revolution were incessantly compromised. A unan
imous voice, proceeding from the remotest recesses of the country, from the heart
of her cities, and from the bosom of her fields, zealous for the preservation of all
the principles of the Republic, demanded the establishment of an hereditary sys
tem of government, which might protect the principles and interests of the Revo
lution from factions and the influence of foreigners. The First Consul of the
Republic, by the Constitution of the year eight, was elected for ten years, the
nation had extended the period of his magistracy for life; and it now raised him

6 APPENDIX TO VOL. t.
to the throne, which was made hereditary in his family, The principles of the
sovereignty of the people, of liberty and equality, of the destruction of feudal
government, of the irrevocability of the sales of the natural desmesnes, and of
freedom of worship, were consolidated. ' The government of France under this
fourth dynasty was founded on the same principles as the Republic ; it was a con
stitutional and limited monarchy. There was as great a difference between the
government of France under the fourth dynasty and the third, as between the
latter and the Republic. The fourth dynasty succeeded the Republic, or rather
was merely a new modification of it.
No prince ever ascended a throne with more legitimate rights than Napoleon.
The throne was transferred to Hugh Capet by a few bishops and nobles ; the
throne — the imperial throne, was conferred upon Napoleon by the universal wish
of the people, thrice confirmed in the most solemn manner. Pope Pius VII., head
of the Catholic, Apostolic, and, Roman Churoh — the church of the majority of
the people— crossed the Alps to anoint the Emperor with his own hands, in the
presence of all the bishops of France, the cardinals of the Church of Rome, and
deputies from all the departments of the Empire. The kings of Europe emula
ted each other in their haste to recognize him, and saw with pleasure a modifica
tion introduced into the Republic which brought it into harmony wjth the rest of
Europe, and consolidated the happiness and the state of this great nation. The
ambassadors of the emperors of Austria and Russia, those of Prussia, Spain, and
Portugal, of Turkey, and America, and, finally, of all the powers, came to com
pliment the Emperor. England alone sent none, having violated the treaty of
Amiens, and being again at war with France; but even England approved of
these changes. Lord Whitworth, in the course of the secret negotiations which
were carried on through the medium of Count Malouet, and which preceded the
rupture of the peace of Amiens, proposed, on the part of his government, to re
cognize Napoleon as king of France if he would consent to cede the Island of
Malta. The First Consul replied, that if ever the well-being of France required
him to ascend the throne, it would only be by the free voice of the French people.
When Lord Lauderdale afterward repaired to Paris in 1806, to negotiate a peace
between England and the Emperor, he exchanged his powers and negotiated with
the plenipotentiary of the Emperor, as is proved by the minutes of the proceed
ings. The death of Fox put an end to the negotiations with Lord Lauderdalei
The English minister might have hindered the campaign in Prussia, and prevent
ed the battle of Jena. When the Allies afterwards presented an ultimatum at
Chaumont, in 1814, Lord Castlereagh, in signing the ultimatum, recognized
anew the existence of the Empire in the person and family of Napoleon ; and if
the latter failed to accept the propositions of the Congress of Chatillon, it was be
cause he did not think himself entitled to cede any portion of the Empire, whose
integrity he had sworn to maintain on his coronation.
The electors of Bavaria, Wirtemberg, and Saxony were created kings by the
Emperor.
• The Saxon, Bavarian, Wirtemberg, Baden, and- Hessian armies fought in con
junction with the armies of France. The Russian and French armies fought to
gether in the war of 1809 against Austria. Afterward the Emperor of Austria
concluded ah alliance with Napoleon in Paris in 1812, and Prince Schwartzen-
berg, under his orders, commanded the Austrian contingent in the, Russian cam
paign, in which he obtained the rank of field marshal at the request of France.
A similar treaty of alliance was formed at Berlin, and the Prussian army took
part in thesame Russian campaign, in conjunction with the French troops.
The wounds inflicted by the Revolution were cicatrized by the Emperor; all
the emigrants returned, and the list of proscriptions was destroyed. This prince
had the singular glory of recalling to their country, and of re-establishing in tiieir
homes, more than 20,000 families. All their unsold estates were restored ; and,
passing a sponge over the past, men of all classes, whatever might have been
their previous conduct, were equally admitted to employments of all kinds.
Those families which had rendered themselves illustrious by their services and
devotedness to the Bourbons, occupied places at court, in the administration and
in the army. All party distinctions were forgotten ; there were no longer Aristo-

APPENDIX TO VOL. I.

crats or Jacobins ; and the establishment of the Legion of Honour, destined for the
reward of civil and judicial, as well as military services, united in one body the
soldier, philosopher, artist, prelate, and magistrate : this was the outward sign of
the re-union of all estates and of all parties.

CHAPTER V,
The blood of the imperial dynasty was mingled wilh that of all the sovereign
houses in Europe — those of Russia, Prussia, England and Austria.
_ The imperial house of France contracted alliances with all the sovereign fami
lies of Europe. Prince Eugene Napoleon, adopted son of the Emperor, married
the eldest daughter of the King of Bavaria, one of the most distinguished prin
cesses of her time for her personal beauty and moral qualities. This alliance,
contracted at Munich on the 14th of January, 1806, filled the whole people of
Bavaria wilh satisfaction and joy. The hereditary Prince of Baden, brother-in;
law of the Emperor of Russia, solicited in marriage the Princess Stephanie, the
adopted daughter of the Emperor; this marriage was celebrated at Paris on the
7th of April, 1806. Prince Jerome Napoleon, on the 22d of August, 1807, mar
ried the eldest daughter of the King of Wirtemberg, cousin -german of the Empe
ror of Russia, of the King of England, and the King of Prussia. Other alliances
of this nature were formed with sovereign princes of Germany, of the house of
Hohe/izollern. These marriages all proved happy, and from all of them have
been born princes and princesses, who will transmit the remembrance of them to
future generations.
When the interests of France and of.Jhe empire demanded the severance of
those bonds which existed between the Emperor and the Empress Josephine,
which were equally dear to both, the greatest sovereigns in Europe sought for an
alliance with Napoleon. Had not religious difficulties, and the delays occasion
ed by distance, interfered, it is probable that an archduchess of Russia would
have occupied the throne of France. This honour fell to the lot of the Arch
duchess Maria Louisa of Austria, who was married to the Emperor Napoleon by
procuration, given lo Prince Charles, at Vienna, on the 11th of March, 1810, and
afterward at Paris, on the 2d of April following. This marriage was a subject
of great rejoicing to the "people both of Austria and France. The Emperor of
Austria no sooner heard that there was some likelihood of the marriage of Napo
leon, than he expressed his surprise that his alliance had not been thought of.'
Attention had been at first directed to a princess either of the house of Russia or
Saxony. The Emperor Francis explained his wishes to the Count de Narbonne,
governor of Trieste, who was at that time in Vienna. Instructions on this sub
ject had been sent by the cabinet of Vienna to Prince Schwartzenberg, then am
bassador in Paris. A privy council was summoned at the Tuileries in February,
1810, at which the Minister of Foreign Affairs communicated the despatches
which he had received from the Duke of Vicenza, then ambassador in Petersburg.
The substance was, that the Emperor was well disposed to ally his sister, the
Grand-duchess Ann, wilh Napoleon, but appeared to attach some importance to
the question of the free exercise of her religion, and a chapel where service should
be performed according to the ritual of the Greek Church. The despatches from
Vienna made the council fully acquainted with the purposes and wishes of that
court. There was a division of opinion; the advantages of the alliances with
Russia, Austria, and Saxony were duly considered, and the votes of the majority
were in favour of an arch-duchess of Austria. As the Prince Eugene was the
first to deliver this opinion, the Emperor on the breaking up of the council, at two
o'clock in the morning, authorized him to make proposals on the subject to Prince
Schwartzenberg, and at the same time authorized the Minister of Foreign Affairs
to sign the stipulations for the marriage during the course of the day. In order,
moreover, to remove all difficulties respecting details, he authorized him to sign,
word for word, the same contract into which Louis XVI. had entered in the case

8 APPENDIX TO VOL I.
of Marie Antoinette. ' In the morning Prince Eugene waited on Prince Schwart
zenberg. The contract was signed during the day, and the courier which carried
the news to the Emperor of Austria brought him a most agreeable surprise. The
particdlar circumstances connected wilh the signature of the marriage contract led
the Emperor Alexander to suppose that he had been deluded by the court of the
Tuileries, which was, at the same time, engaged in two negotiations. He was,
however, mistaken, for the negotiation with Vienna was begun and ended in one
day. Never did the birth of any. prince give rise to a greater intoxication of joy
in a nation than that of the King of Rome, or produce a greater effect in Europe.
On the first report of the cannon which announced the safe delivery of the Em
press, all Paris was in a state of extreme suspense. The people stopped and lis
tened on the promenades, in the streets, within their houses, and in public assem
blies. The whole population was occupied in reckoning the number of guns, and
the report of the twenty-second filled the city with universal joy. It was custo
mary to fire twenty-one guns on the birth of a princess, and one hundred and one
on that of a prince. All the powers of Europe pressed forward with their congra
tulation on this auspicious event. The Emperor of Russia sent his Minister of
the Interior to compliment the Emperor; the Emperor of Austria sent Count
Clary, one of the great officers of the crown. The latter brought to the young
king a collar, set wilh diamonds, of all the orders of the Austrian monarchy.
The baptism of the King of Rome was celebrated in the presence of all the
bishops, and of deputies from all the countries of the Empire, and with the great
est sovereign pomp. The Emperor of Austria, the godfather of the young king,
was represented on the occasion by his brother, the Archduke Ferdinand, at that
time Grand-duke of Wiirzburg, but now Grand-duke of Tuscany.

CHAWER VI.
Which touches incidentally upon the campaign in Saxony, and proves that the
League of 1813 was, in its object, foreign to the Restoration.
The victories of Lutzen and Wurchen, gained on the 2d and 22d of May, 1813,
completely re-established the reputation of the French arms. The king of Saxo
ny had been brought back in triumph to his capital, the enemy driven from Ham
burg, and one of the corps of the Grand Army was ayhe gate of Berlin. The
Russian and Prussian armies, discouraged, had no other course to adopt but to
recross the Vistula, when Austria interfered, and recommended France to agree
to a suspension of arms. The Emperor returned to Dresden; the Emperor of
Austria went to Vienna, and then to Bohemia; while the Emperor of Russia and
the King of Prussia established their quarters at Schweidnitz. The conferences
were opened : Count Metternieh proposed the Congress of Prague ; the proposal
was accepted, but it was, in reality.'merely a pretence. The court of Vienna had,
in fact, already entered intofefigagements with Russia and Prussia, and would
have declared herself in the month of May, had not the unexpected success of the
French armies compelled her to proceed with greater prudence. Notwithstand
ing all her efforts, her army was not yet sufficiently numerous — badly organized
— by no means in a condition to enter on a campaign. Count Metternieh requir
ed the cession of the Illyrian provinces, and one half of the kingdom of Italy —
that is, Venice, and the country as far as the Mincio — besides Poland ; the Em
peror's renunciation of the Protectorate of Germany, and of the departments of
the thirty-second military division. These extravagant conditions were only pro
posed in order to be refused. The Duke of Vicenza repaired to the Congress of
Prague. The choice of Baron d'Anstetten as Russian plenipotentiary was a clear
evidence that the object of Russia was not a peace, but to give Austria time to
conclude her military preparations. In fact, the evil augury which had been
drawn from the selection of this negotiator was confirmed, and he speedily proved
that he wished for no conference. Austria, who pretended to act the part of a
mediatrix, declared her adhesion to the coalition as soon as her army was ready,

APPENDIX TO VOL. I. 9
without having required the opening of a single sitting, or the record of a single
minute. This system of bad faith, and of contradictions between her words and
actions, was constantly followed by Austria at this period. The war recom
menced. The splendid victory gained by the Emperor at Dresden on the 27th of
August, 1813, over the army commanded by the three sovereigns, was immedi
ately followed by the disasters which Macdonald's manoeuvres in Silesia brought
upon his army, and the loss of Vandamme in Bohemia. Notwithstanding, the
superiority still remained on the side of the French army, which was supported
by the fortresses of Torgau, Wittenberg, and Magdeburg. Denmark had con
cluded a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, and her contingent augmented
the army of Hamburg. In October the Emperor left Dresden, and set out for
Magdeburg by the left bank of the Elbe, in order to deceive the enemy. His
project was to cross the Elbe at Wittenberg, and to march upon Berlin. Several
corps of the army had already arrived at Wittenberg, and the enemy's bridge at
Dessau had been destroyed* when a letter from the King of Wirtemberg an
nounced the surprising and unexpected intelligence that the King of Bavaria had
suddenly changed sides, without any declaration of war or preliminary warning;
that the Austrian and Bavarian armies, encamped on the banks of the Inn, had
united their forces, and formed only a single camp ; that these 80,000 men, under
the command of General Wrede, were about to advance to the Rhine; and that
he himself, overwhelmed and constrained by this force, was obliged to join with
his contingent. The letter stated, moreover, that the fortress of Mayence might
be soon expected to be surrounded by a body of 100,000, the Bavarians having
made the cause of Austria their own. This unexpected news compelled the Em
peror to change the whole plan of the campaign, on which he had resolved two
months before, and for which he had made all the necessary dispositions of his
fortresses and magazines. His plan was, to draw the Allied armies between the
Elbe and the Saale, and, resting on the fortresses and magazines of Torgau, Wit-
tenburg, Magdeburg, and Hamburg, to tjlfeisfer Ihe scene of war to the country
between the Elbe and the Oder, on the banks of which river the French army was
still in possession of Glogau, Custrin, and Stettin; and, farther, according to cir
cumstances, to blockade Dantzig, Thorn, and Modlin, on the Vistula. Great ex
pectations were entertained of such success in this vast plan, that the coalition
would have been completely disorganized, and all the German princes confirmed
in their alliance and fidelity to France. It was hoped that Bavaria might have
delayed her change of sides for a fortnight, and then it would have been certain
she would not have changed at all.
The armies met on the field of Leipzig on the 16th of October. The French
proved victorious ; the Austrians were beaten, and driven from all their positions,
and Count Meerfeld, one of their generals of division, was taken prisoner. Not
withstanding the check experienced by the Duke of Ragusa on the 16th, the vic
tory still remained with the French on the 18th, when the whole Saxon army,
with a battery of sixty guns, and occupying one of the most important positions
of the line, went over to their countrymen en massegand turned their guns upon
the French lines. Such an unexpected and unheaM. 6f act of treachery necessa
rily changed the whole face of affairs, brought ruin upon the army, and gave the
honour of the day to the Allies. The Emperor made every possible exertion to
repair the disaster — flew to the scene of treachery with one half of his guard —
repulsed and drove the Saxons and Swedes from their positions. At the close of
the 18th the enemy made a retrograde movement along the whole extent of their
line, and bivouacked behind the field of battle, which remained in the hands of
the French. During the night the French army made a movement to secure
tliemselves behind the Elster, and maintain a direct communication with Erfurt,
whence they expected to receive the convoys of ammunition of which they stood
in need. During ihe days of the 16th and 18th the army had fired more than
fifty thousand cannon shots. The treachery of the Saxons was followed by that
of several of the other German corps of the Confederation; and this, together
with the accident of the unseasonable springing of the bridge of Leipzig, brought
upon the army, although victorious, all the evil consequences of the most disas
trous defeats. The French repassed the Saale by the bridge of Weissenfels, and

10 APPENDIX TO VOL. I.
it was intended there to rally, and wait the arrival of munitions of war from Er
furt, which was abundantly provisioned, when news was received of the Austro-
Bavarian army. Tt had advanced by forced marches, and arrived on the banks of
the Maine, and it became necessary to march to meet it. On the 20th of October
the French army fell in with the Allied fnrces, drawn up in order of battle, in ad
vance of Hanau, intercepting the road to Frankfort. Although strong, and occu
pying an admirable position, it was overthrown, put completely to rout, and
driven from Hanau, which was occupied by General Bertrand. General Wrede
was wounded. The French army now continued its retreat behind the Rhine,
and recrossed that river on the 2d of November. Conferences were opened.
Baron St. Aignon was at Frankfort. He held conferences with Counts Metter
nieh and Nesselrode, and Lord Aberdeen, and arrived in Paris as the bearer of
terms of peace, based on the following conditions : That the Emperor should re
nounce the protectorate of the Rhine, Poland, and the departments of the Elbe,
but that the integrity of France should be preserved within the limits of the Alps
and the Rhine, Holland inclusive; and the question of boundary between France
and the Austrian dominions in Italy should be a subject of discussion and settle
ment. The Emperor acceded to these conditions ; but the Congress of Frankfort
was a mere ruse, like that of Prague, in the expectation that France would refuse
its assent. The object was, to obtain a text for a new manifesto, which might
serve to rouse and stimulate the public feelings; for at the very moment in which
these conciliatory propositions were made, the Allied army was entering Switzer
land, and violating the neutrality of its cantons. The Allies, however, soon dis
played their real intentions. They named Chatillon-sur-Seine, in Burgundy, as
the place for holding the Congress. The battles of Champ Aubert, Montmirail,
and Montereau destroyed the armies of Blucher and Wittgenstein, and no negotia
tions took place at Chatillon. The power of the coalition merely presented an
ultimatum, the conditions of which were, first, the abandonment of the whole of
Italy, Belgium, Holland, and the departments of the Rhine; and, secondly, that
France should bind herself to remain within the boundaries occupied before 1792.
The Emperor rejected this ultimatum ; forced by circumstances, he was ready
to sacrifice Italy and Holland, but refused to abandon ihe limits of the Alps and
the Rhine, Belgium, and particularly Antwerp. Treachery gave a triumph to the
Allies, in spite of the victories of Arcis and St. Didier. Up to this time the Al
lies had exhibited no pretensions whatever to interfere in the internal affairs of
France. This is fully confirmed by the ultimatum of Chatillon, signed by Eng
land, Austria, Russia, and Prussia. Many of the emigrants who had returned,
however, no sooner saw the Austrian, Russian, and Prussian on the French soil,
than they began to entertain new hopes and expectations of seeing their dreams
realized. Some mounted the white cockade, while others raised the cross of St,
Louis. The Allied sovereigns disapproved of these measures. Even Welling
ton, at Bordeaux, disavowed them, although he secretly favoured all those who
were desirous of raising the-standard of the house of Bourbon. In all the trans
actions, therefore, whioh dejaphed Prussia from the French alliance, and reunited
her lo Russia by the treaty oTKalitsch ; in that which united Austria to this coali
tion ; in all the public and secret diplomatic acts which followed, till the treaty
of Chatillon ; and, finally, in that treaty itself, made in France in February, 1814,
the Allies never thought of the case of the Bourbons.

CHAPTER VII.
The Allies had not, and have not, any right over France. Louis is an outlaw.
He might recover his rights by receiving the crown from the nation, and
signing a constitutional agreement with the people. Thus placed at the head
of a new order of things, created by the Revolution, he would become the
legitimate head of the fifth dynasty.
It was in Paris that the Allies first conceived the idea of rendering France a

APPENDIX TO VOL. I. 11
nullity for a century. By establishing a family upon the throne to whom the
French people felt so strong an antipathy, they destroyed in their source those
generous sentiments by which the nation had been animated for thirty years; the
Allies, however, could transfer no rights to the Bourbons but such as they pos
sessed themselves. France was not a conquered country, and had she even been,
such rights can only be founded upon treaties. The Allied sovereigns felt the
importance and necessity of a national authority, and had recourse to the Senate.
It was, however, impossible for the Senate to deliberate freely in a city over
which the Russian flag was floating, and, besides, the Senate had n > right to as
sume the initiative in its deliberations ; that was reserved for the Emperor, with
the advice of the privy council. These difficulties, however, were disregarded,
and a minority of senators, among whom figured Belgians, Italians, and Dutch,
at the very moment in which their respective countries were separated from
France, met under the presidency of the Prince of Benevento, and assumed the,
functions of the whole body. This body presented the singular spectacle in his
tory of a French authority deliberating upon the summons of an Emperor of Rus
sia. The Senate adopted the draft of a constitution, vvhich, by its first article,
transferred the crown to Louis of Bourbon. It was resolved that this prince, be
fore taking possession of the throne, should swear to maintain the Constitution;
which was defined in the succeeding articles. This Constitution, adopted by an
illegal assembly, nevertheless guarantied the new order of things established by
the Revolution. Its acceptance by the people would have legalize* all, and, by
virtue of a new contract made between his house and the French nation, Louis
would then havetecome the head of the fifth dynasty. Kings are made for na
tions, and not nations for kings. Proceeding with sincerity, according to this
principle, he would have become a legitimate sovereign. It was therefore to be
expected that he should have been called Louis I., by the grace of God, and the
Constitution of the kingdom, King of the French; that he would have sworn to
maintain the Constitution, by virtue of which be was raised to the throne, and by
which all the interests of the nation were consolidated; lhat he would have re
moved from his presence and court all those who had made war upon France ;
that his almoner would have been one of the bishops or archbishops of the Em
pire, by virtue of the Concordat of 1801 ; that the great officers of his court and
household would have been chosen from among the men who for twenty-five
years had enjoyed the confidence of the nation ; that the captains of his guards
would have been marshals of the Empire, and the guard itself composed of ve
terans selected from the ranks of the army; and that, having no other guarantees
to give to the French people, who for twenty-five years had only looked upon
him and the princes of his house as enemies, he would have studied to recover
their confidence and affection by the spirit and opinion of the persons by whom
he chose to surround himself, whether as officers of the crown, agents or mem
bers of the ministry or the Council of State, or members of the Chamber of
Peers. It was foreseen that, by pursuing this course, Louis would consolidate,
conquer, and obtain the confidence and love of the nation, aud cast the fourth dy
nasty into oblivion. This course of action would not have been new ; he had
before him the example of Henry IV., who, although the conqueror of his sub
jects, was desirous of giving them a guarantee of his dispositions, and of inspi
ring them with confidence, and, therefore, surrounded himself wilh the party of
the League, and kept at a distance all those by whose means he had proved vic
torious on the fields of Conrtrai, Arques, and Ivry. This prince knew that the
affections and hearts of men lay beyond the province of force, and that a king of
France, who did not reign in the love of his people, was nothing. And yet Henry
IV. succeeded to the throne without an interregnum ; he had neither the rights of
an acknowledged republic nor those of a fourth dynasty to extinguish, nor had
he to efface the stain which had been fixed upon the national honour by the, pre
sence of foreigners. Finally, the principle of conduct which would have made
the reign of the Bourbons legitimate is to be found in the words dictated to the
Count d'Artois: Nothing is changed in France except that it contains one
Frenchman more.

12 APPENDIX TO VOL. I.
CHAPTER VIII.
Louis pretends to have reigned since 1794 ; he therefore disavows the treaty
of Fontainebleau, and the Republic and the fourth dynasty are consequent
ly illegal governments. Consequences of this principle in reference to the
emigrants, the old clergy, and ancient privileges.
Louis, when arrived in Paris, entitled himself, in the first act of his govern
ment, " Louis XVIII., by the grace of God, King of France and Navarre," and
dated the act in the nineteenth year of his reign. If this pretension were well
founded, he must have already reigned eighteen years, and been the legitimate
continuator of the third dynasty. If he were king by the grace of God alone, he
could not have been a constitutipnal monarch; and, finally, if he were king of
France and Navarre, he was a feudal prince. The appellation, King of France,
or King of the French, would have been indifferent, had not the Constituent As
sembly, by changing the former for the latter, determined the sense in which
these titles were to be understood, the one denoting a feudal, and the other a con
stitutional king. Louis entered upon the exercise of unlimited power without
any guarantees for the rights and interests of the nation, and disavowed the
Constitution adopted by the Senate. These operations were wholly without
danger as long as they were supported by 500,000 English, Russian, and German
bayonets. I* has been said that Henry IV., on his entrance into Paris, also da
ted his acts in the tenth year of his reign, but Henry IV., as has been already
stated, had reigned without interruption. Louis disavowed' the- national colours,
and regarded as the legal army that which had always carried the white colours,
those of La Vendee and Conde. That army which had performed such prodi
gies of valour, and conquered the world under the national colours, was obliged
to lower its ensigns, and to hoist the standard over which it had been continually
victorious. This was to allege that the army had fought in a bad cause ; that it
was a rebellious body, and had need of indulgence and pardon. All the acts of
Louis were the results and consequences of this criminal pretension. He ap
pointed as his almoner the Archbishop of Rheims, a refractory prelate, who call
ed himself chief of a diocese which had been suppressed by the Concordat. He
placed the. Prince of Conde at the head of his household, and made the Prince
of Lambech master of the horse, because they had filled these offices under the
third dynasty, He named the Dukes of Richelieu, Duras, Fleury, and Aumont,
first gentlemen of the bed-chamber, because they had been so under the third dy
nasty, and possessed rights of reversion. The Dukes of Avr6, Grammont, Lux
embourg, and the Prince of Poix were appointed captains of the guards for tha
same reason. He re-established ithe noble body-guards, the one hundred Swiss,
gray and black musketeers, gendarmes, light cavalry, and channel guards — in
short, everything which experience had taught all other countries in Europe to
suppress and abolish. All tlie members of the old body-guards were anxiously
sought out, as well as all those who had formed a part of the household of Louis
XVI., and who had been dispersed and conquered on the 6th of October and the
10th of August; men, most of whom were now aged and decrepit, and for four-
and-twenty years without military habits or exercise. Many of them, to escape
from misery, had been vegetating for twenty-five years in subordinate places in
the administrations, hospitals and commissariat. The Bourbons, as if unable in
their own persons to present sufficient objects of repugnance to the nation, sur
rounded themselves with every thing most foreign to its manners, physiognomy,
and rights. In this way Louis was proclaimed as the legitimate successor and •
continuator of the third dynasty. The old bishops, returning from England, were
allowed to reclaim their sees, which had been suppressed by the Concordat of the
2d of April, 1801 ; the clergy were authorized to demand the restoration of their
estates — first of all, those which were still in the hands of the public commis
sioners, (of which there were many millions of acres of forests, or buildings em
ployed for the public service,) and those which had been alienated by the author
ity of usurpers, (nearly a fourth of the kingdom.) Ecclesiastical jurisdictions
were re-established, and# the clergy exempted from taxation ; the Catholic

APPENDIX TO VOL. I. 13
Church was henceforward to be dominant in the state, according to the principle
of Ihe third dynasty. The ancient seigneurs and other privileged persons were
encouraged to prefer their complaints against the spoliating laws of the Republic,
and to require the restitution of their seignorial1 administration, feudal rights and
property, which they had lost in consequence of their emigration. They and all
their estates were to be exempted from any share in the public burdens, and to re
sume their titles and honours, which they held from their ancestors by right of
birth. Because a king of the third dynasty had recovered the throne, all the
services rendered against the nation were to be recognized and rewarded. In
fact, crowds continued to rush in from all ends and corners of France, claiming
the reward of their services against France — for having delivered up Toulon and
its arsenal to the English ; for having designed to do the same by Bre3t and its
squadron ; for having served against the natidn during the first or second coali
tion ; for all the crimes committed in the Vendean and Chouan wars ; for the
massacre of generals and soldiers ; for the plunder of diligences and public
chests ; for having taxed the acquirers of national property, and for the infernal
machine of the 3d of Nivose. All their complaints were well-founded, on the
supposition that the Republic and the fourth dynasty were usurping and illegal
governments, and that the legitimate sovereign was then in the midst of the ar
mies of the enemies of France. It was found impossible to satisfy all their com
plaints. The old clergy, the emigrants, the privileged classes, and the Vende
ans, were all dissatisfied, and complained that the Bourbons never thought of
them or their interests. In order to appease them, the princes told them to hope,
and to wait for better times, which would no doubt come, and realize their ex
pectations. The nation comprehended and shuddered before these fallacious
hopes ! On their part, the privileged nobles replied that, in the course of twenty-
five years, they had lived fifty years, in consequence of the miseries, imprison
ments and sufferings which they had endured in the cause of their princes, and
that they were no longer in a condition to wait.

CHAPTER IX.
Consequences of this principle in reference to the new clergy — to the new no
bility and purchasers of national property — to the employe's of the various
civil and judicial administrations — to the army and the whole people.
Louis having thus destroyed the national title which the Allies themselves had
thought it necessary to obtain, was proclaimed as Louis XVIII., by the grace of
God, King of France and Navarre ; and having dated his accession as if in the
nineteenth year of his reign, it follows that the republic and the fourth dynasty
were illegitimate governments, and that all that was done under them was ille
gal. Thus all the orders and rules for the administration of public affairs, the
laws which were passed, and the civil and criminal regulations which were adop
ted, became null and void. Notwithstanding this, the King, in all his acts, re
cognized and acted on ihe laws of the Republic and the fourth dynasty. All the
civil, correctional, and criminal judgments which are passed — all settlements of
disputes — all questions of finance and of administration, continue to be arranged
and disposed of according to the practice which has prevailed since the Revolu
tion. Men are condemned to death for having favoured the cause of the imperial
dynasty, by applying to their cases the laws which were passed by the Republic
and the Emperor against the Bourbons. By following this principle, there is not
a single general who has conferred so much glory on the country, in the battle-
fields°of Jemappes, Rivoli, Marengo, Hohenlinden, Ulm, Austerlitz, Jena, and Fried-
land, who might not be condemned to death by the application of the same laws.
The clergy who were faithful to the Concordat of 1801, became disquieted at the
sight of the refractory bishops, who alone enjoyed the confidence of the court. The
committee of ecclesiastical affairs was presided over by a refractory prelate, who
knew what he had reason to fear, and what he must expect from the vengeance of the;

14 APPENDIX TO VOL. I.
princes whose cause he abandoned in 1801. Hereditary titles were established
by the Emperor, in order to transmit to posterity the recollection of services im
portant to the state, whether they were civil, military, or ministerial. He con
ceived it to be just and agreeable to the public interests that the remembrance of
great services should be transmitted from father to son, in the same manner as the.
civil code permitted the transmission of estates; and that he thereby created a
means of reward more noble in itself, and better calculated to excite generous
sentiments, than any pecuniary recompense, while, at the same time, he spared
the public money. Moreover, this was one method of bringing France into a state
of harmony with all the rest of Europe, and of giving rank and dignity to the
new families which had sprung from the mass of the people. The arms bestowed
on these men were the emblems of public liberty; this new nobility, which must
necessarily feel some disquietude at the very call to the throne of a prince, of the
house of Bourbon, could never rally round a feudal king. The purchasers of na
tional property, to the number of several millions, were filled with apprehension
for their properties, because the peisons around the throne had a direct interest in
annulling their acquisitions; because bigotry and fanaticism resumed their inter
est at court, and led them to reclaim the property of the clergy. Different deci
sions of the royal council gave a colouring to these alarms. Those who had fill
ed placps in the magistracy, or other civil employments under the fourth dynasty,
were offended at hearing themselves designated as the agents of a usurping and
illegitimate government. The army saw with indignation the names of those
who had served in the wars of La Vendee, of the Chouans, and in the army pf
Condi*, placed at the head of the list of French generals. The army itself was
merely preserved, because ^it was feared ; but by degrees it will be robbed of all
its privileges, and of the fruits of twenty years of victories. It is true, the
charter guarantees theequality of the citizens, the liberty of the press, the irrevoca
bility of the sales of national property, the suppression of feudal rights and the
Legion of Honour; but this guarantee is merely nominal, inasmuch as the Cham
ber of Peers isa majority composed of individuals having interests diametrically
opposed to lhese principles, and almost all of whom have made war upon the na
tion, and lost their privileges and their estates: and the Chamber of Deputies,
previous to being elected after the manner which the king shall determine, fur
nishes no guarantee to the nation for the defence of its rights. These considera
tions are of such importance as .entirely to annul the benefits of the charter, since
it gives no bond to the people but merely the form of election.
The Bourbons were desirous of substituting a feudal for a constitutional oath,
and wished for no oaths of fidelity to the Constitution or the Charter; and, in
consequence, the taking of the oath was suspended, in order to wait for a favour
able circumstance. Neither the army nor the magistrates took any oath: the
cross of the Legion of Honour was lavishly bestowed, and became the decora
tion of all the enemies of the country. The pecuniary libera'ities granted to the
Legion,, and the houses for the education of their orphans, were suppressed. The
king preserved the orders of the Holy Ghost and of St. Lazarus, which require
proofs of several centuries of nobility; and the former was declared to be the
first order of the state. The statutes of the Legion of Honour were violated, in
order to be lavish of the grand cordon, at the time when no nominations were
made in that of the Holy Ghost. They awaited the time when affairs should be
better consolidated, and when they would be obliged to have recourse to less
management, in order to be able to follow out the statutes of the order, and to ad
mit knights who could prove their centuries of nobility. The king, whose prin
cipal characteristic is dissimulation, never wore the ribbon of the Legion of Ho
nour. The army every day saw the soldiers of La Vendue and ihe emigration
boasting with enthusiasm, and the newspapers were filled with articles intended
and calculated to tarnish its glories. That alone was sufficient to render ii irre
concilable to the Bourbons, and daily to increase the repugnance which it felt to
ward the principles raised to the throne by 500,000 foreign bayonets. How could
the army ever become attached to princes who were enemies of its glory, and
strangers to all its great and, memorable days? The whole people felt themselves
threatened with a return of the days of feudal privileges, and saw that they would

APPENDIX TO VOL. I.

15

, no longer be called upon to share the honours, but to support the burdens of the
state, having passed under the yoke of their masters. Their children will be sol
diers, but never become officers; the paths of civil honours, of the magistracy,
and, of military renown, all effectually and forever closed to them ; these senti
ments are so much the more painful, as there is not a village which has not given
birth to a general, a colonel, or a captain — to a prefet, or a judge, or an adminis
trator — each of whom has been raised by his own merits, and done honour to
himself and his country. It was this which insured that sincere attachment to
the fourth dynasty, in consequence of which it may be truly said, that if Louis
of Bourbon is the king of the nobles, Napoleon was the king of the people.

CHAPTER X. '
Louis wishes to ascend the throne of the third dynasty : he sits upon a mass of
ashes ; he is isolated, a stranger to the nation, without rights and toithout
power. <
The title of King of France only conferred on the third dynasty the rights of
suzerains, and that of Navarre merely the dominion over a small province. They
reigned over the people in virtue of particular titles, viz., as dukes in Brittany,
Normandy, Burgundy, Provence, &c. ; and in order, therefore, to re-establish the
rights of the third dynasty, it would have been necessary to re-establish also the
provinces, together with their rights and privileges. The Britons, Normans, Bur
gundians, &c , never recognized the duty of obeying their sovereigns till the latter
had sworn to maintain their respective constitutions, rights, laws, and privileges.
The kings of the third dynasty were the heads of a feudal system, and the minor
feudatories were possessed of rights and privileges as sacred and legal as those of
vthe superior lords. It was necessary, therefore, to re-establish the whole of this
system, and to restore all these privileges. The Bourbons were the heads of the
nobility, whose jurisdictions and rights they were bound to maintain. These
things, however, could not be done, except to the jrreat detriment of the nation,
. and injury to the best interests of the peop e, and without provoking a bloody and
terrible reaction. In order to effect this retrograde movement in civilization, and
again to plunjje a whole nation into the depths of ignorance and superstition, no
thing less could have been requisite than ihe permanent presence nf a powerful
foreign army. The throne of the third dynasty is already reduced to ashes; it
exists no more, and the pretension of occupying it is absurdity and madness; it
is merely plunging into the midst of a thick fog, in order to fall over a precipice.
If the Bourbons wish to regain by hereditary right, and to require the obedience
of the people, they must first re-establish the' rights of the naiion, the States-
General, Parliaments, and Constitutions of Brittany, Burgundy, and the other
provinces. Nothing of this kind, however, has been done; they have given a
constitution intended to replace and compensate for all these ancient institutions,
which in this case is merely an emanation of the simple royal authority, and an
aci of reformation destroyed at its pleasure. There was a nation in France, how
ever, before ihere,\vere kings; and the assemblies of the Champ de Mars, the
Champ de Mai, and the States-General were superior, more ancient, or at least
equal in power to royalty itself. In order to suppress all the ancient laws and
constitutions of the state, and to replace them by new ones, it was certainly at
least necessary to enter into a new contract with the nation. The kings of France
have never reio-ned except upon conditions and with a limited authority, at least
in law. If the Bourbons have seized upon the throne by right of birth, have not
all the feudatories in the kingdom the same right to seize upon their fiefs?
If Louis reigns as the head of the fifth dynasty in consequence of a new and
free contract with the nation, he ought not to be called King of France and Na
varre, but King of the French ; he ought not to date from the nineteenth, but
from the first year of his reign ; he ought not to have given a charter as an act of
grace, but have negotiated a treaty wilh the people. As long as the mode of

16 APPENDIX TO VOL. I.
election, is not fixed, constitutional, and immutable, the Charter is nothing, and
confers no guarantee. It would be right to suppress the orders of the Holy
Ghost and St. Lazarus, because they require proofs of nobility to enjoy the,ho-
nour of admission.
The system by which France is actually ruled is one of pride, arbitrary con
tradiction, and falsehood, and has served- to raise up a new barrier between the
Bourbon's and the people. Louis reigns by the grace of God, and therefore does
not condescend to recognize any contracts, either ancient or modern — neither the
privileges of the kingdom nor those of the provinces. All are gone, and nothing
remains but himself. In order to replace the great national bodies, he confers a
charter which emanates from himself alone : such is his pride. The system is
no less false than contradictory. He has suppressed feudality, and yet declares
himself king by a feudal right. He proclaims the equality of the citizens before
the law, the irrevocability of the sale of national property, and the free exercise
of religion, and yet he summons around his person, and admits into the offices
about his court, none but persons whose interest and existence are bound up with
the re-establishment of privileges, the recall of those sales, and with religious in
tolerance. Hehas promised to the army the preservation of its rights, and yet he
orderait to raise and carry the white banner ; he neither grants his confidence nor
opens nis heart to any but Chouan officers, emigrants, or Vendeans. He profess
es to be proud of the national glory, and acknowledges at the same time that he
owes his throne to the Prince-regent of England, and enters into the most shame
ful and dishonourable relations.
The crown of the third dynasty is dissolved — evaporated ; it can no longer con
fer either right or power. Louis did not wish to be, and he is not, the head of the
fifth dynasty, but the mere agent of the powers who are the enemies of France.
He has marched from London to the Tuileries over a bridge of foreign bayonets
dripping with French blood; he enjoys no independence, but is the mere instru
ment by which the enemies of France chastise and humiliate his country. Foreign
armies, however, have left France, and Louis, by the grace of God, King of France
and Navarre, is in the nineteenth year of bis reign, and calls himself master of a
people, in the midst of whom he stands isolated, and who see in his person no
thing but the enemy of its rights, the author of its misfortunes, the instrument of
its dishonour and of the loss of its glory. He is guarded by, and in the power
of, an army which is completely the army of the nation. Foreign armies quit
France; and Louis has yet come to no understanding with his people, not even in
the nature of the oath which he ought to require ! ! !
The mummy of one of the descendants of Sesostris, which had lain for ages in
the interior chamber of the great Pyramid, was clothed with all the trappings of
royalty, and placed upon the throne of its ancestors ; when the priests of Mem
phis wished to present it to the homage of the Egyptians, it crumbled into dust,
and was no longer in a condition to bear either the breath of the atmosphere or the
warmth of the sun.

HISTORY.

CAPTIYITY OF NAPOLEON

ST. HELENA.

GENERAL COUNT MONTHOLON,
THE EMPEROR'S COMPANION IN EXILE,
AND TESTAMENTARY EXECUTOR.

VOL. III.

PHILADELPHIA:
CAREY AND HART.
1847.

C. SHERMAN, PRINTER,
19 St. James Street.

CONTENTS OF VOL. III.

CHAPTER X
REMOVAL OF DR. o'MEARA.
Sad commencement of the Year, 1818. Decline of the Emperor's health. Sir
Hudson Lowe alarmed at it. His violent conduct. Dr. O'Meara receives orders
to consider himself under arrest at Longwood. The Emperor's dislike of Sir
Hudson Lowe. Refuses to see Mr. Baxter, because sent by him. Departure of
General Gourgaud. His letter to the Empress Marie-Louise. Disputes with the
Governor about the title of " Emperor." Recollections of the birth of the King of
Rome. Anecdote about the cooper's hut. Death of Cipriani. Account of the
taking of Capri. Cipriani's mission to Rome. His services to the Emperor in the
Isle of, Elba. False bulletins. Displeasure of the Commissioners. Dr. O'Meara
allowed to resume his place near the Emperor. Has a consultation with Dr.
Stokoe. Arrival of the Mangle. Departure of Dr. O'Meara. His report on the
illness of the Emperor. It reaches Rome, and ^submitted to the attention of
physicians there. Their opinion on the case  p. 9

CHAPTER II.
ON THE RETURN FROM ELBA. (DICTATION.)
M. Fleury de Chaboiilon. The conversations which he attributes to the Emperor,
his own inventions. The Emperor's reasons for returning to France. View of
the Revolution and its effects. Characters of Robespierre, Carnot, and Barrot, &c.

CONTENTS.

Account of.the death of 'the Dauphin. Exchange of the daughter of Louis XVI.
for .the representatives of the people. The factions of the Gironde and the
Mountain On the conduct of the Directory. Comparison of the conduct of Louis
#
XVIII., and that of Henry IV.  p. 26

CHAPTER III.
CONTINUED DISAGREEMENT WITH SIR HUDSON LOWE.
Arrival of a despatch from Lord Bathurst, in November, 1818. The Emperor much
worse in December. Visit of Dr Stokoe. His opinion of the serious nature of the
Emperor's illness. Anonymous letter to the Governor. Returned. Dr. Stokoe's
letters to Sir H. Lowe. His visits to Longwood cease. Three communications
from Sir Hudson Lowe. Count Montholon's reply to them. The letter returned
to him. He sends back the Governor's letters. Violent scene between the
Governor and the Grand Marshal, in July, 1819. Angry letters, and disputes
about the necessity of the orderly officer's seeing the Emperor. The Priests and
Dr. Antommarchi arrive in September, 1819. Conversation about Russia, p. 38
CHAPTER IV.
RECOLLECTIONS.
The Emperor somewhat better at the close of 1819. Addition to the circuit for
exercise. New year's day, 1820, happily spent. Dictation concerning Marshal
Ney. Dictation concerning Count Lavalette. The Emperor plants trees, and
makes other improvements in his gardens. Dictation concerning 1815. Arrival
of the store ship, the London. The Emperor's books detained at the Custom-house.
The Emperor sees Lady Lowe, and is much pleased with her. Miss Susanna
Johnson visits Longwood. Sees the Emperor, who is very kind to her. News
received of the assassinatiorSfcf the Duke of Berry. Letter from the Governor
concerning the Grand Marshal's return to Europe. The Emperor relates the
occasions on which he had been tempted to commit suicide.  p. 55
CHAPTER V.
INCREASING ILLNESS OF THE EMPF.ROR.
Letter from General Gourgaudi The Emperor gives presents on his birth-day,
August 15th, and appears happy. Antommarchi, careless of the regulations

CONTENTS. V
regarding Longwood. The Emperor has a bad attack on the 11th of |pctober.
Visits the new house intended for him, on Nov. 1st. Is much displeased that the
Governor hears, of his visit. Proposal from a naval captain about the Emperor's
escape. Is declined. News received in December of the death pf the Princess
Elysa, formerly Grand Duchess of Tuscany. The Emperor's opinion of her
character. His recollections on the subject of his divorce from the Empress
Josephine. The night between the 31st of December, 1820, and the 1st of
January, 1821, the last spent in conversation. The Emperor's disease makes
rapid progress. Recollections of the 18th of Brumaire. Sieycs' love of money.
Sir H. Lowe wishes to add the services of an English medical man to those of
Antommarchi. Antommarchi wishes to return to Europe. The Emperor's severe
letter, consenting to his departure. He is afterwards pardoned, and continues his
services. Departure of some of the Emperor's household, and illness of others.
Explanation with the Grand Marshal. Very gratifying to the Emperor. Violent
fit of vomiting on the 17th of March. Antommarchi's incredulity as to the serious
nature of the Emperor's illness. He changes his opinion on March 21st. Tries
the effect of emetic lemonade. Too powerful. The Emperor refuses to use it.
His anecdotes of some attempts to poison him. Displeasure at Antommarchi,
whom he refuses to see. The Emperor consents to receive a visit from Dr Arnott
on April 2d. Dr Arnott intimates the danger which threatens the Emperor, p. 69

CHAPTER VI.
THE EMPEROR'S WILL.
The Emperor burns a will made previously. Note found in pencil, probably
referring to it. Antommarchi again in disgrace (April 8th). Profuse perspirations
of the Emperor. He refuses all assistance but Count Montholon's, Difficulty of
avoiding making him impatient. April 15th : The Emperor dictates his will.
Dr Arnott obtains pardon for Antommarchi. Excitement of the Emperor after a
conversation with Bertrand. He dictates directions for the conduct of the King
of Rome. Consultation of Drs. Short, Michels, Arnott, and Antommarchi. The
Emperor desires to see the Abbe' Vignali. He finds his room too confined, and is
removed into the cabinet. Adds codicils to his will. Instructions to his execu
tors  p. 85

VI CONTENTS.

CHAPTER VII.

THE EMPEROR'S DEATH.  CONCLUSION.

April 26th : The Emperor's emotion, from a dream about the Empress Josephine.
Proces-Verhal drawn up, attesting the existence of the* papers. Specification of the
papers. The Emperor gives to Marchand a diamond necklace given to him by
Hortense. The Emperor again complains of want of air, and is removed into the
saloon. He dictates letters to Monsieur Lafitte and the Baron la Bouillerie.
Dictates also a letter to the Governor to be filled, up after his death. Dictates a
paper on the organization of the National Guard, only five days before his death.
May 1st : The chapel prepared for the forty hours' prayers. 'May 2d : The
Emperor attempts to dictate some testamentary arrangements, but the mind has
failed. Convulsive crisis in the night of the 3d. May 5th : Bad nighty Violent
convulsions. The Emperor's death at sunset. Letter despatched to the Governor.
Proces- Verbal of the Emperor's death : and those of sealing the papers, &c. Sir
Hudson Lowe and his staff view the body of the Emperor, on the morning of May
6th. Report of the post-mortem, examination. Discussion with the Governor
concerning the preservation of the heart of the Emperor. The lying in state.
Interment of the body on May 9th. Division "of the effects on May 14th. Mon.
tholon, Bertrand, and Marchand leave Longwood on May 30th. Proces-Verhal of
the expenses incurred after the Emperor's death. Letters from the executors to
Lord Liverpool, the King of England, and Louis XVIII. of France. Letter from
the commissaries of the legatees to General Montholon  p. 101

CHAPTER VIII.
ON THE POSITION OF FRANCE IN RELATION TO FOREIGN POWERS. (DICTATION.)
Napoleon's ideas about a general peace. His advances to the Emperor Alexander
. thwarted by the counsels of Catherine of Russia. Alexander advises the death of
the Spanish princes, in the interview with Napoleon at Erfurt. The two Emperors
differ in opinion on the Polish . question. Insincerity of Alexander. Influence of
England at St. Petersburg. Commencement of the second Polish war. Instruc
tions sent by the Emperor Napoleon to his ambassador on the subject of Poland.
The Emperor Napoleon's views on the situation of Germany, Italy, Savoy, Genoa,

CONTENTS. ' Vll
the Italian States, Corsica, and Malta. Particular arrangement necessary for
Naples. Napoleon's plan for a new era, and associating his son with him in the
empire. PolicJ- of Napoleon after the retreat from Russia. The cabinet of Vienna.
M. de Bubna at Dresden. Armistice of Plesswitz. Napoleon's opinion on his
position. Negotiations of Dresden with M. de Metternieh. Congress of Prague.
Overtures at Frankfort. Napoleon and the French Chambers. Congress of
Chatillon, 1st period. Armistice of Lusigni. Congress of Chatillon. 2d period.
Napoleon always wished for peace. Napoleon and the continental system, p. 119

HISTORY

CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON

AT ST. HELENA.
VOL. III.
CHAPTER I,
REMOVAL, OF DR. O'MEARA.
The year 1818 began its course under sad auspices. Time, instead of
alleviating the sufferings of our captivity, aggravated them every day,
and the decline of the Emperor's health gave us serious uneasiness. Sir
Hudson Lowe himself observed, with a certain degree of alarm, the effect
of his restrictive measures, and of the little liberty which we enjoyed
during the first period of our residence in St. Helena. A struggle was
evidently taking place in his mind between a vague fear of the terrible
result which might be the consequence of the state of affairs, and the
vices of his character, which incessantly urged on his inclination to torture
his captive. His evil genius gained the supremacy ; he dared to lay
hands on the physician of his victim ; not reflecting that this barbarous
act vvould be a most striking testimony in support of the accusation which
would stain his name, should the Emperor die at St. Helena.
At the conclusion of a violent scene at Plantation House, O'Meara re-.
ceived orders not to quit the enclosed grounds of Longwood, and to con
sider himself as under arrest there, until the governor should finally
decide on his fate. Three months afterwards, O'Meara was violently car
ried off from us, and the Emperor, notwithstanding the bad state of his
health, found himself condemned to receive no medical attention except
such as should proceed from men entirely in the confidence of Sir Hudson
Lowe, of whom he spoke in these words : " I never look on him without
being reminded of the assassin of Edward II., in the castle of Berkeley,
heating the bar of iron which was to be the instrument of his crime; my
nature revolts against him ; in my eyes, she seems to have marked him,
like Cain, with the seal of reprobation. Admiral Cockburn never inspired
VOL. III. . 2

10 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
me with siniilar distaste; true, I had some complaints against him, but I
always did justice to his honourable sentiments ; I never felt the slightest
distrust towards him ; and I would willingly have bestowed my confidence
on any medical man presented by him. In this respect I had unreserved
confidence in him." And when O'Meara entreated him to consent to see
Mr. Baxter, a man of talent, and of irreproachable character, he replied:
" I believe all the good that you tell me, and that I hear said of Mr. Bax
ter, but Mr. Lowe soils every thing that passes through his hands, and
he wishes to make me consult Mr. Baxter, in order that he may then re
move you, whom I have myself chosen, and be enabled to have such bul
letins of my health written as it may suit him to forward to his Govern
ment:" The bad treatment which- poor O'Meara daily received from the restless
and uneasy disposition of Sir Hudson Lowe, was not our only source of
regret. The departure of General Gourgaud had become necessary in
consequence of the failure of his health, and the Emperor had availed
himself of this opportunity to have the real truth concerning his sufferings
made known in Europe. The remembrance of the fraternal friendship
which the Emperor Alexander had offered him at Tilsit, and had solemn
ly sworn to him at Erfurth ; and the holiness of the ties which united him
to the Emperor of Austria, these sometimes seemed to him like the rays
of hope of a better fate. No one could be better fitted to fulfil this mis
sion than General Gourgaud, for he had often had the honour of ap
proaching the persons of these sovereigns, and his office in the Emperor's
household had gained him admittance to the intimacy of the Empress
Marie Louise. Hopes might therefore be entertained that he would obtain
a hearing, and, the truth once known, the hope of a change might rea
sonably be nourished.
General Gourgaud obtained Sir Hudson Lowe's permission to avoid
the severe trial of making the unnecessary addition of 2000 leagues to
his voyage, which would have been the case, had he been obliged to pro
ceed to Europe by way of the Cape of Good Hope; he embarked in a
Vessel bound for England direct. Immediately on his arrival in London,
he wrote a letter of -great political interest to the Grand Marshal,' and
soon after gave us a fresh -proof of his efforls in the following' letter
which he had addressed to the Empress Marie Louise :
" Madame ;
" If your Majesty deigns to recall to mind the conversation which I had
with you in the year 1814, at Grosbois, when seeing you unfortunately
for the last time, I related to you all that the Emperor had experienced at
Fontainbleau ; you will pardon the sad duty which I now fulfil, by in
forming you that the Emperor Napoleon is dying amidst the torments of
the most frightful and prolonged agony. Yes, Madame, he whom divine
and human laws unite to you by the most sacred ties ; he whom you
have beheld an object of homage to almost all the sovereigns of Europe,
and over whose fate I saw you shed so many tears when he left you, is
perishing by a -most cruel death, a captive on a rock in the midst of the
vast ocean, at a distance of 2000 leagues from those he holds most dear,
alone, without friends, without relations, without tidings of his wife or of
his son, without consolation.
" Since I quitted the fatal rock, I had nourished a hope of being able to
goto you, and of reciting his sufferings to you, in full reliance on the ex-

HISTORY OP THE CAPTIVITY OP NAPOLEON. 11
ertions which your generous soul was capable of undertaking ; but in this
I was deceived. I learned that no one who would recall the Emperor to
your mind, describe his situation to you, and tell you the truth, was per
mitted to approach you ; in a. word, that you were in the midst of your
court, as in a prison. The Emperor himself thought this must be so. In
his moments of anguish, when, in order fo offer him some consolation, we
spoke to him of you, he frequently replied : — ' Be assured that if the Em»
press makes no effort to alleviate my situation, it is because she is sur
rounded by spies, who prevent her from learning what they make me suf
fer here : for Marie Louise is virtue itself.'
" Debarred from the happiness of personally communicating with your
Majesty, I have been seeking, since my -arrival here, to find means of
sending a written statement; it is only now that a safe opportunity offers,
and I hasten to avail myself of it by sending this letter — full of hope and
confidence in the generosity of your character, and the goodness of your
heart. " The sufferings of the Emperor may continue a long time ; there is
still time to save him ; the moment seems very favourable. The Sove
reigns are about to assemble at the congress of Aix-la-Chapelle ; p'assions
seem calmed ; Napoleon is far from being formidable, and he is so unhap
py, that noble minds cannot but be interested in his fate. In these cir
cumstances, let your Majesty deign to reflect what an effect a great step
on your part would produce ; that, for instance, Of going to this congress,
and there soliciting a termination to the Emperor's sufferings; of suppli
cating your august father to unite his efforts with yours, in order to have
Napoleon confided to his charge, if policy did not yet permit him to be
restored to liberty. Even should such a step not succeed entirely, yet
the fate of the Emperor would be much ameliorated by it. What a con
solation would it be to him to see you act thus ! And how great would
be your "Majesty's own happiness ! How much praise, how many bene
dictions would be poured on you for such a course, one which is pre
scribed to you by religion, by your honour, and by your duty ; a course
from which only your greatest enemies would dissuade you. It will be
said, — ' The sovereigns of Europe, after having vanquished the great Na
poleon, abandoned him to his most cruel enemies. They conducted him
towards his grave by the most prolonged and barbarous torments ; the
continuation of his agony urged him even fo demand more active execu
tioners ; he seemed forgotten, and without hope of aid ; but Marie Louise
remained to him, and he was restored to life.'
'.' Ah 1 Madame, — in the name of all that is dearest to you in the world,
of your reputation, of your duty, of your future life, make every exertion
to save the Emperor ? The spirit of Marie Therese commands you so to
do. " Pardon me, Madame, for speaking lo you thus. I am carried away
by my feelings towards you. I would wish to see you the first among
women. " Let your Majesty deign to remember, that on the journey from Am
sterdam, where I had remained, being ill, I should soon have perished for
want of care, had not your Majesty, being informed of my condition, sent
your physician to me, with orders to employ all the resources of art in my
behalf. You saved my life, Madame ; the remembrance of this benefit

12 HISTORY OP THE CAPTIVITY OP NAPOLEON.
will never be effaced from my heart, and I know no better way of testify
ing my gratitude than by having the courage to write this letter.
" Deign to accept, &c, &c, &c.
(Signed) General Gourgaud.
London, August 25th, 1818.
My duties were becoming very difficult to fulfil. General Bertrand
would doubtless be eager to sacrifice to the Emperor a part of the time
which he had hitherto given to his family affairs ; and he would resume
his custom of writing from the Emperor's dictation, but after six o'clock
in the evening he could not cross the line of sentinels, which, from that
hour until six in the morning, separated us from his dwelling, without a
special permission from the officer of ordnance, and even then he would
have to walk between two soldiers, who held their bayonets pointed at
him. The orders of Sir H. Lowe were that the. point of the bayonet
should touch the breast of the person. I vainly asked myself what would
be the termination of the quarrel so violently urged on by Sir H. Lowe,
for the purpose of obliging the Emperor to choose between a gradual de
cay of his health and the humiliation of voluntarily submitting to the ille
gal restrictions imposed on him by the capricious character of his jailer.
I confess that I could foresee none but sinister consequences to this state
of things. Sir H. Lowe no longer even permitted any discussion of his
acts ; he appeared to look upon us as slaves subject to his scourge ; he
returned our letters to us, under the pretence that we did not conform to
the letter of his instructions, and that we continued to make use of the title
of" Emperor,", instead of adopting, conformably to his will, that of" Ge
neral Bonaparte." This was but a frivolous ground for complaint ; for
during the last three years we had never made use of any other denomi-
nation than that of " the Emperor Napoleon," as well in communicating
with Sir H. Lowe, as with the English government and with Admiral
Cockburn ; and until now they had not refused either to listen to us, or
to receive our letters and reply to them.
The work of dictating was the only source of life left to the Emperor,
when Bertrand or myself could succeed in awakening his recollections of
past times, -and thus taking off his thoughts from the consideration of his
actual position.
The death of the Princess Charlotte recalled to his memory the danger
experienced by the Empress Marie Louise at the birth of her son ; and he
related to us, with a sort of complacency, the details of that important
event. " Had it not "been for me," said he, " she would have lost her
life, like this poor Princess Charlotte."
What a misfortune! young and beautiful, destined to the throne of a
great nation, and to die For the want of proper care on the part of her
nearest relations ! Where was her husband 1 Where was her mother 1
Why were they not beside her, as I was beside Marie Louise? She, too,
would have died, had I left her to the care of the professional people; she
owes her life to my being with her during thewhole time of danger; for
T shall never forget the moment when the accoucheur Dubois came to me,
pale with fright, and hardly able to articulate, and informed me that a
choice must be made between the life of the mother and that of the child—
the peril was imminent ; there was not an instant to be lost in useless in
decision. " Save the mother," said I, « it is her right ; proceed just as

HISTORY OP THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 13
you would do in the case of a citizen's wife of the Rue St. Denis." It is
a remarkable fact, that this answer produced an electric effect on Dubois.
He recovered his sangfroid, and calmly explained to me the causes of the
danger. The infant had presented itself in an unfavourable posture ; the
mother's strength was exhausted ; there was nothing more to be hoped for
from nature, and it was necessary to have recourse to the resources of art
and to use the forceps. A quarter of an hour afterwards the King of
Rome was born ; but at first he was believed to be dead, so much had he
suffered in coming into the world ; and it. was with much difficulty that the
physicians recalled him to life. His birth was a great event. At the
sound of the first cannon-shot from the Invalides, the population of Paris
was roused to a state of excited suspense; for it was known that 100 shots
would be fired for a son, and only 21 for a daughter. At the 22d shot
there was a general shout of joy ; they heard the decree of Providence
which consolidated my dynasty. I am convinced that the death of the
Princess Charlotte will be a subject of mourning to all classes of the
English.- It seemed to them that her reign would be a series of reforms of
the old abuses which tarnish the English constitution, and of ameliora
tions of the condition of the working classes. Hope always attends on
the steps of a young and beautiful woman. Strange accidents of fate !
In England, as in France, a frightful catastrophe overthrows, as with a
thunderbolt, the hopes of a great people !" Apropos of this event, the
Emperor related to us an anecdote, rather curious in itself, and which re
calls to mind the mill of San Souci, and the great Frederic. When the
palace of the King of Rome was about to be built on the heights of Passy,
opposite to the Champ de Mars, the Civil List found it necessary to buy
not only the ground, but the buildings comprehended within the space
destined for the site of the palace and its gardens. A poor cooper pos
sessed, within this space, a hut, the demolition of which was indispensable,
as it stood just in the way of the line drawn for the facade of the palace.
The architects estimated it at a thousand francs, and spoke to the proprietor.
He was a cunning Norman, and demanded 10,000 francs. The Emperor
ordered the money to be given to him ; but when it was brought to him,
along with the contract which he was to sign, he declared, that on reflec
tion he considered that as the Emperor disturbed him, he ought to pay for
turning him out, and give him 30,000 francs. " This good man is a little
exacting," said the Emperor ; " but still there is some sense in his reason
ing ; give him the 30,000 francs, and let me hear no more of the matter."
But the popular proverb says, " Give an inch and they'll take an ell ;" and
our cooper thought this was a fine opportunity for putting it into action ;
he refused the 30,000 francs, and said that after calculating what it would
cost him to establish himself in Paris, he could not take less than 40,000
francs. The architect did not know what to do ; he dared not again men
tion the matter to the Emperor ; and yet it was absolutuly necessary to
have the house. The Emperor learned what was passing, and was angry
about it, but authorized an offer of 40,000 francs. Again the cooper re
tracted, and demanded 50,000. " He is a despicable creature," said the
Emperor ; " I will have none of his paltry hut. Tt shall remain where it
is, as a testimony of my respect for the law."
The works were still going on at the time of the events of 1814, and
the poor cooper, finding himself in the midst of rubbish and building ma
terials, groaned over the consequences of his folly, for he had, through his

1 4 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
own fault, lost an opportunity of obtaining a fortune quite beyond Ihe hopes
of one in his position.
The death of Cipriani, the Emperor's maitre oTkStel, was a sensible
loss to our colony. He was serving the Emperor's dinner, when he felt
himself suddenly attacked by such violent pains, that he was quite unable
to reach his chamber without assistance ; the unfortunate man rolled on the
ground- and uttered piercing cries. Four-and-twenty hours afterwards we
accompanied his coffin to the cemetery of Plantation House. A great
number of the colonists and officers of the garrison paid him the same
mark of respect.
The Emperor regretted his loss^and caused the Grand Marshal to write
a touching letter to Madame Cipriani, in which he granted her a pension
as a testimony of his appreciation of the good services of her husband.
Cipriani was still young, although he had long before attracted the atten
tion of the Emperor by his devotion to him, and by the distinguished man
ner in which'he had fulfilled some very difficult missions in the affairs of
Naples and of Northern Italy. He was at that time employed in the
secret police, and it was only since the period of the exile in Elba that he
had formed part of the Emperor's household in the quality of maitre
d"h6tel. It was to Cipriani that the taking of Capri was owing ; and we
always felt inclined to laugh when we saw Sir Hudson Lowe and Cipriani
in each other's presence at St. Helena — two men who had played such
different parts in that affair, without the former having suspected that the
latter had cruelly mystified him.
In the year 1806, Sir Hudson Lowe commanded at Capri as. lieutenant-
colonel of a legion composed of Corsican and Neapolitan deserters, most
of them bandits, whose only way of escaping from the gendarmerie had
been to take refuge in Sicily. Capri lies in fhe bay of Naples ; the English
attached great importance to the possession of it, because it was almost
impossible for the Neapolitan Government to prevent communications
being carried on from this island with the city of Naples and the whole
shore of the roads. Thus, Sir Hudson Lowe's mission was much more
a mission of intrigue than a military command : it was through him that
the court of Sicily and the commander of the English forces in the Medi
terranean were accurately informed of all that was passing at Naples.
Salicetti, prime minister of the kingdom of Naples, was continuing to
make, in concert with the military authorities, vain efforts to re-establish
the authority of King Joseph in the Isle of Capri, when the idea occurred
to him of employing Cipriani to organize an intelligence with the garrison
of Capri, in the aim of. obtaining possession of the island either by sur
prise or by treachery. Amongthe Corsicans under Sir H.Lowe's command,
was one of the name of Suzanelli, formerly a low attorney, a bad man,
who had reduced himself by his debaucheries to the last resource of selling
himself as a spy. Acquaintances formed in his youth with Pozzo di Borgo
and Salicetti, rendered this infamous trade easy to him. Cipriani very soon
learned that Suzanelli was an agent of Sir Hudson Lowe, and that this
person and himself had been fellow-students at college. Cipriani immedi
ately took his resolution ; without mentioning his intention to any one, he
went to Suzanelli, and said to him : " I know all : but we are fellow-country
men ; we have eaten the same soup ; we have slept in the same bed — I do
not wish to reproach myself with having caused' you to lose your head J
choose between the scaffold, and receiving your fortune from your own
country, instead of owing it to treachery. You are the spy employed by

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 15
the English ; assist me to expel them from Capri, and your fortune is made.
If you refuse, you are my prisoner, and will be shot within twenty-four
hours." — " I accept your offer," replied Suzanelli: " what do you demand
of mel" — "How much do the English give you? I will give you the
double of it to begin with, and I will permit you to receive their money
still, but only on this condition ; that you shall deliver into my hands all
the letters with which you shall be entrusted for Naples, and shall give
me an account of all you learn. You will deliver the answers which- I
give you, as if you had received them from the persons to whom the let
ters and messages were addressed."
Several Neapolitans, among others a colonel of dragoons, were imme
diately pointed out as correspondents of Sir Hudson Lowe.
Matters being thus arranged, Suzanelli and Cipriani manoeuvered so well,
that by these means they daily learned some important news concerning
the intrigues of the old Queen Caroline, and the movements of the English
forces in the Mediterranean.
. Sir Hudson Lowe's confidence in Suzanelli was so greatly increased by
the apparent important communications which the Neapolitan police had
put this agent in a condition to make to him, that he rewarded his services
profusely, and accepted his offer of furnishing recruits to the Corsican
legion which was garrisoned in Capri.
This was exactly the end which Cipriani wished to attain ; for by this
means it would become easy to gain possession of the place.
When everything had been prepared for the surprise of Capri, by means
of the corruption effected among their comrades by the recruits accepted
by Sir Hudson Lowe, it was thought well to anticipate the danger which
would arise should he learn that an expedition was preparing in the roads,
and the resistance which might be facilitated by the presence at Capri of
the English frigate, the 'Ambuscade;' and for that purpose, Suzanelli
wrote him a detailed report of the strength and secret aim of the expedi
tion ; and the tenor of this report was made to coincide with the desultory
talk of the fishermen of the bay, who, deceived themselves, the better
deceived Sir H. Lowe, and convinced him that the object of the expedition
was the Isle of Ponza, also occupied by the English.
Another intrigue was mingled with that relative to the taking of Capri.
It was very much the interest of the Neapolitan party to embroil the court
of Sicily with England, and false letters from Queen Caroline to one of her
agents in Naples, Don Casetti, were fabricated, and afterwards communi
cated to Sir H. Lowe. In a similar manner another correspondence, of a
personage of high rank, was fabricated.
In the fear of losing the services of Suzanelli, if Sir H. Lowe should
discover him to be a traitor or unskilful, he was authorized to give infor
mation at Capri, that it was for the purpose of attacking this island, and
not Ponza, that the expedition commanded by. General Lamarque would
set sail during the night-time ; and he was to add, that as there was not
an hour to be lost in making preparations to save the place, he had endan
gered his head by coming in person to communicate this important infor
mation. What had been hoped for happened : this unexpecled news threw every
thing into movement and confusion at Capri, and the French were already
effecting their landing, before the arrangements for a defence were com
pleted. The Royal Maltese regiment contained a great number of Suza-
nelli's- recruits; it defended the points which it occupied but feebly,. laid

16 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
down its arms, and thus surrendered to the French the forts of St. Barbe
and Anna, as well as the heights of the island. Sir H. Lowe succeeded
with difficulty in-shutting himself up in the citadel, with the Royal Corsi
can regiment. The only approach to this fortress was by a flight of five
hundred steps cut in the rocks, and too narrow to admit two abreast. —
There was but one point which commanded it — the Pio di Solaro. The
French dragged some twenty-four pounders, which they found in the bat
tery of Anna, up to this point. Shortly after the cannonading of the
citadel had commenced, Sir H. Lowe capitulated.
General Lamarque could not avoid saying, when he visited his con
quest, " I brought the French hither, but my reason refuses to believe
that they have entered by force ; and yet it , is a fact which I have wit
nessed with my own eyes."
On another occasion, Cipriani rendered a still greater service.
A formidable expedition, under the command of General Stuart and of
Admiral Freemantle, threatened Naples with a disembarkation, at a mo
ment when that city was almost destitute of troops, and when most of the
forces at the command of the King of Naples were on their way to Ger
many, or occupied Calabria.
The King saw no possibility of making an efficient resistance, should
the English land, as it was believed they would do, between Portici and
Castelamare. He ordered the troops to shut themselves up in the Castle
of St. Elmo. All the movable property of the King was packed up, and
ready to be sent off to Rome whenever the English squadron should be
signaled. The Queen was alarmed, and with justice, at this determina
tion. She secretly sent Cipriani to Salicetti, who was at Rome. She
saw no safety but in the return of this minister, of whom the Emperor
once said, " he alone is worth a hundred thousand men to the King of
Naples." Cipriani concealed the despatch in the sole of his boot, for fear
he should be stopped by the bands of brigands whom the approach of -the
English was causing to appear on all sides. But before setting out, he
despatched Suzanelli and his comrade Maresca to Sir H. Lowe, who was
known to be employed in the staff of Sir John Stuart. These agents had
orders, to prevent, at any cost, the landing at Portici, and to indicate
Isehia as the-most convenient point of rendezvous. They had orders, in
short, to retard the day of disembarkation, in order to allow time for re
calling to Naples all the troops which could be gathered from Calabria
and the shores of the Adriatic. Cipriani succeeded in reaching Rome,
and in bringing back Salicetti to Naples. «' Where is Suzanelli?" were
Salicetti's first words, after reading the Queen's letter. "He is at work,"
replied Cipriani, " persuading the English generals to prefer Isehia to
Portici." " Bravo !" cried Salicetti, " the English are lost, and Naples is
saved." The Queen was so impatient to know the result of the mission which
she had entrusted to Cipriani, that she had agreed upon a signal by which
he was to inform her of it when he arriVed at the appointed place : he
was to wave his handkerchief, if Salicetti had consented to return.
Cipriani had been so quick in performing his mission, that forty hours
after his departure from Naples he informed the Queen of the result of it,
and a few hours afterwards, Salicetti, resuming his power, organized a
defence which saved Naples. As he was entering the city, he met the
King, who was already on horseback, preparing to quit his capital. Sali
cetti, immediately alighting, asked him bluntly where he was going, de-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OP NAPOLEON. 17
daring that if he wished to tarnish his bright fame by a shameful action,
he was certainly at liberty to dp so ; and that in this case, he Salicetti,
would command in the name of the Emperor, and save 1he kingdom.
Murat understood the whole meaning of this reproach, and returned to
his palace. All the previous orders were cancelled*. The troops in the
Abruzzi and Calabria were recalled; the 4th regiment of dragoons, which
was on its way to Germany, but had as yet proceeded only to the distance
of two or three days' journey from Naples, received orders to return by
forced marches. The troops which were shut up in St. Elmo resumed
their positions at Portici and Castelamare. In order to keep the populace
in check, Salicetti sent for the chiefs of the Lazzaroni, declared to them
that they were answerable with their heads for there being no sedition or
tumult among them, and sent them to a fort. Three days of energetic
measures sufficed to put Naples in a condition to resist all attack.
Cipriani also rendered important political services during the Emperor's
residence in the Isle of Elba. He made several voyages to Genoa, to
Livorno, and to Naples, and succeeded in supplying the Emperor with
information of the changes which were taking place in the opinions of the
Italian population. He organized secret correspondence with Vienna, by
means of which the Emperor received, once a week, an account of all
that had passed in the congress and in the diplomatic circles.
Unluckily, M. Fleury de Chaboulon arrived at the Isle of Elba at the
same time as the Chevalier Colonna d'Istria, whom the King of Naples
sent with a despatch received from his ambassador at Vienna, announcing
the closing of the congress and the departure of the Emperor Alexander ;
and the Emperor immediately resolved to re-enter France, without await
ing the return of Cipriani, whom he had despatched on a special mission.
Had he awaited his return, he would not have left Elba till after the disso
lution of the congress and the return of the Emperor Alexander to Russia.
We are astounded when we think what might have happened had matters
gone thus ; for then there would have been no more declarations of the
congress, no more unity in the resolutions of the sovereigns ! and, there
fore, how many more chances for the Emperor !
Cipriani arrived at Porte Ferrajo on the 27th of February ; the Empe
ror had set out on the evening of the 26th. Cipriani brought news of the
congress, and despatches from Vienna, which demonstrated how important
it was to delay the departure of the expedition for a fortnight.
The departure of Mr. Balcombe for Europe afforded the Emperor an
opportunity of causing his short sojourn at Briars to be remembered by
an act of imperial munificence; to the commissions with which he charged
Mr. Balcombe, he added a bill for-72,000 francs, drawn on London, and
a grant of a pension of 12,000 francs, saying to him, " I fear that your
resignation of your employment in this island is caused by the quarrels
and annoyances drawn upon you by the relations established between your
family and Longwood, in consequence of the hospitality which you showed
me on our first arrival in St. Helena. I- would not wish you ever to regret
having known me."
Mr. Balcome soon after his return to England was appointed Purveyor-
General of New Holland. He was a worthy man, and rendered us many
services, but without ever failing in his duty to his Sovereign. It was
said in the Island that he was the natural son of the Prince of Wales.
A question, puerile in itself, but rendered grave by the annoyances of
which it was the cause, gave rise to a very bitter correspondence between

1'8 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Sir.H. Lowe and ourselves, at the same time that we were obliged to pro
test against false bulletins, which he got signed by a physician who did
not see the Emperor, and which he then remitted to the foreign Commis
sioners, i
Secret reports first made me acquainted with this fact ; but authentic
proofs were necessary to enable us to protest against such an infraction
of public morality. Accident favoured my wishes; The Emperor sent
me to the town in the hope that I might meet one of the Commissioners,
and from him obtain something approaching to proof.
The first person I met on entering James Town was the Marquis of
Montchenu-; he immediately came forward to meet me, and said to me,
with visible joy, " My colleagues breakfast with me to-day — you will not
refuse to make one of us? We will all talk French. It will be quite a
Paris breakfast. We shall be able to forget this execrable place for a
few hours ; we will talk of Paris ; it will be charming. Come ! come !
you can have nothing better to do. Pardon me,. Sir," continued he, smil
ing at the officer of ordnance who accompanied me, and offering his hand
to him, "if I do not invite you; but you would be a trouble-joy; you
would recall this villanous rock to our minds." I accepted, the invitation
without hesitation. We were conversing about Paris and the mutual
friends whom we had left there, when his aide-de-camp brought him a
despatch from Sir Hudson Lowe. " Pardieu!" said. he, " since the Go
vernor forces us to think of him, you shall tell me what he says, for I do
not understand English, and De Jon does not know much more than my
self. I have protested against his mania for making use of English in
our diplomatic relations, but I can get nothing by it. Just fancy that the
other day, when I cited the usages of diplomacy, he replied, that from
the moment when I appealed to the precedent of the protocols of con
gresses, he had offered to correspond in Latin with me ; as if we were
living in the 15th century. There is really nothing to be' done with such
a man." The despatch merely contained a note announcing what was sent, and
a bulletin in due form, signed by the physician-in-chief of the island, Dr.
Baxter. 1, of course, accepted the office of interpreter, and took care to
make a copy of the bulletin and of the accompanying note. The Marquis
took no notice, and thanked me a thousand times for my obligingness.
" This is the way we French are," cried he, "always ready to render
services "to our friends. We are, in truth, the first nation in the world.
, The conversation during breakfast was entirely political, in spite of the
poor Marquis's efforts to bring- it back to the pleasures of Paris. .
Baron Sturmer is the type of the German diplomatist. All his words
savour of the protocol, and his pre-occupations of the week serve for his
forced Sunday despatch. The opportunity was too good a one for him to
neglect it ; he was, nevertheless, very moderate in his questions about
Longwood. As to Count Bahrain, he carried on his diplomacy, as, the Russians
always do, without appearing to think of it. They both had secret in
structions, dictated by a foresight of events, which might be provoked- by
what the Russian commissioner called ingratitude of the Bourbons, or
which might arise from a national convulsion ; " for," said Ihey, " it is
impossible to conceal from one's-self that the French are only restrained
by the presence of the allied army, and no one.can say what will happen
on the day our armies take their departure."

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 19
•Count Balmain desired, he said, explanations which might allow his
royal master to give free course to his sentiments of fraternal friendship.
Baron Sturmer wished to efface the impressions given by an infamous
betrayal of family ties, and to justify the conduct of his cabinet, on the
plea of necessity, and the refusal of the cabinet of the Tuileries to listen
to the counsels of mutual interest.
"It was," he said, " the fault of the Emperor Napoleon that the allied
armies had crossed- the Rhine, and that peace had not been signed at Cha
tillon ; in short, the feelings which had advised reconciliation during the
residence at Elba, were not altered ; and not only did the Emperor his
master sincerely regret that his son-in-law had not been recognised, but
he still retained hopes that one day events would replace the crown of
France on his head."
When I presented to the Emperor the two copies which I had brought
from James Town, he was as joyful as on a day of victory : for Sir Hud
son Lowe had always combated, as a reflection on his character, the obli
gation imposed on Dr. O'Meara, of showing his reports concerning the
Emperor's health to us, before transmitting them to Plantation House.
Two hours afterwards, I put into the hands of the orderly officer a letter
to the Governor, dictated to me by the Emperor,, and three letters for the
Commissioners, containing an official communication of the Emperor's
protest against the false bulletins.
As might be expected, my letters were returned to me next day, be
cause I had in them infringed the rules by making use of the title of "the
Emperor Napoleon." The Commissioners received rhy letters twenty-four
hours later, from the hands of a Frenchman, whom I sent into the town
to deliver them, under pretext of making some purchases for the table.
Once in the town, we were free as air. This was a source of torment
to Sir H. Lowe, but he had never ventured to deprive us of this privilege,
which we owed to the state of things established by Admiral Cockburn on
our arrival at St. Helena.
-Some agents of Sir Thomas Reade's police followed us, it is true, but
they could neither see nor hear what passed in the houses which we
entered. Sir H. Lowe felt the force of the blow struck by the undeniable disco
very of the false bulletins ; he came to Bertrand in order to explain his
conduct, and did his utmost to prove that the bulletins, signed "Baxter,"
were not bulletins, but only an account given by a man of the profession,
the chief physician in the island, of the verbal report concerning the state
of the Emperor's healthy made by O'Meara in his presence ; and protested,
on his honour, that this mode of proceeding had been suggested to him by
his desire-of not running the risk of departing from the most conscientious
truth. This incident gave rise to a violent scene between the Governor and Dr.
O'Meara, at the conclusion of which the latter received orders to remain
under arrest within the grounds of Longwood, accompanied by a prohibi
tion from seeing any. of us, unless his presence were rendered necessary
by illness.
Immediately on the Emperor's learning this decision, he desired me to
declare to the Governor that he would no longer receive the medical ser-
vices of Dr. O'Meara, because he would have no physician who was sub
jected to military discipline. He authorized Dr. O'Meara to forward his
resignation to Plantation House, and said to him : " Well, Doctor, you are

20 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
going to leave us ; will the world be able to conceive that Mr. Lowe should
have had the cowardice to make an attempt against my physician ! Since
you are now merely a lieutenant, subject to arbitrary command and mili-
¦ tary discipline, you n<3 longer possess that independence which is necessary,
in order to render your services useful to me. I thank you for the care
you have paid me. Go, quit, as soon as possible, this sojourn of darkness
and crime : I shall die on this bed, wasted by disease, and without aid.
But your nation will be eternally dishonoured by my death. Adieu."
The Commissioners took the affair of the bulletins in very serious part,
and went to Plantation House. The discussion was warm. Baron Sturmer
pushed his indignation so far as to say to Sir H. Lowe, that to provoke
the resignation of the physician of Longwood by the rigours of military
discipline, at the same time that he caused false bulletins to be drawn up
by a medical man «vho did not visit the Emperor, was to authorize a crime
beforehand, in case of the Emperor's death ; and that he considered him
self bound to protest against such measures.
The Marquis-of Montchenu declared himself of the same opinion as his
Austrian colleague ; Count Balmain contented himself with terms of general
blame. He explained to me the embarrassment of his position, confessing
to me his attachment to Lady Lowe's daughter, whom he shortly after
married. The Governor understood the extent of the responsibility which
the declaration of the Commissioners threw on his shoulders. He freed
O'Meara from his state of arrest, and came to Longvyood to inform us of
this decision, which had been dictated to him, as he said to the Grand
Marshal, by ihe extreme interest which he took in the health of General
Bonaparte. O'Meara resumed his place near the Emperor's person, who was suffering
from so serious a catarrhal affection as to oblige O'Meara to interrupt the
calomel treatment of which he was then making use. O'Meara summoned "
Dr. Stokoe, of the ship ' the Conqueror,' to a consultation ; but this gen
tleman had not made more than two Visits before he was subjected to such
inquiries and examinations as determined him to write to his Admiral that
it was impossible for him again to visit Longwood. This circumstance
gave rise to a very bitter correspondence between the Grand Marshal and
Sir H. Lowe.
In the meantime the store ship ' Mangle' arrived from England, bringing
several copies of the Emperor's observations on Lord Bathurst's speech,
and also some Edinburgh Reviews, in which there were several articles
pointing out the conduct of Sir H. Lowe to the public. As soon as Sir
Thomas Reade learned this fact, he bought all these pamphlets, assuring
their proprietor that he did so for the purpose of sending them to Long-
wood, conformably to a desire expressed by us. Great was the man's
astonishment, when he learned next day from O'Meara that not a single
copy had been sent to Longwood, and that, on the contrary, it was for the
purpose of preventing us from reading them, that Sir Thomas Reade had
thus taken possession of them. Several days passed without its being
possible for us to obtain one of these pamphlets, and it was with great
difficulty that Salomon succeeded in sending me one. No sooner had Sir
H. Lowe learned, through some indiscretion, which I have difficulty in
explaining to myself, the pleasure which the articles in the Review had
afforded the Emperor, than he immediately, through the telegraph, sum
moned O'Meara to Plantation House, and expressed .himself with great

HISTORY OP THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 21
passion to him, refusing^to believe that it was not he who had procured me
the Edinburgh Review.
The arrival of a brig which had touched at the Cape, and only brought
old letters and old newspapers, afforded Sir H. Lowe an opportupity of
throwing upon his Government the blame of the savage act which deprived
the Emperor of his medical adviser. On the 25th of July, 1818, at half-
past four in the afternoon, a dragoon brought, the following letter to Dr."
O'Meara: " Sir, — Lieutenant-General Sir Hudson Lowe has commissioned me to
inform you, that by instructions received from Lord Bathurst, dated May
14th, 1818, he is enjoined to remove you from the situation you occupy
in the household of General Bonaparte, and to prohibit you fronj holding
any further interviews with the inhabitants of Longwood.
" The Lord Admiral Plampim has received instructions from the Lords
Commissioners of -the Admiralty with respect to your destination after
your departure from the island.
" You will consequently, immediately on the reception of this letter,
quit Longwood, without holding any farther communication with the per
sons residing there. " I have the honour to remain, &c, &c, &c,
" Edward Wynyerd,
"Lieutenant-Colonel & Secretary."
Dr. O'Meara disobeyed ; he determined, whatever might be the conse
quences to himself, not to quit Longwood without again seeing the Empe
ror, and leaving written directions for the medical treatment and diet
which he should advise him to follow, until some other physician was de
termined upon. He lost not a moment in informing him of the orders he
had received. I was engaged in reading to the Emperor the official letter
which announced to me this criminal removal, when the valet-de-chambre
in attendance announced O'Meara.
" I have lived too long," said the Emperor to him ; " your Ministers
are very bold ! When the Pope was my prisoner, I would cut off my arm
rather than have signed an order for laying hands on his physician."
Dr. O'Meara took with him, on his departure, high testimonials of the
munificence and confidence of the Emperor. He deserved them.
The indignation of the Emperor was roused to its highest pitch, and
that very evening he caused me to write the following letter to Sir H.
Lowe : — " Longwood, July 25th, 1818.
" Sir, — I received your letter at 6 o'clock this evening. I cannot de
liver it to the Emperor before midday to-morrow, for he has been very
unwell to-day. In translating it I became aware of an error under which
you labour. You think that because he summoned Dr. Stokoe to a con
sultation, he will receive his services as his usual physician. I have to
assure you, unfortunately for his situation, that, even with death before
his eyes, he will receive no assistance, nor take remedies, except from
the hands of his own physician ; if he is deprived of him, he will receive
assistance from no one, and will consider himself assassinated by you.
, "I have the honour to remain, &c,
¦' Montholon.
" To Lieutenant-General Sir Hudson Lowe."

22 HISTORY OF THE captivity of napoleon.
The necessity under which he was of quitting Longwood without delay,
did not permit Dr.' O'Meara to give to the Grand Marshal the summary
report of his opinion on the Emperor's bad state of health ; but next
morning, July 25th, he sent us the following paper : —
" Report of Dr. O'Meara to the Grand Marshal, on the Illness
of the Emperor.
"During the latter end of September, symptoms developed themselves
which indicated disorder in the hepatic functions. Napoleon had often
been attacked before this period, with catarrh, headache, and rheumatism ;
but these symptoms had become aggravated ; the legs and feet were
swelled. The gu-ms had assumed a spongy and scorbutic appearance ; in
short, symptoms of indigestion had manifested themselves.
" 1st October, 1817. — Severe pains, heats, sensation of weight in' the
hypochondriac region of the right side. These symptoms were accompanied
by dyspepsia and constipation. Since then the malady has had no inter
mission. It has made slow but constant progress. The- pains, at first
but slight, increased to a degree which gave reason-to fear a severe hepatic
affection. This aggravation of the evil is the effect of a violent catarrh.
Three molar teeth were attacked ; I judged from this circumstance that
they were partly the cause of the inflammatory affection of the membranes
and muscles of the jaw. I, moreover, thought that they had produced
the catarrh. I extracted them at proper intervals ; since then the attacks
have been less frequent.
" I prescribed, in order to remove the scorbutic appearance of the gums,
the use of vegetables and of acids : I succeeded. It disappeared, returned
again, and was again removed by the same means. Purgatives and fric
tion again brought the legs into a good state ; they were again affected
some time afterwards, but in a much less violent degree. Purgatives,
warm baths, and plentiful perspiration, often alleviated the pain in the
hypochondriac region, but never entirely banished it; it increased very
much during the months of April and May ; it became irregular, pro
duced constipation, then diarrhoea, then abundant evacuations of bilious
and mucous matter. At the same time, attacks of colic and flatulence
were experienced ; want of appetite, sensation of weight, uneasiness, sen
sation's in the ventricle of the heart ; the pale and sallow complexion of
the tunica sclerotica, water sour and highly coloured ; depression of spi
rits and headache; the patient could not lie on the left side ; he experi
enced sensations of heat in the hypochondriac region of the right side ;
occasional nausea, and vomitings of sour and viscous bile, which increased
with the pain ; almost total want of sleep ; uneasiness and debility.
" The affection of the legs again appeared, but in a less degree than
before. The patient was afflicted with headaches, restlessness, anxiety, op
pression in the epigastric and prEecordial regions ; paroxysms of fever at the
beginning of the night ; burning skin, thirst, qualms, and rapid pulse ; calm
and perspiration towards daybreak ; this is nearly a constant effect in the case
of the patient : abundant perspiration removes the fever. There exists in the
hypochondriac region -of the right side a tumefaction, which may be felt
on the exterior. The tongue almost always white ; the pulge which, be
fore this illness, gave from fifty-four to sixty pulsations in a minute, now

history of the captivity of napoleon. 23
gives as many as. eighty-eight ; pain in the region above the acromion. I
administered, in order to excite the liver and stomach, and re-establish
the secretion of bile, two purgatives ;" they afforded relief, but not lasting.
During'the latter end of May and the beginning, of June, their effect was
feeble and momentary. I proposed the use of mercuryj, but the patient
manifested the most lively repugnance ; he rejected the use of this medi
cine under whatever form it might be disguised. I advised him to take
exercise on horseback ; to make friction every day with a brush, on the
hypochondriac region ; to wear flannel, to take warm baths and medicine;
to take some recreation ; fo follow a prescribed r-ule of diet, and not to
expose himself to bad weather, or to variations of atmosphere. He ne
glected the two. most important things, exercise and recreation. At
length, on the 11th of June, we managed to overcome his repugnance to
mercury, and I obtained his consent to make use of it. He took mercu
rial pills ; he continued this course of medicine till the 15th ; I gave, him
these pills morning and evening, and occasionally administered some pur
gatives, in order to remove constipation. At fhe end of six days, I changed
the prescription, and substituted calomel for mercury; but this produced
qualms, vomiting, colic, and general uneasiness ; and I ceased to employ
it. I administered it again on the 19th ; it caused the same disorders. I
returned to the mercurial preparation, which I administered three times
a-day. I interrupted this treatment on the 27th. The apartments are
extremely damp : Napoleon had contracted a violent catarrh ; he suffered
from- high fever and great irritation. I again resumed the mercurial
course on the 2d of July, and continued it until the 9th, but it produced
no beneficial effect. The salivary glands remained in the same state.
The wakefulness and irritation increased ; attacks of giddiness became
frequent. Two years of inactivity, a fatal climate, apartments ill-aired
and low, a treatment such as was never before heard of, isolation and
abandonment; every thing which wounds the soul was now in operation.
Is it surprising that the hepatic functions should have become disordered ?
If any thing strikes us as astonishing, it is that the progress, of the disease
has not been more rapid. This is solely owing to the patient's strength
of mind, arid to the goodness of a constitution which had not been debili
tated by debauch."

As soon as this' report reached Rome, Cardinal Fesch, and above all,
Madame Mere, wished that it should be submitted to the attention of the
most. skilful physicians. Dr. Muchielli, physician to Madame, and the
medical professors of the university, Jean Baptiste Bomba, Pierre Lupi,
Dominique Morichini, and Joseph Sisco, made a careful and deep exami
nation of this report, after which they drew up and signed, on the 1st of
February, 1819, the following consultation : —
" We, the undersigned, being assembled to consult concerning the health
of the Emperor Napoleon ; and after having carefully examined a report
drawn up by Dr. O'Meara, who attended the patient up tp the 25th, of July,
1818, are all agreed in the following ideas: —
" 1. The disease of the august patient consists of an obstruction of the
liver, and a scorbutic discrasy.
" 2. The means, fitting to be employed in opposing the first. of these
diseases are, — a diet tempered by fresh vegetables, subacid fruits, animal

2'4 HISTORY OP THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
substances easy of digestion, and calculated to furnish softening chyle;
exercise in the open air, on foot, on horseback, or in a carriage ; an airy
habitation, exposed to the most healthy and salubrious winds ; and finally,
the use of remedies which may soothe and not excite the system : these
are means which may be employed with success. Extract of sicuta, acid
of potash, and a little saline mineral water, of the same kind as that of
Tetteccio, in Tuscany, merit a preference as remedies.
" 3. If the use of these medicines does not relieve the bowels, there
may be employed, 4wo or three times a week, a small dose of pills com
posed of soap, rhubarb, and sulphate of soda or potash, and rendered
consistent by some extract of tarassaco; these pills to be taken before
supper. " 4. In order to destroy the scdrbuiic discrasy, there must be employed,
in the intervals between the three means already mentioned, the purified
juices of anti-scorbutic plants ; fumarisa (fumiter), beccabunga (veronica
beccabunga), nasturgium aquaticum, and, above all, cochlearia. For
the purpose of restoring to the gums their natural consistence and vigour,
use may be made of an opiate tooth-powder, composed of anti-scorbutic
plants, kneaded together with conserve of roses.
" 5. The hepatic disorder, with its consequences, above all the want qf
appetite, and flatulence, thus disappearing, use may be made of whey of
mares' or asses' milk, mixed with the juices of some bitter but not aromatic
plants, among which the different species of chicory claim the preference.
" 6. Finally, during the hottest season, if the scorbutic disease does not
oppose it, and that the continuance or increase of the obstruction of the
liver requires it, apply, but with caution, cold or but slightly-heated baths,
as also pumping on the right hypochondrial region.
" These prescriptions must be subjeet.to the peculiar circumstances in
which the august patient finds himself, and to his state at the moment when
the chosen physician visits him."

During the short time that O'Meara remained at Longwood', I hastened
to the surgery to take possession of his journal ; he indicated to me the
place where he had concealed it, in preparation for anything that might
happen. I afterwards forwarded it to England to him, after having read
it to the Emperor, who remarked several errors in it ; among others the
following one : — Mr. O'Meara writes that Mons. de Talleyrand intercepted
a letter written by the Due d'Enghien to the Emperor, some hours before
the sentence. The truth is, that the Due d'Enghien wrote on the proces-
verbal of interrogation, before signing it: "I earnestly request a private
audience of the First Consul ; my name, my rank, my mode of thinking,
and the horror of my situation, give me reason to hope that he will not
refuse my request." With this fact the Emperor did not become acquainted
until after the execution of the sentence. Mons. de Talleyrand's share in
this bloody drama is sufficiently great, without attributing to him a fault
which he did not commit.
During more than two months, the contest with Sir Hudson Lowe,
concerning the admission of an English physician into the service of the
Emperor, was incessant. To all his offers the Grand Marshal or I an
swered — " Let us choose for ourselves, and place the person chosen in
the same position as was at first enjoyed by Dr. O'Meara."

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 25
At length, on the 28th of September, no longer able to conceal from
himself the rapid progress of disease caused by the want of exercise, Sir
H. Lowe enlarged the circle of our free walks, and left us for a time at
rest. The Emperor's mind was less occupied by insults which were not
daily recalled to him ; he gradually resumed his accustomed walks in his
little garden, where it was easy for the orderly officer to get sight of him,
either by day or by night, for the sentinels had orders to inform him as
soon as they were certain that the Emperor had left his apartments.
The Emperor again resumed his habit of work, and dictated some.
notes about his return from Elba. The following are the most important.

VOL. III.

CHAPTER II.

ON THE RETURN FROM ELBA.

Monsieur Fleury de Chaboulon makes up a romance in the work
which he has published under the title of " Memoirs to serve as Aids to
the History of the Private Life, Return, and Reign of Napoleon in 1815."
The Emperor dictated to me a series of notes in refutation ; in the first he
says — " Mons. Fleury de Chaboulon, an auditor of the Council of State in
1814, was appointed Secretary of the Cabinet on my arrival at Lyons.
This young man had attracted my attention as being full of fire and merit,
and on his return from a mission to Bale, whither he had gone to unravel
the intrigues of Fouche and Mons. de Metternieh, I appointed him Master
of Requests; but he was never employed in my private Cabinet. Men-
neval and Fain are the only two persons who were in my confidence in
this service. The other employes of the Cabinet almost never approached
me. All the conversation or propositions put into my mouth by this au
ditor, are inventions of his own ; he makes me speak and think according
to his personal opinions, or according to the talk of the salons which he
frequents. " I took the resolution of returning to France as soon as it was proved
to me that the Bourbons considered themselves as the continuators of the
third dynasty, and denied the legal existence, of the republic and of the
empire, which were, therefore, thenceforward only to be looked upon as
usurping governments. The consequences of this system were flagrant ;
it became the business of the bishops to reclaim their sees, which had been
suppressed by the concordat of 1801. The property of the clergy and of
the emigres must be restored to their former proprietors ; those who had
acquired this property were holders of stolen goods ; for, from the mo
ment that Louis XVIH. dated the acts of his government the seventeenth
year of his reign, the former seigneurs had an incontestable right to pro
test against the spoliation of the republic, and exact the restoration of the
property and privileges which they had lost through their devotion to the
cause of the king. All the services rendered in foreign armies, in the
army of Conde, in La Vepdee ; all the acts of treachery committed for
the purpose of opening the gates of France to the armies which were

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 27
bringing back the lawful king, merited reward. All those rendered under
the standards of the republic and empire were acts of felony.
" The Restoration, all-powerful as it was in the support of a million of
foreign bayonets, recoiled before the impossibility of admitting such pre
tensions ; but it awakened them, and this awaking, by wounding the opi
nion of the masses, rendered the return of the empire possible. The
Government could not say with impunity to thirty millions of Frenchmen :
' All that you have done during the last twenty-five years, all that your
victories have compelled Europe to acknowledge, is unlawful, because
such is the will of your lawful monarch.' The idea is absurd.
"The revolution of 1789 was a general attack of the masses of the na
tion upon the privileged classes — the nobles occupied, either directly or
indirectly, all the posts of justice, high and low ; and besides enjoyed,
under various forms, several feudal rights. They were exempt from the .
charges of the state, and yet enjoyed all the advantages accruing from
them, by the exclusive possession of all lucrative and honourable employ
ments. The principal aim of the revolution was to abolish these privi
leges, to remove these abuses, to destroy what yet remained of the ancient
feudal edifice, to break the last links of the people's bondage, and to subject
every citizen equally to support the expenses and charges of the state. It
has established the legality of rights ; every citizen, according to his
talents, may attain to any employment." Before the revolution, France
was composed of provinces, divided in an irregular manner, differing
among one another both in extent and population. These provinces had
a great number of particular laws for the administration of civil and cri
minal justice. It was an assemblage of different states not yet melted to
gether. The revolution destroyed all these little nations, in order to form
from them a great one. It created a France whose territorial divisions
are equal ; it has made the civil and criminal laws the same every where,
and subjected the whole of France to the same regulations and taxes ; by
it were effaced the traces of the ancient privileges of the provinces, and of
their ancient parliaments. The half of the country changed its proprie
tors. France, in short, presented after the 'revolution the spectacle of
thirty millions of inhabitants, circumscribed within their natural limits,
composed of a single class of citizens, and governed by the same laws, the
same regulations, and the same order of things.
" Some of the men who rose from the revolution were all corruption
and versatility, such as Barrot, Tallien, Fouche, and Talleyrand, who had
neither character nor virtue; it Was such men as these who lost the cause
of the people ; but the revolution, in spite of their excesses, regenerated
our manners.
" Robespierre was a blood-thirsty man, but he is wrongfully accused of
the crimes committed by Hebert, Chaumette, Collot d'Herbois, Marat,
Billaud de Varennes, Fouche, Joseph le Bon, Couthon, and others, who
were infinitely more ferocious than he. It was a wonderful spectacle to
see these fanatics steeping their hands in blood up to the elbow, and 'yet
religiously delivering to the republican the money of which they despoiled
their victims; every step was marked in blood, and yet they would have
scrupled to commit the slightest dishonest action. Such was the influence
of this fanaticism, that these men believed that in thus wallowing in the
blood of their fellow-citizens, they were pursuing the path of honour and
virtue. " Had England, when Robespierre and Marat were letting the revolu-

28 HISTORY OP THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
tionary axe fall on so many innocent heads, offered them two hundred
millions to betray the republic, they would have indignantly rejected the
offer. They condemned Fabre d'Eglantine to the guillotine on a charge
of concession. Robespierre, towards the end of his career, wished to be
come more moderate ; some time before his death, he frequently said that
he was weary of executions, and that he thought of following another
system. Far from being an atheist, as he has been accused of being, he
maintained, in the tribune of the -Convention, ihe existence of a Supreme
Being. Neither did he think it necessary, as many of the revolutionists
pretended that it was, to exterminate all the priests and nobles, in order to
consolidate liberty in France ; Marat, for example, demanded not less
than six hundred thousand heads. Robespierre wished that the King
should be put beyond the pale of the law, and not that the ridiculous
mockery of trying him should "be proceeded to. He was a fanatic, a
monster ; but he was incorruptible, and incapable of causing the death of
any person from motives of vengeance or of personal interest ; he was an
enthusiast, who believed. he was acting in accordance with justice; he left
not a sou behind him, and was, therefore, in this point of view, an honest
man. " When the execrable Hehert accused the Queen of outraging nature,
Robespierre denounced him as having made so calumnious an accusation
with the view of provoking the people to an insurrection in favour of that
princess, by arousing feelings of interest for her.
" From the very commencement of the revolution, Louis XVI. had con
stantly had before his eyes the example of Charles. I., who lost his head
on the scaffold for having struggled hand lo hand with the Parliament.
This example prevented him on many occasions from openly opposing the
efforts of the revolutionists. When they dared to bring him before their
tribunal, he should simply have said, that, according to the constitution,
he could do no evil, and that his person was sacred. The Queen should
have done the same. This protest would not have saved their lives, but
they would both have died with still more, dignity. The Queen walked to
the scaffold with a species of joy : it must have been a great relief to
her to quit a life which was embittered and poisoned by such execrable
barbarity. " Carnot was a man of severe probity, laborious and sincere, but sub
ject to the influence of intrigue, and easy, to deceive. He directed the ope
rations of the war without deserving the praise which has been bestowed,
on him, because he had neither the experience nor the habit of war. He
was a member of the Committee of Public Safety along with Robespierre,
Couthon, and St. Just ; and he was the only one whom the reaction of
the 9th of Thermidor had no crime to reproach with. He demanded,
however, to be judged along with those whom he continued to call his col
leagues ; this was refused : but his demand to share their fate does him
great honour. He voted against the empire, but his conduct was always
frank ; he never gave umbrage ; he never asked for anything during the
prosperous days of the empire ; but after the disasters of 1812 he offered
his services, and the defence of Antwerp was confided to him ; he dis.
played a noble character in this affair. He was Minister of the Interior
after my return from Elba, and behaved with devotion to my cause. At
the time of the abdication he was overreached by Fouche. ' He showed
on every occasion great hatred towards the nobility, and vet he was of
noble birth. . ' 3

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 29
" Bar rot was violent, irresolute, volatile, and of unbounded immorality. '
" When the discussion relative to the sentence to be passed on Louis
XVI. was opened, Condorcet declared that his conscience would not per
mit him to vote for death ; that he should vote that this unfortunate mo
narch should be condemned to the galleys for life. This proposal was
indignantly blamed, even by the most violent of the Jacobins ; they said
all manner of things against Condorcet. Tallien, Danton, Fouche, would
have betrayed all parties for money ; they were always ready to sell
themselves. Fouche never possessed the entire confidence of the Empe
ror, who never esteemed him, because he had been a terrorist, and one of
the chiefs of the most violent party of the Jacobins, but who used him as
an instrument for discovering and keeping an eye on the septembriseurs
and the wrecks of Jacobinism. It was by this means that two hundred
of these former associes, all people who might have troubled the tranquillity
of France, ,were driven from it. Fouche remorselessly betrayed and
sacrificed his former friends. As to Barrere, he had no decided charac
ter ; he was a man who changed his party at will, and served them all
successively. And lastly, Billaud de Varennes, is the most execrable man
who figured in the revolution ; and Carnot tlie most honest. Sieyes was
a man of great merit. He was a man of probity, and although fond of
money, was incapable of obtaining it by any but legitimate means.
" All was chaos, social disorganization, and danger to the revolution,
at the end of the reign of the Directory. It is only from the consular
government that the administrative reorganization of new France really
dates ; and if the immorality of the government of the Directory did not
bring back French society to the scandals and unbounded turpitude of the
time of the Regency of Louis XV., it is because their return was no longer
compatible with our manners; that it was impossible: for, in order that
this might take place, it would have been necessary to reproduce"all Ihe
circumstances of those periods; — the _absolute idleness of the higher
classes, who then found no scene of activity for their passions except in
license; the. chains which repressed, in the middle classes, the industrious
fermentation which enlarges the thoughts and elevates the mind ; in fine,
to replunge the inferior classes into the state of debasement and degrada
tion which assimilated them to beasts of burden. All these things were
become impossible.
" The states-general of 1789 and the legislative assembly had given the
deathblow to the ancien regime.
" The Constituent Assembly had laid down principles and founded no
thing. " The Convention made eveTy thing level ; it allowed nothing of the
ancien regime to remain ; its passage, a veritable torrent of lava, destroyed
all that it could reach ; it was at once atrocious as an interior administra-
tion, and splendid as a defence of national honour and independence. Its
armies covered themselves wilh glory; its negotiations showed on all
occasions that it was imbued with a noble and patriotic pride. The Com
mittee of Public Safety wrote to the Convention: 'too much eagerness
might be considered as a kind of advance ; and this a great nation should
never 'make where threatened ; ' and on another occasion it prescribed in
the following terms tho recall of the commissary sent, at Madrid, for
the exchange of prisoners : ' Recall Simonin immediately ; he compro
mises the dignity . of the French people .-' the crime of this agent was that

30 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
he had listened to, and transmitted to his government, the following pro
posal : ' The King of Spain is disposed to treat for peace on the following
bases :
1. Spain shall recognise the French Republic.
2. France shall deliver the children of Louis XVI. to the care of his
Catholic Majesty.
3. The French provinces bordering on Spain shall be formed into an
independent State for the son of Louis XVI.,. which he shall govern sove
reignly as King of Navarre.'
" The last acts, of the Convention were the decree of the reunion of
Belgium and the Bishopric of Liege to the Republic, and the signature of
the peace with Prussia, Spain, Holland, and the Elector of Hesse-Cassel.
In the mean time an unexpected event put arms into the hands of the ene
mies of the Convention, and recalled to mind the counsel, given by Robe
spierre in the Committee of Public Safety during the discussion upon the
trial of Louis XVI. ' Of what use,' he had said, ' are these vainformaf/ities,
when you will condemn him to death, innocent or guilty? When a
King is in question, it is better to get rid of him secretly.'
"In the sitting of. the 20th of Prairial, year III. (10th of June, 1795),
the representative Sevestre, reporter of the Committee of Public Safety,
reported .that a't two o'clock in the afternoon of the 8th, the son of the late
King had died in the prison of the Temple, and that two civil commissa
ries, appointed by the committee, had fulfilled the functions of municipal
officers, by drawing up the act of decease, and causing autopsy and inter
ment to be proceeded with ; he further communicated the proces-verbal of
the autopsy, and placed it, as well as the act of decease, on the president's
table.* * The 'proces-verbal of the autopsy is as follows : —
"We, the undersigned, Jean Baptiste Eugene Dumangin, chief-surgeon of the
Hospice de Sante, and Philippe Jean Pelleton, surgeon-in-chief of the great Hospice
de VHumaniti, accompanied by the citizens Nicolas Jeanroy, formerly professor in.
the schools of medicine, in Paris, and Pierre Lassus, professor of legal medicine at
the School of Health, in Paris, whom we took with us, in virtue of a decree of the
committee of public safety of the National Convention, dated yesterday, and signed;
Bourgoing, President, Courtois Gauthier, and Pierre Guyonnard, for the purpose of
proceeding together, to the opening of the body of the son of the late Louis Capet, and
examine its state, proceeded as follows : —
" Having all four arrived, at eleven o'clock, a. m., at the outer gate of the Temple,
we were there received by the commissaries, who conducted us into the tower. On
reaching the second floor, we entered an apartment, in the second room of which we
found, on a bed, the dead body of a child, who appeared to us about ten years old.
The commissaries informed us that this was the body of the son of the late Louis
Capet, and two of our party recognised in it the child whom they had been medically
attending for some days past. The above-mentioned commissaries declared to us that
this child had died at about three o'clock the preceding afternoon ; whereupon we
looked for the signs by which to verify his death ; these we found characterized by
a universal pallor, the coldness of the whole body, the stiffness of the limbs, the still
ness of the eyes, the purple spots usual in the skin of a corpse, and, above all, by a
putrefaction beginning in the stomach, the scrotum, and within the thighs.
"We remarked, before proceeding to open the body, a general emaciation, which
was that of marasma. The stomach was much distended and meteorized ; on the
inside of the right knee, we remarked a tumour, not producing any change in the
colour of the skin, and another of less size on the radius bone, near the hand, on the
left side. The tumour on the knee contained about two ounces of a grayish, lym-

HISTORY OP THE CAPTIVITY OP NAPOLEON. 31
"The acts of decease and interment proved that the Dauphin died on,
the 8th of June, 1795, in the tower of the Temple, and that he was in
terred next day, June 9th, in the cementery of St. Marguerite, in the Fau
bourg St. Antoine, under the name of Louis Charles Capet.
" Spain at this time demanded, as the first condition of peace, the deli
verance of the prisoners of the Temple ; she even went so far as to say,
that not only his Catholic Majesty, but also the King of Sardinia, would
never consent to any friendly alliance with the French republic until they
had obtained a satisfaction founded on the strongest feelings of nature.
Tuscany negotiated entirely with the same aim ; the Committee of Public
Safety found themselves embarrassed : they refrained from replying, and
prescribed the same reserve to their negotiators ; but on the evening of
the 21st of Prairial, they hastened to expedite to them by extraordinary
couriers, instructions to push the negotiations actively, adding as a post
script to their despatches, the news of the death of the son of Louis XVI.
" A few days" afterwards, the Convention, on the report of Treilhard,
authorized the Committee of Public Safety to negotiate the exchange of
Louis XVIth's daughter for the representatives of the people, Quinette,
Bancal, and Drouet, who had been taken from the army of the North, as
well as the minister, Bournonville, and the ambassadors, Semonville and
Maret, on whom Austria had seized, on Swiss territory, while they were
phatic matter, lying between the periosteum and the muscles ; that on the arm con
tained matter of the same nature, but thicker.
" On the stomach being opened, more than a pint of purulent, yellowish, and very
fetid serum flowed from it. The intestines were meteorized, pale, and adhering to
one another, as well as to the partitions of this cavity ; a great number of tubercles of
different sizes were scattered over them, which on being opened were found to contain
the same matter as that found in the tubercles of the knee and arm.
" The intestines opened along their whole length, were inwardly very healthy, and
only contained a small quantity of bilious matter. The stomach presented the same
state : it adhered to all the surrounding parts, was pale on the exterior, and scattered
over with little lymphatic tubercles similar to those on the surface of the intestines ;
its internal membrane was healthy, as also the pylorus and oesophagus. The liver
adhered by its convexity to the diaphragm, and by its concavity to the viscera which
it covers ; its substance was healthy, its size ordinary, the vesicle of the gall mode
rately filled with a bile of a dark green colour ; the spleen, pancreas, reins, and blad
der were healthy. The epiploon and mesentery were without fat, and covered with
lymphatic tubercles similar to those above mentioned.
" Similar tumours were scattered through the thickness of the peritoneum, which
covers the interior surface of the diaphragm. That muscle was healthy.
" The lungs adhered by their whole surface to the pleura, the diaphragm, and the
pericardium ; their substance was healthy, and without tubercles ; there were only a
few about the trachea, and the oesophagus. The pericardium contained the usual
quantity of serum ;' the heart was pale, but in its natural state.
" The brain and its dependencies^were in the most perfect state of health.
"All the disorders of which we have here given a detail are evidently the effect. of
a scrofulous habit long in existence, and to which must be attributed the death of the
child. " The present proces-verbal was drawn up and closed at Paris, at the above-men
tioned place, by the undersigned, at half-past four o'clock in the afternoon, the day
and year above mentioned. (Signed) " J. B. E. Dumangin.
" P. J. Pelleton.
" P. Lassus.
" N. Jeanroy."

32 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
proceeding to their destination. This speech of Treilhard is remark
able :
" ' The moment is come,' said he,- ' for fixing your eyes on the daugh
ter of the last King of France," and on the other members of this, family.
" ' The safety of the state required their confinement, and you would
have been wrong had you allowed foreign governments to interfere in a
measure which belonged to the interior government of the republic. But
now you are too strong for this rigour to be indispensable, and we come
to propose to you to make use of an act of humanity in procuring a repa.
ration of a great violation of the rights of nations. The blackest treason
has delivered into the hands of Austria some representatives and ministers
of the republic; this same power seized upon ambassadors of the republic
on neufral ground ; we offer to give up the daughter of Louis XVI. in
exchange for the captives of Austria ; it is for the reigning prince to de
cide whether he will sacrifice the ties of blood and of family feeling to
the desire of prolonging an odious and useless vengeance."' "
" The Constituent Assembly had. done too much, and not enough ; it-
was composed of men endowed with the greatest talents* but possessing
no experience ; it committed two faults which tended to bring on the ruin
of the nation : the first was, desiring a constitution contrary to the expe
rience of, all ages and vnations, and the mechanism of which tended, not
to give strength to social order and authority, but to restrain and annul
the strength of the people, which is that of the government. Great as
was this fault, however, it was not of so much importance, and had not
such deplorable effects, as that of having persisted in endeavouring to re
establish Louis XVI. on the throne, after the event of Varennes. What,
then, should the assembly have done? It should have sent express com
missioners to Varennes, not lo bring back the king to Paris, but to open a
way for him, and conduct him in safety beyond the frontiers.; it should
have passed decrees founded on the constitution which he had abdicated;
have proclaimed King Louis XVII., created a regency, and confided the
care of the minor king to a princess of the house of Conde ; and chosen
a council for the regency, and ministers, from the principal members of
the Constituent Assembly. A government so conformable to principles',
and so national, would have found remedies for the inconveniences of the
constitution ; the force of circumstances would soon have caused the ne
cessary modifications to be adopted: it is probable that France would thus
have triumphed over her internal and external enemies, and that she would
have known neither anarchy nor revolutionary government.
" By the time the king attained his majority, the revolution would
have struck such root that it would have been safe from any attempt
against it: to act otherwise than thus, was to confide the helm o.f the ship,
in the midst of the most frightful tempest, to a pilot who, could no longer
govern it; it was to summon the crew to insurrection and revolt, in the
name of public safety ; it was to arouse anarchy.
"The Royalists had formed the right side of the Constituent Assembly;
the Constitutionalists had formed the left side, and had headed the people;
but in the Legislative Assembly, the Constitutionalists formed the right
side, and the Girondins the left ; the latter, in their turn, formed the right
side in the Convention, and the party called that of the Mountain, the left,
directing the popular party. The Constitutionalists had demanded, in the
Constituent Assembly, the expulsion from Paris of the troops of the line,

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 83
laying down fhe principle that the assembly ought to be guarded by the
national guards; in the Legislative Assembly they maintained an oppo
site opinion, and loudly called for the troops of the line ; but the Giron-
dins indignantly repulsed the idea of employing any paid army against
the wishes of the majority of the people. La^ Gironde, in its turn, claimed
the protection of a regular army against the popular party ; thus all par
ties alternately changed their opinions according to circumstances.
" The factions of the Gironde and the Mountain were too violent against
each other. If they had both continued in force, the administration would
have been shackled, and the republic would have been unable to struggle
against the whole of Europe, which was allied against it. The good for
tune of the country caused one of them to triumph. On the 31st of May,
the Gironde gave way, and the Mountain ruled without opposition ; the
result is known : the campaigns of 1793 and 1794 saved France from
foreign invasion. Would the same result have been obtained, had the
Gironde gained the upper hand, and the Mountain been sacrificed on the
31st of May? We do not think so. The Mountain party, even when
repressed, would still have retained a great influence in Paris, in the popu
lar societies, and in the army, and this circumstance would have induced
the Gironde to be more cautious in their proceedings against the parties
inimical to the revolution, and thus have essentially diminished the entire
energy of the nation, which was necessary in the circumstances.
" There was, doubtless, more talent among the adherents of the Gironde
than among those of the Mountain ; but the Gironde was composed of
more speculative men, who had less of character and a less determined
will; they would have governed with more mildness, and it is probable
that, under their rule, only a part of those excesses committed by Ihe re
volutionary government of the Mountain, would have occurred. The
Gironde party ruled in the towns of Lyons, Marseilles, Toulon, Montpetlier,
Nismes, Bordeaux, and Brest, and in several provinces ;> the Mountain
had its centre in Paris, and was supported by all the Jacobins of France.
It triumphed on the 31st of May ; twenty-two deputies, chiefs of the
Gironde, were proscribed. Sixty-six departments, enraged at this pro
ceeding, ran to arms; the people of Paris had, they said, usurped the
national sovereignty ; they levied battalions and commenced a civil war ;
but the Mountain, supreme in the Convention, supported by the popular
societies and by the armies, and having, besides, at its disposal the trea
sury and the copper-plate for assignats, laughed at the vain threats of the
Federalists. The small army which Calvados marched upon Paris was
defeated by a few squadrons of gens-d'armcs ; in a few weeks the whole
republic was qdiet, except Lyons, Marseilles, Toulon, and some towns in
Languedoc. Lyons, when besieged by a part of the- army of the Alps,
and by batalHo'ns of volunteers levied in Burgundy and Auvergne, made
a long and brilliant resistance; its national guard had been organized long
before; it reckoned among its ranks 3000 refugees from the southern
provinces, and among these were a good number of old officers. Mar
seilles and Toulon sent 6000 men, composed of the national guards, to its
aid ; Montpellier and Nismes sent 4000. It was arranged that these two
divisions should join each other at Orange, and thence proceed to Lyons.
The representatives of the people then in the army of the Alps ordered
from Grenoble 2000 infantry of "the line, 500 mounted Allobroges, and two
batteries of artillery, under the command of Adjutant-General Cartaux..

34 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
This little column descended the left bank of the Rhone, met the vanguard
of the Marseillais at Orange, put it to flight, then marched rapidly upon
the Pont St. Esprit, dispersed the vanguard of the Nimois, occupied the
castle, and having marched upon Avignon, expelled from it, on the 16th
of July, the Marseillaise army, which hastily recrossed the Durance.
Cartaux took possession of Aix on the 20th of August, attacked the camp
of the Federalists at Septimieux, stormed k, although it was entrenched
and defended by twenty large pieces of cannon, and entered Marseilles,
which was a prey to all the fury, of civil war.
"The sections Nos. 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, had declared for the Mountain.
They had summoned the muncipality to recognise the Convention. This
had been indignantly refused ; and arms had been taken up. The contest
was still raging, when the fugitives from the camp of Septimieux announced
the loss of the battle. At the same moment the Allobroges took posses
sion of the Porte d'Aix. The chiefs of the Federalists, alarmed, fled to
Toulon, accompanied by a thousand men.
" Intelligence of Cartaux's entry into Aix had been received at Toulon
on the 22d of August. On this news the sections no longer kept mea
sures ; they arrested and imprisoned in the fort of La Malgue the repre
sentatives of the people, Bayle and Beauvais, who were at Toulon on a
mission. The representatives, Freron, Barras, and General Lapoysse
escaped to Nice, the head quarters of the army of Italy. The authorities
of Toulon were all compromised; they had all taken part in the revolt;
the munci pal i ties, the director of the department, the intendant of the navy,
almost all the employes of the arsenal, the Vice-Admiral Trogoff, com
mander of the squadron, and a great many officers — they all felt equally
guilty ; and knowing with what enemies they had to do, saw no prospect
of safety but in treachery. They gave up the squadron, the port, the
arsenal, the town, and the forts, to the enemies of France. The squadron,
consisting of eighteen ships of the line, and several frigates, was moored
in the roads ; though betrayed by its admiral, it remained faithful, and
defended itself against the English and Spanish fleets ; but, abandoned by
the mainland, and threatened by the very batteries which ought to have
protected it, it at length yielded."

" The fall of the municipality on the 31st of May, of Danton, and of
Robespierre, brought on the termination of the revolutionary government.
From that time the Convention was successively governed by factions
unable to gain any lasting preponderance. Its principles varied every
month ; a frightful reaction afflicted the interior of the republic; the do
mains ceased to be sold, and the discredit of the assignats increased every
day in a disastrous proportion. The armies found themselves without
pay; requisitions and the maximum had alone maintained abundance
among their ranks ; even the bread of the soldiers was not secured. The
levying of recruits, the laws concerning which had been executed with
the greatest rigour under the revolutionary government, ceased ; the armies
continued to be successful, because they had never been more numerous ;
but they experienced daily diminutions, which there were no means of
repairing.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY" OF NAPOLEON. 35
" The party of the foreigner, which supported itself by the pretext of
the re-establishment of the Bourbons, daily gained fresh strength ; com
munications with foreign powers had become more easy ; the destruction
of the republic was openly plotted ; the revolution was grown old ; it had
favoured many interests ; a hand of iron had passed over individuals;
many crimes had been committed. These were now all eagerly dragged
to light for the purpose of exciting public animadversion against those
who had governed, administered, or participated in any way whatever in
the success of the revolution. Pichegru had sold himself; the proselytes
of the enemies of the republic were not, however, numerous in the army;
it remained faithful to the principles for which it had shed so much blood,
and gained so many victories. All parties were weary of the Conven
tion ; it was weary of itself: it saw, in short, that the safety of the coun
try and its own demanded the fulfilment of its mission without delay. It
decreed, on the 21st of June, 1795, the Constitution known as the Con
stitution of the year III., which confided the government to five persons,
under the name of a Directory, and the legislature to two councils, called
the Council of the Five Hundred and the Council of the Ancients. This
constitution was submitted to the acceptance of the people, collected in a
primary assembly.
" The Directory was mastered by its own weakness ; war was neces
sary to its existence, as peace is to that of any other government. It
feared the return of the armies; it leaned for support on the victories of
its generals, but it was jealous of their glory, and laboured to sow dis
sension among them. It never permitted them to grow old in their com
mand ; it recalled them on the slightest pretext, and always after a vic
tory. It was thus that it removed Championnet from his command, after
the conquest of Naples, and that the excellent general, Joubert, found his
dismissal at Turin, where he just rendered the republicans the service of
dethroning a king; and the expedition to Egypt was much more the
result of fear entertained of the negotiator of Campo Formio than that of
a policy, grand, glorious, and worthy of the nation.
" The Directory did not feel that it had friends ; it trembled before the
acclamations which every where welcomed the liberator of Italy. It was
this same system of jealousy which led it to avail itself of Moreau's letter
about the wagons of Klinglin, in order to spread the accusation of trea
chery against Pichegru, and embroil these two illustrious generals by
mutual calumniations, in order that there might be no rival to its own
superiority in the republic. The Directory followed the example of the
Greeks in ostracism ; let the slightest danger to itself occur, and it poured
its dismissals on Ihe interior administration, as well as on the army.
" On the 18th of Fructidor, and on the occasion of the elections of the
year VI., it evinced nought but a restless and blind egotism.
" The Directory was aware how greatly it was the interest of repujb-
lican France to surround itself with republics ; but it spoiled every thing
it touched, by the protection which it granted to the extortion and waste
fulness of its agents in these new republics. In fine, the system of the
Directory was, to rule at the expense of justice, of the constitution, and
of sound reason ; to sow division, in order to reign, to proscribe, to enrich
its creatures, and disturb Europe.
" The consular government repaired the faults of the Directory, and
healed all the wounds inflicted on the social body by the tempest of the
revolution.

36 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
" The empire had need of the aid of time, in order to make the French
the most prosperous of nations, and the title of a French citizen the best
right to the respect of men. The imperial throne had for its base popular
interest. The throne of the Bourbons, like all the old painted-up classes,
will only last so long as the people do not feel their own power. Such
edifices will always fall to pieces, because of the fault in their foundations;
and the time is not far off, when no royalty, except that of which popular
election is the principle, will be possible. I conquered kings, to the profit
of royalty, of common interest, and of nations : kings have conquered
me, to the profit of nations alone; they will repent of it sooner or later.
" The march from Cannes to Paris is unexampled in history ; it was
the unanimous impulse of a whole great people hastening to meet their
liberator. The charter is only a manner of reigning, like any other, and
so much the more convenient, as it implicitly places an unequalled power
in the hands of the sovereign, in order to impose on the nation charges
which no absolute king would dare or would be able to exact. Neither
Louis XVI. nor Napoleon, who are the examples of the most powerful
royal authority to which France was ever subjected, had had it in their
power to raise the budget of. the state to the enormous, sum which it
attained under the rule of the charter.
" In order that the legislative majorities should be the expression Of the
national will, it would be necessary that, instead of being composed of
men who enrich themselves by their squandering of the revenues and
offices of the state, they should be composed of men contributing to the
defraying of the charges in a proportion which should make the defence
of the general interest their, primary interest ; it would at least be neces
sary that the law of election should be one of the articles of the charter,
and that4his first step in the ladder of all constitutional systems should
thus he placed beyond the reach of the caprice or interest of a minister.
The charter^such as it was given by Louis XVIII. , is a simple emanation
of the royal authority ; it is a deception. But doubtless, France, con
quered by the Coalition of Europe, and seeing its capital delivered by
treachery into the hands of a Prussian general, was obliged to receive
with gratitude from the royal power a concession so important to its
liberties. " Had the reins of government fallen, in 1814, into the hands of a
Cardinal Richelieu, a Mazarin, a Necker, or a Vergennes, how impossible
would it have been for the feudal king to reign after the allied army. should
have quitted the French soil !
" The counter-revolution could only be effected under the protection of
foreign bayonets. The allied princes had no choice : if they wished to
secure the stability of the government which they left in France, it was
necessary either at once to bring about the counter-revolution, or to ac
knowledge Napoleon II. The republic would also have had chances of
duration, if it had possessed as a basis, the unity of the executive power;
for any other republican combination is by its nature ephemeral and con
vulsive, unless it is the tyranny of a powerful aristocracy, like that of
Venice. " The position of Louis XVIII., on re-entering Paris, might in same
measure be compared to that of Henry IV. This prince abjured his reli
gion, in order to attain his crown ; and when Sully and the chiefs of the
Huguenots were deliberating at Beauvais* as to what was the best to be

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

37

done, he said to them, ' There are but two courses from which to choose ;
— to abjure, or to destroy all the religious feelings of the masses by force
of arms, and mount to the throne over the corpses of the elite of the
nation.' He was right ; and Louis XVIII. ought, like him, to have ab
jured, and at once made himself king of La France Nouvelk, if he desired
to make Frenchmen forget the humiliation of his return among them, and
to secure them against the pretensions of the privileges which he brought
back in his train."

CHAPTER III.
. CONTINUED DISAGREEMENTS WITH SIR H. LOWE.
In the beginning of November, 1818, Sir Hudson Lowe communicated
to me a despatqh which he had received from Lord Bathurst, announcing
the departure from Italy of two priests, a physician, a maitre d'hotel, and
a cook, sent by Cardinal Fesch for the service of Longwood. This news
was received by us with lively joy, for the want of medical assistance
often caused us great uneasiness, on account of the Emperor's declining
state of health. So impossible was it to be deceived on this point, that
the Commissioners became alarmed, and lost no opportunity of testifying
their solicitude to us. Sir Hudson Lowe himself was uneasy; at least
he seemed to be so, by his urgency in insisting that one of the English
medical men then in the island should be, admitted at Longwood, although
at the same time he persisted in refusing to re-establish matters, in favour
of this admission, in the same stale in which Admiral Cockburn had left
them. Towards the end of December, the Emperor became worse. On the
1st of January, 1819, he could not quit his bedroom; the swelling of
his legs and joints prevented him from dressing. On the 6th of January,
he was taken ill while at work ; on the 10th, the Grand Marshal obtained
permission to send for Dr. Stokoe, of the' Conqueror;' on the 16th and
17th, fresh crises ; on the 17th, at nine o'clock in the evening, the Grand
Marshal wrote the following note to Dr. Stokoe : —
" Sir, — I expected you this evening ; it is nine o'clock, and you have
not arrived ; since you last saw the Emperor, his debility has constantly
increased ; he is more restless. I entreat you to come as soon as pos
sible. " I have the honour to be,
&c. &c. &c. " Bertrand."
On the 19th, Dr. Stokoe hot having come, as he had promised, the
Grand Marshal again wrote : —

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 39
" Sir, — You should have been at Longwood at ten o'clock ; it is now
noon. I beg you to come as soon as you receive this.
" I have the honour to be, &c. &c. &c.
" Bertrand.
" Longwood, January 19, 1819."
When the doctor arrived, he excused himself for his apparent negligence,
by informing us of the difficulties which he had experienced in obtaining
permission to quit the admiral's vessel ; and before leaving Longwood, he
wrote the following letter to the Grand Marshal : —
" Sir, — From what has happened to me to-day, I have great reason to
believe that my visits to Longwood will be suspended, either by an order
from my superiors, or by this duty being made so disagreeable to me, that
I shall find myself obliged to decline the honour of fulfilling it. In either
of these cases, as I shall have no opportunity, of communicating with you
on the subject, I request you to use all your efforts to persuade the illus
trious patient to pursue a treatment which will, I hope, combat with success
the danger which threatens him.
" Disease of the liver cannot, in any case, be neglected in a climate like
that of St. Helena ; and although the symptoms which have long been
manifesting themselves indicate a chronic state_of disease, it is impossible
to know whether a fatal change in the course of the disease may not in
stantaneously take place. The torpid state of the liver, and the frequent
oppression of the intestines, caused by the derangement of the digestive
organs, tend to affect the brain, a tendency which announced itself in an
alarming manner during Saturday night. I therefore earnestly entreat
you lo do everything in your power, in case I should not again be admitted
to the honour of giving my advice, to. obtain his consent to receive Dr.
Weeling. " I have the honour to be, &c. &c. &c.
" John Stokoe.
"Eleven o'clock, a. m., January 19, 1819."
The Emperor afterwards dictated to me the following note, which I
forwarded to Plantation House.
" It is necessary that Dr. Stokoe should remain at Longwood, if he is
to pursue the treatment which has been interrupted since the departure of
Mr. O'Meara, that is to say, during six months; which interruption has
greatly increased the disease of the liver, the first symptoms of which
appeared sixteen months ago. The whole system of life is deranged : it
is necessary for the doctor to see his patient several times a day.
"The attack which took place on the day before yesterday, was 'the
fifth which has occurred within six months ; they always come on at night.
Count Bertrand or Count Montholon has always been with the Emperor
during them, without any medical man ; but the attacks were never before
so serious as that which took place the other night, when for a moment
they despaired of his life. Count Bertrand offered to send for Dr. Weel
ing; the patient refused to permit it; the proposal alone altered his coun
tenance, and immediately increased the violence of the attack ; this
determined Count Bertrand to send for Dr. Stokoe, at two o'clock in the
morning ; he arrived at six : the orderly officer not being authorized to
write to the town, he was obliged to ask permission of the Governor to do

40 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
so, and this doubled the distance. The doctor arrived too late ; ' but happily
the strength of the patient's constitution had overcome the crisis. Thus
were verified the words contained in Count Montholon's letter to the
Governor of" the 25th of July last, when Dr. O'Meara had been torn away
from Longwood, but was still at James Town : ' That, even in the agonies
of death, he will receive no assistance, nor take any remedies, but from
the hands- of his own physician, and if he is deprived of him, he wilt
receive no one, and will consider himself assassinated by you.'
" When Dr. Stokoe arrived, he went to Bertrand : the latter proposed
to him to fill Dr. O'Meara's place, and presented to him the seven articles,
which have since been forwarded to the Governor. He accepted the offer,
and was then introduced fo the patient. The Governor could not prevent
this transaction, either directly or indirectly, without throwing off the
mask. "Thus the treatment of the disease, interrupted during six months, is
now again adjourned until the arrival of the French physician. The dis
ease of the liver will make still greater ravages during this period, and if
it should at length become incurable, who will have killed the Emperor?
What has occurred during the last six months gives reason to fear a crisis
every month, and if we send for Dr. Stokoe, he will arrive too late! If,
one day, he finds the patient dead, who will have killed him? The world
and history will answer loudly.
"Longwood, January 19,. 1819."
The orderly dragoon who had taken this letter to Plantation House,
brought it back to me, accompanied by the following note : —
" No communication relative to Napoleon Bonaparte can be received
unless it bears his signature, or that of one of his officers, who must in
this case clearly declare that he writes and signs by his order.
" When the paper herewith returned shall be thus signed, its contents
will receive a reply.
"Plantation House, January 19, 1819."
On the 20th of January, Dr. Stokoe wrote as follows to Sir Hudson
Lowe :
" Sir, — On my arrival at Longwood, whither I was summoned to bleed
Napoleon Bonaparte, Count Bertrand appeared to me to be greatly agitated,
and asked me the cause of my long absence. I replied, that you had not
received the communication from Longwood (on receiving which alone you
could give me a passport) until the afternoon.
" I found the patient in a state of fever, with considerable heat of the
skin, and an aggravation of headache. His bowels bad not been relieved
for twenty-four hours ; and fearing an attack similar to that of Saturday
evening, I advised the letting of blood, and an active purgative, to both
which, however, he testified an equal and great repugnance, and probably
wished to try the effect of chance. Towards three o'clock in the morning,
I was summoned to accompany Count Bertrand to the patient's apartment.
I found none of the symptoms dissipated, and therefore strongly urged
bleeding, to which he consented, and experienced immediate relief. He
also took a strong dose of Cheltenham salts.
" I took this opportunity to examine the region of the liver, and am now

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OP NAPOLEON. 41
completely convinced of the organic disease of this region, having become
perfectly aware of its state of hardness. I have consequently recom
mended a course of mercury, in addition to the other remedies which may
be judged necessary on account of the patient's constitution.
" I have the honour to be, &c. &c. &c.
" John Stokoe.
" Longwood, January 20, 1819."
The next day Dr. Stokoe again wrote as follows :
" Sir, — About an hour after my arrival at Longwood, I saw Napoleon
Bonaparte ; the fever is abated, but he complains of pain in the side. The
purgative produced violent colic. I have seen him again this morning ;
the colic has discontinued, but the pain in the side remains. I recom
mended a warm bath, which was taken immediately, and in which he still
was when I left Longwood.
" I plainly perceived it to be necessary that he should immediately
commence a mercurial treatment, and told him, that under this conviction
I should propose pills, and would send them to him on my return to the
town, with instructions for taking them, in case I should not be able to
continue my visits at Longwood, under the circumstances in which I am
placed, and which fact I had explained to you, requesting you to inform
Count Bertrand of it. He replied, that he would take no medicine except
from the hands of his own physician. " I have the honour to be, &c. &c. &c.
" John Stokoe.
('January 21, 1819."
" P. S. — I request you to take into consideration that, my responsibility
and my honour being equally compromised, I cannot take upon myself
the charge of a patient of such importance and so seriously ill, in the
disagreeable situation in which I am placed ; not being free to attend to
him at any moment, or in case of a catastrophe ; it is in the apprehension
of such an event, and in order that my name may not be compromised in
the matter, that I demand, either to be appointed physician to Napoleon,
conformably to the conditions which have been submitted to you, or to
remain in my situation of surgeon of the ' Conqueror,' and to be freed
from the responsibility which weighs upon my name, and of which I fore
see the alarming consequences. " John Stokoe."
Dr. Stokoe came no more to Longwood, and the Emperor received no
further medical assistance. A strict diet, milk of almonds, and baths,
arrested the progress of the disease ; but the Emperor never quitted his
chamber ; and for six weeks no Englishman had caught sight of him, when,
on the 20th of March, Sir Hudson Lowe came to me and said, " Sir, I
have just learned with regret that complaints were being made concerning
the provisions. I have testified my great disapprobation to the orderly
officer ; he is certainly very much to blame, since he has the strictest
orders to see that this service is performed with the greatest exactness. I
have always taken the greatest care, in order to prevent cause for com
plaint being given, and that everything should be provided of the best
quality which this country can furnish. I know what care Count Bertrand
vol. in. 4

42 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
takes to get all the complaints he can think of published jn the papers. It
is very hard that I, who take so much care to avoid doing what is dis
agreeable, should constantly be the victim of calumnies; as for example,
that when I pay every attention and regard to the Emperor's feelings, I
should be presented as an object of ridicule to the eyes of the European
powers ; and that the commissioners of the great powers should say to me
themselves that they have been obliged to write to their courts, that Count
Bertrand had declared to them that I was a fool ; that notwithstanding I
gave occasion to so many complaints from the whole of Europe, I could
not be sure that the Emperor was at Longwood ; that I had been forty
days without seeing him, and that he might be dead, and even putrefied,
and I should know nothing of it. I have long known of this conversation,
but I have never said- anything about it ; to-day, however, I have the per
mission of the person who told it to me to cite it, and I am ready to prove
to Count Bertrand that he used these expressions. You will allow, Sir,
that when my reiterated instructions are positive to the effect that the orderly
officer should see Napoleon twice a day, and when I am blamed for not
fulfilling my duty in this point, it is my duty now to exact that the orders
of my government shall be obeyed.
x" The newspapers, and particularly the Edinburgh Review, are full of
articles which represent me as an assassin. I have no longer any deli
cacies to respect; I have only to enforce the orders of my government. I
forwarded to you the communications of my government on this point ;
I awaited the commands of Napoleon, in order to give any explanations
which might be desired ; but in the meantime, it is necessary that the
orderly.officef should see him every day : let this be accomplished in what
ever way Napoleon may please ; all I ask is that he may see him. It is
.quite impossible for me to allow any vessel to leave St. Helena without
accounts of the orderly officer having seen him ; there is one now awaiting
the report of the orderly officer, before sailing." When he ceased speak
ing, I answered, after a moment's silence : " Count Bertrand and myself
have both informed you, sir, that you should never violate the Emperor's
privacy, without forcing his doors and shedding blood."
On the 21st of March, 1819, the orderly officer brought a sealed packet,
with the superscription —
"For Napoleon Bonaparte."
On the 25th, another packet, with the same superscription, was brought
to me by the orderly officer ; and finally, on the 28th, Major Gorriquer
delivered to me the following memorandum, addressed to me, without date
or signature', but in Sir H. Lowe's handwriting : —
" If the proposals contained in the first letter, in which the Governor
declared that he was ready to give any explanations which might be asked
of him, are agreed to, it is not necessary to deliver the second letter, which
in this case the Governor consents to have returned to him ; but if the first
proposals are not accepted, the second note is to be considered as commu
nicated, and the rules which it establishes are in future to be conformed to."
On the 1st of April, the Emperor dictated to me a reply to these three
communications : —

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 43
" Longwood, April 1, 1819.
Sir, — I received a packet from you, which the orderly officer delivered
to me on the 21st of March ; my first movement was to open it, believing
that it was addressed to me, and it was only on reading it that I became
awar'e of my error. On the 25th of March, the orderly officer brought
me another packet; I was at that time without the use of my limbs: Dr.
Weeling had just applied blisters. I begged Capt. Nichols to take this.
letter to Count Bertrand, as I was quite unable to quit my bed, or attend
to business of any kind. In the' middle of the night, without having any
regard for the violent fever and great pain under which I was labouring,
he came back, violated the privacy of my house, declared that he was for
bidden to communicate with Count Bertrand, and left the letter on my
night-table. On the 28th, Mr. Gorriquer, your aide-de-camp, came twice
to my apartment, accompanied by the orderly officer ; they found me in
bed, and suffering much. I begged them to take the letter, which still lay
in the same place, to Count Bertrand, declaring to them that I was not in
a condition to occupy myself with any business; that I had taken medicine,
and that my situation required repose. They refused.
" My gouty affection having, during these two days, diminished in vio
lence, and settle^ in the knees, I profit by this interval of relief to lay be
fore you my complaints of the persecution of which I have been made the
object, and of the great want of respect shown to my apartments by the
orderly officer, by day or night, notwithstanding my suffering condition.
" To-day, at eleven o'clock, I dragged myself to the Emperor's room ;
I found him in bed, and suffering a great deal. He refused to take any
notice of the two letters, as they were not addressed in the form which
has been in use during the last four years.
i(\ have the honour to return them to you. if you desire that I should
translate them, in order that the Emperor may take notice of their con
tents, as soon as his health shall permit, I request you to send me their
contents, expressed in the forms which have been for four years in use.
" The Emperor is more than ever in need of a medical attendant. I
have urged him strongly on the subject. I have assured him, lstly, that
he might select one from the officers of health now in this island, in con
sequence of Lord Bathurst's letter of the 18th of May. To this he ob
jected, that notwithstanding this, in the month of January previous, the
attendance of Dr. Stokoe, whom he had selected, had been refused, on the
ground that this gentleman's services were necessary to the navy,, and that
a week afterwards he had been despatched to England. I persisted in my
opinion, and assured him, 2dly, that the physician whom he should choose
would be considered as the person mentioned in the decree of your govern
ment of the 15th of August. 3dly, That he would receive assurances
that this physician should remain with him at least as long as his illness
lasted, and that the physician would be considered as his own. 4thly,
That this physician would not be obliged to render an account of the Em
peror's health to any one whatever. 5thly, That he would be authorized
to draw up, every week, or more frequently if it were necessary, a bulle
tin, the original of which would remain in our hands. 6thly, That he
would be free to communicate at any moment, verbally or in writing, by
day or night, with the French inhabitants of Longwood. 7thly. That he
would inve a promise not to render an account to any person whatever of
the conversations which he might hear at Longwood,— a reservation being

44 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
ade, on all these points, of his oath of allegiance to his country and his

m

sovereign. .
" As soon therefore, sir, as you shall have communicated to me your
approbation of these seven articles, he will immediately select a physician.
It is to be desired that medical skill may be in time to arrest the progress
of the disease, which has been increasing in violence during the spa'ce of
sixteen months ; at all events it will, I hope, afford great relief.
" I have the honour to be, Sir,
" Your most humble and obedient servant,
" General Count Montholon."
On this same day, Sir Thomas Reade sent me back my despatch, ac
companied by the following note : —
" Sir, — I am charged by the Governor to return to you the enclosed
papers. You are perfectly aware that he can receive no. letter in which
you make use of the title of Emperor.
" The enclosed despatches of the Governor having been expressed in an
admitted form, give to. Napoleon Bonaparte full liberty to select from among
the medical men on this island the one who may suit him, under the sim
ple conditions prescribed to the Governor by Lord Bathupt's letter of the
16th of February, 1818, which contain the only rules which he can obey
on this point.
" The orderly officer will be questioned concerning the circumstances
under which he delivered the Governor's second despatch to you.
"The proposals contained in the despatch of the 21st of March, which
have been, as you told Major Gorriquer, already translated and communi
cated to Napoleon Bonaparte, not having been accepted, the Governor
charges me to declare, that he must necessarily consider the rules pre
scribed by the despatch of the 25th of March, of the contents of which
Major Gorriquer has informed you, as having full and entire force of exe
cution, except the first seven propositions should be acceded to.
" I have the honour to be, &c. &c,
" Reade,
" Lieut.-Col. Dep. Adjutant-General.
"April 1,1819."
Next day, April 2d, at seven in the morning, I wrote to the Governor
the following letter, which the Emperor had dictated to me during the
night : — " Longwood, April 2, 1819.
" Sir, — As you return my letters, I have the honour to return yours.
" I have the honour to be, Sir,
" Your most humble and obedient servant,
. (Signed) « Count Montholon.
" N. B. List of papers enclosed : —
" 1. Sir Thomas Reade's letter of the 1st of April.
"2. That of Lieut. Colonel Wynyard, of the 2d of April, with the copy
of the letter written by O'Meara to Lord Keith.
"3. Another from Colonel Wynyard, returning to me mine of the 2d
of April, in the morning."

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 45
On the 3d of April I again wrote to Sir Hudson Lowe, by order of the
Emperor, as follows : — " Longwood, April 3, 1819.
"Sir, — I returned to you Sir Thomas Reade's letter, dated April 1st,
and your other letters, — lstly, because you returned me mine; 2dly, be
cause the Emperor never has taken, nor will take notice of or reply to,
letters not signed with your own hand. You have again sent them back
to me; I have placed them along wilh the two letters which you trans
mitted to me on the 21st and 25th of March, of which the Emperor would
take no notice, considering himself affronted by the superscription, and
the form in which they were expressed being contrary to that established
during a period of four years. I consequently returned them to you, and
I have since laid them by. All these communications must, then, be looked
upon as not delivered : these letters have been put aside, and are at your
disposal. Any other packets or letters which you may send, and which
do not conform to the usages so long established, will experience the same
fate ; the Emperor will never take notice of them : you will never receive re-
replies to them ; they will be considered as not delivered. Spare yourself,
then, the trouble of writing them ; for the purpose of writing letters is to
have them read, and to receive answers ; and, as regards the Emperor, all
letters wanting in the proper form are written in Chinese. I am again ill.
Dr. Weeling has ordered me to keep quiet, and not to leave my bed ; ad
dress yourself to Count Bertrand. It is not just that I should bear the whole
weight of this singular correspondence; besides, my health does not allow
of it. Whatever may be addressed to me during my relapse, I will not
open ; it agitates me too much, and retards my recovery.
" I have the honour to be, Sir,
" Your most humble and obedient servant,
(Signed) ," General Count Montholon."
On the 4th of April, the Governor again wrote to me. On the 8th, I
replied as follows, by order of the Emperor : — " Longwood, April 8th, 1819.
" Sir, — I have received your letter of the 4th, to which was joined my
last letter, which you returned to me ; allow me to imitate your proceed
ing, and return yours. It is impossible to pretend to write to a person,
and at the same' time refuse to receive his answers. • Since the time of our
arrival in St. Helena, Count Bertrand and myself together have written to
you eighty letters, all containing the title ' Emperor Napoleon ;' you have
replied to them all, using, however, it is true, the name ' Napoleon Bona
parte,' which fact I concealed from him, in translating them: this is an
arrangement which has become a custom, from which I will never depart.
"I informed you in my letter of the 17th of November last, that if it
is easy to kill the Emperor, it is impossible to take from him his sacred
character, indelibly imprinted on his person; you may -think yourself
authorized by your position to insult him, but. I will never permit myself
such baseness.
" You consider yourself offended by Count Bertrand; from that moment
you have no right to judge of his conduct ; you are a party, and cannot
possess the sang-froid necessary in order to be a judge. I do not know
whether Count Bertrand wrote the letter to Count Las Cases, which has

46 HISTORY OF the captivity of napoleon.
been printed in the ' Morning Chronicle ;' but what I do know, and can
tell you, is, that when I translated it to the Emperor, he found it perfectly
accurate in all things, although expressing but feebly the conduct which
you pursue towards him, in order to shorten his days. Those who printed
that letter were wrong in naming individuals under your authority ; -they
have thus compromised them : you have perhaps taken advantage of this,
and have obliged them to sign letters which you dictated.
" In your letter of the 27th of July, 1817, relative to the set of chess
men offered by Mr. Elphinstone, you glory in professing your principles.
You several times remark that books and newspapers might be concealed
in bundles of foul linen; and, in fact, for a long time, the orderly officer
Blackney's lodging was encumbered during several days of every week
with this linen, much to the disgust of this brave officer and of all those
who entered his rooms. Permit me, sir, to cite to you another trait of
what is done and practised in this island. A lady is in a dying condition:
Drs. Weeling and Livingstone declared in proper, terms, on the 1st of
April, in a special consultation, that it was necessary for her immediately
to quit St. Helena, because she was attacked by the disease of the liverr
endemic in this island ; that she had no chance of recovery, except from
the influence of the air of Europe. I immediately requested these physi
cians, addressing myself to Mr. Livingstone, to give me their opipion in
writing ; they consented to do so, but afterwards retracted their consent ;
alleging that a conclusion would be drawn from this, that the Emperor
Napoleon being attacked by the same disease, a change of climate was
necessary for him. But can you, then, pretend to deny that disease of
the liver is endemic in this country 1 that individuals who are attacked by
it ought to have a change of air, and^to breathe that of northern climates?
Is there one medical man among. those who are, or have been here, who
dares to lie to his conscience, and deny that disease of the liver and in
flammation of the bowels are diseases endemic in the island of St. Hele
na? Have not sailors and soldiers, attacked by hepatitis, been sent to
Europe ? Do not even Creoles, who have never before quitted the island,
receive advice from the physicians, when attacked by this disease, to go
and seek recovery in England ? What influence can the circumstance of
the Countess Montholon's illness then have ? what motive can you have
for opposing, either directly or indirectly, the giving of the physicians'
opinion in writing? — a thing necessary to her satisfaction and to her ho
nour; for the more horrible our sojourn in this island has become, through
the treatment we receive from you, the more strongly does honour com
mand us to withdraw ourselves from such treatment only by a recognised
necessity. " It now remains for me, sir, to beg you to adopt one of the two follow
ing courses : either to conform in your correspondence to the forms so
long in use, or to write no more to me ; for I cannot receive letters with
out having liberty to answer them ; and a soldier and a gentleman should
not endure the affront of seeing all his letters returned to him. Put an
end, then, to scenes little worthy of the rank you occupy, or of my cha
racter. If you have any official or personal communications to make to
me, make them in the terms which have been in established use for four
years ; do not make use of the intervention of your officers. With a
stranger in the island, a French general officer, belonging, in his own
country, to a distinguished family, it is against all rules of politeness not
to communicate directly; and when these communications refer to the

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY' OF NAPOLEON. 47
Emperor Napoleon, this incivility, becomes a madness, which is in itself
sufficient to characterize your administration in the eyes of Europe.
" I have the honour to be, Sir,
" Your most humble and obedient servant,
(Signed) " General Count Montholon.
" P. S. I have laid aside, and still hold at your disposal, your letters
of the 21st and 25th of March, with their seals unbroken, as well as the
three letters written to me by your officers, regarding them as not having
been delivered.
" The Emperor is still without a medical attendant ; a state of things
which, under one pretext or another, has continued during a period often
months. Mr. Ricketts, member of the general council of the Indies, and
a relation of Lord Liverpool, to whom my letter of the 1st of April was
communicated, could not comprehend your motives for preventing the
medical man from being selected by the Emperor Napoleon, or from
giving those guarantees which he requires, and which are such as every
gentleman exacts, nor the reasons which induce you to refuse to consider
this physician as fulfilling a civil function ; this being necessary for his
enjoyment of that independence which he needs, in order to fulfil this
pious ministry, against which the present is the first public attempt that
has ever been made since civilized nations have existed.
" You sent us, a month ago, a collection of the ' Morning Chronicle,'
published during the last week of August, the months of September, Oc
tober, November, and up to the 24th of December; but seven numbers
are wanting.
" It appears that the ' Courier,' a semi-official newspaper, said that you
intercepted, in the month of September, 1818, a correspondence addressed
to us from Europe. Why not have communicated it to us ? As we
have no knowledge of this fact, I am charged to declare it false and ca
lumnious. " Newspapers published, during the latter end of December, and the
whole of January, arrived a fortnight ago : you have sent us none of
them. " You have in your possession cases of books, a collection of the
' Morning Chronicle,' and some ' Edinburgh Reviews' belonging to us ;
you have now kept them back for several months. ,
" You threaten us, both verbally and in writing l this is quite useless :
you may spare yourself the trouble. You misunderstand our characters;
nothing can ever make us deviate from the path of honour and duty.
" Montholon."
On the 11th, Lieutenant-Colonel Wynyard wrote to me. From that
day, up to the 18th of July, all correspondence relative to the Emperor,
between the Governor and ourselves, ceased ; but not so the entreaties and
threats used in order to manage that the orderly officer should be admitted
to make his daily visit.
It was one of these occasions which gave rise to a most violent scene,
which was terminated by the -following words escaping from the Grand
Marshal, in his indignation — "Begone, sir, begone! — or  " Two
hours afterwards, he wrote to Sir Hudson Lowe, declaring to him that he
was ready to give him satisfaction for this insult, and desiring him to in
dicate the hour and place for a meeting. ' Sir Hudson Lowe replied that

48 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
he could not fight with his prisoner, but that if Count Bertrand had not
patience to await another opportunity, he might satisfy his rage by fight
ing with Lieutenant-Colonel Lyster, the bearer of this reply, who was
perfectly ready to draw his sword.
Of course, Bertrand did not so far honour that officer, with whom he
was not even acquainted.
General Bertrand having, on the 17th of July, expressed to the orderly
officer his regret that Dr. Stokoe was not left at liberty by Sir H. Lowe to
bleed the Emperor, that officer received, on the 18th, the following letter,
which he communicated to us, and of which he gave us a copy, certified
by himself.
" Sir, — In reply to the verbal communication made to you yesterday
by Count Bertrand, I am charged by the Governor to inform you, that on
conferring with Rear-Admiral Plampin, concerning the continuance of
Dr. Stokoe's services at Longwood, the Admiral informed him that he
could not spare Dr. Stokoe's services in the squadron, nor release this
gentleman from the obedience which he owed to him as commander-in-
chief of the naval station, without the authority of the Lords of the Admi
ralty. " As regards the Governor, he desires to say that he has no objection
to Dr. Stokoe's being summoned to a consultation at Longwood, but that
he should wish Dr. Stokoe's visits only to take place in presence of the
established medical attendant there, and by following as much as possible.
his instructions on this point.
" The unsigned paper which you addressed to me is herewith returned
to you ; you will give it back to Count Bertrand on these grounds, — that
it contains mention of the title of ' Emperor,' that it has no signature, and
that the first part of the letter renders any deliberation on its contents use
less. " I have the honour to be,
&c. &c. " G. Gorriquer."
« St. Helena, July 18, 1819.
" (A correct copy.)
" Nicholls,
"Captain in the 66th."
On the 11th of August, the Grand Marshal wrote as follows to Sir H.
Lowe. " Sir, — Captain Nicholls having presented himself at my house, bear
ing a sealed letter addressed to Napoleon Bonaparte, which he desired that
I should convey to the Emperor, I replied to him, that he was confined to
bed, and suffering a great deal ; that he needed the assistance of a physi
cian, instead of things which only tended to irritate him, and which he had
declared that he considered as insults ; and that besides, he knew that the
Emperor had refused to agree to this mode -of correspondence; and that
during the four years which we have spent on this island there has been
an established protocol, from which this derogates. Count Montholon
protested against it, in his letter of the 11th of April: he there informs
you, m plain terms, that to write in this manner is to write in Chinese or

HISTORY OP THE CAPTIVITY OP* NAPOLEON. 49
in Hebrew ; and in fact, he returned to you all the letters which you ad
dressed to him under this form. As you again sent them back to him,
and caused them to be delivered by the captain by force, he kept them, in
order to withdraw himself from a vexatious contest ; but, as you know,
he took them to the Emperor, who threw them into the fire immediately
on learning the insult you intended him. For several months past, the
Emperor has heard not a word of all that you wished to have conveyed to
him. If the captain presents your letter to me for the third time, I will
receive it, but he has declared to me that it will have the same fate as the
others. Is not the Emperor's situation deplorable enough? Why wish
to aggravate it by raising difficulties which use had smoothed down ? One
of your officers applied to the Emperor's valet-de-chambre in order to be
admitted to see him, but his health does not permit him to see any one,
except a physician, either Mr. O'Meara, Dr. Stokoe, or any other physi
cian whom he may choose, under the same conditions as those accepted
by Dr. Stokoe ; without his acceptance of which, the Emperor could only
consider him as a police agent, and not as an officer of health.
"Count Montholon being seriously ill, if you wish to make any commu
nication to me, following the ordinary custom, I will take advantage of
some moment when the Emperor's health will allow of it, to communicate
them to him.
" When his disease affords him some respite, he is to be seen ; when he
is confined to bed, the most expedient means of causing him to be seen is
that proposed by your government, — to allow him to choose a physician
who should have no other charge but his medical duties, as he has chosen
Dr. Stokoe. " I have the honour to be, &c, &c, &c,
(Signed) " Count Bertrand."
These disputes were incessant. This letter having been returned, the
Emperor caused it to be sent back to Plantation House, in this post
script : —
"I will take no notice of the contents of this letter, any more than I
have'done of those of the two or three other similar ones which have been
forcibly brought to Count Montholon's apartments, in spite of all written
protests : — firstly, because I can have no direct correspondence ; secondly,
because the form of these letters is insulting ; thirdly, because all means
of replying are taken from us ; fourthly, because for the last four years
there has existed a rule from which I cannot depart.
" For a period of two years I have been afflicted with a chronic disease
of the liver, endemic in this country. For the last year I have had no
physician, because O'Meara and Stokoe have both been designedly re
moved from St. Helena ; for some days past I have been in a crisis —
abandoned, and without receiving any relief from medical skill. Yet, as
if this disease were not sufficiently hurtful in this climate and in the un
healthy situation of my residence, this moment is taken for redoubling the
mean proceedings, the insults, the outrages, the insinuations, perfidies,
and threats, in short, all modes of violence. What ! Peace has reigned
in Europe during four years, and the vengeance of England is not yet
satisfied ! What baseness !"
On the 16th, the Emperor signed a declaration, which the Grand Mar
shal transmitted to Captain Nicholls.

50 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
From this day until the 29th of August, Sir H. Lowe left us in peace,
and the Emperor resumed his habits of work ; but on the 29th, Sir Hud
son Lowe came to declare to me, that he had now given orders to the
orderly officer to present himself every day at the Emperor's door, and
to arrest, for the purpose of being immediately .sent on board ship, any one
whatever who should oppose his performance of his duty. The same day
I received from Sir Thomas Reade the following note and memorandum : —
" The undersigned, Lieutenant-General and Governor of the Island of
St. Helena, has the honour to inform Napoleon Bonaparte, that haying
received various reports from the orderly officer at Longwood, stating his
continued inability to obtain a daily view of the person of Napoleon Bona
parte ; and Napoleon Bonaparte, although said to be indisposed, having
refused to receiye the visits of Dr. Arnott, principal physician of the island
of St. Helena ; or of Dr. Weeling, established medical attendant at
Longwood ; or of any other English officer of health, who, in conformity
with the regulation established by Lord Bathurst's instructions of the 30th
of November, 1818, might give, every morning and evening, an assurance
that he is indisposed, and actually at Longwood ; the undersigned finds
himself under the painful but inevitable necessity of informing Napoleon
Bonaparte, that, conformably to the instructions contained in Lord
Bathurst's letter pf the 6th of October, 1818, he has granted to the orderly
officer permission to use such means as he may judge necessary to em
ploy, in order to remove any obstacle which may be opposed to his
obtaining daily access to a place where Napoleon Bonaparte may be seen.
" The orderly officer has also been authorized, in case of any opposition
which may be made to him, or of any resistance or attempt at resistance
shown to him on the part of any of the persons forming the suite of Na
poleon Bonaparte, in the execution of the duties above mentioned, to re
move immediately from Longwood the person or persons making this
opposition or offering resistance, and such person or persons will imme
diately bear the blame, and will be held responsible for all the conse
quences which may result from his or their actions.
" The undersigned having, moreover, observed, from the reports of the
orderly officer, that notwithstanding the respectful and delicate manner in
which he was enjoined to fulfil his duties, by the instructions addressed to
him on the 11th of August, 1819, of which he sent a copy, as well as
.some other pieces, to Napoleon Bonaparte on the 11th and 23d of August,
1819, he had found that the doors of Napoleon Bonaparte's residence were
closed against him, and had experienced, constantly, renewed difficulty in
obtaining communication with the persons of Napoleon Bonaparte's suite,
and causing him to be informed of his desire to be admitted ; he has in
structed the orderly officer, should he not on any day have seen Napoleon
Bonaparte before ten o'clock in the morning, to enter the hall or outer
apartment faf his residence, and proceed to the part of the house where he
is likely to find the suite ; and should he find no one who will carry a
message to Napoleon Bonaparte, informing him of his desire to be admitted
to his apartment, to act as he may judge fit, in order to procure for him
self means of admission, following in this matter, as far as possible, the
regulations established in the instructions transmitted to him on the 11th

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 51
of August,, 181 9,-and not haying recourse to any means of force, unless
he finds that he cannot otherwise succeed in being admitted.
(Signed) " H. Lowe,
" Lieutenant-General.
"Castle of James Town, August 29, 1819."
" Memorandum for the information of the persons belonging to the suite
of, or residing with Napoleon Bonaparte at Longwood.
" The orderly officer at Longwood having reported to the Governor the
absolute impossibility which he has experienced for several days past, of
obtaining a distinct view of the person of Napoleon Bonaparte ; seeing,
moreover, that no answer has yet been returned to the proposals commu
nicated to Napoleon Bonaparte on the 21st of the month of March, 1819,
with regard to admitltng the orderly officer to his presence, the Governor
finds himself reduced to the indispensable necessity, in consequence of the
instructions which he has received to this effect from the British govern
ment, of enjoining the orderly officer to take the proper and necessary
measures for enabling himself to be daily assured, by personal observa
tion, of the actual presence of Napoleon Bonaparte at Longwood.
"The Governor ordains at the same time that a declaration should be made
to the officers and other persons in the suite of, or residing with General
Bonaparte, and such declaration is consequently hereby made to all these
persons, that if any opposition is made, or even attempted, to the execution
of a measure fully justified in the case of a prisoner of war, in all circum
stances — and to what extent in the present case has been recognised, since
Napoleon Bonaparte refuses to admit the orderly officer to his presence,
or, if he is indisposed, to receive any English medical man, who would
give an assurance, morning and evening, that he is indisposed, and actu
ally at Longwood — those persons making this opposition will expose them
selves to all the risk and danger which may follow, as well as to all other
consequences which would result from such an act.
" By order of his Excellency the Governor,
(Signed) " Reade,
" Lieutenant-Colonel, pro tern.
" St. Helena, August 29, 1819."
On the 31st, I received orders from the Emperor to deliver the follow
ing declaration to the orderly officer, in case he should insist upon seeing
him-: and I gave it to him when he presented himself for the purpose Of
making his visit.
"You came three times the day before yesterday here, within two
hours, and yesterday three times, without my being able to understand
your aim. You wish to violate, as it seems, the privacy of the Emperor's
apartments, which have until now been respected, and which are' under
the protection of the law of nations, and of the strict decrees of your
government. 1 replied to you, that none but the Prince Regent, or the
Privy Council, could make legal restrictions ; that the Prince Regent and
the Privy Council have- been aware, these four years, that the Emperor's
choice between an ignominious treatment and death is by no means
doubtful ; they have decreed nothing, at least nothing which has been
communicated to us, which changes the state of things and the- customs
established during the last four years. Alone, ill, debarred from all com-

52 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
municalion with the universe, or even with the English officers and inha
bitants on this rock, he presents his throat to the poniards of his mur
derers ; they need seek for no pretext.
" I requested you to communicate to me the decrees made by the
Prince Regent, or emanating from the Privy Council, or even the instruc
tions, in virtue of which you have been acting since the 11th of this month.
You have, however, sent me no communication on the subject.
" I have already told, you that the Emperor acknowledged no orderly
officer. You have never spoken to him ; he has never seen you — neither
you, nor the officers who have preceded you in your post during the last
four years.
"The declaration of the 16th of August replies to everything; I subjoin
it again. Since that time, the condition of the Emperor's health has
become rather worse than better ; he has more need than ever of the
assistance of his physician, whom he claims.
" All the steps which have been taken with regard to the domestics are
unworthy; and they are futile, because they are repulsed by our man
ners and our customs.
" I reiterate what I told you a fortnight ago, that the Emperor would
prefer the refuge of a tomb to suffering ignominious treatment; that he
can acknowledge no restrictions, even drawn up in the terms of your law,
if they do not emanate either from the Prince Regent or from the Privy
Council. He has sacrificed every thing, abandoned every thing, and
reduced himself to the most miserable life, in order to satisfy the hatred of
his enemies. If their vengeance is not yet disarmed, let them strike him
down at a single "blow ; it will be a benefit, since it will put a termina
tion to the agony which has lasted since the 11th of August, and in which
pleasure seems to be taken in holding him under the knife."
On the 4th of September, Sir H. Lowe came to me and said, that he
had not executed his instructions, and had still left me with the Emperor,
in order to give him a last testimony of respect, knowing how necessary
my services were to him ; but that I had incurred, by my verbal as well
as by my written answers, the punishment of being sent to the Cape of
Good Hope, there to await the ulterior orders of his Government ; that I
should therefore keep this in mind. The discussion between us was
warm, but devoid of injurious expressions ; and the Governor finished by
telling me, that he would leave us in peace if I would give him my word
of honour that the Emperor was at Longwood. I did so ; — and this state
of things was still in continuance on the 21st of September, when the
priests and Dr. Antommarchi arrived.
A conversation with the Russian commissary determined the Emperor
to dictate the following note to me.
" Montholon will say to Count Balmain : — 1st, that the occupation of
the Duchy of Oldenburg was not done by my orders, that it was an idea
of Prince Eckmuhl's, who was by nature a man of policy and vigour, and
who, knowing that Oldenburg was the depot of English merchandise, and
the place from whence it overflowed the whole of Germany, notwithstand
ing its duties and its 80,000 soldiers, thought to please me by forcing me
to this conduct, because, not wishing to encourage demoralization, I had
replied to him, that I would consent to the occupation of the coast of Old-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 53
enburg if it were proved to me that this measure was indispensable ;
although I was averse to it, because the Grand Duchess was of the impe
rial blood of Russia. Davoust, who persuaded himself that the crown of
Poland would one day be his recompense, because I had given h'im an
income of 200,000 francs in Poland, thought that he should both serve
his ambition and please me, by taking upon himself to close the inlet of
Oldenburg to English merchandise. I greatly disapproved of his plan ;
and was about to order him to evacuate that country, when I was stopped
in my purpose by the menacing tone of the note despatched to me on this
occasion by the cabinet of St. Petersburg.
" Romanzoff was dominant in the Emperor's council's ; he said, in a
high tone, that, for me to sacrifice would be too great to preserve peace ;
that the affairs of Spain made this a necessity to me : he demanded Dantzic
from me as a Russian port, or as a town open to Russian commerce, as
an indemnity for the occupation of the coast of Oldenburg. This note
showed an evident wish on the part of the Russian cabinet to interrupt all
relations of good understanding. The moment the honour of France
became implicated, I could no longer disapprove of Marshal Davoust's
proceedings, although I was very unwilling to. approve them.
" If the intervention of Russia had been that of a friendly cabinet, I
would have given her complete satisfaction. Of what consequence was it,
after all, to me, that some English merchandise should enter by Olden
burg, when it was so easy for me to seize it on its leaving that small pro
vince ? and then, did I not myself bring English merchandise into France
by means of license ?
" As regards the second question, Montholon will reply :
"That I proved to the Emperor Alexander my repugnance to make war
against him, and the sincerity of the fraternal faith which we had sworn
to each other at Erfurt, when I sent my aide-de-camp Narbonne to him,
again to offer him a friendly hand, and to propose an interview which
should re-establish harmony between us : it was not my fault if he would
neither receive Lauriston nor Narbonne.
" It is true, that after having passed the Niemen at the head of 400,000
men, I said, 'It is too late; the glove has been thrown down and taken
up.' But from the moment when I received and listened to the Emperor's
messenger, peace was still possible, and it would have been re-established
without a drop of blood being spilled, if the Emperor Alexander had
frankly wished it, or rather if he could have wished it in opposition to the
will of his Boyards, who desired war at any pricey because they were
ruiued by the continental system, and were determined, cost what it might,
to sell their tallow, hemp, and copper, to England.
"To sum up, I made war against Russia in spite of myself. I knew,
better than the libellers who reproach me with it, that Spain was a devour
ing cancer, which I ought to cure before engaging myself in a terrible
struggle, the first blow of which would be struck' at a distance of five
hundred leagues from my frontiers. Poland and its resources were but
poetry in the first months of the year 1812. The Emperor Alexander
knows this quite as well as I do.
" Doubtless, I reckoned on the good faith of the Emperor of Austria.
Family ties have always seemed sacred to me,and even yet I cannot
bring myself to believe that they may be broken without dishonour, and
without being wanting to what is most sacred to man ; but I only reck
oned upon Prussia in so far as 1 should be victorious ; and certainly I was

54 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
riot so mad as to think, like Charles XII., that I could conquer Russia
without immense efforts. I knew the bravery of the Russian army : the
war of 1807 had proved it to me ; and moreover, there was nothing to be
hoped for from the influence of French ideas on this half-civilized popula
tion. I could not forget that when I spoke of liberty to the Polish serfs,
they replied : ' Yes, we are very willing to have it, but who will feed,
lodge, and clothe us?' I love the Polish soldier, but I love France above
every thing else; and I should not have made war against Russia solely
for the purpose of forwarding the interests of the Polish nobility, and of
making a Poniatowski king of Poland. Poland is the necessary and natu
ral barrier of central Europe against Russia. The re-establishment of the
kingdom of Poland, with Galicia and the coast of the Baltic — this was to
be, in my thoughts, the work of my diplomacy. The Emperor must
remember that this was the subjeot of our conversations nt Erfurt, and
that he then offered to exchange his Polish provinces for Constantinople.
Under this arrangement, Syria and Egypt would have supplied to France
the loss of her colonies. Constantinople, which in the year 1811 was an
enormous difficulty, is now scarcely to be called one.
" I should have been mad, if I had made the war of 1812 for the pur
pose of effecting a thing which I could have effected by means of amicable
negotiations. " I repeat that I did not wish for war, and think I have proved this.
*' Answer to the third question :
" I frankly desired to marry the Grand Duchess. If Count Balmain
speaks truth, both the Emperor Alexander's feelings and mine were
unworthily deceived in this affair. It is true that I consulted my privy
council, but this only took place in order to save the appearance of the
ilr-w,ill of Russia, which was already becoming the object of conversation
in Ihe diplomatic salons of Paris, and not until I had nearly lost all hope,
of this marriage, which my friendship for the Emperor Alexander and my
policy equally advised, and which I greatly desired.
" In conclusion, if the Emperor Alexander freely acknowledges that the
reign of the Bourbons is a forced state of affairs, and that my dynasty is
the true guarantee of the royal interest, as well as that of the people, I
will gratefully accept the hospitality which he offers me, and his inter
vention for the purpose of putting an end to the martyrdom which I am
enduring on this rock."
This communication suggested to the Emperor a desire to collect his
different dictations on the negotiations of his reign. He wished to com
pile a work from them, which should be entitled "Policy of Napoleon, as
General, as First Consul, and as Emperor." The first book comprehends
his negotiations as General ; it is entirely completed. The second was
intended to contain his negotiations as Head of the Government ; it is but
sketched out, and is divided into two chapters : the first, the period of as
cendant ; the second of reverse.

CHAPTER IV.
RECOLLECTIONS.
The latter part of the year 1819 was calm ; no events of importance
broke in on the monotony of our position. It was a great consolation to
us to see that the Emperor's health derived benefit from the little exercise
of working in a small garden which he had made near his windows.
Besides, as the orderly officer had several opportunities daily of seeing
the Emperor, the fantastic terrors of Sir H. Lowe were calmed, and we
never heard him spoken of, except with reference to his correspondence
with Dr. Antommarchi, who had several quarrels with the sentinels on
account of his persisting in re-entering the enclosure at Longwood at
night, after the placing of the sentinels at sunset.
On the 31st of December I received from Sir H. Lowe the following
letter and memorandum, relative to the change in the limits of the.enclo-
sure destined for our rides, and to the hour at which the night-sentinels
were placed on guard. " Plantation House, December 31st, 1819.
" Sir, — Although I have not been honoured with a reply to the propo
sals communicated in my note of the 25th of March last, yet with the
aim of persuading him to take exercise on horseback, and of consulting
the convenience of the persons belonging to his suite at Longwood, I have
taken upon myself, in the hope of its being approved by my government,
to make such additions to the circuit already granted for the purpose of
rides or other exercise without being accompanied by an English officer,
and without being exposed to the intervention of any military posts, as
are explained in the annexed memorandum, which I beg you to be so kind
as to deliver, and make known to the suite.
" I beg you, sir, to transmit at the same time an assurance that now, as
ever, I am ready to give effect to the proposals communicated in my note
of the 21st of March last, the moment I am informed that they are
agreed to. " I have the honour to be,
. &c, &c, &c,
" Your most humble and obedient servant,
" H. Lowe.
" To Lieutenant-General Count Montholon."

56 HISTORY OP THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

MEMORANDUM.
" The limits to the west of the alarm-post and of Hut's Gate will be
for the future established during the daytime as follows : —
" From the alarm-post, by the road which traverses Peak Hill and
Francis Plain, as far as Red Hill ; from thence by Merriman's Hill, and
the field of the church to Baker's Branch,— the hills of Sandy Bay, and
the return by the road which crosses Hilch's Ridge to Hut's Gate.
" The limits will be closed in the evening at the same hour as hitherto.
In case any one may accidentally "happen not to have returned before
the hour at which the sentinels are placed, the entry to Longwood will
be free on the side of the house and by the lodge, so that a person may
pass without being stopped, as long as there are any remains of daylight.
" H. Lowe,
" Lieutenant-General and Governor.
" St. Helena, December 31st, 1819."
The 1st of January, 1820, was a happy day. The Emperor received
my good wishes with an appearance of pleasure. His manner towards
us all was one of paternal kindness, and he assured us that it was long
since he had felt himself so well. The enlargement of "the limits made
him again wish to mount his horse, and Sir H. Lowe having, contrary to
his usual custom, replied favourably to some undecided questions con
cerning some points of the new limits, the Emperor took long rides ; among
others, one to the house of Sir William Doveton, on the other side of the
island, where he breakfasted.
Exercise on horseback was highly beneficial to the Emperor. With
health returned his recollections, his anecdotes, and that same night he
dictated to me, for the purpose of having them sent to London, the fol
lowing notes on Marshal Ney and Count Lavalette.
" Marshal Ney was perfectly loyal when he received his last orders from
the king, before setting out for his command ; but his fiery soul, which
made him le Irrave des braves, as for instance, when, with a handful of
men, he arrested the progress of a Russian army, which was pursuing
the scattered wrecks of our army even as far as the Niemen, could not
fail to be deeply impressed by the intoxicating enthusiasm of the popula
tion of Dauphine, of Lorraine, and of Burgundy, which was daily de
priving him of some of his best troops, for the national colous were being
hoisted on all sides, and waved before his eyes.
" Yet notwithstanding this, Ney, on the 13th of March, and when the
Emperor was already at Lyons, still resisted the impressions of his recol
lections, and of the national movement which was bringing back the Em-,
peror to Paris, expelling ignbminiously before him the King of the Emi-
, gres. " It was not until he received the following letter from the Emperor
that he yielded, and again placed himself under the banner of the empire.
" ' CousfN, — My major-general sends you the order of march ; I do
not doubt that the moment you heard of my arrival at Lyons, you again
raised the tri-color standards among your troops. Execute the orders of
Bertrand, and come and join me at Chalons. I will receive you as I did
the morning after the battle of Moscow.'

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OP NAPOLEON. 57
"The electric emotion was too strong for an organization like that of
Marshal Ney. There was neither reasoning nor calculation in his con-
duct; there was only the impossibility of resisting the national impulse of
the people and the army. *
" The conduct of Marshal Ney has been compared to that of Marshal
Turenne. Turenne acted from calculation, and moved by the. ambition
of ruling the councils of the regency, when, forgetting his oath to Anne
of Austria, and decjaring himself in favour of the opposite party, he
marched upon Paris. Ney did nothing similar to this. A child of the
revolution, he had risen through all the grades while fighting for it, during
a period of twenty-five years. The confidence of the king was an accident
in his career. The nation recalled him to their ranks ; he obeyed the
influence pf all the recollections of his. life and tjf his own glory ; he did
what all France did — again became a man of the revolution ; in short, he
obeyed the national impulse, to which Louis XVIII. himself yielded six
days afterwards. Thej.condemnation of Marshal Ney was a judicial as
sassination. Even had he been guilty, all Ihe great services which he had
rendered to his country ought to have protected him, and arrested the
hand of justice..
"France owes Marshal Ney a brilliant testimony of her sorrow and
gratitude. He saved, by his unequalled energy, 60,000 Frenchmen who,
had it not been for him, would never have recrossed the Niemen, Sooner
or later the nation will raise statues to him."

" The condemnation to death of Count Lavalette was not a sentence,
but an , act of criminal re-action. Lavalette only learned my resolution
to quit the Isle of Elba at the same time that he heard of my landing at
Cannes. It was Marshal Davoust and the Duke of Bassano who sent
the auditor Fleury de Chaboulon to me to inform me, as well by their
written report as by the verbal one of this auditor, of the state of public
opinion in France, and also of their personal opinion concerning the
chances afforded me by the faults of the princes and their adherents — a
combination quite unfavourable to my return, and whieh shortly after put
in movement, in the direction of Paris, several regiments of the military
divisions of the north and east.
"Lavalette knew nothing of all this; and although his sentiments towards
me were those of devoted friendship, he, mixed in no intrigue : every one
who has known him will render him this, justice. Honour, probity, and
integrity in all things formed the basis of his character. Intrigue was
repugnant to him; it was not even among his faculties; and he would have
made one of the most unskilful conspirators, if his evil star had engaged
him in any plot whatever. Lavalette, as my aide:de-camp in Italy and in
Egypt, fulfilled very important and very delicate missions, and always to
my satisfaction — especially when I sent him to Paris, about the time of
the 18th of Fructidor, to study public opinion, and to send me regular
information of the intrigues which were preparing on that day.
"These are the circumstances which procured him the confidential situa
tion of postmaster-general, when I was obliged to remove from it Mon
sieur Laforet, who had lent himself to an intrigue, by submitting to me
false letters, which he pretended had been intercepted by the secret police,
VOL. III. 5

58 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
and which represented the chateau of Monsieur de la Rocliefoucault as a
central point of various schemes against my government.
" Accident discovered the truth to me, while I was, conversing with
Madame de Montmorency in Josephine's boudoir.
"One of this lady's near relations was, according to these letters, the
most active agent of a plot, and had just arrived from England. AH
this was a perfect romance : this individual had' never quitted England,
but was quietly awaiting there the result of the steps which he had corn-
missioned Madame de Montmorency to take, in order to induce me to
cross out his name from the list, and permit him to come and die among
his own people. This petition was the aim of Madame de Montmorency's
visit, and of her conversation with me. I granted her request ; and on
leaving her sent for Monsieur Laforet. ¦ He agreed that all she had said -
was- true, and sought to excuse himself, on his conviction, by saying that
he had been drawn into error by his devotion to my person. It was Tal
leyrand, the one among my ministers who perhalps stood highest in my
confidence, who had given Laforet these letters, to be placed among those
intercepted for public security.
" These circumstances proved to me that the first qualities of a post
master-general should be the severest morality and probity. The remem
brance of Lavalette recurred to my mind ; I immediately appointed him
to the situation. He fulfilled the duties' of this office during my reign,
without ever making bad use of or betraying a family secret. The black
cabinet was an institution of the monarchy ; the republic had retained it ;
many people considered it a necessity. I did not abolish it, but I never
acknowledged its absolute necessity. In one case only did the violation
of the secrecy of letters put me on the track of a political intrigue. Im
portant revelations gtenerally came .to me either through, confession, or
sometimes through the police — often, too, through persons who had the
entree io my levees, and whom their social position placed in daily inter
course with the secret partisans of the house of Bourbon. As I attached
great value to a knowledge of public opinion, ( for it is the thermometer
which a sovereign should constantly consult,) I commissioned Lavalette to
perform the part of intermediary between myself and about a dozen per
sons, chosen from among'the most distinguished individuals of the most
opposite parties : the most enthusiastic republicans, the Girondins, the
constitutionalists, the emigres, and even men of Conde's army ; persons
of note among the royalists, and celebrated women — Mesdames de G — — ,
de S  , de B-  , Messieurs de G  , de L  , and de O  ,
had also accepted the charge of writing to me or to Duroc at' least once a
month, making their remarks on the progress of public opinion, and of the
effect produced on it by the acts of my government. Each of these mys
terious observers received a thousand francs from Lavalette, in exchange
for fhe letter which he brought or sent to him to be transmitted to me.
" Lavalette religiously kept the secret of their names, and there is a rare
merit in this conduct, for two of them are among the number of those
movers of the re-action who demanded his head."

A shelter from the disagreeable trade- winds, and a little shade from the
sun, were two things the want of which, in our small degree of comfort at
Longwood, was incessantly felt. The Emperor took up the idea of erect-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF' NAPOLEON. 59
ing both one and the other in the small gardens, and he was the first to
set to work, giving us all the example of labour.
It was a picture worthy of being represented by the- most celebrated
artists, to see the conqueror of so many kingdoms, him who had dictated
laws to so many sovereigns, at dawn of day, with, his spade in his hand, a
broad straw hat on his head, and his feet clad in red' morocco slippers',
directing our labours, and those, assuredly more useful, of the Chinese gar
deners of the establishment. In a few days he succeeded in this manner
in raising two circular walls of tufts of bad grass, about eleven or twelve
feet high, on a diameter of twenty yards, on a line with his bedroom and
the library. Sir H. Lowe saw nothing at first in this but a shelter against
the trade- winds and did net oppose our proceedings ; but when he learned
that the'pafing of the garden in front of the library had been taken down,
and removed within a few hours to a distance of twenty feet beyond
the graps wall, and thus put the round of the night sentinels twenty yards
further off, he came to me and informed me that he must forbid our doing
the same thing with regard to the payings of the other garden, this remo
val of the sentinels not being consistent, he said, with safety during the
night; adding, that he was giving a high testimony of respect in not
causing the palings, which we had already removed, to be put back in
their former places.
" The walls being finished, the Emperor had twenty-four large trees pur
chased, and caused them to be planted with two yards square of earth
round their roots. The artillery company undertook the charge of trans
porting them to Longwood, with the help of several hundred Chinese.
The Emperor himself directed the planting of them in two rows, like
an avenue in front of the library windows. Of the twenty-four trees thus
transplanted, but one was dead when we quitted St. Helena.
In this manner he created for himself a possibility of taking air and a
little' exercise at any hour of the day or night without being annoyed by
the sun, or the presence of his gaolers. The library garden was shut in to
the height of the steps of the topographic cabinet, or billiard cabinet as
it was called, by a semi-circular construction of tufts of grass made in
steps, each range of steps being planted with rose-trees. In this con
struction was a space six feet wide, which, being made with a double row
in the centre, formed a cabinet with grassy seats. A wooden trench, on
a level wifh the ground, crossed it, and carried off the superfluous water
of a kind of basin with a jet-d'eau, formed in the centre of this garden by
an enormons tub, twelve feet in diameter and three deep, to which the
water was brought by means of leaden pipes communicating with those
which supplied Longwood.
All these works cost the Emperor a great deal of money, but they
amused him and contributed to prolong his melancholy existence.

The month of March sadly recalled to his thoughts days of storm
and misfortune ; these recollections became the subject of his conversa
tion, and of the following dictations : —
" I had at once accepted the consequences of the additional act ; I had re
cognised the necessities "of the new situation in which I found myself on
being replaced on the throne. I proved tHis when I said to Benjamin
Constant :
" ' The nation has been, at rest for a period of twelve years from any

60 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
political agitation, and has now for a year been free from that of war ; this
double repose has caused her again to feel the need of activity. She
wishes, or thinks she wishes, for liberty, a tribune, assemblies : she did
not always desire these ; she was weary of them when she threw herself
at my feet, in order to raise me upon the shield. You should remem
ber this ; you who endeavoured to oppose my accession to the throne.
Where was your support, your strength ? You had none. I took less
authority than I was invited to do. Remember the. time when I said io
the Council of State : " You think, perhaps, that I desire power ? I have
more of it than I need. Who resists me now in France, or even in Europe ?
But I wish to lay a foundation of- society. Look around you — what do
you see ? On one hand, Vendeans who seem entirely under the guidance
of the emigres, whom 1 recalled ; priests to whom I have restored their
altars, but who, in their hearts, while receiving all the benefits I bestow on
them, detest me ; on the other, revolutionists divided ad infinitum, betray.
ing and accusing one another ; and in addition to all . this, a liberated
nation, which no longer knows to whom to listen or on whom to rely;
which demands repose, and wishes no longer to think of anything for
itself. And you look upon this as a good state of society ? It is with the
young that I will form a true society, animated by the healthy ideas of
the age, and by the sentiments of real patriotism, and which, having no
false ideas of the past, or of the hatred of ihe present, will be worthy to
succeed us, and will he able to realize the true ideas of those who made
the revolution. The constitution of the year XIII. and the civil code are
my works,, The Bourbons wished to stifle my glory beneath the restraint
of liberty ; they re-awakened, by the weakness of their administration,
and also by the false pretensions of those who surrounded them, some of
the passions of 1789. The taste for constitutions and harangues seems
to be returning ; but do not deceive yourselves ; it is neither the wish of
the people, nor is it what they require. The mass of the people want but
one thing to deliver them from the Bourbons, and from the feudal conse
quences of their reign ; and this thing is — myself." And did you not see
this whole people pressing round my steps, calling me, seeking me, sa
luting me with their acclamations from Cannes to the Tuileries ? I am
not the Emperor of the soldiers, alone, as the gentlemen liberals are
pleased to say ; I am the Emperor of the peasants, of the plebeians, of
France. Therefore it is that, notwithstanding the striking recollections
of my reverses, you have seen the nation return to me en masse ; it is
because there exists sympathy between us. This wasjiot the case with, the
privileges ; ihe old nobility served me ; they passed in crowds into, my
ante-chambers. There were no places which they did not accept, request,
solicit. I have had in my service Montmorencys, Brancases, Noailles,
Beauveans, Beams, Montemarts; but there was never analogy in this.
The horse made curvets ; he was well trained ; but I felt him quiver.
" With the people Ihe matter is different ; the popular fibre is the best ;
I rose from the ranks of the people, and my voice influences them. Look
at those recruits, those sons, of peasants ; I did not flatter them ; I treated
them severely ; they did not the less surround me ; they did not the less
cry, « Vive TEmpereur !' This is because we are of a common nature ;
they look upon me as their support, their protector against their former
lords. I have but to make a signal, or merely to' turn away my eyes, and
the nobles will be massacred throughout every province ; during the last
six months they have re-awakened so many feelings of hatred ! But I

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 61
have no wish to be the King of a Jacquerie. ' I believe that it is possible
to govern by a constitution ,' I wished to obtain for France the sceptre of
the whole world; and in order to secure it to her, absolute power was
necessary to me; for the purpose of governing France, if restrained
within its actual, or even natural limits, ^it may lie that a constitutional
order of government would be better. Tell me your ideas. Free elec
tions ? public discussions ? responsible ministers ? liberty ? I desire all
this ; liberty of the press, above all. To suppress this would be absurd in
the present day. In short, I am the man of the people ; and if the people
really desire liberty, I owe it to therh; I have' recognised their sovereignty,
it is therefore my duty to obey their will, and even to listen to their ca
prices. I never wished to oppress them, or to exhaust their resources, in
order to forward my personal interests ; I had great designs for France ;
fate has otherwise decided ; I am no longer a conquejpr ; I can no longer
be one ; I know what is possible, and what is not so. I can now only
have one mission ; again to raise up France, to give her a government
fitting for her. I removed liberty out of my way, wheri it encumbered my
path ; but I understood it ; I loVed it ; it was the dream of my youth.
The work of my fifteen year's' reigh is also destroyed ; it cannot be re
commenced ; for this purpose, twenty years and two millions of men to
be sacrificed would be necessary ; and besides, I desire peace. But I will
not give you false hopes ; I shall only obtain it by means of victories. I
give out that there are negotiations going forward,; there are none of any
value, or at least they will come to nothing, if my first battle does not
recall Austerlitz or Marengo ; and to effect this, I should require four
months, or perhaps even five, in order to reorganize the army, and
increase it to 500,000 men. I foresee, therefore, a difficult struggle, a long
war ; in order to Sustain it, the people must support me ; hut in return,
they shall have liberty. The situation is. novel ; I ask nothing better than
to be enlightened on the subject. I am growing old ; at forty-five a man
is no longer what he was at thirty. The repose of a constitutional king
suits me, and will assuredly suit my son.'
"The return from the Isle of Elba and the maintenance of the Napoleon
dynasty on the throne, definitively judged the cause of kings and of the
people ; they both gained ; at present every thing is again fallen into
doubt. They may both lose. *A spark would suffice to rekindle a uni
versal conflagration.
" I had closed the gulf of anarchy, separated the chaos, freed the revo
lution from stain, ennobled nations and established kings more firmly;
excited emulation, recompensed merit, and widened the lists in which
glory was to be obtained. If I restrained the liberty of political pam
phlets, it was because licence, anarchy, and all the calamities of disorder
were still at the threshold. I wished that the title of Frenchman should
be the best and most'desirable on earth, and that the French nation should
be justly entitled ' the great nation,' giving to the world an example of the
empire of reason, of the full exercise and perfect enjoyment of all humaa
faculties. The progress of knowledge during my reign was gigantic ; ideas
became corrected and extended, because my government laboured without
ceasing to Tender science popular, and because all Frenchmen of the pre
sent day know how to tHink.
" The situation into which France was brought in the year 1815 is un^
exampled in history ; on one side, the Sovereign, a few millions of sub-
jects attached by their personal interest to the wrecks of a superannuated

62 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
order of things, and renegades of all parties, unceasingly talking of their
devotion to the throne ; on the other, Chambers without energy, without
prudence, wasting the resources of the nation, using towards the people in
their addresses language without dignity, abject adulation, which degrades
a great people ; and their only support the stranger. For how could re
liance be placed on the army ? A soldier can only combat the tedium
and ennui of a barrack life by talking of the dangers he has run, repeat
ing accounts of battles which he has heard related at the paternal hearth ;
and how can a Frenchman speak of war without pronouncing the name
of Napoleon, and filling all warlike imaginations with recollections of his
glory? What can be the result of all this, if not the division Of the nation
into two people on one soil, vindictive and irreconcilable, and who, in the
blindness, of their intestine divisions,, will debase their country to the
lowest rank among nations, and will give foreign nations an opportunity
of at last gratifying to the full their malice against French greatness ;
unless, one day, all the generations of Frenchmen, freed by the revolu
tion, or born of the revolution and impregnated by its principles, seek
their safety in one of those terrible convulsions which shake thrones.
" I had, I repeat, enclosed in a leathern bottle the vyind of political
storms ; the bayonets, of the English pierced it at Waterloo. I alonecolild
proceed unattacked by ^torms to universal regeneration ; it is no longer
possible, unless by the aid of fearful tempests.
" What will be the result of the proceedings of the Holy Alliance?
Europe will sooner or later form but two camps-; kings and their followers
on one side ; nations and their interests on the other. It will no longer
be divided by nationality into kingdoms, but will be divided by colour, by
opinion. Who would venture to predict the crisis, the effects of so many
storms now piled heap upon heap on the European horizon? As to the
issue, it is indubitable; for enlightenment never retrogrades but to advance
more successfully. Nations and kings will regret me, and if ever my son
is restored to the French, he may say to them : ' My father's thoughts
were of you, on his rock in the midst of the Atlantic ; I submit to your
sanction the constitution which he has left as a legacy to me, with his
advice, for the grandeur and prosperity of our beloved country.' "

These occupations were interrupted by the arrival of the store-ship, the
"London," which brought us some cases of books, sent through Salomon,
as that merchant paused m,e to be informed ; this, however, Sir H. Lowe,
to whom I wrote to claim them, denied. " Which of the two tells the false
hood ?" said the Emperor to me. The steps necessary for discovering the
truth occupied him for two or three days, and we then learned, that, in point
of fact, they had both spoken the truth. Two cases of books had reached
Salomon's hands, addressed to an imaginary passenger, and to be deli
vered to him on his touching at St. Helena; this was a false' address
agreed upon between Salomon and Dr. O'Meara. The books were, there
fore, certainly intended for us; but the government, having received. in
telligence of the false addresses left by O'Meara, had the cases seized at
the custom-house, under a )egal pretext, and kept all the books, with the
exception of a score of pamphlets of little interest.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. '63
A walk taken by the Emperor in the direction of Sandy Bay gave him
an opportunity of catching a. glimpse of Lady Lowe ; he thought her very
pretty, and could not forbear expressing his regret at not being acquainted
with her. A few days afterwards, Miss Susanna Johnson, the young and
pretty daughter of Lady Lowe, ventured to come alone to Longwood, and
begged me, to show her the gardens newly created, as if by magic, by the
manual labour of the Emperor. I had that moment left his apartment,
when. I saw Miss Johnson passing the barriers of our enclosure on horse
back* and followed only by a groom. When this young girl suddenly
arrived, therefore, and springing lightly to the ground explained her desire,
asking me whether it were Hot possible to satisfy it, I, believing I might
be certain of not meeting the Emperor in the garden, yielded to. her
wishes, and offering her my arm, conducted 'her to. the private gardens.
We had scarcely gone a hundred paces, however* before, on making a
turn in the covered walk, we found ourselves face to face with the Empe
ror, who, seated on a bench,, appeared, to be watching us.. My surprise
was great, but less so, I think, than the impression made on Miss Johnson.
Her pretty face was lighted up with indescribable animation, and her looks
expressed at once her timid embarrassment, and her jqy at seeing the
Emperor. His manner towards her was amiable and kind ; he had a
plate of sweetmeats brought to her, appeared to take pleasure in showing
her his gardening labours, said not a word which might remind her that
she came from Plantation House, and as she was taking her departure,
plucked a rose, and offered it to her as a souvenir of what he termed her
pilgrimage. For several days the Emperor had been very unwell, and
did not work; he scarcely, quitted his sofa; he complained constantly of,
his stab of a penknife, Antommarchi laughed when. I asked him to ex
plain to me the cause of this internal pain, resembling the feelhig of an
incision made by a penknife at about two inches below the left breast, and
this without any painful sensation outwardly.
When I entered the Emperor's apartment after the Grand Marshal had
quitted it, the Emperor commanded me to go immediately to the town, for
the purpose of conveying a message of condolence to the Marquis Mont
chenu, on the assassination of the Due de Berry. I could not persuade
myself that I heard aright ; my attitude probably expressed this, for the
Emperor said to me : "You are astonished ! Bertrand was not less so ;
I told hinvmy intention ; you can say nothing to me which he has not
already urged in order to make me alter my resolution ; so mount imme
diately, and act as you would have done when I reigned."
I obeyed. The Marquis Montchenu recived my message with demon
strations of the most profound emotion, and assured me that he would
transmit it to the King his master, and would fake the earliest opportunity
of visiting Longwood, for the purpose of expressing the sentiments by
which he was penetrated. He came next day, but was not received by
the Emperor.
The erection of the new house was proceeding rapidly ; Sir H. Lowe
came almost daily to urge on the workmen by his presence ; it seemed as
if it would be really a comfortable habitation. I met Sir H. Lowe at the
outward part of our enclosure, and he informed me that Admiral Plampin
had quitted the station and had been replaced by Admiral Lambert.
Anniversaries always brought back the Emperor's thoughts to the
events which they recalled. The 18th of June brought recollections of
Waterloo. He looked over what he had dictated to General Gourgaud,

64 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
and passed a week in drawing up anew the narrative of that short hut so
decisive campaign. Information acquired since his first dictation had
modified his- opinions on some important facts — viz., the inaction of the
1st corps during the day of Ligny, and the weakness of the attack at
Quartre Bras ; he now saw that he had been too severe in his censure.
He also wished to record the heroic death of General Michel, which fully
supported the reputation of the old guard which he commanded : " La
garde meurt, et ne se rend pas," was the sublime reply which the' first
reports had attributed to the brave General Cambronne, but which Gene
ral Ber.trand, who was within hearing of it, affirmed to have been made
by General Michel. '
On the 25th, having finished his' labours, he said, " Let us think no
more about it ; take away all these papers, and order my hc-Tses ; a ride
will do me good." He then made the circuit at full speed of the space
allowed for his unrestricted rides, -and on returning, dined .as heartily as
he would have done at fifteen years of age.. Had it not been for the
annoyances which condemned him to shut himself up in the damp atmo
sphere of this old ruinous place, he would have had a good prospect of
another twenty years of life ; but as it was, I feared that it was already
too late to combat the disease which was undermining his constitution.
Every vessel signalled as coming from Europe, gave us a few hours of
hope ; but this first impression was always followed by more or less
intense annoyance, caused by the communications of Sir Hudson Lowe.
Family letters, cases of books, or instructions from his government, every
thing afforded him a pretext for paying a visit to Longwood. This time
the pretext was the communication of a despatch received from Lord
Bathurst, relative to General Bertrand. He insisted on my undertaking
to communicate this despatch to the Emperor. I obstinately refused, and
endeavoured to convince him of the inutility of this communication, since
I was certain that Lord Bathurst had received false information concern
ing the projects of the Grand Marshal, who, I was perfectly convinced,
had never thought of returning to Europe. Sir H. Lowe departed, taking
with him the despatch which I had refused to receive, and I believe I had
thoroughly convinced him ; but I was mistaken. Next day, July 7th, he
wrote the following letter to the Abbe Buonavita :
" Sir, — The enclosed paper contains information which requires some
delicacy and consideration in its communication to the person whom it
concerns, and I hope you will excuse my taking the liberty of addressing
it to you. " I have the honour to be, Sir,
" Your very obedient servant,
" H. Lowe.
" To the Most Reverend Abbe Buonavita.
» July 7, 1820."
The despatch was as follows : — "London, March 16, 1820.
"Sir,— I have learned that it is the intention of the Countess and
General Bertrand to demand permission to return to Europe; and as in
consequence of their departure, the circle of General Bonaparte at Long-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 65
wood would be essentially diminished, you will take the first opportunity
of informing the General of his Majesty's disposition to satisfy any desire
which he may express with respect to any persons whose arrival at Long-
wood would be agreeable to him!
" If General Bonaparte would prefer leaving the choice of such persons
to Cardinal Fesch or the Princess Pauline Borghese, I will immediately
make a communication to them to that effect.
" It is only necessary to add that the persons thus sent to Longwood
would be required to conform to the established regulations — that is to
say, would be subjected to the conditions subscribed to by the persons
whose places they would supply, as well as to all restrictions which might
afterwards be prescribed with" reference to this island.
" I have the honour to be, Sir,
" Your very obedient servant.
" Bathurst."
" To Lieutenant-General Sir Hudson Lowe."
The Abbe Buonavita hastened to bring 'me these letters. I entreated
him notto say any thing about them to the Emperor, but immediately to
deliver them to the Grand Marshal, whom they greatly astonished. He
could only find an explanation of them by attributing them to violation of
the secrecy of the most private family communications. He had ex
pressed in a letter to his old father, his regret at finding himself totally
unable to procure for his children' the lessons of all kinds so absolutely
necessary to their education, and had said Some words about the necessity
Under which he should find himself of making a voyage to Europe for
Ihe purpose of delivering them to the charge of his father, unless events
should speedily put an end to the Emperor's captivity.
Bertrand carried the whole affair to the Emperor; his natural and
friendly explanations were fully understood, and the letters were placed
among fhe archives deposited with me.
The Abbe Buonavita received orders to reply to the Governor that he
had communicated his letters, and was not charged with any answer.
This incident had, however, some influence ori the Emperor's state.
He always found difficulty in accustoming himself to the ideg that a
being whom he loved could love any one else than him; he often con
fessed this to me. " I am attached to you as to a son, because I believe
that you love but me ; for if you loved any one besides me, you would
not love me. I do not believe that our nature is dapable of entertaining
a divided love ; we deceive ourselves when we think we love two beings
equally. There is always a dominant affection ; and in the heart of any
one whom Wove and honour with my confidence, I desire to be that domi
nant affection; I will have no division. Do you understand?" added he,
approaching me and taking me by the ear. He continued, " All these
things make me feel th<3 penknife; my nature is very susceptible of im
pression ; the poison of the mind has a much more fatal effect upon me
than a dose of arsenic could have. For example-; at Fontainebleau, Evan
assured me that his powder would kill me were I only to inhale the smell
of it. Well ; it failed in its effect. Mr. Lowe will not fail in his. Be-
forea year is over, you will wear mourning for me."
At this moment, the caleche arrived at the entrance to the covered
walk in which we were taking our promenade. The noise of fhe horses

66 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
.arrested his steps as well as his thoughts, and turning .towards me, he
said, " Come, ray son, give me your arm ; and let us go and drive
round Dead Wood to get an appetite."*
During the night, our conversation having brought to his mind recol-
lections of the reign of the Convention, and of his sojourn in Paris after
the siege of Toulon, -he gave me the following details : —
"I was at this period suffering from one of those nauseous affections
.which suspend the faculties of the brain, and render life a burden too
heavy to be. borne. My mother had just communicated to me the horror
of. her position. She. had been obliged to flee from the war which our
Corsican mountaineers were carrying on against each other, and was
now at Marseilles, without any means of subsistence, and having nought
but her heroic virtues to defend the honour of her daughters against
the misery and corruption of, all kinds existing in the manners of that
epoch of social chaos. I had nothing remaining but an assignat of a
hundred sous ; the wicked conduct of the representative Aubry having
deprived me of my salary, my resources were .exhausted. 1 went out,
as if urged on to suicide by an animal instinct, and walked along the
quays, feeling my weakness, but unable to conquer it. In a few more
moments, I should have thrown myself into the water, when I ran against
an individual dressed like a simple mechanic, and who, recqgnising me,
threw himself on my neck, and cried, ' Is it you, Napoleon? what joy
to see you. .again!,' — It was Demasis, a former comrade of mine in the
artillery regiment; he had emigrated, and had, afterwards returned to
France in disguise, to see his aged mother. He was about to, go, when,
stopping, he said, ' What is the matter? You do not listen to me; you da
not seem glad to see me; what misfortune threatens you? You look to
me like a madman about to kill himself.' This direct appeal to the feeling
which had seized on me, produced a total revulsion in my mind, and with
out reflecting, I told him every thing. ' Is that all V said he, opening his
coarse waistcoat, and detaching a belt which he placed in my hands ;
'here are 30,000 francs in gold; take them, and save your mother.' I
cannot to this day explain to myself my motives for so doing, but I seized
the gold as by a convulsive movement, and ran like a madman to send it
to my mother. It was riot until it was out of my hands that I thought of
what I had done. I hastened back to the spot where I had left Demasis,
but, he was no longer there. For several days continuously I went out
in the morning and returned not till evening, searching every place where
I hoped to find him. All the researches I then made, as well as those
which I made after my accession to power, were in vain. It was not till
the Empire was approaching its fall that I again discovered Demasis. It
was now my turn to question him, and to ask him what he had thought
of my strange conduct, and why I had never heard even |)is name for
fifteen years. ' He had done as I did,' he replied ; ' and as he had not
stood in need of his money, he had not asked me for it, although he was
well assured that I should find no difficulty in reimbursing him; but he
had feared that I should force bim to quit the retirement in which he lived
happily, occupying himself with horticulture.' I had very great difficulty
in making him accept 300,000 francs as an imperial. reimbursement for
the 30,000 lent to his comrade in the regiment; and made him accept,
against his will, the office of Director-General of the Crown Gardens,
with a salary of 30,000 francs, and the honours of an officer of the
household. I also gave a very good, place to his brother.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 67
"Two of my comrades in the military school and in the artillery regi
ment, the two, perhaps, to whom I was the most closely united by the
sympathies of early youth, Demasis and Philippeau, had, by one of those
mysteries of Providence which we often see, immense influence on my
destiny. Demasis, as I have just said, stopped me at the moment when I
was about to kill myself; and Philippeau stopped me before St. Jean
d'Acre. Had it not been for him, I Should have been master of this key
of. the east. I should have marched upon Constantinople, and rebuilt the
throne of the east.
"There was another period of my life when I attempted -to commit
suicide; but you are certainly acquainted with this fact?" — " No, sire,"
replied I. " In that case, write what I shall tell you, for it is well that
the mysteries of Fontainebleau should one day be made known.
" On the 4th of April, 1815, I had just been on parade in the court of
the White Horse, and was re-entering my cabinet with the Prince. of
Neufchatel,in order to give him some final instructions for his movements,
before mounting my hoi-se for the purpose of removing my head-quarters
to Pont-Thierry, when, with some embarrassment, he requested an
audience for the marshals. I ordered them to be admitted, but with them
the Duke of Bassano, the Duke of Vicenza, and the Grand Marshal.
" ' Moved by our devotion to your person and your dynasty,' stammered
one of the marshals, ' we have determined to tear the veil which still con
ceals the terrible truth from you. All is lost, if your Majesty hesitates to
resign the crown in favour of your son ; at this price alone is peace possi
ble ; the army is weary, discouraged, disorganized ; desertion is at work
among the ranks ; to re-enter Paris cannot be thought of, for in attempting
to do so, we should but uselessly shed blood.'
" The sudden discouragement of the chiefs of the army contrasted
strangely with the ardour manifested by the troops which surrounded me,
but it coincided with the reports of the state of Paris, which the Duke of
Vicenza had" made to me on his return from the mission to the Emperor
Alexander, which he had just fulfilled. The. Emperor's last words had
been : — ' I carry on no diplomacy with you, but I cannot tell you every
thing ; understand this, and lose not an hour in rendering an account
to ihe Emperor Napoleon of our conversation, and of the situation of his
affairs here, and return again as quickly, bringing his abdication in
favour of his son. As to his personal fate, I give you my uord of honour
tthat lie will be properly treated; but lose not an haur, or all is lost for
him, and I shall no longer have power to do anything either for him or
for his dynasty.'
" This was to me an incontestable symptom of the progress of defec
tion. Civil war would be inevitable if I continued the contest.
" I hesitated not to make the sacrifice demanded of my patriotism ; I
sat down at a little table on which were some sheets of paper and an ink
stand, and wrote my Act of Abdication in favour of my son, which I
charged the Duke of Vicenza to carry to Paris, accompanied by the Prince
of Moskowa and the Duke of Ragusa ; the latter I had for twenty-five
years been accustomed to regard as one of the best of men ; when I was
a lieutenant in the artillery, I had even shared my pay with him, as with
a brother. But some observations, made, I believe, by the Duke of Bas
sano, made me prefer Marshal Macdonald, who was also present.
" The sacrifice of my crown was not the severest blow which fate had
reserved for that day. Gourgaud, whom I had sent to Marmont, returned

68 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
without having been able to fulfil his mission ; Marmont had quitted ray
standard ; his corps no longer protected Fontainebleau ; ahd on receiving
the news of his defection, the Allies had rejected my abdication, deolaring
that they were now re-erecting the throne of the Bourbons.
" On the announcement pf this news, discouragement reigned around
me : events proceeded too slowly ; each of those who surrounded me wifh
difficulty suppressed his impatience to go- and seek a position in the new
order of things which the monarchy of Louis XVIII. was about to create.
. . . To all my ideas for saving my country from a counter-revolution,
they opposed the image of civil war, because' they knew that to show me
this image as the consequence of a continuation of the war, was to deal
the fatal blow to my resolutions ; and when, urged to the utmost,-I said to
them, ' Since- we must renounce the defence of France, let us at least save'
Italy ; let her preserve her nationality, and -he a place of refuge to the
unhappy Frenchmen whom fhe vengeance of the emigration awaits,' a
gloomy silence proved to me but too well that I had nothing more to expect
from the men whom I had raisedby my favours to the highest dignities in
the empire and in the army.
' " Exhausted by this struggle of my mind, a mind French in every
feeling, and faithful to my oath, 1 gave up that crown which 1 had only
accepted for the glory and prosperity of France.
"From the time of my retreat from Russia, I had constantly carried
suspended iround my neck, and contained in a little silken hag, a portion of
a poisonous powder, which Evan had prepared by my orders, when I was
in fear of being carried off prisoner by Cossacks. .... My life no longer
belonged to my country: the events of the few last days had again ren
dered me master of it, — ' Why should I endure so much suffering?' I
reflected ; ' and who knows that my death may not replace the crown on
the head of my son ?' France was saved. I hesitated no longer, but
leaping from my bed, mixed the poison in a little water, and drank it with
a sort of feeling of happiness.
" But time had taken away its strength ; fearful pains drew forth some
groans from me ; they were heard, and medical assistance arrived. It
was not God's will that I should die so soon  St. Helena was- in
my destiny."

CHAPTER V.
INCREASING ILLNESS OF THE EMPEROR.
A letter from General Gourgaud made us laugh heartily ; he com
pared our captivity to a bed of asparagus sown in 1815 ; but he thought
us better gardeners than we were, for none of us knew how many years
one sowing of asparagus would last.
We should not have understood his comparison at all, had it not occurred
to the Emperor to question Noverras on the subject, as he said that he,
being a Swiss, must have learned all these things in his youth.
The 15th of August was, as usual, a day on which the Emperor gave
presents to us and to our children. He seemed heartily to share in the
noisy joy with which the munificence of his presents inspired Hortense
and Napoleon ; he appeared to be truly happy, as a good father might be
in the midst of his family, when at dinner, he was surrounded by our
children, or when he amused himself by exciting their gaiety and drawing
forth their little secrets.
His great pleasure was to constitute himself judge between them and
us : he had accustomed them to this, and really I know not how we should
have contrived to preserve our parental authority had he not always found
means to adjudge us in the right, at the same time that he persuaded the
children that his justice was impartial ; but whenever the question agitated
related to a piece of bread and jam, or a party of pleasure, his judgment
was always in favour of the children, to the great despair of the mother.
Antommarchi was the cause of Sir H. Lowe's paying me a visit. The
poor young man grew weary of our monkish life ; he passed his days in
riding over the island, or through James Town. The orderly officer, on
his side, grew tired of passing his life on horseback ; and this was not all :
Antommarchi had scarcely returned to Longwood when he went out on
some walking excursion, and constantly forgot the fatal hour at which the
day circuit was reduced to one of a few yards round the. house. The sen
tinels then arrested him, and he could not be again set free without an
order from a superior officer.
On the. 2d of September, the Emperor caused the Grand Marshal to

70 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF, NAPOLEON.
write a letter to Lord Liverpool, demanding liberty to go and take mineral
baths in England, or in any (Sther country which might be pointed out to
him ; but Sir H. Lowe sent back this letter to the Grand Marshal, under
pretext that it was sealed. This gave rise to fresh and bitter discussions;
and this may indeed be almost said at every page' of this memoir, for Sir
H. Lowe's annoyances and petty quarrels were incessant ; this time, how
ever, Sir H. Lowe at length received the letter, and wrote to inform us
that he would forward it to his government.
This little victory again brought back the Emperor's desire of riding.
Mr. Doveton's cottage was always the favourite object of his excursions ;
he liked to have his breakfast carried thither, to enjoy it under the fine
shade of this part of the island, and to remain there for a part of the day:
he frequently did not return to Longwood till nightfall. This exercise
combated, with some success, the progress of his internal malady. On
the 11th of October, however, he was very unwell while returning to
Longwood ; violent pains in the stomach obliged him to proceed at a walk
for the greatest part of the way, and in the evening he had a very bad fit
of vomiting. He at length decided upon having recourse to a remedy
which Corvisard had prescribed to him in a similar case, and of which he
had advised him to make use if he ever experienced the same symptoms
of internal inflammation. On the morning of the 14th of October, he
had an issue made in his left arm. Antommarchi would have preferred
the use of blisters, but the Emperor refused his consent, saying, "Do you
think then that Mr. Lowe does not torture me enough ?" The good effect
of this remedy again made the Emperor feel a desire for exercise: the
rides recommenced. On his way back to Longwood on the 1st of
November, the Emperor, seeing that there were no workmen employed
about the new house, yielded to a feeling of curiosity to see it ; "the fine
dimensions of the a-partments destined to him struck him, and he could
not refrain from saying that he would be much more comfortable there
than at the old Longwood, and that, in fact, it would be acting like the
children who quarrel with their bread and butter to refuse to inhabit it
when it was finished. Then he pointed out to me some slight changes' of
arrangement, which he wished me to indicate to the Governor as being
my personal opinion ; he persuaded himself that Sir H. Lowe would not
know the truth, as if every thing that passed at Longwood was not known
to him, even in its. most minute details: the habit of exercising royal
power sometimes gives rise to strange illusions I
What I had been unable to make the Emperor admit, happened, never
theless ; the telegraph conveyed the news of our examination of the hew
house to Plantation House, while I was receiving instructions to request,
as of my own accord, that a door of communication should be opened
here, or a bell placed there ; and the next day, Sir H. Lowe came to speak
with me on the subject, asking me how General Bonaparte had liked his
new habitation.
The Emperor's displeasure was extreme ; he dictated to me a letter full
of bitterness, in which he declared that he would never, unless forced s0
to do, enter the iron cage which Was being constructed by the English
government ; this allusion referred to the iron railing destined to enclose
the garden, terrace, and parterre surrounding the house.
This time we were again victorious ; the works relating to the iron rail
ing were suspended, and Sir H. Lowe agreed to adopt another system of
enclosure which should agree with our wishes, on the side of the house

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 71
towards the fields; it was also agreed that free communication should be
left on the-side looking towards the gardens of .the old house.
1 Sir H. Lowe pretended, throughout the whole of this quarrel, that his
intention in placing the iron railing was solely to supply the place of mean-
looking enclosures of planks on ditches planted with aloes,- by an elegant
paling, similar to that used in the finest sites in Europe ; but the Eniperor
replied, through me, that in this assertion he saw but another piece ofirony ;
and that, moreover, it mattered little to him, whether the paling remained
or was removed, because he would never set foot in the house.
It was at this period that a proposal of great importance was renewed
by a naval Captain. His vessel was returning from the Indies ; he had
arranged everything so as to be able to receive the Emperor in a boat at
a point of the coast previously designated, and convey him to his vessel
without his running the slightest risk of being stopped. He asked no re
ward for himself, but demanded a million of francs for the person whose
concurrence was necessary, in order that the Emperor might' safely pass
from Longwood to the coast.
This million was not to be payable until the Emperor had reached
America, and even landed ; another condition was, that the Emperor
should only he accompanied by two persons.
The Emperor charged me to obtain the minutest details of his plan fron}
this generous man, and demanded to know the name of the persofi with
whom he affirmed that he had established an understanding; this was' im
mediately told, but not until the Emperor had sent through me the follow
ing reply : " That he thanked the captain for his devotedness, and believed
in the success of his plan, but that his resolution not to struggle against
his destiny being immovable, he must persist in refusing his offers."
Another project of a similar nature was conceived ; it was to be carried
out by means of submarine vessels ; five or six thousand louis were ex
pended on this project by a friend of O'Meara's. I have reason to believe
that the Emperor would equally have refused to quit St. Helena, even had
one of these vessels succeeded in touching at the only point of coast which
it might have been possible for us to succeed in reaching, by hiding our
selves in some ravine outside our enclosure from six o'clojek in the evening,
and by descending towards the coast at night by running a hundred "risks
of breaking our necks.
To all these offers of escape the Emperor always replied, when speak
ing to me : "I should not be six months in America without being assas
sinated by the Count d'Artois' Creatures ; remember the Isle of Elba ; did
he not send the chouan Brulard thither to organize my assassination? Had
it not been for the brave man whom chance had placed as marshal of the
quarters of the gendarmerie in Corsica, and who caused me to be warned
of the mission of this life-guardsman, who confessed every thing to Dro-
not, I should have been assassinated ; and besides, we should always obey
our destiny ; every thing is written in Heaven ; it is my martyrdom which
will restore the Crown of France to my dynasty. I see in America "nothing
but assassination or oblivion ; I prefer St. Helena."

72 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
The month of December began anj -ended ill, although Sir Hudson
Lowe allowed us more repose than usual. ' The Emperor more regularly
experienced what he called his stab of a penknife. The Abbe Buonavita
had an attack of apoplexy,; happily, Antommarchi was at Longwood, and
bled him immediately ; this sa ve^d him for the time. And, lastly, we heard
of the death of the Princess El.ysa, formerly Grand Duchess of Tuscany.
"She was a woman of a masterly mind," said the Emperor tp me. " Had
I not been in existence, what is said of the Duchess of Angouleme, that
she wears the breeches of the family, might with reason be said of her.
She had," added he, " noble qualities and a remarkable mind ; but no in
timacy ever existed between us ; our characters were opposed to this."
This Princess had been brought up at the Royal Chapter of St. Cyr,
founded by Madame de Maintenon, in the latter days of Louis XIV., for
the education of girls of noble family, but without fortune. The history
of the infancy of his sisters led the Emperor to speak of some family in
trigues whiclj had, on several occasions, caused him much annoyance.
His marriage with the Empress Josephine had been displeasing to his
brothers, Joseph and Lucien; she was, aware of this, and there always
existed a, mutual feeling of bitterness between them-
"My divorce," said he, "has no parallel in history; for it did not
destroy the ties which united our families, and our mutual tenderness
remained unchanged ; our separation was a sacrifice demanded of us by
reason, for the interest of my crown and of my dynasty. Josephine was
devoted to me ; she loved me tenderly ; no one ever had a preference over
me in her heart. I occupied the first place in it; her children the next;
and she was right in thus loving me ; for she is the being whom I have
most loved, and the remembrance of her is still all-powerful in my mind. ,-
. "Doubtless, two objections might be made to the necessity of a divorce.
My brother Louis had sons, and the Empress had a son. Tlie first were
children whose education I could dired. The organic senatus-consultum
of the Empire summoned them to the throne, and my age justified a hope,
that, at my death, they would already be known tq the French people, and
esteemed by, them worthy of succeeding me, in default of my brothers,
Joseph and Lucien. Then, again, Eugene Beauharnais had made trial of
his talents as a general and an administrator. My Italian subjects renr
dered him full justice ; the French loved him, and were vexed to see him
excluded from inheritance to the throne of France. His mother had often
urged me to adopt him as my successor ; this was an idea constantly in
her mind; the common law from that moment rendered him my heir-
apparent, without its being necessary to change the organic senatusTcon-
sultum in any way ; but should Eugene succeed me, I should not have
formed, a dynasty ; for paternity by adoption is but a fusion of the law;
the good sense of my subjects would reject it; the blood of the fourth
dynasty would be that of a Beauharnais, and not of a Napoleon. To this
poor Josephine had nothing to reply ;,and the moment she could no longer
entertain hopes for her son, her resentment against my brothers began to
show itself as a necessity for the sacrifice of her position.
" Marriage is still considered as a sacrament in France, notwithstanding
the passage of the revolutionary tempest, which overthrew the altars of
Christ, transformed the cloisters into manufactories, and created millions
of marriages without the intervention of the church,
" To bring about my divorce, the double intervention of the civil and

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OP NAPOLEON. 73
ecclesiastical authorities was necessary ; the former was bestowed on the
senate by the constitution of the Empire, the latter had been restored to
the episcopal court of Paris by the concordat of 1801. A previous form
was required by the civil law — the mutual consent of the parties ; for
between Josephine and me the question of divorce could not rest on infi
delity or bad treatment; I had, it is true, at one time thought of taking as
an example for the motive of my divorce, the declaration made by Henry
IV., when he separated from Margaret of Valois, and I sent for the regis
ters of the episcopal court in which it was registered; but the indecency
of the motive alleged by this king disgusted me*, and I kept to the truth,
telling my people, ' I sacrifice my domestic happiness to you.'
" The High Chancellor received, in the family council which I con
voked at the Tuileries, the paper announcing our mutual consent, and our
mutual request for the dissolution of our marriage, and the senate pro
nounced the divorce in solemn sitting. The decree of the senate was pre
sented in the prescribed form, by the Council of Thirty, to the tribunal of
the metropolitan episcopal court ; all the formalities observed in the divorce
of Henry IV. were scrupulously observed, and this tribunal pronounced
the dissolution of my marriage with Josephine in the same terms, and in
the same manner, as it had pronounced the divorce of Henry IV.
"The Empress Josephine received from the treasury of France a mil
lion francs a year, and the fine demesne of Navarre as a royal residence.
She received from my private treasury a million francs a year, and to this
I added Malmaison as a country residence, and the Elysee as a residence
in Paris, whenever she should wish to sojourn in that city. To these
gifts I added the Palace of Laaken, near Brussels, because, a short time
after our separation, she expressed a desire to pass her winters at Brus
sels. I always thought that this idea was suggested to her by one of her
ladies of honour, Madame Darberg, who, being a member of one of the
highest families in Belgium, was very glad of this opportunity of returning
among her relations.
"1 had long before secured the royal position of Josephine's children
and family. Her daughter Hortense had married the king of Holland, and
her children were heirs-presumptive to my crown. Eugene had been
adopted by me to succeed me on the throne of Italy, in case I should die
without leaving two male children. I had married him to the daughter of
the king of Bavaria, and had given him domains worth more than forty
millions of francs in the Romagna and the Venetian. States. Stephanie de
Beauharnais, her niece, was married to the Grand Duke of Baden, who is
father-in-law of the Emperor of Russia, the king of Bavaria, and the ex-
king of Sweden. Stephanie had been, for some years, under tbe care of
an Englishwoman, to whom her mother, who died during her emigration,
had confided her in the year 1800. This Englishwoman died when
Stephanie was only seven years old. The Empress, on bearing of it,
easily succeeded in having the child sent to France; she took charge of
her education, and at length obtained permission to adopt her, and .procure
a good marriage for her. Another of her nieces married the Duke
dAremberg, whose family was the first in Belgium. Her nephew, young
Tascher, married the princess of Leyen, niece of the primate of France.
I, therefore, had nothing to do but to continue my protection to all the'se
objects of Josephine's affection, and I was never wanting in this; they all
proved to me that they were worthy of it, except the Duchess of Arem-
berg." VOL. III. 6

74 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
The Emperor afterwards occupied himself by putting in order his dif
ferent dictations on war in general, and on his la.st campaigns; I give
them as he desired me to class them.*

The night between the 31st of December, 1820, and the 1st of January,
1821, was one of the lastpassed in intimate conversation on the recollec
tions of a better time. The disease, which was some months later to
deprive us of the Emperor, made, after this time, rapid progress. He
daily felt himself less disposed to activity either of mind or body; a
general feeling of fatigue oppressed him, he said ; he remained sometimes
for hours listlessly seated in a bergere, and perfectly silent ; he who before
had passed the "greatest part of the day in pacing the apartment, at the
same time either dictating, or recalling recollections and collecting mate
rials for his work. I now often remained standing for hours near him,
expecting the termination of a phrase, or waiting till he should decide upon
rousing himself from his state of torpor, otherwise than by these few
words: "Well, my son! what have you now to say? What shall we
do?" And it was only by reiterated entreaties, dictated by the convictions
of a filial tenderness which he deigned to understand, that I was able to
persuade him to take the air, either on foot or in the caleche ; and this
always revived him, until the crisis of the 17th of March, which was the
prelude of his death.
We had been talking of the embassy to Holland of Monsieur de Semon-
ville, my adopted father, and of the ex-director, Goyer, who at this time
was consul-general at Amsterdam, a good man, a man of honour, and a
republican by conviction — an honest man, in short, as Carnot was.
It was difficult, to recall Goyer to mind without thinking of the part of
a dupe which he played on the 18th of Brumaire, and also of the incidents
of that day, the cradle of the empire.
" Sieyes," said the Emperor, " supping with the chiefs of the republi
can party, some days after the 18th of Brumaire, said to them, at the
same time throwing his cap violently on the ground, when the servants
had left the room, ' There is no longer any republic ; it is .... I have
for these last eight days been conferring on public affairs with a man who
knows every" thing — he needs neither counsel nor aid ; policy, laws, and
the art of government are all as familiar to him as the command of an
army. He is young and full of energy; I repeat to you, there is no
longer a republic'
" * But,' cried the republicans, ' if he becomes a tyrant, we must have
recourse to the poniard of Brutus.' « Alas, my friends,' replied Sieyes,
' after his death we should fall into a still more deplorable situation ; we
had better keep him ; with him we shall at least be sure that our national
honour will be well cared for, and we shall never again see tithes or feudal
servitude.' " Sieyes, as you know, had undertaken to draw up the constitution,
which was definitively to organize France, after the 18th of Brumaire.
* These dictations will be found in the fourth volume.

HISTORY OP THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 75
He had conceived an idea of a sort of social pyramid, which, according to
his plan, was to make confidence come from below and power descend
from above. He created an image of royalty.like that made for England
by the revolution of 1688, but without the title of king, the inviolability,
and the hereditary succession, which form articles of the latter. We had
warm discussions on this subject ; I was at length obliged to get angry,
in order to put an end to this ideology. ' Your Grand Elector,' said I, in
one of our last conversations, ' would be nothing but an idle king ; the
time for do-nothing kings is gone by ; what man of any mind or feeling
would. submit to such idleness? Six millions of francs and the Tuileries
to play the stage-king in, put his signature to other people's work, and do
nothing of himself, — all this is an impossibility, a dream ; yourGrand
Elector would be nothing but a pig to fatten, or else a master, the more
absolute because he would have no responsibility. I tell you plainly, that
if I consented to be your Grand Elector, I would laugh at you, and do
what I choose ; I would tell the consuls of peace and war — " If you will
not do what I wish, I will displace you ;' and thus I should become the
master by a winding way, in spite of your cpnstitution.' "
" It was on quitting me after this conversation, that Sieyes said to Ro
ger Ducos, ' My dear colleague, we have not a president, we have a mas
ter. You and I have no more to do but to make our fortunes before
making our packets.' Sieyes was, at least, naturally an honest man, of
severe probity, and remarkable merit ; but he loved money, although he
was incapable of procuring it in any unlawful way. He said to me, when
we were alone, after one of our first conversations, at the time of my Con
sulate, ' Do you know, Citizen Consul, what there is in this buffet ?'
' No,' replied I. ' There are 500,000 francs in it ; it was a politic mea
sure which we took at the time of the Directory. Barras must certainly
have forgotten them.' ' Well !' said I, ' do not you forget them.' He
thanked me, and had them taken to his house. I believe that this sum
was then his whole fortune.
" This reminds me of an anecdote which he himself related to me.
" He was almoner to one of the Princesses of France ; one day
while he was reading mass, some accidental circumstance obliged the
Princess to retire ; her ladies followed her. Sieyes, who was very busy
reading his missal, did not at first perceive her departure; but when he
saw himself abandoned by all the great people, and having no auditory
left but the domestics, he closed the missal, and left the altar, crying, ' I
do not say mass for the rabble' This trait is characteristic, and perfectly
•depicts the character of Sieyes."

On the 1st of January, 1821, the Emperor only received the respects
of the Grand Marshal. He was very much indisposed, and when, on
leaving him at six o'clock in the morning, 1 asked what was his pleasure
respecting the hour at which he would permit us all to wish him a happy
year, he replied, " As regards your own good wishes, I receive them now;
and as we pass sixteen hours out of the twenty-four together, if you wish
to repeat them during the day, you are welcome so to do. As regards

ijg HISTORY OP THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Bertrand, tell him to come and breakfast with us. I shall see no one else ;
I shall not leave my apartment to-day ; without being exactly ill, 1 feel
no inclination to any exertion." .
The new house had now become Sir H. Lowe's idee fixe, for it gave'
him almost a daily opportunity of seeing the Emperor. This man's cha-
racter was a very singular one ; he required constant nourishment for the
uneasy and restless workings of his imagination,- and when this nourish
ment was not the natural result of the danger of his prisoner's escape, he
sought for it every where, as the bloodhound seeks for the track of fhe
stag on whom' a pack of hounds is waiting to rush. One day he brought
Mr. Darlinffthe person charged with furnishing the new house, to me; he
desired to have my opinion on the selection df the hangings and furniture
of the Emperor's apartments ; as I had orders to persist in the system
already adopted of not interfering in this affair, I declared frankly to Sir
H. Lowe, that I would have nothing to do with it ; but he did not easily
consider himself beaten ; he hoped to tempt me by making Mr. Darling'
show me some very beautiful stuffs, destined, he said, to furnish my apart
ments, and by asking which L should prefer to be used for the saloon, the
cabinet, and the bedroom. I, however, kept to my resolution ; and gave
him no opinion on any thing.
About this time we received several visits. The compliments of the
season were the objects of most of these ; Marquis Montchenu and Cap
tain Qprr, however, brought me a series of French newspapers, and a ve
ritable bulletin de salon, extracted from their private correspondence.
The Emperor took a long ride in the direction of Rosemary Hall. We
came back by Miss Masson's cottage. He alighted and rested there for a
few moments. Riding fatigued him.
On the 20th of January, 1821, he seemed to me to be pretty well when1
I left him at six o'clock in the morning, but he only took a little tea and
a fresh egg for his breakfast ; he did not feel inclined to work ; during1
his ride, he felt a sort of sensation like sea-sickness, and went to bed ear
lier than usual.
He passed a pretty good night; I say pretty good, because towards
midnight, the Emperor, who had taken nothing since his breakfast, felt
some appetite, and ate the wing of a chicken ; but at three o'clock he in
sisted on drinking some lemonade, because, as he said, he wanted to cool
the fire which burned in his stomach.
When Antommarchi saw him in the morning, he found an increased
rapidity of pulse, and determined on commencing a course of pills, frQm
which he hoped for the greatest benefit.
Sir H. Lowe, who had not caught sight of the Emperor for three days,
came on the 25th to talk with me on the subject of his health ; he wished
to add the services of an English medical man to those of Antommarchi;
and on the 27th he again came to me, to tell me that Antommarchi had
informed Sir Thomas Reade of his intention of quitting the service of the
Emperor ; he even pretended that he had written to him, but this I could
not believe ; he, at the same time, spoke to me about Lord Bathurst's let
ter relative to General Bertrand, and insisted upon an answer.
The Emperor, to whom I recounted this conversation with Sir H. Lowe,
because he had seen him enter my apartments, dictated to me, that same
night, the following note : —
1 . " The Emperor Napoleon is ill ; he can never experience relief on

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 77
this island. He requires the air of Europe, and to take mineral waters
during the present year, in order to put an end to his cruel sufferings.
2. " The services of Mr. Antommarchi, his surgeon, are not sufficient
to aid him in his present state. He desires to have one of the physicians
of his former House of Health at Paris, or one who has served in the arYny.
as physician-in-chief to a corps, and is more than forty-five years old.
Messieurs Degenettes, Percy, and Larrey, might be particularly pointed
out, as fitted to select any one of those physicians whom they might think
worthy of the confidence of the patient.
3. "He will willingly receive, in the place of Count Bertrand, any per
son who may have been attached to his person, and more particularly
points out, as fitting persons from whom a selection may be made, the
Dukes of Vicenza and Rovigo, the Counts Segur, Montesquiou, Daru,
Dronot, and Turenne, or the scientific men, Baron de Denon and Ar-
naud. " The measure taken by Lord Bathurst of addressing himself to Car
dinal Fesch, at Rome, and which appeared wise, has failed in its effect
through the constant surveillance exercised over the members of his fami-
. ly, and the impossibility which they experience of corresponding with
France; their necessary communications can only be made through the
intervention of the English government in France.
" Montholon.
" Longwood, January 27th, 1821."
Dr. Antommarchi wrote to me on the 31st of January, to inform me
that he desired to return to Europe ; that he felt with regret his inability
to gain the confidence of the Emperor.
That night the Emperor dictated to me a reply to Antommarchi's letter ;
it is very severe :
" Sir, — The Emperor, taking into consideration the desire which you
have manifested to me in your letter of the 31st inst., to effect your re
turn to Europe, authorizes you to apply to the English commanding offi
cer of St. Helena, for facilities for your passage.
" If it were possible for you to be placed on the same vessel as the
Abbe Buonavita, your assistance would be very useful to this dying old
man, in the accidents which might happen to him during so long a voyage.
" During the fifteen months which you have spent in this country, you
have given his Majesty no confidence in your moral character ; you can
be of no use to him in his illness, and your residing here for some months
longer would have no object, and be of no use.
" I have the honour to be, &c, &c.
" Montholon."
The Abbe Buonavita was at this time very ill ; Antommarchi did not,
however, despair.
I received a visit from Sir Thomas Reade, and we arranged that if the
Emperor did not in the meantime change his mind, Antommarchi and
Buonavita should return to Europe in the same vessel, when the time for
the sailing of the Indiamen, now approaching, arrived. The Go'vernor
again came to speak to me about the furnishing of the new house, and
about the arrangements relative to the small enclosure destined for the

78 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Emperor's walks, after the placing of the night sentinels. I discussed all
these things with him on the spot, but gave all my opinions as if they
came from myself, and were not authorized ; thus obeying the instructions
which the Emperor had previously given me. All the arrangements which
I pointed out as my personal counsel, were approved without discussion.
The Grand Marshal and I at length obtained Antommarchi's pardon,
and obtained leave for him to resume his services next day at the hour of
the Emperor's bath. He was really a good young man, and much de
voted to the Emperor ; it was a pity that he was not ten years older.
The Governor sent me letters and newspapers from England. These
always brought a time of calm to the Emperor, who took pleasure in
having the English newspapers translated to him ; the anecdotes of the
salons amuse him.
The Emperor, on one of these days, was taken ill while taking his
drive in the caleche. These constant relapses and changes from well to
ill gave me great uneasiness.
Antommarchi again urged the use of blisters.
We now had plenty of visits ; many from captains of vessels touching
at the island, who were induced by curiosity to visit us. The Emperor
would receive no more visits ; he felt no inclination for any thing, and it
was with great difficulty that I could persuade him to drive round Dead
WooiJ in the caleche.
He was growing thin so rapidly that the reports of the orderly officer
gave real uneasiness to Sir Hudson Lowe ; or at least, it seemed to me that
he was sincere in his urgent entreaties to me that I would get the Empe
ror to consent to have an English physician, either of the army or navy,
summoned to a consultation, or even attached to his service. I avoided
all bitterness in my replies, and succeeded in defeating him, by putting
before his eyes the note which I formerly addressed to him, informing him
under what conditions the Emperor would consent to receive the assistance
of an English medical attendant. I, moreover,' assured him that the affair
with Antommarchi was settled, and that he would remain with us.
However, on the 1st of March, Dr. Arnott came to see me, and Sir
Hudson Lowe had evidently been speaking to him, for he said to me : "I
know not what may be my destiny ; but if ever I should have the honour
to be received by the Emperor, I give you my. word that I would conduct
myself like an old soldier who has never known any other guide than
honour." I repeated this to the. Emperor, who remembered having seen
him with me when I was ill, and having thought his face and manners
those of an honest man. He added — " Really, if I felt myself very ill,
and I were decidedly obliged to dismiss this young man, I should prefer
having him to any one else."
The departure of Buonavita was now determined on ; but! much feared
that he would not be the only one. What incomprehensible things are there
in this world ! Gentilini wished to return to his country. Chandelier
requested to be allowed to depart as soon as another person should arrive to
fill his place. The disease of the country was decidedly gaining ground
in our little colony. The Emperor was aware of it, and wished that I
should let things take their course ; but I saw clearly that all this affected
him. Then, again, Marchand and Noverras had just fallen ill. The
' Repulse' brought us some uninteresting letters and newspapers from Eng
land, but the arrival of two vessels from India gave Sir Hudson Lowe an

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 79
opportunity of writing to the Grand Marshal, that one of the two was the
' Waterloo,' with the captain of which he was acquainted.
It really seemed as if the isolation of the Emperor were an idee fixe
of the man's hatred, and that to seize or make any opportunity of per
suading any one of us to quit the Emperor, was an enjoyment which he
could not resist.
The Emperor was very unwell on the 16th of March ; he took nothing
all day but some orange-flower water, and, contrary to his habit, went to
bed about five^ o'clock. Sir H. Lowe sent me two boxes of books and
newspapers. What I learned from the visit of the captain of the ' Wa
terloo' to the Grand Marshal, determined me to have a serious but perfectly
friendly explanation with the latter, the success of which afforded me a
feeling of joy, in the midst of the sad thoughts caused by the state of the
Emperor. I told Bertrand all my uneasiness, and my conviction of the
inexperience of Antommarchi, who, in spite of all I told him of my daily
and nightly observations, persisted in smiling when I told him of the stab
ofapenknife, and regarded all these symptomsofinternal disorder, as simply
the effect of the want of sufficient exercise. " You think, no doubt," added I
seeing that he persisted in thinking that he might absent himself for a time,
to go and take his children to Europe, " that in speaking thus to you, I play
the game of a political interest, and that the Emperor makes use of me to ex
aggerate to you the serious nature of his disease. But you forget that I
speak against my own personal interest, or you think me stupid enough not
to understand the part which you would have delegated to me, if the Empe
ror should die while you were on sea, even if you were only ten leagues
distant from St. Helena. Read my hearkbetter ! It is my devotion to
the Emperor, it is the harm which your departure will do him, and my
conviction of the disease which is undermining his constitution, which
make me forget my own interest, and speak to you as I do, and also my
respect for your estimable character." " I am going to the Emperor,"
replied the Grand Marshal, interrupting me; " let us hope that you will
find him well when you see him to-night."
And, in fact, I found the Emperor looking quite a different person when
I went to him at eleven o'clock in the evening ; he recounted to me the
conversation which he had with Bertrand ; it had made him very happy ;
and after having walked for a long time up and down the room, he asked
for his dinner. He went to bed, however, contrary to his custom, at four
o'clock in the morning.
The Abbe Buonavita left us on the 17th of March ; Gentilini also left.
Antommarchi wished to accompany his venerable countryman to the
town ; this was certainly very natural ; but, unfortunately, he had not yet
returned from this expedition when the Emperor was taken very ill, and had
a violent fit of vomiting ; I remarked something like: a clot of blood.
This absence of Antommarchi gave the Emperor great displeasure, and
when the poor Doctor returned, he was not received. After this crisis,
the disease made such rapid progress, that I will confine myself to copying
the daily entries in my Longwood journal.
March 18th, 1821. — The night was good, and was passed in alternate
work and conversation. Antommarchi, whom I brought in before I quitted
the Emperor this morning, at six o'clock, found no traces in his pulse of
yesterday's crisis ; he only counted sixty-three pulsations in a minute ;

gO HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
which is the average number observed by O'Meara and him. This after
noon, at four o'clock, the Emperor took a walk ; he had no appetite for
dinner, and took a glass of port wine by Antommarchi's advice.
March 19th. — The night pretty good; but we had neither work nor
conversation ; the greatest part of it was passed in walking in the saloon
or reposing on the sofa, or exchanging some unconnected words on his
youthful amours. He was again uneasy about half-past four in the after
noon. After the conclusion of our walk, and when we were going to the
cal che, we had only taken a few steps when the vomiting returned. I im
mediately led or rather carried the Emperor back to his apartment, for he
could scarcely stand, so violent was the pain below the left breast. Antom
marchi's evil star willed that again he should be absent from Long-
wood. It is impossible to make him understand the serious nature of the
Emperor's disease ; he is convinced that all that the Emperor or myself tell
him on this point is a politic game played to induce the English govern
ment to recall us to Europe.
March 20th. — At two o'clock the Emperor was calm, and fell asleep;
he was unwell several times in the night. I wished to call Dr. Antom
marchi, who I knew was returned to Longwood ; but the Emperor angrily
refused, and only consented to see him at his usual hour. When Antom
marchi came, he felt the Emperor's pulse ; the crisis was over. " The
pulsation is in its average state," said he, with a smile of incredulity at
the account which I gave him of what I had observed the preceding
evening and during the night. The Emperor observed this.
March 21st. — The Emperor worked during the night, and I saw nothing
in his appearance or manner which reminded me of his disease ; he was
almost gay. His dictation had recalled to his mind recollections of
Warsaw and of Madame Waleska. He laughed heartily when he recalled
to mind the ball at which he saw her for the first time, but which General
Bertrand and Louis de Perrigord, aide-de-camp of the Prince of Neufchatel,
regarded as the cause, inexplicable to them, of the missions with which
they .were charged amid the noise of the music. " They had no doubt,"
said he to me, "that my mind was occupied by Madame Waleska, and
they both kept hovering emulously around her ; several times I found
them on my path, particularly Louis de Perrigord ; this, at length, became
annoying to me, and I told Berthier to send him off immediately to obtain
news of the 6th corps, which was on the Passage. I thought that Bertrand
would be more clear-sighted, but Madame Waleska's bright eyes had
dazzled him ; he never quitted her side, and during supper, he leaned on
the back of her chair in such "a manner that his aiguillettes danced hither
and thither on the beautiful red and white skin of the shoulders which I
admired. My impatience was now roused to such a pitch that I touched
him on the arm, and calling him by his name, drew him into the recess
of a window, where I gave him orders to set out immediately for the head
quarters of Prince Jerome, and without losing an hour, to bring me a
report of the state of the works of the siege of Breslau. The poor fellow
was scarcely gone when I repented of my angry impulse ; and I should
certainly have recalled him, had I not remembered at the same minute
that his presence with Jerome would be useful to me."

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 81
I had fortunately taken care to recommend Antommarchi to remain at
Longwood, for between four and five o'clock in the afternoon the Emperor
again found himself unwell, and black vomitings immediately followed.
This time, Antommarchi, who was immediately summoned, acknowledged
the serious nature of the case, and said that there was fever. From this
moment he changed his opinion concerning the causes of the attacks of
the 17th and 19th, and declared that there were indisputable symptoms
of gastric fever. His opinion is that we must have recourse to the treat
ment indicated by Dr. Alibert. The Emperor wished to read the symptoms
pointed out by this celebrated physician, and the treatment which he
advises ; and after having looked into the book which Antommarchi brought
to him, he consented to hegin to-morrow to take emetic lemonade.
March 22d. — A bad night ; continued uneasiness up to two o'clock in
the morning; irritability, and refusal to let me call Antommarchi. At
four o'clock, calm and sleep, until ten.
Antommarchi came in when the Emperor awoke, and brought a bowl
of lemonade prepared by himself, begging him to take a glass every hour,
and assuring him that he would experience great benefit from it ; but
scarcely half an hour after the Emperor had taken a glass, he made
frightful efforts to vomit, and rolled on the ground uttering groans.
"The effect was too powerful," said Dr. Antommarchi to me, "but it
is the necessary remedy, and it must be- continued by all means." The
Emperor would not, however, hear of it ; he returned to his own medicine,
drank a large glass of orange-flower water, and was pretty tranquil during .
the rest of the day, and in the evening ate some soupe d la Reine.
m
March 23d. — The night was pretty good. The Emperor wished to
work ; he looked over his notes on his last wars, and dictated to me for
two or three hours. Feeling himself not quite so well this morning, he
consented to drink some lemonade, instead of orange-flower waler, for
which he had asked, but under the condition that there should be no
emetic in it ; that it should simply be lemonade, prepared as he usually
drank it. Nevertheless, not having reliance on Antommarchi, he sent for
Pierron, the maitre d'hotel, and gave him his orders. Being thus satisfied,
he was about to drink a glass of this lemonade, when, stopping with the
glass at his lips, he said to me, " But I think I perceive a curious smell :
are you very sure that nothing has been mixed with this lemonade?" "I
am convinced of it," replied I, " but it will be best for me to make sure of
it. Let not your Majesty drink of it ; I will drink some, and we shall
see." He gave me his glass, and I drank ; ten minutes after, I was
seized with such violent sickness that I was scarcely able to gain my
chamber. The Emperor was excessively angry that any one should have dared
to deceive him thus : he treated poor Antommarchi as an assassin, and
declared to him that he would never see him again. Happily, a case of
books, which arrived from Europe, diverted his mind fr6m the subject;
for I doubt not that this irritation of the mind would^in the end have
influenced that of the stomach, and aggravated the disease. I must here
mention that the Emperor, during his whole residence at Longwood, never
ate or drank anything which had not been tasted by one of his household.
The food removed from his table was eaten by his valets-de-chambre. I

82 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
breakfasted and dined with him, and during the night constantly tasted
the drink prepared for him, which was generally lemonade or orange-
flower water. It would have been impossible to administer poison to him,
without one of us first feeling the effects of it ; and moreover, when any
smell struck him as extraordinary, at the moment of putting anything to
his lips, he stopped, and said to me, " Taste this ; I do not know this
smell." It was only on my assuring him that I perceived nothing extra
ordinary in the taste of the thing which I then ate or drank, that he would
partake of it.
" People now rival in this respect the skill of Catherine de Medicis,"
said he often to me. " I have escaped poisoning ten times, if I have
once ;" and then he related to me the dangers which he had run, from the
period of the commencement of the Consulate.
He was one day leaving the dinner-table with the Empress Josephine
and two or three other persons, when, as he was about to put his hand in
his pocket for his snuff-box, he perceived it lying on the end of the mantel
piece in the saloon which he was entering. He had already taken hold
of it, and was about to open it and take a pinch, when his good star
caused him to seat himself; he then felt that his snuff-box was in one of
his pockets. His surprise was observed; the snuff in the two boxes was
subjected to a chemical analysis, and the one found on the mantelpiece
was discovered to contain poisoned snuff. And yet no one could take
fewer precautions against such dangers than the Emperor, and no one
could believe more firmly than he did in a destiny more powerful than
the will of man* " Our last hour is written above," was his frequent
remark to me. a
The Emperor wished to open the case of books himself, and appeared
to take great pleasure in looking over the books. He passed a good
evening. The attacks are evidently intermittent.
March 24th. — To-day, the Emperor felt unwell, but had no vomiting
fit. He began to dictate some notes to me on the books which he had
looked over yesterday, but the dictation was not well connected, and he
at length tore what I had written in pieces, and tried a short walk in the
garden ; he went to bed at half-past seven.
March 25th. — The night was restless ; the pain in the left side con
tinual. The Emperor rose several times from his bed, and walked in the
saloon ; he would have wished to be able to forget his illness, and made
efforts to converse and drown the pain by recollections of the past. This
morning he was weak and despondent. The day has passed without any
fit of vomiting.
March 26th. — There is no change in the Emperor's state; baths and
diet evidently afford him intervals of relief in the progress of his disease ;
but his strength is sensibly diminishing. His head alone still retains its
life and vigour, and if he were accustomed to dictate sitting or lying in
stead of walking* about, he would pass the night in dictating to me ; but
as soon as his thoughts begin to work, he rises, and bodily fatigue very
soon obliges him to return to his bed.
March 27th. — The night and day passed without any crisis; but

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 83
constant uneasiness, disgust at every thing, and frequent nausea. The
Emperor, however, took the air for a few moments, leaning on my arm:
and this seemed to do him good ; he even wished to go as far as the
Grand Marshal's house, but his strength was not equal to the effort.
He persists in refusing to receive Antommarchi's assistance, and be
lieves that he shall cure himself by a regular diet, orange-flower water,
and soupe-a-la-Reine, It is madness to entertain such an illusion, for the
serious nature of the disease is quite evident. Bertrand and I lose our
breath in supplicating him to see a physician.
March 28th. — Sir Hudson Lowe is re-commencing his urgent demands
that an English physician should see the Emperor.
March 29th. — I received, to-day, two communications from Sir H. Lowe.
There is no change in the Emperor.
March 30th. — Sir Hudson Lowe came here twice to-day,, and Sir Thomas
Reade once ; they insisted on entering the Emperor's apartment, and Sir
H. Lowe said to me, " I declare to you, that if what you call the forcible
violation of the Emperor's privacy causes his death, I take the responsi
bility of it on myself." This time, however, he again yielded, and I am
happy to have saved the Emperor from an insult.
March 31st.-^A renewal of yesterday's scene. The Governor with
drew, on receiving my assurance that I entertained hopes of getting Dr.
Arnott admitted to see the Emperor. All these scenes, which it was im
possible entirely to keep from the Emperor's knowledge, have aggravated
his sufferings. He feels the necessity of medical aid, and has at length con
sented thatDr. Arnott should be summoned if within the nextfour-and-twenty
hours there were no change for the better. With regard to Antommarchi,
he persists in not even allowing his name to be mentioned in his presence.
April 1st. — The Governor came to me at eight in the morning, and
remained four hours with me : he returned at three o'clock, and only left
me on receiving my word of honour that Dr. Arnott would be summoned
if there were no change for the better within four-and-twenty hours.
April 2d.— Last night at ten o'clock, the Grand Marshal wrote to Dr.
Arnott, informing him that the Emperor had consented to see him, and
requesting his immediate attendance. An hour afterwards, that physician
was introduced to the Emperor. The disease, according to him, is very
serious ; he discovers great inflammation in the region of the stomach ;
but he must see the vomited matter before decidedly giving his opinion.
He has prescribed poultices of various ingredients, and a draught to be
taken every hour.
April 3d. — The Emperor gave his consent to Antommarchi's being
present during Dr. Arnott's visit. Blisters have taken the place of poul
tices, and the medicine has been somewhat changed.
April 4th. — The Emperor passed a pretty tranquil night and day.

84 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
April 5th. — Vomiting of blackish matter. Dr. Arnott perceives from
its nature that there is ulceration in the stomach. He has prescribed
fresh remedies, but has warned Bertrand and myself of the danger which
threatens the Emperor.
April 6th. — No change. Sir H. Lowe wrote to me to announce the
departure from England of the two cooks, Chandelier, jun., and Perusset.

CHAPTER VI.
THE EMPEROR'S WILL.
April 7th. — The Emperor caused the Grand Marshal to bring a will,
made long ago and confided to him. He had it burned before his eyes.
The following is a note in pencil which I found among the Emperor's
papers, and which I have reason to believe refers to this will.
"150,000 X 40 6,000,000.
1. Bertrand  150,000
2. Madame Bertrand  150,000 .
3. Napoleon  150,000 S 750,000
4. Hortense  150,000 I
5. Henri  150,000.
6. Montholon  150,000"
7. Madame Montholon ....... 150,000 (
8. Tristan  150,000 (
9. The daughter  150,000
10. Marchand  150,0,00 j
11. Pierron, Noverras, St. Denis  150,000 ( 450,000
12. The Priests  150,000 5
13. Las Cases .  150,000
14. The Duke of Bassano  150,000
15. Lavalette  150,000 ;
16. Madame Lavalette  150,000 '
17. Dronot  150,000
18. Cambrone  150,000
19. Brayer  150,000
20. Lefevre Desnouettes  150,000
21. Menneval.
22. Real.

600,000

300,000

86

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

23. Larrey, Surgeon-in-chief to the guard.
24. Costa di Basilica.
25. Ornano, General of the guard.
26. Galaggini.
27. Poggi.
28. Emmery, Surgeon to the battalion of the Isle of Elba.
29. The Commander of the battalion of the guard at Elba.
30. Friaut.
31. Arnault, Homme de Lettres.
32. Fain, Secretary.
33. Mouton Duvernet (his children).
34. Arrighi, Yicar-general of the Isle of Elba.
35. General Clausel.
36. General Travost.
37. General Casolette.
38. General Girard, killed at Ligny (his children).
39. General Bizamur.
40. General Calluan.
41. Madame Lavalette.
42. Madame Montesquiou.

50,000 30,000
30,000 10,000
10,000 20,000
150,000

St. Denis.
Noverras.
Pierron. Coursen.
Chandelier. Archambaud.

" These sums are to be paid to the above individuals if they are living
at the time of the opening of my will, or if they have legitimate male or
female children ; in default of which, their portion will devolve to the
funds for recompensing the officers and soldiers of the guard who may
not have been re-employed, or who may need it, giving a preference to
those who formed the battalion of the Isle of Elba, or who made part of
the army of Italy in 1796 and 1797, or of Egypt in 1798, 1799, 1800,
and 1801, in the proportions of 10,000 to the officers, and 1000 to the
privates. " Two estates, each worth 3,000,000, are to be bought — one for Ber
trand, one for Montholon; the two-thirds of the revenues should be placed
every year as an increase of the capital up to the year 1840."

April 8th. — Antommarchi is in disgrace. The Emperor sent for him, to
arrange something about the dressing of the blister; but he was out on a
ride, and did not return till dinner-time. I received orders to declare to
him that the Emperor would see him no more. The Emperor is a little

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 87
better. He has perspired abundantly : I changed his linen three times
during the night ; for since Marchand has been ill and confined to bed,
the Emperor will receive no one's services but mine. I never quit him
by day or night, except at the time when Bertrand is with him : St. Denis
watches in the next room, and gives me every thing which the Emperor
requires. April 9th. — Dr. Arnott expresses some slight hopes, founded on the
state of the pulse and the abundant perspiration.
April 10th.— The Emperor spoke to me to-day of his will. I endea
voured to inspire him with a hope that it would be an unnecessary pre
caution ; but he persisted, and said to me, ". I will make it to-morrow, if I
continue better."
April 11th. — Sir Hudson Lowe has left us in perfect tranquillity since
Dr. Arnott has been admitted, although he comes every day to the apart
ments of the orderly officer, for the purpose of conferring with the physi
cian. There is no change in the Emperor's health. Marchand is better.
He is able to sit up during some hours of the day.
April 13th. — The Emperor has not passed so good a night, perhaps on
account of the abundant perspiration. I changed the Emperor's linen
seven times during the night, and each time both flannel and linen were
perfectly steeped, and even the madras which he wore on his head. It is
very difficult to effect these changes without making him impatient, for he
will not allow any light to be kept burning in his chamber, and only per
mits one wax candle to be left lighted in the next room ; and by the faint
Hght of this candle I have, not to give him, but to put on everything he
requires, and even to tie the madras round his head.
This morning, on awaking, the Emperor said to me, " To-day I will
dictate my last wishes to you : return at noon." When I returned at the
appointed hour, he made me bolt the door, and bid me write. He dictated
to me for two hours uninterruptedly, and then made me read the dictation
to him, saying kindly, " Do you wish that I should leave you more?" —
My emotion was too great to allow of my making any reply ; he perceived
this, and said, " Come ! go and make a fair copy of what I have dictated ;
and the day after to-morrow, which will be my good day, we will read it
over again ; you shall dictate it to me, and I will write. Send Marchand
to me, if he is up, — no !" added he, as I was leaving the room, " send in
the Grand Marshal."
April 14th. — The Emperor did not forget his will to-day. I had not
brought it : he sent me for it, read it over, and then dictated some changes
regarding the execution of the will which were suggested by my obser
vations. April 15th. — The whole morning was devoted by the Emperor to writing
his will. He was not fatigued by the exertion.
The will is as follows : —
" This day, April 15th, 1821, at Longwood, in the Island of St. Helena.
This is my Testament, or Act of my last Will. Napoleon.

88 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OP NAPOLEON.

I.
" 1. I die in the Apostolical Roman religion, in the bosom of which I
was born, more than fifty years since.
" 2. It is my wish that my ashes may repose on the banks of the Seine,
in the midst of the French people, whom I have loved so well.
" 3. I have always had reason to be pleased with my dearest wife, the
Empress Maria Louisa, and retain for her, to my last moment, the most
tender sentiments : I beseech her to watch, in order to preserve my son
from the snares which yet environ his infancy.
" 4. I recommend to my son, never to forget that he was born a French
prince, and never to allow himself to become an instrument in the hands
of the triumvirs who oppress the nations of Europe : he ought never to
fight against France, or to injure her in any manner; he ought to adopt
my motto — Everything for the French people.
" 5. I die prematurely, assassinated by the English oligarchy and its
deputy : the English nation will not be slow in avenging me.
" 6. The two unfortunate results of the invasions of France, when she
had still so many resources, are to be attributed to the treason of Marmont,
Augereau, Talleyrand, and La Fayette. I forgive them : may the pos- ,
terity of France forgive them, like me !
" 7. I thank my good and most excellent mother; Cardinal Fesch; my
brothers Joseph, Lucien, and Jerome ; Pauline, Caroline, Julie, Hortense,
Catharine and Eugene, for the interest which they have continued to feel
for me. I pardon Louis for the libel which he publised in 1820; it is
replete with false assertions and falsified documents.
"- 8. I disavow the ' Manuscript of St. Helena,' and other works, under
the titles of ' Maxims,' 'Sayings,' &c. &c, which persons have been
pleased to publish for the last six years. I* caused the Due d'Enghien to
be arrested and tried, because that step was essential to the safety, interest,
and honour of the French people, when the Count d'Artois was maintain
ing, by his own confession, sixty assassins at Paris. Under similar cir
cumstances, I would act in the same way.

II.
" 1. I bequeath to my son fhe boxes, orders, and other articles, such
as my plate, camp-bed, arms, saddles, spurs, chapel plate, books, linen,
which I have been accustomed to wear and use, according to the list an
nexed (A). It is my wish that this slight bequest may be dear to him,
as recalling the memory of a father of whom the universe will discourse to
him. " 2. I bequeath to Lady Holland the antique cameo which Pope Pius VI.
gave me at Tolentino.
" 3. I bequeath to Count Montholon two millions of francs, as a proof
of my satisfaction with the filial attentions which he has paid to me during
six years, and as an indemnity for the losses which his residence at St.
Helena has occasioned him.
" 4. I bequeath to Count Bertrand five hundred thousand francs.
* This passage was interlined.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 89
"5. I bequeath to Marchand, my first valet-de-chambre, four hundred
thousand francs. The services which he has rendered to me are those of
a friend. It is my wish that he should marry the widow, sister, or
daughter of an officer or soldier of my old guard.
" 6. Item. To St. Denis, one hundred thousand francs.
" 7. Item. To Noverras, one hundred thousand francs.
" 8. Item. To Pierron, one hundred thousand francs.
" 9. Item. To Archambaud, fifty thousand francs.
"10. Item. To Courson, twenty-five thousand francs.
" 11. Item. To Chandelier, twenty-five thousand francs.
" 12. Item. To the Abbe Vignali, one hundred thousand francs. It is
my wish that he should build his house near the Ponte Nuovo di Rostino.
"13. Item. To Count Las Cases, one hundred thousand francs.
" 14. Item. To Count Lavalette, one hundred thousand francs.
" 15. Item. To Larrey, surgeon-in-chief, one hundred thousand francs.
He is the most virtuous man I have ever known.
" 16. Item. To General Brayer, one hundred thousand francs..
, " 17. Item. To General Lefevre Desnouettes, one hundred thousand
francs. " 18. Item. To General Drouot, one hundred thousand francs.
" 19. Item. To General Cambrone one hundred thousand francs.
"20. Item. To the children of General Mouton Duvernet, one hundred
thousand francs.
" 21. Item. To the children of the brave Labedoyere, one hundred
thousand francs.
" 22. Item. To the children of General Girard, killed at Ligny, one
hundred thousand francs.
" 23. Item. To the children of General Chartrau, one hundred thousand
francs. " 24. Item. To the children of the virtuous General Travost, one hun
dred thousand francs.
" 25. Item. To General Lallemand, the elder, one hundred thousand
francs. " 26. Item. To Count Real, one huhdred thousand francs.
" 27. Item. To Costa di Basilica, in Corsica, one hundred thousand
francs. "28. Item. To General Clausel, one hundred thousand francs.
" 29. Item. To Baron Menneval, one hundred thousand francs.
" 30. Item. To Arnault, the author of ' Marius,' one hundred thou
sand francs. •
"31. Item. To Colonel Marbot, one hundred thousand francs. I en
gage him to continue to write in defence of the glory of the French armies,
and to confound their calumniators and apostates.
"32. Item. To Baron Bignon, one hundred thousand francs. T
engage him to write the history of French diplomacy from 1792 to 1815.
" 33. Item. To Poggi di Talavo, one hundred thousand francs.
"34. Item. To Surgeon Emmery, one hundred thousand francs.
" 35. These sums will be raised from the six millions which I depo
sited on leaving Paris in 1815; and from the interest, at the. rate of five
per cent., since July 1815. The account will be settled with the banker
by Count Montholon, Count Bertrand, and Marchand.
" 36. Whatever that deposit may produce beyond the sum of five mil
lions six hundred thousand francs, which have been above disposed of
VOL. III. 7

go HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
shall be distributed, as a gratuity, amongst the wounded at the battle of
Waterloo, and amongst the officers and soldiers of the battalion of the Isle
of Elba, according to a scale to be determined upon by Montholon, Ber
trand, Drouot, Cambrone, and the Surgeon Larrey.
" 37. These legacies, in case of death, shall.be paid to the widows and
children, and in default of such, shall revert to the bulk of my pro
perty.

III.
"1. My private domain being my property, of which no French law
deprives me, that I am aware of, an account of it will be required from
the Baron de la Bouillerie, the treasurer thereof: it ought to amount to ¦
more than 200,000,000 of francs — namely, 1. The portfolio containing
the savings which I made during fourteen years out of my civil list, which
amounted to more than 12,000,000 per annum, if my memory be good.
2, The produce of this portfolio. 3. The furniture of my palaces, such
as it was in 1814, including the palaces of Rome, Florence, and Turin/
All this furniture was -purchased with moneys accruing from the civil list.
4. The proceeds of my houses in the kingdom of Italy, such as money,
plate, jewels, furniture, equipages; the accounts will be rendered by
Prince Eugene, and the steward of the crown, Campagnoni.
" 2. I bequeath my private domain, one-half to fhe surviving officers
and soldiers of the French army who fought, from 1792 to 1815, for ihe
glory and independence of the nation : the distribution shall be made in
proportion to their appointments on active service. One-half to the towns
and districts of Alsace, of Lorraine, of Franche Compte, of Burgundy, of
the Isle of France, of Champagne, Forest, and Dauphine, which may have
suffered by either of the invasions: there shall be previously deducted
from this sum, one million for the town of Brienne, and one million for
that of Meri. I appoint the Counts Montholon and Bertrand, and Mar
chand, the executors of my will.
"This present will, wholly written with my own hand, is signed and
sealed with my own arms. (L. S.) " Napoleon."
April 16th. — Dr. Arnott was so earnest to-day in his request that the
Emperor would consent to receive Antommarchi, that I conclude he is
more uneasy than he is willing to show ; and yet the Emperor's suffer
ings appear to me to be less acute, and he took, with an appearance of ap
petite, a few spoonfuls of rice-cream with almond milk.
April 17th. — The Emperor has passed a tolerably tranquil night, al
though the perspiration was very abundant. When I was about to leave
him, at six o'clock in the morning, he said to me, " Send Antommarchi a
draft of the letter which I require him to write to you, before I see him
again; I will dictate it to you." Antommarchi has joyfully agreed to
make, in a letter to me, the engagements exacted by the Emperor, and
which consisted simply in a renewal of the oath taken by him on his ar
rival at Longwood, never to reveal any thing which he might see or hear
during his visits to the Emperor, and promising unreserved fidelity and

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 91
devotion. This strict exaction of a renewal of these promises is accounted
fpr by the fact that certain rumours among the household had accused
Antommarchi of some indiscreet remarks or jests concerning the attention
paid by the Emperor to his toilet, although so unwell.
Towards three o'clock, p. m., the Emperor sent for me. When I en
tered the room, I found him sitting up, and the fire glancing in his eyes,
made me fear a fresh attack of fever. He perceived my uneasiness, and
said kindly, " I am not worse, but my mind has been roused by talking
with Bertrand about what my executors ought to say to my son, when
they see him. Bertrand does not understand this : he and Lafayette have
remained what they were in 1791, with their plans of an imaginary go
vernment, their English ideas, and their resolutions of the States-General ;
they only see in the revolution of 1789 a reform of abuses, and they refuse
to acknowledge or perceive that it was in itself an entire social regenera
tion. In their eyes I have only established despotism, and acquired mili
tary glory. Bertrand has said to me this very day, that if, on the return
from Varennes, the Convention had decreed the deposition of Louis XVI.,
and the elevation of the Duke of Orleans to the throne, that would have
been the happiest day of his life — he who owes me every thing, whom I
made a high officer of the crown — what madness and folly! It was the
influence of minds like his in the Chamber of the Hundred Days, which
lost all. There is nothing more hurtful, in a political crisis, than honest
men who have their consciences bewitched by false ideas: you will un
derstand me ; you have only to recall to your mind all that I have said
and dictated to you concerning the ambition of my reign ; but all this
may, perhaps, be scattered and separated in your memory when the time
comes for speaking of it ; it is better, therefore, that I should, in a few
words, give you a summary of the counsels which I bequeath to my
son ; you will be thus more easily enabled to detail my ideas to him.
Write— " My son should not think of avenging my death ; he should profit by
it. Let the remembrance of what I have done never leave his mind ; let
him always be, like me, every inch a Frenchman. The aim of all his
efforts should be, to reign by peace: if he should recommence my wars
out of pure love of imitation, and without any absolute necessity, he would
be a mere ape. To do my work over again would be to suppose that I
had done nothing; to complete it, on the contrary, would be to show the
solidity of the basis, and explain the whole plan of an edifice which I had
only roughly sketched ; the same thing is not done twice in a century : I
was obliged to daunt Europe by my arms ; in the present day, the way is
tb convince her. I saved the revolution which was about to perish ; I
raised it from its ruins, and showed it to the world beaming with glory. I
have implanted new ideas in France and in Europe; they cannot retro
grade : let my son bring into blossom all that I have sown ; let him de-
velope all the elements of prosperity enclosed in the soil of France, and
by these means he may yet be a great sovereign.
" The Bourbons will not maintain their position after my death ; a re
action in my favour will take place every where, even in England ; this
will be a fine inheritance for my son. It is possible that the English, in
order to efface the remembrance of their persecutions, will favour my son's
return to France ;. but in order to live in a good understanding with Eng
land, it is necessary, at any cost, to favour her commercial interests: this
necessity leads to one of these two consequences — war with England, or

g2 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
a sharing of the commerce of the world with her. This second condition
is the only one possible in the present day ; the exterior question will long
take precedence in France of the interior. I bequeath to my son sufficient
strength and sympathy to enable him to continue my work with the single
aid of an elevated and conciliatory diplomacy. His position at Vienna is
deplorable. Will Austria set him at liberty unconditionally?- But after
all, Francis I. was once in a more critical position, and yet his French
nationality was nothing impaired by it. Let not my son ever mount the
throne by the aid of foreign influence ; his aim should not be to fulfil a
desire to reign, but to deserve the approbation of posterity. Let him
cherish an intimacy with my family, whenever it shall be in his power.
My mother is a woman of the old school ; Joseph and Eugene are able to
give him good eounsel ; Hortense and Catherine are superior women. If
he remains in exile, let him marry one of my nieces. If France recalls
him, let him seek the hand of a princess of Russia : this court is the only
one where family ties rule policy. The alliance which he may contract
should tend to increase the exterior influence of France, and not to intro
duce a foreign influence into its counsels. The French nation, when it is
not taken the wrong way, is more easily governed than any other : its
prompt and easy comprehension is unequalled; it immediately discerns
who labours for, and who against it ; but then it is necessary always to
speak to its senses, otherwise its uneasy spirit gnaws ; it ferments and ex
plodes. " My son will arrive after a time of civil troubles ; he has but one
party to fear — that of the Duke of Orleans : this party has been germi
nating for a long time. On this point, repeat to him what Bertrand said
to me : let him despise all parties, and only see the mass of the people ;
excepting those who have betrayed their country, he ought to forget the
previous conduct of all men, and reward talent, merit, and services,
wherever he finds them. Chateaubriand, notwithstanding his libel, is a
good Frenchman.
- " France is the country where the chiefs of parties have the least influ
ence ; to rest for support on them is to build on sand. Great things can
only be done in France by having the support of the mass of the people ;
and, besides, a government should always seek for support where it is
really to be found. There are moral laws as inflexible, and imperious as
the physical ones. The Bourbons can only rely for support on the nobles
and the priests, whatever may be the constitution which they are made to
adopt; the water will descend again to its level, in spite of the machine
which has raised it for a moment. I, on the contrary, relied on the whole
mass of the people without exception. I set the example of a government
which favoured the interests of all. I did not govern by the help of, or
solely for, either the nobles, the priests, the citizens, or the tradesmen ; I
governed for the whole community, for the whole family of the French
nation. To divide the. interests of a nation is to injure them all, and en
gender civil war. A thing indivisible by nature cannot be divided ; it can
only be-mutilated. I attach no importance to the constitution, of the prin
cipal bases of which I have made a draft.* Good to-day, it may be bad
to-morrow ; and, besides, nothing should be definitively settled on this
point without the formal consent of the nation ; but its fundamental prin
ciple should be the universality of votes.
* This will be found in the fourth volume.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 93
" My nobility will afford no support to my son ; I required more than
one generation to succeed in making them assume my colour, and pre
serve by tradition the sacred deposit of my moral conquests. From the
year 1815, all the grandees openly espoused the opposite party. I felt no
reliance either on my marshals or my nobility, not even on my colonels ;
but the whole mass of the people and the whole army, up to the grade of
captain, were on my side. I was not deceived in feeling this confidence ;
they owe much to me : I was their true representative. My dictatorship
was indispensable ; and the proof of this is, that they always offered me
more power than I desired. In the present day, there is nothing possible
in France but what is necessary. It will not be the same with my son :
his power will be disputed; he must anticipate every desire for liberty. It
is, besides, easier, in ordinary times, to reign with the help of the Cham
bers than alone : the assemblies take a great part of your responsibility,
and nothing is more easy than always to have the majority on your side;
but care must be taken not to demoralize the country. The influence of
the government in France is immense; and if it understands the way, it
has no need of employing corruption in order to find support on all sides.
The aim of a sovereign is not only to reign, but to diffuse instruction, mo
rality, and well-being ; and any thing false is but a bad aid.
" In my youth, I, too, entertained some illusions ; but I soon recovered
from them. The great orators who rule the assemblies by the brilliancy
of their eloquence are in general men of the most mediocre political
talents : they should not be opposed in their own way ; for they have
always more noisy words at command than you. Their eloquence should
be opposed by a serious and logical argument ; their strength lies in
vagueness; they should be brought back to the reality of facts: practical
arguments destroy them. In the council, there were men possessed of
much more eloquence than I was : I always defeated them by this simple
argument — two and two malcefour. France possesses very clever prac
tical men ; the only thing necessary is to find them, and to give them the
raeans of reaching the proper station: such a one is at the plough, who
ought to be in the council ; and such another is minister, who ought to
be at the plough. Let not my son be astonished to hear men, the most
reasonable to all appearance, propose to him the most absurd plans. From
the agrarian law to the despotism of the Grand Turk, every system finds
an apologist in France; let him listen to them all, let him take every thing
at its just value, and surround himself by all the real capacity of the
country. The French people are influenced by two powerful passions,
which seem opposed, but which, nevertheless, are derived from one and
the same feeling — viz., love of liberty, and love of distinction. A govern
ment can only satisfy these two wants by the most exact justice. The
law and action of the government must be equal towards all ; honours
and rewards must be bestowed on the men who seem in the eyes of all
to be the most worthy of them. Merit may be pardoned, but not intrigue.
The Order of the Legion, of Honour has been an immense and powerful
incitement to virtue, talent, and courage ; if ill employed, it would become
a great evil, by alienating the whole army, if the spirit of court intrigue
and coterie presided at its nominations or in its administration.
" My son will be obliged to allow the liberty of the press : this is a
necessity in the present day. In order to govern, it is not necessary to
pursue a more or less perfect theory, but to build with the materials which
are under one's hand ; to submit to necessities, and profit by them. The

94 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
liberty of the press ought to become, in the hands of the government, a
powerful auxiliary in diffusing, through all the most distant corners of the
empire, sound doctrines and good principles. To leave it to itself would
be to fall asleep on the brink of a danger. On the conclusion of a general
peace, I would have instituted a Directory of the Press, composed of the
ablest men of the country, and I would have diffused, even to the most
distant hamlet, my ideas and my intentions. In the present day, it is
impossible to remain, as one might have done three hundred years ago, a
quiet spectator of the transformations of society ; now, one must, under
pain of death, either direct or hinder every thing.
" My son ought to be a man of new ideas, and of the cause which I
have made triumphant every where. He ought to establish institutions
which may efface all traces of the feudal law, secure the dignity of man,
and develope those germs of prosperity which have been budding for cen
turies. He should propagate, in all those countries now uncivilized and
barbarous, the benefits of Christianity and civilization. Such should be
the aim of all my son's thoughts ; such is the cause for which I die a
martyr to the hatred of the oligarchs, of which I am the object. Let him
consider the holiness of my cause. Look at the regicides ! They were
formerly in the councils of a Bourbon; to-morrow they will return to
their country — and I and mine expiate in tortures the blessings which I
desired to bestow on nations. My enemies are the enemies of humanity;
they desire to fetter the people, whom they regard like a flock of sheep ;
they endeavour to oppress France, and to make the stream re-ascend to
wards its source. Let them take care that it does not burst its bounds !
With my son, all opposite interests may live in peace ; new ideas be dif
fused and gather strength, without any violent shock or the sacrifice of
any victims, and humanity be spared dreadful misfortunes. But if the
blind hatred of kings still pursues my blood after my death, I shall then
-be avenged, but cruelly avenged. Civilization will suffer in every way,
if nations burst their bounds, and rivers of blood will be shed throughout
the whole of Europe ; the light of science and knowledge will be extin
guished ami 1 civil and foreign warfare ; more than three hundred years
of troubles will be required in order to destroy in Europe that royal autho
rity which. has but for a day represented the interests of all classes of
men, but which struggled for several centuries before it could throw off
the restraints of the middle ages. If, on the other hand, the North ad>
vances against civilization, the struggle will be of shorter duration, but
the blows more fatal ; the well-being of nations, all the results which it
has taken so many years to obtain, will be destroyed, and none can fore
see the disastrous consequences. The accession of my son is forthe in
terest of nations, as well as of kings. Beyond the circle of ideas and
principles for which we have fought, and which I have carried triumph
antly through all difficulties, I see nought but slavery and confusion for
France and for the whole of Europe.
" You will publish all that I have dictated or written, and you will en
gage my son to read and reflect upon it. You will tell him to protect all
those who have served me well, and their number is large. My'poor sol
diers, so magnanimous, so devoted, are now perhaps in want of bread I
What courage, what good sense is there in this French people ! What
buried riches, which will perhaps never again see the light of day !
Europe is progressing towards an inevitable transformation : to endeavour

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 95
to retard this progress, would be but lo lose strength by a useless struggle ;
to favour it, is to strengthen the hopes and wishes of all.
" There are desires of nationality which must be satisfied sooner or
later, and it is towards this end that continual progress should be made.
My son's position will not be exempt from immense difficulties; let him
do by general consent What I was compelled by circumstances to effect
by force of arms. When I was victorious over Russia, in 1812, the
problem of a peace of a hundred years' duration was solved. I cut the
Gordian knot of nations ; in the present day it must be untied. * The re
membrance of the thrones which I raised up, when it was for the interest
of my general policy so to do, should be effaced. In the year 1815, 1
exacted from my brothers that they should forget their royalty, and only
take the title of French princes. My son should follow this example ; an
opposite course would excite just alarm. It is no longer in the North that
great questions will be resolved, but in the Mediterranean : there, there is
enough to content all the ambition of the different powers, and the happi
ness of civilized nations may be purchased with fragments of barbarous
lands. Let the kings listen to reason ; Europe will no longer afford mat
ter for maintaining international hatreds. Prejudices are dissipated and
(intermingled ; routes of commerce are becoming multiplied ; it is no
longer possible for one nation to monopolize it. As a means by which
my son may see whether his administration be good, or the contrary —
whether his laws are in accordance with the manners of the country, —
let him have an annual and particular report presented to him of the num.
ber of condemnations pronounced by the tribunals. If crimes and delin
quencies increase in number, it is a proof that misery is on the increase,
and that society is ill governed : their diminution, on the other hand, is a
proof of the contrary.
" Religious ideas have more influence than certain narrow-minded phi
losophers are willing to believe : they are capable of rendering great ser
vices to humanity. By standing well with the Pope, an influence is still
maintained over the consciences of a hundred millions of men. Pius VII.
will be always well disposed towards my son : he is a tolerant and' en
lightened old man. Fatal circumstances embroiled our cabinets ; I regret this
•deeply. Fesch did not understand me ; he upheld the party of the ultra-
montanes, the enemies of true religion in France. If you are permitted to re
turn to France, you will still find many who have remained faithful to my
memory. The best monument which they could raise to me would be to
make a collection of all the ideas which I expressed in the council of state,
for the administration of fhe empire ; to collect all my instructions to my
ministers ; and to make a list of the works which I undertook, and of all
the monuments which I raised in France and Italy. Marat, Daru, Mol-
lien, Merlin, and Cambaceres may contribute to this work ; it will be the
completion of what I charge Bignon to write on my foreign policy and
the general heads which I have indicated to you on my wars. In what I
have said in the council of state, a distinction must be made between
the measures, good only for the moment, and those whose application is
eternally true.
" Let my son often read and reflect on history ; this is the only true phi
losophy. Let him read and meditate on the wars of the greatest captains ;
this is the only means of rightly learning the science of war. •"
" But all that you say to him, or all that he learns, will be of little use

96 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
to him, if he has not in the depth of his heart that sacred fire and love of
good which alone can effect great things. -
" I will hope, however, that he will be worthy of his destiny."
April 18th. — There is nothing new in the progress of the disease.
Antommarchi, who accompanied Dr. Arnott in his morning visit, assured
us that he had hopes ; but yet, next day, Drs. Short and Miehels came to
a consultation with Drs. Arnott and Antommarchi. During the night of
the 20th, towards one o'clock, the Emperor expressed a desire to converse
with the Abbe Vignali, and desired me to send for him, adding, " Leave
us alone now, but return as soon as he shall have left me. Manage so
that no one may know that I have seen him to-night." I obeyed. The
Abbe remained an hour with the Emperor. When I returned, I found the
Emperor very calm ; his voice testified no emotion ; he conversed on re
ligious subjects for a few moments, then asked me for his potion, and fell
asleep. He was still asleep when Marchand came, at six o'clock, to
relieve me.
The Emperor has been for some days complaining for the want of air
in his small chamber, and has profited by an interval of ease to have him
self transported into the next room, which has hitherto served him as a
cabinet. April 21st. — Another consultation between the English physicians, but
private. April 22d. — The nightly perspirations continue to be very abundant : on
this night I have changed the Emperor's linen seven times. Altogether,
however, the Emperor is more tranquil ; the internal pain is less; but his
taste is becoming fantastic, and his emaciation extreme.
April 24th. — The Emperor has again spoken to me of his will. He
thinks of adding to it, by a codicil, several arrangements, with which he
will charge the Empress and Prince Eugene : his imagination is unceas
ingly employed in seeking to find resources from which to gratify his
liberality. Each day brings to his mind the remembrance of some other
old servant whom he would wish to remunerate. I must mention here,
that he has fallen into a great error in reckoning among the claims to be
made by his executors, the value of the draft of the Isle of Elba, which he
believed to have remained, in 181-5, in the portfolio of his treasurer, Baron
Peyrusse ; for General Bertrand has declared that at that time these drafts
had been protested and pronounced worthless, through the effect of politi
cal events ; and the declaration made by the Grand Marshal, during the
Hundred Days, of the trustworthiness of this treasurer, attests their perfect.
regularity. It is with pleasure that I render this testimony to the fidelity
and honour of Monsieur Peyrusse.
April 25th. — The whole morning has been employed by the Emperor
in writing his codicils ; he has dated the first two, April 16th ; the others
bear date, April 24th. He followed the same system as in making his
will : he first dictated them to me, and I afterwards dictated them to him,
•bjit as this work fatigued him very much, he sent for Marchand, to whom
he dictated the following official instructions to his executors, which he
signed after hearing them read.

HISTORY OP THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 97

INSTRUCTIONS TO MY EXECUTORS.

"April 26th, 1821, Longwood.
" 1. My legacies are to be paid in their full amount.
" 2. The 5,280,000 francs, which I placed in the hands of the bauker
Lafitte ought to produce, on the 1st of January, 1822, the interest being
reckoned at five per cent., which I agreed upon with him, about seven mil
lions. In case of difficulty, the account must be settled with the strictness
of a clerk settling with his master, since superior powers have prevented
me from writing and disposing of my funds : I can permit no modification
on this point.
" 3. The following are the only sums which I am aware that Monsieur
Lafitte has paid on my account. First, 100,000 francs to Count Las
Cases; second, 20,000 francs to General Lallemand the elder; third,
72,000 francs to Balcombe, on a letter of credit from Count Bertrand ;
fourth, 3,000 francs to Gilly, my valet-de-chambre; fifth, an authoriza
tion, sent through Prince Eugene, to furnish a monthly sum of 12,000
francs to London since 1817, to be employed for my use. ( This sum was
not furnished, with the exception of a part to Mr. Parker; I am^therefore,
indebted for considerable sums to Count Bertrand : all these must be, in
the first place, repaid to him.) Hence it results that, on the regulation of
these accounts, the sum which I left in his hands ought to amount, capital
and interest, to about 6,200,000 francs, disposable on the 1st of January,
1822. "4. The question relative to my private domain is one of principal im
portance ; it will be susceptible of much discussion : but the restitution of
the money left in the hands of Peyrusse, which, as I believe, has reverted
to the crown ; the liquidation of my civil list of Italy, which should pro
duce severaPmillions; the value of the furniture annexed to the crown,
and which belonged to me before the civil list, at the time of my Consulate,
and even when I was General ; (in the former class is included all the
furniture of St. Cloud, and a part of that of the Tuileries ; in the second,
a great part of the furniture of Rambouillet ;) the presents received by me,
either from other sovereigns or from the city of Paris, such as the beauti
ful articles of malachite from Russia, the lustres, crystals, &c. &c, the
gold service presented to me by the city of Paris — all these things are a
separate question : these different articles should produce several millions.
" 5. With regard to the furniture of the crown, which belongs to me, as
having been bought wilh the proceeds of the civil list, it will be said, that
by a senatus consultum, the heirs of the Emperor were declared only to be
capable of inheriting any part of it in case its value exceeded 30,000,000
francs ; but this was for the future : it was a family regulation, and it
would be an act of injustice to regard this furniture as not being my pro
perty. " 6. Laaken was purchased from the proceeds of the extraordinary do
main, but its furniture was paid for with the proceeds of the private domain.
This latter, therefore, amounts to a sum of 800,000 francs, which is to be
claimed from the .King of the Netherlands.
"7. When the King of Sardinia and the Grand Duke of Tuscany were

98 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OP NAPOLEON.
driven from their dominions, in 1799, they took with them their plate,
jewels, and other precious effects ; their private domains were even 're
served for them. By what right, then, did these sovereigns presume to
retain possession of my plate and furniture which I sent from Paris, and
which were purchased with the proceeds of my civil list?
" 8. The Pope took away his plate and precious effects from Rome.
The plate and furniture which I sent to Rome, and which were paid for
from the proceeds of my civil list, belong of right to me.
"9. I had, in the Isle of Elba, a little farm called Saint Martin, esti
mated at 200,000 francs, with furniture, carriages, &c. ; this was pur>
chased with money belonging to the Princess Pauline :' if it has been re
funded to her, I am satisfied ; but if this has not been done, my executors
shall take measures to effect its repayment to the Princess Pauline, if she
be still living; if not, it must revert to the mass of my property.
"10. I had at Venice 5,000,000 francs' worth of quicksilver, of which
I believe a great portion to have been pilfered by the Austrians : it must
be reclaimed, and its restitution effected.
" 11. There are reports in circulation concerning a will of the Patriarch
of Venice : they must be inquired into.
" 12. I left at Malmaison, independently of all my books, 2,000,000
francs, in gold and jewels, in a concealed place. I never made a special
donation of it to the Empress Josephine. I desire that this sum may be
reclaimed by my executors, but only in case this is necessary to the com
pletion of my legacies.
"13. I gave-the Empress Maria Louisa 2,000,000 francs in gold, at
Orleans : she is, therefore, in my debt for this sum ; but I desire that it
may not be reclaimed, except it shall be found necessary for the comple
tion of my legacies.
"14. I have, in the hands of Denon and D'Albe, a great number of
plans, which belong to me ; because, for several years I have paid 10,000
or 12,000 francs per month for the making and completion of these plans
and drawings. An account must be rendered of them to my executors,
who will afterwards take possession of them for my son.
" 15. I desire that my executors may make a collection of engravings,
pictures, books, and medals, which may give my son just ideas, and de
stroy those false ones which foreign policy may, perhaps, have desired to
inculcate ; that he may, in fine, be enabled to see things as they really were.
In publishing my campaigns of Italy and Egypt, and such^other of my
manuscripts as may be published, they shall be dedicated to my son, as
well as the letters addressed to me by other sovereigns, if they are to be
found ; they should be procurable in the archives ; and this ought not to be
difficult, since national vanity would be greatly a gainer by their publica
tion. " 16. If a collection of views of my head-quarters can be found, which
was at Fontainebleau, as well as some views of my palaces in France and
Italy, they shall be kept for my son.
" 17. Constant robbed me of a great many things at Fontainebleau. I
believe that many things may be got from him and Roustan, which would
be precious to my son, and to them have only a metalic value.
" 18. There were in my small apartments at the top of the palace at
the Tuileries, a great number of chairs worked by Josephine and Maria
Louisa : it may be agreeable to my son to have them.
" 19. Whenever my executors shall be enabled to see my son, they shall

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 99
earnestly set his opinions right on facts and things, and put him in the right
way. " 20. Whenever my executors shall be enabled to see the Empress,
which I desire may be separately, and as soon as prudence will permit,
they shall do the same.
'21. Though I by no means desire that my mother, if she be yet alive,
should give my son advantages (in her will), since I believe him to be
richer than her other children, I should, nevertheless, wish that she should
distinguish him by some precious legacy, such as portraits of my. mother
and father, or some trinkets, which he maybe able to say he has received
from his grand-parents.
" 22. As soon as my son shall have attained years of discretion, I
should wish my mother, my brothers, and sisters, to write to him, and
unite themselves to him in affection ; any obstacle will be powerless, since
my son may have his own acquaintances.
" 23. It would give me pleasure that those of my officers or domestics
who shall be able so to do should 'attach themselves to the service of my
son — as the children of Bertrand, or those of Montholon.
"24. My executors shall engage my son to reassume his name of Napo
leon, as soon as he shall have attained to years of discretion, and shall be
able conveniently so to do.
" 25. Many things should be found in the hands of Denon, D'Albe,
Fain, Menneval, and Bourrienne, which will be highly interesting to my
son. "26. In publishing the memoirs on Italy, use should be made of the
plans in D'Albe's possession. I' caused all the plans of battle to be drawn ;
it even seems that he has printed them. At the Depot of War may be
procured plans of several battles which I made. I suspect that Jomini
was aware of this.
" 27. My executors shall write to the King of England, when they pro
ceed to that country, insisting that my remains shall be transported to
France; and to the French Government, they shall write in the same
manner. "28. If Las Cases fulfils the functions of treasurer, and my executors
judge it necessary to have a secretary, should that office suit Drouot, he
may be nominated.
" 29. I have a young cousin at Ajaccio, who has, I believe, landed pro
perty to the amount of 300,000 francs; her name is Pallavicini-: if she
is not yet married, and would suit Drouot, her mother, if informed that
such is my desire, will give her to him without difficulty.
" 30. I desire that my "family should be informed of my wish that my
nephews and nieces shall marry either among themselves, in the Roman
States, in the Swiss Republics, or in the United States of America. I dis
approve of a marriage with a Swede, and, unless the good fortune of
France should return, desire that my family should have as little as pos
sible to do with kingly courts.
"31. Iri the hands of Apiani, a painter at Milan, may be found many
things which will be important to my son : the remembrance of me will be
the glory of his life ; let my executors collect, obtain possession of, or
facilitate his acquisition of every thing which may bring such an entourage
around him.
"32. Should good fortune again return, and my son ascend the throne,

100 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
it is the duty of my executors to make him understand all that I owe to
my old officers and soldiers and to my faithful adherents.
" 33. My executors shall also, by letter, or personally when possible,
express to the Empress Maria Louisa the esteem and sentiments which I
have entertained for her, and constantly recommended to her charge my
son, whose only resources must depend upon her.
" 34. If the Deputy Ramolino is at Paris, he may be consulted on the
condition of my family and the means of corresponding with them.
" 35. I desire that my executors may procure the best likenesses of me,
in different costumes, and may send them to my son as soon as it shall
be in their power.
" 36. My nurse at Ajaccio has children and grand-children, whom the
great benefits I have bestowed on her have put her in a position to bring
up well. I suppose she is dead ; and, besides, presume her to be very
rich: if, however, it happens, from a caprice of fortune, that all that I"
have done for her has not turned out well, my executors shall not leave
her in want.
"37. I should not be displeased that the little Leo should enter the
magistracy, if such should be his taste. I should wish Alexander
Waleska to be drawn into the service of France, into the army.
(Signed) « Napoleon."

CHAPTER VII.
THE EMPEROR'S DEATH— CONCLUSION.
April 26th. — The Emperor was pretty calm during the night, until
about four in the morning, when he said to me, with extraordinary emotion:
" I have just seen my good Josephine, but she would not embrace me; she
disappeared at the moment when I was about to take her in my arms.
She was seated there ; it seemed to me that I had seen - her yesterday
evening: she is not changed ; still the same — full of devotion to me. She
told me that we were about to see each other again, never more to part ;
she assured me that — did you see her ?" I took great care not to say any
thing which might increase the feverish excitement, too plainly evident to
me. I gave him his potion and changed his linen, and he fell asleep;
but on awaking, he again spoke to me of the Empress Josephine, and I
should only have uselessly irritated him, by telling him that it was only a
dream. The reading of an English journal awakened in the Emperor's mind
one of those terrible impressions against which his reason was powerless,
but which always have their origin in a noble feeling. Unfortunately,
Bertrand, in translating quickly, did not perceive that the article he was
translating was an infamous libel against Caulaincourt and Savary, and
when he would have stopped, the Emperor made him proceed; then inter
rupting him suddenly, he cried — " This is shameful !" He then sent for
me, ordered me to bring him his will, opened it, and interlined the follow
ing words without saying a word to us : — " I caused the Due d'Enghien
to be arrested and tried, because that step was essential to the safety,
interest, and honour of the French people, when the Count d'Artois was
maintaining, by his own confession, sixty assassins at Paris. Under simi
lar circumstances, I would act in. the same way." Having written these
few lines, he gave me back the will, and dismissed us by a sign of the hand.
April 27th.— The night passed painfully ; the feverish agitation was not
relieved until about four o'clock, by abundant perspiration, which obliged
me to change the Emperor's linen several times ; he had scarcely two
hours' sleep. As soon as Marchand came, at six o'clock, to relieve me,

1 02 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
the Emperor occupied him in closing and sealing with ribbons his will and
codicils ; seeming as if he were in haste to deprive himself of the power of
obeying the influence of the reflection which would have counselled him
to efface the words interlined on the preceding evening. ,
His will being sealed, he caused an inventory of his caskets to be made :
the most of the morning was passed in this way. He also put into enve
lopes six millions' worth of bills of exchange to his order ; he himself
wrote and signed all the superscriptions on the envelopes ; he wrote on a
piece of pasteboard while I held the ink-bottle. This work fatigued him
very much ; attacks of purulent vomitings several times interrupted him.
At nine o'clock in the evening he sent for the Grand Marshal and the
Abbe Vignali, and made Bertrand draw up a legal proces-verbal, attesting
the existence of the papers which Marchand and I had sealed ; he desired
that we should all put our seals and signatures to it. The proces-verbal
is as follows : —

" PROCES-VERBAL, ATTESTING THE EXISTENCE OF THE WILL AND CODI
CILS OF THE EMPEROR, ON THE 27TH OF APRIL, 1821.
" This day, April the twenty-seventh, one thousand eight hundred and
twenty-one, We, Count Bertrand, Grand. Marshal to the Emperor Napo
leon, have,. in execution of his orders, caused to be shown to us his various
wills, codicils, and instructions, of which Mons. Marchand is the deposi
tary, to the number of nine papers or separate packets, all folded in
nearly the same form, but of various thickness, turned down at one of the
four corners ; three of them connected together by a red ribbon, the six
others by a green one ; the said papers or packets being all signed on the
outside by the Emperor's hand, and, moreover, sealed with his arms on
each side of the envelope ; the said papers being also sealed with the arms
and signed by the hand of — 1. Count Bertrand ; 2. Count Montholon ;
3. Mons. Marchand — the three persons named by him as his executors ;
and 4. The Abbe Vignali.
" After having caused to be shown to us three caskets of mahogany,
locked, closed with green ribbon, and sealed with the imperial arms, and
with those of the four persons above mentioned, — viz., Count Bertrand,
Count Montholon, Mons. Marchand, and Mons. I' Abbe Vignali, we have
read some notes written by the Emperor Napoleon's own hand, and have
annexed them as follows to this document.
" On a paper without any number, is written :
'"This is my will, written entirely by my own hand.
" (Signed) ' Napoleon.'
" On a paper No. 1, is written :
" ' This is a codicil to my will, written entirely by my own hand.
"(Signed) 'Napoleon.'
" On a paper No. 2, is written :
" ' This is a second codicil to my will, written entirely by my own hand.
"(Signed)- 'Napoleon.'
" On a paper without any number, is written :
" ' This is my third codicil to my will, written entirely by my own

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. — 103
W
hand, signed, and sealed with my arms, which shall be opened on the
same day as, and immediately after, my will is opened.
" (Signed) ' Napoleon.'
" On a paper without any number, is written :
"This is my fourth codicil, forming a continuation to my will ; it shall
be opened on the same day as my will. " (Signed) ' Napoleon.'
" On a paper Ng. 5, is written :
'"This is my codicij or act of my last will, the execution of which I
recommend to my dearly beloved wife, the Empress Maria Louisa.
"(Signed) 'Napoleon.'
" On a paper No. 6, is written :
" ' This is my codicil or act of my last will, the execution of which I
recommend to my son, Eugene Napoleon; it is entirely written by my
own hand. *•" (Signed) 'Napoleon.'
"On a paper without any number, is written :
"'This is my seventh codicil or act of my last will, which shall remain
secret, and only be communicated to my executors.
" (Signed) ' Napoleon.'
"On a paper without any number, is written :
" ' This is an instruction to Montholon, Bertrand, and Marchand, my
executors. I have made a will and seven codicils, of which Marchand is
the depositary. " (Signed) ' Napoleon,'
" In fulfilment of the Emperor Napoleon's orders, We, Count Ber
trand, his Grand Marshal, have drawn up the present, document, to serve
as an inventory and proces-verbal. " Done in the Emperor Napoleon's bed-chamber, at
Jjongwood, on the day and in the year above-
named. (Signed) " Count Bertrand."
While Marchand was making an inventory of the contents of the
Emperor's caskets, the Emperor took from one of them a diamond neck
lace, and gave it to him, saying — ¦" Take this ; I am ignorant in what
state my affairs may be in Europe ; the good Hortense gave me this
before she left Malmaison, thinking that I might have need of it. I
believe it to be worth two hundred thousand francs ; hide it about your
person. When you reach France, it will enable you to await the provi
sion which I make for you in my will. Marry honourably; make your
choice among the daughters of the officers or soldiers of my old guard :
there are many of these brave men who are happy ; a better fate was
reserved for them, had it not been for the reverse of fortune experienced
by France. Posterity will acknowledge all that I would have done for
them, had circumstances been different."

104 HISTORY OF THE CtfPTIVIT't OF NAPOLEON.
The Emperor expressed a wish to change his room, " he had not enough
air," he said ; and he was therefore carried into , the saloon.
He talked a great deal to-day, and finding himself better, as he said,
he wished to write an eighth codicil, but was unable to finish it, and dic
tated several of the articles to me. He then dictated to Marchand two
letters, which he signed after;jeading them. They are as follows : —
" Monsieur Lafitte, — I remitted to you> i" 1815, at the moment of
my departure from Paris, a sum of nearly six millions, for which you
gave me a receipt in duplicate. I have cancelled one of the receipts, and
I charge Count Montholon to present you with the other, in order that
you may pay to him, after my death, the said sum, with interest at the
rate of five per cent, from the 1st of July, 1815, deducting the payments
which you have been instructed to make by virtue of my orders.
" It is my wish that the settlement of your account may be agreed
upon between you, Count Montholon, Count Bertrand, and. the Sieur
Marchand ; and this settlement being made, I give you, by these presents,
a complete and absolute discharge from the said sum.
" I also, at that time, place* in y%ur hands a box, containing my cabi
net of medals. I beg you will give it to Count Montholon.
" This letter having no other object, I pray God, Monsieur Lafitte, to'
have you in His holy keeping'
" Napoleon.
" Longwood, Island of St. Helena,
the 25th of April, 1821,"
" Monsieur le Baron la Bouillerie, Treasurer <of my private do
main, — I beg you to deliver the account and the balance, after my death,
to Count Montholon, whom I have charged with the execution of my will.
" This letter having no other object, I pray God, Monsieur le Baron la
Bouillerie, to have you in His holy keeping !
" Napoleon.
" Longwood, Island of St. Helena,
the 25th of April, 1821."
The Emperor also dictated to me a letter, which I was to write to Sir
Hudson Lowe to announce his death. It is as follows : —
" Monsieur le Gouverneur, — The Emperor Napoleon breathed his
last on the  , after a long and painful illness. I have the honour
to communicate this intelligence ;to you.
" The Emperor has authorized me to communicate to you, if such be
your desire, his last wishes. I beg you to inform me what are the
arrangements prescribed by your government for the transportation of
his remains to France, as well as those relating to the persons of his
suite. " I have the honour to be, &c. &c.
" Coun* Montholon."
The idea of this letter of itself furnishes a proof of the energetic 'cha
racter of the Emperor. That he should occupy himself with such details,
when his last hours of agony were already being counted !

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 105
• April 29th. — The night was bad, the feyer being, to judge from the
Emperor's agitation and, the sound of his voice, more decided. Twice I
wjsHed' to summon Antommarchi ; but when I urged'*' this, the Emperor
testified so much displeasure that I could venture no further.
* At four o'clock in the morning, he made me bring a table to his bed
side, and occupied himself for two hours in dictating two projects to me :
one on the destination of Versailles ; the other, on the organization of the
national guard, for the defence of the kingdom.- He made me entitje this
dictation — Premilre Reverie. Astonishment has often been felt at the
great faculties of , the Emperor, which permitted him oh the eve of or on
the day after a battle, which either was ''about to decide or had decided
the fate of a throne, to sign " decrees, and occupy himself with matters
purely administrative ; but these facts are far inferior to the one which
we here attest .- hut five days later, all that remained of this sublime
genius was a corpse ; and yet his thoughts were still constantly directed
towards, the happiness and future prospects of France!
April 80th.— Antommarchi will henceforth 'watch in the dining-rOomj
for it is no longer 'possible to deceive ourselves with regard to the danger
which menaces the Emperor. All hope is lost : Dr. Arnott has told us
so; and yet the Emperor preserves all his faculties of mind — all his will.
Bertrand, who sees that I am exhausted with fatigue, once more proposed
to him, this morning, to watch by him, in jny stead ; but the Emperor
replied : " I have already told you that Montholon suffices me ; it is your
foMt if I have become so accustomed to his services, which are those of a
son ;¦ and now I will have no other's. It is he who shall receive my
LAST SIGH J THIS SHALL' BE THE REWARD OF BIS SERVICES. Sal/ no
more on ihe subject."
#
May 1st. — This morning, when I was quitting <the Emperor, after hav
ing written from his dictation for more than two hours, he told me to send
Vignali to him. An hour afterwards, the chapel was prepared, and the
almoner had commenced the forty hours' prayers.
>' ¦ ' ,
May 2d. — The Emperor passed a bad day as well as a bad night. In
the evening, towards eight o'clock, the Emperor tried to dictate to Mar;
chand some testamentary arrangements in favour of his son and the
Princess Pauline ; but neither his words nor thoughts responded to the
impressions of his heart. The English medical men, Short, Mitchell,
and Arnott, held a long conference, and afterwards went to Antommar
chi's apartment.
May-3d. — In the night, towards two o'clock, the Emperor sat up, by a
conyulsive movement, and endeavoured to get out of bed. It was with
great difficulty that I got him to lie down again. « He was burning," he
said, and yet his skin was almost moist. He was very thirsty all night,
and frequently asked me for orangeade*
The day has passed pretty calmly, although the fever has not dimi
nished. Towards five o'clock, some unconnected words proved to us
that the Emperor's mind was beginning to be confused. ,He had sent for
Pierron, his maitre d'hotel, and was trying to give him orders himself as
to the way to make the orangeade ; but he kept constantly repeating the
word " orange," without finishing the phrase.
vol. m. 8

106 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY? OP NAPOLEON.
May 4th. — The night was tranouil. This morning, the physicians
administered a* strong dose of calomel: they say that if they had been
able to obtain any effect from it sooner, they should have had some hope.
The Emperor's weakness this evening is extreme.
May 5th. — The nighfti was. very bad : towards two o'clock delirium
became evident, and was accompanied by nervous contractions. Twice
I thought I distinguished the unconnected words, France — armee, t&te
ffiarmee — Josephine; at the same moment, the Emperor threw himself
out of his bed by a convulsive- movement, against which I struggled in
vain ; his strength was so great, that he threw me down, bringing me
with him on the carpet : he held me so tightly that I could not cry out for
help. Happily, Archambaud, who was watching in the next room, heard
some noise, and hastened to assist me to, replace the Emperor in bed. . A
few minutes afterwards, the Grand Marshal and Dr. Antommarchi-, who
had thrown themselves on a sofaj in the library, also entered; but the
Emperor had already lain down again, and was calm.
He seemed to be sleeping tranquilly when I left him, at six o'clock in
'the morning, but I had scarcely had time to throw myself on my bed,
when some one came in haste to fetch me ; the rattling in the throat — the
forerunner of death — was beginning !
When I approached the bed, the Emperor looked at .me, and made me
a sign to give him something to drink ; but already his power of swallow
ing was gone, and it was only by means of a sponge wetted with eau
sucree, that I was enabled to allay his thirst, by constantly pressing- the
sponge to his lips. From this moment, until half-past five inthe evening,
when he breathed his last, he remained motionless, lying on his back,
with his right hand out of the bed, and his eyes fixed, seemingl^absorbed
in deep meditation, and without any appearance of suffering; his lips
were slightly contracted, and his whole face expressed pleasant and gentle
impressions. Whenever Antommarchi attempted to relieve me, in mois
tening his lips with the sponge, he repulsed him with his hand, aud turned
his eyes upon me.
As the sun was setting, the Emperor quitted this earthly life, and I lost.'
more than a father. - ¦ *
I piously fulfilled Jhe duty which his kindness confided to me — I plosed
his eyes ! ,
Immediately after his death, I wrote the letter which he had dictated to
me on -the 28th of April, announcing his death, and, despatched it to Sir
Hudson Lowe, and at the same time I sent tp inform Dr. Arnott and the
orderly officer of the event ; they came in to verify the fact ; and both
testified their respect and grief, while obeying this sad duty. The head
surgeon. of the garrison and the head surgeon of the squadron then en
tered, and coldly laid their hands on the Emperor's heart. They only
saw in this act the fulfilment of a formality- — of a duty; and it did not
even seem to occur to their minds that the heart which had just ceased to
beat was that of one of those extraordinary and privileged men who ap
pear once in a century, as manifestations of the great powers of the human
mind. At seven o'clock in the evening, at the Grand Marshal's request,
M. Marchand and I went to him, for ihe purpose of drawing up the fol
lowing proces-verbal of the death of the Emperor, and of the delivery
made'to me by Monsieur Marchand of the- testamentary acts, as well as
of the envelopes containing the receipts for the deposits of money. I was

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. v 107
obliged to stop, however, before their completion, for- 1 felt exhausted with
grief, even more than with fatigue.
So many cruel emotions were too strong for the female part of the
fanMjy and for ;the children. Napoleon Bertrand fell down senseless,
white touching with his lips the ice-cold hand of the Emperor.

PROCES-VERBAL OF THE EMPEROR'S DECEASE.
"In default of the officers of the civil staff of the imperial family, de
signated by a senatus consultum, relating to the present point, we, Count ¦
Bertrand, Grand Marshal to the Emperor, and Count Montholon, aftfe-de-
camp to the Emperor Napoleon, both acting as civil officers of his house
hold, have drawn up the present document, for the purpose of attesting,
that today, the 5th of May, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-one,
at forty-nine minutes past five in the afternoon, the Emperor Napoleon
died in his apartments at Longwood, Island of St. Helena, after a long
and painful illness, in the bosom of the Roman Catholic and Apostolic
church, and in presence of us, the undersigned, and of all the persons of
his Majesty's household on service at Longwood.
(Signed) " Count Bertrand,
. " Count Montholon.
." Longwood, Island of St. Helena,
the fifth of May,
. One thousand eight hundred and twenty-one."

PROCES-VERBAL ATTESTING THE DELIVERING OF THE WILL AND CODI
CILS INTO THE HANDS OF COUNT MONTHOLON, THE OPENING OF THE
SECOND CODICIL, &C. &C,
"This day, the fifth of May, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-
one, at Longwood, Island of St. Helena, we, the undersigned Count Ber
trand, Count' Montholon, the Abbe Vignali, and Louis Marchand, assem-
1 -bled, conformably to the orders of the Emperor Napoleon, immediately
after his decease.
" Monsieur Marchand" declared to us that he was the depositary of the
following articles, and was charged by the Emperor to deliver them to
Count Montholon, which he has done in our presence — viz.,
" 1. The nine papers or packets sealed with the Emperor's arms and
with ours, such as they are described in the proces-verbal of the 27th of
April last.
" 2. A packet sealed with the Imperial arms.
¦ " 3. Two papers torn into several pieces.
" 4. Two receipts.
" 5.- A diamond necklace.
" Monsieur Marchand further declared to us that he was the depositary
of three mahogany caskets, mentioned in ,the said proces-verbal, and of
about twenty-six thousand francs in silver, conformably to his register.
" Count Montholon declared to us that he was the depositary—
" 1. Of about three hundred thousand francs in gold.
" 2. Of two gold snuff-boxes, one of them adorned with an ancient
cameo; and that,- besides, he had in his hands an unsigned paper, entitled

108 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
',8th codicil,' written partly by the Emperor's Own hand, and partly from
his dictation, after delirium became manifest. <
, "" Count Bertrand has declared to us that he was the depositary of the
Emperor's arms.
"Conformably to our instructions, we afterwards proceeded to open.
codicil No. 2, and in execution of the arrangements contained in it, have
given to Monsieur Marchand the diamond necklace above mentioned, on
condition that he shall restore it to our hands, should it be otherwise dis
posed of by later codicils.
" We, put our seals on the locks of the caskets. After which we drew
up and signed the present proces-verbal on the above-mentioned day, and
in the above-mentioned year. , (Signed) '' Count Bertrand.
" Count Montholon.
"Marchand.
" Vignali."

proces-verbal of the placing of the seals.
" This day, the fifth of May, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-
one, at the house of Longwood, Island of St. Helena, in which died to
day," at half-past five, p. m.,. his Majesty, the Emperor Napoleon, Monsieur
le Comte Bertrand, Grand Marshal of the Palace to his Majesty, Monsieur
le Comte de Montholon, aide-de-camp to his Majesty, and Monsieur Louis
Marchand, valet-de-chambre to his Majesty, assembled. Monsieur le
Comte Montholon declared that he had received orders to open immedi
ately, which -he did, a codicil bearing date the 16th of April last, by which
his Majesty had named Monsieur le Comte Montholon, Monsieur le Comte
Bertrand, and Monsieur Marchand his executors.
" The undersigned executors finding it impossible to make a regular
inventory of the Emperor's property, agreed that an estimate of it, ap
proved and signed by them, should be made.
" They immediately put their seals to the caskets containing the money,
boxes, and other articles, and signed : — ' " Bertrand.
" Marchand.
" Montholon."

May 6th, the Abbe Vignali passed the night in prayer beside the Em-
perpr's body ; Bertrand and I fulfilled by turns the pious duty of watch
ing ; Marchand, although still very weak, also watched. The physicians,
Antommarchi and Arnott, passed the night in a similar manner.
This morning, at seven o'clock, Sir Hudson Lowe, followed by his
whole staff, and accompanied by the French Admiral, by General Coffin,
and by the members of the council of government, as well as by the cap
tains of the vessels then in the roads, came to Longwood, and requiredi
me to admit him to see the body of the Emperor. All was ready for this'
sad ceremony ; the Emperor lay on his camp-bed in his little bedchamber.,-1
Noverras, although exhausted by dysentery, had collected all his strength;,
m order to shave him ; and Marchand, with the assistance of St. Denis,"
had clothed him in the uniform of the mounted chasseurs of his imperial
guard; the, cloak which he wore at Marengo covered his feet, and a cru-

history of the captivity of napoleon. 109
cifix had been laid on his breast. The Grand Marshal stood on the right
side of the bed, Marchand on the left, and the Abbe Vignali was engaged
in prayer at the foot, when I admitted Sir Hudson Lowe, who had brought
with him the Marquis Montchenu, commissioner of King Louis XVIII., and
charged per interim with the functions of commissioner of the Emperor
of Austria; Admiral Lambert, commander of the squadron; Brigadier-
General Coffin, commander of the brigade of land troops ; Messrs. Brook
and Thomas, members of the council of colonial administration of the
island ; two captains of the royal marine ; and Drs. Mitchell, Short,
Arnott, Burton, and Livington, surgeons of the squadron, the garrison,
and the East India Company.
Sir Hudson Lowe bowed respectfully when I showed him the inanimate
corpse of the Emperor, and his example was followed by all the persons
of his suite. They all defiled before the bed with religious silence and
respect. But scarcely had we quitted the chamber, when Sir Hudson Lowe an
nounced to me that the surgeons, by his orders, were about to proceed
immediately to the post-mortem examination. I indignantly rejected the
proposal, and summoned the Grand Marshal to my assistance ; but our
protestations would have been impotent against the will of the Governor,
had not the Marquis Montchenu added his opposition to ours, declaring,
that acting in his double quality of commissioner of France and Austria,
he protested against this illegal order, and claimed the execution of the
regulations in use in the island with regard to interments.
Sir Hudson Lowe was obliged to yield to the declaration made, that the
customs of Saint Helena demanded that unless symptoms of decomposition
made their appearance, an interment should not take place before the ex
piration of twenty-four hours. It was agreed that this usage should be
respected. The Emperor's death was unhappily but too certain. We could no
longer entertain the slightest gleam of hope ; and, nevertheless, our grief
was sadly increased when, towards noon, Dr. Antommarchi deelared to
us that decomposition was making rapid progress, and that the necessity
for proceeding to the examination and embalmment was urgent.
Sir Hudson Lowe was informed of this state of things, and at two
o'clock, p. m., the English medical men, Short, Arnott, Mitchell, Burton,
and Livington, joined Dr. Antommarchi : the latter proceeded to the exa
mination, in presence of the Grand Marshal, myself,. and the persons be
longing to the household of the Emperor ; the Governor was represented
by the chief of his staff. This sad operation was performed in the topo
graphic cabinet. The following is the proces-verbal of it : —

" report op dr. antommarchi, charged with the opening of the
emperor's body.
" I, the undersigned, Francois Antommarchi, surgeon in ordinary to the
Emperor Napoleon, in execution of the orders given me by the Counts
Bertrand and Montholon, proceeded to open the body of the Emperor.
Having opened the cavities of the thorax and stomach, I observed what
follows : —
" 1. The exterior convex surface of the left lung adhering at different
points to the corresponding costal pleura.

HO HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
" 2. About three ounces of lymphatic humour in the bag of the left
costal pleura.
" 3. About eight ounces of the same lymphatic liquid in the bag of the
right costal pleura. , *;
"4. The lungs in a natural state.
" 5. The heart in a good state, enveloped in its pericardium, and
covered with a little fat.
" 6. The stomach, intestines, liver, spleen, and large omentum, in their
natural place.
" 7. The upper convex surface of the left lobe of the liver adhering to
the corresponding part of the concave surface of the diaphragm.
" 8'. The interior concave surface of the lobe strongly adhering 'to the
fore-surface and to the small curve pf the stomach, as well as the little
omentum. " 9. Having carefully detached, partly with the scalpel and partly with
the fingers, the said adherences, I observed, that the adherence of the con
cave surface of the left lobe of the liver formed a hole of about three lines
in diameter in the fore-surface of the stomach, near its right extremity.
" 10. Having opened the stomach behind its, large curve, I observed
that it was partly filled with a liquid blackish substance, which had a
sharp and disagreeable smell.
"11. Having removed the said liquid, I observed a very extended can
cerous ulcer, which occupied particularly the upper part of the internal
surface of the stomach, and extending from the orifice of the cardia to
within an inch of the pylorus.
" 12. On the edge of this ulcer, towards the pylorus, I perceived the
hole above mentioned (Art. 9), produced by an ulcerous corrosion of the
partitions of the stomach.
" 13. The ulcerous partitions of the stomach were considerably swelled
and hardened.
"14. Between the ulcer and the pylorus, and contiguous to the ulcer,
I observed a scirrhous swelling and hardness of some lines in breadth,
which circularly occupied the right extremity of the stomach.
" 15. The liver was obstructed, and of an unnatural size.
" 16. All the intestines were in a good state, but filled with air.
(Signed) " Francois Antommarchi,
"Longwood, May 8, 1821."

Sir Hudson Lowe had signified to us, that conformably to the orders of
his government, he forbade the embalmment of the body ; but it was only
at the moment (hat Dr. Antommarchi was proceeding to enclose the heart
in a silver vase filled with spirits of wine, the Emperor having commanded
us to take it to the Empress, that he sent a message declaring his opposi-
1 ion to this measure, and stating that no part should be thus preserved but
he stomach, which was to be sent to England. '
This declaration gave rise to a warm discussion ; all we could succeed
in obtaining was, that the heart should be enclosed in a silver vase, in like
manner to the stomach, and should be thus placed in the coffin. I also
obtained permission to put into the coffin, in pursuance of an order re
ceived from the Emperor, a collection of gold money struck in his reign.

HISTOHY OP THE CAPTIVITY OP NAPOLEON. Ill
The examination being terminated, the Emperor was again clothed in the
dress of. the chasseurs of the guard, and laidout on his camp-bed in the
chamber next to his usual bed-chamber ; the bed was placed so as to face
the glass-door which Opened to the little garden, and a crucifix was placed
on his breast. _
The regiments of the garrison and numerous detachments of the crews
of the squadron, in full dress, but unarmed, defiled before his mortal re
mains; they all, officers, soldiers, and sailors, bent the knee to the ground
on arriving opposite the glass door; some of the officers entreated'to be
allowed the honour of pressing with their lips a corner of the cloak of
Marengo, with which we had covered the Emperor's feet.
The Grand Marshal, Monsieur Marchand, and myself, surrounded the
bed of the Emperor ; the Abbe Vignali was engaged in prayer at the foot.
Captain Crokat, of the 20th regiment, orderly officer at Longwood, left
St. Helena this evening, on board the Heron, to carry to England the news
of the Emperor's death, as well as the proces-verbal of the examination.
May 7th.— This morning the whole Creole population came in proces
sion to Longwood, to pay a last testimony of homage and respect to the
illustrious captive who had gained their love and admiration-.
At two o'clock in the afternoon, everything being ready for placing the
Emperor's mortal remains in the coffin which was to shut him from all
eyes for ever, we proceeded to the performance of this cruel- duty.
The following is the proces-verbal of it :

" PROCES-VERBAL OF THE PLACING IN THE COFFIN.
"This day, the seventh of May, one thousand eight hundred and
.twenty-one, at Longwood, Island of St. Helena, the body of the Emperor,
being clothed in the uniform of the chasseurs of his guard, was by us, the
undersigned, placed in a tin coffin, lined with white satin, and having a
pillow and mattress of the same ; we also put into this coffin the heart,
enclosed in a silver vase, surmounted by the Imperial eagle, and the box
containing the stomach ; also a silver vase, engraved with the Imperial
arms, a cover of silver ditto, a plate ditto, six double Napoleons in French
gold, four single gold Napoleons, a double silver Napoleon, and two Ita
lian double Napoleons of gold.
"The first coffin having been soldered in our presence, was placed in
another of lead, which, after having also been soldered, was enclosed in a
third coffin of mahogany. ' ¦
" The coffin was placed on the camp-bed, in the chapelle ardente, and
covered with a pall of Velvet, on which we spread the cloak which the
Emperor had worn in every campaign since the battle of Marengo, after
which we drew up and signed the present proces-verbal, the day and year
above mentioned. (Signed) " Count Bertrand.
" Count Monthol6n.
" Marchand."
On the 8th of May the Grand Marshal called us together, to proceed
to the examination of the Emperor Napoleon's finances. The following
is the proces-verbal :

112 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

" PROCES-VERBAL ATTESTING THE STATE OF THE FINANCES.
* ¦ ....
"This day, May the 8th, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-one,
at Longwood, Island of St. Helena, we, the undersigned executors of the
Emperor Napoleon, examined the state of the finances, and found that
there existed —
1. In the hands of Count Montholon, conformably to the notes written
by the Emperor's hand : ' - francs, cents.
C 1070 quadruples at 96 frs. 102,720 „
In current gold of St. < 8818 Napoleons' at 21,60.- 190,472
Helena. " ( Money Of China . 6,93.0
300,122
In d purse, different pieces df Money . 632 „
Six notes of the Bank of England . 576 „
2. In the hands of Monsieur Marchand, conformably
to his register, in ready money, and likewise in
curre'nt money of St. Helena, the sum of 22,086
shillings, making in France . . . . 26,503 20
Sum total in hand  327,833 20
" After which, we again attached our seals, and signed the present
proces^verbctl, fhe day and year abovermentioned. ,
(Signed) i " Count Bertrand.
',' Count Montholon.
" Marchand."
May 9th. — Scarcely was the grave, destined tq receive the mortal,
remains of the Emperor, completed by the military labourers, when the
Governor sent us information that the ceremony of interment was to take
place at- eleven o'clock prepisely, and desiring that we might be in readi
ness at that hour. The proces-verbal of the interment is as follows :

" PROCES-VERBAL OF THE INTERMENT.
"This day, May the ninth, one, thousand eight hundred and twenty-
one, at Longwood, Island pf St. Helena,, the last duties were rendered to
the Emperor Napoleon.,
" At ten o'clock, a. M.,the Abbe Vignali celebrated mass and the service
for the dead.
" At eleven o'clock, the garrison being under arms arid lining the way,
the cortege quitted Longwood; the corners of the cloak* were held by
Count Bertrand, Count Montholon, Napoleon Bertrand, and Marchand ;
the Countess Bertrand and the whole of the Emperor's household sur
rounded the funeral car. The staff, and successively the whole garrison,
followed in its rear.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 113
" At noon, the almoner of the Emperor having blessed the grave dug
at the fountain Colbett, and the prayers being concluded, the coffin was
lowered into the grave, amidst the reports of salvos of artillery from the
forts and the ships of the squadron.
" The grave was then filled in, and closed with masonry, in our pre
sence, and a' guard of honour placed beside it. After which we drew up
and signed the present proces-verbal, the day and year above-mentioned.
(Signed) " Count Montholon.
"Count Bertrand.
" Marchand."
On the 11th of May, the Governor sent to inform me that on the next
day, the 12th, he would come to Longwood for the purpose of receiving
from me a communication of the testamentary wishes of the Emperor,
and to proceed to examine the inventory of his movable effects in the
Island of St. Helena. The following is the proces-verbal of this visit :

"PROCES-VERBAL ATTESTING THE EXAMINATION QF THE INVENTORY BY
THE GOVERNOR, AND THE OPENING, IN HIS PRESENCE, OF CODICIL
MO. 1.
"This day, May the twelfth, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-
one, at Longwood, Island of St. Helena; the Governor of the Island having
repaired to Longwood, for the purpose of proceeding to the examination
of the inventory of the effects and other property of the Emperor Napoleon
in St. Helena, we, the undersigned, have, conformably with our instruc
tions, opened in his presence the codicil No. 1, as well as the inventories
attached lo it.
" After having examined the said papers, he caused to be broken before
us the seals placed on the three caskets of mahogany, mentioned in the
proces-verbal of the 27th of April last ; which were found to contain the
articles named in the lists.
"The Governor declared to us that he could not authorize the definitive
execution of the codicil communicated to him, and that he must refer to
bis government on the subject ; but that we might proceed to the provisional
execution of the said arrangements. After which we drew up and signed
the present proces-verbal, the day and year above-mentioned.
(Signed) " Count Montholon.
" Count Bertrand.
" Marchand."
On the 14th of May, we made a division of the Emperor's effects, in
conformity with the instructions of his Codicil No. 2, dated the 16th of
April, 1821. The following is the proces-verbal : —

*' PROCES-VERBAL OF THE DIVISION OF THE EFFECTS.
" This day, May the fourteenth, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-
one, at Longwood, Island of St. Helena, in conformity with the arrange-
ments contained in the Codicil No. 2, we proceeded to the division of the
effects and books of the Emperor Napoleon, and caused to be enclosed in

114 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
cases such of these articles as he has disposed of tp the princes and
princesses of his family. After which we drew up and signed the present
proces-verbal,. the day and year above-mentioned.
(Signed) " Count Montholon.
" Count Bertrand.
"Marchand."
On the 30th of May, we quitted Longwood, and embarked on board the
Camel, a vessel of the Royal Marine, placed by Sir Hudson Lowe at our
disposal, for the purpose of conveying us to England.
On the 25th of July, 1821, the captain having announced to us that we
had for some hours been in the Europe^ seas, I communicated to Count
Bertrand, Mons. Marchand, and the Abbe Vignali, in conformity with the
Emperor's orders, the testaments and codicils of which I was the depo-,
sitary. The following is the proces-verbal of the proceeding : —

" proces-verbal.
" This day, July the twenty-fifth, one thousand eight hundred and
twenty-one, being at the time in the European seas, at the distance of 160
leagues, Paris latitude from the coasts of France, Count Montholon de
clared to us, that in conformity with the order received from the Emperor,
he should open the testaments, codicils and instructions designated in the
proces-verbal of the 27th of April last, and communicate them to us in the
presence of Mons. I' Abbe Vignali ; which he did.
"After which we drew up. and signed the present proces-verbal, on sea,
the day and year above-mentioned, on board, his Britannic Majesty's
vessel the Camel. .
(Signed) " Count Montholon.
" Count Bertrand.
" Marchand.
" Vignali."

Having arrived in England, we definitively drew up the account of the
expenses incurred after the Emperor's decease, in his affairs; the detail of
them is curious, on account of the articles referring to the interment. The
proces-verbal is as follows : —

" proces-verbal op the liquidation of the expenses incurred
after the emperor's decease in his affairs, prom the 5th of
may to the 18th of august, 1821.
" This day, August the eighteenth, one thousand eight hundred and
twenty-one, at London, the undersigned executors of the Emperor Napo
leon, have drawn up and approved- the present list of fhe payments made
in relation to his affairs from the 5th of May last to the above-mentioned
day; the said payments amount together, as is shown in- the subjoined

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

115

account, to the sum of three hundred and forty-one thousand, five hundred
and fourteen francs, and twenty centimes, viz. :

May 7th, 1821,
Gratuity to Dr. Arnott, of the 20th regiment,
Put in the coffin in pieces stamped with the Empe
ror's effigy ......
Velvet pall for the coffin .....
Seventy ells of black cloth , for the Chapelle Ar-

Mourning for the English domestics
Light for the Chapelle Ardente . . . .
Memorandum of the Maitre d'Hotel, expenses from
1st to 5th of May 
Memoranda of arrears of personal expenses of the
Emperor . . .
Salaries, reserve made, by means of a sum ordered
by his Majesty :
To Mons. Marchand
— St. Denis
- — Noverras
— Pierron
— Coursot
— Chandelier
Current salaries — Month of April
" Month of May
Gratuity to the English domestics . • .
Allowance of Dr. Antommarchi
Claim, relative to the interment, made by the Mai
tre d'Hotel, Cipriani 
Reimbursement, at the. charge of the Emperor, to
General Gourgaud . . . . . .
Gratuities in execution of the codicil No. 2, dated
April 16th, 1821 :

25,232 francs
7,8009,0533,400 150 150

To Count Bertrand
To Count Montholon
To Mons. Marchand
— St. Denis
— Noverras
— Pierron
— Vignali
— Archambaud
— Coursot
Chandelier

48,500 francs
48,500 48,500.14,550 14,550 14,550 14,550 9,700 9,7004,850

To the English soldiers who carried the coffin,
Provision for the domestics on board the Camel Total

francs.
13,960 435112
3,168 216 601
1,027
5,009

45,785

cents.

5080

66 20 60

7,705 32
7,705 32
1,663 "
18,000 "
1,391 90
2,400 "

227,950

2,000 "
2,382 90
341,514' 20

The above payments were provided for by means of the subjoined re
sources: —

116 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. francs, cents.
In the hands of Mons. Marchand . * . . 26,503 20
In the hands of Count Montholon . . . 301,330 "

Supplied by Count Bertrand
-t- Count Montholon
— Marchand

327,833

20

2,400

i<

4,231

Cf

7,050

(I

Total 341,514 20
" The undersigned have verified the exactitude of the expenses and re
sources above mentioned, which are balanced ; and have signed the pre
sent proces-verbal, the day and year above-mentioned, at the house of
Count Bertrand, Leicester Square, London. (Signed) " Bertrand,
" Montholon,
" Marchand."

Our instructions imposed on us a duty, which our religious devotion to
the Emperor rendered doubly sacred ; we had orders to demand that his
mortal remains should be brought back to France ; and in case the govern
ment of France should refuse to allow them to return to the banks of the
Seine, into the midst of the French people, whom he loved so weU, we were
to demand that, at least, the tomb of his fathers, in the cemetery at Ajac
cio, might be re-opened to receive them.
, All the entreaties we had addressed to Sir Hudson Lowe, in St. Hele
na, had been in vain ; his orders were formal, and we were forced to sub
mit to the law of the stronger.
The steps which we took towards the French and English Governments
gave rise to the following correspondence :

TO LORD LIVERPOOL, PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL OP STATE.
" My Lord, — Being charged by the Emperor Napoleon with the exe
cution of his last wishes, we beg you to lay at the feet of the King the pe
tition which we have the honour to address to him.

" We are, &c, &c, &c,
(Sig
" London, September 27th, 1821."

(Signed) " Count Montholon,
" Count Bertrand.

¦ TO THE KING OF ENGLAND.

" Sire, — We now fulfil a sacred duty imposed on us by the Emperor
Napolebn's last wishes — we claim his ashes.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 117
" Your Ministers, Sire, are aware of his desire to repose in the midst of
the people, whom he loved so well; his wishes were communicated to the
Governor' of St. Helena, but that officer, without paying any regard to our
protestations, caused him to.be interred in that land of exile. *
"His mother,' listening to nought but her grief, implores from you,
Sire, demands from you, the ashes of her son ; she demands from you the
feeble consolation of watering his tomb with her tears; If, on his barren
rock, as when on his throne, he was the terror of the world, when dead,
his glory alone should survive him.
" We are, with respect, &c, &c,
(Signed) " Count Bertrand,
" Count Montholon.
"London, September 21st, 1821."

" THE ENGLISH AMBASSADOR TO MONSIEUR LE COMTE MONTHOLON.
" The English Ambassador has the honour to inform Monsieur le
Comte Montholon, that having received orders from his Government to
make a communication to him as well as to Count Bertrand, he will ex
pect Monsieur le Comte- to-morrow, Friday, at half-past twelve, hoping
that he will come to him at that hour, should it be convenient.
" The Ambassador has the honour to offer Monsieur le Comte the as
surance of his high consideration.
"Paris, December, 1821."
This communication was a resolution of the English Government that
it only considered itself as the depository of the Emperor's ashes, and that
it would deliver them up to France as soon as the latter Government
should express a desire to that effect.
We immediately applied to the French ministry, but without result.
On the 1st of May, 1822, Monsieur le Comte de Montmorency, Minis
ter of Foreign Affairs, consented to present the following letter to his
Majesty Louis XVIII. :
" Sire, — We were charged to demand from the King of England, be
fore again beholding our native land, permission to bring back to the
banks of the Seine the ashes of the Emperor Napoleon, which have been
interred in the land of exile.
"The accomplishment of this wish depends upon your Majesty; the
English Government has declared this to us. Deign, sire, to permit, at
least, that the same marble at Ajaccio may cover the son and the father,
in a land consecrated by the religion in which he was born and lived.
" Sire, we venture to raise our voices even to your Majesty, in order to
fulfil our sacred mission to you. We will in silence await your royal de
cision ; but we thought that no consideration could free us from an engage
ment consecrated by the sacredness of the tomb.
"We have the honour to lay at your Majesty's feet the homage of our'
profound respect. (Signed) " Count Bertrand,
" Count Montholon,
" Marchand.
"Paris, 4th of May, 1822."

118 history of the captivity of napoleon.
The execution of the Emperor's last wishes is in some manner con
nected with the history of his captivity ; but I shall confine myself to
proving, by the publication of the following letter, that the executors of
the Emperor religiously performed their duty.

" the commissaries of the legatees of the emperor napoleon to
general montholon.
" Monsieur le Comte, — The legatees of the Emperor, at the moment
when the liquidation of the sums reverting to them by their legacies is
completed, by the care of the executors, feel themselves bound to express
to you their thanks ; we, the interpreters of their sentiments, beg you to
accept them in their name and in our own.
" The legatees have pleasure in acknowledging that it is to your care,
and to the active steps which, during the last five yearsj you have not
ceased to take, as well in France as in England, before- tribunals and by
referring to Ministers, that the removal of the obstacles which had hitherto
retarded, and would have indefinitely postponed the realization of the Em
peror Napoleon's beneficent intentions towards them, is mainly due.
" Happy to terminate, by testifying our gratitude to you, our short mis
sion, during which we have always found you, Monsieur le Comte, zealous,
disinterested, and conciliatory, we beg you to receive, once again, the as
surance of the distinguished sentiments with which we have the honour to
be, &c, &c, &c, (Signed) " General Brayer,
" Marbot.
" Poggi.
" Baron Menneval.
" Potron,
" Notary, furnished with powers by
General Cambronne."

CHAPTER VIII.
¦ ON THE POSITION OF FRANCE IN RELATION TO FOREIGN
POWERS.
Napoleon regarded a general peace as the first step towards the rege
neration of Europe ; and when he was aU the very height of his power,
he renewed his offer of peace with England, in concert with the Emperor
of Austria and the King of Prussia, who had gone to. Dresden for the ex
press purpose of paying him a visit, and openly testifying the sincerity of
their alliance. The English ministry and the libels of all the oligarchs, in
the world may say what they please ; it is nevertheless, true, that the
Emperor Napoleon always desired peace with England.
. So also, when surrounded by a royal cortege, and when 400,000 sol
diers, under the French eagle, were encamped on the banks of the Nie-
men, he again held out a friendly hand to the Emperor Alexander, and
sent to him his aide-de-camp, Count Narbonne, , to make a last effort for
the re-establish,ment of harmony between two sovereigns, who, not long
before, had mutually engaged to act as brothers..
But the counsels of Catherine ill accorded with the mystical ideas of
Alexander, and this explains the contradictions between his impressions
as a private man and his policy as a sovereign. He has a superior mind,
is well-bred, graceful, and insinuating; a real Greek, of the lower empire.
At Erfurt, he ventured to advise the death of the princes of Spain who
were detained at Valencay : he said, " Ferdinand is but one man, and
he will cost your Majesty 300,000 men and 300 millions of money : his
death will settle the Spanish question. If you allow, him to live, you will
create for yourself difficulties, the consequences of which will be, per
haps, very serious : you cannot hesitate when your own interest and that
of France is at stake. Your ideas are a little antiquated ; hereditary right
is one of the abuses of sovereignty." It was a curious exchange of cha
racters ; a man of the people defending hereditary right against the de
scendant of sovereigns ! It was there also that he said to Marshal Lannes,
" The friendship of a great man is a blessing bestowed by God !" Could
Alexander have been sincere ! His advising the death of Ferdinand would
lead one to think so.

120 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
However, his concurrence in the war at Wagram was not energetic ; it
was, as it were, against his inclinations ; and the acquisition of a part of
Gallicia, as the price of his engaging in the campaign with 30,000 Rus
sians, did not satisfy him. In his intimacies, as well as in the arts of his
diplomacy, he showed that ihe had often thought about Poland, and did
not conceal his resentment, when he learned that the Emperor of the
French laid it down as a principle, that the re-establishment of Poland
was wished far by all ihe western powers, and that as long as that king.
dom was not re-established, Europe would be without a frontier on the
side of Asia. He even went, so far as to profit by the influence of the
sentiments which he publicly professed for the Duke of Vicenza, the
French Ambassador at St. Petersburg, to get him to sign, but only as a
paraphe sine varietdte, a secret compact between the two Emperors of
France and Russia for the partition of the world. It was the Erfurt idea,
reduced to the form of a mystical, diplomatic, and paternal convention, v
But there, as at Erfurt, the Polish question was an insurmountable ob
stacle. They could come to an understanding on many points ; but
Poland and Constantinople were two French subjects of interest, upon
which any agreement was impossible. However enfeebled the Ottoman
empire might be by the carelessness of its administration, it. was of neces
sity the point of separation of the two empires. It was the marsh which
prevented turning the right of the French. As for Greece, it was quite
another thing. She expected a deliverer, and more than once had occu
pied the attention of the Commander-in-chief of Italy, as well as the sove
reign of the French. In 1797, he wrote to the Directory, "I have my
eye upon the kingdom df Alexander." In 1811, he made preparations
at Corfu for an expedition of 40,000 men. He-considered that" Greece
ought, necessarily, to fall to the lot of the power which should possess
Egypt; and to secure the possession of Egypt to France was the con
stant aim of his policy. Constantinople could be an independent state, a
species of barrier against Russia, as the Congress -of Vienna wished to
raise one against France by creating the kingdom of Belgium. ' But Na
poleon could no more consent to give Constantinople to Russia, than he
could engage not to 're-establish the kingdom of Poland : the doing so he
would look upon as an act of base ingratitude. The Poles had shed their
blood in the ranks of the French army. They were our brethren in arms.
The Duke 6f Vicenza was severely blamed for having listened to such
proposals, and the compact which he had signed was destroyed. How
ever, the Emperor Alexander did not despair ; the mission of Prince
Kouralkin was for the purpose of urging the affair, although it was dis
guised under the most amicable appearances. Poland was an idee fixe, in
which the intrigues of England encouraged him. The occupation of the
frontier of the Duchy of "Oldenburg by the light troops of the first corps
d'armee, commanded by Marshal Davoust, at the mouth of the Elbe, was
the pretext for the commencement of some bitterness in. the diplomatic
relations, in the beginning of 1811. An uka'se prohibited the introduction
of' French merchandise into -any country under the'dominion of Russia,
and ordered the burning of all goods sent in infraction of this rigorous de
cree. On this occasion, Napoleon said to the Prince Kouralkin, at the
diplomatic audience on Sunday, " Monsieur, write to your master and
say, that I would prefer receiving a blow on the cheek, to seeing the pro
ducts of the industry and labour of my subjects burned. What greater
injury can Russia inflict upon France? Not being able to invade our

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 121
soil, she attacks us in our products, in our commerce, in our industry."
The Duke of Vicenza was ordered to demand the retraction of the ukase,
and to ask for an explanation of the armaments of which mention was
made by the Baron Biguon, the French diplomatic agent at Warsaw.
The Emperor Alexander could not resolve upon an open rupture, either
because he did not yet think himself in a situation to make war with ad
vantage, or because he felt himself restrained by sentiments of personal
friendship towards the Emperor of the French. He had recourse to all
the"jiractices of Grceca fides, which is too often the guide of the cabinet of
St.^Petersburg. All his protestations to the Duke of Vicenza, all his
letters to the Emperor Napoleon, repeated the expression, " Why should
there be distrust between us ? I am raising no extraordinary armament ;
the levies of which you have been informed, are only the usual recruiting
of the army. I should have a better right to ask you, why your armies
cover Poland ? But I do not, for I have confidence in you, of which I
can give no stronger proof than my desire to see you espouse a Grand
Duchess of Russia.' Trust me ; you will never have to repent of the
friendship which you have shown me. The ukase of which.you justly
complain, was forced from me by the Boyards ; would you condemn me
to a fate similar to that of my unfortunate father 1 I cannot recall that
ukase without exposing myself to it ; but I have it in my power to prevent
its being carried into effect, and that it shall not be."
How could any one doubt amid such assurances, or resolve to believe in
a duplicity which so many facts discovered ? Napoleon replied : " Never
shall my armies cross the Niemen, unless you break the treaty of Tilsit,
and deny your fraternal protestations at Erfurt ! The choice of an Arch
duchess of Austria is apart from all political considerations, and is no re
turn to the politics of the cabinet of Versailles ; my personal sentiments and
the policy of my government would lead me to prefer a Grand Duchess of
Russia; and you know better than any one else, that if I did not conclude
that marriage, the Empress, the mother of your Majesty, was the chief
cause by the ill-will which she showed to it, and the difficulties which she
had thrown in the way of it."
In the meantime a rupture appeared imminent ; the influence of England
made rapid strides at St. Petersburg, M. de Romanzoff was its principal
agent, and laid before the eyes of Alexander some private correspondence
from- Paris, in which it was asserted that Napoleon experienced the greatest
difficulties from the war in Spain ; that he was disposed to make great
sacrifices in order to preserve amicable relations with Russia ; and that
the occasion was favourable for obtaining an indemnity for the Duchy of
Oldenburg, and for acquiring Dantzic. This is the explanation of the in
sulting and unexpected note presented by Prince Kouralkin, which de
clared that the Emperor, his master, insisted that the French troops should
evacuate Poland and Germany ; and also of the refusal to receive Gene
ral Lauriston as ambassador from France to St. Petersburg, instead of the
Duke of Vicenza. It was a declaration of war ; Napoleon looked upon
this as the last sacrifice to which France was condemned ; his own destiny,
and that of the European system, were involved in the struggle. Russia
was the last resource of England ; and the peace of the globe depended
on Russia. Success did not appear doubtful— the enterprise was popular ;
being an European power, France was about to march to the combat at
the head of continental Europe.
On the 22d of June, 1812, peace was still possible ; on fhe 24th it was
VOL. III. 9

122 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
no longer so. The Emperor had said to the army : '¦' Soldiers ! the se
cond Polish war is commenced: the first terminated at Friedland and at
Tilsit. At Tilsit, Russia swore to eternal alliance with France, and war
with England; To-day, she violates her oaths I she will give no expla
nation of her strange conduct, except that the French eagles have not re
passed the Rhine, and by so doing, left our allies to her discretion.
" Russia is hurried on- by fate ; her destiny must be fulfilled. Does.she
think that we have degenerated ? Are we then no longer the soldiery of
Austerlitz ? She places us between dishonour and war ; our choice cannot
be doubtful. Let us then advance ! let us pass the Niemen and carry the
war into her territory. The second Polish war shall be as glorious to the
French armies as the first was ; but the peace which we conclude shall
contain within it a sure guarantee, and shall put an end to the haughty in
fluence which Russia has exercised in the affairs of Europe during the last
fifty years I"
The Niemen was crossed by three hundred thousand soldiers under the
French eagle, and an entire corps of the Russian army was intercepted,
and in the greatest danger. " It is too late ; the challenge has been given
' and accepted," said Napoleon, when it was announced that an aide-de-camp
of the Emperor Alexander was at the outposts, and was bringing pacific
overtures. Still, he received him, and replied to Alexander: — "I consent
to forget every thing, and to re-establish our relations on the footing upon
which they were in our last interview. Let us meet, let us understand
each other ; let us sign a peace forthwith, like good brothers, and my army
shall repass the Niemen in twenty-four hours."
But the mission of this aide-de-camp was nothing but a lure to get the
start of us by some marches, and save from almost certain destruction the
corps of Prince Bagration, of which not a single battalion would have es
caped, had the Emperor's orders been better executed.
" My destiny must be fulfilled," said he to the Prince of Neufchatel.

The following instructions were sent by the Emperor to his Ambassador,
and the secret articles of the treaties of February 24th, and March 14th,
1812, were signed by him :
" Sir, — The Emperor has sufficient confidence in your ability and de
votion to his service to intrust to you a mission of the greatest political
importance ; a mission requiring activity, prudence, and discretion.
" You must go to Dresden, the apparent object of your journey being
to present to his Majesty, the King of Saxony, a letter which the Emperor
will send you to-morrow after his levee. His imperial and royal Majesty
has already given you his instructions ; he will communicate to you ver
bally his wishes with regard to the overtures you must make to the King
of 'Saxony. " The intention of the Emperor is that the King of Saxony should be
treated with that consideration to which he has a claim from the particular
esteem which his Imperial Majesty feels for him personally. You will ex
plain yourself frankly both to the King and his ministers. You may feel
confidence in the opinion of the Count of Senft-Pilsac.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 123
" Saxony will not be required to sacrifice any thing without compensa.
lion. "Saxony attaches little value to the sovereignty of the Duchy of
Warsaw, such as it is at present; it is a precarious and burdensome
charge. The possession of this fragment of Poland places her in a false
position with regard to Prussia, Austria, and Russia.. You will develope'
these ideas, and you will treat this question in the same manner. as in the
discussion which took place on the 17th, in his Majesty's cabinet, when
you were present. You will find the cabinet of Dresden little inclined to
oppose you; its diplomacy has, several times, suggested to us the same
observation. The question is not about the dismemberment of the King
of Saxony's dominions.
" After a short stay af Dresden, you will announce your departure for
Warsaw, where you must wait for fresh orders from the Emperor.
" His Imperial Majesty requests the King of Saxony to accredit you to
his Polish ministers.
" You will concert your measures at Warsaw with the Emperor's High
Chamberlain, and with General Z  . These two persons are descended
from the most illustrious families of Poland ; they have promised to make
use of their influence with their fellow-citizens- to induce them to exert
themselves for the happiness and independence of their country.
"You must instigate the Government of the Grand Duchy to prepare
for the great changes which the Emperor proposes to bring about in fa
vour of the Polish nation.
" The Poles must second the designs of the Emperor, and co-operate
themselves in their regeneration : they must only look upon ihe French as
powerful auxiliaries. The Emperor does not conceal from himself the diffi
culties which he must experience in the re-establishment of Poland. The
work of policy must be opposed to the apparent and actual interests of his
allies. " The re-establishment of Poland by the arms of the French Empire is
a hazardous and even a perilous enterprise, in which France will be obliged
to struggle equally against her friends and her enemies. Let us enter into
particulars. " The object which the Emperor has in view is the organization of Po
land, with the whole or a part of its ancient territory ; and this he wishes
to accomplish without a war if it be possible. To this end his Majesty
has given very extensive powers to his Ambassador at St. Petersburg ; and
he has sent to Vienna a negotiator who is authorized to treat with the prin
cipal powers, and to offer to make great sacrifices of territory on the part
of the French Empire, as indemnity for ihe relinquishment of what is
required far tlie establishment of the Kingdom of Poland.
"Europe is divided into three great parts ; the French Empire at the
west; the German States in the centre; and the empire of Russia in the
east; England can have, in continental affairs, only so much influence as
the powers are willing to concede to her.
" An important object is, to strengthen the central division sufficiently
to prevent Russia and France from acquiring the sovereignty, of too much
of Europe, by extending their dominions. The French empire is in the
actual enjoyment of its greatest energy ; if it does not now settle the po
litical constitution of Europe, it may before long lose the advantages of its
.position, and have to give up its enterprises.
" The establishment of a military government in Prussia, the reign and

124 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
conquests of the great Frederick, the ideas of the age and those of the
French revolution, put in circulation, have annihilated the ancient German
confederation. The confederation of the Rhine is only a provisional sys
tem. The Princes who gained, wished, perhaps, for the consolidation of
that system ; but the Princes who lost, the people who suffered the mise
ries of war, and the states which dreaded the too great power of
France, would oppose the maintaining of the confederation of the Rhine
whenever an occasion presented itself. Even the Princes who were
aggrandized by this new system, would feel disposed to withdraw from it,
in proportion as time confirmed them in the possession of what they had
acquired. France might, in the end, see herself deprived of that protec
torship, which she would assuredly have purchased by too many sacri
fices. "The Emperor thinks, that at a final epoch, which cannot be long
delayed, it will be proper to restore the confederation of the powers of
Europe to all their independence.
" The House of Austria, which possesses three vast kingdoms, ought to
be the soul of this independence, on account of the topographical position
of its territories ; but she ought not to be the ruler in a case of rupture
between the two empires of France and Russia ; for, if the confederation
of the intermediate powers were moved" by the same impulse, it would
necessarily involve the ruin of one of the contending parties. The French
empire would be more exposed than the -Russian empire.
"The centre of Europe ought to consist of nations unequal in their
power, each of which would have a system of policy proper to itself; and
which, from their situation and their political relation, would look for sup
port in the protectorship of a preponderating power. These nations would
be interested in maintaining peace, because they would always be the vic
tims of war. With these views, after having created new kingdoms, and
added to the territories of the old, in order to strengthen for the future our
system of alliance, it was most important for the Emperor, and at the
same time, for Europe, to re-establish Poland : without the restoration of
that kingdom, Europe would be without a frontier on that side ; Austria
and Germany would find themselves face to face with the most vast em
pire in the universe.
" The Emperor can foresee that Poland, like Prussia, will be at last in
alliance with Russia ; but if Poland owes to him her restoration, the epoch
of the union of those two powers may be sufficiently distant to allow of
the established order of things being consolidated. Europe being thus
organized, there would be no longer any reason for rivalry between France
and Russia ; these two empires would have the same commercial interests,
and would act upon the same principles.
" Before the coolness with Prussia, an idea of the Emperor's had been
to make a solid alliance with the King of Prussia, and to place on his
head the crown of Poland. There were fewer obstacles to overcome,
because Prussia already possessed the third part of that kingdom. We
should have left to Russia what she meant absolutely to keep; and would
have given an indemnity to Austria. The march of events, however,
necessitated a change in. the Emperor's projects.
" At the time of the negotiations of Tilsit, it was necessary to create
more kingdoms precisely in the countries which most dreaded the power
of France. The moment was propitious for the re-establishment of
Poland, although it would have been a work of violence and force. The

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 125
war must have been continued ; the French army was suffering from cold
and from want of provisions ; Russia had an army on foot. The Empe
ror was touched with the generous sentiments which the Emperor Alex
ander professed for him. He had obstacles to encounter on the part of
Austria. He allowed his policy to be overcome by a desire to sign a
peace, which he hoped to render durable, if, by the influence of Russia and
of Austria, England would consent to a general pacification.
" After her reverses of fortune, Prussia felt so much hatred towards us,
as to make it prudent for us to moderate her power : it was with this view
that the Grand Duchy of Warsaw was organized. The King of Saxony
was selected as its sovereign, a prince whose whole life had been spent in
promoting the happiness of his subjects ; and an attempt was made to
satisfy the feelings of the Poles by institutions vvhich should be agreeable
to them, and conformable to their character and manners. But this was
a great mistake in ever}- point of view.
" Saxony, separated from her new possessions by Prussia, could' not be
come sufficiently incorporated with Poland to constitute a strong and
powerful state. The overture of having a military route through the
Prussian territory, in order to enable Saxony to communicate with Poland,
greatly offended the Prussian nation, and her people complained of being
deceived in their hopes.
"The Emperor stipulated for the occupation of the Prussian fortresses,
in order to make sure that this power would not seek to rekindle the war.
The campaign of 1809 showed the prudent foresight of his policy, and
had confirmed him in the resolution of labouring without relaxation in such
an organization of Europe as should put an end to disastrous wars. ,
" The Emperor thought that he ought to make a formidable demonstra
tion, by pushing forward a number of troops on the Vistula, and by occu
pying the fortresses of Prussia, in order to secure the fidelity of his allies,
and to obtain by negotiation that which he ought, perhaps, to have ex
pected from war alone.
"In these circumstances, there were imminent dangers. Troops can
not be sent five hundred leagues from their own territory without peril ^
and Poland should depend as much on her own resources as on the sup
port of the Emperor. If war breaks out, I repeat that the Poles should
look upon it as an addition to their own resources. They should think of
the time when, encouraged by their patriotism and their bravery, they
resisted the numerous armies which attacked their independence.
" The people of the Grand Duchy wish for the re-establishment of Po
land as a kingdom ; it is their duty, therefore, to prepare the way by
which the usurped provinces can have an opportunity of declaring their
wishes also. The government of the Grand Duchy should, as soon as
events permit, unite, under the banners of independence, the dismembered
provinces of their unfortunate country. If there be Poles under the
dominion of Russia, or of Austria, who decline returning to their mother
country, no attempt must be made to force them to do so. The strength
of Poland should consist in her public spirit, and in her patriotism, as
much as in the institutions which will constitute her new social state.
"The object of your mission is, then, to enlighten, to encourage, and
to direct in their operations, the Polish patriots. You will give an account
of your negotiations to the Minister for Foreign Affairs; he will inform the
Emperor of your success, and you must also send extracts from your
reports.

126 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
" The misfortunes, and the weakness of the Polish republic, have been
caused by an aristocracy without law or restraint.. Then as now the no
bility were powerful, the middle class submissive, the people nothing.
But in the midst of these disorders, there remained in this nation, a love
of liberty and independence which long supported its feeble existence.
These sentiments must have become strengthened by time and oppression.
Patriotism is natural to the Poles, even to the members of distinguished
families. The Emperor intends strictly to abide by the promise which he
made in Art. 29th of the Treaty of the 9th of July, 1807— viz., " to regu
late the Grand Duchy by institutions which should secure its liberty and
the privileges of the people, consistently with the tranquillity of the neigh
bouring states. Poland' shall have independence and liberty. As to the
choice of a Sovereign, that will be regulated by the treaty which his Ma
jesty will sign with the other powers. His Majesty puts forward no claim
to the throne of Poland, either for himself or for any of his family. In
the great work of the restoration of Poland, he has no other object than
the happiness of the Poles and the tranquillity of Europe. His Majesty
authorizes you to make this declaration, and to do so with firmness, when
you consider it useful'for the interests of France and of Poland.
" His Majesty has commanded me to transmit to you this note and
these instructions with which he is acquainted, in order that you may
make them the subject of your interviews with the Foreign Ministers who
may be at Warsaw or at Dresden.
" The Emperor has also addressed notes to the Minister of War and
the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Grand Duchy. Should there be
need of pecuniary assistance, his Majesty will help the Pblish treasury
by assignments upon the extraordinary revenue of his possessions in
Poland and in Hanover."
Germany had gained a great deal by the act of protection — she had
found in it a germ of unify; but there remained also a great deal- to be
done before she could be looked upon as one nation. There were many
opposing interests. Would it be advisable to unite the whole of Germany
under one sceptre, laying down as its limits the Rhsetic, Carnic, and
Julian Alps, the Rhine, the Oder, and the sea? Or would it be better to
divide it into two, or even into three, kingdoms, as nature seemed to indi
cate, and leave to time the task of uniting the German nation "under one
sceptre ?
These kingdoms' would be pretty nearly equal in riches, extent, and
population ; the limits of each would be clearly defined by great rivers
and chains of mountains. Without doubt, the portion situated between
Magdeburg and the sea would be the least valuable as regards the soil;
but it would be completely indemnified by the advantages derived from
its ports and marine. Germany, thus established, would be one vast,
powerful, federal monarchy — one great national union ; having the same
flag, the same laws, the same imposts, and the same interests; it would
be the realization of German nationality, without clashing with any local
interests or any acquired rights. The four provinces of the Danube and
Greece would afford ample compensation for the dynasties which the
German interests would have displaced ; and the gratitude of the Ger
mans would be in unison with the real interests of their country, and
secure the nation as one of the most faithful friends of France.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. * 127
Italy,- insulated hy its natural limits, separated by the sea and by ex
tremely high mountains from the rest of Europe, would seem intended to
form one great and powerful nation ; but there is in its geographical con
figuration a capital fault, which may be considered as the cause of the
misfortunes which it has experienced-, and of the partition of that beauti
ful country into many monarchies or independent republics ; this is, that
its length is out of all proportion to its breadth. If Italy had been bounded
by Mount Vellino, that is to say, nearly in the latitude of Rome, and if
all that part of the land between Mount Vellino and the Ionian Sea, in- '
eluding Sicily, had been placed between Sardinia, Corsica, Genoa, and
Tuscany, it could have had a centre near all the points of the circumfe
rence; it would have united rivers, climate, and local interests. But on
one side are the three great islands which contain a third part- of its sur
face, and which are isolated by interests, dispositions, and circumstances :
on the other side, is that part of the Peninsula to the south of Mount Vel
lino, and which forms the kingdom of Naples. Both these divisions are
quite strangers to the interests, the climate, and the wants of the valley
of the Po. Thus, whilst the Gauls crossed the Cottian Alps, 600 years
before the birth of Christ, and established themselves in the valley of the
Po, the Greeks landed on the southern coast from the Ionian Sea, and
founded the colonies of Tarentum, Salentum, Crotona, and Sybaris — states
which were known under the generic name of Grascia Magna. Rome,
which subjugated both Gaul and Greece, brought all Italy under its laws.
Some centuries after the birth of Christ, when the seat of empire was
transplanted to Constantinople, the barbarians passed the Isonzo and the
Adige, and founded various states ; the throne of the powerful monarchy
of Lombardy was established at Pavia. The fleets of Constantinople
maintained the imperial domination over the coasts of the South. More
recently, the kings of France often penetrated into Italy by the Cottian
Alps, and the emperors of Germany by the Cottian and Rhsetian Alps.
The Popes set these princes in opposition to each other, and by that policy
maintained themselves in a sort of independence, and also by means of
Ihe divisions and anarchy which they managed to raise in the towns. But
although the south of Italy is, by its situation, separated from the north,
still Italy is only one nation ; and its unity of manner, of language, and
of literature, must, at a future period more or less remote, at length re
unite its inhabitants under one single government. In order to exist, the
first condition of that monarchy must be, to be a maritime power, that it
may be able to maintain the superiority over the islands, and to defend
the coasts.
Opinions are divided as to the place which ought to be the capital of
such a state. Some think that Venice is obviously the most proper, be
cause the first necessity, in the case of Italy, is to be a maritime power.
Venice, secured as it is from attack, by its situation, is the natural depot
of the commerce of the Levant and of Germany ; and it is, commercially
speaking, the nearest point to Turin and Milan, nearer even than Genoa ;
and the sea brings it near to every part of the coast. Others are in
fluenced by history and the recollections of the past to fix on Rome ;
they say that it is more central, and within reach of the three great islands
of Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, and of Naples, the most populous place
in Italy ; that it is at a convenient distance from all the points of the fron
tier upon which an attack might be made ; whether the enemy approached
by the French, the Swiss, or the Austrian frontier, Rome is within the

128 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY QF NAPOLEON.
distance of a hundred and twenty or a hundred and forty leagues; that
should the frontier of the Alps be forced, she is secured by those of the
Po and the Apennines ; that France and Spain, which are great maritime
powers, have not seaport towns for their capitals. To these reasons for
preference they add, that Rome, being near the coasts of , the Mediterra
nean and the Adriatic, is in a condition to provide rapidly and with eco
nomy, by means of Ancona and Venice, for the supply and defence of
the frontier of the Isonzp and the Adige ; that by the Tiber, Genoa and
Villa Franca, she can supply the wants of the frontier of the Var and the
Cottian Alps; that by means of the Adriatic and Mediterranean, she is
well situated for harassing the wings of any army which should pass the
Po, and become embarrassed in the Apennines, without being in posses
sion of the sea ; that from Rome, the depots vvhich a great capital always
contains could be readily sent to Naples and Taranto, to put them out of
the way of a victorious enemy ; that, in short, Rome is in being, and
offers more resources for the wants of a great capital than any city in the
world ; and that, above all j she possesses the magic power of her noble
name : we think, also, that although Rome does not possess every recom
mendation which might be desired, yet that it is, without contradiction,
the capital which the Italians will one day choose.
Italy, from its population and its riches, can keep in pay 400,000 troops
of every kind, independently of the marine. A war in Italy would re
quire fewer cavalry than one in Germany — 30,000 horses would there
be sufficient ; but there should be a. good deal of artillery, to provide for
the defence of the coasts and of the maritime establishments. Horses
are scarce in Italy ; however, there are some valuable ones to be found
in Naples, Tuscany, and Rome; and Albania, Switzerland, Germany,
and Africa, could furnish a supply of them, if people would, again attend
to the breeding of horses, which has been given up for the sake of agri
culture, and of the profit derived from horned animals. In the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries, the different powers of Italy hept 100,000 horses;
at that time, Tuscany alone had an army of 100,000 men, because the
troops never went more than a few days' march from their own towns.
No part of Europe is so advantageously situated as this peninsula for
becoming agreat maritime power; it has, from the mouth of the Var to
the straits of Messina, 230 leagues of coast; from the straits of Messina,
round by Cape Otranto, .to the mouth of the Isonzo on the Adriatic, 230
leagues ; the three islands, Sicily, Corsica, and Sardinia, have an extent
of coast of. 530 leagues ; and this calculation is exclusive of the coasts
of Istria and Dalmatia, to the entrance of the gulf of Cattaro, and the
Ionian Islands, which, under the empire, were dependent on Italy.
France has on the Mediterranean 130 leagues of coast, — on the Ocean,
470;. in all, 600 leagues. Spain, including her islands, has on the
Mediterranean 500 leagues of coast, and 300 on the Ocean. Thus,
Italy has a third part more extent of coast than Spain, and half, as
much more than France. France has three ports, the towns pf which
contain each a population of 100,000 souls; Italy has Genoa, Naples,
Palermo, and Venice, of which the population is greater: Naples has
400,000 inhabitants. The opposite coasts of the Mediterranean and the
Adriatic being not far distant from each other, almost all the population
of Italy is within reach of one or the other. Lucca, Pisa, Rome, and
Kavenna, at a distance of from three to four leagues from the sea, are
all capable of enjoying every advantage of a maritime city, and can

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OP NAPOLEON. 129
furnish many sailors. The three great ports for military armaments
and ship-building are Spezia, on the Ligurian sea; Taranto, on the
Ionian sea; and Venice, on the Adriatic. Italy possesses every thing
necessary, such as wood, hemp for ropes, and all which is required in
general for naval architecture; Spezia is the finest port in the world;
ils road is sup%rior even to that of Toulon ; the defence of it by sea
and land vvould be easy. The projects suggested under the empire,
and of which the execution had been commenced, clearly proved that,
at a moderate expense, the maritime establishment could be put into an
efficient state, and would render it a place capable of great resistance.
Its docks would be well situated for receiving wood from Corsica, Li-
guria, and Tuscany, and iron from the Isle of Elba, the Alps and the
Apennines. Its squadrons would have dominion over the seas of Cor
sica and Sardinia, and would have places of refuge in the roads of
Porto Ferrajo, Santo Piero, Sardinia, Vado, and Villa Franca. Taranto
is wonderfully well situated for overawing Sicily, Greece, the Levant, and
the coasts of Egypt and of Syria. Under the empire, some works were
executed for its fortification by land, and for its maritime establishment;
the'greatest of them are quite sheltered from the winds, and secure from
the attack even of a superior enemy.. At Venice, every thing necessary
is to be found ; the Venetians only had vessels drawing eighteen feet of
water; but under the empire, a great number of vessels, on the model
of a French 74-gun ship, left their docks, and fought gloriously, a few
instants after being launched. A commission of engineers for the con
struction of bridges and causeways, presided over by Proni, had arranged
a plan, which, by means of some millions of money and some years of
labour, would enable vessels to leave the harbour completely equipped,
without the help of floating butts. Sicily, Malta, Corfu, Istria, Dalmatia,
and more especially Ragusa, possess ports and places of refuge for the
largest squadrons. The ports of Genoa, Castelamare, Bari, and Ancona,
which vessels of the largest size can enter, might be reserved, as four
secondary ports, either for the building, arming and repairing, or revictu-
alling of small squadrons. Italy, even reckoning at a period of decay,
can raise and maintain for the naval service 120,000 sailors. The
fleets of Genoa, of Pisa, and of Venice, were celebrated during many
centuries. Italy can keep up an establishment of between 300 and 400
ships of war, including 100 or 120 ships of the line of 74 guns; her
flag could contend wilh advantage against those of France, Spain, Con
stantinople, and the four barbarian powers.
The King of Sardinia possessed Savoy, the county of Nice, Piedmont,
and Montferrat. Savoy and the county of Nice had been taken from him
in the campaigns of 1792, 1793, 1794, and 1795; and the French army
occupied the upper range of the Alps. Piedmont and Montferrat, situated
between the Ticino, the States of Parma, the republic of Genoa, and the
Alps, contained a population of 2,000,000 souls ; which, with the 500,000
of Sardinia, and the 400,000 of Savoy, and the county of Nice, raised the
number of his subjects to about 3,000,000. In a time of peace, the King
of Sardinia kept 25,000 men under arms ; he had twenty-five millions of
revenue. At the opening of the campaign of 1796, he had, by means of
subsidies from England, and by extraordinary efforts, increased the num
ber of his troops to 60,000 men trained to service by a long-continued
w«r. The fortresses of Brunetta, Susa, Fenestrelles, Bard, Tortona, Che-
rasco, Alessandria, andr Turin, were in good order, well armed and amply

130 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
provisioned ; these fortresses, situated at the defiles of all the mountains,
put this frontier in a state that might be considered impregnable.
The republic of Genoa, in the middle of Piedmont, is bounded by the
rivers of Piedmont, which give it thirty leagues of coast, and by its eastern
coast, which gives it twenty-five leagues, and it contains 500,000 inhabit
ants. It only keeps between 3,000 and 4,000 men under arms ; but in
cases of necessity, all the Genoese citizens become- soldiers, and between
8,000 and 10,000 troops from the imperial feofs and the valleys of Fon-
tabana are enrolled for the defence of the capital.
The city of Genoa is very well fortified ; it covers an extent of four
leagues, but only few points are assailable. The little fortress of Gavi
defends the defile of La Bochetta.
The republic of Lucca is a. little country which extends along the Tus
can sea, having a population of 140,000. souls, and 2,000,000 of revenue.
The Duchy of Parma, Piacenza and Guastalla reckoned 500,000 inha
bitants ; it borders upon the republic of Genoa, the Po, and the state of
Modena : its military force was 3,000 men, and its revenue, 4,000,000.
Austrian. Lombardy, separated from the dominions of the king of Sar
dinia by the Ticino, from Switzerland by the Alps, from ther Duchy of
Parma by the Po, and touching, at the east, upon the states of the repub
lic of Venice, formed a population of 1,200,000 souls. Milan was the
capital, and had a fortress in a good state of defence.
The part of Italy belonging to Austria kept up no military force, and
even paid~a sum of money in order to be exempt from the levying of
troops. Austria had only one Italian regiment, that of Stratoldo. Pavia,
Milan, Como, Lodi, Cremona, and Mantua, formed the subdivision of
Austrian Lombardy ; the fortifications of Pizzighettone, on the Adda, were
in a bad condition ; Mantua, although neglected, was a good position.
The republic of Venice had, on the west, Austrian Lombardy ; on jhe
north, the Carnic Alps, which separated it from the Tyrol and Carinthia;
on the east, Carinthia, Carniola, and Dalmatia. The population amounted
to 3,000,000 souls : she could raise 50,000 troops, and her fleet ruled the
Adriatic. She had thirteen regiments of Sclavonians, excellent soldiers.
Her ^dominions comprehended Bergamo, Brescia, Cremona, Polesina,
Verona, Vicenza, Padua, Bassano, and' Friuli, on the right bank of the
Isonzo ; and Istria and Dalmatia on the shores of the Adriatic.
The Duchy of Modena comprehended Reggio, Modena, and Mirandola,
and was bounded by ths Po, the Duchy.of Parma, the Legation of Bo
logna, and the Tuscan Apennines. It was governed by the last branch
of the House of Este, whose daughter and heiress was the wife of the
Archduke Ferdinand of Austria. The Duke of Modena was an Aus
trian ; his military establishment consisted of 6,000 men ; he possessed
an arsenal, a depot of artillery, and a considerable treasure : the popula
tion of his dominions amounted to 400,000 souls.
Tuscany, bounded by the Mediterranean, the Apennines, the republics
of Genoa and of Lucca, and the Papal dominions, had a population of
1,000,000. It was governed by the Arch-Duke Ferdinand, brother of the
Emperor of Austria ; his military force consisted of 6,000 men, his reve
nue of 15,000,000 francs, and his port of Livorno was a place of great
commerce. The Grand Duke of Tuscany had recognised the French
republic in 1795 ; he remained neuter, and was at peace with France.
The Papal dominions were bounded by the Po, Tuscany, the Adriatic,
the Mediterranean, and the Kingdom of Naples. They contained a popu-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 131
lation of 2,500,000 souls; of which the legations of Bologna, Ferrara,
and Romagna counted 900,000 ; the marches and the patrimony of St.
Peter, including Rome, 1 ,600,000. The port of Ancona, on the Adriatic,
had but a bad fortress ; Civita Vecchia, however, in the Mediterranean,
was regularly fortified. The Pope maintained between 4,000 and 5,000
troops. The Kingdom of Naples, bounded by the states of the Pope and by the
sea, contained a population of 6,000,000, of whom 4,500,000 dwelt on
the Continent, and 1,500,000 in Sicily. The Neapolitan army consisted
of 60,000 men. The cavalry was excellent : the marine consisted of
three ships of the line, and some frigates.
Gorsica has been subject to France since the middle of the last century,
having previously belonged to the English : its population was 180,000
souls. The Isle of Malta had a population of 100,000 souls, and belonged to
the order of St. John of Jerusalem.
Thus, the military strength of the Italian governments might be reck
oned at 160,000 men under arms, and in a short*time it could be easily
increased to 300,000. The Italian army was much stronger in infantry
than in cavalry ; all the latter which were not from Piedmont or from
Sclavonia being of little value.
The whole organization of Italy was provisional. Napoleon was
anxious to make of this great peninsula one single kingdom ; and it was
in consequence of this desire, that he reserved to himself the iron crown,
in order to be able to keep in his own hands the direction of the different
states of Italy. He thought it better to unite Rome, Genoa, Tuscany, and
Piedmont to the empire, than to join them to the Kingdom of Italy; be
cause the people preferred it, and also because the imperial influence would
there be stronger; it would be a means of attracting into France a great
number of the inhabitants of these countries, and of sending there in ex
change an equal number of Frenchmen ; we could enlist the soldiers and
sailors of these provinces for the French regiments, or for the fleets of
Toulon. With Naples alone it would be necessary to pursue a different course,
and to give to the provisional government which had been established
there an appearance of stability. That important city was accustomed to
enjoy great independence ; Ferdinand was in Sicily, and the English
squadron hovered on the coasts of Naples. But when the moment arrived
for the proclamation of all Italy as one kingdom, and of the coronation at
Rome, as its king, of the second son, which Napoleon hoped for from his
marriage wilh the Arch-Duchess Marie Louise, the Italians of Sicily, Sar
dinia, Naples, Venice, Genoa, Piedmont, Tuscany, and Milan, would press
with enthusiasm around the throne of ancient and noble Italy. Napoleon
had not disposed of the Grand Duchy of Berg ; his intention was to be
stow it on Joachim, when he should have left Naples.
Peace once signed in Moscow, the war in Russia would be the last con
tinental war of the reign of Napoleon ; as regarded the great cause of the
people, it would be the termination of danger and the beginning of secu
rity. A new era would open, and new works be commenced for the well-
being and prosperity of all. The European system being founded, there
would only be to consider of its organization. The cause of the age
would be gained, and the revolution accomplished. Napoleon would #be
the arch of the ancient and new alliance, the natural mediator between the

1 32 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
old and new order of things. Not having identified himself with either,
he would belong to both, and would conscientiously support the cause of
each in a general congress, where every thing would be organized for the
European continent, in the wisely-combined interest of the people and their
governments. His glory would consist in his equity. Europe would, in
future, be really only one combination of all the people who inhabit it.
When this great work was finished, he would associate^ his son with
him in the empire; his reign as Dictator would terminate, and a freely
constitutional reign would commence. He meant to found a royal insti
tution at Meudan for the education of the King of Rome, and his "project
was to educate there together all the princes of his family, particularly of
those branches of it which he had placed on foreign thrones, in order to
join the advantages of private and public education. Destined to reign
over different nations, these children would have acquired, during the
course of their education in common, similar manners, principles, and
ideas; and in order the better to facilitate the fusion of the federative pac
tions of the Empire, each of these princes should have taken with him, on
his leaving the institution, ten or twelve young persons of his own age,
and of the first families of his adopted country; and the effect of this
would have been immense.

Paragraphs. — 1. Policy of Napoleon after the retreat from Russia. —
2. The Cabinet of Vienna. — 3. M. de Bubna at Dresden. — 4. Armis
tice of Plesswitz.^5. Napoleon's opinion on his position. — 6. Nego
tiations pf Dresden with M. de Metternieh. — 7. Congress of Prague. —
8. Overtures of Frankfort. — 9. Napoleon and the French Chambers. —
10. Congress of Chatillon, 1st period. — 11. Armistice of Lusigni. — 12.
Congress of Chatillon, 2d period. — 13. Napoleon always wished for
peace. — 14. Napoleon and the continental system.
§1.
Napoleon always wished for peace after a victory ; he never wished for
it after a defeat, because a nation can more easily supply the loss of men
than the loss of honour. It was with this feeling that he offered peace
anew from his head-quarters at Moscow, and that after the disasters of the
retreat from Russia, and the treachery of the Prussian army, he took no
steps for putting an end to the war. But after the victories of Lutzen and
of Bautzen, when the King of Saxony had been brought back in triumph
to his capital, and the enemy had been driven from Hamburg ; when a
division of the French army threatened Berlin, and the head-quarters of
the French were at Breslau ; when, in short, the Russian and Prussian
armies had been defeated in three battles, and driven back to the right
bank of the Oder, he listened to an overture from the cabinet of Vienna,
which offered its mediation towards a general peace, and sent the Duke of
Vicenza to the Emperor Alexander as the bearer of a pacific message.
However, if Napoleon had continued his pursuit of an enemy, who, hav
ing been beaten in three successive battles, had no. longer any other hope
of safety than in a retreat behind the Vistula, or, perhaps, even behind the

HISTORY OF TnE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 133
Niemen, the coalition would have been once more conquered and dissolved,
for Austria would never have ventured openly to break her alliance with
France, at a moment when the field of battle was again found beyond the
Oder.
§2.
On the 3d of January, 1813, M. de Metternieh said to the French am
bassador at Vienna—" Tell us frankly what you wish us to do, and put
us in the position to act towards you as a good ally, and towards others as
an independent power. Believe me, we are aware of the meaning of the
alliance, and we can render you essential service."
The 8th of January, 1813 — " Believe what I tell you : we have a thou
sand means of knowing what passes. Cajoled by all your enemies, we
learn from one what another had concealed from us : nnd we have the
means of comparing these different statements, so that the truth cannot
escape us. For the rest, we shall not have any direct relations with Eng
land until we are authorized by you to do so; and we shall put them in
such form as you may deem suitable to you, preserving, however, the at
titude of a power acting independently. What do you risk? We shall
compromise the English ministers with the nation, and we shall take on
us all the blame of failure.
"Notwithstanding your late reverses, your position is still most bril
liant. It is not the Emperor Napoleon who most requires peace. If he
is unwilling to act on the offensive, there is nothing to prevent his remain
ing a year, or even two years on the Vistula ; the Russians will never be
able to get over this barrier; you can easily preserve the same attitude
which you had before the war ; but Germany, Prussia, Poland, and, above
all, Austria, would suffer from this state of things. It is natural, then,
that we should raise our voices, and loudly demand peace. As soon as
ever we are acquainted with the Emperor's views we shall tuke them into
consideration ; for he alone is intact — he alone is in a position to dictate
peace. Let him place entire confidence in us ; let him speak to us with
sincerity, and we will answer in the same manner."
On the 11th of January — "We appreciate your immense resources;
we know what you have done, and what you can do. Besides the seven
millions sterling which England gives to Russia, she offers us ten millions
if we change our system. We have rejected the offer with contempt, al
though our finances are in the most ruinous state. Our custom-house
dues are at present our principal revenue, and we are threatened with the
loss of that lucrative branch of our finances, if you do not renounce your
system of excluding colonial produce."
On the 21st of January — " We are pending M. de Wissemberg to Lon
don, as the bearer of a letter to Lord Castlereagh, informing the English
minister that Austria, touched by the calamities which oppress Europe,
has conceived the design of labouring for the re-establishment of peace;
that on this important point she has sounded the dispositions of France,
which she finds favourable to her views ; and that, in consequence of this,
she has taken the same step with regard to Great Britain; that being, of
all the European powers, the one least interested in the eventual conditions

1 34 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
of a general peace, and the one which suffers the least from the actual state
of things, she thinks she is in a position to inspire sufficient confidence to
render her intentions acceptable ; that M. de Wissemberg is charged to
possess himself of the views of the British government on this subject ; and
that his mission shall be secret as long as the minister desires to conceal
it from the public.
" Should M. de Wissemberg be asked what are the wishes of France,
he will reply, that he is no further acquainted with them, than inasmuch
as she has consented to treat, and has offered to Lord Castlereagh condi
tions, which have been published in the ' Times ;' that his own mission is
purely Austrian, and has no other end than to facilitate conferences, and
put an end to the agitations of Europe ;. that if the efforts of Austria pro
duce no effect, she will consider herself obliged, guided by the same senti
ments, to labour without England, for a general pacification of the Con
tinent — an event which would leave at the disposition of France a force
of more than 500,000 men, whom she could employ solely for the re-
establishment of a maritime peace, and for her operations in Spain; that
Austria is the only continental power which is completely a stranger to
the commerce of the' sea; that she values nothing so highly as the tran
quillity of the Continent; and that maritime affairs will be settled without
the intervention of England, if she neglects the present moment. M. de
Wissemberg may be asked what Austria means by a general pacification
of the Continent, and he will reply, that it is not an ordinary peace, but
an unanimous convention of the European powers, firmly to maintain
peace; and not to intermeddle in any way in the dissensions which may
subsist between France and England. M. de Wissemberg will be very
careful to use no menacing language towards the English minister ; but
he may vaguely insinuate that such a general pacification may possibly
be followed by a total exclusion of English merchandise."
On the 26th of January, 1813, he gives an account of his conversation
with Count Stokelberg : " You are like a' man who sees the daylight for
Ihe first time, after having been shut up for six months in a dark cham
ber. The glare of light dazzles your eyes. Believe me, we see more
clearly, and shall not concur in any project which does not suit our views.
The system of the Emperor is immovable ; and so far from seeking his
own aggrandizement — which would be too dearly purchased even by one
campaign — he desires nothing but peace, and proposes to you to concur
in it. On this subject we have already sounded the dispositions of France,
and found them favourable to our views. We do not complain of our
losses ; and we do not think that a foreign cabinet has any right to resent
them more than ourselves. I have requested this interview, in order to
learn the intentions of your court with regard to peace, which is the sole
object of our efforts.
" These first advances of Russia are a great thing gained ; count upon
us; we shall relax nothing — absolutely nothing; for we are as much in
terested as you are. Every things depends on our attitude. The Empe
ror has given orders to put in motion one hundred thousand men, includ
ing the auxiliaries. When we have added 30,000 men to this corps, we
shall have exceeded the obligations imposed by our treaty, and authorized
Russia to refuse our intervention. Hitherto the war has not been Aus
trian. Should it in the end become so, it will not be with 30,000 men,
but with all the forces of the monarchy that we shall attack Russia.

HISTORY. OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 135
Meantime, they will look with anxiety at the increase of our troops in
Gallicia, and will be very careful not to provoke us."
On the 15th of February, 1813—" Your alliance with Russia was mon
strous; it had only one support, and that a very precarious' one, the ex
clusion of English merchandise. It was a warlike alliance, insisted on
by the conqueror ; it must necessarily be dissolved. Ours, on the
contrary, is founded on -relations and interests the most essentially salu
tary : it ought to be eternal as the wants which have produced it. We
sought for .it, and reflected well before we concluded it. If it were to do
again, we would have it drawn up exactly as it is : we wish to keep it un
touched ; it will lead us to peace, which it will serve in the end to con
solidate. " Prince Schwartzenberg arrived yesterday, and he is to set out without
delay for Paris, with the twofold object of informing his Majesty of the
actual position of things, and of giving to Europe an- incontrovertible proof
of the dispositions of Austria. By sending to the court of France the com
mander of the auxiliary troops, to see his chief, and take his orders from
him, we show that we think it important to avail ourselves of every proper
means to convince the courts of London and Petersburg of the intimate
agreement which subsists between France and Austria."
On the 17th of February, 1813, communicating an imperial edict for
the recruitment of the Austrian army : " This kind of declaration is not a
political manifesto ; it is purely administrative : but it may produce a very
good effect in Russia and in England. In demanding new sacrifices from
the nation, it is important to reassure it upon two essential points ; one,
lhat our system of alliance is not to be shaken ; the other, that we shall
not arm, except for the purpose of arriving at a general pacification.
" We should have deferred the publication of this document, if we had
not had reason to suppose that the Emperor of the French would express
himself in the same manner, in his speech, on the opening of the legisla
tive body. In that case, our conduct would have the appearance of being
dictated by you, whereas, in order to be efficacious amongst us, it must
have the characteristics of a spontaneous act. These words, ' after having
definitively fixed her political relations,' express every thing, without
weakening the means of intervention which his Majesty proposes to em
ploy. You are aware that it was in Russia only that we made efforts to
prevent the war ; there was no need for it as regards you. Russia will
understand us, but she will find nothing offensive in that expression. She
¦will.also comprehend the signification of the phrase which concludes the
document, when a desire is shown to remove the theatre of war far from
our frontiers."
The Austrian minister explained, that he only sought to establish by
degrees complete agreement and confidence between the two cabinets ; that
the idea of an armed mediation had caused some surprise in Paris for a
short time; but that the word "mediation" of which the value was not
perfectly understood in the cabinet of Vienna, had never been pronounced
by him, and that he' had even forbidden Count Bubna and M. Floret to
employ it ; that France had made use of it first. That on the contrary,
it was an intervention that was thought of — the intervention of an ally,
which, tired of the disturbances of war, desired to hasten its conclusion ;

136 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
that the idea of an armed mediation would be entirely wide of the question
as regarded England, Austria having no means of attacking that power.
"Our alliance with France," added he, " is so necessary to us, that if you
break it to-day, we should propose to-morrow to re-establish it on precisely
the same conditions. France has done us much injury, but it is for our
interest that we should forget the past. We wish to be useful to her just
now, because she can, at some other time, render us the same service. This
alliance has not been the result of war, nor a condition of peace, like that
of Tilsit; it is the consequence of mature-reflection, and has been brought
about by gradual and spontaneous communion. Weigh these things well,
and consider as an incontestable truth, that we seek only your good; that
we have no longer any fear of France, but of Russia, whose power you
have augmented by your repeated concessions.".
M. de Metternieh entered, on all occasions, upon long discussions, to
demonstrate that Austria has need of France to enable her to recover her
self; that she is guided just now entirely by her own interest, from, which,
after the alliance concluded by Prince Kaunitz, she ought never to have
departed ; that she asks for nothing but peace, and in negotiating it, is in
nowise disposed to favour Russia, her natural enemy; that the balance of
power in Europe, of which many-writers have lately endeavoured to prove
the inutility, is by no means a mere chimera, but is founded essentially in
the nature of those ties of interest which exist between different nations,
and will always be the basis of their policy ; that on one side France,
Austria, and the Ottoman Porte, on the other Russia and England, hang
in the scales of this balance; that notwithstanding this apparent equili
brium, France will always preserve that preponderance which belongs to
her position, and to her inexhaustible riches ; that this preponderance is a
fact of which no person could have any doubt, even under her last kings,
but that it has become a cause of jealousy when, after a series of the most
astonishing successes, France seemed to wish to establish it as a right ;
that during this victorious progress of the French armies, Russia had made
gigantic strides towards domination, and had accomplished her ends by the
most insinuating means ; that having acquired a more extended territory than
France, she had so well disguised her ambition, that, far from hating, the
people had the air of being indebted to her for her encroachment ; but that
France, when at peace, will put an end to this temporary importance of the
Russians, and will resume the ascendency which her power, her pecuniary
resources, and her moderation, ought to secure to her for ever. In a word,
that peace alone will be, as regards France and her ally, Austria, a con
quest much more solid, than any procured by the most fortunate campaign. *
On the 8th of March, 1813 — "Russia accepts not only the Austrian
plenipotentiary, but also his intervention for the procurement of peace.
The Emperor of. Russia regrets that Austria has not wished to profit by
this favourable conjuncture, to recover her losses ; but he respects her mo
tives, and has no other object in view than the re-establishment of the
tranquillity of Europe, and the conclusion of a general peace. The poli
tical system of Austria being definitively fixed, Russia will not take any
steps to detach her from it."
The Austrian ministry asserted, however, that Russia was endeavouring
earnestly to draw Austria into an alliance with her, but declared that such
endeavours should not succeed;

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 137
Many circumstances belied the protestations of the cabinet of Vienna ;
but as Napoleon said, the fate of a battle is the result of an instant, an ac
cident can overthrow the most certain combinations ! He recalled M. Otto,
a man of merit and "highly esteemed, but who, not being of noble birth,
could have only official relations with the court of Vienna. He replaced
him by the Count de Narbonne, who had been minister of war under Louis
XVI., and who, by his high birth, could have the entree to the boudoirs of
the aristocracy of Vienna. In fact, in less than a fortnight M. de Nar
bonne penetrated the most secret thoughts of M. de Metternieh, and forced
him to change his language. *
The treaty of 1813, was no longer in existence; it had been annulled
by events; the conduct of the Emperor of Austria had been modified by
the force of circumstances, and by the necessities of the Austrian interest.
How all-powerful is fate I The penetration of the ambassador had, per
haps, a fatal influence on the destinies of the empire, for Austria, seeing
that her plans were discovered, was not so slow in her defection. Who
can tell what might have happened, what fortunate chances might have
offered, if Napoleon had had but a month longer to prepare for that cam
paign, in which France was about to contend alone with the whole of
Europe, with those so lately her allies, and with her own children!
On the 26th of April, M. de Metternieh replied to a verbal message of
the 7th of April, by which' the French ambassador declared, " In these
circumstances, as Austria has put herself so forward to procure peace, and
as she so much desires it, she ought for that purpose to take a decided part,
insist upon the opening of negotiations, and enter on the struggle as a
principal party. In the beginning of May, when the Emperor of the
French, in person, shall be on the right bank of the Elbe with 300,000
men, Austria could reinforce the army of Cracow, and increase it with
the troops of Prince Poniatowski, to more than 150,000 men; these move
ments taking place in April, the concentrated army could take up a de
fensive position, but would be ready to act on the offensive. A body of
between thirty and forty thousand men could assemble in Bohemia, and on
the Emperor's arrival at the head of the army on the Elbe, the Austrian
minister could communicate his declaration to the Emperor Alexander;
the army of Cracow would renounce the armistice, and the troops in Bo
hemia would leave their cantonments, &c. The military resources of
Austria ought to amount fo 100,000 men for the army in Silesia, and be
tween thirty and fifty thousand for that of Cracow, the remainder to be
at the disposition of France in Bukovina and Gallicia."
M. de Metternieh replied, " His Imperial, Royal and Apostolic Majesty
decided upon taking the attitude of an armed mediation, as the only one
which the two imperial courts considered to be consistent with the actual
state of things ; but that, at the same time, his Imperial Majesty declared
that if, contrary to his dearest wishes, his efforts should not be crowned by
the return of peace, Austria, on account of her position as a mediating
power, and of the geographical situation of her empire, cannot in future
take part in the war simply in the quality of an auxiliary ; and, conse
quently, that the stipulation for supplies arranged by the treaty of alliance
of the 14th of March, 1812, ceased to be applicable to ihe present conjunc
ture of affairs."
Although the Emperor was far from thinking that this determination, the
result as much of the force of circumstances as of the views and desires
of the Emperor Napoleon, could be considered as an abandonment of the
vol. in. 10

138 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OP NAPOLEON.
alliance between the two imperial courts, yet his Imperial Majesty thought
it well to command his ambassadors to add a declaration, " thai this pro
ceeding should not, in any way, prejudice tlie basis of our alliance with
France." And he added, " The undersigned, in transmitting this to M.
the Count de Narbonne, is expressly charged to reiterate to his excellency
the assurances which he received verbally in his last audience with the
Emperor,, of the unalterable nature of his Imperial Majesty's sentiments
towards his excellency V august master."
An unforeseen circumstance completely removed the mask under which
the cabinet of Vienna concealed the rancour of its sentiments towards
France : the scouts of the advanced guard intercepted a courier who was
bearing despatches from Count Stokelberg, the Russian ambassador at
Vienna. It was no longer possible to •entertain a doubt: Austria was
seeking to paralyze the efforts which France expected from the confedera
tion of the Rhine, and even from Naples, and was negotiating her defec
tion with Prussia and Russia. On his side, the Duke of Bassano gave an
account of a conversation with Prince Schwartzenberg, in which that am-
hassador.had become warm on the subject of politics, and the Duke had
spoken to him of the family ties which the negotiators of the marriage pf
the Empress Marie Louise had succeeded in forming between the two
nations: "Ah! the marriage !" pried the Prince Schwartzenberg — "the
marriage ! policy led to it, but it does not make any engagements as
regards the future."
The Duke of Bassano wrote at the same time as follows : — "The news
of the brilliant success which announced to Europe lhat your Majesty had
arrived at the head of your army, has produced the greatest sensation
here. The members of the diplomatic body, whom I have just seen, one
after the other, appear to be not less astonished at the manner in which
the public mind is affected than at the victory itself. Count Wintzenge-
rode, General Waltendorff, and Baron Just, are at this moment sending
off couriers to their different courts ; what they write will no doubt differ
very much from their incessant demands for some months past. The
clamours of the malevolent; the silence of the doubtful, and the anxiety of
the devoted, have been succeeded by transports of joy and hope ; but,
whereas during the campaigns which preceded the last, men sought in
success only a presage and earnest of fresh glory, now, when confidence
is shaken, and questions so grave must be determined on the field of battle,
they only consider it as a pledge given by fortune for repose and peace.
" The moment is come when every Frenchman possessed of honour
must conquer or die. I cannot venture to. think that these words,, placed
in the mouth of General Goure, have been the expressjon of a sentiment
which would lead your Majesty to be careless of your life. They would
carry terror into every heart ; and permit me also, sire, to tell you, that
they would be ill-calculated, in other respects, to calm the public mind.
The question as regards France can never be reduced to so small a com
pass ; nations cannot be placed in such an alternative ; they never die,
and they become weary of the necessity of always conquering.
"You have conquered. The recent victory has effaced the impression
made by those disasters which had, however, subtracted nothing from
your glory. The moderation which is apparent in your resolutions, but
which would have appeared undignified after a reverse, can never- in
future be blamed; and peace, the sole wish, and the pressing want, of

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 139
France, whatever you may just now sacrifice for its attainment, will
always be looked on as a glorious peace."
§3.
The arrival of M. de Bubna at Dresden immediately neutralized the
impression produced by these despatches. He brought a letter from the
Emperor Francis, containing these very words : — " The mediator is the
friend of your Majesty ; I am anxious that your dynasty should be fixed
on an immovable foundation, considering that the existence of it is in
volved in that of my own." M. de Bubna, however, could not reply di
rectly to some questions of the Emperor Napoleon ; he alleged his want
of instructions and of powers ; and in spite of all his conciliatory protesta
tions, his own noble character soon made it evident that he himself had
but little confidence in the sincerity of the words of which he was the
bearer. Austria demanded, as the price of her mediation, the restitution
of the Illyrian provinces ; an increase of territory at the expense of Po
land, to restore her frontier in Gallicia ; the restitution of the Tyrol ; and
to conclude, the dissolution of the confederation of the Rhine. The Em
peror of the French returned an answer of as great a degree of precision,
as the letter of his father-in-law, contained duplicity of protestation : he
said to M. de Bubna, " Write to the Emperor that I restore to him his
parole, and 'that he is at perfect liberty to renounce my alliance ; that I
shall not be at all wounded by it, and should only feel so, should his cabi
net persist in a system of irresolution and of mezzo termine, the ordinary
resource of weakness or of insincerity. I accept the suggestion of a con
gress at Prague, under the mediation of Austria, and with the understand
ing that she will guarantee to me the integrity of the French territory ;
reserving it to myself to appropriate such provinces as- are beyond the
natural limits of France, as a compensation for the securing of a general
peace." M. de Bubna then owned that he was not invested alone with the confi-
dence of his master in the mission which he was just then fulfilling, and that
he was obliged to communicate with the Count de Stadion, who was at the
head-quarters of. the allies; but he showed the following letter which he
wrote to him : " I have the honour to announce tp your excellency that I
arrived at Dresden on the afternoon of the day before yesterday, the 16th
of May, and found here his Majesty the Emperor of the French. It is
very agreeable to me to be able to inform your excellency that, notwith
standing the success which has just attended his arms, the Emperor of
the French appears to me to be disposed for peace, and willing that the
plenipotentiaries whom the belligerent powers may think proper to name
should meet immediately at Prague, or any other place between the ren
dezvous of the troops of the said powers. Under the conviction that your
excellency will have met with the same dispositions in their Majesties the
Emperor of Russia and the King of Prussia, I hasten to urge you, Mon
sieur, to do all you possibly can for arranging and accelerating the de
parture of the plenipotentiaries for the place appointed for the congress.
His Majesty appears to me to be of the same opinion as the allies, in re
garding a general peace as the means of really tranquillizing the world.
He would, therefore, be pleased to see plenipotentiaries from England and
America. He would even consent to admit one from the insurgent

140 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Spaniards,' if that was thought likely to influence England. His Majes'ty
seems to me to be equally well inclined towards a continental' peace, and
consequently, to send plenipotentiaries himself as well as his allies, as
soon as he knows the inclination of Russia and Prussia.
" The congress once assembled, should the belligerent powers wish to
conclude an armistice, or a suspension of arms, I think the Emperor would
also be willing to concur in it.
" Having the honour to inform your excellency of these dispositions of
the Emperor of the French and King of Italy, I think that you will sug
gest to the allied'Sovereigns that if they find such an armistice convenient
to them, they will give direction that the overtures made in such cases
may be made- to the advanced posts of the French."
M. de Bubna immediately set out in order personally to give an account
of his long and important conference, and with the hope of impressing M.
de Metternieh with his own convictions of the sincerity of the Emperor
Napoleon in his desire for peace. The autograph reply, -which he bore
with him, contained these remarkable words : " In common with every
Frenchman of generous feeling, I would prefer dying with arms in my
hands to submission, should it be contemplated to dictate to me conditions
which Freneh honour must refuse. I repeat that I desire peace, but that
it must be a peace honourable foHltil parties."

§4.
A few hours after the departure of M. de Bubna, the Emperor quitted
Dresden, in order to rejoin the army, then encamped in front of the ene
my's forces, who had retired, and entrenched themselves a,t the village' of
Hochkirch, a place rendered celebrated by the wars of the great Frede
rick,. and which gave to the Allies a good position in front of the Oder.
The expected reinforcements had arrived to both parties, and a great bat
tle appeared imminent. All the Emperor's measures were so taken as to
secure the victory, yet he still thought that peace was certain if the Con
gress of Prague took place ; he therefore wished to wait for the return of
M. de Bubna, and avoid a new and useless effusion of blood. He sent the
Duke of Vicenza to the head-quarters of the Allies, giving him the follow
ing instructions : —
" The Duke of Vicenza being resolved to try all means of establishing
peace either general or continental, we have proposed the meeting of a
congress either at Prague or at any other place lying between the bellige
rent armies. ' We hope that such a congress will promptly bring about a
peace, the necessity of which is felt by so many nations. We have in
consequence determined to conclude an armistice or suspension of arms
with the Russian and Prussian troops during the meeting of the Con
gress. " Wishing to prevent the battle, which from the position that the ene
my has taken, appears imminent, and to save humanity from a useless
effusion of blood : our intention is, that you go to the advanced posts,
where you will ask to be admitted to the presence of the Emperor Alexan
der, in order to make the proposal to him, and negotiate, conclude, and
sign any military agreement having for its end the suspension of hostili-
ties. It is with this intention that we write to you this private letter so

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OP NAPOLEON. 141
that if you are required, you may produce it as investing you with full
powers." The allies thought themselves sure of the battle ; they refused to see
the Duke of Vicenza ; and it was once more by dint of victory alone
that Napoleon could- get the enemies of France to listen to words of
peace. It was not until the 21st of May, and after two battles lost, that Count
Nesselrode sent the following reply to the Duke of Vicenza.
"Sir, — His Majesty the Emperor has just heard of the arrival of your
Excellency at the outposts; and although his Imperial Majesty would
have much pleasure in receiving you, Sir, and in expressing to you the
sentiments of respect which he continues to feel for you personally, yet
he regrets that the circumstances in which he finds himself placed pre
vent his admitting you to his head-quarters. But I am commanded by
him to request that you will .transmit to him, by means of the Austrian
cabinet, any communication with which your Excellency may be en
trusted. His, Majesty the Emperor, having concurred in the offers of me
diation of the court of Vienna, and made that court aware of the tendency
of his actual efforts, and his manner orregarding such. questions as might
be agitated in the present situation of affairs, there is no other means by
which it -is possible for him to receive any overture which your court may
wish to make to hinj."
At the same time Count Stadion, the Austrian Plenipotentiary at the
head-quarters of the Emperor Alexander, wrote to the Prince of Neufchatel,
the Major-General of the French army, as follows : —
" Sir, — The -General Count Bubna has informed me in a letter of the
18th of this month, of the intention which his Majesty the Emperor of the
French has announced to him relative to the means of bringing about a
negotiation for peace, and I have hastened to communicate it to the Em
peror of Russia and the King of Prussia. Their Imperial and Royal
Majesties, perceiving from the opinion which the Emperor Napoleon has
given on this subject, that he thinks an armistice might prepare the way
to such a negotiation, declare that they are quite disposed to make any
arrangement which that object requires, and to send to the outposts offi-
cers=*furnished with powers.
" As Count Bubna is not at this time with the Emperor of the French, I
have thought it my duty to address myself to your highness, that you
may be possessed of the sentiments of the two sovereigns ; I beg you will
have the goodness to lay them before his Imperial and Royal Majesty.
!' I shall think myself only too happy, if these the first words which I
have the honour of being the means of forwarding to the powers at war,
should be soon followed by others which will open the way to a state of
peace, the ardent desire of my august master."
The negotiation about the armistice lasted several days ; the Allies in
sisted that the French army should repass the Elbe, and evacuate Ham
burg ; no agreement could be come to ; and hostilities would indubitably
have continued, if one single obstacle had impeded the triumphant march
of the French troops to Breslau, which was occupied on the 1st of June ;

142 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
and on the 4th, the commissioners of the belligerent powers signed the
following convention at Plesswitz.
" This day, 23d of May (4th June), the following plenipotentiaries are
named by the belligerent powers :
"The Duke of Vicenza, first Master of the Horse, General of Division,-
&c. &c, — the plenipotentiary named by his Majesty the Emperor of the
French, King of Italy, Protector of the Swiss Confederation, &c, — fur
nished with full powers by his Serene Highness the Prince of Neufchatel,
Vice-Constable, Major-General in the army.
" Count Schouwaloff, Lieutenant-General, Aide-de-camp of his Majesty
the Emperor of all the Russias, Grand Cross of the Order of Voldimia of
the second class, &c. &c.
"And M. Kleist, Lieutenant-General in the service of his Majesty the
King of Prussia, Grand Cross of the Red Eagle of Prussia, &c. &c, — ¦
being furnished with full powers by his Excellency, the General of Infan
try, Barclay de Tolly, Commander-in-chief of the combined powers ; after
having exchanged their full powers at Goebersdorf, on the 20th of May
(1st of June), and signed a suspension of arms for thirty-six hours, and
having met again at the village of Plesswitz, neutralized for that purpose
between the advanced posts of the* belligerent armies, wherever they may
be placed, have agreed to the following articles : —
" Art. 1. Hostilities shall cease in every quarter, at the ratification of
this present armistice.
" Art. 2. The armistice shall continue till the 8th of July (July 20th),
inclusive, besides six days for the proclamation of its expiration.
. " Art. 3. Hostilities cannot, consequently, recommence until six days
after the cessation of the armistice has been proclaimed at the head-quar
ters of the respective parties.
" Art. 4. The line of demarcation between the belligerent armies is
fixed in the following manner :
" In Silesia, the line of demarcation of the French army, commencing
at the frontier touching on Bohemia, will pass by Seiffershau and Altrau-
nitz, will then follow the course of the little river which falls into the Bo-
ber, not far from Bertelsdorf, and afterwards the Bober as far as Lahn ;
from thence by the most direct line to Neukirch or the Katzbach, and so
by the course of that river to its junction with the Oder.
" The towns of Parchwitz, Liegnitz, Goldberg, and Lahn, upon which
side soever of the river they may be situated, may be occupied, as well as
their suburbs, by the French troops.
"The line of demarcation of the combined army commencing in like
manner at the Bohemian frontier, will pass by Dittersback, Pfaffendorf,
and Landshut, will then follow the course of the Bober, as far as Rudel-
stadt, pass from thence by Bolkenhayn and Streigau, and join the Oder
after passing by Beltlem, Oltashin and Althoff.
"The combined army may occupy the towns of Landshut, Rudelstadt,
Bolkenhayn, Streigau, and Cautts, as well as their suburbs.
"All the territory lying between the lines of demarcation of the French
and combined armies, will be neuter, and cannot be occupied by any
troops, not even by the Landsturm ; this arrangement will necessarily be
applicable to the city of Breslau.
" From the mouth of the Katzbach, the line of demarcation will follow
the course of the Oder to the frontiers of Saxony, then along the frontiers
of Saxony and Prussia, and will join the Elbe, leaving the Oder not far

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 143
from Miihlrose, and will then follow the frontiers of Prussia, so that the
whole of Saxony, the territory of Dessau, and the small states bordering
on the principalities belonging to the Confederation of the Rhine, will
belong to the French army and their allies ; and the whole of Prussia, to
the combined army.
" The portions of Prussia lying in Saxony shall be considered as neuter,
and must not be occupied by any troops.
"The Elbe, to its embouchure, shall fix and terminate the line of
demarcation between the belligerent armies, with the exception of the
places hereinafter mentioned.
"The French army shall keep the islands, and all which it shall
occupy in the 32d military division at midnight of the 27th of May
(June 8th).
" Should Hamburg be only in a state of siege, it shall be treated like
other besieged towns. All the articles of this present armistice which are
applicable to them, are so likewise to it.
" The line of outposts of the belligerent armies at midnight of the 27th
of May (June 8th), shall form that of the demarcation of the armistice for
the 32d military division, with the exception of such military alterations
as the respective commanders shall judge necessary : these alterations
shall be made in concert, by an officer of the staff of each army, on the
principle of the most perfect reciprocity.
"Art. 5. The fortresses of Dantzic, Modlin, Zamosck, Stettin, and
Custrin, shall be re-victualled every five days, according to the amount of
their garrisons, by the commanders of the blockading forces.
" A commissary named by the commandant of each fortress shall
remain with the commander of the besieging troops, in order to ascertain
that the provisions stipulated for be strictly furnished.
" Art. 6. Whilst the armistice continues, each fortress shall have the
radius of a French league outside its fortifications, which portion of ground
shall be considered neuter. Magdeburg will, consequently, have its
frontier, or a league, on the right bank of the Elbe.
" Art. 7. A French officer shall be despatched to each besieged fortress
to .notify to its commandant the conclusion of the armistice and of the re-
victualling of the place. A Russian or Prussian officer canaccompany
him on the journey, either on his going or returning.
"Art. 8. Commissaries named by both parties shall regulate the price
of the provisions furnished to each fortress. The accounts, made up at
the end of every month, by the commissaries charged with watching over
Ihe maintenance of the armistice, shall be paid at the head-quarters by
ttW-paymaster of the army.
" Art. 9. Officers of the staff shall be named on each side, to agree
upon the alterations of the general line of demarcation upon such points
as are not determined by a running watf r, and upon vvhich any difficulties
may arise.
"Art. 10. All the movements of the troops shall be so regulated that
each army shall occupy its new line on the 31st of May (June 12th); and
all divisions or portions of the combined army which may happen to be
beyond the Elbe or in Saxony, shall re-enter Prussia:
" Art. 11. Officers from the French and ihe combined armies shall be
despatched conjointly, to cause the cessation of hostilities at all points, by
proclaiming the armistice ; the respective commanders-in-chief furnishing
them with the necessary powers.

144 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
"Art. 12. On each side, two commissaries shall be named, general
officers, who shall watch over the execution of the stipulation of this
armistice. They shall reside within the neutral line at Neumark, to
determine such difficulties as may arise.
" The commissioners ought to go there within twenty-four hours, in
order to hasten the officers and the orders which must be sent in virtue of
the present armistice.
" Made and finished, the present act in twelve articles and in duplicate,
on the day, month and year above written."
The armistice being signed the Emperor returned to Dresden, where
M. de Bubna was waiting for him ; as also the President Kaas, -sent by
the King of Denmark, with whom the Duke of Bassano, the Minister for
Foreign Affairs, signed without any difficulty a treaty of alliance, offensive
and defensive, although the English fleet threatened Copenhagen with a
second bombardment.
The suspension of hostilities gave the allies an opportunity of rallying
their disorganized troops, and of rectifying their bad position ; it stopped
the progress of the French army, and increased the difficulties of the
garrisons in such places as were blockaded by the allies. In short, it
gave time to General Benigsen's. troops to arrive in line; and the Swedish
troops were able to land at Stralsund, and advance as far as Wittenberg
on the Elbe. The Emperor was quite aware of the advantages which his
enemies obtained by the signature of the armistice ; but he considered the
sacrifice necessary for peace, which would be certain ta follow if the
mediation of Austria was sincere.
Happily for the honour of kings, the conduct of the cabinet of Vienna
is without example in history.
M. de Bubna did not say anything very decisive about the dispositions
of Austria ; the object of his return to Dresden was, he said, to give con
sistency to the overtures of his cabinet to the belligerent powers, and to
notify that Russia and Prussia accepted the mediation, but that England
insisted on some extreme points as a preliminary ; that she would not
admit, as the bases of this negotiation, those which had served for the
peace of Luneville, thinking them too favourable for France ; and that,,on
this account, Austria proposed not to occupy herself any more, just now,
about a general peace, but to limit the conferences to the consideration of
a continental peace. Russia and Prussia adhered to it, and were about to
communicate to M. de Metternieh the bases upon which they were ready
to open conferences in whatever place the Emperor of Austria should
choose, and under his mediation.
Such communications would have created astonishment if it had been
possible to entertain any doubt as to the disposition of the cabinet of
Vienna ; Napoleon, however, continued to believe that the after-thought of
M. de Metternieh was meant to cause the influence of the mediator to be
more highly appreciated, and by acting this double part to obtain great
advantages for the Austrian army. The arrival of the Emperor of Austria
with his council at Gitschen, where he established himself between the
two armies, gave weight to this opinion, which was soon apparently con
firmed by the presence of M. de Metternieh at Dresden.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 145

§5.
The chiefs of the army loudly expressed their opinion of the necessity
of peace. Some amongst them ventured to censure the measures which
the Emperor's forethought induced him to take for fortifying the approaches
to Dresden, and even to forward to him their complaints on the subject.
" Austria," said they, " will open the passes into Bohemia to the allies,
and we shall be surrounded ; we shall be attacked in the rear and cut off
from France. It would be much better to recall all our detached corps
from the right bank of the Elbe, rally behind the Saale, then repass the
Rhine, and abandon to the chances of war our garrisons on the Oder and
the Vistula."
The Emperor listened good-humouredly and. replied, — " Good God ! I
could make peace with the sacrifices which you propose to me for the
better carrying on of war. Where is the prudence of this advice? Six
battles lost would scarcely reduce me to the position in which you want
to place me forthwith ! Undoubtedly, one should not rashly hazard one's
line of operations; I know it; and it is the rule of good sense, and the A
B C of the profession. But when great interests are involved, there are
moments when one must sacrifice to victory, and not be afraid to burn the
vessels, If the art of war was nothing else than the art of compromising
nothing, glory would become the prey of very second-rate spirits. It is a
complete triumph which we must achieve. The question is not about
abandoning such or such a province ; it is about our political superiority;
our enemies wish to lower it, but, for us, our existence depends on it.
"You fear that lam acting foolishly by remaining in the heart of Ger
many. Was I not in a more hazardous position on the battle-fields of
Marengo, Austerlitz, and Wagram ? From the day of the battle of Areola
until now, every step which I have taken in my career has been a bold
venture of this kind ; and in that respect I have followed the most illus
trious examples. Did Alexander, did Hannibal, or Caesar think about
their lines of retreat when the moment had. arrived for comhating for the
Empire of the world ? And if Alexander had been beaten at the Indus ; if
Hannibal had not conquered at Cannes ; if Caesar had been defeated in
the forests of Gaul, at the promontory of Dyrrachium, in the defiles of
Pharsalia? If!
., "In the campaign, of 1805, I was likely to see all Prussia under arms ;
I was entangled in the very heart of Moravia ; my retreat across Ger
many was likely to become very difficult ; but I conquered at Austerlitz !
"In 1806, at the moment when I was entering the defiles of Thuringia,
Austria was advancing in my rear, and Spain was about to cross the Py
renees ; but I conquered at Jena !
"In 1809, at the time when I had to struggle against the Danube,
on the confines of Hungary, with the Tyrol in insurrection behind
me, and the English already advancing upon Antwerp, — when I had
every reason to fear that Russia was going to abandon me, and
when the whole of Prussia increased my difficulties, I was conqueror
at Wagram ! . Should the enemy ever undertake to overwhelm me in Bo
hemia, it will be exactly with the hope of driving me to make those retro
grade movements to which you advise me. But such a policy as that
would inspire me with precisely the contrary resolution. I shall not be

146 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
acting rashly, supported as I am by all the fortresses on the Elbe, and by
Erfurt. . -
" Dresden is the pivot upon which I must manoeuvre in order to face
every attack. From Berlin to Prague, the enemy will be spread over a
circumference of which I shall occupy the centre; every communication
must necessarily be tedious for them, on account of the round which they
will have to go, whilst, as regards me, a few marches only will be suffi
cient to enable me to reach any point where my presence or my reserves
may be required. But it is absolutely necessary that at those points wliere
I am not, my lieutenants should learn to wait for me, without committing
any thing to chance.' Will it be possible for the allies to preserve their.
forces for any length of time in an unbroken body, whilst engaged in such
extended operations? And may I not reasonably hope to surprise them
sooner or later making some false movement?
" The enemy will throw some troops between the Elbe and the Rhine;
I expect this ; I have provided for it. Independently of the strong garri
sons of Mayence, Wesel, Erfurt, and Wiirtzburg, Augereau is assembling
a corps of observation on the Maine. But will the Allies wedge them
selves between my two fortified lines of the Elbe and the Rhine? If they
manifest such audacity, I shall enter Bohemia, and it will be my turn to
attack them in the rear.
" Some Cossacks may, perhaps, insult our departments of the Rhine—
that is possible ; but war with all its ruinous consequences, at Mayence,
would be a much more serious misfortune.
" We must pardon the Saxons for their false reasoning against plans
which may prolong the war on their territory. But whatever may be said
by some among us, who are their echoes, it is in the plains of Saxony that
the fate of Germany must be decided. I repeat it ; the position which I
wish to take up, offers me chances of such a nature, that even were the
enemy to be victorious in ten engagements, they could scarcely succeed in
driving me back to the Rhine ; whilst, should I be victor in one single bat
tle, we should advance upon the enemy's -capitals, and relieving our gar
risons on the Oder and tbe Vistula, force the allies to conclude a peace.
" Moreover, I have calculated every thing ; fate must do the rest. I
know well, that I shall only be judged according "to tbe event. To that
I must submit, for such is the rigorous law of history."
The Emperor then turning round to where General Rogniat stood, said
to him, smiling : " Construct for me fosses and palisades, and let your art
second the activity of my marches, by multiplying on our route the means
of attack and defence."
It was necessary to fight the battles of the K-atzbach, that of Gros-
beeren, the two battles of Dresden, the battle of Culm, those of Interlogn,
Vachan, Robstadt, Leipsig, and at length" that of Hanau, before the French
a rmy were brought back to the left bank of the Rhine.
There are two descriptions of plans of campaign ; the good and the bad.
The good sometimes miscarries from fortuitous circumstances; whilst the
bad occasionally succeeds by a caprice of fortune.

HISTORY .OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 147

§6.
Nothing could equal the activity of the Emperor in studying the diffi
culties of the fields of battle upon which events might lead him to fight,
should hostilities recommence ; and, on the other hand, the conferences
between the Duke of Bassano and M. de Metternieh took place without
•any result, the latter still repeating, under every form, but without ad
vancing a step in the negotiation, "That he was far from regarding the
alliance between Austria and France as irreconcilable with mediation ;
that such alliance might be suspended, but could not be broken." The
Duke of Bassano had orders to declare that the Emperor could only con
sider such expressions as an'explicit renunciation of the alliance ; that he
wished for no alliance which could become burthensome to his ally, and
that, consequently, he made no difficulty about destroying the treaty of
1812. Affairs were in this state, when an autograph letter from the Em
peror of Austria to the Emperor, his son-in-law, was the occasion of the
following conversation between the latter and M. de Metternieh.
" Here you are, then, Metternieh ! You are welcome ; but if you de
sire peace, why have you been so long coming? We have already lost a
month, and your mediation has become almost hostile by reason of its
being inactive. It seems, that it no longer suits you to guarantee the in
tegrity of the French Empire ; be it so ; but why did you not declare that
to me sooner ? Why could you not tell me so frankly, on my return from
Russia, through Bubna, or, more recently, by Schwartzenberg? Perhaps,
I should have had sufficient time to modify my plans ; perhaps even, I
should not have entered on the campaign.
"In allowing me to exhaust my strength by new efforts, you reckoned,
no doubt, upon events being somewhat less rapid. These bold efforts have
been crowned by victory. I gained two battles ; my enemies, weakened
by defeat, are about to recover from their delusion ; suddenly you glide
into the midst of us ; you come to speak lo me of armistice and media
tion ; you speak to them of alliance, and every thing is again embroiled.
Were it not for your fatal intervention, peace would now be concluded be
tween the allies and me.
" What have been, as yet, the results of the armistice ? I know of no
others except the two treaties of Reichenbach, which England has just
obtained from Prussia and Russia. A treaty with a third power is also
spoken of; but you have M. de Stadion on the spot, Metternieh, and you
must be better informed on that point than lam.
"Confess, now ; since Austria has taken the part of mediator, she is
no longer on my side ; she is no longer impartial : she is my enemy !
You were about to declare yourselves, when the victory of Lutzen stopped
you. Seeing me again in a formidable condition, you felt the necessity of
increasing your forces, and you wished to gain time.
" Now, your 200,000 men are ready ; Schwartzenberg is in command
of them ; he is assembling them at this moment — near to this, there, be
hind the curtain of the mountains of Bohemia. And, because you think
yourself in a position to dictate the law, you come to me ! The law !
And why wish to dictate it to me alone ? Am I no longer he whom you
defended yesterday ? If you are a mediator, why do you not, at least,
hold the balance even ? I see through you, Metternieh, your cabinet

148 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
wishes to profit by my embarassmerits and augment them as much, as pos
sible, in order' to recover the whole or a part of what it has lost. The
great question with you is to find out whether you can extort any thing
from me without fighting, or whether you must throw yourself decidedly
into the ranks of my enemies : you do not well know which of the two
parties can offer you the greatest advantages, and, perhaps, you have only
come here the better to obtain that information. Very well ; come, let us
treat ; I consent to it. What is it you wish for ?" #
This was a sudden attack ; M. de Metternieh threw himself in the way
with a complete apparatus of diplomatic phrases. " The only advantage
which the Emperor, my master, is desirous of gaining, is such an influ.
ence as would communicate to the cabinets of Europe that spirit of mode
ration, and that respect for the rights and possessions of independent
states, by which he himself is animated. Austria wishes to establish an
order of things, which, by means of a wise partition of forces, shall place
the guarantee of peace under the aegis of an association of independent
states." " Speak more plainly," said the Emperor, interrupting him,
"and let us come to the object in view : you do not forget that I am a
soldier, and know better how to break than to bend. I have proposed to
you that Illy ria shall remain neuter; will that suit you? my army is
quite sufficient to bring the Russians and the Prussians to reason ; all
that I ask from you is your neutrality." " Ah ! sire !" replied M. de
Metternieh, with animation, " why will your Majesty remain alone in this
struggle? why will you not double your troops? You can do so, sire;
for it depends entirely upon yourself to dispose of ours. Yes ; affairs are
now arrived at such a point, that we can no longer remain neuter; we
must be either for you or against you."
" But you wish not only for Illyria, but for the half of Italy, and for
the return of the Pope to Rome ! for Poland, and the abandonment of
Spain I for Holland, and the confederation of the Rhine and Switzerland!
Is that what you call the spirit of moderation which animates you ?
You are only thinking of how. you may derive the greatest profit from
every chance ; you are only occupied in transporting your alliance from
oneca"mp to another, that you may be always on that side which has the
most to divide ; and yet you come and speak to me about your respect for
the rights of independent states! In fact, you want Italy, Russia wants
Poland, Sweden wants Norway, Prussia wants Saxony, and England
wants. Holland and Belgium. In short, your words about peace are no
thing but a lure ; you are all contemplating the dismemberment of the
French empire ; and in order to crown such an enterprise with success,
Austria thinks that the only thing needful is for her to declare herself!
You pretend that here, with a stroke of your pen, you can throw down
the ramparts of Dantzic, Custrin, Glogau, Magdeburg, Wesel, Mayence,
Antwerp, Alexandria, Mantua — of all the strongest fortresses in Europe,
the keys of which I have been able to obtain solely by force of victories!
and I, with docile submission to your policy, must needs evacuate Ger
many, the half of vvhich I still occupy, recall my legions in peaceful order
behind the Rhine, the Alps, and the Pyrenees, and subscribing to a treaty
which would be nothing hut a vast capitulation, give myself up, like a fool,
to my enemies, and depend for a doubtful fortune on the generosity of the
very same persons whose conqueror I now am ! And it is when my co
lours are still displayed at the mouth of the Vistula, and on the banks of the

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OP NAPOLEON. 149
Oder, when my triumphant army is at the gates of Berlin and Breslau,
when I am in person at the head of three hundred thousand men, it is
then that Austria flatters herself that she shall get me to subscribe fo such
conditions, without striking a blow, without even drawing my sword —
without drawing my sword ! Such a proposal is an insult ! And it is
my father-in-law who entertains such an idea — it is he who sends you !
In what a position does he wish to place me in the eyes of the French
people ! But he is strangely mistaken if he thinks that a mutilated sove
reignty can be in France a safe refuge for his daughter and his grandson !
—Ah Metternieh ! how much has England given you to induce you thus
to take part against me ?''
At these last words, which escaped from him in the vehemence of his
expressions, and which his prudence regretted, the Emperor stopped ; M.
de Metternieh changed colour; a profound silence succeeded to this storm
of the thoroughly French soul of Napoleon, and he soon resumed his dis
course, and said : —
" I am then much lowered in the opinion of your master, since, after three
victories, he ventures to advise me to abandon provinces which are not
even threatened, [f I were to consent to such conditions in order to ac
quire the right to negotiate a peace, the crown of France would be broken
in my hands. One may stop in ascending, but one never stops in de
scending. At the worst I shall still have the glory given by reverses."
M. de Metternieh had recovered his composure; he no longer discussed
any thing, and agreed that the congress should be held at Prague, where
the conferences should open on the 5th of July ; he undertook to get the
allies to accept the prolongation of the armistice till the 10th of August,
and signed, with the Duke of Bassano, the following convention, before he
quitted Dresden. It was, however, only too evident that sympathy with
England was paramount in his mind, and that war would be its inevita
ble consequence.
" His Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, &c, and his
Majesty the Emperor of Austria, &c, animated by an equal desire to
procure the re-establishment of peace ; and to this effect, his Majesty the
Emperor of Austria having offered his mediation towards a general peace,
or in default of that a continental peace, and his Majesty the Emperor of
the French having shown an intention to accept of the said mediation,
they have judged it proper to confirm the said offer and the said accept
ance by a convention ; in consequence of which, their said Majesties have
named their plenipotentiaries — that is to say, for his Majesty the Emperor
of the French, M. Hugh Bernard Count JVIaret, Duke of Bassano, &c. ;
and for his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, M. the Count Clement Wen-
ceslas de Metternieh Winnebourg-Ochsenhausen, Chevalier of the Golden
Fleece, die. — his Minister of Foreign Affairs — who, after having exchanged
respectively their full powers, have agreed upon the following articles : —
"Art. 1. His Majesty the Emperor of Austria offers his mediation
towards a general or continental peace.
" Art. 2. His Majesty the Emperor of the French accepts of the said
mediation. "Art. 3. The French, Russian, and Prussian plenipotentiaries shall
meet before the 5th of July, in the city of Prague.
" Art. 4. Taking into consideration the insufficiency of the time which

150 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. -
now remains till the 20th of July, the term fixed for the expiration of the
armistice, by the convention signed at Plesswitz on the 4th of June, his
Majesty the Emperor of the French engages not to break the said armis
tice before the 10th of August; and his Majesty the Emperor of Austria
undertakes to procure the consent of Russia and Prussia to the same en
gagement. " Art. 5. The present convention is not to be made public ; it shall be
ratified, and tbe ratifications exchanged at Dresden, within the term of
four days.
" Made and signed at Dresden, the 30th of June, 1813."
V7.
But scarcely had M. de Metternieh arrived in Prague, when he gave
notice that the congress could not open the conferences so soon as he had
hoped. The Emperor named as his. representatives at the congress, the
Duke of Vicenza and Count Narbonne ; the Duke of Broglie, auditor of
the council of state, was named to accompany the mission, as secretary
to the embassy. One circumstance in the choice of the plenipotentiaries
of the allies showed what their desire for peace was. Russia was repre
sented at Prague by M. D'Aristedt, who had been one of the principal
agents of the intrigues of England, in the relations of Russia towards
Austria. This M. D'Anstedt was, besides, a French emigre. On the
other hand, difficulties without number arose in the conferences at Neu-
mark for the prolongation of the armistice; and it was not till the 26th pf
July that it was prolonged till the 10th of Augustj nearly a month after
M. de Metternieh had engaged to have the prolongation agreed to by the
allies : this only left fourteen days to terminate negotiations which were
hardly yet entered upon, and it was, therefore, evident that hostilities
would have recommenced before the plenipotentiaries had well begun to
understand each other. The Emperor looked at it in this light, and pre
pared for the combat, with the hope that he would find in the field of battle
a new chance for neutralizing the ill will of the allies.
Unfortunately, the news of the battle of Vittoria, which had just snatched
Spain from France, added to the confidence which the allies felt in the
fortune of England, and put an end to the hesitation of the Emperor of
Austria. " How," said Napoleon, " can I hope, in the midst of such ad
verse circumstances, to bring a negotiation to an honourable conclusion?
Does not war offer me a better chance? Because I have not made peace,
it will be said that I did not wish to make it. Are my enemies, then,
more pacifically disposed than I am ? Do they not refuse all the conces
sions vvhich I offer to make? Have they ever hoped that I would accept
such conditions as these? What they call a general peace is, in reality;
the humiliation of France ! I have a stronger interest than they in making
peace. My late victories balance my reverses, at the conclusion of the
last campaign.
" The armistice ought to bring about a conciliation. I yield much, be
cause I can yield much in order to procure a general peace, but I cannot
sacrifice to the security of my throne, the interests and the honour of
France. What I am willing to give up for a general peace, I will not
give up for a peace merely continental, for that would only prove to be a
truce, during which England would not fail to cement a new coalition, and

HISTORY OP THE CAPTIVITY OP NAPOLEON. 151
to double her number of troops. Nothing being then concluded, I ought
to anticipate new attacks, and try to preserve as much power as possible.
I ought at least to yield only what is necessary, and nothing but what is
necessary. Undoubtedly, I ought to feel confidence in the mediation of
my father-in-law; the interests of his daughter and of his grandson are
the same as mine. But I have learned, against my will, to know the
policy of his cabinet. I have at this very moment a sufficiently rough
instance of it. This policy does not change. Alliances, marriages,* may
suspend its progress, but they never alter its direction; Austria never
renounces what she is obliged to yield when she is the weakest party.
The peace under which she takes refuge in the days of her greatest dan
ger, she considers only as a truce : she is contemplating a renewal of the
war at the very moment when she signs peace. During twenty years, she
has not acted in any other manner. At Leoben she suspended hostilities ;
at Campo Formio she signed peace, because she had no dther way left to
prevent my taking Vienna. A year afterwards, when she knew that I
was in Egypt, she believed France to be compromised by the misconduct
of the Directory, and she renewed the war.
" In 1801, she signed peace because the Frency army, after being vic
torious at Marengo and Hohenlinden, threatened Vienna anew. In 1805,
she thought to take me by surprise, in the midst of my projects for a de
scent on England, and immediately flew to arms. But on this occasion,
she lost Vienna, and the battle of Austerlitz, and was obliged again to
submit. Three years had hardly elapsed, when she forgot the lessons
which she had received ; and when. she saw me engaged in the affairs of
Spain, she attacked France unexpectedly, and without any declaration of
war, by invading the territories of one of my allies. It was only after
having again lost Vienna, and had her army defeated at Wagram, that she
implored me for peace as a benefit. At present she thinks that she has a
more favourable chance tnan ever, and feels disposed to turn her arms
against us. In a word, she can forget nothing except the clemency of
her conquerors. She is, and ever will be, the enemy of French greatness.
Her jealousy is stronger than even the sentiment of her own preservation'.
The system of the enemies of the French revolution is war to ihe death.
Never have they granted us peace ; we have always had to win it by con
quest. Well I since so it must be, let us fight, and hope to gain it by
means of a new victory ! Every concession vvhich I should make beyond
what was reasonable, would but be made the excuse for new exactions.
The foundation stone of the edifice of French honour once displaced,
would involve the tumbling down of all the rest. I should be pushed from
one concession to another, even to the chateau of the Tuileries, from
whence the French, wounded in the tenderest point, would expel me with
disgrace. Without doubt, Russia has a right to expect an advantageous
peace. She has purchased it by the devastation of her finest provinces,
and by the burning of Moscow. But Austria has earned nothing, — de
served nothing : France has no right to pay the price of her cowardly
treachery — of the crime which she commits in violating, at the same time,
her alliance and the compact of family relationship."
At length, Napoleon, weary of the delay in the opening of the confer
ences, ordered the Duke of Vicenza to ask M. de Metternieh, in a confi
dential interview, how Austria intended that peace should be brought
about, and at how much she valued her intervention, in order that the allies

152 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
might be bound by conditions equally honourable to all parties; and he
added, " As soon as I know this, I will make my choice on the instant,
between peace and war."
On the 7th of August, M. de Metternieh replied, he demanded the Duchy
of Warsaw ; the independence of the Hanseatic towns ; the restoration to
the kingdom of Prussia of all her ancient possessions and a frontier on the
Elbe* and the cession of Illyria, including Trieste, to Austria. On the
10th, during the night, the answer to these exactions was communicated
to M. de Metternieh.
" There shall no longer be a Duchy of Warsaw. Dantzic shall be a
free city ; her fortifications shall be destroyed.
" The King of Saxony shall be indemnified.
"The Illyrian provinces shall be restored to Austria, also Fiume.
" The Germanic confederation will only extend to the Order.
" The integrity of the Danish territory shall be guarantied.
" We shall come to an understanding on the Prussian question. Hol
land shall serve as a compensation for the general peace."
But, far from being satisfied, M. de Metternieh put forward new preten
sions : he spoke of Switzerland ; did not wish to hear any more of the
Germanic Confederation, but wanted to have Germany replaced under the
moral sceptre of Austria ; he was forced to acknowledge that the sacri
fices agreed to, or offered by, Napoleon were immense, and he went so
far as to say, that they would have sufficed for the concluding of a peace
if they had been known twenty-four hours sooner: but he ended by de
claring that the fatal term having been irrevocably fixed, and being passed,
although only by a few hours, the congress was dissolved, and the Aus-
ffiao army was about 'to unite with the Russian and Prussian forces.
But why so ! — on account of a peace which they refused ! Napoleon
replied to this declaration of war by a last effort for peace. He wrote to
his plenipotentiary at Prague thus : —
"Austria, as a mediator, has rendered all conciliation impossible; but
Austria by declaring herself in a state of war, places us all in a more true
and more simple position.. Europe is thus more near to a state of peace,
for there is one complication the less.
" Well, then, since the Allies place so many hopes on the chances of
battle, nothing prevents' our negotiating whilst fighting. Write to M. de
Metternieh, and tell him that 1 propose to open this day, a congress in a
frontier town which shall be neutralized."
On the 21st of August, M. de Metternieh replied to the above commu
nication, thus : —
" It is not after war has broken out between Austria and France that
the Austrian cabinet thinks it ought to be freed from the gratuitous incul
pations contained in the note of M. the Duke of Bassano. Strong in pub
lic opinion, Auslria will calmly wait for the judgment of Europe and that
of posterity.
" The proposal of his Majesty the Emperor of the French, offering once
more to the Emperor a gleam of hope, his Imperial Majesty thought he

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 153
could profit by it. He has, therefore, ordered the undersigned, to inform
the Russian and Prussian cabinets of the demand for the opening of a
congress, which, even during the war, might be occupied in devising means
for arriving at a general pacification. Their Majesties the Emperor Alex
ander and the King of Prussia, animated by the same sentiments as their
august ally, have authorized the undersigned to declare to his Excellency
the Duke of Bassano that not being able to decide upon a subject of com
mon interest, without having previously conferred about it with the other
allied powers, the three courts will confer incessantly on the proposition
of France.
" The undersigned has been charged to transmit to the French cabinet,
with the least possible delay, the overtures of all the allied courts, in reply
to the above-mentioned proposition."

§ 8.
The treachery of the Saxons on the battle-field of Leipzig, the defec
tion of the Bavarians, and that of the confederated states of the Rhine,
had obliged the French army to repass the Rhine, and'the divisions had
taken up their position from Honingen to Wesel, in order to cover that
natural frontier of France. Reinforcements arrived from every quarter,
and one hundred thousand veteran soldiers from the army of Spain re
entered France, and hastened to the defence of her territory. The national
enthusiasm was manifested with holy ardour ; in Champagne, Burgundy,
Franche-Comte. and Alsace especially, the resistance would be terrible.
The allies dreaded this, and they would perhaps never have attempted the
passage of the Rhine by open force, if the Swiss had not shamefully
violated their neutrality by delivering up the bridge of Basle to the Austrian
army. Some hope of peace was still entertained from the hesitation of the allies,
from the words of which Baron St. Aignon was made the bearer, and
above all, from the declaration made on the 5th of November by the Prince
Regent to the English parliament : " That it was not the intention either
of England or of the allied powers to demand from France any sacrifices
incompatible with her honour and her just rights."
On the 4th of November, Baron St. Aignon, who for the last two years
had been accredited as resident French Minister at the Court of Saxe-
Weimar, returned to Paris, and made the following statement to the Mi
nister of Foreign Affairs : —
"On the 26th of October, 1813, after having been for two days treated
as a prisoner at Weimar, then the head-quarters of the Emperors of Aus
tria and Russia, I received orders to set out on the foll6wing day with a
number of prisoners whom they were sending into Bohemia. Hitherto,
I had sought no interviews, nor made any claims, considering that the
title which I bore was in itself claim sufficient. I had merely protested
against the treatment which I was receiving; but in such circumstancesas
these, I thought it my duty to write to Prince Schwartzenberg and to
Prince Metternieh, representing to them the impropriety of such proceed
ings. Prince Schwartzenberg sent his first aide-de-camp, Count Parr, to
VOL. III. II

154 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
me, apologizing for the mistake which had taken place with regard to me ;
and requesting me to repair either to his house or to that of Prince Met
ternieh. I immediately went to the house of the latter;- Prince Schwart
zenberg had just left it, and I was received with marked civility hy Prince
Metternieh, who said something about my position, and took upon himself
the task of relieving me from it, being happy, he said, to do me this service,
and at the same time to testify the esteem which tbe Emperor of Austria
felt for the Duke of Vicenza. He then spoke of the Congress, without.
my having in any way led to the subject. ' We sincerely desire peace,'
said he ; 'we desire it, and we shall succeed in procuring it ; nothing more
is necessary than to consider the question fairly and without any winding
about. The indirect means which the Emperor Napoleon is employing
for the purpose of procuring peace, will never succeed ; but let us mutu
ally explain our views with sincerity, and it will be done.'
" After this conversation, Prince Metternieh desired me to go to Toe-
plitz, where I should constantly receive news from him ; and said he should
hope to see me again on my return. I set out for Toeplitz on the 27th of
October : I arrived there on the 30th, and on the 2d of November I re
ceived a letter from Prince Metternieh, in consequence of which I left
Toeplitz on the 3d of November, and went to the head-quarters of the
Emperor of Austria at Frankfort, where I arrived on the 8th. The same
day I waited on Prince Metternieh. He immediately spoke to me of the
progress of the combined armies, long before the declaration of Austria
had saluted the Emperor Francis with the title of Emperor of Germany ;
said, ' that he would not accept that useless title, and that Germany was
the more bound to him on that account; that he was anxious lo persuade
the Emperor Napoleon that the greatest 'calmness and spirit of modera-
tipn presided in the councils of the allies; that they did not mean to. dis
solve their union, but to preserve their activity and their strength ; that
the more moderate they were, the stronger they would be ; that no one
...wanted to interfere with the dynasty of Napoleon; that England was
much more moderate in her views than she was supposed to be ; that there
had never been a more favourable moment for treating with her; that- if
the Emperor Napoleon really desired to conclude a solid- peace, he would
save humanity from many evils,, and France from many dangers, by not.
delaying the negotiations for that purpose ; that they were quite ready to
enter on the subject ; that the ideas of peace which they had conceived,
would fix just limits to the power of England, and give to France, as well
as the other powers of Europe, all the maritime liberty which they had a
right to claim ; that England was ready to give to Holland,- if independent,
what she would not give to it as a French province ; that what M. de Mer-
velet had been charged to say on the part of the Emperor Napoleon, might
give place to the communication of which they requested me to be the
bearer; only begging me to deliver it exactly, and without making any
alteration ; that the Emperor Napoleon did hot wish to consider it possible
to maintain a balance of. power amongst the powers of Europe, but that
such a balance was not only possible, but even necessary ; that it had
been proposed at Dresden to take as indemnity countries which the Em
peror no longer possessed, such as the Grand Duchy of Warsaw; and
that similar compensation might be made at the present conjuncture.'
" On the 9th, M. de Metternieh begged me to go to him at nine o'clock

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 155
in the evening. He had come from the presence of the Emperor of Austria,
and gave me a letter for the Empress from his Majesty. He told me that
he expected Count Nesselrode, and that, in concert with him, he was about
to intrust me with the communication which I must make to the Emperor.
He begged me to inform the Duke of Vicenza that they felt for him the
sentiments of esteem which his noble character has always inspired.
" A few moments afterwards, Count Nesselrode entered the room ; he
repeated, in a few words, what M. de Metternieh had already said to me
about the mission which they wished me to undertake, and added, that
they should proceed as if M. de Hardenberg were present, and approving
all that was said. M. de Metternieh then explained the intentions of the
coalition, such as I was to report them to the Emperor. After having
listened, I answered, that as my business was to hear, and not to speak, I
had nothing to do but convey their words literally, and that, in order to be
quite sure of them, I must request him to let me note them down for my'
own use only, and that he should see what I wrote. Count Nesselrode
then proposed that I should write the note immediately, upon which M. de
Metternieh took me with him into a study, where I wrote the note sub
joined. When I had written it, I re-entered the chamber, and M. de Met
ternieh said to me, " Here is Lord Aberdeen, the English Ambassador ;
our intentions are similar to his, so that we can continue our explanation
before him." He then requested me to read what I had written, and when
I came to the article concerning England, Lord Aberdeen not appearing
to understand it, I read it a second time. His Lordship then observed,
lhat the expressions liberty of commerce and rights of navigation were
very vague ; I replied that I had written what M. de Met'ternich had in
structed me to say ; M. de Metternieh answered that these expressions
might, perhaps, embroil the question, and that it would be as well to sub
stitute others for them. He took the pen and wrote, ' That England would
make the greatest sacrifices far a peace founded upon these bases,' (those
previously laid down.)
" I observed, that these expressions were quite as vague as those which
they replaced. Lord Aberdeen agreed with me, and said, ' That it was
better what I had first written should remain ;' and he reiterated the assur
ance, ' That England was ready to make the greatest sacrifices in her
power, and that she would give with a liberal hand.' The remainder of
the note being in conformity to what was saidj they then spoke of indifferent
subjects. " Prince Schwartzenberg entered, and what had passed was repeated to
him. Count Nesselrode, who had been absent for a moment during this
conversation, returned, and charged me to tell the Duke of Vicenza, from
the Emperor Alexander, that his Majesty would never change the opinion
which he entertained of his integrity and estimable character, and his con
viction that these affairs would have been soon arranged if he had been
entrusted with the negotiation.
"I was to have set out on the morning of the next day, the 10th of
November, but Prince Schwartzenberg begged of me to delay my depar
ture till the evening, as he had not had time to write to the Prince of
Neufchatel. " During the night he sent to me Count Voyna, one of his aides-de
camp, who brought me his letter, and conducted me to the French out
posts : and I arrived at Mavence at eleven in the morning."

156 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

Note written at Frankfort on the 9th of November,'by Baron St. Aignon,
and approved by M. de Metternieh, Count Nesselrode, and Lord
Aberdeen : — >
" Prince Metternieh told me that the circumstances which had made it
advisable for me to come to the head-quarters of the Emperor of Austria,
would enable me to take charge of the answer to the propositions which
his Majesty the Emperor of the French had communicated through Count
Mervelet. M. de Metternieh and Count Nesselrode, therefore, desired me
to reply to his Majesty-: —
' That the allied powers were united by indissoluble engagements
which constituted their strength, and from which they never intended to
deviate. ' That the reciprocal engagements which they had contracted had made
them take the resolution to conclude a general peace only ; that, at the
time of the Congress of Prague, they had contemplated a continental
peace, because that then, circumstances would not have afforded time for
coming to an understanding about any other ; but that since that time,
the intentions of England and of all the other powers were well known ;
and that it was useless to think either of an armistice, or of any negotia
tion, having for its object any thing except a general peace.
* That the Allied Sovereigns are unanimously agreed as to the power
of France, and the preponderance which she ought to retain in the inte
grity of her own territories, and in confining herself within her natural
limits, viz., the Rhine, the Alps, and the Pyrenees.
4 That the principle of the independence of Germany is a condition sine
qua non; that, therefore, France must renounce, not the influence which
every great power must necessarily exercise over states of inferior
strength, but all claim of sovereignty over Germany ; and that, moreover,
this is a principle which his Majesty himself has laid down, by declaring,
that it was well for the great powers to be separated by states of less im
portance. ' That on the side of the Pyrenees, the independence of Spain, and the
re-establishment of the ancient dynasty, were also a condition sine qua
non. ' That in Italy, Austria ought to have a frontier which could be settled
by negotiation ; that Piedmont offered many lines, and that these, as well
as the situation of Italy, could be also discussed, provided always, that it,
as well as Germany, were governed independently of France, and of every
other preponderating power.
' That, in the same manner, the situation of Holland should be an object
of negotiation, always setting out upon the principle that it ought to be
independent. ' That England was ready to make the greatest sacrifices for a peace
founded upon these bases, and willing to grant to France such liberty of
commerce and of navigation, as she had any right to expect.
' That should these principles for a general pacification be agreed to
by his Majesty, some convenient place plight be neutralized on the right
bank of the Rhine, to which the plenipotentiaries of the belligerent powers

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 157
might immediately repair ; the negotiations, however, not suspending the
course of military operations.' "
The renunciation of Germany and Spain was only the sanctioning by
a diplomatic act events which had already taken place. But to give up
Holland and Italy, which were still intact, would be depriving ourselves
of most important resources. Italy alone could keep in check 100,000
Austrians. And if peace could be gained even so! But no ; negotiations
were to be opened whilst hostilities were going on ; and who could say to
what length the allies might push their exactions, if any new victory
should crown their arms on the soil of France ? Peace, therefore, re
mained quite uncertain ; floating over the field of battle.
In the- mean time, the Minister for Foreign Affairs wrote as follows to
M. de Metternieh : " The Baron St. Aignon arrived here yesterday, and
has reported to us, according to the communication made to him by your
Excellency, that England adheres to the proposal for the opening of a
congress, having for its object a general peace, and that the powers are
disposed to neutralize a town on the right bank of the Rhine where the
plenipotentiaries may meet; His Majesty wishes the town of Mannheim
to be the place named ; and has appointed as his plenipotentiary, the Duke
of Vicenza, who will go there as soon as your Excellency informs me of
the day fixed by the powers for the opening of the congress. It appears
to us, Sir, that it will be suitable and also conformable to usage, that
there should be no troops at Mannheim, and that the duty be performed
by the citizens, whilst at the same time the police be put under the orders
of an officer to be named by the Grand Duke of Baden. Should it be
thought advisable to have some pickets of cavalry, their numbers ought to
be the same on both sides.
" With regard to the communications between the English plenipoten
tiaries and their government, they may be carried on through France and
by Calais.
" A peace founded upon the basis of the independence of all nations,
whether regarded under a continental or a maritime point of view, has
been the constant object of the Emperor's wishes and of his policy.
" His Majesty conceives a happy augury from the account which M. St.
Aignon gives of what the English minister has said."
An account of all that passed at Frankfort was written to the Emperor,
who, so far from being afraid to learn "the truth, employed all the means
furnished by his police to prevent any thing from being concealed from
him. He soon found that the feelings of the allies had become personally
hostile to him ; that the same intrigues which had threatened his crown
in 1807, 1809, and 1812, had been renewed, and were in active operation
at the head-quarters of the allies ; and the " Frankfort Gazette" of the 1st
of December confirmed these secret reports by a declaration,* an official
* Declaration of Frankfort, 1st December, 1813.
" Frankfort, December 1st, 1813.
" The French Government has just ordered a n<;w levy of 300,000 recruits. This
conduct of the Senatus-consult necessarily exasperates the allied powers.
"They feel themselves called upon to proclaim anew before the world the views

158 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OP NAPOLEON.
manifesto, in which the allies imputed it to the Emperor, as an unpardon
able crime, that he. had ordered the levying of troops at a time when they
were negotiating with him for a peace. As if France was to give no
thought to her means of defence from the moment when an Emperor of
Russia, or a king of England, chose to propose the opening of a congress
for peace I The courier of the Duke of Bassano was a long time delayed
at the enemy's outposts, and could not reach Frankfort till the 24th of
November, arid on the 25th, Prince Metternieh replied as follows : —
" The courier, whom your Excellency despatched on the 16th of No
vember, arrived here yesterday.
" I hastened to lay before their Imperial Majesties, and his Majesty the
King of Prussia, the letter which you have done me the honour to address
to me.
" Their Majesties perceive, with great satisfaction, that the confidential
interview with M. de St. Aignon, is regarded by his Majestythe Emperor
of the French, as a proof of the pacific intentions of the high allied
powers. Animated by the same spirit, invariable in their views, and
bound by an indissoluble alliance, they are ready to enter upon the nego
tiation as soon as the)' are assured that his Majesty the Emperor of the
French admits the general and summary. bases which I have indicated in
my interview with the Baron St. Aignon.
by which they are guided in the present war, the principles upon which their conduct
is founded, their wishes and their determinations.
" The allied powers do not wish to make war upon France, but upon that haughtily
assumed preponderance which, For the misfortune of Europe and even of France
itself, the Emperor Napoleon has too long claimed, beyond the limits of his own
empire. "Victory has conducted their troops to the Rhine; and the first use which their
Imperial and Itoyal Majesties have made of success is to offjr peace to his Majesty
the Emperor of the French. An attitude, strengthened by the accession of all the
Sovereigns and Princes of Germany, has had no influence in dictating the conditions
of peace. These conditions are founded upon the independence of the French em-
pire, as well as upon the independence of the other states of Europe. The'views of
the allied powers are just in their object, generous and liberal in their application,
encouraging to all, and honourable to each.
" The allied sovereigns desire that France should be great, powerful, and happy,
because the greatness and strength of the French nation is one of the fundamental
bases of the social edifice. They desire that France should be happy, that French
commerce should revive, that the- arts, those blessings of peaee, should flourish, be
cause a great people can only be tranquil, inasmuch as they are happy.
" The powers will secure to the French empire an extent of territory, such as
France r.evcr possessed under her Kings : for a brave nation does not decline from
having in its turn experienced a reverse of fortune in an obstinate and bloody struggle,
in which she has fought with her accustomed courage.
" But the allied powers«lso desire to b& themselves free, happy, and tranquil. They
wish for a state of peace which, by a wise partition of strength, and by a just equili
brium, shall preserve the people, for the future, from the numberless calamities which
for twenty years have overwhelmed Europe.
" The allied powers will not lay down their arms until the/ have attained this
great and beneficial result, this noble object of their efforts.
" They wil'. not lay down their arms before ths political situation of Europe be
strengthened anew; before immutable principles have established their ascendency
over vain pretensions ; before tho. sanctity of treaties shall at length secure to Europe
a solid peace,"

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 159
" Your Excellency, however, has made no rnention in your letter of
these bases. You confine yourself to expressing a principle admitted by
all ttje governments of Europe, and stated by them all as their most
anxious wish. But this principle, notwithstanding its being generally
admitted, cannot supply the place of the bases. Their Majesties wish
that his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon would explain himself upon the
latter point, as the only means of preventing the negotiations from being
impeded by insurmountable difficulties from their very commencement.
" The choice of the town of Mannheim does not appear to presentany
obstacle to' .the allies ; and therefore, the proposal of your Excellency
concerning the neutralizing of it, and the measures regarding the police,
shall not impede the proceedings in any way."
The salons of Paris accused the Duke of Bassano of not doing enough
towards procuring peace, and of encouraging a repugnance to making
those sacrifices which the circumstances required. The Emperor was
very unwilling that these prejudices, how unjust soever they might be,
should possibly be considered as an afterthought on his part for the pur
pose of interrupting the negotiations ; and although he highly appreciated
the long experience of the Duke of Bassano, his morality, his incorrup
tible fidelity, and his rare talent of rapidly unravelling the most compli
cated affairs, he took the portfolio of foreign affairs from him and gave it
to the Duke of Vicenza, and appointed the Duke of Bassano Secretary of
State. By this new arrangement he hoped to meet- the wishes of the
Emperor Alexander, who had said at Frankfort, " with the Duke of Vi
cenza, the negotiations vvould soon become an easy matter, and would
proceed quickly."
On the 2d of December, the new minister for foreign affairs wrote as
follows to M. de Metternieh :
" I have submitted to his Majesty the letter which your Excellency ad
dressed to the Duke of Bassano, on the 25th of November.
" By admitting without restriction, and as the basis of a peace, the
independence of all nations, whether under a territorial or maritime point
of view, France has virtually admitted what the allies appear to desire.
His Majesty has, by this, very act, admitted all the consequences of. this
principle, the final result of which ought to be a peace founded upon the
balance of power in Europe, upon the recognition of the integrity of aS
nations within their natural limits, and upon the absolute engagement of
every state not to arrogate over any other whatever, either sovereignty or
supremacy under any form, either on land or on sea.
" It is with a lively satisfaction that I announce to your Excellency,
that I am authorized by the Emperor, my august master, to declare that
his Majesty adheres to the summary and general bases which were com
municated by M. de St. Aignon. This requires great sacrifices on the
part of France ; but his Majesty will make them without regret, if by
such sacrifices England can be brought to agree to the means of arriving
at a general peace, honourable for all parties, a result which your Excel
lency assures him is the wish not only of the continental powers but also
of England."
The Emperor being anxious- to do every thing to stop the enemy's
troops on the right bank of the Rhine, sent his minister for foreign affairs
to the head-quarters of the allies, and gave him full powers to open the

160 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITX .OF .NAPOLEON.
negotiations at the congress, on the basis of the natural limits of France.
Thjs was what the allies ^demanded, but this time again they showed their
insincerity. The Duke of Vicenza could not get past , their advanced
posts, and was obliged to stop at Luneville. However, on the 10th of
December, M. de Metternieh wrote to him as follows :
" The communication which your Excellency did me the honour to
address to me, on the 2d of December, has been forwarded to me from
Cassel by our outposts, and I have made no delay in submitting it to their
Majesties. They pereeive with satisfaction that his Majesty the Emperor
of the French has adopted the bases which are essential to 'the re-esta
blishment of a state of equilibrium and future tranquillity in Europe.
They are anxious to forward that document without delay to their allies ;
and their imperial and royal Majesties have no doubt that, immediately on
the receipt of the answers, the negotiations can be opened.
" We shall hasten to do ourselves the honour of informing your Ex
cellency of the fact, and can then agree with you upon such arrangements
as may appear to be the most proper for the attainment of the end which
we have in view."
On the 20th of December, however, the Austrian army, amounting to
160,000 men, effected the passage of the bridge of Basle, after having
summoned the Swiss general to retire, who was guarding it with one
battalion only. Every thing in the power of Napoleon to do, in order to
save France from invasion, and sign a peace before the enemy should
place a foot upon her soil, he conscientiously feels that he did. Nothing
more remained for him but to fight ; but not wishing to break the thread
of the negotiations, he sent orders to the Duke of Vicenza to remain at
the outposts^ and he confided the portfolio of foreign affairs to M. de la
Besnardiere, one of the chiefs of division of this ministry. This man
was a creature of Prince Talleyrand's., and it is not easy to understand
why the Emperor, who already distrusted M. de Talleyrand, should have
given his confidence to M. de Besnardiere in affairs of such a delicate
nature. On the 4th of January, 1814, the Emperor wrote to the Duke of Vi-
cenza — " I doubt much whether the allies are sincere, and whether
England wishes for peace : I wish for it, but it must be both solid and
honourable. France without her natural limits, without Ostend, without
Antwerp, would not be on the same footing as the other states of Europe.
" England and all the other powers recognised these limits at Frank
fort. The conquests of France on this side of the Rhine and the Alps
are not equal to what Austria, Russia, and Prussia have acquired in
Poland and in Finland, and what England has attempted to acquire in
Asia. The policy of England, and the hatred of the Emperor of Russia*
will influence Austria. I have accepted the bases of Frankfort, but it
is very probable that the allies have other ideas; their proposals have
been nothing but a mask ; and if the negotiations are once placed under
the influence of military events, no one can foresee the consequences of
such a. system.
" You must listen to every thing, and observe every thing. It is by
no means certain that you will be received at the head-quarters ; for
the Russians and the English are anxious to deprive us of every means
of conciliation and of explanation with the Emperor of Austria. You
must try to find out what are the views of the allies, and communicate
to me daily whatever you learn, in order that I may be in a position

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 161
to give you such instructions as I have no reason as yet to confide to
you. The allies are much mistaken if they think that the reverses of
war will make the nation desire the blessings of peace, at the cost of
their honour, and of losing our natural frontiers, There is not a French
heart which would not be sensible of the opprobrium at the end of six
months, and reproach me as the cause of it.
" Italy is intact ; the Viceroy has a fine army there ; before eight days
I shall have brought together troops sufficient to fight many battles, even
before the arrival of those which I expect from Spain. The devastations
of the Cossacks will cause the inhabitants to take arms, and will redouble
my forces. Should the nation second me, my. enemies will march to their
own destruction. If fortune betrays me, my resolution is taken. I shall
not retain the throne; I shall neither debase France nor myself by sub-'
scribing to shameful conditions. You must find out what Metternieh
wants; it is not the interest of Austria to push things to extremity ; yet
another step, and his first chance will escape him.
"In this situation of things, I can prescribe nothing to you. Confine
yourself, just now, to hearing every thing, and to giving me an account
of it. I am setting out for the army. We shall be so near each other,
that your first reports will not delay business. Send me couriers fre
quently." On the 6th of January, the Duke of Vicenza wrote from Luneville to
M.. de Metternieh as follows : —
"The Emperor does not wish hastily to condemn the motives which
require, that before the opening of the congress, it should be necessary to
communicate to the allies his full and entire agreement to the bases which
your Excellency proposed, in conformity to the wishes of the ministers of
Russia and England. It is not easy to imagine that Lord Aberdeen
would be authorized to propose the bases of a negotiation without "being
authorized to proceed with it. His Majesty will not do the allies the in
jury of thinking that they still deliberate, and are uncertain ; they must
be quite aware that every conditional offer becomes an absolute engagement
for those who make it, as soon as the conditions required by them are ful
filled. "At all events, we have reason to expect, by the 6th of January, an
answer which your Excellency spoke of as ready on the 10th of Decem
ber. Your correspondence and the declaration of the allied powers do not
lead us to foresee any difficulties ; and the report of M. de Talleyrand, on
his return from Switzerland, confirms the belief that your intentions con
tinue to be the same.
"From whence, then, does the delay arise? His Majesty, having
nothing more at heart than the speedy re-establishment of a general
peace, thought that he could not give a stronger proof of the sincerity of
his sentiments in that respect, than by sending to the allied sovereigns his
minister for foreign affairs, furnished with full powers. I hasten then,
Prince, to inform you that I shall wait at our advanced posts for the pass
ports necessary for passing through the allied army and repairing to the
presence of your Excellency."
On the 8th', M. de Metternieh wrote from Friburg :—

162 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
" I have to-day received the letter which your Excellency did me the
honour to address to .me from Luneville on the 6th inst.
" The delay which has attended the communication which thf French
.government expected, in consequence of my letter of the 10th of Decem
ber, has been caused by considering the conduct which the allies must
pursue. " The confidential explanation with the Baron St. Aignon having led to
official overtures on the part of France, their Imperial and Royal Majes
ties considered that fhe answer of your Excellency of the 2d of December
was of such a nature as to make it proper to communicate it- to the allies.
" The opinion which your Excellency entertains, that it was Lord Aber
deen who proposed the bases, and that he was furnished with full powers
to that effect, has no foundation whatever.
" The Court of London has just despatched to the Continent the secre
tary of State who fills the department of foreign affairs.
" His Imperial Majesty of all the Russias being in momentary expecta
tion of leaving this place, and Lord Castlereagh being expected, eyery
instant to arrive, the Emperor my august master, and his Majesty the
King of Prussia, have charged me to inform your Excellency that as soon
as possible you shall receive an answer to your proposal of coming to the
.head-quarters of the allied sovereigns."
The Emperor made every possible effort to hasten the-opening of the
conferences, and caused the following letter to be written to the Duke of
Vicenza on the 13th of January.
¦" His Majesty orders me to announce to your Excellency, that he has
received your despatch of the 12th, brought by the courier Simiame, and
he has condescended to remit to me this despatch and the pieees- which
accompany it, with the exception of the report from M. Cham.
" His Majesty prefers your addressing your correspondence direct to
himself; but it is his intention to convey his replies through his cabinet,
to which he means to communicate every thing which shall result from
the negotiations, and all the documents which shall show the state of them
at different periods. He desires, therefore, that all the despatches from
your Excellency may be divided into official or ostensible, and confiden
tial — words which he authorizes your Excellency to make use of, for the
despatches which contain the facts themselves, or for those private remarks
which are intended only for his Majesty's own eye.
" His Majesty has recommended the sending to you of all the English
newspapers ; he has given orders to the head of the police to send them
to the ministry within twenty-four hours after their arrival in "Paris, so
that none shall be wanting to your Excellency except such as do not come
here. " His Majesty also orders me to inform your Excellency, that the letter
from the Emperor of Austria to his august daughter, is pretty nearly to
the same effect as that of M. de Metternieh ; the Emperor protesting anew,
that whatever may happen, he will never separate the cause of his daugh
ter and of his grandson from that of France. As that may have some
connexion with projects set on foot by other powers in -favour of the
Bourbons, it is important to manifest no fears in that respect, and to de
monstrate that the Bourbons, if put forward, would only serve to awaken

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 163
sentiments very much opposed to the hopes of their partisans, and that if
any party could be formed in France, it could only be that of the revolu
tion, vulgarly called the Jacobins."
On the 16th of January, the Emperor again sent a letter to his plenipo
tentiary — viz., the following :^—
" His Majesty, after having dictated the letter enclosed, and read an,d
corrected it himself, has given me orders to send it to your Excellency, to
be copied by you and sent to Prince Metternieh.
" Nevertheless, his Majesty submits the propriety of this step to your
judgment. ' Send this letter,' said he, ' to the Duke of Vicenza ; and let
him copy it, if he approves of it.' These were his own words."
In consequence of this, the Duke of Vicenza sent to M. de Metternieh
the following letter : — ,
"Tbe delays occurring in the negotiations are not caused either by
France or Austria, and yet it is France and Austria, which will be the
greatest sufferers from them.
"The allied armies have already invaded several of our provinces : if
they continue to advance, a battle will become inevitable ; and surely it is
consistent with the foresight of Austria, to calculate and weigh well the
consequences of such a battle, whether it be lost by the allies or by
France. "When writing to a minister so enlightened as you are, I do not need
to enlarge upon these consequences ; 1 confine myself to bringing them be
fore your notice, feeling sure that their importance cannot escape your
penetration. "The chances of war may vary every day : as the allies advance, they
must become weakened ; whilst the French armies will be reinforced, and
will, in their advance, impart a double courage to the nation whose great
est and dearest interests it is evident they must henceforth defend. Be
sides, the consequences of a battle lost by the allies will not weigh so
heavily on any of them as it will upon Austria, because she is at the same
time a principal power amongst the allies,, and one of the most central
states of Europe.
"Supposing that fortune should continue to be favourable to the allies,
it is undoubtedly important for Austria to consider attentively what would
bethe situation of Europe on the day following a battle lost by the French,
iajhe heart of France ; and whether such an event would not involve con
sequences diametrically ppposed tp that balance of power which Austria is
anxious to. establish, and, -at the same time, to her policy and to the per
sonal and family affections of the Emperor Francis.
" In a word, Austria protests that she wishes for peace ; but is she not
PWing herself in a situation, either of not reaching this end, or else of
going beyond it, by continuing hostilities which both parties wish to bring
to a termination 1
"These considerations induce me to think that in the actual situation of
the respectiye armies, and at this severe season of the year, a suspension
of arms might be found advantageous to both parties.
''Such a suspension could be established by a formal convention, or

164 HISTORY OF .THE CAPTIVITY OF -NAPOLEON.
simply by an exchange of declarations between your Excellency and
me. " It could take place either for a fixed or an indefinite time, under the
condition that it could not cease without giving some days' notice before
hand. " This suspension of arms appears to me to depend entirely upon Aus
tria, because she has the principal direction of military affairs ; and I have
thought that, in every case, it was for the interest of Austria that things
should not go any farther, or be pushed'to extremity.
" It is this persuasion especially which induces me to write confidentially
to your Excellency.
" If I have been mistaken ; if such are not the intentions and the policy
of your cabinet ; if this quite confidential proceeding is not likely to have
any effect, I must beg of your Excellency to look upon it as if it had never
happened. " You have manifested so much confidence towards me in your last
letter, and! myself feel so much reliance on the uprightness of your views,
and on the sentiments which in all circumstances you have expressed,
that I venture to hope a letter dictated by that confidence, if it do not ac
complish the desired end, will remain for ever a secret between your Ex
cellency and myself."
On the 19th of January, M. de Besnardiere wrote the following account
to the Duke of Vicenza, of a conversation which he had just had with the
Emperor Napoleon :
" The Emperor did me the honour to converse with me at great length
about the future peace. I shall report to your Excellency, as faithfully
as my memory will allow, and with as much brevity as I can, the sub
stance of what passed. The thing upon which his Majesty most insisted,
and to which he most frequently returned, was the "necessity of preserving
the natural limits of France-; ' this was,' he said, * a condition sine qua
non.' All the powers, even England, had agreed to this at Frankfort.
France, if reduced to her ancient limits, would not have now two-thirds of
the relative power which she had twenty years ago. What she has ac
quired on the side of the Alps, and of the Rhine, is not equal to what Rus
sia, Prussia, and Austria have gained by the dismemberment of Poland
alone. All these states have aggrandized themselves, and to reduce
France to her ancient territory would be to place her in a state of dis
graceful decadence. France^ without the departments of the Rhine, with
out Belgium, without Ostend, without Antwerp, would be nothing, The
system of reducing France to its ancient frontiers is inseparable from the
re-establishment of the Bourbons, because they only could offer a guaran
tee for the maintenance of that system ; and England knows that well :
in any other way, peace upon such a basis would be impossible, and
could not continue. Neither the Emperor nor the republic (should the
overturning of authority again cause it to revive) would ever subscribe to
such a condition. As for his Majesty, his resolution is firmly taken; it
is immutable : he never will leave France Jess great than he received it.
" If, then, the allies wish to ehange the bases which they have accepted,
and propose the ancient limits, the Emperor sees three lines of conduct
only from which he can choose : either to fight and conquer ; to fight and

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY Of NAPOLEON. 165
die gloriously ; or lastly, should .the nation not support him, to abdicate.
He cares not for grandeur; he will never purchase its preservation by
disgrace. The English may wish to deprive him of Antwerp ; but it is
not the interest of the Continent to allow it, for peace so made would not
last three years. He felt that the circumstances were critical ; but he
would never accept of a disgraceful peace. In accepting the bases pro
posed, he had made all the sacrifices which he could possibly make :
should others be required, they could only affect Italy and Holland. He
certainly would desire to exclude the Stadtholder ; but should France re
tain her natural limits, every thing could be arranged ; there would be no
insurmountable obstacle. . His Majesty spoke also of Kehl and Cassel ;
without these two tites de pont, he said that Strasbourg and Mayence
would become worth nothing, but he thought that the enemy would not
attach any great importance to them.
" The Duke of Carignano came in soon after, bringing me a letter from
the King of Holland, which I carried to the Emperor. This letter is filled
with protestations of gratitude and of regret, but announces that the King
is forced by necessity to accept the proposals of Austria and England.
The date is the 3d ; the treaty was not then signed, nor was it signed
even on the 6th ; but M. de Carignano does not conceal that he thinks it
is so by this time. The Viceroy is about to advance to the Alps : Mantua
and the fortified places will be guarded by the Italians."

§9.
On the 18lh of January, that is to say, ten days after the answer of M.
e Metternieh had been written, the Duke of Vicenza was still at the out-

It was no longer possible to have any doubt as to the intention's of the
allies ; it was quite evident that the words of peace, reported by Baron St.
Aignon, had been merely used to gain the time necessary for persuading
the Swiss to violate their neutrality. Napoleon felt the necessity of peace;
the Rhine had been crossed by the allies ; the scene of combat was within
forty leagues of Paris ; every thing that French honour could concede he
was filling to agree to.
The only resource which could stop the allies, and induce them to ne
gotiate with sincerity, was to show them the nation rising as one man for
thedefence of their honour. In 1792, in 1799, and in 1801, France was
less powerful, less warlike, less, fruitful in resources of all kinds, and with
out the experience of a hundred victories to guide her efforts of patriotism ;
yet by rising en masse, she freed Champagne ; at Zurich she prevented
the invasion of Europe ; and at Marengo the First Consul saved the
French revolution.
The Senate and the Legislative Body showed from the first that these
two important portions of the state were governed by royalist intrigues,
of which M. de-Talleyrand did not yet dare to own himself the chief, but
which he directed by the intervention of Messrs. Duras, La Tremouille,
Pitzjames, Polignac, Adrian de Montmorency, Sosthenes de la Rocliefou
cault; Marquis de Riviere; Laine, the deputy from Bourdeaux ; Linch,
the senator from Vitrolles ; Ambray, formerly Chancellor of the Abbey of

166 HISTORY OF »HE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Montesquieu ; Roger-Col lard, Becquey, Louis, Bergnot, Dessoles, Barbe
Marbois, councillor of state; Besnardiere, entrusted for the time with the
portfolio of foreign affairs ; and De Pradt, Arehbishop of Malines, princi
pal almoner to the Emperor.
The ministers submitted to the Chambers all the documents connected
with the negotiations, and gave an account of the situation of the empire.
The speech from the*throne contained the following phrase,, so remarka
ble for its sincerity : —
" It is no longer the question to consider about recovering those con
quests which we have lost ; I shall, without regret, make the sacrifices
required by the preliminary bases proposed by the enemy and accepted
by me; but should the allies not sign a peace on the bases which they
themselves have offered, we must then resolve to fight for our country
amid the tombs of our fathers, and the cradles of our children."
. The-attitude of the Legislative Body .but too plainly indicated that no
thing was to be hoped from their co-operation, in the national crisis which
events clearly showed to be approaching. The Emperor found himself
obliged to dissolve them, and to seek for the safety of the empire in the
dictatorship. It was on this occasion that he thus addressed the deputa
tion which came to take leave of him : —
" I called you together to give me your assistance, and everything
which you have said and done is for the interest of the stranger ; instead
of uniting us, you only increase our division. Are you ignorant that in a
monarchical state, the throne and the person of the monarch can never be
separated? For what is the throne 1 A bit of wood covered with a bit of
velvet 1 but in monarchical language Jam the throne ! You speak also of
the people. Are you ignorant that it is J who represent them, over and
above all'? No one can attack me without attacking the nation itself. If
there be abuses, is this the moment to come and remonstrate with me,
when 200,000 Cossacks are invading our frontiers ? Is this the time to
dispute about individual liberty and safety, when political liberty and
national independence are at stake 1 You ask me for a guarantee against
power, when at this moment the whole of France is asking me for one
against the enemy ! You have been seduced by people devoted to Eng
land, and M. Lai-he, M. Laine, your spokesman, is a bad man !"
At the. moment of leaving Paris to put himself at the head of the army,
he sent into the provinces of the interior some senators as commissary-
governors extraordinary, with orders to publish the following proclama
tion : —
" Frenchmen ! one last effort I — I call upon those of Paris, of Brittany,
Normandy, Champagne, Burgundy, and the other departments, to haste
to the succour of their brethren of Lorraine and of Alsace I At the sight
of all these people in arms, the stranger will flee, or will sign a peace."
On the 24th, the Emperor left Paris, and on the 26th, he commenced
that series of stratagetic operations which extorted admiration from his
enemies. With less than 55,000 men, he disorganized the armies of

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 167
Europe, and the empire would have been saved had it not been for that in
explicable capitulation which delivered Paris to the allies."

§ 10.
It was on the same day — viz., the 26th of January, that the Emperor of
Austria and Lord Castlereagh arrived at Langres ; and on the 29th, after
the battles of St. Dizier and Brienne, so glorious for France, the allies at
length decided upon naming Chatillon-sur-Seine as the place where a con
gress should be held. But the proceedings were not opened till the 4th of
February ;- for the battle of La Rothiere had for an instant restored hope
to the enemies of the Emperor, and for two days they believed him to be
beaten and without resource.
At Chatillon, Count Razumowski was the representative of Russia.
Count Stadion, of Austria.
Lords Gastlereagh, Aberdeen; and Cathcart, represented England.
Baron de Humboldt, Prussia.
The Duke of Vicenza represented France.
M. de Besnardiere also went as a negotiator to Chatillon, but without any
official character.
The sittings of the 4th and 5th of February did not offer anything of
interest. It was only on the 7th that the plenipotentiaries of the allies
threw off the mask, and stated in the protocol, that " The allied powers,
taking into consideration at the same time the security and future inde
pendence of Europe, and their desire to see France in the possession of a
rank analogous to that which she' has always occupied in the political sys
tem; and considering also the situation in which Europe is now placed
with respect to France, in consequence of the success obtained by arms,
have authorized their plenipotentiaries to demand —
" That France shall return to the limits which she had before the Revo
lution, without any respect to such arrangements as may be judged suita
ble about portions of territory beyond those limits on one side or the other,
and without any interference with such restitution as England is ready
to make for the general interest of Europe, contrary to the retroces
sions above demanded from France, such restitution being taken from
conquests made by England during the war ; that, consequently, France
shall abandon all direct influence beyond her future limits ; and that the
renunciation of all titles which arise from claims of sovereignty and of
protection oyer Italy, Germany, and Switzerland, shall be an immediate
consequence of these arrangements."
On the same day, at eight o'clock in the evening, the French plenipo
tentiary replied by the following declaration : —
"The plenipotentiary of France again renews the offer already made
by his court, of making, for the gaining of peace, the greatest sacrifices,
however much opposed the demand made at the sitting of to-day, in the
name of the allied powers, may be to the bases proposed by them at
Frankfort, and which were founded upon what the allies themselves called
the natural limits cf France ; however much opposed such demand may
he to the declarations which the courts have never ceased to make in the

168 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
face of Europe ; and how different soever may be their proposition from
that of giving to France a position analogous to the rank which she has
always occcupied in the political system ; — a basis which the plenipoten
tiaries of the allied powers again recall, in their proposition of to-day. In
short, although the result of this proposition may be the applying to
France alone a principle which the allied powers do not speak of adopting
themselves, and which, notwithstanding, can be just, only as its applica
tion is reciprocal and impartial, the French plenipotentiary would have no
hesitation in explaining himself without delay, and jn the most, positive
manner upon this demand, if the sacrifice to be made, and the degree in
which it would be one, did not necessarily depend on the kind and the
number of those which might be demanded, as the weight of the sacrifice
depends also necessarily on the value of the compensation : all the ques
tions of a negotiation are so bound up and subordinate to each other, that
an opinion cannot be formed upon any without knowing them all. He
who makes the sacrifices cannot be indifferent- as to knowing to whose
profit he is making them, and to what purpose they will be employed ;
and whether by so doing, a termination is likely to be put to the miseries
of war. A project which would plainly -deyelope the views of the allies in
their whole bearing, would accomplish this end.
" The plenipotentiary repeats, then, in the most earnest manner, his de
mand that the plenipotentiaries of the allied courts may explain themselves
clearly upon all the points cited above."
After having read what had been inserted in the protocol from the pleni
potentiary of France, the plenipotentiaries of the allied courts declared that
they would take this answer ad referendum.
On the 5th of February, the Emperor ordered the Duke of Bassano to
write to his plenipotentiary as follows : —
" At the moment when his Majesty is about to quit this city, he charges
me to inform you in express terms, that he gives you carte blanche for
conducting the negotiation to a happy termination, -for saving the capital
and avoiding a battle, for these are the last hopes of the nation.
"The conferences were to have commenced yesterday; his Majesty
has only delayed, in order that you might communicate to him the first
steps, for fear of occasioning the least delay.
" I am, then, charged, sir, to inform you, that it is the Emperor's inten
tion that you should consider yourself as invested with all the powers ne
cessary in these important circumstances for deciding upon the best
means of meeting the progress of the enemy, and of saving the capital.
" His Majesty desires that you will correspond with him as frequently
as possible, in-order that he may see his way clearly for the direction of
his military operations." '
The state of affairs was very serious ; for if the safety of Paris was not
secured by a peace,-it could be. hoped for only from such a return of good
fortune as would recal the days of Marengo and Austerlitz. On the 6th'
of February, the Emperor wrote thus to his brother Joseph : — " In pressing
emergencies, it seems to me that the only man to leave in Paris is an im
perial commissary ;" and a few hours later, " My Brother, — I have seen
your courier ; early to-morrow, I shall be at Nogent; the Duke of Ra
gusa has been there since the 5th. I shall then be in a position to cover

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 169
Paris : let me have precise intelligence about the march of all the troops,
and of the second Spanish division ; as well as whatever you may
ascertain about the road to Chalons by Eperney, and that to Vitry by Se
zanne. The minister of war must immediately send funds and cartridges
to Montereau and Meaux, for the arming of the national, guard. . I am
much harassed by these arrangements, for I would wish to make an
attack on Bar-sur-Seine to-morrow, in order to engage the Emperor Alex
ander, who appears to me to have made a wrong movement ; but I am
sacrificing everything to the necessity of covering Paris.
" Send officers along the two routes which, I have just mentioned to
you, in order that I may be well informed ; and send the Dukeof Valmy
to Meaux : he must correspond with me. In case of any unforeseen event,
the idea of giving the charge cf Paris to King Louis appears to me to be
good. You remember what I have directed about the Princesses. For
the rest, you will not be responsible for my conduct. Remove from Fon
tainebleau all the valuable furniture, especially everything that could be
looked upon as a trophy, without, however, dismantling the chaMeau : but
it would be folly to leave plate there, or anything which can be easily re
moved. I shall write to La Bouillerie, to hold a million at your disposal,
for the clothing and equipment of the troops with all despatch. I do not
send you any orders for. La Bouillerie, for I do not think that necessary.
He can, at any time, with six hours' notice, put all he has in charge upon
fifteen wagons, and, with horses which he will find in my stables, can
transport it to Rambouillet in the first instance ; but I cannot think that
things will go so far as to make that requisite. 1 am not afraid of the
enemy : I am full of hope for the event. Strengthen the barriers of Paris ;
place cannon at the different positions ; let all the national guard who
have muskets or fowling-pieces be posted there ; and above all things, ar
ranged so that the minister of war shall send muskets to Montereau and
' Meaux. "There ought to be at each barrier fifty men armed with muskets, one
hundred armed with fowling pieces, and one hundred armed. with pikes,
making two hundred and fifty men at each of the principal barriers. You
ought to form every day a reserve of between four and five hundred men,
armed with muskets, twice that number armed with fowling-pieces, and a
third armed with pikes ; these together would form a reserve of about two
thousand men, ready to go wherever they might be most wanted, with
batteries drawn by the guard, or by the polytechnic school."
But arms could not be found, and King Joseph answered, on the 9th,
thus: " Sire,— I have received a letter from the minister of war, the original
of which I send to your Majesty. You will see that our resources in guns
are reduced to six thousand, and that it is therefore impossible to hope for
a reserve of between thirty and forty thousand men in Paris. Circum
stances are stronger than men ; and when that is so clearly proved, it ap
pears to me that exposing so precious a life as yours to imminent danger
is not glorious, when no advantage can be derived from doirig so by a vast
number of men, who have bound up their own lives with yours.
" Your Majesty may be assured that Ishall faithfully obey your com-
mands, whatever they may be ; but we must courageously yield to neces-
vol. m. 12

170 history of the captivity of napoleon.
sity. If you can make peace, make it at any price; if you cannot, we
must perish bravely, like tbe last emperor of Constantinople : be it so. In
that case your Majesty may rest satisfied that in everything and in every
place I will follow your directions, and that I will never do anything un
worthy either of you, or of, myself."
Whether the Duke of Vicenza was alarmed at the very heavy respon
sibility which the despatch of the 5th of February imposed upon him, or
whether he did not quite understand all the extent of it, he requested fresh
-directions from the Emperor, and, on the 6th, wrote to him thus :
" A courier sent from Troyes, on the 5th of February, has brought me,
a despatch, in cipher, from the Duke of Bassano, which, by investing me,
in the name of your Majesty, with the most extensive powers, has placed
me, and keeps me, in the most embarrassing perplexity.
" I find myself here opposed to four negotiators— that is, reckoning the
three plenipotentiaries from England only as one. These four negotiators
have one and the same instructions only from their four courts : their
language has been dictated to them beforehand : the declarations which
they issue have 'been sent to them quite ready ; they do not take a step,
they do not speak a word, without consulting about it together first. They
have decided to have a protocol, and if I insert in it the most simple ob
servation, or the most recognised facts, even the most moderate expressions
become the subject of difficulties, and I am forced to yield the point, that
I may not waste the time in vain discussions. I know how precious the
moments are ; but II also know, that by precipitation we may lose every
thing. I urge, but ojily with the prudence prescribed by the necessity of
not compromising the great . interests with which I am entrusted— I urge
on the business as far as I can do so without being over officious, and
without putting myself at the mercy of my opponents.
" In this situation, I have received a letter full of alarming intelligence.
I set out with my hands almost tied, and I now receive unlimited powers.
I was held in, and now I am spurred on. Meantime, I am left ignorant
of the reasons of this change ; I am warned, of dangers, but without being
told of what kind they are, and whether they approach on one side or on
many. In the first place, there is his Majesty with the army which he
commands; Paris, Brittany, Spain, -and Italy, present themselves to my
mind — now in turn, now all at once ; my thoughts are carried from one
to the other, without my being able to form any settled opinion ; being
ignorant of the real state of affairs, I cannot. be a judge of what they re
quire or what they will permit ; whether they are such that I ought to
consent blindly to everything, without any discussion or any delay ; or
whether, for the discussion of, at least, the most essential points, I shall be
allowed a few days, or have only one, perhaps not a moment. This state
of anxiety would have been spared me, by some information which the
letter of the Duke of Bassano does not contain.
" In tbe state of ignorance in which it leaves me, I shall proceed very
cautiously, as one ought to do when amongst rocks ; but in every exigency,
I shall do everything which appears to me to be required for the safety of
your Majesty and the welfare of my country."
On the day but one following, the 8th, he confided his harassing anxiety
lo Prince Metternieh, and wrote to him thus : —
" You have authorized me, my dear Prince, to open my heart to you

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 171
without reserve. I have already done so, and shall continue to do it, for
it is a consolation which it would cost me too much to relinquish.
" I regret more every day that it is not with you I have to negotiate ;
had I foreseen that it would be as it is, 1 should not have accepted the
situation in the ministry, nor would I have come here: I should nowbe
in the ranks of the army, and I should at least find in battle a death which
I must be brought to think would be a blessing, if I fail in my endeavours
here to serve my country and my sovereign.
" Count Stadion is, no "doubt, worthy of the friendship which you feel
for him, and merits all the confidence which you wish me to place in him ;
but Count Stadion is not you; he cannot have that influence with the
negotiators which you would, by right, have exercised. Had you been
entrusted with the negotiation, I have pleasure in thinking that you would
have prevented it from taking the form which is at present intentionally
given to it, a form evidently calculated to waste time in interminable de
lays. What can be the use of these delays, if it is only peace which is
wished for? Am I not here for the purpose of concluding a peace? And
do I require anything more than to be informed of the conditions on which
they will grant it? Do the allies wish to gain time sufficient to reach
Paris? I need not tell you, Prince, to think of the consequences of such
an event, as regards the Empress: must she be obliged to flee before the
troops of her father, when her august husband is ready to sign a peace ?
But I must remind you that France is not allin Paris; that were the
capital occupied, Frenchmen might think that the time for sacrifices was
past ; that feelings, which different causes have deadened, might revive ;
and that the arrival of the allies in Paris might be the beginning of a series
of events, which England would not be the last to regret not having pre
vented, for is it intended that we should be quite overwhelmed? Is it for
fhe interest of Austria that we should be so ? What profit can she promise
herself from that, or what glory even can she expect from our sinking in
a struggle against the whole of Europe? You, my dear Prince, may
acquire immense glory; but it is on tbe condition of your remaining. the
master of events, and the only means by which you may master them, is
to stop the course of them by an immediate peace. We shall not refuse
to make any reasonable sacrifices ; we only desire to know what is de
manded from us, for whose profit we are to make these sacrifices, and
whether by making them we secure the putting an immediate end to the
miseries of war? I beg, my dear Prince, that you will have these ques
tions weighed in a serious manner, and in their whole bearing. You shall
not have to wait long for my answer. You are, assuredly, too wise not
to know that our demands are as just, as our dispositions are moderate.
Could not your excellency come with M. de Nesselrode, and spend three
hours here with Lord Castlereagh ? It would be worthy of the Emperor
of Austria's character, and of the heart of the Empress's father, to permit
this journey, which might terminate in three hours a struggle now without
object, and which costs humanity so many tears. •
" I propose to ask the plenipotentiaries of the allied powers, whether
France, if she consents, as they demand she should, to return to her
ancient limits, will obtain an armistice immediately — perhaps on the very
moment? I should be ready to agree to it ; I should, moreover, be ready
in this case immediately to give up a part of the places of which this sacri
fice will deprive us.

172 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
"I know not whether the plenipotentiaries of the allied powers are
authorized to reply in the affirmative to this question, and whether they
have powers to conclude this armistice. If they have not, there is no one
so well able as your excellency to contribute to their being given to them ;
the reasons which induce me to entreat this of your excellency, do not
refer so exclusively to France as to be interesting to her alone. I entreat
your excellency to lay my letter before the father of the Empress ; let him
see the sacrifices which we are ready to make, and let him decide.".
On the 10th of February, the plenipotentiaries of the Allies suspended
the conferences, seeing, they said, ". That his Majesty the Emperor of
Russia having judged it proper to concert with his august allies, regarding
the object of the conferences, his Majesty has given orders to his plenipo
tentiary to declare that it is his Majesty's desire that the conferences shall
be suspended, until such time as he shall forward ulterior instructions to
his plenipotentiary."
The victories of Champaubert, Montmirail, and Vauchamp re-opened the
conferences on the 17th, and that same day Count Stadion declared, that
after the sitting of the 7th instant, the French plenipotentiary had, in a let
ter addressed to Prince Metternieh on the 9th, announced his intention of
asking the plenipotentiaries, whether France, if she consented, as they de
manded she should, to return to her ancient limits, would immediately obtain
an armistice, perhaps at the very moment ; adding that he should be ready
to agree to it ; and moreover, should in that case consent immediately to de
liver up some of those places of which this sacrifice would deprive France
— -that the Emperor of Austria's minister for foreign affairs, having
informed the allied powers of this overture, the latter had authorized their
plenipotentiaries to declare in the conferences their opinion, that a pre
liminary treaty, founded on the above-mentioned principle, and the imme^.
diate consequence of which would be the cessation of hostilities, both on
land and sea, by putting a prompt termination to the evils of war, would
attain, better than an armistice, the end so generally desired ; and they
had farther, for the purpose of shortening the negotiations, transmitted to
their plenipotentiaries the draft of a preliminary treaty, which should now
be read.
The French plenipotentiary observed, that, at the time when he ad
dressed to Prince Metternieh the confidential proposal for an armistice, he
was far from expecting that the conferences would be so suddenly sus
pended, and the negotiations interrupted for the space of nine days, which
circumstance, had changed the state of the question, and the object which
he had proposed to himself; and that preliminaries, requiring a discussion
of more or less length, would not instantly put a stop to the effusion of
blood, as an armistice would do.
The Austrian plenipotentiary then read, the following draft of a pre
liminary treaty : —

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 173

DRAFT OF A PRELIMINARY TREATY BETWEEN THE HIGH ALLIED POWERS
AND FRANCE.
"In the name of the Holy and Indivisible Trinity.
"Their Imperial Majesties of Austria and Russia, his Majesty the King
of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and his Majesty the
King of Prussia, acting in the name of all their allies, on the one side, and
his Majesty the Emperor of the French on the other, desiring to cement
the repose and future well-being of Europe, by a solid and durable peace
on- land and sea, and having, in order to obtain this desirable end, their
plenipotentiaries actually assembled at Chatillon-sur-Seine, to discuss the
conditions of this peace, the said plenipotentiaries have agreed upon the
following articles : —
" Art. 1. There shall be peace and an armistice between their Impe
rial Majesties of Austria and Russia, his Majesty the King of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and his Majesty the King of Prus
sia, acting in the name of aU their allies, and his Majesty the Emperor of
the French, and their heirs and successors for ever.
'! The high contracting powers engage to do every thing in their power
to maintain for the future happiness of Europe, the harmony so happily
re-established between them.
" Art. 2. His Majesty the Emperor of the French renounces, for him-
^ self and his successors, all the acquisitions, annexations, and incorpora
tions of territory, made by France since the commencement of the. war of
1792.
:¦'¦ "'His Majesty also renounces all constitutional influence, direct or
indirect, beyond the former limits of France, such as they were before the
war of 1792, and all titles derived from it, especially those of King of
Italy, King of Rome, Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine, and
Mediator of the Swiss Confederation.
"Art. 3. The illustrious contracting parties formally and solemnly
recognise the principle of the sovereignty and independence of all the
states of Europe, such as they shall be constituted in the definitive peace.
" Art. 4. His Majesty the Emperor of the French formally recognises
the following re-construction of the countries bordering on France.
" 1. Germany composed of independent states, united by a federative
bond.
"2. Italy divided into independent states, lying between the Austrian
possessions in Italy, and France.
" 3. Holland under the sovereignty of the house of Orange, with an
increase of territory.
"4. Switzerland, free and independent, replaced within its former
limits, under the guarantee of all the great powers, France
included.
"5. Spain, under Ferdinand VII., within its former limits.
" His Majesty, the Emperor of the French farther recognises the right
of the allied powers to determine, according to treaties existing between

174 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. „
them, the limits and relations, as well of the countries ceded by France as
of their own, without permitting any interference on the part of France.
" Art. 5. On the other hand, his Britannic Majesty consents to restore .
to France, with the exception of the islands called Holy Isles, all the con
quests won by him from France during the war, and at present in his
power, in the West Indies, Africa, and America.
"The island of Tobago, in conformity with Art. 2, of the present
treaty, will remain in the possession of his Britannic Majesty ; and the
allies promise to employ their good offices in order to engage their Majes
ties of Sweden and Portugal not to throw obstacles in the way of the resti
tution of Guadaloupe and Guiana to France. All the establishments and
factories conquered from France, to the east of the Cape of Good Hope,
with the exception pf the Isles of Mauritius (Isle of France), of Bourbon,
and their dependencies, will be restored to France. France will only take
possession of such of the above-mentioned establishments and factories, as
are situated on the continent of India, and within the limits of his Britan
nic Majesty's possessions, under the condition that she will hold them
solely as commercial establishments ; and she therefore promises not to
construct fortifications, nor to maintain garrisons nor any military forces
whatever in them, except so far as is necessary^ to keep up the police of
the said establishments.
" The above-mentioned restitutions in Asia, Africa, and America will
not extend to any possessions which were not actually in the power of
France before the commencement of the war of 1792.
"The French government engages to prohibit the importation of slaves
into any of the colonies and , possessions restored by the present treaty,
and to prevent its subjects, in the most efficacious manner, from traffick
ing in negroes in general.
" The Isle of Malta with its dependencies, will remain in the possession
of his Britannic Majesty.
" Art. 6. The. Emperor of the French will deliver up, immediately after
the ratification of the present preliminary treaty, tbe fortresses and strong
places of the ceded countries, as also those which are still occupied by
his troops, in Germany, without exception, and especially the fortress of
Mayence, within six days ; those of Hamburg, Antwerp, and Bergen-op-
Zoom, in the space of six days; Mantua, Palma-Nova, Venice, and Pes
chiera, and the fortresses on the Oder and Elbe, in fifteen days ; and the
other strong places and forts will be delivered up in the state in which
they at present are, with all their artillery, ammunition, provisions,
archives, &c. The French garrisons of these places will leave them,
with their arms, baggage, and private property;
His Majesty the Emperor of the French will also give up, in the space
of four days, to the allied armies, the fortresses of Besancon, Belfort, and
Huningen, which will remain as a deposit until the ratification of the defi
nitive peace, and which will be again delivered up in the state in which
they have been ceded, according as the allied armies evacuate the French
territory. " Art. 7. The commanding generals-in-chief will, without delay, ap
point commissaries charged with determining the line of demarcation
between the two armies.
" Art. 8. As soon as the present preliminary treaty is accepted, and
ratified by both parties, hostilities will cease on land and sea.

, HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 175
" Art. 9. The present preliminary treaty will be followed, with the
shortest possible delay, by the signature of a definitive peace.
" Art. 10. The ratifications of the preliminary treaty shall be exchanged
in four days^ or sooner, if possible.
" In testimony whereof the plenipotentiaries of their imperial Majesties
of Austria and Russia, of his Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Ireland, and of his Majesty the King of Prussia, on the
one, part, and the plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of the
French on the other, have signed it, and attached their seals."
On the 17th, the Duke of Vicenza had carte blanche to accept peace
on these conditions, and had he signed the treaty, the empire would
have been saved ; on the 20th, this was no longer in his power. The
Emperor had written to him from Nangis on the 17th and 18th of Fe
bruary : —
" Sir, — I gave you carte blanche, in order to avoid a battle, and save
Paris, which was the last hope of the nation ; the battle has taken place ;
Providence has blessed our arms ; I have made from 30,000 to 40,000
prisoners, taken two hundred pieces of cannon, and a great number of
generals, and have destroyed several armies almost without striking a blow.
Yesterday I made a beginning on the army of Prince Schwartzenberg,
which I hope to destroy before it has crossed our frontiers.
" Your attitude, must remain the same ; you must do aU in your power
to obtain peace; but my desire is, that you sign nothing without orders
from me, as I alone know my own position. As a general direction, I
only desire a solid and honourable .peace, and it can only be silch on the
bases proposed at Frankfort. Had the allies accepted your proposals on
the 9th, no'battle would have taken place; I should not have committed
any tbing to chance at a moment when the slightest success of the oppo
site party Would have been ruinous to France ; in fine, I should not have
become acquainted with the secret of their weakness. It is just that, on
the other hand, I should enjoy the advantage of the chances in my favour.
I desire peace, but that would not be peace which imposed on France
conditions more humiliating than those proposed at Frankfort. My posi
tion is now certainly more advantageous than it was when the allies were
at Frankfort. Then they could brave me ; I had obtained no advantages
over them, and they were far from my territory. Now the matter is dif
ferent ; I have obtained immense advantages over them — advantages
unparalleled in a military career of twenty years' duration, and marked
by some striking events. I am ready to cease hostilities, and allow my
enemies to return quietly to their own dominions, if they will sign preli
minaries based on the propositions of Frankfort.
" It is the insincerity of the enemy, and their violation of the most
sacred engagements, which alone cause delays between us ; and we are
, so near each other, that if the enemy allows "you to correspond directly
with me, an answer to the despatches may be received in twenty-four
hours. And besides, I am about to approach nearer.
" I pray God to have you in his keeping.
"P. S. How does it happen that to-day the 18th, I only receive de
spatches from you of the 14th? and yet we are only at five-and-twenty
leagues distance from you ?"

176 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

§ 11.
On the evening after the battle of Nangis, Count Parr, aide-de-camp to
Prince Schwartzenberg, brought to the head-quarters of the Emperor a
request for a suspension of arms, and an autograph letter from the Emperor
of Austria to the Empress Marie- Louise. This afforded a hope of the effi
cacious intervention of Austria in determining the allies to sign a peace
honourable for France. Napoleon took advantage of this opportunity to
write to his father-in-law. Fresh victories also added to the hope which
he now conceived of a change in his position.
On the 23d, Prince Wentzel Lichtenstein brought him back the reply
of the Emperor of Austria, accompanied by the most solemn protestations
that the Emperor, his master, desired peace ; that he would never join
any league the object of which was to bring back the Bourbons to the
throne of France ; and that a proof of the sincerity of the Austrian cabi
net might be found in the mission which he now fulfilled, by soliciting a
suspension of hostilities, and offering a resumption of negotiations during
the armistice.
The same day, however, Monsieur de St. Aignon arrived from Paris,
and brought most unfavourable news of the situation of the capital. The
victories of Montmirail, Vauchamp, Nangis, and Montereau,. had not, he
said, restored the confidence of the intelligent classes : " they equally
dread victory and defeat, because they are convinced- that tbe attainment
of peace requires concessions which tbe Emperor will never resolve to
make. France desires peace ; it will be good enougb if it is only prompt!"
*l It will come soon enough, if it is shameful," replied the Emperor; and
at the same moment, he mounted his horse for the purpose of rejoining
his guard, which had been on the march towards Troyes since four o'clock
in the morning.
The re-establishment of the Bourbons on the throne of France was
openly encouraged by the cabinet of St. James's : Louis XVIII. cor
responded with the most influential members of the French senate and
legislative body. The Marquis de Riviere presented himself at-Bourges
as royal commissary; the Count d'Artois was at Vesoul, inundating
Franche-Comte with his proclamations. The Duke d'Angouleme was
supported in Guyenne by Marshal Beresford's English division. , Even
at Troyes, in the midst of the army, the royalists were lifting their heads.
Napoleon could not bring himself to believe that the Emperor of Austria
was not sincere in his protestations which he again renewed through Prince
Lichtenstein, and he thought that, strong in the support of Austria against
the hopes of the Bourbons, he might always remain free at bis own will to
sign the peace, under the conditions of the project presented, on the 17th
of February, at Chatillon, by the Austrian plenipotentiary in the name of
the allies.
The conferences for the armistice were opened at Lusigny : General
Schouwalof acting for Russia, General Rauch for Prussia, and General
Flahaut for France. The time was lost in discussions concerning the
tracing of the line, of demarcation ; the Austrian army alone suspended
its hostile operations.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 177
The Prussian army continued its manoeuvres to escape the French
army and surprise Paris.
On receiving this intelligence, the Emperor quitted Troyes, and resumed
the course of his successes at Craon, at Laon, and at Rheims ; but fate
opened the gates of Soissons to the Prussian army-.
The object of Austria in demanding a suspension of arms had evidently
only been to gain the time necessary for the rallying of her troops, and
for the arrival of two divisions, which the defection of Marshal Augereau
had enabled her to detach from Marshal Bubna's army. The commissa
ries, assemhled at Lusigny, separated without having been able to come
to any understanding.

§ 12.
The conferences of Chatillon were re-opened on the 10th of March ;
and the French plenipotentiary was thus enabled to insert in the protocol
the following note, as well as the counter-project of France :
" On the 10th of March the plenipotentiary of France received orders
to make the following observations in the protocol .- —
" The allied sovereigns, in their declaration of Frankfort, which is
known to all Europe, and the plenipotentiaries of these sovereigns, in their
proposition of the 7th of February, have equally laid down as a principle,
that France is to preserve, by the peace, the same relative power which
she possessed before the wars, to be terminated by that peace, for. that
which the plenipotentiaries have said, in the preamble to their proposi
tions, respecting the desire of the Allied Powers to see France in a state
analogous to the rank which she has always occupied in the political sys
tem, has not, and cannot have, any other meaning.
" The allied powers had, consequently, demanded that France should
confine itself within the limits formed by the Pyrenees, the Alps, and the
Rhine; and France had agreed to this. But the plenipotentiaries, on the
contrary, have demanded, both in their note of the 7th, and in the project
of articles which they remitted on the 17th, that France should return to
•its former limits. How, without even ceasing to invoke the same principle,
have they managed, in so short a time, to pass from the one demand to
the other ? What event has happened since the first demand, which can
afford a cause for the second ?
" It could not be founded, either on the 7th or 17th, and for much
stronger reasons it cannot now be founded, on the confidential offer made
by the plenipotentiary of France to the cabinet minister of one of the allied
courts; for the letter containing it was only written on the 9th, and it was
indispensable to reply to it immediately ; since the on"er. was made, under
the absolute condition of an immediate armistice, which should stop the
effusion of blood, and prevent a battle in which the allies were about to
engage; but instead of this, the conferences were, by the sole will of the
allies, suspended from the 10th to the 17th, on which day the proposed
condition was even formally rejected. They could not then, nor can they
now, in any way take advantage of an offer which was overruled by them.
Did not the allied sovereigns desire, three months ago, to establish a just

178 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
equilibrium in Europe? Do they not declare that they still desire this?
To preserve the same relative power as she' has always possessed, is also
the sole and real desire of France. But Europe is no longer the-sarne as
it was twenty years ago; at that epoch, the kingdom of Poland, already
divided in pieces, disappeared entirely ; the immense territory of Russia
was increased by vast and rich provinces. Six millions of men were
added to a population already larger than that of any European state.-
Nine millions fell to the share "of Austria and Prussia. The face of
Germany soon changed. The ecclesiastical states, and most of the
Germanic free towns were divided among the secular princes. Prussia
and Austria obtained the largest share. The ancient republic of Venice
became a province of the Austrian monarchy; two millions more of Sub
jects, with fresh territories and fresh resources, have since been given to
Russia by the treaties of Tilsit, Vienna, Jassi, and Abo. England on its
' part, and in the same interval of time, not only acquired, by the treaty of
Amiens, the Dutch possessions of Ceylon and Trinity Isle, but doubled
her possessions in India, and made of them an empire, to which two of the
greatest monarchies in Europe put together would scarcely be equal. If
the population of this empire cannot be looked upon as an increase of the
population of Britain, does not England draw from it, in compensation,
both by sovereignity and commerce, an immense increase of riches, that
other element of power ? Russia and England have retained all that they
acquired. Austria and Prussia have indeed sustained losses; but do they
renounce the desire of repairing them? And are they now contented with
the states in possession of which the present war found them ? And yet
their situation differs very little from that in which they were twenty
years ago.
" It is not for its own interest alone, that France should endeavour to
preserve the same relative power as formerly ; on reading the declaration
of Frankfort, it will be seen that the allied sovereigns were themselves
convinced that this was also the interest of Europe. Now, when all
around France is changed, how could she preserve the same relative
power, if replaced in her former state? Should this be effected, she
would not even have the degree of absolute power which she then had;
for her colonial possessions were incohtestably one of the elements of this
power ; and the most important of these possessions, the one which in
value equalled or surpassed all the others put together, has been taken-
from her. It little matters from what cause she has lost it; it is enough
that she no longer possesses it, and that it is not in the power of the allies
to restore it to her.
" In order to estimate the relative power of states, it is not sufficient to
compare their absolute strength ; account must be taken in the calculations
of the use which their geographical situation constrains or permits them
to make of it.
" England is an essentially maritime power, and can employ its whole
strength on sea.
" Austria has too little coast to become a maritime power ; Russia and
Prussia have no need to be so ; since they have no possessions beyond
seas; they are essentially continental powers. France,' on the contrary,
is at the same time essentially maritime, by reason of the extent of its
coasts, and of its colonies,' and essentially continental.
" England can only be attacked by fleets ; Russia, leaning against the

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 179
North Pole, and bounded on almost every side by seas or vast solitudes,
can only, since she has acquired Finland, be attacked on one side ; France
can be attacked on every point of its circumference ; both on the side of
the land, where her dominions everywhere border on valiant nations, and
on the side of the sea, and in her distant possessions.
" In order to establish a real balance of power, her relative power ought
then to be considered under two distinct points of view ; in order to form
a just estimate of it, it must be divided, and its absolute strength only be
compared to that of other continental states, after deducting the part of it
which she must employ on sea ; and to that of the maritime states, after
deducting the part which she must employ on the Continent.
" The plenipotentiary of France entreats their excellencies the plenipo
tentiaries to weigh attentively the preceding considerations, which are of
such striking truth, and to judge whether the acquisitions which France
has made on this side the Alps and the Rhine, and which were secured to
her by the treaties of Luneville and of Amiens, would even suffice to re
establish between her and the great powers of Europe the equilibrium
which the changes which have taken place in the possessions of these
powers have destroyed.
" Simple calculation clearly and evidently demonstrates that these
acquisitions, added to all that France possessed in 1792, would still he far
from giving her the same degree of relative power as she then possessed,
and had constantly possessed in preceding times ; and yet it is demanded
of her, not only to abandon a part of them, but to abandon them all —
although in their declaration of Frankfort, the allied sovereigns announced
to Europe that they allowed France to claim a more extensive territory
than she had possessed under her kings.
" The strength belonging peculiarly to a state is not the only element
ofits relative power, in which are included the ties which unite it to other
states — ties which are both stronger and more durable between states
governed by princes of the same blood. The Emperor of the French,
besides his empire, possesses a kingdom ; his adopted son is the appointed
heir to it; other princes of the French dynasty were possessors of foreign
crowns or sovereignties. Treaties had consecrated their rights, and the
Continent had recognised them. The project of the allied courts main
tains, with respect to them, a silence which the natural and just questions
of the French plenipotentiary were unable to break ; and yet France, in
renouncing the right of these princes, and the portion of relative power
which results to her from it, as well as her acquisitions on this side the
Alps and the Rhine, would find that her former relative power, maritime
and continental, had diminished in exact proportion as that of the other
great states is already increased, or will be increased on the conclusion of
the peace, by their respective acquisitions.
"The restoration of her colonies, which would only replace her in her
former state of absolute greatness (and even this, the situation of St.
Domingo would not permit of completely effecting) would not and could
not be a. compensation for her losses ; but these losses would be by this
means diminished ; and this is, without doubt, the least which she ought
to expect. But what does the project of the allies offer her en this
point ?
" Of the French colonies which have fallen into the hands of the enemy,
(and the, wars of the Continent have delivered them all into their hands,)

1 80 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
there are three whose importance, under several points of view, puts them
beyond comparison with all others; these are Guadaloupe, Guiana, and
the Isle of France;
" Instead of the restitution of the two first named, the project of the
allied courts only offers ' good offices to procure this restitution.' It would
seem from this, that these two colonies are in thfe hands of powers who
have nothing to do with the present negotiation, and that they are,- there-
fore, not to be included in the future peace ; but such is not the case — on
the contrary, the powers in whose possession they are, are among the
number of those in whose name and for whom the allied courts have de
clared that they were authorized to treat. Are they, then, only authorized
to negotiate the clauses to the disadvantage of France? and do they cease
to possess this authority when clauses to its advantage are to be nego
tiated ? If this be the fact, it would become indispensable that all the
states engaged in the present war should immediately take part in the ne
gotiation, and send plenipotentiaries to the conferences.
" There is another observation to be made — viz., that Guadaloupe, hav
ing only been taken from England by an act which the right of nations
does not authorize, England must still be looked upon, relatively to
France, As occupying it, and from her alone can its restitution be de
manded. m
"England wishes tp retain for herself the Isle of France,, without
which, the other possessions of France to the east of the Cape of Good
Hope, lose all their value ; the Holy Isles, without which the possession
of Guadaloupe would be precarious ; and ihe Island of Tobago ; the latter
she claims under the pretext that France did not possess it in 1792, and
the others, although France possessed them from time immemorial; thus
establishing a rule which is only rigorous towards France, which admits
of no exceptions but such as are to her disadvantage, and which thus be
comes a two-edged sword.,
" An island of tolerable extent, but which has lost its former fertility,
two or three others very much smaller, and a few commercial establish
ments which the loss of the Isle of France would force France to renounce
— this is the sum total of the great restitutions which England promised to
make ! Are these what she made at Amiens, where she restored Malta,
which now she desires to retain, and which is not Contested with her?
What less would she have offered had France had to make concessions to
her alone ? The restitutions which she promised, had been announced as
an equivalent for the sacrifices to be made to the Continent. It was under
this condition that France declared her readiness to make great sacrifices ;
these restitutions were to be an equivalent. Could she expect a project
by which the Continent demands every thing, England restores almost
nothing, and the result of which is that all the great powers of Europe
are to keep what they have acquired, repair the losses which they have
suffered, and acquire more, while France alone is to retain nothing, and to
recover only the smallest and least valuable .part of what she has lost?
" After all the sacrifices demanded of France, it only remained to de
mand that of her honour.
" The project tends to take from her the right of intervention in favour
of former allies, now in misfortune. The plenipotentiary of France hav
ing demanded whether the King of Saxony would again be put in posses
sion of his dominions, could not even obtain an answer.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON, 181
" Cessions and renunciations are demanded of France, and the allies at
the same time desire that in ceding them she shall not know to whom,
under what titles, and in what proportion, that which she cedes will
belong I They desire her to remain in ignorance as to who are to be her
near neighbours ; they desire to regulate, without her, the fate of the ter
ritory which she shall cede, and the mode of life of those to whom her
sovereign was bound by private relations ; they desire to make, without
her, arrangements which are to regulate the general system of possession
and equilibrium in Europe ; they wish her to be a stranger to the arrange
ment of a whole pf which she forms a considerable and necessary part ;
in short, they desire that, in signing such conditions, she shall in a man
ner exclude herself from the society of Europe.
" Her establishments on the continent of India are to be restored to her,
but under the condition that she shall hold, as a dependent and a subject,
what she formerly held as a sovereign.
"Finally, rules of conduct are dictated to her to be observed in the
ulterior government of her colonies, and towards a population which no
relation either of dependence or subjection binds to the governments of
Europe, and with regard to whom, not one of them can be acknowledged
to have any right of patronage.
" Such are not the proposals which we should be prepared to hear after
the language of the allied sovereigns, and that of the Prince Regent of
England, when he said to the British Parliament ' that no disposition on
his part to demand from France sacrifices compatible neither with her in
terest as a nation nor with her honour, should be any obstacle to peace.'
"Th& French nation, attacked at once by all the powers leagued
against her, feels more deeply than any other government the need of
peace, and desires it more ardently than any other ; but every generous
notion, as well as every generous man, values honour more than life
itself. " The intention of the allies cannot certainly be to degrade France ; and
although the French plenipotentiary cannot explain to himself the little
conformity to be perceived between the project of articles which has been
transmitted to him, and the sentiments which the allies have so often and
so plainly expressed, he does not the less confidently present to the con
sideration of the allied courts and of their plenipotentiaries, these observa
tions dictated by the general interest of Europe, as well as by the private
interest of France, and which deviate in no point from the declarations of
the allied sovereigns, or from that of the Prince Regent to the English
Parliament. "March 1$, 1814.
" His Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, protector of
the confederation of the Rhine, and mediator of the Swiss confederation,
on the one side : his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary
and Bohemia ; his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias ; his Majesty
the King of Great Britain and Ireland, and his Majesty the King of Prus
sia, stipulating, each for themselves, and conjointly for the whole of the
powers engaged with them in the present war, on the other : .
" Having at heart, to put a stop as promptly as possible, to the effusion
of human blood and the distresses of nations, have appointed the following
plenipotentiaries : * * *

182 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
" Who have agreed upon the following articles : — '
" Art. 1. Beginning from this day henceforth, there shall be peace, sin
cere amity,- and good understanding between his Majesty the Emperor of
the French, King of Italy, protector of the confederation of the Rhine, and
mediator of the Swiss confederation, on the one side ; and his Majesty the
Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia ; his Majesty the
Emperor of all the, Russias; his Majesty the King of Great Britain and
Ireland ; his Majesty the King of Prussia, and their allies on the other,
and between their heirs and successors for ever.
" The high contracting parties engage to turn all their attention towards
maintaining, for the future welfare of Europe, the harmony so happily re
established between them.
" Art. 2. His Majesty the Emperor of the French renounces, for himself
and his successors, all titles whatever, except those derived from the pos
sessions which, in consequence of this treaty of peace, shall remain under
his sovereignty.
" Art. 3. His Majesty the Emperor of the French renounces, for himself
and his successors, all rights of sovereignty or possession over the Illy'
rian provinces, and the territories forming the French departments be
yond the "Alps except the Isle of Elba, and also the French departments
beyond the Rhine.
" Art. 4. His Majesty the Emperor of the French, as King of Italy, re
nounces the crown of that kingdom, in favour of his appointed heir, Prince
Eugene Napoleon, and of his descendants for ever.
" The Adige shall form the boundary between the kingdom of Italy and
the empire of Austria.
" Art. 5. The high contracting parties solemnly and in the most formal
manner,, recognise the absolute independence and full sovereignty of all
the states of Europe, within the limits in which they shall find themselves
in consequence of tbe present treaty, or in conformity with the arrange
ments indicated in Art. 16, hereafter mentioned.
" Art. 6. His Majesty the Emperor of the French recognises :
" 1. The independence of Holland, under the sovereignty of the House
of Orange. Holland shall receive an increase of territory. The
title and exercise of the sovereignty of Holland cannot, in any
case, belong to a prince either wearing, or being heir to, a foreign
crown.
" 2. The independence of Germany, and of each of its states, which
may be united among themselves by a federative league.
" 3. The independence of Switzerland, governing itself, under the*
guarantee of all the great powers.
" 4. The independence of Italy, and of each of the princes among
whom it is or shall be divided.
" 5. The independence and integrity of Spain, under the sovereignty of
Ferdinand VII. ¦
" Art. 7. The Pope shall be immediately put in possession of his estates
such as they were in consequence of the treaty of Tolentino, the duchy
of Benevento excepted.
" Art. 8. Her Illustrious Highness the Princess Eliza shall retain
Lucca and Piombino as a sovereignty and property for herself and her
descendants.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 183
" Art. 9. The principality of Neufchatel shall remain as a property
and sovereignty in the possession of the reigning prince and of his heirs.
" Art. 10. His Majesty the King of Saxony shall be re-established in
the full and entire possession of his grand duchy.
"Art. 11. His Royal Highness the Duke of Berg shall also be again
put in possession of his Grand Duchy.
"Art. 12. The cities of Bremen, Hamburg, Lubeck, Dantzig, and Ra
gusa, shall be free cities.
" Art. L3. The Ionian Islands shall belong in full sovereignty to the
kingdom of Italy.
"Art. 14. The Isle of Malta audits dependencies shall belong as a
property and sovereignty to his Britannic Majesty.
" Art. 15. The colonies, fisheries, commercial settlements and factories,
possessed by France before the present war, in the seas, or on the conti
nents of America, Africa, and Asia, and which have fallen into the hands
of England, or of her allies, shall be restored, to be possessed by France
under the same titles as before the war, and with the rights and faculties
secured to her, relatively to commerce and fisheries, by former treaties,
particularly by that of Amiens ; but, at the same time, France engages to
consent, in consideration of a reasonable equivalent, to the cession of such
of tbe above-mentioned colonies as England has testified a desire to retain,
with the exception of the Holy Isles, which are a necessary dependency
of Guadaloupe.
"Art. 16. The disposal of the territories, renounced by his Majesty the
Emperor of the French, and which is not arranged by the present treaty,
will.be made, the indemnities to be given to the dispossessed kings and
princes determined on, and all the arrangements which are to fix the sys
tem of possession and equilibrium regulated, in a special congress, which
shall assemble at  within  days after the ratification of the
present treaty.
"Art. 17. In all the territories, cities, and places, which France re
nounces, the ammunition, arsenals, armed and unarmed vessels, and every
thing, in short, which she has placed there, belong to her, and shall be
reserved for her.
" Art. 18. The debts of the countries annexed to France, which she
renounces by the present treaty, shall be at the charge of the said countries,
and of their future possessors.
"Art. 19. In all the countries which now change, or are to change,
their masters, whether in virtue of the present treaty, or of the arrange
ments which shall be made in consequence of Art. 16, before mentioned,
a space of six years shall be granted to all the inhabitants, native or foreign,
of whatsoever condition or nation, for the purpose of disposing of their
property, acquired either before or during the present war, and of retiring
into any country which they may select.
"Art. 20. The property, possessions, or revenues of any kind, pos
sessed by subjects of any one of the states engaged in this war, by any
title whatever, in the countries which are, or will be, in virtue of Art. 16,
under the dominion of any of the other said states, shall continue to be
possessed by them without trouble or hindrance, solely under the clauses
and conditions previously attached to their possessions, and with full liberty
to enjoy and dispose of them, as well as to export the revenues, and, in
case of sale, the value.

184 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
"Art. 21. The high contracting parties being desirous of burying in
entire oblivion the divisions which have agitated Europe, declare and
promise that in the countries under their respective dominion, no indivi
dual, of any class or condition whatever, shall be annoyed in his person,
his goods, rents, pensions, and revenues, in his rank, grade, or dignities ;
nor sougbt out nor pursued in any way whatever on account of any part
which he has or may have taken, in any manner whatever, in the events
which led to the present war, and were the consequence of it.
" Art. 22. As soon as intelligence of the signature of the present treaty
shall have reached the respective head-quarters, orders shall be immedi
ately despatched for the cessation of hostilities on land and sea, as promptly
as the distances will permit ; the high contracting parties engage faithfully
to use all possible celerity in expediting these orders, and pas'sports shall be
given on both sides, for the officers or vessels charged with their convey
ance. " Art. 23. In order to anticipate all the subjects of complaint and of
contest which might arise with regard to captures at sea after the present
treaty, it is reciprocally agreed upon that all vessels and effects captured
in the Channel or the Northern Seas, after the space of twelve days,
counting from the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, shall
be mutually restored ; that between the Channel and, the North Seas and
the Canary Isles, inclusively, whether in the ocean or in the Mediterranean,
the term shall be a month ; from the said Canary Isles to the equator, two
months ; and five months in any other parts of the world, without excep
tion, and without any distinction of time or place.
"Art. 24. The allied troops shall evacuate the French territory, and
the places to be ceded or restored by France shall be given up to them
within the following periods : — On the third day after the exchange of the
ratifications of the present treaty, the allied troops which are at the greatest
distance from the frontier, and on the fifth day after the said exchange,
those which are the nearest to it shall begin to retire, directing their march
towards the nearest frontier, marching thirty leagues in every ten days,
so that the evacuation may be uninterrupted and successive, and that it
may be completed within forty days, at most. Provisions and the neces
sary means of conveyance will be furnished to them as long as they are
in the French territory ; but they shall have no power, counting from the
day of the signature of the present, treaty, to raise any contribution, or
exact anything whatever except that above indicated. Immediately after
the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, the fortresses of
Custrin, Glpgau, Palma-Nova, and Venice, shall be given up to theallies ;
and those occupied by the French troops in Spain, to the Spaniards. The
fortresses of Hamburg and Magdeburg, and the citadels of Erfurt and
Wiirtzburg shall be given up, when the half of the French territory has
been evacuated. All the other fortresses of the ceded countries shall be
given up on the total evacuation of the French territory. The countries
traversed -by the garrisons of the said cities shall furnish them with pro
visions, and with all necessary means of conveyance for returning to
France, and for bringing back to il, in virtue.of Art. 17, everything which
is, French properly.
"Art. 25. The restitutions which, in virtue of Art.,15, are to be made
to France by England or her allies, shall take place on the Continent and
in the seas of America and Africa, within three months, and in Asia within
six months, after the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 185
" Art. 26. The ambassadors, envoys extraordinary, ministers, presi-
dents, and agents of the high contracting parties shall enjoy, at the different
courts, the same rank and prerogative as before the war, the same cere
monial being maintained.
" Art. 27. All prisoners on both sides shall, immediately after the ex
change of the ratifications of the present treaty, be given up without ran
som, paying only the private debts which they may have contracted.
" Art. 28. The four allied courts engage to deliver to France within the
space of  an act of accession to the present treaty from each of
the states in whose name they stipulate.
"Art. 29. The present treaty shall be ratified and the ratifications ex
changed within the space of five days, or even sooner if possible."
"After having finished reading the foregoing project, and having taken
a certificate of its insertion in the protocol, the plenipotentiary of France
declares verbally that he is ready to enter into a discussion, in a concilia
tory spirit, of all the articles of the said project. The plenipotentiaries of
the allied courts reply that the document, which has been read and com
municated to them, is of too great importance for them to be able to give
any answer to it during the present sitting, and that they reserve to them
selves to propose an ulterior conference to the plenipotentiary of France."

As may be seen by the foregoing account, Napoleon conslantly desired
peace, and from the very opening of the congress of Chatillon, his pleni
potentiary had carte blanche to conclude a peace in order to arrest the pro
gress of the enemy, so fatal to our provinces, to save the capital, and to
avoid a great battle, the loss of which would ruin the hopes of the nation.
Napoleon gave these full and absolute powers, this carte blanche, on the
4th or 5th of February, and only revoked them after his victories ; thus,
during a term of more than fifteen days, if the allies had desired it, peace
might have been concluded at Chatillon before the French plenipotentiary
could receive fresh instructions from Napoleon, who would not then have
been strong enough, in the state of his affairs, and against public opinion,
to refuse to ratify a signed treaty ; but the allies did not aim at peace ; they
desired to take revenge for the triumphs of France ; they recalled to mind
Ihe days — days of mourning to them— when the French eagle had ho
vered over their capitals. The propositions of Chatillon, like those of
Dresden and of Frankfort, were but a lure, which they put forward in
order to deceive their own subjects, and sow "division in France.
The French plenipotentiary desired fo have precise instructions with
regard to the sacrifices which he' might make. Napoleon was at Nogent-
sur-Seine. The Grand Marshal Bertrand, and the Dukeof Bassano, who
were then with the Emperor, urged him to accede to the Duke of Vicen-
za's request, to be left at liberty to depart from his" instructions if neces
sary, and make use of the carte blanche which had been given to him.
Napoleon re-entered his cabinet with his minister, and had a conference
with him, which lasled far into the night. It was decided that Belgium
should be abandoned without hesitation, that even the left bank of the
Rhine should be given up, if peace could not be obtained without these
VOL. III. 13

186 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
sacrifices ; but that if it were found possible to continue the negotiations
by means of one only of these concessions, then they would begin by
giving up Belgium, whatever desire Napoleon might have to preserve that
fertile province, because the English ministry, having attained their princi
pal end, might be afraid of exposing themselves to the consequences of the
other concessions demanded ; and, on the other hand, because, in more
prosperous times, Belgium might again be conquered, without any other
result than a maritime war, which would not in any way compromise the
situation of the empire; whilst, on the contrary, any attempt again to ob
tain possession of the left bank of the Rhine would inevitably excite a
continental war. The instructions to the plenipotentiary were, therefore,
to offer to give up Belgium in the first instance, and afterwards the left
bank of the Rhine, should that be indispensable. As for Italy, Piedmont,
Genoa, the lately acquired possessions in Germany, and even the colonies,
these had been already sacrificed.
Napoleon was to affix his signature to this despatch at seven o'clock in
the morning ; at five o'clock, however, he received intelligence concern
ing the movements of the Russian and Prussian armies, which led him to
think that some glorious achievements were likely to change the face of
affairs ; he therefore postponed his reply to the Duke of Vicenza, and set
out for Champaubert. A series of triumphs raised his hopes : instead of
the great battle which he was anxious to avoid, he gained five memorable
victories ; the enemy lost more than 90,000 men in the course often days.
The state of affairs was quite altered, and he therefore changed his reso
lution, He wrote from Nangis to his plenipotentiary, from whom he withdrew
the full power he had given to him, and desired him for the future to take
his own orders in every step of the negotiation, which from that time was
to proceed in the ordinary way. It was not now for Napoleon to consi
der beforehand what concessions might be exacted from him ; his object
was to discover, by means of the negotiations taking place at Chatillon,
what were the real intentions of the allies, and what real sacrifices he
would be able to avoid, in consequence of tbe events which had just oc
curred. Towards the end of February, Napoleon received from the allies at
Chatillon, the draft of a preliminary treaty ; for it was impossible to re
cognise as an ultimatum, such an assemblage of revolting proposals.
To abandon all that Napoleon had acquired hy conquest, he believed to be
his duty ; he would have done this, (because to insure the welfare of one's
country is a duty paramount to all others,) could he have immediately se
cured as the result of so many grievous sacrifices, a definitive treaty of
peace. But it was not a definitive treaty which was proposed to him ; it
was only the preliminaries of peace; it was an armed armistice, or rather,
it was an armistice by which France was to lay down her arms, whilst her
enemies were in the occupation of such parts of her territory as they had in
vaded, and of the fortresses of Huningen, Belfort, and Besancon, although
they were situated in a part of the country not occupied by the allies.
Such a treaty was nothing else in his eyes than a dishonourable capitula
tion. He wrote to his plenipotentiary — " Why do the allies not ask us to
deliver up to them our guns and our artillery? ' Come and take them,'
would be the only fitting answer to such proposals for peace. The Romans,
at the conclusion of the third Punic war; required in the first place that the

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 187
Carthaginians should collect all their ships and destroy their implements
of warfare; Carthage obeyed; and the Roman Senate then ordered her
to be abandoned by her inhabitants, because they thought proper to decide
that she ought to be reduced to ashes."
Instructions were forwarded to the Duke of Vicenza for the drawing up
of a counter project, whilst that of the allies was sent to the Empress,
with orders to submit it to an extraordinary council convoked for the pur
pose, arid composed principally of men who had exercised considerable
influence at the different periods of the Revolution, and who had been
raised to high functions under the empire. One alone, General Vacue,
Count of Cessac, rejected the project with indignation, as the most disho
nouring proposition of which the history of France had ever made men
tion, and as a shameful law, which even their honour could not allow the
French to obey ; tjie others were of opinion that they ought to submit to
necessity. Napoleon, who had never yet been able to ascertain the real ultimatum
of the allies, forwarded, from Rheims, some days after the battle of Craon,
new powers to his plenipotentiary, authorizing him to conclude the nego
tiations, with this single restriction, that he should sign no treaty except
such. as should have its immediate result, the evacuation of territory and
sending back of prisoners on both sides.
The courier met the Duke of Vicenza some leagues from Chatillon ; the
allies had, as at Prague, fixed a fatal term for the duration of the nego
tiations, which were now broken up.
The Duke of Vicenza was, however, unwilling to leave Chatillon with
out informing the plenipotentiaries of the allies that he had orders to sign
a peace on the following bases : —
" The renunciation, by a treaty to be concluded, of all titles expressing
sovereignty, supremacy, protection, or influence in any of the continental
states beyond the limits of France.
. " The recognition of the independence of Spain within its ancient limits
under the sovereignty of Ferdinand VII.
" The independence of Italy and of Switzerland, under the guarantee
of the great powers.
" The independence of Germany.
"The independence of Holland, under the sovereignty of the Prince of
Orange. " With the declaration, moreover, that if, in order to remove causes of
misunderstanding, and render friendship more firm and peace more dura
ble between France and England, any further cessions on the part of
France should be judged necessary beyond the sea, she will be ready to
make them on receiving a reasonable equivalent."
§13.
On his return from the Isle of Elba, and when he was brought back to
Paris amid the unanimous acclamations of 30,000,000 Frenchmen, Napoleon
wished for peace ; and had he been victorious at Waterloo, he would have '
accepted the treaty of Paris. Without doubt it could not be a part of his
system to propose such a peace ; but finding it drawn up, he would have
accepted it, because France had need of repose.

Ig8 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Kin<*s and their subjects could not comprehend that his reign was
necessary to the balance of power and to the tranquillity of Europe ;
they could not believe that any man could possess a mind sufficiently
strono- to submit to, and obey readily, sucb impeiious circumstances.
He had, however, proved that he was not a man of half measures. They
were in error: Napoleon would have readily accommodated himself to
being king of the constitution and of peace, as he had been the monarch
of the dictatorship and of military glory, should that prove necessary, or
be a means of bringing about the regeneration of the great European
society. People were afraid of phantoms; of his ambition, his conquests, his
universal monarchy. But his power was no longer the same ; and his
victories had only been acts of self-defence. France has been always
attacked by Europe, and she wds obliged to conquer, or else submit to be
conquered. There was always a coalition against her, either avowed or
mysterious; the nation was fatigued, and had need of repose. And can
it be thought that Napoleon himself had no need-of rest also, or that he
was insensible to the blessings of peace, should the honour and interests
of his country permit him to conclude it? If, in 1815, he had wished,
without any provocation, to cross the Rhine with his armies, public opi
nion would have stopped him ; for public opinion is a power invisible and
mysterious, but which no one can resist.
Was it apprehended that he would renew the anarchy of the republican
government? but could it, then, be forgotten that he bad constantly re
sisted the temptations offered him by the exalted democrats of the coun
tries which his armies occupied ? Although his enemies have called him
" the modern Attila," " the crowned Robespierre," his libellers know, him,
and their consciences belie their abuse. Had Napoleon been Attila he
might, perhaps, still reign, but, certainly, the kings by right divine, and
the oligarchs would no longer reign. In that great cause of which he
was the chief, two systems offered themselves to his consideration : to
oblige kings to hear reason by means of their subjects, or to conduct the
subjects into a safe port by means of their kings. But he well knew how
difficult it , is to stop the masses when once theyare set in motion; and
he thought he could more safely count on the wisdom and intelligence of
kings. He was mistaken ; they attached no value to any thing ; and, in
their blindness, they unchained against (heir own future peace, the pas
sions with which they conquered him.
Did they dread the example of a soldierbecome king ? Thousands of
ages might, however, elapse, before such circumstances as were accumu
lated on the head of Napoleon, should select from the crowd another
soldier and place him on the throne ; whilst there is no sovereign who has
not in his palace a brother, a nephew or a cousin, who may be tempted
to imitate him who gives the example of usurping a hereditary crown.
Of what, then, were the people afraid? Napoleon was returning as the
messenger of peace and of their rights ! This doctrine constituted his
strength ; to violate it would have been his destruction. There were,
however, Frenchmen so insane as to raise discussions, and create divi
sions when they should be fighting, and who put their country under
the yoke of the conquerors of Waterloo rather than be indebted for the
victory to the sword of Napoleon. But would it not have been easier
for them to get rid of a despot than to shake off the chains which all
the nations of Europe brought to them with cannon-shots? Had Napo-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 189
leon not been sincere, had he wished for the dictatorship, what prevented
his proclaiming it on his return from the Isle of Elba? The good sense
of the people offered it to him ; he was wrong not to accept it until the
conclusion of peace ; for that would have saved France from the inva
sion of 1815. But he had not sufficient confidence in himself; for, if
narrow and vulgar minds can only discern in his proposals the care of his
own power, more enlarged minds and the generality of the people are
convinced that in times of national danger his power and his country
were but one and the same. § 14.
History will do him justice; she will represent him as a man of self-
denial and of disinterestedness ; that which was not for the interest of his
country was as nothing to him : his ambition was to promote the glory
and supreme greatness of France. He did not usurp the crown ; he lifted
it, bloody and dirty, out of the mud, and the people placed it on his head.
Who on earth ever had more treasures at his disposal ? — and he employed
them in the service of his country. His fortunes were those of France ;
he identified himself without reserve in her destinies. For what other
object could he attain to such a height? Has he been ever seen occupied
with himself alone ? No doubt, the French people did a great deal for
him, more than they ever did for any other man ; but, on the other hand,
what man ever did so much for the people ?
The additional act contained in itself the source of all the constitutional
guarantees ; this was the adoption of the political religion of the English,
— -a sure means of establishing between two nations who had for centu
ries been rivals, the ties of good understanding, friendship, and a common
cause. Were the caprices and passions of the governing powers once
enchained, the interests of the people would go on without any obstacle
and in their natural course. The merchants of hostile nations have com
munication with each other, and attend to their business, whilst the govern
ing powers are making war. The inhabitants of France and England
had arrived at that point. Thanks to their parliaments, each of them had
become the guarantee of the other, and who can tell how far their union
might have operated? Who can tell what new combinations might have
arisen from it? One thing is certain — viz., that with the constitutional
organization which would have resulted to France from the additional act,
the English ministers have had in their power the glory and prosperity of
England, the destinies and the well-being pf the world.

END OF VOL. III.

HISTORY

OP THE

CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON

ST. HELENA

BY

GENEKAL COUNf MONTHOLON,
the emperor's companion in exile,
and Testamentary executor.

VOL. IV.

* PHILADELPHIA:
CAREY AND HART.
1847.

PHILADELPHIA-.
T. K. AND P. d. COLLINS,
PRINTERS.

CONTENTS OF VOL. IV.

historical fragments on the campaigns op at/stria, prussia, and russia.
(dictation.)
In 1805, Napoleon decides on marching upon Vienna. His reasons for this line of con
duct. Changes his plan after entering Vienna. Battle of Austerlitz, on the 2d of
December. Three lines' of operation of the French army. Campaign of 1806.
Prussian army surprised. Position of Marshal Bliicher and the Duke of Weimar.
Battle of Jena. Campaign Of 1807. Napoleon leaves "Warsaw in January. Fixes
. his .head-quarters at Eylau. Sanguinary Battle of Eylau. Great loss in Augereau's
"division. Campaign of 1809. The French advance to Vienna, after the battle of
Eckrouhl. Napoleon resolves to cross the Danube. His first attempt fails. He crosses
to the Isle of Lobau. Bridges destroyed by the rising of the Danube. Battle of Ess-
ling. Death of the Duke of Montebello, and of the Duke of St. Hilaire,. Tribute, to
their memory. Campaign of 1812. The battle of the Moskova, and taking of Mos
cow. Burning of that capital. The Prince of Eekmiihl's march towards Minsk,-
Borisov, and Mohilov. Napoleon marches upon Smolensk. Battle of Smolensk. The
Russians unworthy of credit as historians. The secret of the war in Russia. Death
of Montbrun and of Caulincourt, at the Moskova* Lines of fortresses of the French
army. The excellence of Napoleon's arrangements for the campaign in Russia. Con
trast between his march and that of Charles the Twelfth. Taking of Moscow. The
burning of that capital. Napoleon resolves to winter at Smolensk. Begins his march
thither. The intense cold kills in one night 30,000 horses. The six lines of maga
zines of the French army. The numbers and position of the French army in Russia.
Napoleon believes his presence to be necessary in Paris. Leaves the army within
two days' march of Wilna, and under the command of the King of Naples, and the
Prince of Neufchatel. After Napoleon's departure, the army evacuates Wilna in dis
order. Great disasters of the campaign. Principal cause of them the premature
change of the season. Campaign of 1S13. Number of Napoleon's troops. Moye-
rnent upon Dresden. Victories of Lutzen and W'urtzen. Prince Metternieh proposes
the congress of Prague. Napoleon consents to important concessions. On Count

iv CONTENTS.
Bubna's arrival at Prague, the term fixed upon for the expiration of the armistice has
arrived, and th% war has re-commenced. Brilliant victory at Dresden, August 27th,
gives a decided superiority to the French arms. Battle of Leipsig, October l/ith. Defec
tion of the Saxons. French army marches to Hanau, and gains a battle there. Con
tinues its retreat, and crosses the Rhine, on the 2d of November. French lines of
magazines and fortresses. The disasters of the campaign attributed to pohtical
events. Campaign of 1814. Napoleon has under his immediate orders 40,000 men;
and with this handful of brave fellows makes head against the armies of Blucher and
Schwartzenberg. He defeats them in every engagement, though they amounted to
250,000 men. Campaign of 1815. Erroneous statement that the Emperor Napoleon
intended to throw 20,000 cavalry into the English and Prussian cantonmentSj^DifFer-
ent plans of the campaign, defensive and offensive. French army put, in motion on
the 15th of June. Battle of Ligny. Duke of Wellington's conduct criticised. Battle
of Waterloo  p. 193

ON THE ARMT. (DICTATION.)
Recruiting. — Compulsory service practised in ancient and modern times. Mode of
levying in France under the kings, the revolution, and the empire. Number of troops,
proportions on service, and in reserve, and time of serving. No law of conscription
ever passed during the Empire without being submitted to a privy council. France
has suffered less than tbe other powers of Europe since the year 1800. The losses
in the Russian campaign, in great part men of other countries, in the service of
France. Losses of England in the East and West Indies, in Holland, St. Domingo,
Egypt, America, &c. False reports propagated of the misery in France in 1814.
France at that very time, the richest country in the world. Organization. Proportion of
infantry, cavalry, artillery, engineers and baggage. Napoleon's ideas on the subject of
organizing his army at the general peace. Moral discipline of the soldier. Soldiers
dislike harangues. Influence of a*beloved general. Printed orders of the day more
useful than the harangues of the ancients. Infantry. The Romans had two kinds
of foot-soldiers. Changes introduced by the invention of gunpowder, and afterwards
by Vauban. Various duties of chasseurs, voltigeurs, tirailleurs, &c. Defensive armor
not recommended. The soldier's necessaries should be reduced t6 the smallest pos
sible compass. Cavalry. How many kinds of cavalry there ought to be in an army.
Cavalry requires more officers than infantry, and also that it should be better trained.
The Hungarian irregular cavalry not good. Cossacks, Arabs, Mamelukes. Duties of
advanced and rear-guards. Great use of dragoons. Size of horses. Number of
scouts. Charges of cavalry good. Artillery. General Gribeauval's system. Some
changes made by Napoleon. Still greater simplicity required. Comparative advan
tages of large and smaller balls. Different sized trains of artillery compared. En
campment. Tents are -unhealthy, and only necessary for tlie general officers. The

CONTENTS.

use of tents abandoned. Orders of battle. Roman order of battle. On the nature of a
camp. The duties of the commander of an army in modern times more difficult than
those of one in ancient times. The principles of fortifying a country require to be per
fected. Defensive war. Questions concerning fortified towns. ' Advantages of forti
fying a capital. Paris has frequently owed its safety to its walls. Offensive wart
Strong places useful. Difference between the condition of Europe and of Asia. Sum
mary of the campaigns of the greatest captains of ancient and modem times: Alex
ander the Great, Hannibal, Caesar, Gustavus Adolphus, Turenne, Prince Eugene of
Savoy, Frederick the Great, and Napoleon. Campaign of the French in Germany, in
1796, conducted on false principles ; and also the campaign in Portugal. Charles the
Twelfth^nflucts an ill-considered campaign, in the years 1708 and 1709. Unity of
command the most important thing in war . . . . p. 214 *

CONSTITUTION DRAWN UP BT NAPOLEON. (DICTATION.)
Of the sovereignty. Public rights of the French people. Of individual liberty. Of the
hberty of the press. Of religious liberty. Of the inviolability of property. Of lia
bility to taxation. Of actions against what is arbitrary. Of the government. Of the
legislative power. Of the chamber of peers. Of the chamber of deputies, and of
the electoral system. Of the judicial power. Of the executive-administrative power.
Of the great dignities of the empire. Of the council of regency. Of colonies p. 252

ON THE EXPEDITION TO EGYPT. (DICTATION.)
News received in England of warlike preparations by France. They are believed to
be directed against. England and Ireland. Admiral Rogers sent to reinforce the fleet
at Cadiz, under the command of Lord St, Vincent. Nelson receives the command of
thirteen sail of the line. Experiences a violent gale on May 19th. The French
squadron sail from Toulon. Nelson arrives at Alexandria, June 28th. -The French
take Malta. They arrive at Alexandria after Nelson's, departure. Nelson returns
there. Admiral Brueys' unsafe position at Aboukir. Napoleon hears of it and dis
patches Major Julien, who is killed on his journey. Nelson attacks the French
squadron. Battle of Aboukir, August 1st. The loss of the battle had a great effect
on the situation of the French. Comparative view of the sea and laud services.
Account of Alexandria. The general-in-chief fortifies it. On the motives of the
expedition to Syria. Principal object to overthrow tlie power of England. After the
battle of the.Pyramids and the taking.of Cairo, the general-in-chief resolves to cross
the desert. Account of Arabia. Account of Syria. On Egypt. Objects of the French

vi CONTENTS.
expedition. Friendly disposition of the natives of the country. Account of the Nile.
On the former population of Egypt. Divisions of Egypt. Productions. Fine situa
tion of Alexandria. Different races inhabiting Egypt. Mamelukes, Ottomans, and
Arabs; Great respect for the Sheiks. Egypt always an object of jealousy. Remarks
on the Christian religion, as contrasted with Judaism and Mahometanism. Our ob
ligations to the learned men of Arabia. Laws in the East respecting polygamy.
Slavery in the East. Mahometan ceremonies. Grand entertainment given at the
house of the Sheik El-Belcir. Account of the Eastern women. Egyptian marriages.
Dress. Architecture. The arts and sciences in their infancy. The navigation of the
Nile. Mode of traveling. The institution of Egypt. Various researches of the mem
bers.. Climate and diseases of Egypt. Ophthalmia. Plague. March of, file .French
army into Upper Egypt. Sufferings of the troops. Battle of the Pyramids. The
French enter Cairo. Account of Cairo. City of the Dead. Siege of St Jean d'Acre.
Divided into three periods. The French deficient in balls'. The soldiers pick them -
up when fired by Sir Sidney Smith. A mine sprung. Does not succeed. Maillyand
several others killed. Desperate assault of the French. General Veneux killed.
Caffarelli dies. Another mine sprung. Reinforcements arrive to the enemy. Gene
ral Bon killed. Siege raised on tlie 20th of May. Account of General Kleber. He
is left in command of the army in Egypt Situation of the army. Kleber assassinated.
General Menou takes the command. Not well qualified, though brave. Admiral
Gantheaume's irresolution. Displeasure of the First Consul. The expedition to
Egypt successful. Numbers of the French and English- troops in Egypt Expedition
of 'Saint Louis compared with that of Napoleon. Letter of General Kleber to the
Directory, with accompanying remarks on it by Napoleon. On the number of the
army. On the arms. On the clothing of the soldiers. On the state of the finances.
On the number of the enemy under Mourad-Bey and Ibrahim-Bey. The fortresses.
Convention of El-Arish. Napoleon's reasons for returning to France from Egypt
p. 261

EXHUMATION AND TRANSPORT OP NAPOLEON S REMAINS PROM ST. HELENA TO PRANCE.
Negotiations with the English government for permission to remove Bonaparte's re
mains. Note from Monsieur Guizot to Lord Palmerston. Letter from Earl Granville
to Lord Palmerston. Lord Palmerston's favorable reply The command of tlie
expedition destined to convey the remains of Napoleon from St Helena to Europe
conferred on Prince Joinville. Document laid before the Chambers. Provisional
grant voted by the Chambers. Completion of the imperial coffin and pall entrusted
to»M. Baudouin. Departure of Prince Joinville from Paris. Arrival at Toulon, and
embarkation on board the frigate '¦ Bellepoule." Arrangements on board the frigate
for the reception of the remains. Departure from Toulon. Names of the persons

CONTENTS. f Vll
accompanying Prince Joinville on the expedition. Dispatch announcing the touching
of the expedition at the Brazils. Intelligence received, on the 30th of November, of
the return of the expedition, and its anchorage at Cherbourg. Reports received on
December 1st. Report of Prince Joinville to the Minister of Marine. Report of the
Exhumation and Removal of the remains of Napoleon, drawn up by the English and
French commissaries. Report of Dr. Guillard, Chief Surgeon of the frigate "Belle-
poule." Divine service on board the frigate, previous to setting sail for France.
Departure for France, on Sunday, October 18th. First report of a probable rupture
between France and England, communicated to the "Bellepoule" by the merchant
vessel "Hamburgh," October 31st. This report confirmed by the "Egmont," Novem
ber- 2d. Council of war on board the "Bellepoule." Defensive preparations on, board
the fiSgate. Arrival of the " Bellepoule" in sight of the port-fires of CherbourgF Evi
dence that the peace was undisturbed. The frigate met by the "Normandie." Cele
bration of mass on board the frigate. Transfer of the coffin to the cenotaph erected
on the deck of the "Normandie." Departure from Cherbourg. Enthusiastic mani
festations along the coast Reception at Havre. Entrance of the convoy into the
Seine. Ovation at Quillebcsuf. Anchorage of the flotilla at Val de la Haye. Arrival
of the flotilla of Haute-Seine to replace the "Normandie" and the "Seine." Transfer
of the remains to the splendid cenotaph on board the "Dorade," No. 3. Enthusiastic
reception at Rouen. Elbeuf. Pont de l'Arche. Mantes. Anchorage at Poissy.
Mass celebrated on board the " Dorade," No. 3. Steamers dispatched from Paris to
meet the convoy, bringing with them a splendid funereal boat. Pont-du-Pecq. Chatou.
Reception at St. Denis. St Ouen, Clichy, and Asnieres. Presence of the Queen at
Asnieres. Arrival of the flotilla at Courbevoie. Preparations for its reception there.
Hastening of the preparations on the line, of road from Courbevoie to Paris. Descrip
tion of these preparations. Unusual excitement in Paris on December 15th. Dis
embarkation of the Emperor's remains. The imperial car. Arrangement of the
troops on the line of the procession. Departure of the cortege from Courbevoie.
Arrival at the barrier of the Etoile. Entry into Paris. Order* of the procession.
Arrival at the gate of the Invalides. Arrangement of the persons invited in the
church. Reception of the body by the archbishop and clergy. Presentation of the
coffin by Prince Joinville to the King. Deposition in the cenotaph. Funereal mass.
Lying-in-state frorn the 16th to the 24th of December. Removal of the remains to a
chapelle ardcnte in a chapel to the right of the altar. Mass for the dead. Completion
of the tomb, and final repose of the Emperor in his last and unchangeable resting-
place  lM32

HISTORY

OF THE

CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON
AT ST. HELENA.
VOL. IV.

HISTORICAL FRAGMENT ON THE CAMPAIGNS OF
AUSTRIA, PRUSSIA, AND RUSSIA.
CAMPAIGN OF 1805.
In 1805, after having taken 80,000 prisoners and all the appointments
of the Austrian army, Napoleon decided' on marching upon Vienna, — 1st,
to free Italy, and fall upon the rear of the Archduke Charles, who had
beaten the Prince of Essling, and who had already reached the Adige ;
2d, to . prevent the junction of the Austrian army with that of the Em
peror Alexander ; 3d, to break up, fight with, or cut off the army of Kutu
sov. On entering Vienna, he learned that the Archduke Charles was in
full retreat from Italy ; that, followed by the Prince of Essling, and his
amy weakened by the garrisons which he had thrown into Venice and-
Palma Nova, and by the corps of observation left in Carniola, he was
entering Hungary with only 35,000 men ; and that the Emperor Alexan
der-was at Olmutz. He then resolved to cross the Danube at Vienna, in
order to engage at HoUabrunn with Kutusov, who, having been defeated
at Anstettin, had crossed the Danube at Krems ; this movement had been
executed whilst Prince Murat allowed himself to be amused by Prince
Bagratioii, who, whilst talking of peace, made his escape. Napoleon hast
ened, on during the night, and commenced the attack at the break of day,
but Bagration had escaped during the eighteen hours of the armistice.
On the 2d of December, he defeated at Austerlitz, the united armies of
Russia and Austria, commanded by the Emperors of Austria and Russia ;
he had left the Duke of Treviso at Vienna,- with 15,000 men ; tho Duke
of Ragusa was on the Simmering, with 20,000 men, observing the move
ments of Prince Charles ; and the Prince of Echmiihl was on the borders
of Hungary, with 30,000 men. The 15,000 men with the Duke of Tre
viso, the»20j000 with the Duke of Ragusa, the 30,000 with the Prince of
vol. iv. 2 •

194 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Echmiihl, and the 40,000 with the Prince of Essling, who had already
arrived at Klagenfurt, formed, therefore, an army of more than 100,000
men, opposed to the 35,000 with the Archduke Charles.
The movement upon Austerlitz to fight the Russian army, and prevent
its junction with the army of Italy, was conformable to all the rules of art;
it succeeded as it ought to do. The Prince of Moskova, with the 6th
division, was in the Tyrol ; the Duke of Castiglione was with the seventh
division as a reserve, in Swabia ; the Marshal St. Cyr was before Venice ;
the King of Bavaria had a reserve of troops in Munich ; as to Prussia,
we were not at war with her. The convention of Potsdam was eventual;
it was necessary, previously, that the propositions which Coiint Haugwitz
was commissioned to submit to Napoleon, should be refused ; he was at
heatj-quartersi; and if we had been beaten at Austerlitz, they would have
been accepted. Had this battle been lost, the immediate effect would have
been to excite the jealousy of the court of Berlin against Austria and
Russia ; besides, six weeks would have been required to get the Prussian
army in motion.
If the Emperor of Russia had evacuated Olmutz, and penetrated into
Hungary in order to join the Archduke Charles without giving battle, the
army which fought at Austerlitz would have been reinforced by two divi
sions under the Prince of Echmiihl, which were not present at that engage
ment, and by the divisions under the Dukes of Treviso and Ragusa,- and
the Prince of Essling ; all the advantage would have . been on our side ;
our numbers would have been superior to the whole army of the allies.
The army had, in this campaign, three lines of Operation ; one upon
Italy by the Simmering and Klagenfurt ; another, also upon Italy, by the
Simmering, Goerz, and Palma Nova; and the third upon the Rhine, by
St. Polten, Enns, Braunau, Munich, and Augsburg^ Enns was fortified,
and contained great magazines of provisions and munitions of war.
Braunau was a tete-de-pont on the Inn, and strong enough to sustain a
blockade of fifteen days ; General Lauriston was in command there, and
had established magazines, hospitals, and stores of ammunition. Passau
was a strongly-fortified town on the Inn, at its junction with the Danube.
General Moulin commanded at Augsburg ; he had fortified it, and taken
precautions against a surprise ; it was a depot of considerable stores on the
left bank of the Lech.

CAMPAIGN OF 1806.
The Prussian army was completely surprised ; Marshal Blucher and
the Duke of , Weimar had entered Cassel, and were marching on the
Maine, when the Duke of Brunswick became aware of NapoleonVmaneu-
ver ; he recalled those two divisions ; but many days would have been
required for them to re-unite, and it was now too late. On the 13th of
October, the Prince of Echmiihl took Naumburg and all the magazines of
the Prussian army. Great anxiety was felt at Weimar, the head-quarters,
and the Prussian general resolved, to re-cross the Saale, to abandon the
troops of General Blucher and the Duke of Weimar to their own re
sources, and to march upon Naumburg, in the hope of retaking his maga
zines, which he thought were occupied only by the leader of a party1. On
the night preceding the battle of Jena, the French army formed into two
great divisions ; one of 60,000 men occupied Naumburg, between which

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 195
place and Jena the banks of the Saale are very steep, and have only one
defile, that of Dombourg, which was occupied by a corps of light troops.
This body of 60,000 men was composed of the troops of Marshals Da
voust and Bernadotte, and the cavalry of Prince Murat.
The other division, under the immediate command of the Emperor,
consisted of 80,000 men, and was composed of his guard, of the troops of
Marshals Ney, Lannes, Augereau, and Soult, and of the divisions of cuiras
siers under Hautpont and Naurowty; it was posted beyond Jena, at the
opening of a plain.
The 14,000 Prussians began the engagement with the third corps, at
the entrance of the defile of Koesen, -and not at Amsterdadt, but Napoleon
had, three hours before, forced his way through the passes, and had gained
the. heights above Jena, with 80,0Q0 men, driving back the army of General
Russel: and the Prince of Hohenlohe. The 60,000 men whom the king
commanded in person, were stopped and beaten by the 30,000 men of the
third corps alone ; for Marshal Bernadotte, not wishing to engage in their
rear, in the defile of Koesen, had made a retrograde movement of two
leagues during the night, in order to pass the Saale at the bridge of Dom
bourg, between Jena and Naumburg; so that, on the morning of the 14th,
he was in a position to fall upon the flank of the enemy — a circumstance
which caused them great uneasiness.
Undoubtedly, the Prince of Echmiihl could not be victorious, but he
could Hot be driven from the defile of Koesen with so fine a body of infan
try as. he commanded; 10,000 men were quite sufficient to defend the
passage. Even should he lose it, the Prussian army could not cross the
Saale in front of his forces ; 6,000 Frenchmen and twenty-four pieces of
canon were sufficient to prevent that. So that, even had the Prince of
Echmuhl been driven from the defile of Koesen, and obliged to recross
the Saale, that circumstance would have had no influence on the event of
the batde of Jena; the loss of the Prussian army would have been thereby
rendered more certain. If the Prince of Echmiihl had defiled at Doms-
bourg, three miles from Jena, the Prussian army might have escaped, for
it could have got behind the Saale. The retrograde march of the Prince
of Ponte-Corvo enabled the Prince of Echmiihl to cover himself with
immortal glory,; and to raise to the highest point the reputation of the
French infantry. At all events, the victory of Jena was quite secure.

CAMPAIGN OF 1807.
After the battle of Pultusk, in December 1806, General Benigsen, com-
mandjng the Russian army, marched on the lower Vistula, m order to
attack the Marshal Prince of Ponte-Cqrvo, who occupied Elbing. JNapo-
leon, having left Warsaw on the 25th of January, 1807, assembled his
troops at Wittenberg, and marched against the left flank of the Prussian?,
in order to drive them into the Frische Haff. The ground was covered
with snow and ice, which greatly annoyed Benigsen s troops : the French
were close to his rear when some Cossacks took prisoner an officer of the
Princeof NeufchStel's staff. His dispatches discovered the plan. Benig
sen, much alarmed, hastily mustered his troops at Allenstein, which he
again left during the night in order to avoid a battle. He was briskly
pursued. Having reached Doppen, he directed General Yorck to cross
the Passarge, and to march to Wormditt. The Prmee of Moskova fol-

196 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
lowed him with the sixth division. Had General Yorck not been pursued,
he could have attacked the :left flank and the rear of the French army,
which, on the evening of the 7th of February, arrived before Eylau, after
several skirmishes. General Benigsen occupied the town with a consi
derable force, but the Duke of Dalmatia attacked him with the 4th division,
and got possession of it, after an obstinate combat.
The Prince of Eckmiihl had moved with thfe third division three leagues
to the right, to attack a Russian column which was on the Alle, and to
turn the left of the enemy's line. Napoleon fixed his head-quarters at
Eylau; the fourth division bivouacked in advance: on the left and right
of the town, were the second line formed of the guards, with the third
line formed of the seventh corps, and a reserve of heavy cavalry.
On the next day (8th), at break of day, the Russians began the battle;
they wished to carry Eylau, but were repulsed. In fact, it would have
been difficult for them to succeed in taking that town, in face of the divi
sions of the Dukes of Dalmatia and Castiglione, the guard, and the reserve
of cavalry, when they were unable, the day before, to keep possession of
it when only opposed to one of these bodies of troops. If the battle of
Eylau was a sanguinary one to us, it was much more so to the enemy.
Our loss on that day amounted to 18,000 men. If we had therPrince of
Moskova at several leagues distance on our left, and the Prince of Eck
miihl within two leagues of us on our right, the Russian general" had
opposed to them detachments quite as considerable. It was not' then-
distance from us which kept back the third division, but the resistance of
the enemy to whom it was opposed. Our centre was -so little broken
when the battle was at its height, that the guard, the fourth and seventh
corps, and the reserve of cavalry, were still there and maintained a brisk
fire till night.
The Russian army began to retreat on the arrival of the third division
on our right; General Benigsen did not make ahy alteration in his- front,
but the corps', which, after the action on the Alle, had' retired skirmishing,
naturally tools, up their position on his extreme left ; the Russians could,
therefore, only bring on a partial engagement, since their forces, were not
all assembled, and our detachments were all opposed by bodies of troops
of equal force. The Duke of Castiglione has never been accused of not
being a good tactician, or of not understanding well how to collect- a body
of 12,000 or 15,000 men. Besides, NapoleonVas at the church of Eylau ;
he saw the seventh corps defile before him ; he caused it to deploy, but he
could not order it to advance in column in the midst of the shower of
grape-shot and of balls which flew round the church and cemetery, This
corps then advanced in the best order, and took up their position,- the
wings of each division being sustained by a column at a short distance.
The snow fell in flakes, and darkened the air for a moment; Augereau
diverged a little, and his men alone suffered more than all the rest of the
army put together.

CAMPAIGN OF 1809.
After the battle of Echmuhl, the French army advanced to; Vienna;'the
Archduke Maximilian held the command in that capital, which he had
supplied and put into a state of defence. Lariboissiero, the general of
artillery, placed thirty howitzers as a battery behind one of the houses in

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 197
the suburbs during the night, and set fire to the town, Which then opened
its gates. In the meantime, the Archduke Charles was approaching by
the left bank of the Danube, and Napoleon resolved to get the start of
him, and to cross that great, river. The position upon the right hank
would only be advantageous if the army could secure a tete-de-ppnt on the
left bank, as, without that, the enemy could become aware of our inten
tions. This consideration was of so much importance, that . Napoleon,
would have deployed upon the Enns, if he had found it impossible to
establish his position on the left bank. This was an operation of great
difficulty ; the Danube is five hundred toises wide — fifteen, twenty, or even
thirty feet deep, and flows with immense rapidity. To cross such a
river, in the immediate vicinity of a great army, required the greatest art ;
particularly as we could not go to any distance', for fear that the, enemy,
who possessed two iquipages-de-pont, should cross the Danube also, and
fall upon Vienna. Napoleon wished to cross at two leagues above the
city; he had, in 1805, observed an island of considerable extent, separated
from the right bank by the principal stream of the Danube, and from the
left bank by an arm of it, fifty toises wide ; if he could get possession of
this island, he could establish his position there, and then, instead pf hav
ing a river of five hundred toises' width to cross, he would only have a
stream fifty toises wide ; this would be crossing the Danube according to
rule. The Duke of Montebello threw 500 rrfen into this island on the
16th df May, the army of the archduke being stiU one march in the
rear; but, since 1805, they had constructed a jetty between , the left bank
arid this island, so that it was in fact no longer one. General Bubna being
in the neighborhood with 6,000 men, marched against the 500, and com
pletely destroyed them ; part were taken prisoners, some tried to return
under the protection of thirty twelve-pounders and howitzers.
This attempt having failed, Napoleon marched to a place two leagues,
below Vienna, opposite the isle of Lobau, which is 1800 toises in extent:
it is (separated from the right bank by the principal stream of the Danube,
500 toises in breadth, and from the left bank by a. small arm of sixty
toises'wide. He resolved to establish himself in this isle : once there, he
would be in an entrenched camp on the left bank of the Danube ; he
would be a;hindfance to the archduke, and if that prince should attack
Kreuphe or any other point, in order to cross the Danube and cut off his
line of operations, holding possession of the isle of Lobau, he could fall
upon his rear and attack him in the act of doing so. Lieutenant-General
Bertrand was ordered to throw a bridge of boats across the Danube ; on
the 20th of May, an advanced guard began to cross over, when, in the
afternoon, in consequence of the rising of the Danube so much as three
feet, the anchorage of the boats gave way, and the bridge was broken ;
but, in a few hours, the damage was repaired, and the army continued its
passage to the island. Towards six o'clock, Napoleon threw a bridge
across the smaller arm of the river. General Lassalle advanced towards
Essling with 3,000 cavalry, he scoured the plain in all directions, heard
of a division of Austrian cavalry with which he skirmished, and estab
lished himself for the night between Esslingand Grosaspern. Napoleon
bivouacked on the left bank, close to the little bridge. On the 21st, at
break of day, he went to Essling; a battalion was posted in a species of
fortified redoubt at the village of Engersdorf ; a party of the cuirassiers of
Spain and Naurowty passed over ; but at noon the Danube had risen four
feet higher — the great bridge was again carried away ; the rest of the ca-

198 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
valry and the reserve of the artillery could not cross ; twice during this
day Count Bertrand repaired the bridges, arid twice they were destroyed.
At the moment of evacuating Vienna, the Austrians had set fire to a great
number of boats, which, being heaved up by the swelling pf the river,
continued to strike against the bridge of boats. At four o'clock, in the
afternoon, General Lassalle sent to let Napoleon knpw'that the Arch
duke's army was on the march. The Prince of Neufchatel ascended the
steeple of the church in Essling, and wsftched the mpvements of the Aus
trian army. The Archduke wanted to attack Grosaspern with his right
wing, Essling with his centre, Engersdorf with his left wing, forming thus
a semi-circle around Essling. Napoleon gave orders to give way a little,
and to re-enter the wood in advance pf the little bridge ; but just at that
moment, General Bertrand sent word that thei Danube was falling — that he
had been able to fix the bridge again, and that the artillery was gping
over. However, it was getting late, arid Napoleon resolved to retain his
position ; for, if the enemy should get possession of the village of Ess
ling, the re-taking it would be a matter of remarkable difficulty and great
bloodshed. At five o'clock, the skirmishers engaged, the cannonade soon
became very brisk ; and the cuirassiers charged several times in brilliant
style. The enemy' was repulsed in every attack on Grosaspern and Ess
ling, and a body of 25,000 men, although attacked by 100,000, remained
unbroken during three horns, and kept possession of the field of battle.
On the approach of night, the situation of the bivpuack fires of the two
armies snowed, pretty plainly that the following day would be a decisive
one. The French army, occupying both banks of the river, was superior
to that of the archduke by 20,000 men. Victory could not be doubtful;
but at midnight the Danube rose to a frightful degree. The passage
over the bridge was again interrupted, and could not be made available
until daybreak. The guards and the Duke of Reggio's division then
began their passage in all haste. The Emperor mounted on horseback,
full of hope; the fate of the house of Austria was about to be sealed!
Having reached Essling, he ordered the Duke of Montebello to pierce the
centre of the Austrian army, and the young guard to get clear of Essling,
in order to throw themselves at the decisive moment on the left flank of
the enemy, which rested on Engersdorf, a little town on the branch of the
Danube which forms the isle of Lobau. The Duke of Montebello de
ployed his troops with the skill and sang-froid which he had acquired in
a hundred battles. The enemy were aware of the importance of pre
serving their line of battle unbroken, but all their efforts were in vain.
Already were the young guards advancing upon their left flank, when the
victorious troops had to be stopped; the bridge was again broken; all the
boats were carried away by the force of the current to the distance of one
or two leagues; it would be quite impossible to repair the damage for seve
ral days. The half of the cuirassiers, the Prince pf Echmtihl's division,
and all the reserve of artillery, were still on the right bank. This contre
temps was most deplorable; but the plan of operation was so excellent,
and had been so profoundly calculated, that the army was in no danger,
and could, at the worst, take up its position again in the isle of Lobau,
where it could not be attacked ; for never was there a stronger intrenched
camp ; it was protected by a deep fosse sixty toises wide. This vexatious
intelligence arrived at seven o'clock in the morning; the Emperor sent
orders to the Prince of Essling and to the Duke of Montebello to halt,

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 199
and to fall back quietly on their former positions ; the former rented his
left flank on the village of Grosaspern, which is more than a league in
length ; the latter was placed between Grosaspern and Essling, resting his
right flank on the last-named village. This movement was made as if it
was a review. The enemy, who were dispirited and retreating, stopped
in astonishment, not being able to comprehend this retrograde movement
of the French ; but they soon heard that their bridges were carried away,
and their centre regained its first position. It was then ten o'clock in the
morning, and from that time to four o'clock in the afternoon— -that is to
say, during six hours— 100,000 Austrians and 500 pieces of cannon, at
tacked without gaining any advantage, 50,000 Frenchmen, who had only
100 pieces of cannon on the field, and who were obliged to be saving of
their ammunition, of which they had not sufficient.
The success of the battle depended on the possession of the village of
Essling ; the archduke made every possible effort to retain it ; five times
he led the attack with fresh troops, and took the village twice, but five
times he was driven back. At length, at three o'clock in the afternoon,
the Emperor ordered his aids-de-camp, General Rapp and the brave Count
of Lobau, to put themselves at the head of the young guard, to advance in
three columns, and to charge the enemy, who were preparing to make a
sixth attack; they were put to the rout and the victory was decided; the
archduke had no longer any fresh troops, and fell back. The firing ceased
at four o'clock precisely, at a season when an engagement could be, continued
till ten ; so that, during six hours of the day, we remained masters of the
field of battle.
The old guard, with the Emperor at their head, were cpnstantly engaged
within gunshot of Essling, their right flank to the Danube, their left to
wards Grpsaspern. At six o'clock in the eyening, Lieutenant-General
Darsenne, colonel of grenadiers of the old guard, sent Colonel Montholon,
who was then near him, to ask permission to charge, in order to decide the
fate of the day anlpiblige the Austrians to retreat. "No," said the Empe
ror, " it is fortunate that things are as they are ; without bridges', without
succours — certainly, we have done more than I could have expected ; re
main quiet." He then went to the Isle of Lobau and examined it all
round ; he was afraid that the enemy might throw a bridge across at the
extremity of the island, and send over some battalions. He. then went to
look at the great bridge. Alas ! eyery part of it had disappeared ! not a
boat remained ! The Danube had risen twenty-eight feet during the last
three days ; the lower parts of the island were inundated. He returned
to the little bridge, and commanded the army to cross it at midnight and
to encamp ori the island. The division of the Prince of Essling slept on
the field of battle, and did not cross over until the next morning at seven
o'clock. Such was the battle of Essling : as long as we were in possession of the
Isle of Lobau, we had the power and means of securing Vienna, which
would be no longer tenable if we lost the island. From this intrenched
camp we could act on the offensive, if the enemy approached by the left
bank ; for a canal of sixty toises wide would be no obstacle, especially in
such a locality. General Bertrand had, in twenty days, constructed three
bridges on piles, a work ten times more difficult and more expensive, than
the bridge which Caesar, threw over the Rhine. The viceroy gained the
victory of Raab over the Archduke John ; the Emperor left the isle of Lo
bau and gained the memorable victory of Wagram, in July.

200 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Both at the battle of Essling, and afterwards, the archduke did' every
thing which it was possible for him to do. < On this day fell the' two gene
rals, the Dukes of Montebello- and of Saint Hilaire ; these two herpes
were the best friends of Napoleon, who shed tears for their death-. They
were men who would never have deserted . him in his misfortunes, or
proved unfaithful. to the glory of the French people. The 'Duke of Mon*-
tebellp was from Lectoure ; when in command of a battalion he distin*
guished himself in Italy in the campaign of 1796; he ^covered- himself
with glory at Montebello, Marengo, Austerlitz, Jena* Pultusk, Findlatod,
Tudela, Saragossa, Ecomiihl, and at Essling, where he found a glorious
death. He was wise, prudent, and courageous^ and of imperturbable
sang-froid in the presence of an enemy. He had had but little education ;
nature had done everything in his case. Napoleon, who had marked the
progress of his. intellect, testified his surprise at it. He was superior to
all the other French generals for directing the maneuvers of 25,000 in
fantry on a field of battle. He was still young, and might have much im
proved in the higher tactics, which he did not well comprehend. Saint
Hilaire was a general at the battle- of Castiglione, in 1796 ; he was distin
guished for his chivalric character— was good and amiable as a comrade,
a brother, and a relative. He died covered with wounds. He had been
attached to Napoleon since the siege of Toulon. He was called the knight
sans peur et sans reproche&in allusion to Bayard.

CAMPAIGN OF 1812.
The Russians lost the battle of the Moskova, and Moscow fell ; had they
gained it they would have saved Moscow ; 100,000 Russians — men, wo
men, and children — would not have met a miserable death in the woods,
and snows of the environs ; Russia would- not have witnessed, in one sin
gle week, the self-destruction of that superb capital* thetp'ork of centuries,
nor have lost myriads of her people, buried under its ruins. Had it not
been for the burning of Moscow, an event unprecedented in history,
Alexander would have been constrained to sue for peace. The con
sequences of the battle of the Moskova were immense ; never was it more
necessary to risk a battle ; it was loudly called for by the court, enraged
at beholding "the ravage and destruction of its provinces ; by the noblesse,
and by an army fatigued, weakened and discouraged by perpetually re
treating. The Russians did not voluntarily fight whilst retreating even as far as
Moscow, in order to draw the French army into the interior of their coun
try. They abandoned Wilna because they' found it impossible to assem
ble their army before that place ; they wished to rally at the entrenched
camp which they had thrown across the Dwina ; but Bagration, with the
half of the troops, could not reach the place. The Prince of EchmUhi's
march towards Minsk, Borisov, and Mohilov, separated the army of Bar
clay de Tolly from that of Bagration, and by so doing obliged the former
to go to Vitepsk, and from that to Smolensk, in order to join his forces to
those of Bagration. Having accomplished this junction, he marched to
Vitepsk to give battle to the French army ; but Napoleon then put in prac
tice that skillful maneuver similar to the one which he had executed at
Landshut in 1809; under cover of the forest of Babinovitchi, he turned
the left wing of the Russian army, passed the Borysthenes, and marched

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 201
upon Smolensk* where he arrived twenty-four hours before the Russians,
who turned back in all haste. A body of 15,000 Russians who were
accidentally in Smolensk, were so fortunate as to be able to defend that
place for one day, and thus enabled Barclay de Tolly to arrive there on
the next.
If the French army had surprised Smolensk, they would have crossed
the Bo-ryathenes there, and attacked the rear of the Russians, which was
in disorder ; this great project failed ; but the French general derived ad
vantage from this maneuver, for it brought on the battle of Smolensk,
where Poniatowski and his Poles covered themselves with glory. Driven
back beyond the Borysthenes, Barclay de Tolly determined to give battle.
The history of the campaign in Russia can never be thoroughly known,
because the Russians either do not write, or they write without any regard
to truth ; and as for the French, they seem to be seized with a strong
passion for tarnishing their own glory, and throwing discredit on its de
tails. The war with Russia became a necessary consequence of the con
tinental .system,' from the day when the Emperor Alexander violated the
conventions of Tilsit and of Erfurt ; but a consideration of much greater
iinpoxtance influenced Napoleon, and determined his conduct. The French
empire, which he had created by so many victories, would infallibly be
dismembered at his death, and the sceptre of Europe would pass into the
hands of a czar, unless the Russians were driven beyond the Borysthenes,
and the kingdom of Poland, the natural barrier of the French empire,
were re-established. In 1812, the troops of Austria, Prussia, Germany,
Switzerland, and Italy, marched under the French Eagle ; Napoleon had,
therefore, a right to think that the, moment was come for consolidating the
immense edifice which he had raised, but upon the summit of which Rus
sia would press with all the weight of its power, as long as she could, at
her pleasure, throw her numerous armies on the Oder. Alexander was
young and yigorpus like his empire ; it was to be expected that he would
outlive Napoleon. This is the whole secret of the war. No personal
sentiment had anything to do with it, as the reviewers have asserted. The
campaign in Russia is more glorious, more difficult, and more honorable
to the Gauls, than any other event of which their history, ancient or mo
dern, makes mention.
The Russian troops are brave, and their whole army was assembled at
ihe Moskova : they reckoned 170,000 men, including those in Moscow.
Kutusov had an excellent position, and occupied it to the best advantage ;
everything was in his favor ; superiority of infantry, of cavalry, and of
artillery ; a first-rate ppsition and a great number of redoubts ; and yet he
was beaten. Ye intrepid heroes — Murat, Ney, Poniatowski — to you be
longs the glory ! What noble and brilliant actions will history have to
record ! She will tell how the brave cuirassiers sabred, the cannoniers
upon their pieces ! She will tell of the devoted heroism of Montbrun, and
of Caulincourt, who found death in the midst of their glory ! She will
record the actions which our cannoniers performed, although in an open
plain arid opposed to batteries more numerous, and covered by good
¦spaulements ; and she will make mention also of those brave foot-soldiers,
who, at the most critical moment, instead of requiring encouragement
from their general, exclaimed, " Have no fear ; your soldiers have all sworn
to conquer to-day, and they will conquer." What parallels to such glo
rious deeds can future 'ages produce ? or will falsehood and calumny pre
vail?

202 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEPN.
The space of four hundred leagues between the Rhine and the Borys
thenes was occupied by our friends and allies: from the Rhine to the Elbe
by the Saxons ;, from thence to the Niemen by the Poles, and to the
Borysthenes, by the Lithuanians. The army had four lines of fortresses ;
those of the Rhine, the Elbe, the Vistula, and the Niemen; upon the
latter river, Pilau, Wilna, Grodno, and Minsk. Until we crossed the
Borysthenes at Smolensk we were in a friendly territory. From Smolensk
to Moscow, there is one hundred leagues of hostile country, that is Moskova.
We took Smolensk, and put it in a state of defence, and it became the
central point of the advance pn Moscow. We established hospitals for
8,000 men, magazines of munition of war, 25,000 cartridges for cannon,
and considerable stores of clothing and provisions.; 240,000 men were left
between the Vistula and the Borysthenes; only 160,000 men crossed the
bridge at Smolensk to go against Moscow. Of these 40,000 remained to
guard the magazines, hospitals, and stores at Dorogobouj, Viazma, Ghjat,
and Mojaisk. 100,000 men entered Moscow, 20,000 having been killed
or wounded on the march,. or at the great battle of the, Moskova, where
50,000 Russians perished.
Not a wounded man, not a man without connections, not a courier, not
a convoy was seized- in this campaign, on the march from Mayence to
Moscow ; not a day passed on which we did not hear news from France,
nor was Paris a single day without receiving letters from the army. At
the battle of Smolensk, 60,000 cannon-shots were fired, and thrice that
number at the battle of the Moskova: the consumption of ammunition was
considerable in the less important; combats also; and yet, on leaving Mos
cow, each piece was provided with 350 rounds; there was such a super
fluity of wagons pf ammunition and provisions, that 500 were burned in
the Kremlin, where we also destroyed vast quantities of powder, arid
60,000 muskets. The supply pf ammunition never failed, for which
Generals . Lariboissi&re and Ebla, commanding the artillery, deserve the
highest praise. Never did the officers of that department serve with
greater distinction, or show a greater degree of skill than in this campaign.
There are as many falsehoods as there are assertions in the passage which
we subjoin:
" It is an erroneous idea to think that, in Russia, the inhabitants take
any interest in war ; for the lords ,of the soil, when there appears to be
any danger. of a revolt, send them to their estates . in the interior of the
country, pretty much in the same manner as one drives horses or herds of
cattle." The slaves were very favorable to the French, for they expected to
obtain their liberty by their assistance ; the bourgeois, or slaves who had
been enfranchised, and who inhabited the little towns, were well-disposed.
to head the insurrection against the noblesse; and this was the reason why
the Russians resolved to set fire to all the towns on the rout pf the army;
an immense loss, independent of that of Moscow. They also burned
down the villages, notwithstanding the opposition of the inhabitants, by
means of the Cossacks, who being always at enmity with the Muskovites,
felt great joy at having an opportunity to do them harm. .
The march pf Charles, XII. was as rash and as much in opposition to
the rules of art, as that of Napoleon was well weighed and in conformity
to them. In the first place, Charles XII. advanced 500 leagues into the
enemy's country ; secondly, he lost his line of operation on the day after
his departure from Smolensk ; thirdly, he was a whole year without re-

HISTORY PF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPCLEPN. 203
ceiving news from Stockholm ; and, fourthly, he had no army pf reserve.
But, first, Napolepn only advanced 100 leagues into the enemy's cpuntry ;
secondly, he always preserved his line of operations; thirdly, he received
daily news and convoys from France; and, fourthly, he kept as a reserve,
between the Vistula and his camp at Moscow, the three-fourths of his
army. In short, the former had 40,000 men under his command; whilst
the latter had 400,000. The operations of the one were exactly the
reverse of those of the Other, inasmuch as the one acted in conformity to
sound and recognized principles, and with means proportipned to the end
in view, whilst the other had not sufficiently considered his object, and
did not possess an adequate degree of knowledge of strategy.
The march from Smolensk to Moscow was executed in the expectation
that, in order to save that capital, the enemy would give battle ; that he
would be beaten, and that Moscow would be taken. It was thought that
Alexander, either to save the capital or to redeem it, would come to terms
of peace ; but if he "should not, that, with the immense stores of every kind
contained in that great city, with 40,000 citizens, free, and the sons of
freemen or merchants, and very rich, who inhabited it, a national nucleus
might be formed to excite the slaves to revolt, and give a mortal blow to
the power of the Russian empire. The idea of setting fire to a city con
taining 300,000 souls, and nearly equal in extent to Paris, was never
looked upon as a thing within the limits of possibility. In fact, it would
have been much more reasonable to conclude a peace than to commit an
act of such barbarity. The Russian army gave battle at three days'
journey from Moscow ; they were beaten, the French entered the town,
and for forty-eight hours they were master of all its riches. The quantities
of valuable property were immense ; the inhabitants had remained ; the
five hundred palaces of , the nobility were furnished ; the officers and
domestics were there ; even the diamonds and personal ornaments of the
ladies had not been removed. The greater part of the rich proprietors,
had, on quitting the town, left' behind them complimentary notes to the
generals who might occupy their houses, with the declaration, that in a
few days, after the first confusion was over, they would return home. It
was then that eight or nine hundred persons, the overseers of the police,
and who had charge of the city and of the pumps, taking advantage of a
violent wind which arose, set fire to the city in all quarters at once. One
part of the town was built of wood, and contained a great many stores of
brandy, oil, and other combustible matters. The pumps had all been
carried away; the town had contained several hundred, for the service had
been organized with great care. Only one pump could be found. The
army endeavored to stop the progress of the fire during some days ; but
it was all in vain — everything was burned. Those of the inhabitants who
had remained in the town, escaped to the woods or country-houses ; there
remained only behind the lowest canaille, for the sake of pillage. This
great and superb city became a sink of crime and desolMon. It might
have been then resolved to march to St. Petersburg ; the court evidently
was afraid of that, had' removed to London its archives and most pre
cious treasures, and had recalled from Podolia the army under Admiral
Tchitchagov, to defend the capital. Considering that it was as great a
distance'from Moscow to St. Petersburg as from Smolensk to St. Peters
burg, Napoleon preferred passing the winter at Smolensk, reserving till
the spring the march to St. Petersburg. He began his march towards
Smolensk by attacking, and agam-heating, the army of Kutusov at Malo-

204 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
jaroslavetz, and from thence he was continuing to advance without any
obstacle, when the ice, the snow, and the cold, killed in one night 30,000
horses, which obliged him to abandon' the wagons, and was the cause of
the disasters of this march ; for this ought not to be called a retreat, since
the army was victorious, and might have advanced upon St. Petersburg,
Kalouga* or Toula, which Kutusov would have tried in vain to cpver.
The army might have wintered at Smolensk if Prince Schwartzenberg
had not abandoned it, and maneuvered upon Warsaw, thereby permitting
Admiral Tchitchagov to advance to the Berezina, and threaten the great
magazines -and stores at Wilna, which contained provisions for the army;
for four months, clothing for 50,000 men, horses, munitions, and a division
of 10j000 men to guard them. General Dombrowski, who occupied the
fort of Borisov and the bridge of the Berezina, was unable to defend them.
He had only 9,000 men, and was repulsed. Admiral Tchitchagov crossed
the Berezina intending to advance to the Dwina, but made no attempt
upon Wilna. He was met by the Duke of Reggio, who' defeated him,
and obliged him to retrace his steps to the Berezina, after having taken all
his baggage. In his flight, the admiral burned the bridge of Borisov.
If, instead of being November, it had been the month of August, the
army would have advanced upon St. Petersburg ; it did" not retire upon
Smolensk beeau'se it was beaten, but in order to winter in Poland. If it
had been summer, neither the army of Tchitchagov nor that of Kutusov
would have ventured to approach within ten days' march of the French
army, at the risk of being immediately destroyed.
The Romans at Thrasimene and at Cannes, Hannibal at Zama, Scipio
at Thapsal, Sextus at Munda, Melos at Marengo, Mack at Ulm, and the
Duke of Brunswick, at Jena, lost their armies and could not rally, although
in the midst of their strong places and near their capitals.
In. the Russian campaign, the magazines of the army were not on the
Vistula, fifty days' march' from Moscow ; those of, the first line were at
Smolensk, ten days' march from Moscow ; those of the second line at
Minsk and at Wilna, eight days' march from Smolensk ; those of the third
line at Kowno, Grodno, and Bialystak ; those of the fourth line at Elbing,
Marienwerder, Thorn, Plock, Modliri, and Warsaw ; those of the fifth line
at Dantzig, Bromberg, and Posen ; those of the- sixth line at Stettin, Custrin,
and Glpgau. Of the 400,000 men who crossed the Niemen, 240,000 re
mained in reserve between that river and the Borysthenes, and 160,000
passed Smolensk, and marched upon Moscow. Of these 160,000 men,
40,000 were posted at intervals between Smolensk and Majaisk. It was
quite natural, therefore, to retreat upon Poland. No general represented
to Napoleon the necessity of stopping at the Berezina; every one felt con
vinced, that when master of Mo'seow, he would terminate the war. As
far as Smolensk, he maneuvered his troops in a country as well disposed
towards, him as France itself ; the population and the authorities were in
his favor; he cfbuld levy men, and collect horses and provisions; and
Smolensk is a strongly fortified place..
During his march to MoscoWj he never-hlld the enemy in his rear.
During the twenty days which he sojourned in that capital, not a courier
or convoy of artillery was intercepted; nofca house at an entrenched, sta
tion (he had, some at every post) -Wds attacked ; the convoys of artillery
and military equipages arrived Without accident. If Moscow had not
been burned, the Emperor Alexander would have been constrained to con
clude a peace. After the burning of Moscow, if the severe cold had not

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 205
set in fifteen days earlier than usual, the army could have returned without
any loss to Smolensk, where it would have had nothing to apprehend
from the Russians, who had been- beaten at the Moskova, and at Maloja-
roslavetz, and who greatly needed some repose. Every one was aware
that it would be cold in December and January ; but there was reason to
think, from the rising of the temperature for the last twenty years, that
the thermometer would not fall more than six degrees below the freezing
point in the month of November. The army did not require more than
three days to finish its retreat in good order ; but during those three days
they lost 30,000 horses : the premature coid was equally felt by both
armies. After the event, Napolepn might have been blamed for remaining four
days too long at Moscow ; but he was induced to do so by political rea
sons, and thought he should have sufficient time to return into Poland: the
autumns are so lengthened out in the north.
When the army left Moscow, they took with them provisions for twenty
days, which was more than was necessary till their arrival at Smolensk,
where they could get abundance for thejr march to Minsk or Wilna. But
all the teams of the convoys, and the greater number of the artillery and
cavalry horses, perished : the army was totally disorganized — it was, in
fact, no longer an army, and it became quite impossible to take up a posi
tion before Wilna. The divisions of Prince Schwartzenberg and General
Reynier, which were on the Vistula, instead of resting on Minsk, as they
ought to have done, retired upon Warsaw, thus, abandoning the army ; had
they advanced to Minsk, they would there have been joined by Dombrow-
ski's division, which had not been able, alone, to defend Borisov, which
was therefore occupied by Admiral Tchitchagov. It was not the inten
tion of the admiral to take possession of the Berezina, but to advance to
the Dwina in order to cover St. Petersburg. It was by a mere accident
that the Duke of Reggio met him, and after defeating him, drove hitn back
to the right bank of the Berezina. Tchitchagov was defeated again after
crossing the Berezina. Doumere's cuirassiers took from him 1800 men,
in a single charge.
When the army was within two days' march of Wilna, and out of the
reach of all danger, Napolepn considered that the exigency of affairs re
quired his presence at Paris; there only could he overawe Prussia and
Austria, and if he delayed his journey, the roads would perhaps be impas
sable. He left the army under the command of the King of Naples, and
the Prince of Neufchatel. The guard was then entire, and the armyreck-
oned more than 80,000 fighting men, without counting the Duke of Taren-
to's division, which was on the Dwina. The Russian army, including all
their troops, was reduced to 50,000 men.
Flour, biscuits, wine, meat, dried vegetables, and forage, were to be
found in abundance at Wilna. According to the report on the situation of
the provisioning department, presented to Napoleon on his going through
that town, there remained there 4,000,000 of rations of flour, 3,600,000
of meat, 9,000,000 of rations of wine or brandy, and considerable maga
zines of goods, clothing and ammunition had also been -formedv It JNapo-
leon could have remained with the army himself, or if he had given the
command of 'it to Prince Eugene, it would never have 'left Wilna. A
corps of reserve was at Warsaw, and another at Koenigsberg ; but they
suffered themselves to be frightened by some Cossacks, and evacuated
Wilna, in disorder, during the night. From this time particularly must

206 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
be dated the great; disasters of this campaign ; arid one great misfortune iri
the circumstances arose from the obligation- under which 'Napoleon was
placed, to be, at so momentous a crisis, on the- spot in Paris, and with the
army at the same time. Nothing was— rnothing could be, more unforeseen
by him, than the mad conduct pursued at Wilna : but the first and prin
cipal cause of the disasters of this campaign was the premature and unex
ampled change of the season.

CAMPAIGN OF 1813.
Of the 250,000 men cpmppsing Napoleon's army in this campaign,
50,000 were Saxons,, Westphalians, Bavarians, or troops from Wurtemberg,
Baden, Hesse, or the Duchy of Berg — very ill disposed, and who did us
more harm than good. , The remaining 200,000 were newly raised troops,
particularly the cavalry, with the exception of the guard, the Poles, two or
three regiments of light cavalry, and four or five of heavy armed cavalry.
The deficiency of light cavalry prevented our having accurate information
of the movements of the enemy.
We had bridges over the Elbe at Dresden, Meissen, Torgau,, Witten
berg, Magdeburg, and Hamburg. The movement upon Dresden was fore
seen ; everything was done to draw on the enemy. Napoleon had raised
works, opened roads, and thrown bridges over the Elbe at Koenigstein, to
facilitate the communication between that place and Stdlpen. ,
The victories of Lutzen and pf Wiirtzen, gained on the 2d and 21st of
May, had re-established the reputation of the French arms ; the King ,of
Saxony had been brought back in triumph to his capital ; the enemy, had
been chased, from Hamburg ; a division of the grand army was at the gates
of Berlin, and Napoleon's head-quarters were at Breslau. The Russian
and Prussian armies, quite discomfited, had nothing for it but to re-cross
the Vistula, when Austria, intermeddling in the matter, advised France to
sign a suspension of arms. Napoleon returned to Dresden, the Emperor
of Austria left Vienna and went into Bohemia ; the Emperor pf Russia
and the King, of Prussia established themselves at Schweidnitz, and the
negotiation commenced. .
, Prince Metternieh proposed the congress of Prague, and it was accepted.
But this was only a vain pretence ; for the court of Vienna had already
entered into engagements with Russia and Prussia,, and. intended to make
them public in the month of May, when the unexpected successes of the
French troops obliged her to proceed more cautiously. Whatever efforts
she might make, her army was small, ill organized, and very unfit tQ enter
on a campaign. Metternieh demanded the Illyrian provinces, a frontier
on the kingdom of Italy, and the grand Duchy of Warsaw ; the renuncia
tion by Napoleon of the title of Protector of the Confederation of the
Rhine, and Mediator of the Swiss Confederation, as well as the possession
of the 32d military division, and some departments of Holland. Condi
tions so stringent were evidently put forward first, with tlie idea that they
would be rejected. However, the Duke of Vicenza went to the congress
of Prague, and the negotiations commenced. All the means tried to induce
the powers to moderate their pretensions, only produced some insignificant
modifications. Napoleon consented to the following important conces
sions, communicating them to the Emperor of Austria by the Count
Bubna, then resident at Dresden. He gave up the Illyrian provinces, and

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 207
the grand Duchy of Berg ; limited the kingdom of Italy by the Ispnzo ;
and resigned the titles of Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine, and
Mediator of the Swiss Confederation. As to Holland and the Hanseatic
towns, Napoleon bound himself only to'hold possession of them until the
conclusion of peace, and as some compensation to him until the restitution
by England of the French colonies.
When Count Bubna arrived at Prague, the term fixed for the duration
of the armistice had expired some hours ; upon this, Austria declared her
adherence to the cpalition, and the war re-commenced.
The brilliant victory gained at Dresden, on the 27th of August, gave a
decided superiority to the French arms, notwithstanding some, reverses sus
tained by Marshal Macdonald and General Vandamme.
In October, Napoleon left Dresden for Magdeburg, and had reached
Wittenberg, when a letter from the king of Wiirtemberg justified the fears
entertained of the fidelity of the court of Munich, by announcing that the
king of Bavaria had changed sides without any previous declaration of
war, and that the Austrian and Bavarian troops had now united, and formed
but one army. The letter stated that the king of Wiirtemberg himself,
overawed by such a force, had been compelled to join, with his contin
gent. This unexpected news obliged Napoleon to change the whole plan
of the campaign.
The two armies met on the field of battle, at Leipsig, on the 16th of
October, when the F/ench had the advantage ; and they would have been
victorious also on the 18th, had it not been for the defection of the Saxons,
who went over to the enemy, with a battery of sixty guns, which they
turned against the French line. Such an act of treachery brought ruin on.
the army, notwithstanding the exertions of the Emperor ; however, at the
close of the day, the enemy made a retrograde movement, and left the field
of battle in the hands of the French.
At the battle of Leipsig, the young guard fought under the command of
the dukes of Reggio and Treviso. The troops commanded by General
Curial attacked and put to flight the Austrian division under General Meer-
feld, who was taken prisoner. The cavalry of the guard, headed by Gene
ral Naurouty, advanced on the right, drove back the Austrian cavalry, and
made a great number of prisoners. The artillery of the guard, directed
by Count Drouot, was engaged the whole of the day. The infantry of
the old guard fought all day, in a tremendously exposed position, where
its presence was absolutely necessary, but where it was never able to form
into a square.
During the night, the French army began to move behind the Elster, in
order to be in communication with Erfurt, from whence they hoped to
receive supplies of ammunition, of which they were much in need, having
during the 16th and 18th, fired more than 150,000 cannon shots. The
defection of the Saxons was followed by that of several German corps ;
an accident also happened at the bridge of Leipsig, which a sergeant sprung
before he had received orders to do so. These circumstances caused the
French army to suffer severely, although victorious. They crossed the
Saale at Weissenfels, intending to wait there until they received munitions
from Erfurt, which was abundantly supplied, when news was received
that the Austro-Bavarian army had, by forced marches, arrived at the
Maine. It was necessary to go to meet it. The French came up with
the enemy on the 30th of October, ranged in prder of battle near Hanau,
and intercepted the road to Frankfort; although strong, and occupying an

208 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
excellent position, they were completely routed and driven from Hanau ;
and the French army continued its retreat behind the Rhine, which they
crossed on the 2d of November.
During the campaign of 1813 — firsts our first line of fortresses and of
magazines was Koenigstein, Dresden; Torgau, Wittenberg, Magdeburg,
and Hamburg; our second line was Meissen, Leipsig, Mersebourg,. Erfurt,
and Wurtzburg; secondly, our tetes-de-pont on the Saale were Mersebourg,
Weissenfels, and Naumburg; thirdly, the duke of Castiglione was'in com
mand of an army of reserve on the right bank of the Saale and a division
of reserve was at Leipsig. The position of the army was much injured by the
accident to the bridge at Leipsig; but could they have reached Erfurt, they
would have there found considerable stores of every kind ; they could have
halted there, provisioned their wagons, and after two days' rest, could ma
neuver with advantage against the scattered troops of the allies. The arrival
on the Maine, by forced marches, of the Austro-Bavarian army, under the
command of Marshal Wrede, obliged the French troops to advance at
once to Hanau, to keep open their communication with Mayence.
The disasters of the campaign in Saxony were the consequence of
-political events. It may be said that those political events should have
been provided against; let that be granted; but still, this campaign would
have had quite another termination, had it not been for the . defection of the
Saxon and Bavarian troops, and the change of policy which had taken
place in the cabinet. CAMPAIGN OF 1814.
In 1814, Napoleon had under his own immediate orders 40,000 efficient
men, and with this handful of brave fellows he made head againstthe army
commanded by Marshal Bliicher, and that commanded by Prince Schwart
zenberg, in which were present the two emperors and the King of Prussia.
These armies amounted to 250,000 men, yet he defeated them in every
engagement, and had it not been for the treachery of Marshal Marmont,
the empire would have been saved! At the battle of Montmirail, the divi
sions pf Sacken, Yorck, and Kleist, amounted to 40,000 men ; they were
attacked, beaten, and driven beyond the Marne, by 16,000 Frenchmen —
that is to say, the infantry and cavalry of the guard, Ricard's division con
sisting of 1150 men, and a body of cuirassiers. At the same time Mar
shal Blucher with 20,000 men was kept in check by Marmont's division of
only 4,000 men; and Prince Schwartzenberg with 100,000 by the divi
sions of Macdonald, Oudinot, and Gerard, amounting altogether to less than
18,000 men. CAMPAIGN OF 1815.
It has been said, but without foundation, that the plan of the Emperor,
at the com'mencement of this campaign, was to throw 20,000 cavalry into
the midst of the cantonments of the English and PrusHan armies, in order,
in the first place, to destroy or put in confusion the sc-oitered divisions of
those two armies.
Napoleon never entertained such an idea as to send forward 20,000
cavalry into the midst of the Prusso-Saxon and the Anglo-Dutch armies,
in a country intersected by rivers and canals and covered by undulating
hills.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEOft. 209
Several plans for the campaign suggested themselves to his thoughts.
The first of these was, to remain on the defensive, leaving it to the allies
to take upon themselves the odium of being the aggressors ; to allow them
to become entangled in our strong places, arid himself penetrating to Paris
and Lyons, commence on those lines a vigorous and decisive war. This
plan had many advantages; first, the alties not being ready to enter on the
campaign before the 15th of July, they could not reach Paris or Lyons
until the 15th of August. The 1st, 2d, 3d, 4th, 5th, and 6th corps, the
4th corps of heavy-armed cavalry and the guard "would be concentrated on
Paris. These different cprps consisted of 140,000 men under arms, on
the 15th of June; by the 15th of August their numbers would amount
to 240,000. The 1st corps of observation, of of the Jura, and the 7th
corps, would be concentrated on Lyons; they contained on the 15th of
June, 25,000 men under arms ; they would be increased on the 15th of
August to 60,000 men; secondly, the fortifications of Paris and of Lyons
would be in complete Order by the 15th of August; thirdly, by that time,
we should have been able to complete the organization and arming of the
forces destined for the defence of Paris and Lyons, to reduce the national
guard of Paris to 8,000 men, and to "quadruple the light troops of that
capital, by increasing them to 60,000. These battalions, when directed by
dfficers of the regular troops, would do good service; and when we added
to them 6,000 artillerymen, from the troops of the line, the marine, and
the national guard, and 40,000 men taken from the depots' of seventy regi
ments of infantry, and from the guard belonging to the division of the
army under Paris, not yet accoutred, we should have a force amounting to
116,000 men to guard the entrenched camp at Paris. The garrison of
Lyons consisted of 4,000 of the national guard, 12,000 light troops, 2,000,
artillerymen, and 7,000 men from the depots of the infantry regiments of
the army at Lyons ; in all 25,000 men. Fourthly, the troops of the enemy
which should approach Paris on the north and east, would be obliged to
leave 150.0Q0 men before the fortified places on those two frontiers ; and
supposing them to amount originally to 600,000 men, they would be re
duced to 450,000 on their arrival before Paris. The allied army which
Should advance upon Lyons, would be under the necessity of securing ten
fortified places on the frontier of the Jura and the Alps ; arid supposing
Ijiem to amount originally to 150,000 men, scarcely 100,000 could reach
Lyons. Fifthly, meantime, the affairs of the nation having reached so import
ant a crisis, would produce an energetic movement in Normandy, Bretany,
Auvergne, Berry, &c, and numerous battalions would be arriving daily
round Paris ; everything would tend to augment the numbers in the cause
of France, and to diminish them in that of the allies. Sixthly, 240,000
Wen under the Emperor's own direction, maneuvering on both sides of the
Seine and Marne, under the protection of a vast entrenched camp at Paris,
guarded by 116,000 stationary troops, would prove victorious over 450,000
ftf the enemy; 60,000 men commanded by Marshal Suchet, maneuvering
on both sides of the Rhone and Saone, under the protection of Lyons,
guarded by 25,000 : stationary troops, would have prevailed over the
enemy's forces ; the sacred cause of country would have triumphed!
The second plan was to anticipate the allies, and commence hostilities
before they were prepared: now, this they could not be before the 15th
qf Jrily; it was, therefore, necessary to open the campaign on the 15th pf
June, defeat the Anglo-Dutch, arid Prusso-Saxon armies, which were in
Belgium, before the Russians, Austrians, Bavarians, Wurtembergers, &c,
vol. iv. 3

210 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
had arrived on the Rhine. By the 15th of June, we could have assembled
an army of 140,000 men in Flanders, with a sufficient protection along the
whole frontier line, and good garrisons in all the fortresses. 'First, if we
defeated the Anglo-Dutch and Prusso-Saxon armies, Belgium would revolt,
and her troops would recruit the French army. Secondly, the defeat of
the English army would cause the fall of the English, ministry, who would
be succeeded by the friends of peace, liberty, and the independence, of
nations; this circumstance alone would terminate the war. Thirdly, but
should this not be the case, our army, victorious in Belgium, reinforced by
the 5th corps, which was in Alsace, and by the troops furnished by the
¦depots during the months of June and July, would advance to the Vosges
against the Russians and Austrians. Fourthly, this plan had many advan
tages; it was in conformity with the genius of the nation, and with t the
spirit and principles of the war; it would avoid the great objection to the
first plan, viz., the abandonment of Flanders, Picardy, Artois, Alsace, Lor
raine, Champagne, Bourgogne, Franche-Comte, and Dauphine,' without
firing a shot.
But, was it possible, with an army of 140,000 men, to defeat the two
armies which covered Belgium — that is to say, the Anglo-Dutch army of
104,000 men, under arms, and the Prusso-Saxon army of 120,000 men;
both together 224,000 men? The comparative strength of these two
parties must not be considered solely with reference to the numbers
224,000 men to 140,000, because the army of the allies was composed
of troops more or less efficient, and a French soldier would not be equal
to more than one English soldier; but he would not be afraid to meet two
Dutchmen^ Prussians, or soldiers of the confederation. The enemy's
troops were cantoned under the command of two different generals, and
composed of nations different both in interest and sentiment.
On the evening of the 15th of June, the French army was put in mo
tion. The division of General Vandamme and of Marshal Grouchy
bivouacked in the wood within a quarter of a league of Fleurus. The
Prince of the Moskova, after having been beaten all day, quartered his
troops in France, placing videttes on Quatre Bras. ' It was impossible to
occupy Sombref, because, in addition to the corps of General Zeither, the
2d Prussian corps, under General Theilman, had arrived there from
Namur. The army marched ten leagues during their first day, over cross
roads, and through a country intersected by rivers and canals. Napoleon's
intention was that his advanced guard should occupy Fleurus, concealing
his troops behind the wood near that town. He was very careful not to
let his army be seen, and above all, not to occupy Sombref. That alone
would have interfered with all his maneuvers, for then Marshal Blucher
would have been obliged to choose Wavre as the place of rendezvous for
his troops. The battle of Ligriy would not have taken place; the Prussian
army would not have been forced to engage without being all assembled,
and without being sustained by the English. The victory of Ligny was
so far 'decisive, that it weakened the Prussians by the loss of 60,000* rrien.
It had settled the question of where it would be best to attack the Prus
sians ? whether by extending our line beyond their right towards St. Amand,
or beyond their left towards Sombref; or, in short, by piercing their centre,
getting possession of the heights of Brie, and driving back their whole
wing to Charleroi, arriving before their right on the road to Quatre Bras?
The point to be considered in this battle, was not the separating of the
English from the Prussians : we knew that the English could not be pre-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 211
pared till the following day ; but the point was to prevent the junction on
the field of battle of a part of Bliicher's third division — which was on its
way from Namur, and had not arrived at eleven o'clock in the forenoon —
with the fourth division, which was coming to Ligny by Gembloux, By
breaking the enemy's line at Ligny, their right at St. Amand was turned
and compromised ; whilst, by getting possession of St. Amand, we should
have gained no advantage.
The Duke of Wellington had not studied the field of battle at Waterloo ;
that field of battle was bad, and his army would have been destroyed, had
it not been for the timely arrival of the 60,000 men under Blucher.
The Duke of Wellington was surprised in his cantonments ; the French
army maneuvered during three days within shot' of the advanced guard ;
it had commenced hostilities, repulsed the Prussian army, and the Duke
had not heard at his head-quarters that Napoleon had left Paris. All his
troops were in full security, occupying an extent of more than twenty
leagues. His infantry, his cavalry, and his artillery were cantoned sepa
rately. His infantry only was engaged at Quatre Bras during a part of
the day, and suffered there enormously, because they were obliged, in
close column or formed into squares, to receive the repeated charges of
our intrepid cuirassiers, sustained by fifty field pieces. This was a great
error. The three great divisions of his army, not being able to act inde
pendently of each other, they should have been so disposed as to be always
able to render mutual assistance. The Duke of Wellington committed
another error : — he selected Quatre Bras as the rendezvous of his troops,
that place being already in the hands of the French,— thus exposing them
to be defeated piecemeal. His place of rendezvous should have been
Waterloo. He would thus have had forty-eight hours to collect his troops
—infantry, cavalry and artillery ; and when the French had come up with
him, he would have had his whole force assembled, and in position. But
was it conformable to the interests of England and allies to give battle?
Certainly not. ' The tactics of the allies should have consisted in acting
en masse, and carefully avoiding any partial engagement. Nothing could
be more contrary to their interest, than to commit the success of the inva
sion of France to the chances of a single battle. If the English army had
been beaten at Waterloo, what would have been the use of those nume
rous bodies of troops, of Prussians, Austrians, Germans, and Spaniards,
which were advancing by forced marches, to the Rhine, the Alps, and the
Pyrenees? ,
After the battle of Ligny, the Duke of Wellington ought to have con
centrated his army behind the forest of Soignies, recalled Marshal Blucher,,
defended the approaches of the forest by a rear guard, and secured his
position by batteries and outworks. He should also have summoned to his
aid all the garrisons in Belgium, and especially have secured the assistance
of the fourteen regiments which had just landed at Ostend. Would Napo
leon have ventured, with an army of 100,000 men, to traverse the forest
of Soignies, in order to attack at its extremity the English and Prussian
armies; amounting to more than 200,000 men, and in position? Certainly,
that would have been a maneuver much to be desired by the enemy, and
nothing could possibly happen which would be more for the interest of the
allies. If, on the contrary, he had himself taken a position, and maneu
vered to draw on the Anglo-Prussian army, his inaction would be fatal to
him. 300,000 Russians, Austrians, and Bavarians would, in the interval,
have reached the Rhine, and he would have been obliged to return on the

212 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
ioing to the defence of the capital. It was then only that the Duke of
Wellington and Marshal Bliicher should have advanced against Napoleon.
They would no longer run any risk by sd doing, and they would have
been acting in conformity to the true principles of the war, and to the plan
of the coalition.
The French army did not lose the morning of the 18th in making
preparations for the battle — they were quite ready from day-break ; but
they had to wait until the ground was sufficiently dry for the cavalry and
infantry to be able to maneuver ; for it had rained during the whole night.
Sending a detachment of 35,000 men, under Marshal Grouchy, upon
Wavre, was according to the principles of war ; for, if he had come within
a league of the army in passing the Dyle,> he could not have gone after
the Prussian army, which had just been joined, since its defeat at Ligny,
by the 30,000 men under General Bulow; and which, if not pursued,
might, after this junction, have advanced from Gembloux upon Quatre-
Bras, in the rear of the French army. It was not too much to give up
35,000 men, to pursue and prevent the rallying of an army, which, on the
day before, had amounted to 120,000 men, and which was then' reckoned
70,000, of whom 30,000 were fresh troops. If Marshal Grouchy had
executed the orders he received, and had arrived before Wavre on the
evening- of the 17th, the battle of Mont St. Jean would have been gained
by Napoleon on the 18th, before three o'clock in the afternoon. If he
had reached Wavre even at eight o'clock in the morning of the 18th, the
victory would have been ours ; the English army would have been de
stroyed, or driven back in disorder to Brussels; it could not have sus
tained the shock of 68,000 Frenchmen during four hours, particularly after
General Bulow's attack upon our right had failed ; thus, therefore, the
victory would have been ours.
The English general did well to order a charge of cavalry on the flank
of the French infantry, whilst the squadrons of cuirassiers, who should
sustain that infantry, were still in the rear. General Milhaud did still
better to charge the English cavalry with his cuirassiers, and to defeat it.
All Hannibal's victories were gained by his cavalry ; if he had waited to
employ it in giving the finish to his battles, it would never have served for
any other purpose than to cover his retreat. This is having the most
erroneous ideas on the subject of war, and not being at all aware of the
power of combined charges of infantry and cavalry, whether for attack or
defence. The charge of cavalry, at four o'clock on the evening of the 18th, was
made a little too soon; but, once made, it had to be sustained; Napoleon,
therefore, though against his wish, ordered Kellerman, who was in the
rear on the left, to advance in quick time to support it. At this moment,
Bulow's division threatened the flank and rear of the army : it was im
portant to avoid any retrograde -movement, and to maintain the position,
however premature, which the cavalry had taken. It was not the intention
of Nafoleon that the cavalry of the. Guard should go forward, for they
were his reserve. When he perceived that they were following the
movement of Kellerman's cuirassiers, behind whom they were placed in
the second line, he sent an order to stop them. But it was too late ; they
were already engaged when the order arrived; and thus Napoleon found
himself from five o'clock in the evening, deprived of his reserve of cavalry ;
that reserve which, when well employed, had so often given him the
victory. These 12,000 men, the flower of the cavalry, performed wonders ;

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPCLEON. 213
they forced all the English lines, cavalry and infantry, took sixty field
pieces, and several stand of colors. The enemy believed the battle lost;
terror reigned in Brussels.
These brave soldiers not being supported, had to stop, and limit
themselves to keeping the field of battle which they had won with so much
intrepidity. General Bulow's attack occupied the 6th corps and the greater
part of the infantry of the guard. Napoleon impatiently waited for the
moment when he could dispose of theni, to decide the victory, by bringing
them into the field. He then doubly felt the want of the divisionof
infantry of his guard, which he had detached into La Vendee, under the
orders of General Brayer. Four battalions only were disposable, and yet
it was important that the twelve battalions of the guard should be engaged
at the same time. The unexpected apparition, on the extreme right, of
the first columns of Bliicher's troops, staggered the cavalry, and obliged
Napoleon to send General Friaut forward at the head of the four disposable
battalions. The four battalions followed at an interval of ten minutes :
the guard overthrew all, which it encountered. The sun was set ; the
enemy seemed to be forming their rear-guard to secure their retreat — but
the victory escaped us. The 4th division of the 1st corps, which occupied
La Haye, abandoned that village to the Prussians after a feeble resistance.
Our line was broken, and the Prussian cavalry inundated the field, of battle.
The confusion, augmented by the night.'was frightful. If it had been
daylight, and the troops could have seen Napoleon— they would have
rallied. The guards retreated in good order, Napoleon with his staff
remaining a long time in the midst of its squares. These old grenadiers
and chasseurs, models to the army in so many campaigns, gained fresh
glory in the field of Waterloo. General Friaut was wounded ; Michel,
"D.uchesne, and Ponet de Morvan, found a glorious death. Immortal honor
to the brave Michel, who bequeathed to the Imperial Guard the motto,
uThe Guard can die, but not surrender .'" Never did the French army
fight better than on this day — it performed prodigies of valor. Had it
not been for the arrival of the 1st and 2d Prussian corps, the victory
would have been ours, and 120,000 English and Prussians would have
been beaten by 60,000 Frenchmen.

ON THE ARMY.

RECRUITING.

Compulsory service has prevailed at all times, in republics as well as in
monarchies, among the ancients as well as among the moderns. The
peasants being slaves' in Russia and Poland, men are levied in these
countries, as horses are levied elsewhere. In Germany every village has
its own lord, who fixes upon the recruits without considering for a moment
either the rights or inclinations of the persons so chosenfi, In France the
ranks of the army have always been filled by drawing lots ; this was called
"drawing for the militia," under Louis XIV., Louis XV., and Lous XVI.,
— " levying a requisition," under the republic, — and " drawing for the con
scription," under the Emperor. The privileged classes were exempt from
being drawn for the militia, but none were exempt from the conscription.
This rendered the conscription as disagreeable to the privileged classes, as
the militia had been to the masses of the people. The mode of raising
troops by conscription was in itself the most just and mild, and the most
advantageous to the people. . Under the Empire the laws affecting this
subject were rendered so perfect, as to need no subsequent change ; and
even the name was carefully preserved, lest a change in the name might
perhaps lead to a change in the thing itself. The departments, which
were detached from France in 1814, solicited and obtained as a favor, the
continuance of this mode of levying troops, in order to avoid the unjust,
vexatious and arbitrary usages of the Austrian and Prussian governments.
The Illyrian provinces, which had been long, accustomed to the Austrian
mode of recruiting, never ceased to admire the system of the French
conscription; and since they have returned under the dominion of their
former sovereign, they have obtained permission for the continuance of
this method of levy.
During the first ten years of the revolution, the armies of the nation
were recruited by requisition ; there was neither drawing nor substitution ;
and all persons from eighteen to twenty-five years of age, were liable to
serve ; the laws of the conscription did not require young men to enter
the army till they had reached their twentieth year, and they were obliged
to serve only five years. This plan had the advantage of forming a greater
number of soldiers, who would be ready for the service of the state on
any emergency or crisis, but it had also its inconveniences. It would be
for the advantage of the army to extend the period of service from five
years to ten — that is, till the soldier had reached his thirtieth year ; grant
ing furloughs and permission to return home, to those who had gone through
the first five years, under an obligation to rejoin the army in time of war.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPPLEPN. 215
From thirty to fifty is the age best suited to the military service, because
man is then in his full vigor. Fpr this reasen, it is desirable, by all possi
ble means, to induce the soldiers to remain in the service, which will be
best effected by treating old soldiers with respect, dividing them into
three classes, and with a careful attention to the wants of the troops, giving
in addition to the usual pay, five sous a day to the first class, seven and a
half sous to the second, and ten to the third ; fifteen to corporals, and
thirty to sergeants. There is great injustice in not paying a veteran better
than a recruit.
A million of souls would furnish seven or eight thousand conscripts
every year — nearly the 135th part of the whole population ; one-half is
necessary for the wants of the public service, the church, and the arts.
1 A levy of 3,500 men a year, would give in ten years, making allowance
for deaths, a force of 30,000, of whom 15,000 would form the troops of
the line, and 15,000 an army of reserve.
Of the 15,000 forming the troops of the line, 6,000 should be kept
under arms for twelve months, 4,000 for three months, and 5,000 for fif
teen days : this would be equivalent to an average of 7,000 men for the
whole year, withdrawn from agricultural labor. The 15,000 constituting
the reserve would neither be withdrawn from their occupations, nor obliged
to leave their homes.
The empire cfhtained a population of above 40,000,000. It ought to
have been divided into forty arrondissements, of a million each ; and in
each arrondissement a division of infantry ought to be recruited. To
guard against the spirit of federalism, the officers, and the one-half of the
non-commissioned officers should have heen strangers to the district.
The maximum of troops which Napoleon ever had on foot, amounted
to 600,000 men. The population of his empire was more than 40,000,000
of souls ; double that of France in the time of Louis XIV., who for' a long
time kept 400,000 men in pay. It would be a great error to suppose that
all the conscriptions decreed were really enforced. The- mode of pro
claiming levies not raised, is a common ruse of war, of which nations
avail themselves in order to impose upon foreigners, or to give a stronger
impression of the greatness of their resources ; and this custom, constantly
followed in France, has led the world to suppose that the French armies
were more numerous than they were in reality.
In Egypt, it was agreed upon by all the generals of division; that, in the
orders of the day, the quantities of provision's^ arms, clothing, &c, should
all be surcharged one-third. On this ground the author of the " Military
History of the Campaign of 1799," expresses his astonishment that the
orders of the day, made in reference to that army, made its number amount
to 40,000 men, whereas the other authentic documents which he had col
lected, proved that its force was far below that number.
In the dispatches and accounts of the campaigns in Italy in 1796-97,
and afterwards, the same means were resorted to, in order to give an ex
aggerated impression of the French forces.
During the empire, no law of conscription was ever passed without be
ing submitted to a privy council, presented to the senate by the orators of
the council of state, and referred to a commission for examination ; on the
report of such committee,it was finally adopted by secret voting. In these
deliberations, there was the most complete freedom of speech ; and the
voting was effected by black and white balls. Almost the whole of the
senators concurred in the importance and use of these levies, and this opin-

216 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
ion was shared i by the entire nation. The people were convinced that,
in the political circumstances in which they were then placed, they were
called upon to be ready to make every sacrifice, as long as England refused
to recognize their rights, and the freedom of the seas, to restore their colo
nies, and to put an end to the: war.
It would be easy to prove, that of all the powers of Europe, France is
that which has suffered the smallest losses since the year 1800. Spain,
which has experienced so many disasters, has lost much more in propor
tion to its population, as will be obvious by considering the sacrifices which
Arragon alone made at Saragossa. The levies of Austria in 1800 destroyed
at Marengo and Hohenlinden, those of 1805 destroyed at Austerlitz and
Ulm, and those of 1809 destroyed at Eckmiihl and Wagram, were out of
all proportion to the population of the empire. In these campaigns the
French were aided by Bavarian, Wiirtemberg, Saxon, Polish, Italian, and
Russian troops, who, in fact, composed one half of the grand army ; whilst
the other half, under the imperial eagle, was composed, to the amount of
one-third, of Dutch, Belgians, inhabitants of the four departments of the
Rhine, Piedmontese, Genoese, Tuscans, Romans, and Swiss. Prussia
lost the whole of its army of from 250,000 to 300,000 men, after the first
campaign in 1806.
In Russia, our losses were, it is true, considerable,, but by no means
such as they have been represented ; 400,000 men pa^ed the Vistula,
160,000 only went beyond Smolensko, in order to attack Moscow;.:
240,000 men remained in reserve between the Vistula, the Borysthenes,
and the Dwina: viz., the corps of the Marshals the Dukes of Tarento,
Reggio, and Belluno ; of Counts St. Cyr and Regnier, and that of Prince
Schwartzenberg. Loison's division was at Wilna, that of Dombrowsky
at Borisov, and that of Durulte at Warsaw. The half of these, 400,000
men consisted of Austrians, Prussians, Saxons, Poles, Bavarians, Wiirtem-
b'ergers, Hessians, Westphalians, Spaniards, Italians, Neapolitans, and j of
inhabitants of the duchies of Berg, Baden, and Mecklenburg. The impe
rial army, properly so called, was composed, in a large proportion, of
Dutch, Belgians, Piedmontese, Genoese, Tuscan, Romans, inhabitants of
the Rhine countries, of the thirty-second military division, Bremen, Ham
burg, <fec. — it contained scarcely 140,000 men speaking the French lan
guage. The campaign in Russia, in 1812, cost France itself less than
50,000 men. The Russian army, in its retreat from Wilna to Moscow,
and in the various battles, lost four times as many as the French army.
The, burning of Moscow cost Russia the lives of 100,000 of its people,
who perished frpm cold and famine in the woods"; and finally;:in the
march from Moscow to the Oder, the Russian army suffered dreadfully
from the inclemency of the season. On its arrival at Wilna it numbered
only 50,000 men, and at Kalitsch less than 18,000. It may safely be
affirmed, that, according to all calculation, the losses of Russia in that
campaign were six times as great as those of France.
What losses England has experienced in the East and West Indies, in
the expeditions to Holland, to Buenos Ayres, and St. Domingo, at Flush
ing, in Egypt, and in America ! They exceeded all that we can imagine.
The generally prevailing opinion, that the English are sparing of their
soldiers, is wholly unfounded ; on the contrary, they are most prodigal
of the lives of their troops,, by continually sending them on hazardous
expeditions — employing them in attacks contrary to all the principles pf
regular warfare, arid in unhealthy colonies. It may be justly said, that

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 217
England pays for the commerce of the Indies with thepurest blood of her
soils. These things atone will explain the reason why the population of
France has considerably increased since the year 1800. The reports
propagated by false declamations, and suggested either by ignorance or
hatred, in which a belief was created throughout Europe in 1814, that
there were no longer either men, cattle, agriculture, or money in France,
were wholly without foundation, as well as those which stated, that the
people were reduced to such a degree of misery that no persons were any
longer to be seen in the fields, except old men, women, and children.
France was, at that very time, the richest country in the world, and pos
sessed more ready money than all the other countries of Europe put
together. ORGANIZATION.
The infantry of an army being represented as one, the cavalry will be
one-fourth ; — the artillery an eighth, the corps of engineers a fourteenth,
the commissariat and baggage a thirteenth; this will make about thirteen-
thirtieths, but it is sufficient that the cavalry should constitute one-fifth in
mountainous countries.
" At the general peace, Napoleon thought of organizing his army on the
footing of l,200,d§0 men, of which 600,000 were to form the army of the
line, 200,000 that of the interior, and 400,000 the reserve. The 600,000
men composing the troops of the line, would have formed, — first, forty
divisions of infantry, of twelve battalions, each battalion 910 men strong,
having a squadron of mounted pioneers with 360 horses, each four feet six
inches high; a battery of eight pieces of cannon served by 260 men; a
battalion of commissariat and, baggage, consisting of three companies, 22
carnages and 210 men. Each division, therefore^ would be composed as
follows : —
Infantry, 12 battalions .... 10,920 men.
Mounted Pioneers .... 360
Artillery, eight pieces . < . . 280
Commissariat, with 22 carriages . . 210
Making in all . . 11,770 men.
Secondly, twenty-three divisions of cavalry, consisting of 3,600 men —
viz., eleven of light cavalry, six of dragoons, and six of cuirassiers ; thirdly,
ten regiments of artillery, of 3,840 men each ; fourthly, eight battalions of
engineers— say, 4,000 men ; and, fifthly, a regiment of 4,000 men attached
to the commissariat and baggage ; making in all 600,000 men, divided as
follows : —

Pioneers for the Infantry, 14,400 £
Divisions .

. (Infantry Cavalry Artillery 5Batteries for Infantrv
3 £ Regiments .
Engineers
Commis- C With the Infantry
sariat,&c. \ Regiments . Total

. .

436,800 men.

14,400?
82,800 5

97,200 "

11,200?
38,4005

49,600 "

. .

4,000 "

8,400?4,000 5

12,400 "

m ,

600,000 men.

218 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
The army of the interior, of 200,000 men, would have been composed
of two hundred battalions of infantry, and four hundred companies of
gunners, intended, in time of war, for the defence of the fortresses and
coasts. This army would have had no persons in actual service, except
the officers, — the non-commissioned officers and men being only called
together every Sunday, at the chief place in the commune. The army of
reserve would have had no existence except on paper, and would be sub
jected to a review once in three months, merely in order to certify their
existence, and to rectify the descriptions. And thus, of the whole 1,200,000
men, not more than 280,000 would have been withdrawn from the ordinary
occupations of life.

MORAL DISCIPLINE OF THE SOLDIER.
Discipline binds troops to their colors ; it is not harangues' at the moment
of attack which render them brave: old soldiers dislike them, and the
young forget them at the very first fire. There is not a single harangue
recorded by Livy, which was ever spoken by the general of an army,
because there' is not one which has the characteristic of an impromptu.
The gesture of a beloved general, esteemed and looked up to by his men,
is of more value than the finest speech.
If harangues artd addresses are of any use, it is during the course of
the campaign, in order to dissipate false alarms, and to counteract insinua
tions ; to keep up a good spirit in the camp, and to furnish materials for
conversation in the bivouac. The printed order of the day has much
more influence than the harangues of the ancients ever had.
The Romans, Greeks, and Spaniards are the nations of the south ; in
their respective ages of glory, their armies were patient, well disciplined,
indefatigable, and never dispirited. The Swedes, under Gustavus Adol
phus and Charles XII., and the Russians under Suwarrow, were active,
intelligent,: and impetuous. The territorial circumstances of a country,
the habits of life in a champaign or mountainous district, education and
discipline, have. much more influence than climate upon the character of
troops. The young soldier is naturally suspicious, and always disposed to be
lieve that his immediate superiors impose upon his ignorance. For this
reason, it is necessary, for the sake of good discipline, that officers of com
panies should not in any respect interfere with the- pay or rations of the
men, except as protectors, nor in the punishments inflicted by the non
commissioned officers, except in the same way-.
When Napoleon, riding through the ranks of his army, in the midst of
the hottest fire, said, " The moment has at length arrived; unfurl your
colors!" the gesture, action, and movement fired the French soldier with
enthusiasm. The Greeks in the service of the great king were not devoted: to his
cause ; the Swiss in the service of France, of Spain, and of the Princes of
Italy, were not warmly interested in favor of their masters ; the troops of
Frederic the Great, composed in a great measure of strangers, were not
enthusiastic in his service. A good general, good officers, a good organi
zation, good instructions, and a good and severe discipline make good
troops, quite independently of the cause for which they-fight. It is true,
however, that religious fanaticism, the love of country, and national glory,

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 219
contribute to inspire young troops with feelings highly advantageous to
their success. INFANTRY.
The Romans had twp kinds of foot soldiers— the light-armed, provided
with a, javelin, and the heavy-aimed, with a short sword. After the inven
tion of gunpowder, the division was still preserved, and consisted of arque-
busiers, armed as light troops, and destined to annoy the enemy, and pike-
men, who bore heavy arms. Since the time at which Vauban, 150 years
ago, caused an end to be put to the use of javelins and pikes, in the whole
of the European armies, by substituting the gun and bayonet, all the infantry
have been armed as light troops. Since that period, there has been only
one kind of mfantry, and there ought not to be more. In cases in which
a. company pf light troops (chasseurs) has been employed in each battalion,
it was merely as opposed to the company of grenadiers. The battalion
consisted of nine companies ; one select company did not appear sufficient.
When the Emperor Napoleon created companies of voltiguers armed with
carbines, it was to take the place of the chasseurs. He formed three com
panies of men less than five feet high, iri order that persons of four feet
ten inches and five feet might be brought within the law of conscription,
from which they had been previously exempt, and by such exemption,
the burdens of the service were increased to the other classes. The forma
tion of these companies afforded an opportunity of rewarding a great number
of old soldiers, who, being less than five feet high, could not be received
into the grenadier companies, and yet deserved to be admitted into select
companies, on account of their valor. It was a powerful means of emu
lation, thus to place the pigmies and the giants in contrast with one another.
Had there been in his armies men of different colors, he would have formed
companies of whites and blacks ; and in a country where there were
cyclops and hunchbacks, a number of companies would have been formed
from these parties respectively.
In 1789, the French army was composed of regiments of the line and
battalions of chasseurs — viz., the chasseurs of the Cevennes, Nivernois,
the Alps, Corsica, and the Pyrenees. At the revolution, these formed
demt-brigades of light infantry, but there was no pretension to having two
kinds of troops, because they were all trained in the same manner. The
difference was that the chasseurs were recruited from the mountainous dis
tricts, or from the sons of the garde-chasse, which rendered them better
suited to be employed on the frontiers, in the Alps, or the Pyrenees.
When they were with the armies of the north, they were selected by pre
ference as the best parties for detached expeditions, for surprising heights,
or scouring forests. On the day of battle, they occupied the place of a
battalion of the line, because they used the same arms, and had the same
training and education. Governments, in time of war, often raise irregular
corps, under the name of volunteers, or legions recruited from foreign
deserters, or of individuals who have some particular opinion, and political
object to accomplish; but this does not constitute two kinds of infantry —
there is only, and there can only be one.
If the apes of antiquity wished to imitate the Romans, it was not bodies
of light-armed, but of heavy-armed soldiery, which they ought to have
created, or battalions armed with the sword, for the whole pf the infantry
of Eurppe npw dpes the service pf light troops.

220 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEPN.
If it were only possible for infantry to send put {heir voltigeurs as light
troops, they would soon lose the use of their guns, and'would pass through
whole campaigns without firing a shot ; but this is not possible. When a
company of voltigeurs is sent to the front, or to protect the baggage, or to
cover the flanks, are the other companies of the battalion then to cease
seeking for intelligence, and suffer the balls of the enemy's tirailleurs to do
execution in the midst of their ranks ? When a company of a battalion is
detached, it must then relinquish making observations, or rather it ought to
be followed by a division of the company of voltigeurs, which being only
the fourth part of a battalion could not suffice for the wants of the tirailleufs
on the day of battle — nay, they would not suffice, if they formed the three-
fourths. In an important battle, the whole line becomes tirailleurs, some
times even twice ; it is necessary to relieve their light advanced troops
every two hours, because they become fatigued* and their guns get out of
order and burst.
The voltigeurs, like the grenadiers, require so much the more training,
as they are often obliged to change their front, to deploy in column, aiid to
retreat in squares. It is not enough for them to know how to run, and
leap, and to avail themselves of all the natural shelter which a country may
offer to escape -from the charges of the enemy's cavalry; every man must
be accustomed to preserve his sang-froid, and not to suffer himself to be
mastered by a vain fear the moment he finds himself separated from his
officers, or from the line of battle. Tirailleurs should always hold- them
selves in readiness to assist each other, so as to flank one another, and to
be able slowly to unite in parties of four, before the tirailleurs of the cavalry
can reach them; to form division of eight, or sixteen before the squadron
can break them ; and thus to re-form without haste, and to join the reserve
where the captain is, who, with one-third of the tirailleurs drawn up in
order of battle, remains at the distance of a gun-shot. The company,
when thus re-united, ought to form a battalion in square, to change its front,
or to commence a retreat, turning to face the enemy when too closely
pressed, on the word of command, half about, to the right — fire, charge
bayonets; to recommence the retreat and to rejoin the commander of the
battalion, who has himself remained in reserve, with the third of his men.
The battalion will then form in column, in platoons, and pursue its retreat
ing march. At the word halt, wheel to the right and to the left, it forms a
square and repulses the charge of the pursuing cavalry. Agairi, at the
word retreat, it breaks up the square, forms platoons, &c. &c, and thus
executes a retreat, en echiquier, with perfect coolness, verging to the right
or left as the case may be, on the position appointed. Such is the nature
of the instruction with which the voltigeur should be familiar, and could
there be two descriptions of infantry, one to act as tirailleurs, and the other
to remain in line, it would be necessary to choose the best disciplined men
to act as tirailleurs. In fact, the company of volunteers, who act more
frequently as tirailleurs than the rest, are the best maneuverers in the army,
because they most frequently feel the necessity of regularity and discipline.
Defensive armor is insufficient to ward off cannon balls, grape, or gun
shots ; it is, therefore, not only useless, but inconvenient, as it renders
wounds more dangerous.
The Parthian bows were Very large, and handled by robust and Well
trained men. Their arrows were shot with such force as to pierce the
bucklers of the Roman soldiers, and even to throw the old legions into
confusion ; this was one of the causes of the defeat of Crassus.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEPN. 221
Tirailleurs stand more in need of defensive armor than all the rest of
the army, because they more frequently approach the enemy, and are
more exposed to be sabred by cavalry; they must not, however, be over
loaded, or their efficiency is altogether destroyed ; and thus, even if
defensive armor were useful to soldiers of the line, it could not be given,
because all the men of a battalion necessarily perform, in turn, the duty of
tirailleurs. It was not a cadet just fresh from school who suggested the idea of
arming the tirailleurs with double-barreled guns; the experience of one
campaign would suggest to them this irtaprovement in the art of war.
There are five things which a soldier ought never to be without — his
gun, cartridge-box, knapsack, rations for at least four days, and his pio
neering instruments. His- knapsack should be reduced to the smallest
compass possible : let him have only one shirt, a pair of shoes, a stock,
a handkerchief, a flint and steel; but let him have them always with him,
for if he once lose sight of them, he will never see them again. The
theory is not the practice of war. It was a custom in the Russiam army,
when just about to fight, to place their knapsacks on the ground. What
are the advantages of this method ? The ranks can stand 'closer together ;
the fire of the third rank becomes useful, the men can act more freely and
are less fatigued, and the fear of losing his knapsack, in which the soldier
is accustomed to carry his all, serves to bind them to maintain their posi
tion. At Austerlitz, the knapsacks pf the Russian army were found piled
in array on the heights of Posoritz, where they had been abandoned on
the rout of the troops. In spite of all the specious reasons which may be
alleged in favor of this custom, experience has led to its abandonment in
the Russian army. Horses are better employed in Conveying the army
chests, cartridges, and provisions, than in carrying the soldiers' knapsacks.

CAVALRY.
' Ought the regulation of corps of light cavalry to depend on that of corps
of infantry ? — ought light cavalry to be instructed in the same tactics as
cavalry of the line?— or ought they to be used for foraging parties, like
the Hungarians, Mamelukes, and Cossacks ? Ought they to be employed
as an advanced guard without being supported by cavalry of the line ?—
ought dragoons to be suppressed, and heavy cavalry always kept in
reserve ? How many kinds of cavalry ought there to be m an army, and
What proportion of each ? The business of light cavalry is to keep a good
look out, and to watch the movements of the enemy ; it does not, there
fore, belong to the infantry, but ought to be supported and protected espe
cially by the cavalry of the line; there has been always a spirit of rivalry
and emulation between infantry and cavalry. Light cavalry is necessary
for the advanced guard and the rear guard and on the wings, and cannot,
therefore, be attached to any particular corps of infantry, in order to follow
its movements. It would be much more natural to connect its disposition
With that of the cavalry of the line, than with the infantry, with which it
has no connection; but it should, in fact, be subject to a separate regula
tion of its own. . „ , , , , , , ,,
Cavalry requires more officers than mfantry, and ought to be better
trained. It is not merely its rapidity of movement which insures its Suc-
cess-but order, and unity of actton, and the useful employment of its

222 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPPLEON. ;
reserve. Light cavalry being necessary for advanced guards, it must.be
formed in squadrons, brigades, and divisions, in order to facilitate its ma
neuvers ; for advanced and rear guards perform no other service. They
advance or retire en e'chiquier, form in several lines, or contract into
columns, and change their front with rapidity, in order to form a whole
wing. It is by the combination of these evolutions, that an advanced or
a rear gUard, when inferior in number, contrives to avoid a warm action or
a general engagement, and yet to retard the advance of the enemy, so as
to give time for the troops to arrive — for the infantry to deploy — for the
commander-in-chief to make his arrangements, and for the baggage an$
the parks of artillery to file off. The art of a general iu command of an
advanced or a rear guard, is to restrain the enemy without compromising
himself — to retard them, by obliging them to spend three or four hours in
advancing a league. It is tactics alone which enable him to accomplish
these great results; and a knowledge of such tactics is more necessary to
the cavalry than to the infantry, to the advanced or the rear guard, than to
any other portion of the army.
The Hungarian irregular' cavalry which we saw in 1797, 1805, and
1809, were pitiable. If the light troops in the time of Maria Theresa
rendered themselves formidable, it was by their organization, and par
ticularly by. their immense number. To suppose, however, that such
troops were superior to Wurroser's hussars, Latour's dragoons, or those of
the Archduke John, is to entertain strange ideas of things. Neither the
Hungarian irregulars nor the Cossacks were ever employed to form the
advanced guard or the rear guard of the Austrian and Russian armies, for
whatever troops are worthy of being so called, must be such as are capable
of executing maneuvers.
The Russians regard a regiment of well disciplined Cossacks as equal
to three which are wholly undisciplined. In such troops, everything is
contemptible except the Cossack himself, who is a fine fellow, an active
skillful horseman, capable of enduring almost any amount of fatigue. He
is in the plains what the Arab is in the desert, or the chamois-hunter in
the Alps ; he never enters a house, never sleeps in a bed, always changes
his bivouac at sunset, in order not to pass the night in a place where the
enemy may have observed him. Two Mamelukes were able to make
head against three Frenchmen, because they were better armed, better
mounted and better drilled — they had- two pair of pistols, a blunderbuss,
a carabine, a helmet with a visor, and a coat of mail; they had several
horses, and several attendants on foot. One hundred cuirassiers, however,
were not afraid of one hundred Mamelukes — three hundred could beat an
equal number, and 1,000 could easily put to the rout 1,500 — so great is
the influence of tactics, order, and evolutions ! Leclerc and Lasalle pre
sented their men to the Mamelukes in several lines. When the Arabs
were on the point of overwhelming the first, the second came to its assist
ance, on the right and left ; the Mamelukes then halted and wheeled, in
order to turn the wings-of this new line ; this moment was always seized
upon to charge them, and they were uriiformly broken.
The duty of an advanced or rear guard is not to advance or retreat, but
to maneuver. It must be composed of good light cavalry, supported by
a good reserve of cavalry of the line ; well disciplined battalions of in
fantry, and well served batteries of artillery. The troops must be well
trained ; the generals, officers, and soldiers, each in his sphere, be equally
well acquainted with the nature pf the tactics to be followed. Troops

'f
HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 223
which are not well trained and well informed of their duties, are, in such
cases, rather causes of embarrassment than utility.
It is well known, that to ensure facility in maneuvering, the squadron
ought to consist of forty-eight files, and that each three or four squadrons
ought to be under the command of a superior officer.
The whole of the cavalry of the line ought not to wear cuirasses.
Dragoons, mounted on horses four feet nine inches high, armed with a
straight sword, arid without a cuirass, ought to form a part of the heavy
cavalry. These should be armed with the gun and bayonet of the infantry,
and wear their schako ; they should have half-boots, cloaks with sleeves,
and portmanteaus so small that they could easily carry them on their backs
when dismounted.
All cavalry ought to be provided with firearms, and to know how tp
maneuver on foot ; 3,000 light horses, or 3,000 cuirassiers, ought not to
suffer themselves to, be stopped by 1,000 infantry posted in a wood, or
protected by ground impracticable for horses ; and 3,000 dragoons ought
not to allow themselves to be held in check by 2,000 infantry, who,
favored by their position, might attempt to stop them in their advance.
Turenne, Prince Eugene of Savoy, and Vendome, all laid great stress
pn, and made great use of, their dragoons. This branch of the service
'covered itself with glory in Italy, in 1796 and 1797, and in Egypt; and if
some prejudices were raised against it in the campaigns of 1806 and 1807,
it was because some divisions of dragoons were formed at Compeigne and
Amiens, to be embarked, without horses, for England, and to serve on
foot there, till means could be found of mounting them in the country.
General Baraguay d'Hillier, their first inspector, commanded them ; he
caused them to wear gaiters, and incorporated among them a great number
of recruits, who were only drilled in infantry maneuvers. These were,
therefore, properly speaking, no longer regiments of cavalry, and they
fought through the campaign of 1806 on foot, till after the battle of Jena,
when they were mounted on the horses taken from the Prussian cavalry,
three-fourths of which were scarcely fit for service. These circumstances
annoyed them ; but in Spain, these very same regiments, when better dis
ciplined, and after having had some experience in the field, during the
campaigns in Germany and France, in 1813 and 1814, proved rivals to
the cuirassiers. Dragoons are necessary to support the light cavalry of
the advanced and rear guards, and on the wings of an army ; and cuiras
siers are not fitted for this service, on which they ought not to be employed,
except when it is necessary to keep them in good wind, and to give them
a little foretaste of battle. A division of 2,000, which advances rapidly
on a point with 1,500 light cavalry horses, can dismount to defend a
bridge, the head of a defile, or a height, and wait for the arrival of the
infantry. How useful this branch of the service is in a retreat! The cavalry of
an army ought to be equal to one-fourth of the infantry, and comprise
four kinds; two of light and two of heavy horse — that is, scouts, consist
ing of men five feet high, mounted on horses 4 ft. 6 in. ; light cavalry, on
horses of 4 ft. 7 in. or 4 ft. 8 in. ; dragoons, with horses 4 ft. 9 in., and
cuirassiers, mounted on horses 4 ft. 10 in.; which would take in horses of
all sizes.
The scouts should be attached to the infantry, because the smallness of
their horses would render them less fitted for eharges of cavalry. By
attaching a squadron of 360 men to each division of 9,000, they would

224 HISTORY OE THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
constitute the twenty-fifth part of the infantry ; they would furnish order
lies to the generals, escorts for the convoys, brigades of non-commissioned
officers, supply the place of gens-d'armes in the escort of prisoners, and of
police. There would still be enough left tp form several divisions, tp act
as scouts for the, legion, and to occupy an important position whenever
it should be found necessary to anticipate the enemy. Drawn up in battle
array behind the infantry, and constantly under the command of its gene
rals, they would be ready to seize the favorable moment when the enemy's
line was broken, to fall upon (the fugitives with th'eir, lances, and to make
prisoners. The smallness of their horses would riever tempt the generals
of cavalry.
At, the moment of entering on a campaign, each regiment of infantry
should furnish a company of 120 scouts, all orgariized, so as to be incor
porated in the regiments of heavy cavalry, in the proportions of a tenth for
the cuirassiers, and a fifth for the dragoons. Thus, for example, 360
cuirassiers would have thirty-six scouts, whilst a like number of dragoons
would have seventy-two. They should be employed to furnish orderlies
for the generals, escorts for the baggage and the prisoners ; to perform the
service of tirailleurs, to scour the country, and to hold the horses of the
dragoons when they were dismounted. An army composed of 36)000
infantry, should have 9,000 cavalry — viz., 2,070 scouts, of whom 1,440
should be attached to the four divisions of infantry, 420 with the dragoons,
and 210 with the 2,100 cuirassiers, — making in all, 4,800 light cavalry,
and 4,200 heavy. f
Charges of cavalry are equally good at the beginning, in the -middle, or
at the end, of a battle ; they should, in fact, be made as often as possible,
on the flanks of the infanty, especially when the latter are engaged in front.
All Hannibal's battles were gained by his cavalry; if he had reserved it tp
give the finishing blow to the battle, he would never have been able to em
ploy it, except in covering his retreat. This would be a very false idea of
war, and would show a complete ignorance of the power of. combined
charges of infantry and cavalry, whether for attack or- defence.

ARTILLERY.
A division of artillery has been fixed by General Gribeauval, at eight
pieces of the same calibre— of four, six, eight or twelve pounders, or six-
inch howitzers; because it is necessary, 1st, that a division of artillery can
be divided into two or four batteries ; 2dly, because eight pieces, can be
served by a company of 120 men, having in reserve a detachmerit at the
park ; 3dly, because the carriages necessary for the service of these eight
pieces can be drawn by a company of train horses; 4thly, because a good
captain can oversee the working of this number of pieces ; and 5thly, be
cause the number of carriages which compose a battery of eight pieces,
would furnish sufficient work for a forge and a rope-maker, and that two
additional gun-carriages would suffice. If the division was composed of
fewer pieces, more would be required of all these auxiliaries, and in
greater proportion. ?
Napoleon discontinued the use of four and eight-pounders, and substi
tuted guns of six. The Emperor found that generals of infantry made
indiscriminate use of four or eight-pounders, without regard to the effect
which he wished to produce. He also put an erid to the use of six-inch

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 225
howitzers, and substituted those of five-in. six-1., because two cartridges
of the former weighed as much as three of the latter; and besides, because
the five-in. six-1. howitzer was equal in calibre to the twenty-four pounders
which are so common in our besieging trains, and in our fortresses. He
formed his divisions of foot artillery of two howitzers of five-in. six-1.
calibre, and of six six-pounders, or of two five-in. six-1. howitzers of long
reach, and six twelve-pounders ; those of the horse artillery of four six-
pounders and two howitzers ; but it would be better still that they should
consist of the same pieces as the former, — viz., two howitzers and six six-
pounders. These trains were formed, the greater part of six-pounders,
and the rest of howitzers.
These changes modified M. de Gribeauval's system; but they were
made in his spirit, and he would not have disavowed them. He reformed
a great deal, and simplified much. The artillery, however, is still too
cumbersome, too complicated ; it needs to be still further simplified, made
more uniform, and reduced till the very greatest degree of simplicity has
been attained.
The cartridge of a twelve-pounder weighs as much as two cartridges for
six-pounders; is, then, a twelve-pounder better than two pieces of the
smaller metal? In some circumstances it is so; but, in ordinary cases,
two six-pounders are preferable to one twelve-pounder. Is it better to
have one howitzer than two six-pounders ? A howitzer is very useful for
setting fire to a village, or bombarding a redoubt ; but its fire is very un
certain, and it is often of less use than even one six-pounder ; it is, there
fore, necessary to employ only a limited number of them. Napoleon put
more of them in his trains, five-twelfths in howitzers, four-twelfths in
twelve-pounders, and only three-twelfths in six-pounders, without being
ignorant of the elements of the science of artillery.
A train of sixty pieces, formed on the principles of Napoleon, would
consist of thirty-six six-pounders, nine twelve-pounders, and fifteen how
itzers. This would form seven divisions and a half, and require thirty-two
carriages with forges, and spare carriages, making the divisions eighty-one
caissons of six, forty and a half of twelve, sixty-seven and a half for how
itzers, twenty-nine park carriages, three infantry, and twenty bridge
equipages — in all 400 wagons, or six carriages to a piece, provided tbat
the ammunition is for 306 shots per piece, without reckoning the smaller
chest. A train of sixty guns, organized in the proportion of five-twelfths in
howitzers, four-twelfths iri twelve-pounders, and three-twelfths in six-
pounders, wonlck, consist of fifteen six-pounders, twenty twelve-pounders,
and twenty-five howitzers ; the division being five pieces, there would be
twelve in all. This would require twenty-eight forges and spare carriages
attached to the divisions ; in all 424 wagons — that is to say, twenty-seven
to each piece; and this would bev sixty-four carriages more than in the
former train. What an increase of embarrassment, what a heavy equipage,
what an employment of men, horses, and materials ! It is the twelve-
pounders which cause the difficulty, because they weigh from 1,500 to
1,800 pounds each, and cannot without difficulty be drawn, except along
the high roads. The imperial train has from forty-five to sixty pieces of
cannon ; that here proposed would only have thirty-five.
But with 424 carriages necessary for these trains, there might be seventy-
two imperial pieces; that is to say, nine divisions — viz., forty-two six-
pounders, twelve twelve-pouriders, and eighteen howitzers. The question,
vol. iv. 4

226 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
then, is this — Would it be better'i to have fifteen six-pounders, twenty
twelve-pounders, and twenty-five howitzers, or fifty-two six-pounders,
twelve twelve-pounders, and fifteen howitzers?
M. de Gribeauval, who served seven years in the Austrian army-,! and
possessed a genius for artillery, established his system at the rate of four
pieces to each battalion of 1,000 men, or thirty-six guns for a division of
9,000 ; and a proportionate number for an army of 40,000 men. This
would consist of four divisions of infantry, having a division of light
cavalry, another of dragoons, and another of cuirassiers. Of the fifteen
divisions of artillery, two would be attached to each division of infantry,
with three in reserve, &c;, four to the horse, one to the light cavalry, one
to the division of dragoons, < and two to the cuirassiers-. These would
consist of seventy-two six-pbunders, eighteen twelve-pounders, and thirty
howitzers, and nearly 600 carriages, comprising the pieces, double ammu
nition, and the caissons of the infantry.
In the imperial train, every piece, taking one with another, required for
its service thirty horses and thirty-five men. In the proposed train, taking
one with another, there would be required forty men and thirty-five horses.
A division of eight pieces of artillery would require 272 men, and 240
horses, which is equal to two squadrons.
Those who form their ideas of modern warfare on the basis of that of
the ancients, will say, that it would be better to have 3,600 horses, or 4,000
foot more in an army of 40,000 men, than 120 pieces of cannon, or only
tp have sixty guns, and to have 1,500 horses and 2,000 infantry more.
They are, however, wrong. In an army, it is necessary to have infantry,
cavalry, and artillery, in just proportions ; and one branch of the service
cannot supply the. place of , another. We have seen occasions on which
the enemy would have gained the battle on these terms ; they occupied an
admirable position, with a battery of fifty or sixty guns; it would have
been in vain to have made an attack with 4,000 horses and 8,000 infantry
more ; it was absolutely necessary to have a battery of equal force, under
the protection of which the columns of attack might advance and deploy.
The proper proportion of the three armed bodies has been at all times
an especial object of consideration among great generals.
It is agreed, 1st, that there should be four pieces for every 1,000 men,
which gives one-eighth of the army for the service of the artillery; and
2dly, that the cavalry should be equal to one-fourth of the infantry.
To pretend to rush upon the guns, to carry them sword in hand, or to
cause the gunners to be shot by the tirailleurs, are chimerical ideas; that
may be done sometimes, and there are examples of fortresses being taken
by a coup-de-main; but as a general system, let the infantry be as brave
as they may, it is impossible for them, without artillery, to advance with
impunity five or six hundred toises against sixteen pieces of cannon well
placed, and served by good gunners. Before having proceeded two-thirds
of the way, the men would be killed, wounded, and dispersed. Artillery
has now arrived at such a precision of aim, that we cannot approve of
what was said by Machiavel, who full of Greek and Roman ideas, ex
pressed the wish that his artillery should fire merely one discharge,, and
then retire behind the line.
Good infantry is, no doubt, the sinews of the army ; but if they were
obliged to contend for a long time against a very superior artillery, they
would soon become demoralized, and be destroyed. In the earlier cam
paigns of the war of the revolution, France always excelled in her artillery ;

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 227
and I do not know a single example in that war, in which twenty pieces
of cannon, well posted, and in battery, were ever taken at the point of the
bayonet. , In the affair of Valmy, at the battle of Jemappes, at those of Norlingen
and Fleurus, our artillery was superior to that of the enemy, although we
had often only two pieces for every 1000 men; but our armies were very
numerous. It is passible that a general who is more skillful in maneuvering than his
adversary, and who has an excellent infantry under his command, may
obtain success during a part of a campaign, although his park of artillery
may be iriferior; but on the decisive day of a general action, he will be
made cruelly sensible of his inferiority in this department.
Eighty wagons of military equipage are very insufficient for an army of
40,00.0 men. They can only carry 1520 quintals — flour and brandy for
two days.
Experience has proved that an army should have with it a month's pro
visions, those for ten days being carried by the men and led horses, and
those for twenty days in wagons : and this would require at least 480 car
riages ; 240 regularly organized, and 240 pressed into the service. For
this purpose there should be a battalion of three companies, and military
equipages for each division — each company being enabled to serve forty
carriages, of which twenty should be provided and harnessed by the
government, and twenty taken by requisition. This would give 120 car
riages for each division, 480 for each corps d'armee, and 210 men for every
battalion. i . ENCAMPMENT.
Tents are always unhealthy ; it is much better for the soldier to bivouaek,
because in the latter case he sleeps with his feet to the fire, and shelters
himself from the wind by an erection of a few planks or some straw ; the
proximity of the fire soon dries the ground on which he sleeps. Tents
are necessary for the general officers, who are obliged to read and consult
the maps ; and they should, therefore, be provided for commanders of bat
talions, colonels, and generals. General officers should never be, aUowed
ta. .sleep in a house ; this is a ruinous; abuse, and one which has led to
many catastrophes. ; ,
•Following .the example of the French, all the nations of Europe have
abandoned the use of tents; and if they are still to be found in mere
camps pf pleasure, it is chiefly for the sake of economy ; they save the
consumption of fuel, and the roofs of straw in the villages. The shade
of a tree against sun and heat, and the very worst protection against ram,
are preferable to a tent. The transport of tents, too, would require four
horses for each battalion, a number which would be much better employed
in conveying provisions. Tents furnish a means of observation for spies
and traitors, and for the officers of the enemy's staff, which give i them
some idea of the number of the troops and the position which they occupy.
They are, in fact, inconvenient at all times and on all occasions. Anj army
arranged in two pr three lines of bivouaek, cannot be observed^ jis-
tancefand only exhibits the smoke from their fires, which are Confounded.
by the enemy with the fogs of the atmosphere Ins tmpossible « reckon
the number of fires ; whereas it is easy to reckpnthe number pf tents, and
to draw the position which they occupy.

228 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

ORDER OF BATTLE.
The Roman army encamped and formed its order of battle, always in
the same manner. It enclosed a square space of three or four hundred
toises a-side, — spent some hours in fortifying the position so chosen, and
then thought itself beyond the danger of attack. When about to give
battle, the troops were drawn up in three lines, with intervals of fifty
toises between each, and'the cavalry placed on the wings.
The staff-officer, whose duty it was to trace out the ground for the camp,
or to place the men in battle array, performed nothing more than a mere
mechanical operation, which neither required quick perception, genius, nor
experience. Among the moderns, on the contrary, the art of occupying a
position, or selecting a battle-field, is -one subject to so many considerations,
that it requires all these qualities combined. It is the business of the com
mander-in-chief himself, because there are many modes of encamping, or
of forming an order of battle, even on the same ground.
Sempronius was beaten at the Trebbia, arid Varro at Cannae, although
they commanded armies more numerous than those of the enemy, because,
according to the established usage amongst the Romans, they drew up
their troops in three lines, whilst Hannibal arranged his in one. The
Carthaginian cavalry was superior both in number and quality.- The Roman
armies were attacked at the same time in front, on the flank, and in the
rear, and were defeated. Had the two Roman consuls chosen tlie order
of battle best suited to the circumstances, they would not have been out
flanked, but would probably have been conquerors.
Ought an army to occupy a single camp, or as many camps as it con
sists of corps or divisions 1 And at what distance ought the advanced
guard and the flanking parlies to encamp from the main body ? What
front and what depth ought the camp to have ? Where ought the cavalry,
the artillery, and the wagons to be placed ? Ought an army to be drawn
up in battle array in several lines, and what space should there be between
each ? Ought the cavalry to be placed in reserve behind the infantry, or
upon the wings ? Ought the whole of the artillery to be brought into ac
tion from the very commencement of the battle, since each can keep up
its fire for twenty-four hours, or ought one half to be kept in reserve?
The solution of all these questions depends upon a variety of circum
stances : — First, upon the number of the troops in general, and upon that
of the infantry, artillery, and cavalry of which the army is composed ; se
condly, on the comparative strength of the two armies ; thirdly, on their
spirit and temper ; fourthly, on the object proposed ; fifthly, on the nature
of the field of battle ; sixthly, on the position occupied by the enemy's
troops, and the character of the general who commands. Nothing absolute
either can or ought to be prescribed ; and there is no natural order of battle
among the moderns.
The task which the commander of an army in modern times has to
fulfil, is much more difficult than was that of the commanders of ancient
armies. It is also true that his influence is much greater upon the results
of engagements. In the armies of the ancients, the commander-in-chief
was wholly out of danger, when at a distance of eighty or a hundred toises
from the enemy, and at the same time most conveniently situated for
directing, with advantage, all the movements of the army. In modern

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 229
warfare, the commander-in-chief, when at the distance of four pr five hun
dred toises, is in the midst of the fire of the enemy's batteries, and is
exposed to great risks; and at the same time he is so far removed from the
scene of action, that many of the enemy's movements escape his observa
tion. There are no actions in which he may not be obliged to advance
within gun-shot.
The implements of modern warfare have the same effect, in proportion
as they are advantageously placed ; a battery of cannon, which is so placed
as to rake the enemy's ranks, or command their position, may be the
means of a victory. Modern fields of battle are much larger than those
of the ancients were, which requires a more extended duty on the part of
the general, and it requires much more experience and military genius to
command a modern army than was necessary for the direction of an an
cient one.
Since the invention of fire-arms, the manner of choosing a position for
a camp, or of drawing up an army for battle, depends upon many various
circumstances, and it varies with them ; there are even many different
ways of Occupying a given position with the same army : and there are
things which the quick perception, genius, and military experience of a
general must decide ; this is his chief duty. In a great number of cases,
an army, which should take its order of battle in three lines — the first to
fight, the second to support, encourage, and replace the first, and in case of
need to cover its retreat, and the third as a reserve, would be beaten and
routed. If the second line were placed eighty or a hundred toises distant from
the first rank, and drawn up in column, it would be destroyed by the
enemy's batteries more quickly than the first line, and could not, there
fore, come to its aid ; and if the reserve were composed of the cavalry
of the line — one half of the artillery and chosen infantry, placed in
column behind the centre of the lines, and out of reach of cannon-shot,
the' army which should thus paralyze the half of its artillery and all its
heavy cavalry, during the whole of a battle, would be almost sure to be
beaten. The order in column is an order of battle, when circumstances require
it : it is for that reason that our tactics enable us so rapidly to pass from
narrow to deep order. Soldiers must always march (if they are afraid of
an attack of cavalry) in columns, and at the distance of platoons, so as to
be able to form rapidly into square battalions, by platoons to the right and
left, &c.
The circumstances of the ground alone, ought not to decide the order of
battle ; that ought to be determined by the combination of all the circum
stances. The act of pitching a camp on a certain position, is nothing else than
drawing up in a line of battle on the same ground. The whole of the
projectiles should be in position and favorably placed; the position should
not be commanded, or capable of being surprised, or raked ; but, on the
contrary, as far as possible, it should have these advantages against the
enemy's position.
The fortifications of a country are always useful, and never injurious
when they are well understood.
The principles of fortifying a country require to be perfected ; and this
part of the art of war is still susceptible of great advance. If the guns
are not in redoubts, they will fall into the hands of the enemy, on some

230 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPPLEON.
fortunate charge of cavalry. Batteries ought to be placed in the most fa
vorable positions, and as far as possible' in advance of the line of infantry
and cavalry, without compromising their safety. They should command
the country, by being placed on the highest ground of the plains ; and they
should not be so masked either on the' right or left, as to obstruct them
from turning their fire in all directions.

DEFENSIVE WAR.
Have the fortified towns on the frontiers of Flanders been useful or in
jurious? Is the new system proposed, more economical, and does it re
quire fewer garrisons ? Is it preferable to that of Vaubari and of Corman-
tagne ? In order to defend the capital of a country, ought the army of the
nation to cover it by retreating upon it? Or ought it to take up a position
in an entrenched camp, supported by a strongly fortified place ? or ought
it to maneuver freely, and not suffer itself to be shut up either in the capi
tal or in any fortress ?
The system of the defence of the frontier of Flanders was, in a' great
measure, the conception of Vauban ; but he was obliged to adopt places
already in existence. He constructed other fortresses to cover the sluices,
to regulate the inundations, or to form means of communication between
the large, forests, or the mountains. There are, on that frontier, fortresses
of the first, second, third, and fourth rank. They might be valued at four
or five hundred millions of francs ; and constructed during the course of
one hundred years, that would constitute an expense of four millons per
annum. Fifty thousand national guards would suffice to protect them
against a coup-de-maih ; and to place them beyond the threat of incen
diary batteries. Lille, Valenciennes, and Charlemont could furnish a re
fuge for armies, as well as the entrenched camps of Maubeuge and Cam-
bray. Vauban organized whole countries as entrenched camps, protected
by rivers, inundations, fortresses, and forests ; but he never pretended that
those fortifications alone could form a frontier ; he believed and desired
that a frontier so fortified might give protection to an inferior army against
one superior in force — that it would furnish it with a favorable field of
operations; prevent the advance of the enemy's troops; and give oppor
tunities of attacking them with advantage, — and, finally, that it would gain
time to enable succors to arrive.
In the reverses of Louis XIV., this system of strong places saved the
capital. * Prince Eugene of Savoy lost a campaign in taking Lille. The
siege of Landrecies furnished Villars with an opportunity of changing the
fortune of the war; and, a hundred years after, in 1793, at the time of the
treason of Dumouriez, the fortified towns in Flanders saved the capital
anew. The allies lost a campaign in taking Conde, Valenciennes, Ques-
noy, and Landrecies : and this line of fortresses was equally useful in 1814.
The allies who violated the Swiss territories, were obliged to enter the
passes of the Jura, in order to avoid the fortresses ; and even in turning
them, they were obliged to weaken their forces, by withdrawing a number
of men to blockade them, superior to the total amount of the garrisons.
When Napoleon'passed the Marne, and maneuvered on the rear of the
enemy's army, if treason had not opened the gates of Paris, the fortresses
on this frontier were about to play a distinguished part. Schwartzenberg's
army would have been obliged to throw itself among them, which would

HISTORY PF THE CAPTIVITY CF NAPPLEON. „ 231
have given rise to great events. In 1815, too, they would have been of
great utility. The Anglo-Prussian army would not have dared to pass the
Somme, till the arrival of the Austro-Russian troops upon the Marne, had
not political events in the capital favored them ; and there is no doubt,
that the strong places which remained faithful, produced a great influence
over the conditions of the treaty, and the conduct of the allied sovereigns
in 1814 and 1815.
Three lines, each formed by six strongly fortified places, would require
eighteen fortified towns— .each surrounded by four forts. These being at
some distance from the towns, ought to have for their protection a battalion
for a garrison and twenty-five guns — and would require a degree of labor
equal in Value to the places themselves. These three lines would, then,
require the value of thirty-six strongly fortified places ; but the four iso
lated forts would be blockaded, besieged, and taken in the first seven days
of the investment, before even the line of circumvallation was complete.
They would be admirably placed in order to flank and support it; and be
fore the trenches were opened, the garrison of the place would see the
half of its materiel, and the elite of its battalions fall into the power of
the enemy — a circumstance which could not but exercise a great influence
on the spirit and resolution of the army.
The position which an army might be able to take among these forts,
would not afford it any security ; the enemy would encamp perpendicu
larly to one of the forts, raze it in a few days, and successively carry the
others. Its regular field train, with the addition of thirty twenty-four
pounders, would suffice for this operation.
In this system, the enemy would be able to force a pass between two
places, at the distance of two days' march from each other, whilst accord
ing to that of Vauban, the pass could not be further off than two or three
leagues from each of the fortified towns. It would also be much more
easy to surprise one of the places of this new system.
But is it necessary to defend a capital by covering it directly, or by tak
ing up a position in an entrenched camp in the rear of the enemy ? The
first measure is the safest ; it furnishes an opportunity of defending the
passage of rivers and defiles, of even creating positions, and of obtaining
reinforcements from all the troops in the interior, whilst the enemy is be
coming insensibly weakened. It would be a bad plan to have recourse
to an entrenched camp ; for the camp would then run the risk of being
forced, or, at least, of being blockaded, and the troops would be obliged
to open a way for themselves sword in hand, in order to procure provisions
and forage,. It requires 400 or 500 wagons a day, to provide supplies for
an army of 100,000 men. The invading army being one-third superior
in infantry, cavalry and artillery, would obstruct and prevent the arrival of
the convoys, and without blockading them hermetically, as fortified towns
are blockaded, would render arrivals of supplies so uncertain and difficult
that there would soon be a famine in the camp.
,. There remains a third plan, that of maneuvering, without suffering one's
self to be shut up in the capital, which one may wish to defend, or in an
entrenched camp behind. For this purpose, it is necessary to have a
good army, good generals, and an able commander-in-chief. The plan of
covering a capital or any point whatever, by flank marches, brings with it
the necessity of a detachment, and the inconveniences always attached to
the separation of a force in the presence of a superior army.
After the affair of Smolensko, in 1812, the French army marched

232 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
directly upon Moscow ; General Kutusov covered that city by successive
movements, till he arrived at the entrenched camp 'of Majaisk, where he
halted and accepted battle. Having been beaten, he continued his march,
and traversed the capital, which immediately fell into the power of the
conqueror. Had he retired in the direction of Kiow, he would have
drawn the French army after him, but it would have been necessary in
that case to have covered Moscow by a detachment, and nothing could
have prevented the French general from causing this detachment to be fol
lowed by one of superior force, which would have compelled it to evacuate
that important city. , ,
A great capital is the country of the elite of Jhe nation ; all the persons
of consequence have their residences and families within its walls. It is
the centre of opinion, and the grand depository of everything. It is the
greatest mistake and inconsistency to leave a point so important without
immediate defences. On his return from the campaign of Austerlitz, the
Emperor often talked of, and drew up several plans for, fortifying the
heights around Paris ; but the fear of disturbing the minds of the inhabit
ants, and the events which followed each other with incredible rapidity,
prevented him from carrying his design into effect. How, it will be said,
can you pretend to fortify cities, 12,000 or 15,000 toises in circumference?
It would require froiri 80 to 100 fronts, from 50,000 to 60,000 soldiers as
a garrison, and a battery of 800 or 1000 pieces of artillery. But 60,000
soldiers make an army, and would it not be better to employ them in the
field ? This objection is made in general against the fortification of all
large towns ; but it is unfounded, because it confounds a soldier with a
man. Undoubtedly, the defence of a great capital would require from
50,000 to 60,000 men, but not from 50,000 to 60,000 soldiers. In periods
of misfortune and great calamities, states may be deficient in soldiers, but
they can never be without men for their internal defence ; 50,000 men of
whom 2,000 or 3,000 are artillerymen, will be able to defend a capital,
and prevent the entrance of an army of 300,000 or 400,000 men ; whilst
if the same 50,000 men were in the open field, and were not soldiers
trained and commanded by experienced officers, they would be thrown.into
inextricable confusion by a charge of 3,000 cavalry. Besides, all great
capitals are susceptible of covering a part of their circumference by inun
dations; because all large towns are situated upon rivers, and the fosses
can be filled with water, either by natural or artificial means. Places
which are so considerable as to contain very numerous garrisons, have a
number of positions so commanding as to render it very hazardous to enter
the town without possession of these points. If Vienna had been fortified
in 1805, the battle of Ulm would not have decided the issue of the war.
General Ktitusov's divisionjwould then have awaited the other divisions of
the Russian army, which had already reached Olmutz, and. the army of
Prince Charles which was coming from .Italy. In 1809, Prince Charles,
who was defeated at Eckmiihl, and obliged to retreat by the left bank of
the Danube, would have had time to arrive at Vienna, and there to form a
junction with General Hiller's division and the army of the Archduke
John. Had Berlin been fortified in 1806, the army beaten at Jena would have
rallied there, and been rejoined by the Russian army.
Had Madrid been a fortified place in 1808, the, French army, after the
victories of Espinosa, Tudela, Burgos, and Sommosierra, would not have
marched upon that capital, leaving behind them Salamanca, Valladolid, the

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 233
English army under General Moore, and the Spanish army under Gene
ral Romagna. These 'two Anglo-Spanish armies would have formed a
junction under the fortifications of Madrid with the army of Arragon and
Valencia. In 1812, the Emperor Napoleon entered Moscow; had the Russians
not had recourse to the plan of burning that great city— a thing unheard of
inJhistory — and which they alone were capable of executing — the taking
of Moscow would have brought with it the submission of Russia ; because
the conqueror would have found in Moscow — 1st, Everything necessary
for clothing and furnishing supplies to the army; 2dly, flour, vegetables,
wine and brandy, and everything necessary for the subsistence of a large
army ; 3dly, horses to remount the cavalry ; and lastly, the support of
enfranchised peasants, rejoicing in such a piece of extraordinary good for
tune, and extremely impatient of the yoke of the nobles, and who would
have communicated ideas of liberty to their fellow bondsmen throughout
the whole empire. This was a dreadful prospect, which would have
induced the Czar to make peace, and especially as the conqueror enter
tained very moderate intentions. The burning of the city destroyed all
the stores and shops, and dispersed the population ; the tradespeople and
the tiers-etat were ruined, and that great city became a rnere sink of dis
order, anarchy, and crime. Had it been fortified, Kutusov would have
encamped on its ramparts, and the investment of it would have been
impossible. Constantinople, a much larger city than any of our modern capi
tals, owed its safety wholly to its fortifications. Without them, the em
pire of Constantine would have fallen in 700, and would only have lasted
300 years. The successful Mussulmans would have planted the standard
of the prophet on its towers, which they did in 1453, about eight centuries
afterwards. This capital, therefore, owes 800 years of its existence to
its walls. During this interval it was besieged fifty-three times, of which
the fifty-two were useless ; the French and the Venetians took it, but after a
very warm contest.
Paris has owed its safety ten or a dozen times to its walls. 1st, It
would have been the prey of the Normans — those barbarians besieged it
in vain for two years: 2dly, in 1358, it was besieged by the Dauphin
without any result ; and when the inhabitants opened their gates to him
some years afterwards, it was of their own accord: 3dly, in 1359, Ed-
ward,King of ^England, encamped at Monlrouge, and carried his ravages
to the foot of its walls, but recoiled at the sight of its fortifications, and
retired to Chartres: 4thly, in 1427, Henry V. repulsed the attack of
Charles VII: 5thly, in 1464, the Count de Charolais invested that great
capital, but failed in all his attacks: 6thly, in 1472, it would have been
taken by the Duke of Burgundy, who was obliged to be satisfied with the
pillage of its suburbs: 7thly, in 1536, Charles V., master of the country,
had his head-quarters at Meaux, his advanced guard approached the ram
parts of the capital, which only owed its safety to its walls : 8thly and
9%, in 1588 and 1599, Henry III. and Henry IV. recoiled from the
fortifications of Paris ; and when the inhabitants, at a later period, opened
their gates, they opened them at their own pleasure, and in consequence
of the adjuration of St. Denis : finally, in 1636, the fortifications of Paris
saved it for many years. Had Paris been a strongly fortified city in 1814
and 1815, had it been capable only of offering eight days' resistance, what
an influence might it not have had on the events of the world !

234 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

OFFENSIVE WAR.
Every offensive war is a war 6t invasion ; and every war conducted
according to the rules of art, is a methodical war. Plans for campaigns
are infinitely modified according to the circumstances, the genius of the
commander, the nature of the troops, and the topographical difficulties or
facilities. There are two descriptions of plans, good and bad; sometimes
the good fail from fortuitous circumstances ; and sometimes the bad suc
ceed from some caprice of fortune.
The wars of Genghis Khan and of Tamerlane were methodical, be
cause they were carried on conformably to rule, and on solid principles ;
and because their enterprises were proportioned to -the force.of their armies :
the dress of a giant is not that of a pigmy.
All wars ought to be methodical ; because every war ought to be con
ducted according to the rules and principles of the art, and with some defi
nite object ; and it ought to be carried on with a force proportioned to the
obstacles which may obstruct success. There are, then, two kinds of
offensive war ; that which is well conceived* and conformable to the rules
of art; and that which is ill-conceived, and which violates those princi
ples. Charles XII. was defeated by the Czar, the most despotic of men,
because the object which he attempted to accomplish was ill considered.
Tamerlane would have been defeated by Bajazet, if his plan of war had
been like that of the King of Sweden.
There should only be one army, because unity of command is of prime
necessity in war ; the army must be kept together, the greatest possible
concentration of force must be kept on the field of battle, and advantage
must be taken of (every occasion. Fortune is a woman ; if you miss her
to-day, do not expect to find her again to-morrow.
Carry on an offensive war like Alexander, Hannibal, Gustavus Adolphus,
Turenne, Prince Eugene, and Frederick the Great ; read and re-read their
histories, and that of- their campaigns, and model your conduct by theirs.
This is the only means of becoming a great captain, and of winning the
secret of the art. Your genius, thus enlightened, will lead you to reject
such maxims as are opposed to those of these illustrious names ; and
above all, do not imitate the plan of the war in Hanover, in 1758 and 1763.
Hasty fortifications mixed with earth, made in fifteen or twenty days, are
no protection against a coup-de-main. How much time would it require
to erect proper protection, to place the magazines of the army in a situation'
safe from howitzers and from bombs ! Without protection for the maga
zines, howitzers destroy everything. These hasty ouvrages de campagne,
unless they have the protection of inundations, require enormous garrisons,
and it is much better to fortify the towns.
, The Romans after the battles of Thrasimene and of Cannae, lost their
armies, and could never rally them again. A few fugitives reached Rome
with difficulty ; and yet, these battles were fought in the midst of fortified
places, and but a few days' march from their capital. Had Hannibal suf
fered the same fate, it would have been said that it was because he was
too distant from Carthage, from his depots and his fortified towns ; but
when beaten and defeated at Zama, at the very gates of Carthage,, he lost
his army as the Romans had done theirs at Thrasimene and Cannae.
After the battle of Marengo, General Melas lost his army, but there was

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPPLEPN. 235
no want pf strong places ; Alessandria, Tortona, Genoa, Turin, Fenestrella,
and Coni, were around him in all directions. Mack's army on the Iller
was in the midst of his own country ; it was nevertheless obliged to lay
down its arms. And that old army of Frederick, which reckoned at its
head so many heroes,— Brunswick, Mullendorff, Russel, Blucher, &c,
when1 beaten at Jena, was unable to effect a retreat ; and in a few days,
250,000 men laid down their arms ; and yet they were in no want of armies
of reserve ; there was one at Halle, and one upon the Elbe, aided by
strongly-fortified places ; they were in the midst of their own country, and
not far frofn their capital. Give yourself all the possible chances of suc
cess when you are about to fight a battle, especially if you have to do with
a great captain ; for if you are beaten, even should you be in the midst of
your depots, arid near your strong places, woe to the conquered !
•" Strong places are useful in an offensive as well as a defensive war; but
they alone cannot, undoubtedly, be a substitute for an army. They are
the only means of retarding, drawing aside, weakening, and annoying a con
quering enemy. *
' The garrisons of fortresses should be drawn from the population, and
not from the armies on active service. This duty ought to belong to the
regiments of provincial militia, and it is the noblest prerogative of the na
tional guard. It may be that the system of Vauban is defective, but
it is the best known. It is better to centralize, unite, and bring together
all the forces of war in arms and men, than to scatter them about.
Macedonia under the successors of Alexander, Asia under Mithridates,
Parthia under Arsaces, Prussia under Frederick the Great, Russia and
Spain in recent times, were despotic monarchies. Achaia, the star of the
time of Paulus Emilius, Holland in 1786, Venice in 1797, and Switzer
land in 1798, were republics. Nations, like men, have different ages ; —
infancy, manhood, and old age. Every government which arises, and is
able to maintain itself without foreign intervention, is national. Property,
law, patriotism, and religion are the bonds of every species of government.
Whenever the Russians seize upon Constantinople, they will keep there
as many Mussulmans as they wish, by assuring them of the security of
their property, and the toleration of their religion. The Moors in Spain
submitted even to the Inquisition ; and in order to drive them out, it was
necessary to found the order of Ferdinand and Isabella : all indirect means
failed. There are few things more insignificant than a Turkish army at the pre
sent day ; the Ottomans will neither be able to maintain themselves in Asia
Minor, Syria, nor Egypt ; and as soon as the Russians become masters of
the Crimea and the banks of the Caspian, they will become masters of
Constantinople also.
Neither the patriotism of the people, nor the policy of the courts of
Europe, have sufficed to prevent the partition of Poland, or the spoliation
of'several nations ; neither will they suffice to prevent the fall of the Otto
man empire. It was with feelings of repugnance that Maria Theresa en
tered into the conspiracy against Poland, a nation placed on the frontiers
of Europe, to defend it against irruptions from the people of the north.
Fears were entertaitaed in Vienna at the aggrandizement of Russia ; yet
great satisfaction was felt at seeing Austria enriched by the addition of
several. millions of souls to her dominions, and many millions of money to
her wealth. At the present day, as it was then, the house of Austria
would feel a repugnance to the partition of Turkey, sind yet would con-

236 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
sent to it, and find it agreeable to increase her vast territories by Servia,
Bosnia, and the ancient Illyrian provinces, of which Vienna was formerly
the capital. What would England and France do ? One of them might
take Egypt, a poor compensation ! A statesman of the first rank once
said, " Every time I learn that the fleets navigating in the Greek seas have
anchored under the walls of the seraglio, I seem to hear the premonitory
cry, announcing the doom of the empire of-the Crescent."
The territorial condition of Asia and Europe is very different. The
deserts which envelop Asia on all sides, are inhabited by a numerous
population of barbarians, who breed a vast number of horses and camels.
The Scythians, the Arabs, the Tartars under the: Caliphs, Genghis Khan,
Tamerlane, &c, emerged from these vast solitudes, and inundated the plains
of Persia, the Euphrates, Asia, Minor, Syria and Egypt with millions of
cavalry. Their conquests were rapid, because they were undertaken by
the whole people of a'country, of warlike habits, and accustomed, to the
temperate and laborious life of the desert. Europe,, on the other hand, is
inhabited from north". to south, from east to west, by civilized nations, and
is not exposed to similar revolutions.
Defensive war does not exclude attack, nor does offensive warfare ex
clude defence, even though the object be to force the enemy's frontiers, and
to invade his country. The principles of war are those which have regu
lated the conduct of those greatest generals* whose noble deeds history has
handed down to us,, Alexander, Hannibal, Caesar,- Gustavus Adolphus,
Turenne, Prince Eugene, Frederick the Great.
Alexander made eight campaigns, in the course of which he conquered
Asia, and a part of India ; Hannibal made seventeen — one in Spain, fifteen
in Italy, and one in Africa; Caesar made thirteen — eight against the Gauls,
five against Pompey's legions ; Gustavus Adolphus made three — one in
Livonia against the Russians, and two in Germany against the house of
Austria ; Turenne conducted eighteen, nine in France, and nine in Ger
many ; Prince Eugene of Savoy made thirteenrt^two against tlie Turks,
five in Italy against France, and six on the Rhine and in Flanders ; and Fre
derick made elevfen — in Silesia, Boherriia, and on the banks of the Elbe.
The history of these eighty-three campaigns, drawn up with care, would
form a complete treatise on'the art of war; and the principles which ought
to be followed, both in offensive and defensive warfare, would flow from
thence as from its natural source.
Alexander crossed the Dardanelles 334, B. C, with an army of about
40,000 men, of which one-eighth was cavalry ; he forced the passage of
the Granicus in opposition to an army under Memnon, the Greek; who
commanded for Darius on the coast of Asia, and he spent the whole of
the year 333 in establishing his power in Asia Minor. He was seconded
by the Greek colonies, who dwelt on the borders of the Black Sea and on
the Mediterranean, and in Sardis, Ephesus, Tarsus, Miletus, &c. The Kings
of Persia left their provinces and towns to be governed according to their
own particular laws. Their empire was a union of confederated states,
and did not form one nation; this facilitated its conquest. As Alexander
only wished for the throne of the Monarch, he easily effected the change,
by respecting the customs, manners, arid laws of the people, who expe
rienced no change in their condition.
In the year 332, he met with Darius at the head of 60,000 men, who
had taken up a position near Tarsus, on the banks of the Issus, in the
province of Cilicia. He defeated him, entered Syria, took Damascus,

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY PF NAPPLEON. 237
which contained all the riches of the great king, and laid siege to Tyre.
This superb metropolis of the commerce of the world detained him nine
months. He took Gaza after a siege of two months; crossed the desert
in seven days; entered Pelusium, and Memphis; and founded Alexandria.
He met with no obstacles, because Syria and Egypt have at all times
been connected by interest With the Greeks, because the Arab population
detested the Persians, against whom they entertained a religious repug
nance ; and finally, because the Greek troops in the service of the Satraps
embraced the cause of the Macedonians. In less than two years, after
two battles and four or five sieges, the coasts of the Black Sea, from
Phasis to Byzantium, those of the Mediterranean, as far as Alexandria* all
Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt, had submitted to his arms.
In 331, he repassed the desert, encamped in Tyre, recrossed Syria,
entered Damascus, passed the Euphrates and Tigris, and defeated Darius
on the field of Arbela, when he was at the head of a still stronger army
than that which he commanded on the Issus, and Babylon opened her
gates to him. In 330, he overran Susa, and took that city, Persepolis,
arid Pasarga, which contained the tomb of Cyrus. In 329, he directed
his course northward, entered Ecbatana, and extended his conquests to
the coasts of the Caspian, punished Bessus, the cowardly assassin of
Darius, penetrated into Scythia, and subdued the Scythians. It was in
this campaign that he did so much dishonor to the trophies he had won,
by the assassination of Parmenio. In 328, he forced the passage of the Oxus,
received 16,000 recruits from Macedonia, and reduced the neighboring
people to subjection. It was in this year he killed Clitus with his own
hand; and wished to make the Macedonians worship him as a god, which
they refused to do. In 327, he crossed the Indus, vanquished Porus in a
pitched battle, took him prisoner, and treated him as a king. He con
templated passing the Ganges, but his army refused. He sailed down the
Indus, in the year 326, with 800 vessels; having arrived at the ocean, he
sent Nearchus with a fleet to run along the coasts of the Indian Ocean
and the Persian Gulf, as far as the mouth of the Euphrates. In 325, he
took sixty days in crossing from Gedroni, entered Caramania, returned to
Pasarga, Persepolis, and Susa, and married Statira, the daughter of Darius.
In 324, he marched once more to the north, passed Ecbatana, and termi
nated his career at Babylon, where he died of poison.
His war was methodical, and is worthy of the highest encomiums —
none of his convoys were intercepted ; his armies continually went on
increasing; and the moment at which they were the weakest was at their
debut on the Granicus. On the Indus they were tripled, without reckon
ing the bodies pf troops under the orders of the governors of the conquered
provinces, which were composed of invalids or worn out Macedonians,
recruits sent from Greece, or drawn from the Greek corps in the service
of the satraps, and finally, of levies raised by the natives of the respective
countries themselves. Alexander deserves the glory which he has enjoyed
for so many centuries and among all nations ; but what if he had been
defeated on, the Issus, with the army of Darius in battle array on the line
of his retreat, with its left on the mountains and its right' on the sea, whilst
the Macedonians had their right on the mountains and their left on the
sea, and the province of Cilicia behind them!— if he had been beaten at
Arbela, having the Euphrates, the Tigris and the deserts in his rear, without
any strong places of refuge, and nine hundred leagues from Macedonia !—
or if he had been beaten by Porus, and driven back upon the Indus !

238 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
In the year 218, B. C, Hannibal set out from Carthage, crossed the
Ebro, the Pyrenees — till that time unknown to the Carthaginians —
passed the Rhone and the Alps, and in his first campaign established
himself in the midst of; the Cisalpine Gauls, who, being always enenjies
of the Roman people, sometimes conquerors, and oftener conquered, had
never yet submitted. He spent five months in performing this march of
four hundred leagues, and left no garrisons and no depots in his rear.. He
preserved no communication with Spain nor with Carthage, with which
he only communicated after the battle of Thrasimene, by means of the
Adriatic. No plan more vast or more magnificent has ever been devised by
man. The expedition of Alexander was much less bold, much more easy,
and with many more chances of success.
This offensive war was, however, methodical. The Cisalpines of Milan
and Bologna became Carthaginians for Hannibal. If he had, left fortresses
or depots behind him, he would haye weakened his army, and compro
mised the success of his operations; he would have been vulnerable
everywhere. In the year 217, he crossed the Apennines, defeated the
Roman army on the field of Thrasimene, drew his armies around Rome,
and marched to the lower coasts of the Adriatic, from whence he commu
nicated with Carthage.
In the year 216, he was attacked by 30,000 Romans, whom he con
quered on the field of Cannae, and had he marched immediately after
wards, he would have reached Rome, and Carthage would have been
mistress of the world! The effect of this great victory, however, was
immense; Capua opened her gates, all the Greek colonies, and many of
the towns of lower Italy, followed the course of fortune, and abandoned
the cause of Rome. Hannibal's principle was to keep his army united,,
to keep no garrison except in a single place, which he considered adapted
for the safe-keeping of his hostages, his great warlike machines and his
prisoners of note, and his sick, abandoning himself to the fidelity of his
allies. He maintained himself sixteen years in Italy, without receiving
any succors from Carthage ; and only evacuated it by the command of his
government, to fly to the aid and defence of his country. Fortune for
sook him at Zama, and Carthage ceased to exist; but had he been van
quished at Trebbia, at Thrasimene, or Cannae, what could have happened
worse than the disasters wliich followed Zama? Although beaten at the
gates of his capital, he could not prevent his army from being entirely
destroyed. Ctesar was forty-one when he commenced his first campaign, in the
year 58 B. C, and one hundred and forty years after the time of Hannibal.
The people of Helvetia, to the number of 300,000, had left their country, to
form a settlement on the coasts of the ocean. They had 90,000 men under
arms, and crossed Burgundy without obstruction. The people of Autun
appealed to Caesar, and called him to their aid. He set out from Vienne
in the Roman province, ascended the Rhone, and passed the Saone at
Chalons. He fell in with the army of the Helvetians at a day's march
from Autun, and defeated them after a severely contested battle. After
having compelled them to retire to their mountains, he re-crossed the
Saone, and seized upon Besancon, and traversed the Jura fo go to fight
the army of Ariovistus. He fell in with this force at some days' march
from the Rhine, vanquished it, and compelled his enemies to re-enter Ger
many. On this field of battle he was at a distance of ninety leagues from
Vienne, and at the place where he defeated the Helvetians, seventy.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 239
During this campaign, he kept constantly together the six legions which
composed his army, leaving the care 'of. his communications to his allies,
and having always a month's provisions in his camp, and a second month's
in some fortified place, in which, according to the example of Hannibal,
he kept his hostages and his magazines, and established his hospitals. It
was on these same principles he conducted his seven other campaigns
against the Gauls.
During the winter of 57, the Belgians raised an army of 300,000 men,
the command of which they confided to Galba, King of Soissons. Caesar
being warned by the people of Rheims, his allies, advanced rapidly, and
encamped on the banks of the Aisne. Galba despairing of being able, to
attack him in his camp, crossed the Aisne, with a view to march upon
Rheims ; but Caesar anticipated that maneuver, and the Belgians disbanded;
and all the towns of that line successively submitted to the conqueror.
The people of Hainault surprised him on the Sambre, in the neighbor
hood of Maubeuge, so that he had no time to form his line. Of the eight
legions, then under his command, six were engaged in throwing up the
entrenchments of the camp, and two were in the rear with the baggage.
Fortune was so contrary to him on that day, that a corps pf Trevisian
cavalry deserted from him, and proclaimed in all directions the destruction
of the Roman army ; nevertheless, he triumphed.
In the year 56, he undertook an expedition against Nantes and Vannes,
sending out. strong detachments into Normandy and Aquitaine. The near
est point of his depots at that time, which was Toulouse, was a hundred
and thirty leagues distant, and separated from him by mountains, large
rivers and forests.
In the year 55, he carried the war to the very extremity of Holland, to
Zutphen, where 40,000 barbarians were about to pass the, Rhine to seize
upon the territories of the Gauls. He defeated them, killed a very great
number, drove them back a great way ^repassed the Rhine at Cologne,
traversed Gaul, embarked at Boulogne, and made a descent upon England.
In the year 54, he again crossed the Channel with, five legions, and dur
ing the equinox .re-entered Gaul. Towards the close of the season, havhig
learnt that his lieutenant Sabinus, with fifteen cohorts, had been massacred
near Treves, and that Quintus Cicero was besieged in his camp at Ton-
gres, he collected 8,000 or 9,000 men, and put himsejf at their head,—
defeated Ambiorix, who advanced to meet him, and delivered Cicero.
In the year 53, he repressed the revolt of the people of Sens, Chartres,
Treves, and Liege, and passed the Rhine a second time. The Gauls
already began to murmur, and an insurrection soon burst out on all sides.
During the winter of 52, they rose en masse, and even the inhabitants of
Autun, formerly so faithful, took part in the war, for the Roman yoke was
become hateful to the Gauls. Caesar was advised to retire to the Koman
provinces, or to pass the Alps, but he adopted neither of these plans. He
had then ten legions under his command. He crossed the Loire, besieged
and took the city of Bourges, in, mid-winter, and m sight of the army ot
Vqrcingatorix. After this, he laid siege to Clermont, which he failed to
take; and in the meantime he lost his hostages, magazines, and spare
horses, which were in depot in Nevers,and seized upon by the inhabitants
of Autun.' Nothing now appeared more critical than his position. His
lieutenant Sabinus was annoyed by the people of Pans; he recalled him
.and his tropps, and with this combined force he laid siege to Alize, in which
the army pf the Gauls was shut up. He spent fifty days in fortifying his

240 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
camp with a double wall of circumvallation. Gaul raised a new army more
numerous than that it had just lost: the people of Rheims alone remained
faithful to Rome. The Gauls presented themselves in Order to compel
him to raise the siege, and were zealously assisted for three days by the
garrison in the town, with a view to overwhelm the Romans in their lines;
but Cassar triumphed over them all ; Alize fell, and the Gauls submitted
to the victor. *
During this struggle, Caesar's whole army was in his camp, and he
exposed no vulnerable point to his enemies. The victory was no sooner
gained than he profited by it to win back the good will of the people of
Autun, in the midst of whom he passed the winter, although he made suc
cessively a number of expeditions, to the distance of a hundred leagues
the one from the other, for the purpose of changing his troops. And finally,
in 51, he laid siege to Cahors, in which the last of the Gauls perished.
Gaul now became a Roman province, the tribute of which added eight
millions annually to the riches of Rome.
In the campaigns of the civil war, Caesar triumphed by following the
same method, and adopting the same principles ; but he ran many more
dangers. He passed the Rubicon with only one legion — took thirty cohorts
at Corfinium, and in the course of three months drove Pompey out of
Italy. What rapidity ! — what promptitude ! — what boldness ! Whilst he
was preparing the vessels necessary to enable him to cross the Adriatic and
follow his rival into Greece, he passed the Alps and the Pyrenees, traversed
Catalonia, at the head of 900 horse — scarcely sufficient for an escort — -and
arrived before Lerida, where in forty days he reduced to subjection the
legions of Pompey, commanded by Afranius. He suddenly traversed the
distance from the Ebro to the Sierra Morena, pacified the Andalusians,
and returned to make his triumphant entry into Marseilles, which his
troops had just reduced to subjection ; and finally, he arrived in Rome,
where, he exercised the office of a Dictator for ten days, and then set out
to put himself at the head of the twelve legions which Antony had col
lected at Brundusium.
In the year 48, he crossed the Adriatic with 25,000 men, held the whole
of Pompey's forces in check for many months, till he was rejoined by
Antony, who had again returned to Italy in despite of the enemy's fleets,
when they marched with their combined forces upon Dyrrachium, and
invested that great depot of Pompey's stores and munitions of war. Pom
pey himself was encamped at a distance of some miles from the city, on
the sea coast ; and Caesar, not content with investing the town, invested
the camp also. He took advantage of the summits of the hills by which
the camp was surrounded ; constructed twenty-four forts in favorable posi
tions, and then established a contravallation of six leagues. Pompey, thus
hemmed in on the land side, received his provisions and reinforcements by
means of his fleet, which rode triumphant in the waters of the Adriatic.
He took advantage of his central position, attacked and vanquished Caesar,
who lost thirty standards and many thousand soldiers, the elite of his
army. The fortune of Caesar appeared to waver ; he had no more rein
forcements to expect ; the sea was closed against him, and all the advan
tages were on the side of Pompey. He then made a march of fifty
leagues, carried the war into Thessaly, and defeated Pompey's army on
the field of Pharsalia. Pompey, almost alone, though master of the sea,
took to flight, and sought for refuge on the coasts of Egypt, where he was
killed by a cowardly assassin.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON, 241
A few days after, Caesar arrived, following the course of his adversary,
entered Alexandria, and found himself surrounded in the palace and the
amphitheatre by the population of that great city and the army of Achillas ;
and finally, after nine months' dangers and continual contests, the loss of
a single one of which wbuld have ensured his ruin, he triumphed over the
Egyptians. During this period, Scipio, Labienus, and King Juba held undisputed
dominion in Africa, with fourteen legions, the remains of Pompey's adher
ents; and they had always numerous squadrons, by means of which they
kept the mastery of the sea. Cato, at Utica, breathed the spirit of his own
hatred into all hearts. Ca?sar embarked with a few troops, arrived Safely
at Adrumeturh, experienced checks in several encounters, but was finally
joined by his whole army, and defeated Scipio, Labienus, and Juba upon
the field of Thapsus : Cato, Scipio, and Juba fell by their own hands.
Neither fortresses, numerous squadrons, nor the oaths and duties of the
people, were sufficient to deliver the conquered from the ascendency and
activity of the conqueror. In the year 45, the sons of Pompey, having
drawn together in Spain the wrecks of Pharsalia and Thapsus, found them
selves at the head of an army more numerous than that of their father.
Caesar set out from Rome, iri twenty-three days arrived on the Guadal
quivir, and defeated Sextus Pompey at Merida. It was on this occasion,
when he was on the point of being beaten, and his old legions appeared
ready to give way, that he is said to have thought of putting himself to
death. Labienus remained on the field, and the head of Sextus Pompey
was brought to the conqueror. Six months afterwards, on the ides of
March, Caesar was assassinated in the midst of the Roman Senate. Had
he been conquered at Pharsalia, Thapsus, or Merida, he would have
shared the fate of the great Pompey, of Metellus, Scipio, and Sextus
Pompey. Pompey, whom the Romans loved so dearly, whom they surnamed
The Great when he was only twenty-four years of age, who was con
queror in eighteen campaigns, triumphed in three-quarters of the world,
and raised the Roman name to the highest pitch of glory, was beaten at
Pharsalia, and there terminated his destiny," although he was still master
of the sea, and his rival had no fleet.
The principles of Cassar were the same as those of Alexander and
Hannibal — the concentration of his forces — to expose no vulnerable point
-¦to move with rapidity upon important places— to have recourse to moral
means, to the reputation of his arms, and to political means also to pre
serve the fidelity of his allies, and keep the conquered people in subjec
tion. Gustavus Adolphus crossed the Baltic, took the islands of Rugen and
Pomerania, and carried his arms to the banks of the Vistula, the Rhine,
and the Danube. He fought two battles. Having been victorious at Leip
zig, he was again successful at Lutzen, where he fell. Notwithstanding
the shortness of his career, it is one of great recollections, in consequence
of the boldness and rapidity of his movements, and the disciphne and in
trepidity of his troops. Gustavus Adolphus was animated by the princi
ples of Alexander, Hannibal, and Cajsar. _
Turenne made five campaigns before the treaty of Westphalia, eight be
tween that time and the treaty of the Pyrenees, and five between the time
last mentioned and his death, which took place in 1675. His maneuvers
and marches, during his campaigns in 1646, 48, 72, and 73, were all exe-
VOL. IV. 5

242 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
cuted on the same principles as those adopted by Alexander, Hannibal,
Caesar, and Gustavus Adplphus. i
In 1646, he set out for Mayence, descended the left bank of, the Rhine
as far as Wesel, where he crossed that river, and ascende'd the right- bank
till he reached the Lahn ; formed a junction with the Swedish army, passed
the Danube and the Lech, and thus performed a march of two hundred
leagues across an enemy's country. When arrived on the Lech,, he had
all his troops united under his own command, having, like Caesar and Han
nibal, abandoned his communications to his allies, or rather, having con
sented to separate himself for a time from his reserves and his communi
cations, reserving only one place of depot.
In 1,648, he passed the Rhine at Oppenheim, formed a junction with the
Swedish army at Hanau, advanced along the Rednitz, and retrograded on
the Danube, which he crossed at Dillingen ; defeated Montecuculi at Lus-
marshausen, passed the Lech at Rain, and the Isar at Freising ; the court
of Bavaria became alarmed for its safety, and quitted Munich. He next
fixed his head-quarters at Miihldorf, which he laid under contribution,
and ravaged the whole of , the electorate, to punish the elector for his in
sincerity. In 1672, under the orders of Louis XIV., he directed the conquest
of Holland, descended the left bank of the Rhine, to the point at which
that river divides into several branches, passed it, and took sixty fortified
towns: his advanced guard reached- as far as Naarden. It is not known
by what fatality he stopped short and did not enter Amsterdam. The
Dutch, having recovered from their surprise, opened ;the sluices, and laid
the country under water ; the French army, weakened by the garrisons
which it had left in the captured towns,. did nothing more. The king re
turned to Versailles, leaving the command of the troops to Marshal Lux
embourg. Turenne passed the Rhine with a division of the army, to march to the
assistance of the Bishops of Munster and Cologne, who were allies, of
the King of France. He re-ascended the right bank till he reached the
Maine, and kept the Grand Elector's army of 40,000 men in check, till
the latter was joined by the Duke of Lorraine ; when Turenne was obliged
to cover himself by the Rhine. This enabled the enemy to march upon
Strasburg, where the Prince of Conde arrived just in time to destroy the
bridge, and thus to frustrate the Elector's project. The Elector then set
out for Mayence, threw a bridge across the Rhine at about the. dis
tance of a cannot-shot above the town, and inundated the left bank in that
district. During the winter, Turenne again crossed to the right bank by the
bridge of Wesel, and on the 10th of April compelled the Elector to sign
a separate peace with France ; but all his operations were the objects of
criticism by very inferior men, till they were fully justified by success.
In the campaign of 1674, Montecuculi commenced operations, and passed
to the left bank of the Rhine, to make it the theatre of the war ; Turenne,
however, disregaTded this movement — and took the lead himself. He
passed the Rhine, and obliged Montecuculi to re-cross that river to the right
bank. Turenne pitched his camp at Wilstedt, in order to cover Strasburg,
which was two leagues behind him, and the bridge of Ottenheim, which
lay four leagues to his right. Montecuculi encamped behind the Kuitzig,
at a league and a half from the French army, resting for support on the

HISTPRY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 243
fortified, town of Offemburg,1 in which he had a garrison. Turenne's
position was bad ; he ought rather to have given battle than to run the
risk Pf losing the bridge of Ottenheim and his retreat, or the bridge of
Strasburg. i
Had Montecuculi employed six hours of the night in marching direct
upon Ottemheim, pressing his line of operations upon Freiburg, he would
have forced the bridge of Ottenheim before the French army could have
come to its assistance. He did not, however, take this step — felt his way,
and satisfied himself with extending his line on the left. He thought that
a few demonstrations would be sufficient to determine his adversary to
abandon his camp at Wilstedt, and to cover Strasburg. Turenne did not
act in this way, but made his position worse by extending his line of
operations on the right. At length, however, he- perceived the danger to
which he was exposed, — removed the bridge of Ottenheim and placed it
at Altenheim, — and thus approached it within two leagues of Strasburg,
and at an equal distance from his camp at Wilstedt. This was still too
far from both ; it was necessary to throw it over within a league of the
city. Montecuculi changed his plan; he resolved to pass the Rhine below
Strasburg; and, with this view, he commanded the inhabitants of that city,
who were all sold to him, to provide him with an equipage de pont, and
he advanced to receive it. Turenne took possession of the islands, con
structed a stockade, and threw up entrenchments on the Kirchen. Monte
cuculi, seeing himself thus cut off from Offemburg and from Caprara's
division, was .obliged to relinquish his design.
.'- Turenne committed a great fault in this campaign, which would have
been attended with ruin to his army, had he been opposed by such a com
mander as the Prince de Conde ; this was his throwing a bridge over the
Rhine at four leagues from Strasburg, instead of at a distance of less than
one. He showed himself, however, incomparably superior to Monte
cuculi : — first, by obliging him to follow his plan, and to relinquish that
which he had himself formed ; secondly, by compelling him to enter Stras
burg ; thirdly, by cutting off Montecuculi's army from Offemburg and from
Gaprara's division, which undoubtedly obliged him to repass the mountains
of the Black Forest, and crowned the success of the campaign.
:- Prince Eugene of Savoy conquered the Turks in the campaign of 1697,
in which the battle of Zanta decided the peace. In 1701, he entered Italy
at the head of 30,000 men, crossed the Adige at Carpi, penetrated into
Brescia, and drove back Catinat behind the Oglio. At Chiari he defeated
Villeroy. In 1702, he surprised Cremona, and lost the battle of Luzzara,
against Villeroy ; in 1704, he commanded in Flanders, and won the battle
of Hochstedt; in 1705, he carried on the campaign in Italy against Ven-
dSme, and received a check at Cassano ; in 1706, he set out from Trent,
marched along the left bank of the Adige, passed the river in presence of
a French army, ascended the left bank of the Po, and exposing his flank
to the enemy, he- passed the Tanaro in presence of the|Duke of Orleans,
and joined the Duke of Savoy, under the walls of Turin, where he turned
all the French lines, attacked their right between the Pesio and the Stura,
a|Bd forced it. This march was a masterpiece of boldness.
nIh, 1707,he penetrated into Provence, and laid siege to Toulon ; in 1708,
he commanded on the Rhine, fought the battle of Oudenarde, and besieged
Lille for four months; in 1709, he gained the battle of Malplaquet; in
1712, he took Quesnoy, and besieged Landrecies, and Marshal Villars

244 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
saved France at Dinant. The peace of 1714 put an end to this war. In
the campaign of 1716, against the Turks, Prince Eugene conquered his
opponents at Temesvar, besieged and took Belgrade, and forced the Porte
to conclude a peace; in 1733, he made his last campaign; but his great
age made him timid; he did not wish to risk his glory in an eighteenth
battle, and he suffered Philippsburg to be taken in his presence by the Mar
shal de Berwick.
Frederick, in his invasions of Bohemia and Moravia, in his marches on
the Oder, on the banks of the Elbe, and the Saale, put into practice the
principles of these great captains ; he placed his chief confidence in the dis
cipline, the bravery, and the tactics of his army.
Napoleon made fourteen campaigns ; two in Italy, five in Germany, two
in Africa and Asia, two in Poland and Russia, one in Spain, and two in
France. In his first campaign in Italy, in 1796, he set out from Savoy, crossed the
mountains at the junction of the Alps and Apennines, cut off the Austrian
army from that of Sardinia, took Cherasco, a strong fortress, situated at the
confluence of the Tanaro and the Stura, about twenty leagues from Savona,
and there. established his magazines. He forced the King of Sardinia to re
linquish the fortified town of Tortona, lying twenty leagues to the east of
Cherasco, on the road to Milan. Having established himself there, he passed
the Po at Piacenza, seized upon Pizzighettone, a fortified town on the Adda,
twenty-five leagues from Tortona. He next directed his march upon the
Mincio, took Peschiera, thirty leagues from Pizzighettone, and on the line
of the Adige, occupying the district and forts of Verona on the left bank
of that river. This position gave him possession of the three stone bridges
of that town, and of Porto Legnago, another point on that river. He re
mained in this position till the taking of Mantua, whieh he caused to be
invested and besieged. Between his camp, under the walls of Verona,
and Ohamberry, his first military depot on the frontiers of France, he held
possession of four strongly fortified towns en echelon, in which he placed
his hospitals and stores, and which required only 4,000 men for their garri
sons. The convalescents and conscripts were sufficient for this service. In
a line of one hundred leagues, he had thus a place of depot at. about every
four days' march. After the taking of Mantua, and on his invasion of the
states of the church, Ferrara became his depot on the banks of the Po, and
Ancona, seven or eight marches further, at the foot of the Apennines, was his
second position.
In the campaign of 1797, he. passed the Piave and- the Tagliamento, fortify
ing Palma Nova and Osopo, situated at a distance of eight days' march from
Mantua. He crossed the Julian Alps, rebuilt the ancient fortifications of
Klagenfurt, five days' march from Osopo, and took up his position on the
Simmering, where he was eighty leagues from Mantua. On this line of
operations, however, he had three fortified towns, and a point d'appui at
the distance of every five or six days' march.
In 1798, he commenced his operations in the- East, by the taking of
Alexandria, fortified that large city, and made it the centre of his magazines,
and of the whole organization of his army and operations. When he
marched upon Cairo, he caused a fort to be erected at Ramanieh upon the
Nile, twenty leagues distant from Alexandria, and armed the citadel and
several forts in and around Cairo. He caused another fort to be erected at
a distance of thirty leagues from that capital, at Salahieh, at the entrance
of the desert, upon the route to Gaza. The army encamped at this village,

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAP0LEPN. 245
at a distance of fifteen days' march from Alexandria. On this line of ope
rations he possessed three fortified places as points d'appui.
During the campaign of 1799, he crossed eighty leagues of the desert,
laid siege to St. Jean d'Acre, and pushed an army of observation forward
to the banks of the Jordan, two hundred and fifty leagues from Alexandria,
his place of central depot. He had caused a fort to be built at Catieh ire
the desert, twenty leagues from Salahieh ; another at El-Arish, thirty
leagues frorn, Catieh ; and a third at Gaza, twenty leagues from El-Arish.
Oh this line of operations of two hundred and fifty leagues, he occupied
eight fortified places, in order to enable him to resist the enemies with
whom he had to contend ; and, in fact, during the whole of these four
campaigns, he never had a convoy or a courier intercepted. In 1796, a
few isolated men were massacred in the neighborhood of Tortona ; in Egypt
some djermes were stopped on the Nile, on their way from- Rosetta to
Cairo ; but this was in the very commencment of the operations. The
temnedary regiments which he organized in Egypt, became so accustomed
to the desert, that they always kept the communications open between Cairo
and Acre, as well as between Upper and Lower Egppt. With an army of
25!,000 men, he at that time occupied Egypt, Palestine, and Galilee, which
covered an extent of nearly thirty thousand square leagues, in the form of
a triangle. The distance from his head-quarters before Acre to those of
General Desaix, in Upper Egypt, was not less than three hundred leagues.
The campaign in 1800 was directed by the same principles. The army
of Germany, when it arrived on the Inn, was mistress of the fortresses of
Ulm and Iogoldstadt, which furnished two important places as depots. In
the armistice of Pfaffendorf, they had neglected to require the restoration
of these places, which Napoleon regarded as of such great importance to
the success of his operations in Germany, that he made their retention a
sine qua non of agreeing to a prolonged suspension of hostilities.
The Gallo-Batavian army at Nuremburg protected his left wing on the
Danube, and the army of the Grisons, his right on the Inri. When the
army of reserve descended from the St. Bernard, he established his first
place of depot at Ivree ; for even after the battle of Marengo, he did not
consider Italy re-conquered till all the places on this side of the Mincio
were occupied by his troops. He granted Melas permission to retire under
the walls of Mantua, on condition that he should put all these places into
his hands.
In 1805, having taken Ulm from the Austrian army 80,000 strong, he
advanced to the Lech, restored the ancient ramparts of Augsburg, armed
them, and made that city, which offered to him so many resources, a place
of depot. He would have restored Ulm also, but the fortifications were
rased, and the locality was bad. From Augsburg, he marched upon
Braunau, and by taking possession of that important place, ensured for
himself a bridge and passage over the Inn ; and this served as a second
place of depot, which enabled him to proceed as far as Vienna ; the capital
itself was protected against a coup-de-main. After this.^ie marched into
Moravia, and took the citadel of Briinn, which was immediately armed
and provisioned. This city is situated at the distance of forty leagues from
Vienna, and became the point d'appui of his operations in Moravia. At
a day's march from Briinn, he fought the battle of Austerlitz. From the
field of battle, he might have retired upon Vienna, repassed the Danube
there, or marched by the left bank to Lintz, and passed the river by the
bridge at that city, which was protected by strong works.

246 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF -NAPOLEON.
In 1806, he established his head-quarters at Bamberg, and united his
army on the Regnitz. The King of Prussia thought that, by marching on
the Maine, he would be able to interrupt his line of operations on Mayence,
and stop his movements ; and he accordingly sent forward the divisions
of Blucher and the Duke of Weimar. The line of operations of the
French army, however, was no longer through Mayence, but extended
from the 'fortress of Kronach, situated at the entrance to the mountains of
Saxony, to Forcheim, a strong place on the Regnitz, and from thence to
Strasburg. Having nothing to fear from the offensive march of the Prus
sians, Napoleon proceeded in three columns, his left by Coburg, under the
command of the Dukes of Montebello and Castiglione ; it consisted of
the fifth and seventh corps d'armee; the centre, where he himself was,
proceeded by Kronach and Zettliz ; it was composed of the first and third
corps, commanded by Marshal Bernadotte and the Prince of Echmuhl,
and was accompanied by the guard and the cavalry reserves ; the third
advanced through the district of Bayreuth ; it marched by Hoff, and was
composed of the 4th and 6th corps, under the Duke of Dalmatia and the
Prince of Moskova. :
The Prussian army between Weimar and Neustadt, already in motion
towards the Maine, to support its advanced guard,- was stopped. Cut off
from the Elbe and from Berlin, all its magazines taken, it only became
fully sensible of its danger when its situation was already desperate!; and
although so near Magdeburg, and in the very heart of its own country,
and only two days' march from the Elbe, it was completely beaten, cut off,
and unable to effect a retreat. Not a man of that old army of Frederic
escaped, except the king and a few squadrons of cavalry, who succeeded,
with difficulty, in reaching the right bank of the Oder. More than 100,000
men, hundreds of guns and stands of colors were the trophies of that day.
In 1807, being master of-Custrin, Glogau, arid Stettin, he passed the
Vistula at Warsaw, and caused Praga to be- fortified, which was to be used
for the double purpose of a lite de pont and a depot. He created Modlin,
and placed Thorn in a state of defence. The army took up its position
on the Passarge, in order to cover the siege of Dantzigf 'which became his
place of depot and his point d'appui in the operations that preceded the
battle of Friedland, wrtich decided the war. Had hostilities been continued,
this line would have been completed'by the fortress of Pilau, which would
have been taken before the army crossed the Niemen.
In 1808, most of the strong places in the north of Spain — viz., St. Se
bastian, Pampeluna, Figueras, and Barcelona, were in the power of the
French army, when it marched upon Burgos.
In 1809, the first cannon shot was fired near Ratisbon ; Augsburg was
his centre of operations. The Austrians having raised the works of Brau
nau, he chose the fortress of Passau, situated at the confluence of the Inn
and the Danube, and much more advantageous than the other, because it
secured for him, at the same time, a passage over both rivers. He caused
it to be fortified, and ensured possession of the bridge of Lintz, by strength
ening it by works of great force. His army, when it arrived at Vienna,
independently of this communication with Bavaria, kept open a safe com
munication with Italy, by means of the castle of Gratz, and the fortified
town of Klagenfurt. , .
In 1812, Dantzig, Thorn, Modlin, and Praga, were his strong places on
the Vistula ; Vielau, Kowno, Grodno, Wilna, and Minsk, his magazines
near the Niemen; and Smolensko his great place of depdt va. his move-

HISTORY PF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPCLEON. 247
ment on Moscow. In this operation he had a fortified point d'appui at the
distance of every eight days' march. -The whole of the post-houses were
embattled and entrenched, and were occupied each by a single company,
and piece of artillery ; and this gave such security to the service, that
during the whole campaign, not a single estafette, or a single convoy, was
intercepted ; arid that even in the retreat, with the exception of the four days
in which Admiral Tchetchagow was driven back to the other side of the
Berezina, the army had its communications with its depots constantly free.
In 1813, Kbnigstein, Dresden, Torgau, Wittenberg, Magdeburg, and
Hamburg were his .strong places on the Elbe ; Merseburg, Erfurt, and
Wiirzburg, his line of communication to reach the Rhine.
In 1814, he had strong places everywhere ; and the great importance of
those occupied in Flanders would have been seen, had not Paris fallen by
treason;* and if, even, after it had fallen, the defection of the commander of
the sixth corps had not prevented Napoleon from marching upon Paris,
, the allies would have been forced to abandon the capital ; for, assuredly,
their generals never would have risked a battle on the left bank of the
Seine, having behind them that great city, which they had only occupied
for three days. The treason of several of the ministers and civil agents
favored the entry of the enemy into Paris : but it was Marshal Marmont
who prevented the momentary occupation of the capital from being ruinous
to the allies.
• The whole of the plans of Napoleon's fourteen campaigns are conform
able to the true principles of war. His wars were bold, but they were
methodical. Nothing can furnish a better proof of this than his defensive
operations on the Adige, in 1796, in which the Austrians lost several
armies ; and that of.the Passarge, in 1807, to protect the siege of Dantzig.
.Should any one wish for an example of an offensive war conducted upon
false principles, it is to be found in that of 1796, in Germany. The French
army of the Sambre and Meuse, 50,000 strong, took possession of the
citadel of Wiirzburg, established itself upon the Regnitz, at .the time in
which the left and. the centre of the army <pf the Rhine and Moselle were
passing the Neckar, and advancing with 50,000 men to Neresheim, and the
right, 20,000 strong, under the command of Ferino, were marching on the
Vorarlberg, at the foot of the mountains of the Tyrol. These three corps
were separated from one another by mountains and large rivers, and each
of them kept a distinct line of communication with France, so that the
defeat of one compromised the safety of the other two. The flanks are
¦the weak parts of an invading army ; and no means ought to be neglected
to strengthen one of them at least, if not both, by a neutral country, or
some great natural defence. From the total neglect of this great firsft prin
ciple of war, the French army, by being divided into three separate corps,
created six flanks, whilst, by good maneuvering, it would have been easy to
have supported the two wings strongly. The centre of the column was
fighting at Neresheim, its left useless, and its right was not even supported
on the Danube, having neglected to take possession of Ulm, which the
enemy had abandoned, and which alone could have regulated the campaign.
It was thusisolated at a distance of eighty leagues from the Rhine, without
any point d'appui, as a place of intermediate depot. The archduke, having
withdrawn the principal part of the forces which he had opposed to the
army of the< Sambre and Meuse, and to the corps of the right commanded
by Ferino, marched upon Neresheim. Having failed in his attack, and
been repulsed by the intrepidity of the French, he re-crossed the Danube

248 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY PF NAPPLEPN.
and the Lech, and, weakened by leaving 25,000 men to check the leftand.
centre of the army of the Rhine and Moselle, which had just beaten him at
Neresheim, he proceeded to overwhelm or drive the army of the Sambre
and Meuse to the other side of the Rhine.
In this campaign, the general of the army of the Rhine, committed an
other fault: he left in his rear, without blockading them, the two important
fortresses , of Philippsburg and Mannheim, leaving only a corps of obser
vation of 4,000 men. He ought to have invested them closely, have cut
off all communications with the archduke, all knowledge of the passing
events of the war, and all intelligence with the surrounding country.
Such a blockade would have prepared the way towards the fall of those
places. He was severely punished for his imprudence. The garrisons of those
two places drove the corps of observation to the other side of the Rhine,
and the peasants no sooner heard of the successes of the archduke, than
they rose en masse and intercepted the communications ; they were very near
surprising Kehl, and the bridge of Strasburg. The principles of war and
of prudence were never more violated than in that campaign. The plan,
as drawn up by the cabinet, was wrong, and the mode of its execution was
still worse ; what ought, then, to have been done ? First, the three divi
sions ought tp have been under pne commander-in-chief; secondly, they
ought to have marched closer together, and have had only two wings — one
of them constantly supported by the Danube ; thirdly, they ought to have
first taken the four strong places on the Rhine from the enemy, or at least
to have opened the trenches before two of them, and to have made sure of
Ulm, in order, to use it as their great depot on the Danube, at the border of
the Black Forest.
The campaign in Portugal was an offensive campaign, in which also
the most important rules of the art of war were violated. The Anglo-
Portuguese army was 80,000 strong, 15,000 of whom were militia, sta
tioned as a corps of observation at Coimbra, and leaning for support on
Oporto. The French army, after having taken CiudadrRodrigo and Almeida,;
entered Portugal 72,000 strong, and attacked the enemy in position, on
the heights of Busaco. The two armies were nearly equal in number,
but the position of Busaco was very strong; the attack failed, and on
the next day the army changed its line, and marched upon Coimbra.
The enemy then effected, their retreat upon Lisbon, burning and wasting
the country as they retired.
The French general followed close upon their rear, without leaving a
corps of observation to hold in check the 15,000 Portuguese militia, who
were in Oporto. He abandoned everything, left .Coimbra behind him,
and thus deprived himself of all protection on his retreat. He ought to
have left 6,000 men to defend and fortify Coimbra, and to keep the corps
in Oporto in check.
It is true, that if he had done so, he would not have been able to take with
him more than 60,000 men to Lisbon ; that number, however,,would have been
sufficient, had the English general intended to embark his army; if, on
the contrary, as everything seemed to intimate, he wished to maintain
himself in Portugal, the French ought not to have passed by Coimbra,
but have taken a good position in advance of that city, even several days'
march, and fortified, it; they ought to have reduced Oporto by a detach
ment, organized the country behind therri, and kept open their communi-

HISTORY PF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPPLEPN. 249
cations with Almeida; and thus waited till Badajos was taken, and the
army of Andalusia had arrived on the Tagus.
When he had arrived at the foot of the entrenchments of Lisbon, the
French general failed in resolution; and yet he was well aware of the
existence of those lines, since the enemy had been engaged upon them for
three months. The general opinion is, that if he made his attack imme
diately on his arrival, he would have carried them ; but two days after
wards that was no longer possible.
The Anglo-Portuguese army was reinforeed by a great number of
battalions of militia, so that, without obtaining any advantage, the French
general lost 5,000 wounded or sick, and his communications were cut off
in the rear. He found, when he was before Lisbon, that he was insuffi
ciently provided with artillery, and the whole of his operations were
therefore badly planned.
Another offensive campaign, conducted in a manner equally opposed to
all the principles of war, was that of Charles XII., in the years 1708 and
1709. That prince set out from his camp at Altstadt, near Leipzig,"in
September, 1707, at the head of 45,000 men, and traversed Poland ; 20,000
men, under Count Lewenhaupt, disembarked at Riga; and 15,000 were
in Finland. He was, therefore, in a condition to have brdught together
80,000 of the best troops in the world. He left 10,000 men in Warsaw
to guard King Stanislaus; and in January, 1708, arrived at Grodno, where
he wintered. In June, he crossed the forest of Minsk, and presented
himself before Borisov, forced the Russian army, which occupied the left
bank of the Berezina, defeated 20,000 Russians who were strongly entren
ched behind marshes; passed the Borysthenes at Mohilov, and vanquished
a corps of 16,000 Muscovites near Smolensko, on the 22d of September.
He was now advanced to the confines of Lithuania, and was about to
enter Russia Proper : the Czar, alarmed at his approach, made him pro
posals of peace. Up till this tifne, all his movements were conformable
to rule, and his communications were well secured. He was master of
Poland and Riga, and only ten days' march distant from Moscow ; and it
is probable he would have reached that capital, had he not quitted the
high road thither, and directed his steps towards the Ukraine, in order to
form a junction with Mazeppa, who brought him only 6,000 men. By
this movement, his line of operations, beginning at Sweden, exposed his
flank, to Russia for a distance of 400 leagues, and he was unable to protect
it, or to receive either reinforcements or assistance. General Lewenhaupt,
with 16,000 men and 8,000 wagons, crossed the Borysthenes at Mohilov
twelve days after him ; but had scarcely taken four days' march in the
direction of the Ukraine, when he was attacked by the Czar, at the head
of 40,000 men. He fought valiantly on the 7th, 8th, 9th, and 10th of
October, but lost the whole of his convoy and 11,000 men, and only joined
his master in the Ukraine with the small number of 5,000 troops destitute
of everything. In May, 1709, the Czar, having collected large magazines
at Pultawa, Charles XII. laid siege to the place ; but in June the Czar
arrived at the head of sixty thousand men to raise the siege. Although
the king had only 30,000 troops, a part of whom were Cossacks of the
Ukraine, he attacked the Russian army, and was beaten : the ruin of his
army was complete ; he reached Turkey with difficulty, escaping across
the Dnieper with a thousand men.
Had Charles XII. wished to reach Moscow, his march was perfectly
well-directed as far as Smolensko, and his line of operations with Sweden

250 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
and Riga was Covered by the Dwina as far as the Borysthenes, and Mo-
hilvo ; but if his design was to winter in the Ukraine, and to induce a
rising among the Cossacks, he ought to have passed the Niemen at Grodno,
and .traversed Lithuania.
He ought to have set out from Cracow, directed his course towards the
lower part of the Dnieper, and caused his convoys to be sent from Sweden
behind the Oder and the Vistula by way of Cracow ; for it was impossible
for him to pretend to maintain his communications with his own states by
a line which, for the space of four hundred leagues, skirted the frontier, of
Russia, and exposed his flank to his enemy, whilst it- would have been
easy for him to have kept his communications open by Cracow, because
he would have been covered by Lithuania, the Niemenj and the Vistula.
He did; not organize his war, like Hannibal, so as to relinquish all his
communications with Sweden ; for Gerieral Lewenhaupt, who commanded
a considerable detachment, and escorted a most important convoy, followed
him at a distance of .twelve days' march; and he calculated, therefore, on
his joining him.
To the first fault, which of itself was enough tohave brought ruin upon
his plan, he added a second, that of attacking the Russian army at Pul-
tawa. He was, at that time, only twelve leagues from the Borysthenes,
and could have reached that river in two days' march, and put it between
him and the Czar, and could have maintained himself in Volhynia and
Podolia. Why should he have offered battle ? Had he been conqueror
at Pultawa, what could he have pretended to do with an army which did
not contain more than 18,000 Swedes, and at a distance of forty days' march
from Moscow 1 He could no longer entertain any expectation of striking
a decisive blow against his enemy; and everything combined to point out
to him the necessity of taking advantage of the favoraable season of the
year, and of the fear with which he had inspired the Muscovites, and tp
pass the Dneiper during the month of May, and re-enter Poland. He
ought to have given battle so as to have ensured his retreat, and to have had
boats and a fort twelve leagues from Pultawa, upon the Borysthenes; but
his plan was not well organized ; he did not, in fact, understand the art of
war, and was nothing more than a brave and intrepid soldier. As soon as
he quitted the high road to Moscow, he lost all communications with
Sweden, and received no news of the disaster which befel General Lewen
haupt till he was informed by that general himself. It is obvious that the
faults of his plan of operations did not escape the notice of several of the
officers of his staff, who, in despair of being able to induce him to renounce
his design of marching upon the Ukraine, long insisted that he should wait
at Smolensko for the arrival of the corps under General Lewenhaupt, and
for the supplies which were absolutely necessary to his success.
After this brief notice of the campaigns of the greatest captains, we do not
feel ourselves called upon to offer any observations on the various pretended
systems of the art of war. Recourse was had to a great number of plans
in the war in Hanover, to form a basis of operations for the French armies,
which were merely thus weakened by garrisons, and which only rendered
the successes of Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick easier and more splendid.
By fortifying their capitals, generals have at their disposal all their re
sources, aU their wealth and all their influence. They can profit by cellars
and public edifices as places of deposit for the stores of the army. Al
most all such cities having formerly had fortifications, the masonry of their
ramparts, and their sluices, are all useful, whilst open places are not pro-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 251
tected from a coup-de-main, at least without being provided with a garrison
as numerous as that which would be sufficient to occupy an entrenched

What immense labor it would require to build blockhouses which would
afford an adequate protection from the air, bombs, and howitzers, tp the
magazines of an army ! If the army of reserve were composed of recruits,
it would be useless either in rallying the army, stopping its retreat in case
of defeat, or in repressing movements in the country. This system creates
points vulnerable to the enemy, who in his own country has the means of
changing his line of operations at pleasure.
Conquered provinces ought to be kept in a state of obedience to the con
queror by moral means, the responsibility of the communes and parishes,
the mode of organization and administration ; hostages form one of the
most powerful means, but in order to be so, the hostages must be nume
rous, chosen from among persons of the greatest influence, and the people
thoroughly impressed with the belief that the death of these hostages will
be the result of any violation of their fidelity.
Unity of command is the most important thing in war. Two armies
ought never to be placed on the same theatre of war. Modern troops have
no more need of bread and biscuit than the Romans had. Give thern
on the march flour, rice, or vegetables, and they will not suffer from the
want of other supplies. It is an error to suppose that the generals of an
tiquity did not pay particular attention to their magazines. It appears from
1 Caesar's Commentaries, that, in many of his campaigns,* this subject oc
cupied much of his attention. They had only found out the art of not
being slaves to, and depending too much on, their supplies ; an art which
has been that of all great captains. The system followed by the French,
in the campaigns in Hanover, was the plan of causing large armies to be
beaten by small ones ; and of doing nothing with immense means.
Commanders-in-chief are guided by their own experience or genius.
Tactics, evolutions, the sciences of, engineering and gunnery, may be
J learned in treatises, like geometry ; but the knowledge of other parts of
war is only to be acquired by experience, and by studying the history of
ithe wars and battles of great leaders. Can we learn from the grammar
how to compose a book of the Iliad, or a tragedy of Corneille?.

CONSTITUTION DRAWN UP BY NAPOLEON.

GENERAL DISPOSITION.
The French nation is constituted a popular monarchy, under the
denomination of "The French Empire."

CHAPTER I.— OF THE SOVEREIGNTY.
Art. 1., The sovereignty dwells in the nation.
Art. 2. The nation confers on the prince whom she raises to the throne,
under the title of Emperor, the exercise of the sovereign power, under the
limits determined by the different chapters of the constitution of the em
pire. The Emperor transmits to his descendants, in the direct, legitimate,
male line, and according to primogeniture, the charge which he received
from the nation.
Art. 3. In ease of the extinction of this line, a national congress raises
to the throne a new dynasty. ,
Art. 4. The majority of the Emperor is fixed at eighteen years of age.
Art. 5. A council of regency governs during the minority of the Em
peror.

CHAPTER II.— PUBLIC RIGHTS OF THE FRENCH PEOPLE.
Section 1. — Of the legality of rights.
Art. 6. Frenchmen are equals, in the eye of the law, whatever may be
their social position.
Art. 7. They are all admissible to the employments, trusts, and digni
ties of the state. Section 2. — Of individual liberty.
Art. 8. Individual liberty is guaranteed to all Frenchmen.
Art. 9. No man can be separated from his natural judges.
Art. 10. No man can be deprived of his liberty, except in the execution

history of the captivity of napoleon. 253
of a judicial condemnation, pronounced for criminal delinquency, with'the
sole exception of offences against military discipline.
Art. 11. Warrants of apprehension are abolished for civil or commercial
matters. -
Art. 12. The punishment of death is abolished for all other crimes,
except murder or attempt to murder.
Art. 13. The punishments of-|hard labor, and of branding, can in no
case be inflicted for political offences.
Section 3. — Of the liberty of the Press.
Art. 14. The liberty of the press is consecrated as a Frenchman's right,
in all things in which it does not infringe any general or private interest.
Art. 15. The daily or weekly press can, in no case, be subjected to
exceptional augmentation of stamp duty.
Every speculation as a daily or weekly publication is free, under the
one sole condition, of furnishing to the government good and sufficient
security for its morality and splvency.
The law is to determine those requisites of morality and solvency.
Art. 16. All publications on questions of state, or an extraordinary
raising of forces, being, from their very nature, susceptible of prejudicing
the social body in France, can be suspended by order of the attorney-
general, who will take charge of its definitive suppression, or of its con
demnation before the court of assize, as being an attempt to disturb the
tranquillity or the safety of the state.
Art. 17. The prosecutions commenced in virtue of the directions of Art.
16 above mentioned, shall be the object of ah admonition from the judges
to the ministerial officer who has ordered the suspension of the publica
tion, in case the court of assize shall reverse the said suspension.
Art. 18. All offences of the press against public morals, and everything
which shall injure private interests, shall be prosecuted officially, or at the
suit of the party aggrieved, and punished according to law.
Section 4. — Of religious liberty.
Art. 19. Toleration of all sects is guaranteed to Frenchmen.
Art. 20. The Roman Catholic and apostolic religion, heing the profes
sion of the great majority of Frenchmen, is the established religion.
Section 5. — Of the inviolability of property.
Art. 21. All property is inviolable without distinction of tifle-<— never
theless, the state can dispose, for the public interest, of private property,
giving, however, previously a just indemnity.
Art. 22. Any difference of opinion about the value of such indemnity,
must be decided by the tribunals. ,
Art. 23. Punishment by confiscation of goods is abolished as an ab
surdity. Section 6. — Of liability to taxation.
Art. 24. Frenchmen must contribute, without distinction of rank, to
the support of the government, in the proportion and under the forms pre
scribed by the laws relating to the safety and the defence of the empire.
Art. 25. No contribution or impost under any form or denomination
whatever, nor any raising of troops, can be ordered, or take place, without
a special law to that effect.

254 history, of the captivity of napoleon.
'¦- Art 26. The- expenses of the government are divided into the budget
for fixed and ordinary expenses, the budget for the endowment of the civil
list, and the budget for extraordinary expenses.: ; ,'
Art. 27. The supplies are voted by the legislative chambers.- The
third, in the first sitting of the legislative chambers, after the accession of
the Emperor, and during the whole course of his reign. -
Art. 28. The local supplies are voted^by the general council of the de
partment, and by the municipal councils, at each of their sittings.
Section 7. — Of actions against what is. arbitrary.
Art. 29. Every Frenchman who, in his person or in his fortune, be
lieves himself to be the object of arbitrary proceedings, either of the civil
or military authorities, has the right, without any previous permission, to
cite before the tribunals the agent of the power which has, as regards him,
violated the common law.
Art. 30. Every action1 so entered upon, against any agent of authority,
which shall not be recognized by the tribunals as founded in law, shall be
considered as an offence and calumny of the highest degree, arid punished
as such.

CHAPTER III.— OF THE GOVERNMENT.
Section 1. — General disposition. i
Art. 31. The, government is carried on under the supreme direction of
the Emperor, by —
1st. The Legislative Power.
2d. The Judicial Power.
3d. The Executive-administrative Power.
Section Z.— Of the Legislative Power.
Art. 32. The legislative power is exercised collectively by the Emperor,
and the legislative body representing the great interests of the nation.
Art. 33. The legislative body is composed of two chambers ; the cham
ber of peers — the chamber of the deputies from the departments.
Art. 34. The chamber of peers and the chamber of deputies meet an
nually in a legislative session convoked by the Emperor.
Art. 35. The decree of convocation determines the time and place of
the holding of the session.
Art. 36. The Emperor can close or prorogue the legislative session, and
dissolve the chamber of deputies, if he considers it advisable for the safety
of the state.
Art. 37. The decree of the dissolution of the chamber of deputies in
cludes always, and by an obligatory arrangement, the convocation of the
electoral colleges, so that France never can be for more than twenty days
with an incomplete; national representation. .. ,
Art. 38. The legislative sessiori is closed or prorogued, and the sittings
terminated, at the very moment in which the chambers receive intelligence
of the decree of the closing or prorogation. , . >
Art. 39. All assemblirig of the chambers at any other time than that of
the legislative session, legally convoked, is, null and void, except in the
case foreseen by Art. 48.

history of the captivity of napoleon. 255
Art. 40. The presentation of the laws belongs to the Emperor and to
the legislative chambers.
Art. 41. The draft of the laws -presented in the name of the Eniperor,
is conveyed to the legislative chambers by a minister or councilor of state,
and is there discussed.
Art. 42. The draft of the laws presented for the government is previbusly
submitted to the prescriptions of Art. 109, mentioned hereafter in section
4th. The draft of the laws presented by the chambers is previously sub
mitted to the examination of their officers.
Art. 43. The chamber of peers and the chamber of deputies have an
equal right to amend, in whole or in part, the draft of the laws submitted
to their discussion.
Every amendment must be examined by the commission of the law to
which it belongs, before it becomes the subject of a general discussion.
Art. 44. The draft of the laws concerning the finances is always taken
to the chamber of deputies before being submitted for discussion in the
chamber of peers.
Art. 45. Every draft of law is freely discussed and put to the vote in
the legislative chambers.
Art. 46. The Emperor can withdraw the drafts of law submitted to the
chambers, if he think fit, even before their legislatives discussion be closed.
Art. 47. A draft of law does not become the law: of the land until it has
been voted by the majority of each of the legislative chambers, has received
the sanction of the .Emperor, and been legally proclaimed by his com
mand. Art. 48. In case it should happen that an army should be dispersed in
the interval of the legislative session, or that the dissolution of the chamber
of deputies has not been followed, conformably to Art. 37, by the convoca
tion of the electoral colleges, the chamber of peers shall assemble, on a
summons from their president, as a high court of justice, and send a re
quisition to the prime minister, to fulfill, under pain of high treason, the
conditions of Art. 34 and 37, above.
1. Of the Chamber of Peers.
Art. 49. The .chamber of peers is composedof peers, named and chosen
by the Emperor from the most distinguished families of the empire.
Art. 50. The princes of the imperial family are by right peers of France,
but they can only take their seats in the chamber in virtue of a special
notification of the Emperor, forwarded each session to the chamber of
peers. Art. 51. The great dignitaries of the empire are by right hereditary
peers, under the title of dukes.
Art. 52. The number of peers is unlimited.
Art. 53. The title of peer may be conferred as hereditary or for life
only. Art. 54. The title of peer may be conferred by the Emperor as a re
compense for distinguished national services.
Art. 55. The decree of nomination prescribes the value of the endowment
or pension attached to the inheritance.
Art. 56. Frenchmen who have served their country in the higher offices
of the government, during at least ten yea¥s, shall be considered among the
great digniuries of the empire ; as shall also be such electors as, for the
size of their property, or the services which they may have rendered in

256 history of the captivity of nappleon.
their departments, are recommended to the choice of the Emperpr by the
.electoral colleges.
Art. 57. Every nomination to the peerage mentions the title under which
It is conferred.
Art. 58. The titular archbishops of the archiepiscopal sees of the empire
are by right peers for life, under the title of duke.
Art. 59, No one can take his seatjas a peer of France unless he has
arrived at the age of thirty.
Art. 60. The peers of France are to be brought to trial for criminal
offences by the chamber of peers only, and they can only be arrested by
authority of a warrant from the president of the chamber of peers. ,
Art. 61. The Emperor shall have the nomination of the president and
of the grand referendaire of the chamber of peers ; the chamber shall
elect the other officers. ..,',¦.
Art. 62. The chamber of peers is the supreme court of justice; 1st, to
take cognizance of the crimes pf high treason and attempts against the
safety of the state, in cases where the courts of assize declare themselves
incompetent— sucfi as cases of rebellion, or high treason of generals of the
army, governors of provinces, or bodies of sea or land forces ; 2dly„to try
peers of France, or ministers and members of the council of regency,
accused by the chamber of deputies, conformably to Art. 107, 108, and
123 of this constitution.
Art. 63. The chamber of peers, as supreme court of justice, shall pro
nounce its.judgment according to the laws common to all Frenchmen.
Art. 64. The chamber of peers shall hold its deliberations publicly, ex
cept in cases where it resolves itself into a secret committee.
2. Of the Chamber of Deputies, and of the Electoral System.
Art. 65. The chamber of deputies is composed of the deputies from the
departments. Art. 66. The nation elects the members of the chamber of deputies from
the departments.
Art. 67. Every Frenchman who enjoys civil and political rights, and
who contributes his share to the expenses of the government, is an elector,
and has a voice in the election of the deputies.
Art. 68. In order to be able to exercise his privilege as an elector, it is
only necessary that the individual should prove, at the office of his electoral
college, that he fulfills the conditions prescribed by Art. 67, above men
tioned, if he he not already comprised in the list of electors, drawn up and
published by the administrative authorities.
Art. 69. No one can exercise the electoral functions in two colleges.
Art. 70. The right of convoking the electoral assemblies belongs to the
Emperor alone.
Art. 71. The electors are to meet and form an electoral college, con
formably to the arrangement of the laws, and to the decree of convocation.
Art. 72. The Emperor has the nomination of the president of the electoral
colleges. Art. 73. The electoral colleges elect their vice presidents, secretaries,
and scrutineers.
Art. 74. The police of the electoral assemblies and of the electoral col
leges belong exclusively 'to the .president.
Art. 75. The elections are decided by the majority of votes.
Art. 76. The session of the electoral assemblies cannot last more than

HISTORY OF the captivity of napoleon. 257
ten, days, under pain of nullifying the proceeding of such assembly or
college as shall not have finished their election in that time .
Art. 77. The electoral assembly is formed by the meeting of all the
electors of the communes of the canton in the principal place of such
canton. Art. 78. The electoral college is formed by the meeting of the proxies
from the electoral assembly, in thjUprincipal place of the arrondissement.
Art. 79. In this manner, each electoral assembly deputes ten electors,
and confers Upon them the power of concurring, in its name, with the
electoral college, in all elections of such college.
Art. 80. Each electoral college, assembled for election to the chamber
of deputies, shall, before the close of their meeting, submit to the choice
of the Emperor, an elector, whom, on account of his property, or the ser
vices which he has rendered to the department, they think worthy of being
raised to the dignity of a peer of France.
Art. 81. All deliberations upon matters foreign to the election are for
bidden, under pain of nullifying the proceedings of the college.
Art. 82. Every administrative arrondissement of the principal place
of Ihe prefecture, of the sub-prefecture, or of the great towns of the empire,
shall form, at least, one electoral college, on the condition that each college
shall consist of at least five hundred electors.
Art. 83. Each electoral college shall elect one deputy.
Art. 84. The deputies are elected for five years, except in the case of
a dissolution of the chambers, which necessitates a new election.
Art. 85. Every one is eligible as an elector in the department to which
he belongs, by birth, by actual residence, by legal settlement during a year,
or by property acquired by purchase for the same length of time. Doctors
of medicine, licentiates, notaries, the chief officers of industrial or com
mercial establishments, officers of the land or sea forces, on service or
ready for service, or, enjoying a retiring pension, are equally eligible; but
on the express condition that they must belong by their birth, or by their
actual residence, or legal settlement, to the electoral arrondissement which
elects them.
Art. 86. For this purpose, the administrative authorities shall prepare
and publish electoral lists of eligibility, conformably to the arrangement of
articles 67 and 85 above mentioned.
Art. 87. The lists shall be revised annually, if it is necessary ; they
shall remain constantly posted up in the assembly hall of the mayor of
each commune.
Art. 88. Every disputed point upon the right of ejection, or of eligibility,
shall be tried by the imperial court within the limits of which the instance
shall occur.
Art. 89. No one can be elected as deputy in the department, or terri
torial division, in which he exercises the functions of imperial procureur,
of prefect, or sub-prefect of a military division or sub-division.
Art. 90. The deputies must be thirty years old, at least.
Art. 91. The chamber of deputies shall be judge of the validity of elec
tions. Art. 92. The decease or resignation of a deputy causes a new election.
Art. 93. A deputy is considered to have resigned when he accepts any
public Temploym-ent.
Art. 94. The Emperor shall convoke, within thirty days, the electoral
VOL. IV. '•':¦•' 6

258 history of the captivity of napoleon.
college, whose representation has thus become incomplete through decease
or resignation. -
Art. 95. The Emperor nominates the president of the chamber of
deputies. ,
Art. 96. The chamber nominates her vice-presidents and other officers.
Art. 97. The chamber of deputies shall hold its deliberations publicly,
except in cases -where it resolves itselflteito a secret committee.
, . Section 3. — Of the Judicial Power.
Art. 98. Judicial power is delegated by the Emperor.
1. To the chamber of peers, iri the cases provided for by Art. 62,
abo^e mentioned, when it is constituted a supreme court of justice.
2. To tribunals where the judges are not removable.
3. To the courts of assize.
4. To the tribunals of cpmmerce.
5. To justices of the peace.
6. To the council pf prizes.
7. To military tribunals; but only in the case of offences committed
by military men actually on duty, by land or sea.
Art. 99. No tribunal or commission, under any denomination whatever,
can exist, unless established by law. No suit" can be determined, or no
judgment pronounced, either between the government and an individual,
or between one individual and another, by any other than the ordinary
tribunals. Art. 100. As all justice emanates from the Emperor, so all sentences
and warrants are issued in his name.
Art. 101. The Emperor has the prerogative of pardon, or the commuta
tion of punishment,
Art. 102. The judicial investigations of the empire are subject to such
legislative arrangements as are called for by the wants of the people.
But the courts of first appeal and of cassation must remain inviolably con
secrated in civil matters, as well as in sentences pronounced in criminal
matters and offences of the press, with the exceptions mentioned in Art.
62 above, of the cases which come under the jurisdiction of the supreme
court of peers. ' ;
Art. 103. Every law in actual operation at the time of the publication.
of this present constitution of the empire, which shall be in oppositidn to
the provisions of the said constitution, is and shall be abrogated.
Section 4.— Of the Executive-administrative Power.
Art. 104. To the Emperor alone, as the supreme head of the state,
belongs the executive administrative power, for the general good, He
exercises it through the medium- of his ministers.
Art. 105. The Emperor can, by his decree, nominate all the employes
of the state, the election of whom is not reserved to the people-; and he
can also originate every measure for the, public administration, and for the
defence of the empire. He has the command of the forces, both of sea
and land ; c^n proclaim war and. conclude treaties of peace, of alliance,
and of commerce, in such manner as he considers consistent with, the
dignity and the interest of the empire, with the reserve of the legislative
sanction to all such treaties.
Art. 106. The prime minister countersigns the imperial decrees, and is

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON; 259
responsible to the nation for all acts emanating from the imperial power, in
violation of the constitution or laws of the empire.
Art. 107. The indictment is drawn up by the chamber of deputies ; the
sentence is pronounced by the chamber of peers, the high court of justice.
Art. 108: The indictment and the sentence are decided by a majority of
two-thirds of the voters.
Art. 109. A council of state isApecially entrusted, under the direction
of the prime minister, with the drawing up of all projects of law, and
general rules for the administration. It is divided into the committees of
legislation, war, the marine, the interior, and the finances.
Art. 1 10. The members of the general councils of the departments, the
arrondissements, the communes, and the municipalities, are elected for five
years, by the proprietors of the departments, communes, and municipali
ties, assembled in electoral colleges convened by virtue of an imperial de
cree for the election of the general cpuncils of the departments and arron-
dissements, and of a summons from the prefect for the election of the
municipal councils.
¦ Art. 111. Each electoral arrondissement elects at least two members of
the general council of the department.
Art, 112. The number of members of the general councils of the de
partments, the arrondissements, the communes, and the municipalities, is
determined by a law.

CHAPTER IV.— OF THE GREAT DIGNITIES OF THE EMPIRE.
Art. 113. Six great dignifies of the empire-are conferred for life hy the
Emperor,-in testimony of the national gratitude for high and important ser
vices, and are —
The lord high chancellor.
The lord treasurer. k
The colonel-in-chief of the National Guards.
The constable.
The grand master of fortifications and of artillery.
The lord high-admiral. '
Art. 114. The great dignitaries are princes of the empire, and chiefs
according to their titles : — n
The lord high chancellor, of the departmental administration, and of
foreign affairs.
The lord treasurer, of the administration of the finances.
The colonel-general of the National Guards, of all the National
Guards of the empire.
The constable, of the corps of infantry and of cavalry. ,
The grand master of fortification and of artillery, of the regiments
and of the arms.
The lord high admiral of the imperial marine.
CHAPTER V.— OF THE COUNCIL OF REGENCY.
Art. 115. The formation of a Council of Regency is, in every reign,
the object of a special decree of the Emperor, sealed with his- seal, noti
fied to the legislative chambers, and deposited, sealed, in the archives.

260 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Art. 1 16, The Emperor can modify at his pleasure, and according tp cir
cumstances, the contents of this decree, but always under the form pre
scribed by the preceding article.
Art. 117. The council of ministers exercise temporarily the powers of
a regency, until the legal appointment of a council of regency; they can
convoke the legislative chambers without delay, should the decease of the
Emperor- occur during the recess. A
Art. 118. The chamber of peers and the chamber of deputies shall meet
in solemn assembly, as soon as they receive information of the decease of
the Emperor, in order to recognize the decree by which the regency is con
stituted, and to proclaim it as the law of the land.
Art. 119. The members of the council of regency shall, before the two
chambers,, take an oath to exercise within the limits of the constitution,
and according to the. laws of the empire,. the power which has been tem
porarily committed to them until the majority of- the Emperor.
Art. 120. Each member of fhe -council of regency is individually re
sponsible for the acts of the council.
Art. 121. Nevertheless, when the mother of the Emperor has, been
named president of the council of regency, she shall not be held individu
ally responsible for the acts of the council.
Art. 122. A special law shah provide for supplying the place of' any
member pf the council of regency, vacant by death or resignation., On
this occasion, the council of regency shall propose to the legislative cham
bers three candidates for each vacancy, and the candidate who gains the
majority, of votes in the two chambers, shall be announced as the, member
of the council of regency.
Art. 123. The members of the council ofregency are inviolable in their
persons, and cannot be called to account for the acts of the council, until
after the expiration of their functions, andwhen the Emperor has arrived
at majority, and taken the reins of government into his own hands.

CHAPTER VI. AND LAST.— OF COLONIES.
One Article only. Colonies are regulated by special laws.
1 XTRA AND ADDITIONAL CHAPTER.
Art. 1 . The chamber of peers and the chamber of deputies, such as they
are constituted by the second section pf the third chapter, shall meet in a
legislative session within the period of thirty days from the publication of
this present constitution.
Art. 2. All Frenchmen, being electors, shall enjoy their civil rights. The
election of deputies is the sanction of the French people to this present
constitution, a fundamental, inviolable, and sacred compact between the
nation and the Emperor.

ON THE EXPEDITION TO EGYPT.

It suddenly became known in England that a considerable force was
preparing at Brest, Toulon, Genoa, and Civita Vecchia— that the Spanish
squadron at Cadiz was being actively equipped — and that numerous camps
were being formed on the banks of the Scheldt, and on the coasts of the
Pas de Calais, of Normandy and Brittany.
Napoleon, who had been named general-in-chief of the "Army of Eng'
land," surveyed the whole shores of the ocean, pausing at each post. He
had collected about him all whp still lived of those naval efficers who had
distinguished themselves during the American war, such' as Buhor, Ma-
rigny, <fec, but they did not justify their reputation.
The communication that France had held with the " United Irishmen"
eouldnot be long kept a secret ; so that the court of St. James at first thought
that these preparations were directed against England and Ireland, and that
France was anxious to profit by the peace that had just been concluded on
the continent, and terminate a long struggle by a hand-to-hand engagement.
The English cabinet imagined that the armaments being raised in Italy,
were merely as a blind', and that the fleet off Toulon would pass the
Straits of Gibraltar, and effect a junction with the Spanish fleet at Cadiz ;
that from thence the fleets would proceed together to Brest, and there take
on board a large force for the invasion of both England and Ireland.
During this uncertainty, England hastily equipped a new squadron, and
as soon as it was ascertained that Napoleon had set out from Toulon, Ad
miral Rogers was dispatched with ten ships to reinforce the fleet before
Cadiz, under the command of Admiral Lord St. Vincent, who, by this
addition, was now in possession of from twenty-eight to thirty ships of the
line: another fleet of equal force was off Brest. Admiral St. Vincent
had, besides, in the Mediterranean,. a small squadron of three ships, which
cruised between the shores of Spain, Provence, and Sardinia, in order to
collect intelligence and watch over that sea.
On the 24th of May, he dispatched ten ships from Cadiz, to join those
in the Mediterranean commanded by Nelson, who, by this reinforcement,
had now a fleet of thirteen sail of the line : they had orders to blockadje
Toulon, or to follow the French squadron if it had put to sea. Lord St.
Vincent remained at Cadiz, watching the Spanish fleet, and in constant

262 history of the captivity of napoleon.
dread that the French might escape Nelson, and pass through the Straits.
In the instructions sent by this admiral to Nelson, which have since been
published, it Will be seen that he anticipated everything but an expedition
against Egypt ; whilst the probability was suggested that the French ex
pedition might be intended either for the Brazils, the Black Sea, or Con
stantinople. The encampment of more than 150,000 men on the sea coast created
constant alarm throughout England.
Nelson, with the three ships sent to him by Lord St. Vincent, whilst
cruising between Corsica, Provence, and Spain, on the night of the 19th
of May, experienced a violent gale, which so damaged his ships, and es
pecially the one where he personally commanded, that it was necessary to
have it taken in tow. His intention had been to have anchored in the
Gulf of Oristano, in Sardinia, but not'- being- able to accomplish this he
gained the Roads of the Isle df St. Pietro, where the damaged ships were
repaired. On that same night, of the 1 9th of May, the French squadron
set sail from Toulon, and arrived at Malta, after doubling Cape Corso, and
Cape Carbonara. By this time (June 1st), Nelson was again cruising" off
Toulon, having been joined by the ten shipsof Lord St. Vincent, of which
he had received the command ; but he was still ignorant that the French
fleet had put to sea. On the 15th, he was reconnoitering in the Roads of
Tagliamon, on the coast of Tuscany, which he supposed might be the
rendezvous of the French expedition ; and, on the 20th, he appeared be
fore Naples, where he learned from the government that the French squad
ron had landed at Malta, and that the ambassador from the Republic, Garat,
had hinted that the expedition was destined for Egypt. .
0n fhe 22d, Nelson was at Messina, where the news was confirmed that
the French had seized upon; Malta, and that they had since steered. for
Candia. He then immediately passed the Faro of .Messina, and sailing
for Alexandria, arrived there on the 28th of June.
Malta could not sustain a siege of twenty-four hours, its moral power
being completely gone, although it had immense resources in physical re
sistance; the knights offered no opposition to the invaders; they did not
attempt what was impossible.
Few countries are more sterile than the three little adjacent islands of
Malta, Gozo, and Cumino, they being barren rocks, with a slight covering
of soil brought from Sicily to . improve the cultivation, and form gardens.
Cotton, the best in the Levant, is their chief, production, which they grow
to the value of many millions of francs. The population of the three
islands is about 100,000 ;*but as they cannot- support above 10,000, all
the necessaries of life are brought from Sicily. The port of Malta is one
of the finest and ^safest in the Mediterranean, and its capital, Valetta, con
tains about 30,000 inhabitants. It has large and handsome houses, fine
streets, magnificent fountains, quays, shops, &c. The fortifications are of
freestone of great extent and strength, piled one upon the other, the whole
sheltered, and casemated, and. bomb-proof. Caffarelli Dufalga, who com
manded the attack, remarked in jest, "It is most fortunate that we found
some one within to open the gates for us," alluding to the number of
ditches to be crossed, as well as of scarps to be climbed over. The house
of the grand master was in no way remarkable; it might, from its simpli
city, have belonged to a private individual of very moderate fortune. Its
principal ornaments were its orangeries ; and there were a number of in
ferior gardens, and houses belonging to the bailiffs, governors, &c.

history of the captivity of napoleon. 263
The Knights of Malta had large possessions in Spain, Portugal, France,
Italy, and Germany; and theyinherited the property of the order of Tem
plars on its suppression. ,
Their possessions had the same origin as those of the monks, being
derived from donations of the faithful to the. Hospitallers of St. John of
Jerusalem, and to the Knights Templars, whose duty it was to escort -pil
grims, and protect them from tbe injuries and insults of the Arabs. . The
intention of the donors was, that this money should be employed against
the infidels ; and if the order of Malta had fulfilled this intention, and
employed the wealth it possessed in various Christian countries* in mak
ing war on the natives of Barbary, and in protecting the shores of the
Mediterranean against the pirates of Algiers, Morocco, Tunis, and Tripoli,
it would have served Christianity better than by joining the Crusades. It
might have supported a squadron of from eight to ten seventy-four gun
ships, and a dozen good frigates and corvettes, which would have enabled
the Knights to blockade Algiers, and restrain Morocco. By these means,
the Moors would have ceased their piracies, and turned their attention to
commerce and the cultivation of the soil. Malta would then have been
peopled with veterans whose whole. lives had been passed in warfare,, and
with a well disciplined youth.
But,'- instead of this, the .knights, like all other monastic bodies, imagined
that their wealth had been bestowed upon them solely for their own pri
vate benefit.
Throughout all Christendom, they had their bailiffs, governors, &c, who
employed a great part of the resources of the order in keeping up sump
tuous establishments, where luxury reigned throughout^ whilst their surplus
revenues were employed in enriching their families.
The monks of other religious orders at least say masses, preach, and
administer the sacraments, and cultivate their lands* but the Knights of
Malta did none of these things. Thus, this immense wealth became the
property of a few individuals, or served as a provision for the younger
sons of noble families. But a very small share of the revenues ever
reached Malta, and the knights, who were obliged to remain two years
on the island, to perform their " caravans," usually resided at inns kept
by their own countrymen, where they lived with but little comfort.
They had no fleet: four or five galleys were sent to cruise in the Me-
diterreanean every year, anchoring in the different ports of Italy, and most
carefully avoiding the Moors. These foolish expeditions, made in vesssls
totally unfit to contend with the frigates and large Algerine corsairs* ended
in fetes and balls that they gave in the ports oipLeghorn, Naples and Sar
dinia. Malta possessed neither docks nor arsenal, but there was one ill-
conditioned sixty-four gun ship, and two frigates that had never left the
port; and the young knights made their "caravans" without having fired
a gun, or seen an enemy. At the time of the French revolution, when
the property of the church was confiscated, legislation spread in Italy in
proportion as French administration extended, but no claim was made in
behalf of this order, not even by the seaports of Genoa, Leghorn, or Malta.
There were many made in favor of the Charteaux, Benedictines, and Do
minicans, but none for this order of Chivalry, which rendered no service
to any party.
It is difficult to understand how the popes, who were the superiors o£
this order, and the natural protectors and reformers of its laws, and whose
interests would engage them to protect their own shpres from pirates — it

264 HISTORY PF THE CAPTIVITY OF NA-PO**ON.
is difficult, we repeat, to understand how it was that they did not exert
their authority over the order, and cause it to fulfil its original destination.
Nothing can indicate more clearly than this the decay into which the- court
of Rome itself had fallen. , ;
The first news of the existence of an English fleet in the Mediterranean
was made knawn- to the French by a vessel they encountered off Cape
Carbonara; and on the 25th of June it was confirmed, as the squadron
came in sight of Candia, by the frigate La Justice, which had been cruis
ing off Naples, and which brought positive intelligence that an English.
fleet was in those latitudes. In consequence of this, Napoleon gave
orders that, instead of steering, direct for Alexandria, his .fleet should ma
neuver on the coast of Africa, off Cape Agni, about twenty-five leagues
from Alexandria, and that it should defer appearing in that port till he
should have received further intelligence. i
On the 29th they signaled the African coast, and Cape Agni. In the
meanwhile, Nelson had arrived at Alexandria, and hearing no news of the
French squadron, he steered towards Iskenderoon, and from thence re
paired to Rhodes. He then surveyed the > islands in the Archipelago* ex
plored the entrance of the Adriatic, and was obliged finally to anchor, on
the 18th of July, at Syracuse, to water his ships, without having acquired
any information on the proceedings of Napoleon. From thence he sailed
for the Morea, where, for the first time, he learned that the French army
had landed a month before in Egypt, whilst he supposed that the French
squadron had returned to Toulon. He then directed his course to Alex
andria, in order to be able to give an exact account, of the state of things to
his government, and also to leave before that place the force necessary to
blockade it.
The French squadron, on its departure -from Toulon, consisted of thir
teen sail of -the line, six frigates, and. a dozen of brigs, corvettes, or advice-
boats. The English had thirteen ships of the line, of which One was a
fifty gun ship, and the rest were seventy-fours, but they had been hastily
manned, and were in bad condition ; and Nelson had no frigates. The
French had one vessel of 120 guns, and three of 80. A convoy of many
hundred sail was binder the escort of this squadron. It was particularly
under the care of two ships of sixty-four guns; four frigates of eighteen
guns, of Venetian build, and a score of brigs or advice-boats. The French
squadron took advantage of the great number of small craft they possessed,
to obtain information from a distance, so that, as soon as the enemy came
in sight? the convoy could take up a position at a convenient distance from
the combat. Each ship (Bad on board five hundred veteran soldiers,
including a company of artillerymen; and during the month they had
been on board, the troops had been exercised at the guns twice a day.
In each man-of-war there were experienced generals, ^who had been well
trained to arms. The constant subject of conversation amongst then! was
the. probability of an engagement with the English ; in which case, the
naval captains were each provided with a general and standing order, to take
part.in the action, and protect his neighbors. Nelson's squadron Was one
of the worst which England had ever sent to sea during the last century.
The French squadron received orders to enter the port of Alexandria,
its presence being necessary to the army, and to the ulterior projects of
the general-in-chief. But how great was the astonishment when the
Turkish pilots declared, that they could not take- seventy -four gun ships,
much less ships of eighty guns, into the. old port. Captain Barre, a very

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPPLEPN. 265
distinguished naval officer, whose duty it was to investigate the harbor,
posiUvely asserted the contrary. The sixty-fours and frigates entered
without difficulty; but the admiral and many of the. officers deemed it
prudent to make a new survey, before hazarding the safety of the whole
As the men-of-war had on board the artillery and ammunition of the
army, and as there was a strong breeze blowing, the admiral proposed
that, all the troops should land at Aboukir, which might be effected in
thirty-six hours— whilst the same operation would take five or six days
when their sails were set.
- -When Napoleon set out from Alexandria, on an expedition against the
Mamelukes, he gave reiterated orders to the admiral to anchor in the port
of Alexandria; but in the event of that being impossible, he was to repair
to Corfu, where he would receive from Constantinople orders from the
French minister, Talleyrand ; and he was to go from thence to Toulon,
should these orders be too long delayed. The squadron could enter the
old port of Alexandria, it having been ascertained that a vessel that drew
no more than twenty-one feet of water could do so in safety. Thus, the
seventy-four gun ships, that drew twenty-three feet of water, would only
have to be lightened of two feet- — those of eighty, drawing twenty-four
and a, half feet, to be lightened of three feet and a half; and, finally, the
three-decked ships, that drew twenty-seven feet, would have to be light
ened of six feet. This might have been easily done ; and the naval offi
cers proposed to the admiral the plan of throwing the water overboard,- or
diminishing the quantity of artillery. He replied, that if all the vessels
had been seventy-fours, he would have had recourse to this expedient;
but that having one vessel of one hundred and twenty guns, and three of
eighty^ ;he. would run the risk, should he once enter the port, of being
unable to leave it, and of being blockaded by eight or nine English ships,
since it would be. impossible for him to re-equip the three eighty gun ships
and L'Orient for action, and, at the same time, to lighten them sufficiently
to enable them to pass through the entrance of the port. But this difficulty
in itself appeared light; the winds that prevailed in these straits rendering
ai„elose blockade impossible, and twenty-four hours would be sufficient for
the, squadron to refit its armament ; there was, besides, a natural means—
this was to construct at Alexandria four floaters, by means of which the
eighty-gun ships would gain two feet, and the hundred and twenty gun
ship four feet of water.
The construction of the four floaters, to obtain so small an advantage,
did not require much labor*. The Rivoli, biflt at Venice, sailed from
Malomocco fully equipped, accompanied by a floater, by the aid of which
it gained seven feet, so that it did not draw more than sixteen feet of water.
A few days after she was in a condition to encounter two of the enemy's
snips. The French had, at Alexandria, ships, frigates,' and four hundred
transports, which contained all the supplies of which they stood in need;
and a company of engineers, amongst whom was Leray, whose life had
been spent in dockyards.
When the commission, entrusted to investigate Captain Barre's state
ment, had sent in their report, it was forwarded to the general-in-chief, but
it did not arrive in time to permit of a reply, all communication having
been, during a month, cut off from the array, until after the taking of
Cairo. If the general-in-chief had received that report, he would have
repeated the order for the fleet to enter the port of Alexandria by lighten-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
ing the ships; and he would then have sent further instructions for the
works necessary for again leaving it. At all events, the admiral had dis
tinct orders, if he could not make the harbor, to sail for Corfu ; so that he
had full powers to act on his own responsibility. At Corfu, there was a
French garrison, with a depot of biscuits and meat- for six months ;> he
might touch at .the coast of. Albania, where he could take in provisions ;
and, finally, he might have repaired from thence to Toulon, where there
were 5,000 or 6,000 men belonging to the regiinents that were in Egypt ;
these were soldiers returned on leave, or from the hospitals, and different
detachments that had joined at this place after the departure of the- fleet.
Brueys, however, disobeyed these instructions, and came to anchor in the
roads of Aboukir, having sent tp Rosetta for rice and other provisions.-
Various reasons have been assigned for the admiraFs remaining so ob
stinately in this unsafe harbor. Some have thought that when he found
it impossible to enter Alexandria, he was unwilling, from his great attach
ment to the commander-in-chief, to set sail till assured of the taking of
Cairo, and the safe position of the troops on shore, from whom all com
munication had been cut off, and pf'whose fate the most disastrous reports
had been spread. Although he-had ascertained the success of the- battle
of the Pyramids, and afterwards the triumphant entry of the French into
Cairo, on the 27th of July, even then, having already lingered for a month,
he wished to wait for afew days longer, apparently hoping to receive more
direct information from the general-in-chief. But as the orders which the
admiral had received had been positive, these motives were not sufficient
to justify his conduct. Under any circumstances he should not have taken
up so insecure a position.
He might have relieved his anxiety for the fate of the army, and at the
same time discharged his duty, by cruising between Egypt and Caramania,
and by sending to Damietta, or to some other place, from whence he could
have news of the army.
Immediately after disembarking the artillery, and whatever he had be
longing to the troops, (an. affair of forty-eight hours,) it was^ the admirals
duty to have set ; sail, neither waiting for further instructions for entering
Alexandria, nor for news of the army. • But he entirely mistook his posi
tion,, and several days were lost in scrutinizing his line of anchorage. He
protected his left by the islet of Aboukir, which he considered unassail
able, and placed behind it his worst vessels, the Guerrier and the Con-
querant. The Oonquerant, the, oldest ship in the squadron, carried in its
lower r?attery only eighteens, and was placed next the islet, of which he
took possession, and erecti§d a battery of tw6 pieces of twelve-pounders.
In his centre he placed his superior ships, l'Orient, the Franklin; and the
Tonnant; and on his extreme right, the Genereux, one of the finest and
best commanded ships in the fleet. Fearing most for his right, ha sup
ported it by the Guillaume Tell, his third eighty-gun ship. In thisrposf-
tion, Admiral Brueys did not apprehend an attack on his left, which was
protected by the islet. His right was weaker, but if the English should
bear down upon it, they would lose the wind, in which case the admiral's
intention would appear to have been to set sail with his centre and left.
He considered this left so well sheltered from attack, that it was unneces
sary to protect it by the battery — a weak battery, erected merely to pre
vent the enemy from landing. If the admiral had been : better acquainted
with . his position, he would have mounted in the islet twenty pieces of
thirty-six, and eight or ten mortars, have anchored his left near it, and

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 267
have recalled from Alexandria his two sixty-four gun slips, which, draw
ing less water than the others, could have approached much nearer to the
islet, amd would have made two excellent floating batteries. Finally, he
would have withdrawn from, Alexandria three thousand sailors belonging
to -the convoy, whom he would have distributed amongst these vessels
to reinforce their crews. It is true, he had recourse to this expedient at
the last moment, after the engagement had commenced, but they then only
increased the disorder. He was, however, completely deceived respecting
the strength of his line of anchorage. *
After the battle of Ramanieh, the Arabs of Bahireh intercepted all com
munication between the fleet and the army, but they submitted, on hearing
of the. success of the French at the battle of the Pyramids and at Cairo.
, It was not until the 29th of July,, two days after that on which Napo
leon entered Cairo, that he received the admiral's dispatches. How great
was his astonishment to learn that the squadron was still in so insecure a
situation ! He supposed that it was either in the port of Alexandria, or
in that of Corfu, or else on its way back to Toulon; and he was now
informed that it was in the roads of Aboukir, exposed to the attacks of a
superior enemy. He dispatched his aid-de-camp, Julien, to the. admiral,
to express his dissatisfaction, and to direct him immediately to set sail, and
either to enter Alexandria or repair to Corfu, reminding him at the same
time of his reiterated orders never to come to an engagement in open
roads. ' Major Julien set out on the 29th, at seven o'clock in the evening,
but could not possibly have arrived before the 3d or 4th of August, and
the naval engagement had taken place on the 1st or 2d. Having, arrived
at Teramneh, this brave young officer was surprised by a party of Arabs!
in his djerma, and massacred, whilst courageously defending his dis
patches, the importance of which he well knew.
Admiral Brueys remained inactive in the unsafe position he had. taken
up, when an I English frigate dispatched by Nelson, who was in search of
him, appeared before Alexandria, entered the bay of Aboukir, and recon-
noitered the whole line with impunity, whilst the entire French fleet was
at anchor, without a ship, a brig, or even a frigate being under sail, although
the admiral had thirty light craft, which might have scoured the Mediter
ranean. By the principles of war, the whole fleet should have been kept
constantly under sail, whatever might be his ulterior intentions ; but at any
rate, a small squadron of light vessels should, have been kept constantly on
the look out, to prevent the enemy from making observations, and to tell
of their approach beforehand. But fate led him on.
pn the 31st July, Nelson dispatched pne ofdiis ships to observe the
French line of anchorage, which was effected without molestation. , On
the lsferif August, at three o'clock in the afternoon, the English squadron
appealed in full sail, the wind blowing in strong gusts, as is usual at that
season; Admiral, Brueys was at dinner, many of his men on shore, and no
preparation made to clear the decks on any of his ships. The signal to
prepare immediately for action was hoisted, and an officer dispatched on
shore, to collect the sailors belonging to the convoy; soon after, orders
were issued to set sail, but the enemy's squadron. bore up so rapidly, that
alkthe preparations for action were made in the most hurried and negligent
manner. Even on board POrient, the admiral's flag-ship, the cabins con
structed on the poop for the military officers, had not been taken down,
and were left filled with matresses, paint-pots and tar-barrels. On board

268 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON;
the Guerrier and tlie Conquerant, one battery only was fit for service, that
nearest the shore being encumbered by what had been cleared but from
the other; so that, when these batteries were turned round, they could not
fire, which surprised the English so greatly, that they sent out to recon*
noiter, seeing the French flag flying, and not a single piece discharged at
the enemy. The party dispatched on ' shore had scarcely time to return
en board. The admiral judged that the enemy could not be within range
of the guiis before six o'clock, and that, therefore, they would not com
mence the* attack till the following rhorning, especially as they had but
eleven seventy-four grin ships; the two others had been dispatched to
Alexandria, and did not rejoin Nelson until eight o'clock in the evening.
It was thought that Brueys, not believing that the English wduld venture
to attack him with eleven ships only, and on fhat day, had, intended to set
sail, but hesitated to give the signal for that purpose, until the sailors whom
he expected from Aboukir should have embarked.
Then the cannonade had commenced, and an English vessel having run
a-ground on the islet, renewed the confidence of the admiral. The men
began to arrive about eight o'clock, the firing having already commenced
on board several of the ships ; but owirig to the darkness and confusion, a
great number did not embark at all.
The English admiral's plan of attack was to engage each vessel singly,
each English ship dropping anchor at the stern, and placing' itself across
the bows of the French; but accident changed this intention. TheCul-
loden, meant for the attack of the Guerrier, in atteinpting to pass between
its left and the islet,' grounded, and would have been captured, if the bat
tery on the islet had been mounted with larger pieces. The Goliath,
which followed her, maneuvered to anchor across the prow of the Guerrier,
was carried beyond the latter by the wind and current, and obliged to tack
before dropping anchor, when, perceiving that the left battery of the Con-
querant did not fire for the above-mentioned reason, the Goliath placed
herself alongside df her foe, and crippled her in a short time. The Zealous,
which immediately followed, anchored alongside the Guerrier, which could
not return her fire, and was quickly dismasted. The Orion, the third
English ship, executed the same maneuver, but was a little retarded by
an attack from a French frigate, and she anchored between the Franklin
and the Peuple Souverain. The English admiral's ship, the Vanguardj
cast anchor alongside the third French ship, the Spartiate. The Defence,
the Bellerophon, the Majestic, and the Minotaur followed the same move
ment, and engaged the centre of the French line, as far as the Tonnait, the
eighth vessel. Admiral Bfrueys, with his two consort ships, formed?a line
of three vessels Very superior to the English ; the firing was terrible; the
Bellerophon was dismasted and brought to, and several other. English ships
were obliged to withdraw from the contest. '-.{:
If, at this moment, Rear-Admiral Villeneuve, who commanded the French
right wing, had cut his cables and ^fallen upon the English line, with the
five vessels under his command, L'Heureux, the Timoleon, the r^ercure,
the Guillaume Tell, and the Genereux, with the frigates the Diane arid
the Justice, it would have been ' entirely destroyed. The Cullodeji had
grounded on the sand bank of Begnieres, and the Leander was engaged in
endeavoring to relieve her. The Alexander, the Swiftsure, and two other
English vessels, seeing that our right did not move, and that the English
centre was much damaged, repaired to its assistance. The Alexander
occupied the place of the Bellerophon, and the Swiffeure attacked the

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAP0LEPN. 269
Franklin; the Leander, which until now, had been assisting the Culloden,
recalled by the danger menacing the centre.jhastened to reinforce it.
The victory was still far from being deciiia ; the Guemer and, the Con-
querant. had ceased firing, but these were the worst appointed ships in the
whole squadron ; and on the side of the English, the Culloden- and the
Bellerophon were completely disabled, whilst the centre of the French line,
by the superiority of its guns, had occasioned much more damage than it
had received. The English had only seventy-fours, and some vessels of
small build; so that it may be presumed that if the fire had been* sustained
throughout the night, Admiral Villeneuve would have come at daybreak,
and the most happy results might have been anticipated from the reinforce
ments of his fi$e able ships, which had not hitherto either fired, or received
a single shot. ' , ^
But at eleven o'clock 1' Orient caught fire, and then blew up ; which un
foreseen accident decided the victory.
This terrible explosion suspended the engagement for a quarter of an
hour, when the French recommenced the attack, in no wise dispirited by
this sad spectacle, the Franklin, the Tonnant, the Peuple Souverain, the
Spartiate, and l'Aquilon keeping up the fire until three o'clock in the morn
ing. From that time till five o'clock, the firing slackened on both sides,
when it was again renewed with double impetuosity : what would it have
been if l'Orient had been in existence ? At noon the combat was still
going on, and did not finally cease until two o'clock.
It was not till this moment that Villeneuve appeared to, awake, and to per
ceive that a battle had been going on for the last twenty hours. He cut
his cables, and stood off to sea, taking with him the Guillaume Tell, on
board of which he himself was, the Genereux, and the frigates, the Diane
and the Justice. The three other vessels of his wing were thrown on the
coast, without having struck a blow. Thus, notwithstanding the terrible
accident to l'Orient and the singular inaction of Villeneuve, which pre
vented five vessels from firing a single shot, the loss and disorder of the Eng
lish-were so great, that, twenty-four hours after the battle, the tri-color flag
still floated at the mast of the Tonnant, for Nelson had no longer any ves
sel in a state to attack it. Not only did the Gjaillaume Tell and the Gene
reux escape without being pursued by any Enghsh vessel, but the enemy,
in their own shattered condition, were even rejoiced to see them depart.
Admiral Brueys obstinately defended the honor pf the French flag; though
wpunded in several places, he refused to go down to the cock-pit, and died
on his quarter-deck, while yet giving his orders. Casabianca, Thevenard,
and Du Petit Thours won glory on this disastrous day.
If "we believe Nelson and the English, it was in Rear-Admiral Ville-
neuvefa ppwer to have decided the victory, even after the accident to
I'Orierit. Even as late as midnight had he got under sail, and, with the ves
sels b#onging to his wing, taken part in the combat, he might have totally
destroyed the English squadron. But he remained an inactive spectator
of the contest ! As Villeneuve was both a brave man and a. good sailor,
the question naturally occurs, what was the reason of this singular con
duct?* He was waiting for orders! We are assured, that the French
admiral gave him orders to get under sail, but that the smoke prevented
him from seeing the signals ; but, need he have waited for orders to take
part in* the contest, and assist his comrades ?
L'Orient blew up at eleven o'clock at night. The battle continued to
rage, with little intermission, from that hour until two o'clock, P. M. — that

270 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
is to say,, for mor@j;th1m. thirteen hours. Villeneuve was then in eorilirited;
why did he do nothing? Hjatcharacter was irresolute and without vigor .
The crews of Ae three vesrels which had run a-ground* arid- of the twb
frigates, disembarked on the sanely beach of" Aboukir. About a hundred1
men escaped from l'Orient ; arid^a great number of sailors from the other
vessels, taking advantage of the enemy's disorder at the moment when the
victory was decided, made their escape to land. The army thus received an
augmentation of 3,500 men; a strong nautical legion", containing 1,800 men
was formlfl, and divided into three battalions ; the rest were employed to
recruit the artillery, the infantry, and the cavalry. Great activity was em
ployed in recovering goods from the sea ; and, in this manner, many pieces
of artillery, much ammunition, together with masts and $.ther pieces of
wood, were saved, and were-.useful in the arsenal of Alexandria.
We still had in the port the two vessels, the Catisse and the Dubois,
four Venetian-built frigates, three French-bllilt frigates, all the light vessels,
and all the convoy ships. Some days after the battle, Nelson got under
weigh, and quitted the coast of Alexandria, leaving two ships of war to
blockade the; port. Forty Neapolitan convoy ships solicited and obtained
from the commandant of Alexandria permission to return to their owri
country ; the commander of the English cruiser collected them round liim,r
emptied them of their prews,;and then set fire to them. This violation of
the law of nations turned to the disadvantage of the English ; for the crews:
qf.the Italian and French convoy ships, sjeeing that they had now no re
source but in the success of the French army, resolutely took their deter
mination. Nelson was received in triumph in the port of Naples.
The loss of the hattie of Aboukir had a great influence on the affairs
of Egypt,, and even on those of the world. Had the French fleet beenj
saved, the Syrian expedition would have experienced no obstacle ; the
equipdge de siege could have been safely and easily conveyed across the-
desert, and St. Jean d'Acre would not have stopped the French army. Bu^J
the French fleet being destroyed, the divan was emboldened to declare;
war against France^ The army lost a great support ;¦ its position in Egypt!
was totally altered ; and Napoleon was forced to renounce the hope of
finally securing and re-establishing the power of France in the west, by tlie
results of the expedition to Egypt.
Since it has become the custom to use no vessels under seventy-four
guns as ships of the line, the naval armies of France, of England; and of
Spain, have not been composed of more than thirty vessels. Some of
them have, however, for a time, been more considerable! A squadron of
thirty ships of the line is, on sea, what an army of 120,000 men woMd be
on land. An army of 120,000 men may be called large, althoughphere
have been armies of greater force. A squadron of thirty vessels has, at
the most, about the fifth part of the number contained in an aMny of
120,000 men ; it has five times as much artillery, arid that of a very supe
rior quality. The outfit occasionsiabout the same expense. If we com
pare the cost of all the artillery for 120,000 men, the wagons, provisions,
and camp hospitals, with that of equipping thirty vessels, the expenses will
be found to be nearly equal,. If we calculate in a land army 20,000 ca
valry, and 20*000 artillery, or army retinue, the maintenance of this^army
will be found to be incomparably more expensive »than that of thejnaval-
army. v
France is able to maintain three fleets of thirty vessels each,! as wellias
three armies, each of 120,000 men. - ' •'-

HISTORY PF THE CAPTIVITY PF NAPOLEPN. 271
War on land generally destroys more men than that on sea ; it is more
¦perilous.. The naval soldier, in a squadroiuffights but once in a campaign ;
•the land soldier, on the contrary, fights dHy. The nayal soldier, what
ever may be the fatigues and dangers of the elemental which- he lives,
experiences much fewer hardships than the land soldier ; he never suffers
from hunger or thirst ; he always has his lodging, his food, his hospital,
and his pharmacy with him. The naval armies in the service of France
and England, where discipline maintains cleanliness, and where experi
ence has taught all the measures to be taken to': preserve health, are less a
prey to sickness than the land armies. Besides the peril of battle, the
naval 'soldier has to contend with that of tempests; but art has, so much
diminished- this Jitter danger, that it cannot be compared with those expe
rienced on land, such as popufi emeutes, private assassinations, and sur
prises from the lighrtroops oftpe enemy*. ¦¦- *
, The commander-in-chief of a naval army, and the , commander-in-chief
of a land army, are men who require diffeipnt, qualities. The qualities
which fit a man to command a land army are born with him, while, on
the ^contrary, those necessary for commanding a naval army are only to
be acquired by experience. '
;- Alexander and Conde had the faculty of command from their earliest
yputh. '.-The art of War on land is an art of genius, of inspiration; but
neither Alexander nor Conde would have been able,- at the age of twenty-
two, to command a naval army ; for in the latter position nothing is de
rived from genius or inspiration — all is positive and the result of experience.
The naval general needs only to possess one science, that of navigation;
the land general needs all sciences, or a talent equivalent to all, that of pro-
j fiting by every kind of experience and knowledge. A naval general has
',; fothing to guess at; he knows where his enemy is, and what is his force.
A land general never knows anything with certainty ; never sees hisfeemy,
nor knows positively where he is. When the armies are in the presence
of .each other, the least accidental circumstance of ground, or the least wood,
may conceal a part of the opposing troops. The most practised eye can
not decide whether it sees the whole of the enemy's force, or only three-
quarters of it. It is by the eyes of thei mind, .by the conjunction of all his
;Ttfeasoning faculties, by a, kind of inspiration, that the land general sees,
understands, and judges. The naval general needs only to have a prac
ticed glance ; no part of the enemy's force is concealed from him. The
necessity of supporting so many men and animals, is a circumstance which
rerdfas the post of a land general difficult ; if he allows himself to be guided
feynp commissariat, he will not move, and his expedition will fail. The
naval general is never annoyed in this way; he carries all he want§, with *
him. \ A naval general has no reconnoitering to do, no ground to examine,
nor field of battle tq study ; the Indian sea, the Atlantic ocean, or channel
—these are always liquid plains. The only advantage possessed by the
most-skilful naval general over the least skilful, is in his knowledge of the
winds which prevail in such and such latitudes, by a foresight of those
which - are likely to prevail, or by the sighs of the atmosphere ; qualities
which are acquired by experience, and by experience alone. The landf
general never kno&p the field of hattie on which he is to conduct his
movements; * *"*, - -
His glance is that of inspiration ; he has no certain guide. The means
of information afforded in order to gain a knowledge of the locality are so
evinial, that almost nothing is learned by experience. This faculty cgn-
: j'tM , •-

272 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY PF NAPOLEON.
sists, therefore,^ a facility of seizing, at a glance, the various circumstances
cpnnected with the ground, according to the nature of different countries ;
it is, in short, a, gift which is called, a " military glance," and which great
generals have .received from nature. The observations which maybe
made on topographical charts, and the facility given by reading these
charts, and by education, may, however, be of some-; use. •
A naval cpmmander-inTchief is mpre dependent on his captains than a
military commander-in-chief is on. his generals.^ The latter has the power
of taking upon himself the direct command of the troops, of presenting
himself at all the different points, anil remedying false movements hy others.
The naval general- has no personal influence \beyond the ' crew of the ves
sel in which he is. • , The smoke.prevents his signals frombejng seen; the
winds change,., or are jiot the»same over/4|he whole space ''covered by his
line.S ¦, In the '-naval service, therefore? subakern officers must take more
responsibility upon themselves than in anyfeher. «¦
The loss of our j|aval battles insist be attributed to three causes : firstly,
to the irresolution and want of vigdj&of the ieommanders-in-chief ; secondly,
to the faults of tactics ; and thirdly, to the deficiency of the captains in
experience and naval science, and to the idea' entertained by these officers
that they mJtst only act in obedience to signals. Thebattles of Ouessant
and those of the revolution, in , the ocean and the Mediterranean, in the
years, 1793-4, were all lost from these causes. Admiral Villafet, though
personally brave, had no vigor of character, and was not even attached to
the cause for which he fought. Martin was. a good sailor, but was irreso
lute ; and besides, both of these commanders were influenced by the re
presentatives of the people, who, having no experience, authorized false
operations, , . *
The principle of making no movement unless authorized so to do by a
signal A-om tne, admiral, is so milch the more erroneous, as the^ captain, of
a vessel can always find reasons which will justify him for having ill exe
cuted the signals which he has received. In all the sciences relating to
war, theory is psefulapi ,giv3ng,gene^ifeytdeas which form the mind,, but its
strict execution is always dangerous.* It is- the, axis which should-form the
curve. Even the rules themselves toblige us to ^onfeidlir, in order to judge
whether we ought to deviate frorh^enj. ' », , • fc»" * * . '
Often, when having at command a force superior to fthat of the English,
we have not known hoty,to attack them, and have sallowed their squadrons
to escape, while we were losing our time in useless maneuvers. The first
rule of maritime tactics- should be, that as soon as the admiral gives-„the
signal of attack, each captain should make the necessary movements <for
attacking a vessel of the enemy, take part in the contests; and aid hi§; com
rades.' This principle has been latterly adopted in English tactics;* if it
had.been adpptejl .by the French, Admiral Villeneuve at Aboukir'would
not have considered,himself blameless for remainlhg-lfiaetive during twenty-
four hours, with five or six vessels — that is to*fay^ half the squadron, while
the enemy were destroying the'other wfrig^,<" * ¦ -...,"'
The French navy ought to acquire supetitwity over that of England,; the
k French understand construction better, and the French vessels, by tile con
fession of the English* themselves, are *alf better than their own.5** The
French pieces of. artillery, are superior in calibre to the' English by a fourth
part. : These are two great adva.n/tages.', ¦¦-¦¦'-
The English have more discipline: The squadrons of Toulon and of
th| Scheldt had the , same practices and customs as the English,! and- at-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 273
tained to as severe a discipline, with the difference necessarily arising from
the characters of the two nations. The English discipline is one of slaves,
the relation is that of master and serf. Iris only maintained by the influ
ence of the most frightful terror. Such a state of things would degrade
and debase the French character, which requires a paternal discipline, more
founded on honor and feeling.
In most of the battles which we lost against the English, we were either
inferior in number, or were joined to Spanish vessels, which being badly
organized, and latterly degenerated, weakened our line instead of strength
ening it; or finally, the commanders-in-chief, who had desired battle, and
had hastened towards the enemy, until they came to face them, hesitated,
then retreated under various pretexts, and thus compromised even the
bravest.

Alexandria was built by Alexander. It increased under the Ptolemies
to a degree which aroused the jealousy of Rome. It was undoubtedly
Ihe second city in the world : its population amounted to several millions.
In the seventh century, in the eighteenth year of the Hegira, it was taken
by Amrou, after a siege of fourteen months' duration, in which the Arabs
lost 28,000 men. It was twelve miles in circumference, contained 4,000
palaces, 4,000 baths, 400 theatres, 12,000 shops, and more than 50,000
Jews. The walls were rased during tbe wars of the Arabs and of the
Roman empire. The city has ever since been in a state of decay. The
Arabs built a new wall, which still exists ; it is now only 3,000 toises in
circumference, which still, however, supposes a large town. The city. is
now entirely on the isthmus. The Pharo is no longer an island ; the
actual city is on tbe isthmus which unites the former island to the con
tinent. The city is shut in by a wall which bars the isthmus, and is only
600 toises in length. It has two good ports, (the old and the new.) The old
port is capable of containing and sheltering from the wind, and from an
enemy superior in force, any squadrons of war-ships, however numerous.
The Nile now never reaches Alexandria, except at the times of inundation ;
its waters are preserved in large cisterns ; their appearance struck us. The
former circuit of the city is now covered by the waters of Lake Mareotis,
which extend as far as the tower of the Arabs ; so that an attack on Alex
andria can only be made on the side of Aboukir. - Lake Mareotis also
leaves a part of the enclosure of the city, beyond that of the Arabs, unpro
tected. Pompey's column, now standing at a distance of 300 toises from
the Arab enclosure, was formerly in the centre of the city.
The general-in-chief passed several days in laying down principles for
the fortifications of the city. All that he prescribed was executed with
the greatest intelligence by Colonel Cretin, the most skillful officer of
engineering in France. The general gave orders for rebuilding the Arab
enclosure ; the work was not difficult. This enclosure was defended by-
means of occupying the triangular fort which formed its right side, and
which still existed. The centre and the side, towards Aboukir, were each
defended by a fort. These forts were erected on hillocks of ruins and
rubbish, which commanded a view of the surrounding country for about
twenty toises, and of the space behind the Arab enclosure. The actual
town was fortified as a redoubt, but it was overlooked in front by one of
these hillocks, on which was a fort called Caffarelli. This fort, and the
7

VOL. IV.

274 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
enclosure of the actual town, formed a space capable of a long defence, if
all the rest should'fbe taken. Artillery, then, was necessary, in order,
promptly and effectually to occupy these three heights. The planning and
direction of these works were confided to Cretin.
Within a few months, and with but little labor, he rendered these three
heights impregnable. He built masonry-work which presented perpendi
cular walls of from eighteen to twenty feet in height, thus putting the
batteries entirely out of the danger of being scaled, and covered this
masonry with cuttings which he made in the heights, so that it was to be
seen from no side whatever.
Millions of money, and armies of men, would have been required to
give these forts the same strength, had the engineer been less skillful. On
the side towards the sea, the French occupied the towers of Marabut and
of Pharo. Strong side-batteries were established, which produced asto
nishing effects every time the English presented themselves to bombard
the city.
The column of Pompey strikes the imagination as being all that is
sublime. Cleopatra's needle is still in its ancient position/ During, a
search made in the tomb in which Alexander was interred, a small statue
made of earthenware was discovered, ten or twelve inches high ; the figure
is dressed in a Grecian costume. The hair is curled with much art, and
is gathered together oil the neck, behind; it is a little chef d'ceuvre.
There are, at Alexandria, large and beautiful mosques, Coptic convents,
and some houses built in the European style, belonging to the consulate.
From Alexandria to Aboukir is a distance of four leagues. The soil is
sandy and covered with palm-trees. At the extremity of the promontory
of Abojikir is a stone fort ; and at 600 toises from the shore lies a small
island; a tower with thirty loop-holes, or so, in this island, would secure
anchorage for a few vessels of war, in the same manner nearly as at the
Isle of Aix.
In order to go to Rosetta, Lake Mcedia must be crossed at its embou
chure into fhe sea, where it is one hundred toises in width; vessels of war,
drawing eight or ten feet of water, can enter it. It is into this lake that
one of the seven branches of the Nile formerly emptied itself. In order
to go to Rosetta without crossing the lake, it is necessary to go round it,
which increases the distance by three or four leagues.

ON THE MOTIVES OF THE EXPEDITION TO SYRIA.

The principal object of the expedition of the French to the East was to
overthrow the power of England. The army which was intended to
change the destinies of India,' was to set out from the Nile. Egypt was
to supply the place of St. Domingo and the Antilles, and reconcile the
liberty of the black population with the interests of our manufactures.
The conquest of that province would bring in its train the loss of all the
English settlements in America, and on the peninsula of the Ganges.
Let France be once mistress of the ports of Italy, of Corfu, Malta, and
Alexandria, and the Mediterranean would become a French lake.
Tne revolution in India was to be brought about sooner or later, accord
ing to the more or less prosperous fortunes of the war, and the favorable
or unfavorable disposition of the natives of Arabia and Egypt, following
the policy which would be adopted by the Porte in its new circumstances.
The sole .object to which immediate attention must be directed, was the
conquest of Egypt, arid the establishment of a secure footing there; and
the means for succeeding in this, were the only ones thought of — all the
rest was considered as a necessary consequence of it.
The French squadron, after being refitted in the port of Alexandria,
provisioned, and manned by well-trained crews, would suffice to over-awe
¦ Constantinople. If judged necessary, it might disembark a body of troops
at Alexandretta, and thus the French would have found themselves, within
the same year, masters of Egypt, of the Nile, and of the Euphrates. The
happy issue of the battle of the Pyramids, the conquest of Egypt, achieved
without experiencing any sensible loss, the favorable disposition of the
natives, and the devotion of the chiefs of the law— all these seemed, at
first, to secure the prompt execution of these great projects. But the
destruction of the French squadron at Aboukir, the counter-order to the
Irish expedition given by the Directory, and the influence of the enemies
of France on the .Porte, soon rendered everything more difficult.
In the meantime, two Turkish armies were assembling, the one at
Rhodes, the other in Syria, for the purpose of attacking the French in
Egypt; it appeared^- that they were designed to act simultaneously in the
course of the month of May, the one disembarking at Aboukir, and the

276 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
other crossing the desert which separates Syria from Egypt. Intelligence
was received in the beginning of January, that Djezzar Pacha had just
been appointed seraskier of the Syrian army, and that his advanced guard,
under the command of Abdallah, had already reached El-Arish, had taken
possession of^ it, and were occupied in repairing that fort, which may be
considered as the key of Egypt on the side of Syria; a train of forty
pieces of artillery, served by 1200 gunners, the only ones in the empire
who had been trained in the European manner, had just been disembarked
at Jaffa; considerable magazines were being formed in that town, and a
great number of transports, a part of which came from Constantinople,
were being employed in this service. At Gaza, they had laid in a store of
leathern bottles ; report said that there were enough provided to enable
60,000 men to cross the desert.
If the French remained quiet in Egypt, they would be attacked at the
same time by two armies ; it was, moreover, to be feared, that a corps of
European troops would join these armies, and that the moment of attack
from the exterior would coincide with intestine troubles. In that case,
even should the French be victorious, it would not be possible for them to
profit by the victory. By sea, they had no fleet ; by land, the desert —
seventy-five leagues in breadth, which separates Syria from Egypt — was
not passable for an army during the season of the greatest heat.
In these circumstances, therefore, the rules of war prescribed to the
French general to anticipate his enemies, to cross the great desert during
the winter season, to seize all the magazines formed by the enemy on the
coasts of Syria, and to attack the troops in the surest way, according as
they assembled.
According to this plan, the divisions of the army of Rhodes would be
obliged to hasten to the aid of Syria, and Egypt would remain tranquil,
which would permit us successively to summon the greatest part of our
forces to Syria. The Mamelukes of Mourad Bey, and of Ibrahim *Bey,
the Arabs of the Egyptian desert, the Druses of Mount Lebanon, the Mu-
tualis, the Christians of Syria, the whole party of the Sheiks of Azor, in
Syria, might join the army when it was master of that country, and the
commotion would be communicated to the whole of Arabia. Those pro
vinces of the Ottoman empire in which the Arabian language was spoken,
desired a great change, and only waited for some one to bring it about.
Should the fortune of war be favorable, the French might, by the middle
of summer, reach the Euphrates with 100,000 auxiliaries, who would have
as a reserve 25,000 veteran Frenchmen of the best troops in the world,
and numerous trains of artillery. Constantinople would then be menaced ;
and if the French could succeed in re-establishing friendly relations with
the Porte, they might cross the desert, and march upon India towards the
end of autumn.

ON SYRIA.

Arabia is like a trapezium in shape: one of its sides, that bounded by
the Red Sea and- the Isthmus of Suez, is 500 leagues in length ; that ex
tending between the straits of Bab-el-mandeb and Cape Ras-el-Had is 450.
The third, which extends along the Persian Gulf and the Euphrates, as
far as the mountains which lie near Aleppo, and form the boundary of
Syria, is 600 leagues in length; it is the longest of the four; the fourth,
which is the one of least extent, is 150, from Refah, on the limits of Egypt,
to beyond Alexandretta and the mountains near Rosos ; it separates Arabia
from Syria. The cultivated part of this latter country lies within a breadth
of thirty leagues, though it extends to the length we have mentioned, and
the desert, which forms a part of it, extends for the space of thirty leagues,
as far as Palmyra.
Syria is bounded on the north by Asia Minor ; on the west by the Me
diterranean ; on the south by Egypt, and on the east by Arabia ; it thus
constitutes the completion of the latter country, and forms together with
it a large island, enclosed between the Mediterranean, the Red Sea, the
ocean, the Persian Gulf and the Euphrates. *
Syria totally differs from Egypt in population, climate and soil. Egypt
consists of a'single plain, formed by the valley of one of the largest rivers
in the world; Syria consists of a great number of valleys. ? The five-
sixths of the iand are hills or mountains, a chain of which traverses the
whole of Syria,, and runs parallel with the shores of the Mediterranean, at
a distance of ten leagues from them. To the right, this chain discharges
its waters into two rivers, which flow in the direction which it follows
itself; the Jordan and the Orontes. These rivers take their rise on Mount
Lebanon, which is the centre of Syria, and the most elevated point of the
chain. From thence, the Orontes takes its course between the mountains
and Arabia, from south to north, and after flowing for the distance of sixty
leagues, falls into the sea near the Gulf of Antioch. As this river flows,
very near to the foot of the mountains, it receives very few tributaries.
The Jordan, which rises on Anti-Lebanon, at a distance of twenty leagues'
from the source of the Orontes, flows from north to south. It receives
about ten tributary streams from the chain of mountains which traverses
Syria ; after a course of sixty leagues, it is lost in the Dead Sea.

278 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Two small rivers take their rise near the source of the Orontes, on the
side towards Baalbec. The one called the Barada, waters the plain of
Damascus, and falls into lake Bahr-el-Margi ; the -other, which has a
course of thirty leagues, also takes its rise on the heights of Baalbec, and
falls into the Mediterranean near Soor or Tyre. The district round
Aleppo is bathed hy several streams, which rise in Asia Minor and join
the Orontes. The Koik, which runs through Aleppo, falls into a lake near
that city.
¦r There is almost as much rain in Syria as in Europe.^ The country is
very salubrious, and offers the most agreeable, sites. It is composed of
valleys and low mountains, which are very favorable to pasturage, and
great quantities of olives are grown there. Syria would be well fitted for
the cultivation of the vine ; all the Christian villages make excellent wine.
Syria is divided into five districts, each under a pachS;,|hat of Jerusa
lem, which comprehends the ancient Holy Land ; and those of Acre, Tri
poli, Damascus, and Aleppo^ Aleppo and Damascus are incomparably the
two largest towns. Along the 150 leagues of coast presented by Syria, we
find — 1st, the town of Gaza, situated at the distance of a league from the
sea, without any. trace of roads or port; a very fine platform of two
leagues in circumference marks the space occupied by the town in its days
of prosperity ; it has npw but little importance, — 2dly, Jaffa, or Joppa,
which is the port nearest to Jerusalem, being at the distance of fifteen
leagues from it. It is a town of 7,000 or 8,000 inhabitants, and was the
appanage of the sultana, — 3dly, Valide, which is situated at a distance of
sixteen leagues from Gaza, and one league from the small river Maar,
which is not fordable at the mouth. The enclosure, on the side towards
the land has one of the sides looking towards Gaza, the second towards
the Jordan, the third towards Acre, and the fourth lies along the sea-coast
in the form of a concave semi-circle. There is a port for small vessels,
in bad condition, and tolerably good open roads. On the Kpik is the
convent of the Fathers of the Holy Land, (the Franciscans,) guardians of
Nazareth, and proprietors of several other communities in Palestine. Jaffa
is shut in by great walls, flankedsby towers, without fosses or counter
scarp. These towers were armed with artillery, but their management
was ill understood, and the cannons unskillfully placed. Jaffa lies in the
midst of a valley covered with gardens and orchards ; there are many *
circumstances of the ground which., unite, to allow of an unperceived
approach being made to within half a pistol-shot of the ramparts. At
about the distance of a. cannon shot from Jaffa, lies the rideau, which
overlooks the country ; the line of contravallation was thrown up there.
This was the position on which the army should naturally have encamped ;
but it was distant from any water, and the . rideau being quite bare,, was
exposed to the burning heat of the sun; they therefore established them
selves in the groves of orange trees, guarding the military position by out
posts. Mount Carmel is situated on the promontory of the same name ; it lies
at three leagues distance from Acre, and forms the extreme left of its bay.
It is precipitous on every side ; at its summit there is a convent, and
springs of water ; and on a rock near the convent is to be seen the print
of a man's foot, said by tradition to be that left by the foot of Elijah,
when he ascended to heaven. Mount Carmel overlooks the whole, coast,
and vessels look out for it when they approach the coast of Syria. At
its foot flows the river Kison, the mouth of which is 700 or 800 toises"

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPPLEON. 279
from Caissa. This little town, situated on the sea-shore, contains 3,000
inhabitants ; it has a small port, a wall in the ancient style, with towers,
and lies close under the view of Mount Carmel. In proceeding from the
mouth of the Kison to Acre, the way lies along the sands of the sea-shore.
After follpwing this path for a league and a half, we come to the mouth of
the Belus, a small river which takes its rise on the hills of Shefamre, and
whose waters scarcely flow. It is marshy at its mouth, and falls into the
sea at 1500 toises from Acre; it passes within a gun-shot of the hill of
Richard CoeurTde-Lion, which is situated on the right bank, at 600 toises
from St. Jean d'Acre,
Cesarea now presents to view only ruins. Acre has an open road, but
the town is insignificant; it contains 10,000 or 12,000 inhabitants. Soor
or Tyre is now nothing but a village; Sayda, Bairout, and Tripoli, are
small towns. The most important point on this whole coast is the Gulf
of Alexandretta, or Iskenderoon, situated at a distance of twenty leagues
from Aleppo, thirty from the Euphrates, and 3.00 from Alexandria ; there
is anchorage there for Jarge squadrons. r Tyre, formerly raised by com
merce to so high a degree of splendor, and which was the mother-coun
try of Carthage, appears to have partly owed its prosperity to the Indian
commerce, which was carried on by ascending the Persian Gulf and the
Euphrates, passing through Palmyra to Emesa, and there taking the road
either to Tyre or Antioch, according to the different epochs.
The highest point in Syria is Mount Lebanon, which is only a moun
tain of the third order, covered with enormous pine trees; in Palestine,
Mount Tabor is the highest point. The Orontes and the Jordan, which
are the largest rivers of these two countries, are both small.
Syria has been the cradle of the religion of Moses and of that of Jesus;
. Islamism originated in Arabia ; and thus has the same isomer of the earth
produced the three religions which have destroyed Polytheism, and spread
the knowledge of One Creating Being over the whole surface of the globe.
' Syria was the field of almost all the crusades of the eleventh, twelfth,
. and thirteenth centuries ; and St. Jean d'Acre, Plolemai's, Joppa, and
' Damascus were the principal theatres of war. The influence of the
crusaders' arms and of their sojourn in Syria, which was prolonged for
several centuries, has left traces among the population which are still to be
perceived. There are great numbers of Jews in Syria; they journey thither from
all parts of the world, in order to die in the holy land of Japheth. Therey
are also Christians to be found there, some descended from the crusaders,"
others, natives who did not embrace Mahometanism at the time of the
conquest of Syria by the Arabs. They are confounded together, and it is
no longer possible to distinguish them. Shefamre, Nazareth, Bethlehem,
and a part of Jerusalem, are entirely peopled by Christians. In the dis
tricts of Acre and Jerusalem, the Christians and Jews, reckoned together,
are superior in number to the Mussulmans. At the back of Mount Leba
non dwell the Druses, a nation whose religion much resembles that of the
Christians. At Damascus and at Aleppo the Mahometans form the great
majority ; in these, towns, however, there are also a great number of
Syrian Christians. The Mutualis, Mahometans, and sect of All, who
dwell on the banks of the river which flows from Lebanon towards Tyre,
were formerly numerous and powerful; but at the time of the expedition
of the French into Syria they were much fallen off. The cruelties and
annoyances of Djezzar Pacha had destroyed a great number of them.

280 HISTORY OF THE CAP.TIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Those who remained, however, rendered us great services, and distin
guished themselves by rare intrepidity. "All the traditions of ancient
Egypt which have come to our knowledge, estimate its population at a
very high amount. But Syria cannot, in, this respect, have risen beyond
the proportions known in Europe; for there, as in the countries which we
inhabit, there are rocks and uncultivated land. ,
At present Syria, like the whole of the Turkish empire, offers almost
nothing to view but ruins.

ON EGYPT,

The expedition to Egypt had three objects:— first, to establish on the
Nile a French colony, which might prosper without slaves, and might
supply to the Republic the place of St. Domingo, and of all the sugar
islands ; secondly, to obtain an opening in Africa, Arabia, and Syria, for
the entrance of our manufactures, and to furnish to our commerce all the
productions of those vast countries ; thirdly, to set out from Egypt as
from a place d'armes, and lead an army of 60,000 men to the Indus, and
arouse the Mahrattas and the oppressed people of that extensive territory:
60,000 men, half Europeans, half recruits from the burning climes of the
equator and of the tropics, conveyed by 10,000 horses and 50,000 camels,
taking with them provisions for 'fifty or sixty days, water for five or six
days, and a train of artillery of 150 field-pieces, with double supplies of
ammunition, would arrive on the Indus in four months. Since vessels
have been invented the ocean has ceased to be an obstacle ; and' the desert
also ceases to be one to an army which has camels and dromedaries in
abundance. ' The two first objects had been attained, notwithstanding the destruction
of Admiral Brueys' squadron at Alexandria; and the third would have
been attained in spite of the intrigues which induced Kleber to sign the
convention of El-Arish, and of the disembarkation of 30,000 English
troops, under the orders of Abercromby at Aboukir and Gosseir, and a
French army would have arrived on the Indus in the winter of 1801-2,
had not the assassination of Kleber thrown the command of the army into
the hands of a man, who, though full of courage, of political talent, and
of good-will, yet possessed a character entirely unfit for military command.
Had Kleber lived, France would never have lost Egypt; his death was an
irreparable misfortune to France and to Napoleon; he was a man endowed
with the most brilliant talents, and of extraordinary bravery.
The law prescribed by the Koran is, either to exterminate idolaters, or
to subject them to tribute; it does not admit of the obedience and submis
sion of an infidel power; in this it is opposed to the spirit of our religion:
"Render to Cassar the things that are Caesar's," said Christ; "my king
dom is not of this world; obey your rulers." In the tenth, eleventh, and
thirteenth centuries, the Christians reigned in Syria ; but religion was then

282 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
the object of .the war; it was a war of extermination, and Europe lost
millions of men in it. If a similar spirit had animated the Egyptians in
1798, such a struggle could riol have been maintained by 25,000 or 30,000
Frenchmen, excited by no fanaticism, and already disgusted with the
country. Though-masters of Alexandria and of Cairo, and victorious over the
Mamelukes at the Pyramids, their conquest was not secured unless they
could succeed in conciliating and attaching to their interests the Imaums,
Muftis, Ulemas, and all the other ministers of the Mahometan religion.
The French army, since the time of the revolution, had practised no wor
ship ; even in Italy the soldiers never .went to church ; the French troops
were, therefore, represented to the Mussulmans as an army of catechumens,
disposed to embrace Mahometanism. The Coptic, Grecian, Latin, and
Syrian -Christians were tolerably numerous ; they endeavored to profit by
the presence of the French, in order to relieve themselves from some of
the restrictions imposed on their worship. The general-in-chief opposed
this, and took care to maintain religious affairs in their existing state.
Every day, at sunrise, the Sheiks of the grand mosque of Gemil-el-Azar
(a kind of Sorbonne) repaired to the General's levee ; he lavished every
njark of respect on them, and held long conversations with them on the
different circumstances of the prophet's life, and on the chapters of the
Koran. It was after his return from Salahieh that he proposed to them to
publish a proclamation, by which they should command the people to take
an oath of obedience to the general-in-chief. At this proposal they turned
pale, and became embarrassed ; and after a little hesitation, the Sheik
Cherkaon, a venerable old man, replied : " Why should not you and your
whole army become Mussulmans'! then a hundred thousand men would
hasten to your standard, and disciplined after your manner, they would
enable you to re-establish the nation of the Arabs, and to subdue the
East." The general brought forward two objections: — viz., circumcision,
and the prohibition from drinking wine, which was an article necessary to
the French soldier. After some discussion, it was agreed that the grand
Sheiks of Gemil-el-Azar should endeavor to find means of removing these
two obstacles. The discussions on the subject were warm; they lasted
three weeks ; but the report which spread through the whole of Egypt,
that the great Sheiks were employed in converting the -French army to
Mahometanism, filled all the faithful with joy ; the' French already felt th'e
good effects of the favorable change in public opinion ; they were no longer
considered as idolaters. When the Ulemas had come to an agreement,, the
four Muftis published a proclamation, in which they declared that circum
cision, being only a perfecting, was not indispensable to becoming a Mus
sulman; but that, in such a case, the paradise of a future life could not be
hoped for. Half the difficulty was now removed; it was not easy to
make the Muftis understand that the second obstacle was not reasonable.
It was the subject of six more weeks' discussion. At length, they de
clared that a person might be a Mussulman and drink wine, provided he
expended the fifth instead of the tenth part of his income, in works of
beneficence. The general-in-chief then caused the plan of a mosque,
larger than that of Gemil-el-Azar, to be traced, and declared that he would
have it built, to serve as a monument of the epoch of the army's conversion.
But, in fact, he only desired to gain time.
The proclamation of obedience was published by the Sheiks, and Na
poleon was declared to be the friend of the Prophet, and specially protected

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 283
by him : the report was generally spread, that before a year was over, the
whole army would wear the turban.
Such was the line of conduct always followed by Napoleon, reconciling
his desire to remain in the religion in which he was born, with the neces
sities of his policy, and of his ambition. During the sojourn of the army
in Jigypt, General Menou alone became a Mussulman; this was useful,
and had a good effect. When the French quitted Egypt, 500 or 600 men
remained behind, enlisted in the Mamelukes, and embraced Mahometanism.
During the interview at Erfurt, the partition of Turkey was several
times proposed to Napoleon by the Emperor Alexander.
Syria and Egypt would have fallen to the share of France ; but great as
this advantage would have been, it would not have compensated for the
increase of power vvhich Russia would derive from the possession of Con
stantinople ; and Napoleon rejected the offer.

The Nile rises in the mountains of Abyssinia, flows from south to north,
and falls into the Mediterranean, after having traversed Abyssinia, and the
deserts of Nubia, and of Egypt. Its course is eight hundred leagues in
length; two hundred of which are in the territory of Egypt. It enters
that country at the Isle of Philoe, or that of Elephantine, and fertilizes the
deserts which it traverses. Its inundations are regular and productive ;
regular, because they are caused by the tropical rains ; productive, because
these rains, falling in torrents on the mountains of Abyssinia, which are
covered with wood, bring away with them a fertilizing slime, which the
Nile deposits on the ground it inundates. North winds prevail during the
swelling of the river, and by a circumstance favorable to fertility, keep
back its waters.
In Egypt it never rains. The ground is only rendered productive by
the regular inundations of the Nile. When the river swells high, the year
is abundant; when it is low, the harvest is only tolerable.
' The distance between the isle of Elephantine and Cairo is one hundred
and fifty leagues, and the valley of Cairo, watered by the Nile, is about
five leagues in length. Beyond Cairo, this river divides itself into two
branches, and forms a kind of triangle, which it covers with its inunda
tions ; the base of this triangle, from the tower of the Arabs to Pelusa, is
sixty leagues in length, and the extent from the sea to Cairo is fifty leagues ;
one of the arms of the Nile falls into the Mediterranean near Rosetta, the
other near Damietta. In more ancient times, this river had seven mouths.
It begins to rise at the summer solstice, and the inundation continues on
the increase until the equinox ; it is therefore between September and
March that all the labor in the fields is performed. The country then
looks charming ; it is the time of flowers and of harvest together. The dike
of the Nile is cut at Cairo, in the course of September or the beginning of
October. After the month of March, the ground splits into such deep
cracks and ruts that it is dangerous to cross the plains on horseback, and it
can only be done with extreme fatigue on foot. A burning sun, which is
never tempered either by clouds or rain, dries up all the grass and plants,
except such as can be watered. It is to this cause that is attributed the
purity of the staguant waters in Egypt, which lie in the low places. In

284 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Europe, such marshes would cause death by their exhalations ; in Egypt
they do not even cause fever.
The valley of the Nile, such as it has just been described, is equivalent
to a sixth part of ancient France ; which would only suppose, in a state
of prosperity, four or five millions of population. And yet the Arabian
historians assure us, that at the time of its conquest by Amrou, Egypt
contained twenty millions of inhabitants, and twenty thousand cities. It
is true that in this calculation they include, besides the valley of the Nile,
the oases and deserts belonging to Egypt.
This assertion of the Arabian historians must not be ranked among the
number of those ancient traditions w.hich a- judicious critic disavows.
A good system of government,,and a numerous population, might much
extend the benefits of the inundation of the Nile. Doubtless if the valley
presented a surface of the same nature as that of our land in France, it
would not support more than four or five millions of individuals. But
there are in France, mountains, sands, heaths, and uncultivated pieces of
land, while in Egypt all is productive : and to this must be added the con
sideration, that the valley of the Nile, fertilized by the waters, the slime,
and the heat of the climate, is more fertile than even our good land, and
that the two-thirds or the three-quarters of France are of little value.
We are also inclined to think that the Nile has fertilized several oases.
If we suppose that all the canals which flow from the Nile, to carry .its
waters over the land, were arrested or stopped up ; its course would then
be much more rapid, the inundation would be less extensive, a larger mass
gf water would reach the sea, and the cultivation of the land would be
much reduced. If we suppose, on the contrary, that all the canals for
irrigation were well taken care of, made as numerous, as long, and as deep
as possible, and so directed by art as to water a large extent of desert, it
may be imagined that very little of the waters of the Nile would be lost
in the sea, and that the inundations fertilizing a larger extent of ground,
cultivation would increase in the same proportion. There is, therefore,
no country where the administration has so much influence on agriculture,
and consequently on the population, as in Egypt. The plains of Bauce
and of the Brie are rendered fertile by the regular watering of the rains ;
the influence of the government on it is, therefore, nothing in that respect.
But in Egypt, where the irrigation can only be veiy limited, if the govern
ment be good it adopts the best police regulations in reference to the direc
tion of the water, and the repair and construction of canals for irrigation ;
but if bad, partial, or weak, it favors localities, or private properties to the
detriment of the public interest ; it cannot suppress the civil dissensions of
the provinces, when there is a question about opening large canals ; and
in short performs its duty very ill; the result is, that the inundation is
restrained, and consequently, the extent of the arable land is diminished.
Under a good administration, the Nile gains ou the desert ; under a bad
one, the desert gains on the Nile. In Egypt, the genius of good and the
genius of evil, the Nile and the desert, are always in opposition ; and we
may say that property there consists less in the possession of a field, than
in the right, determined by the general rules of the administration, of re
ceiving at such a time of the year, and by such a canal, the benefit of irri
gation. For a period of two hundred years, the . population of Egypt has been
constantly on the decrease. At the time of the French expedition, it had

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 285
from 2,500,000 to 2,800,000 inhabitants. If it continues to be governed
in the same manner, in fifty years more it will only have 1,500,000.
By constructing a canal which should convey the waters of the Nile to
he great oasis, a vast kingdom would be gainpd. We may readily admit
that in the time of- Sesostris and Ptolemy, Egypt was able to support by
means of its agriculture alone, and without the aid of its commerce, a
population of from twelve to fifteen millions.
EgyP1..1? divided into Upper, Middle, and Lower Egypt. Upper Egypt,
called Said, consists of two provinces,— viz., Thebes and Girgeh ; Middle
Egypt, named Vostani, consists of four— Benisouf, Siout, Faioura, and
Atfieh ; and Lower Egypt, called Bahari, contains nine— Bahireh, Rosetta,
Garbieh, Menouf, Damietta, Mansourah, Sharkieh, Kelioub, and Ghizeh.
Egypt also includes the great oasis, the valley of the river without water,
and the oasis of Jupiter Ammon.
The large oasis lies parallel to the Nile on the left bank, and is 150
leagues in length ; its most distant points lie at sixty leagues from the river,
its nearest at twenty.
The Valley of the River without water, near which lie the Natron lakes,
where a commerce of some importance is carried on, is situated at fifteen
leagues' distance from the Rosetta branch of the Nile. This valley was
formerly fertilized by the Nile.
The oasis of Jupiter Ammon is at the distance of eighty leagues on the
same side of the river.
The Egyptian territory extends towards the frontiers of Asia, as far as
the hills which lie between El-Arish, and Refah, about forty leagues from
Pelusium ; from whence the line of demarkation traverses the desert of the
Wandering, passes Suez, and runs along the Red Sea as far as Berenice.*
The Nile flows in a line parallel to this sea; its greatest distance from the
sea is fifty leagues — its least, thirty. There is one, and only one, of its
bendings which approaches within twenty-two leagues of the Red Sea, but
it is separated from it by impassable mountains. The square surface of
Egypt is 200 leagues in length, by 110 or 120 in breadth.
Egypt produces in abundance, corn, rice, and vegetables. It was once
the granary of Rome, and is still that of Constantinople, It also produces
s^igar, indigo, senna, cinnamon, natron, flax, and hemp ; but it has neither
wood, coal, nor oil. It is also wanting in tobacco, which it procures from
Syria, and in coffee, with which it is furnished by Arabia. It feeds nume
rous flocks, independently of those of the desert, and also great multitudes
of fowls. The eggs are hatched in furnaces, and thus immense quantities
of poultry are produced.
Egypt serves as an intermediary between Africa and Asia. Caravans
arrive at Cairo, like vessels on a coast, at the moment when they are least
expected, and from the most distant countries. They are signaled at
Ghizeh, and come out from the desert by the Pyramids. There, the place
where they are to cross the Nile and that near Cairo where they are to
encamp, are pointed out to them. The caravans thus signaled, are com
posed of pilgrims or merchants from Morocco, Fez, Tunis, Algiers, and
Tripoli, going to Mecca, and bringing merchandize with them, which they
exchange at Cairo. There are generally several hundred camels— some
times even several thousand, and they are escorted by armed men. Cara
vans also come from Abyssinia and the interior of Africa, and from the
places which are in direct communication with the Cape of Good Hope and
Senegal. They bring slaves, gum, gold-dust, elephants' teeth, and the

286 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
other products of those countries, which they exchange for the mer
chandize of Europe and of the Levant. They also arrive from all parts
of Arabia and Syria, bringing coals, wood, fruits, oil, coffee, to Cairo, and
all the products of the interior of India. From time immemorial, Egypt
has served as an entrepot for the whole commerce of India. It was for
merly carried on by the Red Sea. The merchandize was landed at Bere
nice, and transported on camels' backs for a distance of eighty leagues. .
Having arrived at Thebes-, it was embarked on the Nile, and then spread
over the whole of Europe. Such was the cause of the prosperity of
Thebes of the hundred gates. The merchandize also went- up the Red
Sea, past Kossier, as far as Suez, from whence it was carried by camels to
Memphis and Pelusium, a distance of thirty leagues. In the time of
Ftolemy, the canal from Suez to the Nile was opened ; and from that time,
the merchandize no longer had to be transported by camels — it arrived by
water at Kaboub and Pelusium, on the shores of the Nile and of the Medi
terranean. Independently of the Indian commerce, Egypt has some pecu
liar to itself.
Fifty years of French administration would greatly increase its popula
tion. It would offer an opening to our manufactures, which would bring
with it a development of our industry ; and we should be called upon to
supply all the wants of the inhabitants of the deserts of Africa, Abyssinia,
Arabia, and a great part of Syria; these nations are in want of every thing ;
and what are St. Domingo, and all our colonies, in comparison with these
vast regions ? France would, in its turn, receive from Egypt corn, rice,
sugar, natron, and all the productions of Africa and Asia.
j. Were the French once established in Egypt, it would be impossible for
the English to maintain themselves long in India. Squadrons, constructed
on the shores of the Red Sea, provisioned with the products of the country,
and equipped and manned by the French troops stationed in Egypt, would
infallibly make us masters of India, and at a moment when England least
expected it.
Even if we suppose the commerce of this country free, as it has hitherto
been, between the English and the French, the former would not be in a
condition to maintain their trade. The possibility of the reconstruction of
the Suez canal being a solved problem, and the labor which it would
require being of small importance, merchandize would arrive by that canal
so rapidly and with such economy of capital, that the French might pre
sent themselves in the market with immense advantages. The commerce
with India by the ocean would thus be infallibly ruined.
Alexander did more to render^his name illustrious by founding Alexan
dria, and conceiving the idea of making it the seat of his empire, than by
achieving his most brilliant victories. This city should be the capital of
the world. It lies between Asia and Africa, within reach of India and of
Europe. Its port affords the only anchorage to be found along the 500
leagues of coast which extend from Tunis, or ancient Carthage, to Alexan
dretta, or Iskenderoon ; it is situated at one of the former mouths of the
Nile ; all the squadrons in the world might anchor there, and in the old
port would be sheltered both from the winds and from attacks of every
kind. Vessels drawing twenty-one feet of water have entered it without
difficulty ; those drawing twenty-three feet could effect an entrance ; and,
by some inconsiderable labor, it might be rendered easy, even for three-
deckers. The First Consul caused twelve seventy-four gun vessels, drawing
only twenty-one feet of water, after the English system, to be constructed

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 287
at Toulon, and there was no reason to complain of them when' they sailed
in our squadrons; the only thing is that they are not very well fitted for
the India service, because they can only carry a small supply of water and
provisions. The bad condition of the Nile canals prevents its waters from reaching
Alexandria. They only reach it at the time of the inundations, and must
be preserved in cisterns. Beside the port of this town lie the roads of
Aboukir, which might be rendered safe for a few vessels. If a fort were
constructed on the Isle of Aboukir, vessels might anchor there as at the
Isle of Aix.
Rosetta, Boorlos, and Damietta can only receive small vessels, the water
on the bars being only from six to seven feet deep; Pelusium, El Arish,
and Gaza can never have had any ports ; and the lakes Boorlos, and' Men-
zaleh, which communicate with the sea, can only admit vessels drawing
from six to seven feet of water.
At the time of the expedition to Egypt, three races of men existed there ;
the Mamelukes or Circassians, the Ottomans or janissaries and spahis, and
the Arabs or natives of the country.
These three races have neither the same principles, the same manners,
nor the same language. The ordinary language of the Mamelukes and of
the Ottomans is Turkish; the natives speak the Arabian language. At
the time of the arrival of the French, the Mamelukes governed the coun
try, and possessed its riches and its strength ; they were headed by twenty-
four Beys, independent, and equal in power; for they were only subject
to the influence of the one who was enabled by his talents and bravery to
gain all suffrages.
The household of a bey is composed of from 400 to 800 slaves, all
mounted, and each having in his service two or three fellahs. The beys
have various officers for the honorary service of their households. The
katchefs are the lieutenants of the beys; they command, under them, the
militia of slaves, and are lords of villages. The beys have estates in the
provinces, and a house in Cairo; the principal division of the house con
tains their own apartments and those of their harem ; around the courts
are those of the slaves, guards, and domestics.
The vacant place of a bey can only be filled by a Circassian. The
young Circassians are sold by their mothers, or stolen by people whose
trade it is, and brought for sale to Cairo by merchants from Constantinople.
Sometimes, blacks or Ottomans are admitted to the rank of bey ; but these
eases are rare. , . , , , .
The slaves who compose the household of a bey are adopted by him
and form his family. Intelligent and brave, they successively rise irom
rank to rank, and finally attain to that of katchef or even of bey. The
Mamelukes have but few children, and those whom they have do not live
as long as the natives of the country. A family is seldom continued
^n^ofiSSS.. ia Egypt is between 60 000 and
The Ottomans established themselves in Egypt at the time of the con
quest by Selim, in the sixteenth century ; they form the corps of janissa
ries ancl spahis and have been augmented in n^b613,^^!^"0^
enrolled in these companies according to the custom of the empire. They
are in number about 200,000, and are constantly degraded and humiliated
^Tt Sfctmppse the mass of the population; they are ruled by the

288 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
great Sheiks, the descendants of those Arabs who, in the time of the
Prophet, at the commencement of the Hegira, conquered Egypt.
These Sheiks are at once the heads of the nobility and the doctors of
the law ; they possess villages, have a great number of slaves, and~always
ride on mules. The mosques are jinder their inspection; that of Gemil-
el-Azar alone has sixty great Sheiks; it is a kind of Sorbonne which pro
nounces judgment in all religious affairs, and even serves as a university,
where the philosophy of Aristotle and the history and doctrine of the
Koran are taught; it is the most celebrated school in the East.
The Sheiks are the principal men in the country; the Mamelukes fear
them : the Porte itself is careful in its conduct towards them. Some of
them are descended from the Prophet, as the Sheik El-Behry ; others from
the second wife of the Prophet, as the Sheik El-Sada. If the Sultan of
Constantinople happened to be at Cairo _at the time of either of the great
fetes of the empire, he would celebrate it at the house of one of the Sheiks.
This is a sufficient proof of the high consideration with which they are
regarded; so great is it, that there is no example of an ignominious pun
ishment having been inflicted on them. When the government considers it
indispensable to condemn one of them to death, he is poisoned, and his
obsequies are then performed with all the honors due to his rank, and as
if his death had been natural.
All the- Arabs of the desert are of the same race as the Sheiks, and hold
them in great veneration. The fellahs are Arabs ; not that they all came
to Egypt with the army which conquered it, at the beginning of the
Hegira ; for it is thought that not more than 100,000 settled there after
the conquest; but as at this period all the natives embraced Mahometan
ism, they are eonfounded with the Arabs, in the same way as the French
are with the Gauls.
The Sheiks are the men who hold the law and religion in their hands ;
the Mamelukes, those who hold the power and the government. The
difference between them is greater than that existing between the military
class and that of the priests in France ; for they are of entirely distinct
family and race.
The Copts are Catholics, but do not recognize the Pope ; their number
is estimated at 150,000; they are allowed the free exercise of their re
ligion. They are descended from families who preserved the Christian
faith after the conquest by the Caliphs.
The Syrian Catholics are not at all numerous. Some say that they are
the descendants of the crusaders ; others, that they are natives of the
country, who, like the Copts, were Christians at the time of the conquest,
and have preserved their religion in a different creed. They form another
Catholic sect. There are but few Jews and Greeks. The head of the
"latter church is the Patriarch of Alexandria, who believes himself to be
equal to the Patriarch of Constantinople, and superior to the Pope. He
resides in a convent in Old Cairo, and lives in the same manner as the
head of a religious order, with an income of 30,000 francs, might .do in
Europe. There are also but few Franks; those to be found are English,
French, Spanish, or Italian families, established in Egypt for purposes of
commerce ; or merely as agents of European houses.
The deserts are peopled by tribes of wandering Arabs who live in tents.
There are about sixty of these tribes ; all dependent on Egypt, and forming
a population of about 120,000 souls, which may furnish from 18,000 to
20,000 horsemen. The different tribes possess different parts of the

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY PF NAPPLEPN. 289
desert, which they regard as their property, and have a great many cattle,
camels, horses and sheep. They often make war against each other,
either on account of the pasturage of their flocks, or of some other subject
of dissension. The desert alone could not support them ; for it produces
nothing. They possess oases which seem like islands amid the desert,
where sweet water, grass, and trees are to be found. These they cultivate,
and dwell there at certain periods of the year. The Arabs are, however,
ill general, poor and miserable, and constantly need the assistance of Egypt;
they come annually to cultivate the border-lands, and there sell the' produce
of their flocks and herds, hire out their camels for its conveyance, and
employ the profit in purchasing whatever necessaries they require..
The deserts are plains of sand, without water or vegetation, whose
monotonous aspect is only varied by mounds, hillocks or ridges of sand.
One rarely, however, journeys twenty or twenty-four leagues across it,
without finding a spring of water ; but the spring is generally not copious,
the water is more or less brackish, andalmpst always exhales an alkaline,
smell. Great quantities of bones, both of men and of animals, are found in the
deserts, and are used for making fires. Gazelles and flocks of ostriches
are also to be met with;. the latter, at a distance, look like mounted Arabs.
No trace of road of any kind exists ; the Arabs are accustomed from in
fancy to guide themselves by the windings of the hills or the ridges of
sand, by the nature of the ground, or by the stars ; sometimes the winds
displace the hills of moving sand, and this renders the journey through the
desert difficult, and often dangerous ; at one place the ground is firm — at
another, it sinks under the feet. Trees are rarely met with, except round
the wells, where a few palm trees are to be seen.
:. .There are in the desert flat low places where the waters collect, and lie
for a longer or shorter time ; beside these marshy places grow bushes, a
foot or eighteen inehes in height, which serve as food for the camels ; this
is the richest part of the desert. Notwithstanding the very unpleasant
nature of the journey across the desert, it is one which has frequently to
be made in passing from the south to the north of Egypt: to follow the
windings of the Nile would triple the distance.

; There is a certain tribe of Arabs consisting of 1500 or 2,000 individuals,
which has 300 horsemen, 1400 camels, and occupies 100 square leagues
af ground. ,
Formerly the Arabs were much afraid- of the Mamelukes; a single
Mameluke could put ten Arabs to flight ; and the reason of this was, that
fhe Mamelukes were not only superior in a military, but also in a moral
point of view.
The Arabs, besides, were obliged to take care how they behaved to them,
as they were the persons to whom they sold or hired their camels, to ob
tain in return grain and permission to cultivate the border lands.
If the extraordinary condition of Egypt, the prosperity of which entirely
depends on the extent of its inundations, requires a good administration,
the necessity of suppressing from 20,000 to 30,000 robbers, who are out
of the reach of justice, because they take refuge in the immensity of the
desert, no less requires energy in the government. : Latterly, these robbers
carried their audacity so far as to come and pillage villages and kill fellahs,
vol. iv. 8

290 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPPLEON.
without these deeds giving rise to any regular pr active retribution. One
day, when Napoleon was surrounded by the divan of the gr^rid Sheiks,
he received intelligence that some Arabs- of the tribe of the Ouadis had
killed a fellah, and carried off some flocks.;, he showed great indignation,
and, in an animated tone, ordered; an officer of his staff immediately to
proceed into Bahireh with 200 dromedaries, and 300 horsemen, to obtain
reparation, and punish the culprits. The Shejk Elmodi, hearing this
order, and seeing the emotion of Napoleon, said to him, with a smile,
"Was this fellah your cousin, that his death makes you so indignant?"
" Yes," replied Napoleon ; " all those whom I command are my children."
" Tdib .'" said the Sheik ; " you speak like the Prophet."
Egypt has always been an object of jealousy to the nations who have
ruled the world. Octavius, after the time of Antony, re-united it to the
empire. He would not send a pro-consul thither, but divided' it into
twelve praetorships. Antony had drawn down upon himself the hatred of
the Romans,, because he had been suspected of having wished to make
'Alexandria the capital of the republic. It is probable that Egypt, in the
time of Antony, contained from 12,000,000 to 15,000*000 inhabitants.
Its riches were immense; it was the true canal of the Indian commerce,
and Alexandria seemed, by its situation, to be the destined seat of the em
pire of the ^world ; but various obstacles prevented that city from attaining
its full- development. The Romans were afraid lest the national spirit of
the Arabs should make of their country a centre of revolt against the Ro
man empire ; for they were a brave people, inured to fatigue, and who
had neither the effeminacy of the people of Antioch, nor that of the natiyes
of Asia Minor, and their immense cavalry force had given Hannibal the
victory over Rome.
Selim had still more reason to fear Egypt. It was the holy land, the
natural metropolis of Arabia, and the g-ranary of Constantinople. An am
bitious pacha, favored by circumstances, and by a bold and audacious
genius, might again have' raised up the Arabian nation,, and struck terror
into the Ottomans, already increased by the immense Greek population,
which principally fills Constantinople and its environs. Selim would »not,
therefore, confide the government of Egypt to a single pacha, He even
feared that its division into several pachaliks would not be a sufficient
guarantee, and sought to secure tlie subjection of that province by confid
ing its administration to twenty-four beys, who had each a household of
from 400 to 800 slaves. These slaves were generally natives of Circas-
sia, but were never to be taken from Arabia or from Egypt itself. By this
means, he created a militia composed entirely ofstrangers to Arabia. He
established in Egypt the general system of. the empire, janissaries and
spahis, and placed at their head a pacha, who was to represent the Grand
Seignior, with authority as -viceroy -over the whole province, but who, held
in check by the Mamelukes, could not make any efforts to render himself
independent. The Mamelukes, thus called to the government of Egypt,
sought auxiliaries ; they were too ignorant and too small in number to
exercise the employment of tax-gatherers, but they would not confide this
office to natives of the country, whom they feared, in the same spirit of
jealousy which led the Sultan to fear the Arabs. They chose the Copts
and Jews. The Copts are, it is true, natives of the country, but of a pip-
scribed religion. As Christians, they are out of the protection of the
Koran, and can only be protected by the sabre ; they could give no um
brage to the Mamelukes. Thus this militia of from 10,000 to 12,000

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY PF NAPOLEPN. 291
men, employed as their agents, men of business, spies, &c, the 200,000
Copts inhabiting Egypt ; each village had a Coptic tax-gatherer— all the
responsibility, all the administration, was in the hands of the Copts.
. "The toleration which reigns throughout the whole of the Ottoman em
pire, and the kind of protection afforded to the Christians, are the results
of old views of policy. The sultan and the policy of Constantinople love
to defend a class of men from whom they have nothing to fear, because
these men are much in the minority in Armenia, Syria, and the whole of
Asia Minor, and because, moreover, they, being naturally opposed to the
people of the country, would not in any case unite with them to re-establish
the Syriac or Arabian nation. This, however, cannot apply to Greece,
where the Christians form the majority. The sultans have committed a
great fault in allowing so considerable a number of Christians to collect in
the same country ; sooner or later, this fault will bring on the fall of the
Ottomans. , The moral condition resulting from the Various interests of the different
races who people Egypt, did not escape the notice of Napoleon, and it
was upon this that he erected his system of government. The French
felt little sdesire to administer justice in this country, and would not
have been able to do so, even had they wished it. Napoleon invested the
Arabs — that is to say, the Sheiks — with this power, and gave them a great
preponderance in the government. Thenceforward he spoke to the peo
ple through the channel of these men, who were at the same time the
nobles" and the doctors of the law ; he thus also interested the national
spirit of the Arabs and the religion of the Koran in his government. He
only made war against the Mamelukes ; he pursued them constantly and
with determinatiori, and after the battle of the Pyramids, there was only a
wreck of them left. By the same system of policy as that which he em
ployed towards the Arabs, he sought to gain, over the Copts ; they had an
additional tie to bind them to him, that of religion, and they alone were
skilled in the administration pf affairs. But even had they not possessed
this latter advantage, the policy of the French general would have been to
give them, this position, in order that he might not have to depend exclu
sively on the native Arabs, and to struggle, with 25,000 or 30,000 men,
against the power of the. national and religious spirit. The CoptS, seeing
the Mamelukes destroyed, had no other choice than to attach themselves
to the French, and by this- means our army obtained in every part of
Egypt, spies, observers, controllers, and financiers, independent of, and
opposed to, the natives.
As to the Janissaries and Ottomans, policy directed that in them the
Grand Seignior should be respected ; the standard of the sultan floated in
Egypt, and Napoleon was persuaded that the minister Talleyrand had
gone to Constantinople, and that negotiations concerning Egypt were
opened with the Porte. The Mamelukes, besides, had endeavored in all
ways to humiliate and disorganize the1 body of Janissaries, who were their
rivals; from the degradation of these Ottoman bodies of troops, had arisen
a total disrespect of the pacha, and a contempt for the authority of the
Porte ; and to such a degree had this proceeded, that the Mamelukes often
refused the miry; they would even have declared themselves totally inde
pendent, had not the opposition of the Sheiks, or doctors of the law, re
attached them to Constantinople through religious spirit and inclination.
The Sheiks and-the" people, preferred the influence of Constantinople to
that of the Mamelukes; they often addressed complaints to the sultan, and

292 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPPLEPN.
sometimes succeeded in obtaining' a mitigation of the arbitrary rule of the
beys ; and these wars were terminated by an arrangement which left the
power in the hands of the Mamelukes, with some slight modifications.
If we attentively consider the events which have occurred in Egypt
during a period of two hundred years, we shall find it demonstrated that if
the government, instead of being cSnfided to 12,000 Mamelukes, had been
put into the hands of a pacha, whose place, like that of the pacha of Al
bania, had been filled, when vacant, by a native of the country, the Arabian
empire, composed of an entirely distinct nation, which has a spirit, preju
dices, a history, and a language of'its own, and which comprehends Egypt
and a part of Africa, would have become independent, like that of Mo
rocco.

The Christian religion is the religion of a civilized people; it is entirely
spiritual. The reward which Jesus Christ promises to the elect is that
they shall see God, face to face ; its whole tendency is to subdue the
passions — it offers nothing to excite them. The Christian religion was
three or four centuries in establishing itself, and its progress has been slow.
Time is requisite to destroy, hy the sole influence of words, a religion
rendered sacred by time, especially when the new religion neither gratifies
nor kindles any passion. The progress of Christianity was the triumph
of the Greeks over the Romans. The latter had subjected all the' Greek
republics by force of arms ; but they, in their turn, ruled their conquerors
by the sciences and arts. All the schools of philosophy and eloquence,
and all the ateliers of Rome were kept by Greeks. The Roman youths
did not look upon their education as completed, until they had been, to
perfect themselves, at Athens. Various other circumstances favored the
propagation of the Christian religion. The apotheoses of Caesar and of
Augustus were followed by those of the most abominable tyrants; this
abuse of polytheism inclined people's minds to the idea of One Creating
Being, the Lord of the universe. Socrates had already proclaimed this
truth; the triumph of Christianity, which took it from him, was, as we
have observed above, a re-action of the Greek philosophers on their con
querors. The holy fathers were almost all Greehs. The moral doctrine
which they preached was that of Plato. All" the subtlety which is to be
remarked in Christian theology is to be attributed to the sophists of his
school. ' , '
The Christians, following the example of Paganism, thought that the
prospect of the rewards of a future life 'would not suffice to repress the
disorders, the vices, and the crimes which arise from the passions ; they,
therefore, made an entirely physical hell, where corporal punishments
were to be inflicted,. They much outdid their models, and indeed gave" to
this dogma so great a preponderance,\hat the religion of Christ may justly
be said to be a menace.

Islamism is the religion of a people in its infancy; it took its rise jn a
country which was poor and deficient in the greatest necessaries of life.
Mahometspoke to the senses; he would not have been understood by his
nation had fie only spoken to the mind. He promised his followers

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 293
odoriferous baths, rivers of milk, fair houris with dark eyes, arid the per
petual shade of groves. The Arab who was in want of water, and scorched
by a burning sun, sighed for shade and freshness; he did everything in
order to obtain such a reward. Thus, we may say that Mahometanism, as
opposed to Christianity, is a promise.
Islamism especially attacks idolaters ; there is but one God, and Ma
homet is his prophet. This is the foundation of the Mussulman's religion ;
it, establishes, in the most essential point, the great truth announced, by
Moses, and confirmed by Jesus Christ. It is known that Mahomet was
instructed by Jews and Christians. The latter were, in his eyes, a kind
of idolaters. He but ill understood the mystery of the Trinity, and ex
plained it to be a recognition of, three Gods. However this may be, he
persecuted the Christians with much less bitterness than the Pagans ; the
former were allowed to ransom themselves by paying a tribute. The
dogma of the unity of God, which Jesus Christ and Moses had diffused,
was earried by the Koran into Arabia and Africa, and to the furthest ex
tremity of India. Under this point of view, the religion of Mahomet has
been a continuation of the two others ; the three together have uprooted
Paganism.

: Christianity, arising among a corrupted, enslaved, and oppressed people,
preached submission and obedience, in order to indemnify sovereigns. It
sought to establish itself by insinuation, persuasion, and patience. Jesus
Christ, a lowly preacher, exercised no power on earth; "My kingdom is
not of this world," said he. He preached his doctrine in the, temple; he
preached it in particular to his disciples; he bestowed on them the gift of
tongues, performed miracles, but never revolted against the established
powers, and died on a cross, between two thieves, by the sentence of a
mere Pagan praetor.
The Mahometan religion arose amidst a free and warlike nation, and
preached intolerance and the destruction of unbelievers. Mahomet was
quite the opposite of Jesus Christ; he was king! He declared that the
Whole universe was to be subjected to his dominion, and commanded the
use of the sabre to annihilate idolaters and unbelievers. To kill them was
a meritorious work. The idolaters in Arabia were soon converted or de
stroyed. The infidels in Asia and Egypt were attacked and conquered.
As soon as Islamism had triumphed at Mecca and Medina, it became a
rallying point to the different tribes of Arabs; all men were seized with
fanaticism, and a whole nation precipitated itself upon its neighbors. 1 he
successors of Mahomet reigned under the title of Caliphs. They wielded
at the same time the sword and the censer. The first Caliphs preached
every day in the mosque of Medina, or that of Mecca and from thence
dispatched orders to their armies, which already covered a part of Africa
""A^rsian ambassador, arriving at Medina,, was greatly as tonished at
finding the Caliph Omar steeping in the midst of a crowd o beggars on
the threshold of the mosque. Afterwards, when Omar traveled to Jeru
salem he journeyed on a camel, which also carried his provisions had a
Xrito'f cUse cfotii, and was only distinguished from the other Mussul
mans by his extreme simplicity. Dunng the ter .years of hi reign he
conquered forty thousand cities, destroyed fifty thousand churches, and

294 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPPLEON.
built two thousand mosques. The Caliph Aboubeker, who only took
three pieces of gold daily from the treasury for the expenses of his house
hold, gave five hundred pieces to each Mdssen who had been with the
Prophet at the battle of Bender.
The progress of the Arabs was rapid ; their armies, inspired by fanati
cism, attacked, at the same time, the Roman and Persian empires. The
latter was soon subdued, and the Mussulmans penetrated to the frontiers
of the Oxus; they gained possession of immense treasure, destroyed the
empire of Khbsru, and advanced as far as China. The victories wliich
they gained in Syria, at Aiquadie and at Dyrmonck, put Damascus, Aleppo,
Emesa, Cesarea, and Jerusalem into their hands. The taking of Pelu
sium and Alexandria reridered them inasters of Egypt! The whole of
this country was Coptic, and, was much alienated from Constantinople by
the constant discussions concerning heresy. Kaleb, Derar, and Amrou,
surnamed the swords of the Prophet, experienced no resistance ; any such
would have been unavailing. In the midst of assaults and battles, these
warriors had before their eyes visions of hpuris, with skins of snow and
beautiful blue or dark eyes, and crowHed with diamonds, extending their
arms to meet them ; their minds were inflamed by this sight, they rushed
blindly forward, and sought that death which should put these beauties
into their power: it was thus that they became masters of, the beautiful
plains of Syria, Egypt; and Persia : it was thus that they subdued the
world. , There is a very general idea in existence, which, however, is refuted by
history, that Mahomet was an enemy of the sciences, of art, and of lite
rature. Irt reference to this, the speech of Caliph Omar, when he burned
the library of Alexandria, has often been cited: "If this library contains
what is to be found in the Koran, it is useless; if it contains anything
else, it is dangerous." But this fact, and many others of the same nature,
ought not to make us forget all that we owe to the Arabian Caliphs. They
constantly extended the sphere of human knowledge, and embellished
society , by the charms of literature. It is, nevertheless, -possible that in
the infancy pf Mahometanism, the successors of Mahomet did not wish
the Arabs to become effeminated by the arts and sciences, which were
carried to so high a degree of perfection in Egypt, Syria, and the lower
Empire. They had before their eyes the decline of Constantino's empire,
partly attributable to perpetual scholastic and theological discussions, Per
haps this example had prejudiced them against most of the then existing
libraries, which Were, in fact, generally composed of books of this nature.
However this may be, the Arabs were, during a period of five centuries,
the most enlightened nation in the world. It is to them that we owe our
system of numeration, the invention of organs, sun-dials, clocks, and
watches. Nothing can be more elegant, or more ingenious, pr more
moral, than the Persian literature, or than the productions, generally
speaking, of the literary men of Bagdad and Bassora.
Empires are of shorter duration in Asia than in Europe; this maybe
attributed to its geographical circumstances. Asia is surrounded by im
mense deserts* from which, every three or four centuries, hordes of war
like nations pour forth and overthrow the greatest empires. It was from
thence that the Ottomans came, and afterwards Tamerlane and Genghis
Khan. '*-
It would seem that the sovereign legislators of these nations have always
made a point of preserving national manners and primitive traits. It was

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 295
by this means that they prevented the Janissaries of Egypt from becoming
Arabs, and those of Adrianople from becoming Greeks. The principle
adopted by them of opposing any sort of innovation in their customs and
manners, made them proscribe the arts and sciences; but this measure
must not be attributed either to the precepts of Mahomet, the religion of
the Koran, or the natural disposition of the Arabs.
Mahomet, restricted the number of wives which each Mussulman should
be allowed to marry, to four; every Eastern legislator before him had
allowed more. The question naturally occurs, why did he not entirely
abolish polygamy, as the Christain religion did? For it is certain that the
number of women in the East is nowhere greater than that of men. It
would then be natural only to allow one, in order that each man might
have a wife.
This contrast between Asia and Europe furnishes another subject of
meditation. With us, legislators only allow of a single wife; Greeks and
Romans, Gauls and Germans, Spaniards and Britons, all have adopted
this usage. In Asia, on the contrary, polygamy has always been per
mitted; Jews or Assyrians, Tartars or Persians, Egyptians or Turcomans,
were always allowed to have several wives.
We may, perhaps, look for the reason of this difference in the nature
of the geographical circumstances of Africa and Asia.
These countries being inhabited by men of various colors, polygamy is
the only means of preventing them from disagreeing. The legislators
have considered, that in order to prevent the whites being enemies to the
blacks — the blacks to the whites, and the copper-colored race to both, it
was necessary to make them all members of one family, and thus to check
that common disposition of man to hate whatever is not of his own race
and kind. Mahomet thought that four wives were sufficient for attaining
this end, because each man could have a white wife, a black, a copper-
colored, and one of some other color. Doubtless, it was also in the nature
of a sensual religion to favor the passions of its sectaries ; and thus policy
and the Prophet were in accordance.
Should legislators ever desire to give liberty to the blacks in our colo
nies, and to establish perfect equality, they must authorize polygamy, and
allow one man to have at the same time a white, black, and a mulatto
wife. Henceforward the different races, forming parts of the same family,
will regard each other as mingled together ; and without this, no satisfac
tory results will ever be obtained ; the blacks will be either more nume
rous or more clever and cunning, and will lord it over the whites, or vice
versa. In consequence of this general principle of the equality of all colors,
there was no difference between the individuals composing the households
of the Mamelukes. A black slave bought by a bey from an African cara
van, became a katchef, and was quite equal in rank to the handsome fair-
skinned Mamelukes of Circassia : no idea was ever even entertained that
it could be otherwise. . . .
Slavery is not, and never has been, in the East, what it is in Europe.
In this respect Eastern manners have remained the same as those described
in the Scriptures : the handmaiden marries her master.
The Jewish law supposed so little distinction between them, that it pre
scribes what the servant should become when she married tha son of her
master. Even in the present day, a Mussulman buys a slave, brings him
up, and if he pleases him, unites him to his daughter and makes him heir

296 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY. OF NAPOLEON.
to his fortune ; and this is not in, the least opposed tp the customs of the
country. Mourad-Bey and AlirBey had been sold to beys when still very
young," by merchants who had purchased them in Circassia. They at
first performed the lowest duties in the houses of their masters. But their
handsome faces,, their skill in manly exercises, their bravery and their: in
telligence, gradually raised them to the highest offices. The same thing
happens in - the households of the pachas, the viziers, and the sultans ;
their slaves rise in rank as their sons would do.
In Europe, on the contrary, any one marked with the seal of slavery
remained all his life in the lowest rank of the household. Among the
Romans, slaves could be made free, but they always retained a low*
mean character, and were never looked upon in the same light as a citizen
who was born free. The slavery of the European colonies, founded on
difference of color, is even more severe and degrading.,
.The results of polygamy, and the manner, in which the eastern nations
regard slavery and treat their slaves, differ so materially from our customs
and our ideas of slavery, that we can with difficulty conceive clear ideas
on the subject. It was long before the Egyptians could be made to under
stand that all the French soldiers were not the slaves of Napoleon, and it
was only the most enlightened among them who ¦ at length comprehended
the matter.
Every father of a family in the east possesses over his wife, his children,
and his slaves, an absolute, power, which public authority cannot modify.
Himself a slave of the Grand Seignior, he exercises within his own house
hold the same despotism to which he is subjected when without its pale ;
and a pacha, or officer of any kind, never penetrates into the interior of a
family > to disturb its head in the exercise of his authority ; this wouldhe
an act entirely opposed to the national customs, manners, and character ;
each man looks upon himself as master in his own house, and an agent
of a superior power having any business with him, waits till he comes
out, or sends to seek him.
The Mahometans have a great many religious ceremonies,, and have
great numbers of mosques, where the faithful go several times a day to
pray. The religious festivals are celebrated by grand illuminations of the
mosques and streets, and sometimes by fireworks.
They also celebrate festivals on the occasions of births, marriages, or
the circumcision, of their children ; the last is the one which is celebrated
with the most earnestness and good will. All their ceremonies are per
formed with more of outward pomp than ours ; their funerals are majestic,
and their tombs of magnificent architecture.
At stated hours, Mussulmans repeat their prayers, wherever they may
happen to be ; their slaves lay down carpets for them, and they kneel
with their faces turned to the east. ;
Charity and alms;giving are recommended in every chapter of the Ko
ran, as deeds the most pleasing to God and the Prophet. To employ part
of a fortune in public foundations — above all, to dig a canal or well, or
erect a fountain, are works meritorious par excellence. The erection of a
fountain, or of a reservoir, is frequently connected with that of a mosque ;
wherever there is a mosque, there is water in abundance ; the Prophet
seems to have put it under the prptection of religion. It is the first want
of the desert, and/nust, therefore, be carefully collected and preserved.
Ali hasbuFfew sectaries in Arabia, the Turkish empire, Egypt, or Syria;

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 297
the Mutualis are the only followers of his who are to be found there ; but
the whole of Persia, as far as the Indus, belongs to his sect.
1 he general-in-chief went to celebrate the festival of the Prophet, at the
house of the Sheik El-Bekir. The ceremony began with the recital of a
kind of litany, narrating the life of Mahomet from his birth to his death.
About a hundred Sheiks, sitting in a circle, on carpets, with their legs
crossed, recited all the verses, swaying their bodies violently backwards
and forwards ; this movement they all performed simultaneously.
After this, a grand dinner was served, during which the company were
seated on cushions, with crossed legs. There were about twenty tables,
with five or six persons at each ; that appropriated to the general and the
Sheik El-Bekir stood in the middle; a small flat tray, made of a precious
wood, and inlaid, was raised about eighteen inches from the ground, and
successively covered with a great number of dishes; rice, roast meats of
various kinds, entrees, and pastry, all highly spiced. The Sheiks fed them
selves with their fingers ; and water, for washing the hands-, was presented
three times during the repast. For drink, gooseberry Water, lemonade, and
several < other kinds of sherbet were served ;, arid at dessert there were a
great many preserves and sweetmeats. Altogether, the dinner was not
disagreeable, the manner of eating was the only thing which seemed strange
to us.
In the evening, the town was illuminated ; after the repast, the company
proceeded to the square Espekie, which was very beatifully illuminated
with colored lamps. An immense crowd of people was assembled there ;
they stood in rows of from twenty to a hundred persons, all busily reciting
the prayers and litanies of the prophet, accompanied by movements which
increased every moment in violence, until at the end they seemed convul
sive, and some persons fell down exhausted.
During the course of the year, the general-in-chief often dined with the
Sheik Sadda, the Sheik Fayoum,and other principal Sheiks, These were
days of fete through the whole of the quarters. The soldiers were all
served with the same magnificence and nearly in the same manner.

The Eastern women go veiled ; a piece of linen covers the mouth and
nose, and only allows their eyes to be seen. When the Egyptian women
are accidentally surprised without their veils, and only wearing the long
blue tunic which composes the dress of the fellahs, they take the lower
part of this dress, and conceal their faces with it.
The general-in-chief had several opportunities of seeing some of the
most distinguished women of the country, to whom he gave audiences.
These were either the widows of beys or katchefs, or their wives, who
came to implore his protection during the absence of their husbands. The
richness of their dress, their noble gait, small soft hands, fine eyes, dignified
and graceful bearing, and elegant manners, denoted them to be women of
superior rank and education. They always began by kissing the hand of
the Sultan Kebir,* and then lifting it to their foreheads. Several of them
made their requests with great grace, and in a charming tone of voice ; and
developed all the talents and amenity of the most elegant European wo
men. The propriety and modesty of their dress gave them fresh charms ;
* This was the name given by the Arabs to Napoleon. The word Kibir signifies Great.

298 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
and the imagination dejighted to picture graces of which not even a glimpse
was afforded.
Women are regarded as sacred in the East, and during times of intestine
war, they are constantly treated with respect. The wives of the Mame
lukes retained, their houses at Cairo, while their husbands were making
war against the French. Napoleon sent his step-son, Eugene, to make a
complimentary visit to the wife of Mourad Bey, who had under her orders
about fifty slaves, belonging to this chief and his katchefs. They formed a
sort of convent of nuns, of which she was the abbess. She received Eu
gene on her grand divan in the harem, which he was allowed to enter by
express permission, and as being the envoy of the Sultan Kebir. All the
women were eager to see this young and handsome Frenchman ; the slaves
could scarcely restrain their curiosity and impatience. The wife of Mourad
Bey was a woman of about fifty years', of age, arid possessed of the beauty
and graces befitting that age. According to the usual custom^ she caused
coffee and sherbet to be served' in very rich vessels, and with sumptuous
attendance. She also drew from her finger a ring of the value of a thousand
louis, and presented it to the young officer. She frequently addressed peti
tions to the general-in-chief, who often preserved her property, and con
stantly protected her. She was considered as a woman of distinguished
merit. ,
The Egyptian women lose their good looks at an early age ; brunettes
are more common than blondes. Their complexion has generally a tinge
of copper color. The most beautiful are Greeks and Circassians, with
whom the bazaars of the-merchants who carry on this trade are abundantly
provided. The caravans from Darfour and the interior of Africa bring a
great number of beautiful black women.
Egyptian marriages aire concluded without the parties having seen each
other; the woman may, perhaps, have had a glimpse of the man; but the
man has never seen the features of his bride.
Those of the Egyptians who had rendered services to the French, and
even the Sheiks themselves, sometimes petitioned the general-in-chief to
give them such and such a person, whom they- indicated, for a wife. The
first request of this kind was made by an Aga of the Janissaries, a sort of
police agent, who had been very useful to the French^ and who desired to
marry a very rich widow ; the proposal seemed to Napoleon singular.
" But does she love you ?" asked he. " No !" was the reply. " Will she
be willing to marry you ?" "Yes; if you command it." And so it
proved ; for immediately on learning the will of the Sultan Kebir, she
gave her consent, and the marriage took place. The same thing afterwards
occurred frequently.
The women in Egypt have their privileges:; there are things which their
husbands cannot refuse them, without being looked upon as barbarians and
monsters, and raising up the public voice against them ; such, for example,
as the right of going to the bath. These are' vapor-baths, where the women
assemble ; it is there that all intrigues, political or otherwise, are arranged ;
it is there that marriages are settled. General Menou, having married a lady
of Rosetta, treated her a la Francaise. He gave her his hand to conduct
her to the dining-room ; the best place at table, the most delicate portions of
the food, were always appropriated to her; if her handkerchief fell, he
hastened to pick it up. On hearing this lady relate these circumstances in
the bath at Rosetta, the others conceived a hope of a change in manners

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 299
arid customs, and signed a petition to Sultan Kebir, entreating that their
husbands might be enjoined to treat them in the same manner.
Ihe dress of the Eastern nations has nothing in common with burs ;
instead of a hat they cover their heads with a turban,, a head-dress both
more elegant and more convenient, and which, being susceptible of great
variety in form, color, and arrangement, permits of the various nations and
races being distinguished at a glance ; the neck and all the joints are free ;
an/Eastern might remain' for months in his clothes without feeling any
fatigue from it.
The different nations and ranks are dressed in various styles; but all
have in common the width of the trousers, sleeves, and other parts of their
dress. In order to shelter themselves from the sun, they cover themselves
with shawls. In the dresses of the men, as well as in those of the women,
much use is made of silks, Indian stuffs, and cashmeres. They wear no
linen. The fellah's dress is simply a blue robe, confined round the waist.
The Arab chiefs, who scour the desert even during the furious heat of the
dog-days, are coveredwith shawls of all colors, which shelter them from
the heat of the sun, and are drawn over their heads.: Instead of shoes,
the men and women of Egypt wear slippers, which, on entering a room,
they -leave on the edge of the carpet.
The accoutrements of their horses are extremely elegant. The whole
dress of the French staff, although covered with gold, and displaying all
the luxury of Europe, appeared mean and shabby when compared with
theirs, and was eclipsed by the majesty of Eastern dress. Our hats,
our tight-fitting trousers, and confined coats, our' strangling stocks, all these
were to them objects of ridicule and aversion. They do not require, as
we do, to change their dress before mounting their horses; they use no
spurs, and put their feet into wide stirrups, which render useless the boots
and the special dress which we are obliged to put on for riding.
The Franks and Christians who live in Egypt, go about on mules or
asses, unless they are persons of high rank.
The architecture of the Egyptians bears more resemblance to that of
Asia than to that of Europe. The houses all have a terrace, ori which the
inhabitants take the air ; there are even baths on some of these terraces.
They have several stories. On the ground floor is a kind of parlor, where
the master of the house receives strangers and offers refreshments. On
the first floor is generally the harem, the only communication with which
is by private staircases. In the master's apartment is' a little door, which
leads to orie of these. Other small staircases of this kind are used for the
necessary passage of servants, &c. The harem consists of a large saloon
in the form of a cross ; opposite to it is a corridor, from which open
a great number of rooms. Round the saloon are divans, of more or less
rich materials, according to the wealth of the master, and in the centre
stands a small marble basin, from which a jet d'eau springs up. Some
times this basin contains rosewater, or other essences, which rise in the
jet d'eau, and perfume the apartment. All the windows are covered by a
kind of blind or trellis-work. There are no beds in the houses ; the
eastern nations sleep on divans or carpets. When they have no guests, in
fhe house, they take their meals, sleep, and spend all their moments of
repose and leisure in their harem.
As soon as the master of the house enters the harem, the women hasten
fo serve him ; one presents his pipe, another his cushion, &c. Everything
there is for the service of the lord of the house.

300 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
The gardens have no walks ; they are • epmposed of bowers of large
trees* where one can sit, take the air and smoke. The Egyptian, like all
the natives of the East, spends a great part of his day in the last-mentioned
enjoyment ; it is, at the same time, an occupation and a pleasure.
The arts and sciences are in their infancy in Egypt. At Gemil-el-Azar,
they teach the philosophy of Aristotle, the rules of, the Arabian language,
the art of writing,' and a slight knowledge of arithmetic; the professors
explain and discuss the different chapters of the Koran, and teach that part
of the history of the Caliphs with which it is necessary tp be acquainted,
in order to know and judge of the various sects of Islamism. The Arabs
are completely ignorant with regard to the antiquities of their country, and
their ideas of geography are superficial and erroneous.
There were at Cairo some astronomers, the extent of whose knowledge
only enabled them to compile an almanac.
As a consequence of this ignorance, they have but little curiosity. Cu
riosity only exists among nations sufficiently advanced in knowledge to be
able to distinguish between what .is natural and what is extraordinary.
The sight of ballooris had not the effect upon them which we had antici
pated^ The pyramids have only become interesting to them because they
have noticed the great interest taken in them by foreigners; they do not
know who built them, and the whole of the people, with the exception of
a few more enlightened, regard them as a production of nature; the most
enlightened among them, seeing us attach so much importance to the pyra
mids, imagined that they had been constructed by an ancient race from
whom the Franks were descended. , It is thus that they explain the curi
osity of Europeans. The science which would be the most useful to the
Egyptians is hydraulic mechanics. They are deficient in machines.: they
have, however, one which is ingenious, for pouring water from a ditch or
a well on a higher ground ; the machine is worked either by hand or by a
horse. This species of mill is the only one with which the Egyptians are
acquainted ; we did not find a single watermill or windmill in the whole of
Egypt, The employment of the latter kind of mill, for raising water, would
be a great acquisition in that country, and might produce important results.
Conte established one for them.
The artisans of Cairo are very intelligent; they imitate with great ex
actness whatever they see done. During the revolt of this city they cast
mortars and cannons, but in a rough manner, which reminded one of those
made in the thirteenth century.
The art of weaving cloth was known to them ; there were even some
weavers who embroidered Mecca carpets ; these carpets are very sumptu
ous, and made, with much art.
At a dinner of which the general-in-chief partook, at the house of the
Sheik El Fayoum, the Koran became the subject of conversation. "All
human science and knowledge are to be found in it," said the Sheiks.
"Are the arts of casting cannon and making gunpowder to be learned from
it?" asked Napoleon. " Yes," replied they, "but it is necessary to know
how to read it," — a scholastic argument of which all religions make more
or less use.
The navigation of the Nile is easy, and is actively carried on ; the ves
sels descend, with the current, and ascend. with the aid of sails and of the
north wind, which prevails during a certain season of the year. When
the south wind prevails, the boats are frequently obliged to wait a long
time before they can go up the river. The boats ' used on the Nile are

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 301
Called djermas; their mast/s and sails are higher, nearly by a third part,
than those of ordinary boats ; this arises from the necessity of having sails
sufficiently elevated to catch the Wind above the hills which enclose the
valley. The Nile is constantly covered with these djermas; some were
used for the transport of merchandize, others for the conveyance of pas
sengers. They are of various sizes ; some navigate in the great canals,
others are constructed for use in the small ones. The river near Cairo is
always covered by the sails of vessels ascending or descending. The
officers of the French staff who used djermas in going to convey orders
frequently met with accidents. The Arab tribes who were at war with
us waylaid them at some bending of the river where the wind failed them.
Sometimes, also, in descending the river these boats ran aground, and the
officers on board were massacred.
The caiques are small chaloupes or pinnaces, light and narrow, which
are used for crossing the Nile, and for navigating, not only in the canals,
but over the whole country during an inundation. The number of light
vessels which cover the Nile is more considerable thari on' any other river
in the world ; and the reason of this is, that during several months of the
year communications, even from one village to another, can only be made
by means of these boats.
There are in Egypt neither carriages nor wagons. The means of con
veyance by water are so numerous and easy, that land carriages are per
haps less necessary in this country than in any other. A carriage received
by Ibrahim Bey, from France, was regarded as a very remarkable thing.
Horses are used for traversing the city, except by the Sheiks and women,
who ride on mules or asses, and are always surrounded by a great number
of officers and servants in uniform, who carry large slicks in their hands.
For the conveyance of goods camels are generally employed; they are
also used for riding on. The smallest and lightest kind'of camels, which
have only one hUmp, are called dromedaries. The animal is trained to
kneel down when his rider wishes to mount. The rider places himself
on a kind of pack-saddle, with his legs crossed, and guides the dromedary
by means of a bridle attached to a ring which is passed through its nos
trils. This part of the camel being very sensitive, the ring produces the
same effect as the bit does on a horse. The dromedary has a very long
step ; its ordinary pace is a high trot, which produces the same effect on
the rider as the rolling of a ship might do. A dromedary will easily get
Over twenty leagues in a day : a panier is generally hung at each side of
the camel, in which persons sit, and which are also used for bearing loads ;
it is in this way that the women travel. There is no caravan of pilgrims
without a great number of camels equipped in this way for their use.
These animals are able to carry a weight of a thousand pounds, but
usually only carry about six hundred; their milk and their flesh are both
good for food.
Like the camel the dromedary drinks but little, and can even do without
drink for several days. It finds something with which to nourish itself
even in the most barren parts of the desert; it is the animal of the desert.
There are in Egypt immense quantities of asses; they are large and of
a fine race ; at Cairo they, in a manner, supply the place of hired vehicles ;
every soldier, for a few paras had one at his disposal for a whole day.
At the time of the expedition to Syria more than 8,000 might be reckoned
in the army ; they were extremely useful. ,, '. .
The horses of the deserts bordering on Egypt are the finest in the

S|02 HISTORY OF THE ^APTIVITY OF NAPOLEON-
wdrld, and have served to improve all fhe European breeds. The, Arabs
are extremely careful to keep the race pure ; they preserve the genealogies
of their horses and mares. The great distinctions of the Arabian horse
are its swiftness, and the easiness and gentleness of its paces ; it only
drinks once a day, rarely trots, and almost always goes either, at a walk
or a gallop. It can stop suddenly on its hind legs, a, thing which it
would be impossible to train our horsea.tp do.
The institution of Egypt was composed of members of the institution of
France, and of learned men and artists not belonging to that body. They
formed themselves into a society, and included among their number several
artillery and staff officers, and others who had, cultivated literature and the
sciences.'^ ... ../,,...
The institution was established in one of the;palaces of the beys. The
large saloon of the harem, by, means of some alterations^ was fitted up as
a room in which the, sittings were to be held; arid- the rest of -the palace
afforded apartments for the members, In front of this building lay an
immense garden, opening into the country beyond, and near which a fort,
named the fort of the institution, was built, s
A great number of machines and instruments relating to physics, astro-,
nomy, and, chemistry, had been brought from France; they were arranged
in the different rppms of ithe institution, in which collections were also
made of all the curiosities of the country, whether animal, vegetable, or
mineral. ' , .
The -garden was converted into a botanical garden; a chemical labora
tory was established at head-quarters, where, several times a week,, Ber-
thollet made experiments, Napoleon arid a great number of officers being
present. The establishment of the institution strongly excited the curi
osity of the inhabitants pf Cairo ; when, they learned that religious affairs
were ript the objects of these meetings, they became persuaded that the
members were alchymists meeting for the purpose of discovering the means
of making gold.
The simple' manners of these learned men, their constant occupation,
the respect shown them by the whole army, and their utility in directing
the fabrication of objects of art and manufacture, by artists of the country,
soon gained for them the consideration and respect of the whole popu
lation.1 _.,'.,' ' ...
' The members of the institution were also employed in the civil adminis
tration. Mbnge and Berthollet were appointed commissaries, of the Grand
Divan, and the mathematician, Fournier, commissary pf the Divan, !pf
Cairo. Costay was made editor of a newspaper; the astronomers Nouris and
Noel traveled over and examined the principal points of Egypt, for the
purpose of determining their geographical position, especially that. of ithe
ancient monuments, endeavoring by this means to reconcile ancient wjith
modern geography.
The engineer Lepeyre was appointed to survey and make a plan of the
Suez canal, and the engineer Girard, to study tne system of the naviga
tion of the Nile. One of the .members of fhe institution had the direction
of the mint at Cairo. He caused a number of paras, a small copper coin,
to be struck. This, was a very advantageous proceeding; the treasury
gained twenty per cent, by it. The paras were circulated not only in
Egypt, but even in Africa, and the deserts of Arabia, and instead of em
barrassing the. circulation and injuring the exchange— an inconvenience

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 303
mntfoctories01'1'" money~theT fav°red them. Conte established several
The ovens for hatching eggs, which Egypt has employed from time
immemorial deep y engaged the attention of the institution.- In several
otherusages held by the Egyptians from tradition, traces were discovered,
which were carefully noted, as useful in the history of the arts, and pos
sibly affording some clue to other ancient usages, now lost in oblivion.
Ixeneral Andreossy received the scientific and military commission of
visiting and examining .the lakes of Menzaleh, Boorlos, and Natron.
Geoffrey appUed himself to natural history. The draughtsmen, Dutertre
and Kigolo, took drawings of everything which might afford an idea of the
customs and monuments of antiquity. They took portraits of all the
Egyptians who had distinguished themselves by their devotion to the
general-in-chief ; and who were greatly flattered by this distinction. Gene
ral Caffarelh and Colonel Sukowski often read at the meetings of the In
stitution curious memorials drawn up by the members.
When Upper. Egypt was subdued, which did not occur till the second
year, the whole body of learned men proceeded thither for the purpose of
making researches for antiquities.
These various labors furnished the materials for the splendid work on
Egypt, compiled and engraved during the first fifteen years of the present
century, and which cost several millions of francs.
The climate throughout the whole of Egypt is healthy; but notwith
standing this, one of the first cares of the administration was the founda
tion of hospitals ; on this point, there had been, as yet, nothing done in
Egypt. The house of Ibraham Bey, situated on the bank of the Rodah
canal, at a quarter of a league from Cairo, was fixed upon for the great
hospital: it was made capable of receiving five hundred patients.. Instead
of wooden beds, use was made cf large osier baskets, on which were
placed palliasses made of straw, of which there was no want, and ma-
tresses of cotton or wool. In a short time, this hospital was abundantly
furnished With everything necessary. Similar ones were established at
Alexandria, Rpsetta, and Damietta ; and the regimental hospitals were
much- enlarged.
The French army, while in Egypt, were much incommoded by disease
of .the eyes; more than half the soldiers were, afflicted with it, This dis
ease is said to be attributable to the following causes : the salts which are
to be found in the'sand and dust, and which necessarily affect the sight;
and the irritation produced by defective perspiration during the very cooi
nights which follow days of burning heat. Whether this explanation be
the true one or not, it is at all events evident that this ophthalmia is the
result of the climate. St. Louis, on his return from his expedition to the
Levant, brojight a great number of blind soldiers back with him, and it was
this circumstance which gave rise to the establishment of the Quinze
Vingts, at Paris.
• -JThe plague always comes from the direction of the coast, and never from
Upper Egypt. Lazarettos were established at Alexandria, Rosetta, and
Damietta, and one very large one was built on the isle of Rodah; and
when the plague appeared, the French put into vigorous execution the
system of the sanatary laws of Marseilles. These precautions were very
useful to us ; they were entirely unknown to the natives, who at first sub
mitted reluctantly to them, but afterwards felt their utility. It is during
the winter that the plague is most prevalent; in the month of June- it dis-

304 HISTORY OF THE., CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
appears entirely. The question whether this disease is endemic in Egypt,
has been very frequently discussed ; those who affirm that jt is so, think they
have jemarked that it shows itself at Alexandria or on the coast of Damietfa,
in the years when it happens (a great exceptipn) to rain in these countries.
There is no example of its having begun -at Cairo, or in Upper Egypt,
where it never rains. Those who think that.it comesfrom Constantinople
or from other parts of Asia, in the same way, found their opinion on the
supposed fact-that the first symptoms always manifest'themselves on these
cdasts. ,r ¦ ¦
Various alterations were made in the house of Elfy Bey^ in the, square
of Espekie, occupied by the general-in-chief, for the purpose of accommo
dating it to European habits. The first change- made was the construction
of a large staircase leading to the first story ; the ground-flootibeing appro
priated to the officers of the staff. Various ehanges were also made in the
garden ; there were no walks in it ; a great number were Jaid out, and
marble basins and jets-d'eau constructed. The eastern nations are not
fond of walking ; to walk when one can be seated, appears to them an
absurdity, for which they can only account , by the whimsicality of the
French character. Some speculators established in the garden at Cairo a
kind of Tivoli, similar to that at Paris, where -fireworks and illuminations
were displayed ; it was also a public walk, and in the evening was the
rendezvous pf the army.
A road was constructed from Cairo to Boulac, which could be, used at
all times, even during the inundations. A theatre was built, and a great
number of houses were arranged artd adapted to our habits, like that of
the general-in-chief; and a great bakehouse was established. At the point
Of the isle of Rodah, several windmills, for grinding corn, were built; and
they began to be put into use for raising water and watering the ground.
Several sluices had been made, and everything necessary prepared for
beginning the works of the canal of Suez; but fortifications and military
buildings fully occupied the army during this first year.
Napoleon often gave dinners to the. Sheiks. Although our customs, dif
fered so much from theirs, they found the Ghairs, forks and; knives, very
convenient. At the conclusion of one of these dinners, the general asked
the Sheik El Modi: " What is the most useful thing I have taught you
during my six months' residence here?" "The most useful thing, thptjou
have taught me," replied the Sheik, half in jest and half in earnest, "is to
drink while I am eating." The custom of the Arabs is not to drink till
the conclusion of a repast.

On the evening after the battle of Shebbreiss, July 13th, 1790,1 the
French army proceeded for the night to Shaboor. This day's march Was
a very fatiguing one; the soldiers proceeded in order of battle and at a
quick step, in the hope of cutting off some vessels of the enemy's flotilla ;
and the Mamelukes were in fact obliged to burn several of them. The
army bivouacked at Shaboor under fine sycamore trees, and found fields
full of a kind of -water-melon, which is a very healthy and refreshing' fruit.
We met with this fruit along the whole line pf march as far as Cairo, and
the soldiers showed how pleasant a species ' of food it was to them, by
naming it, after the example of the ancient Egyptians, holy melon.
On the next day, the army was very late setting out on its march ; some

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 305
provisions had been procured, and it was necessary to distribute them.
We waited for our flotilla, which could not ascend against the stream until
the north wind rose; this night we slept at Zounjeara. •
On the following day we arrived at Alkam. There General Zayonchek
received orders to land on the right bank, with all the dismounted cavalry,
and to march upon Menouf and the point of the Delta. As there were no
Arabs in this part of the country, he was master of his own movements;
and was of great use to us in procuring provisions. He took up his posi
tion at. the head of the Delta, at Batu-el-Baccara.
On the 17th, the army encamped at Abu-Neshabeh ; on the 18th, at
Wardan. Wardan is a large place ; the troops bivouacked in an extensive
forest of palm trees. The-soldiers were now beginning to know the usages
of the country, and they dug up the lentils and other vegetables which the
fellahs are in the habit of concealing in the ground. We made but short
marches on account of the necessity of procuring subsistence, and in order
to be always prepared to receive the enemy. We often encamped as early
as ten'o'clock, A. M., and the first care of the soldiers was to bathe them
selves in the Nile. Our next place of encampment after Wardan, was
Om-Dinar, from whence we could see the pyramids. Every telescope
was immediately directed towards these the most ancient monuments in
the world; they might be taken for enormous masses of rocks, did not the
regularity of form, and straight lines of the angles, bear witness that they
were the work of man. The pyramids bound the horizon of the 'valley
on the left bank of the Nile.
We now approached Cairo, and were informed by the natives of the
country, that the Mamelukes, together with the militia 'of Cairo, and a
considerable number of Arabs, Janissaries, and Spahis, awaited us between
the Nile and the Pyramids, covering Ghizeh ; here they boasted that our
success should come to an end.
We remained a day at Om-Dinar. This day of repose afforded time to
see to our arms, and prepare ourselves for battle. Melancholy and sadness
reigned in the army. As the Hebrews complained in the wilderness and an
grily demanded of Moses the onions and flesh-pots of Egypt, so the French
soldiers incessantly regretted the delights of Italy. It was in vain to assure
them that Egypt was the most fertile country in the world ; that it was
even superior in that respect to Italy ; there were no means of persuading
them of this ; they* could have neither bread nor wine. We encamped
among immense fields of corn, but there were neither mills nor ovens.
The biscuit which had been brought from Alexandria was long ago con
sumed; the soldiers were reduced to grinding corn between two stones,
and making cakes of it, which they baked under the ashes. Some of
them roasted the corn in a stove, and then boiled it; this was the best
. way of using the grain, but it was not bread. Their fears increased daily
to such a degree, that many of them said there was no great city of Cairo;
that the place bearing that name was like Damanhour, merely a vast col
lection of huts, and deficient in everything which could render life commo
dious and agreeable. So tormented were their imaginations by these ideas,
that two dragoons threw themselves with all their clothes on into the Nile,
and drowned themselves. It must be stated, however, that if they had
not bread and wine, still the corn, lentils, meat, and sometimes pigeons
which they were able to procure, supplied at least nourishment for them.
But the 'evil lay in the greatness of their expectations. I he officers com
plained more loudly than the soldiers, for the contrast was to them more
VOL. IV. 9

306 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
striking. They did not find in Egypt the quarters, the good tables, and
all the luxuries of Italy. The general-in-chief, desirous of setting a good
example, was in^he habit of bivouacking in the midst of the army, and in
the least commodious places. No one had either tents or provisions ; the
dinner of Napoleon and his staff consisted of a dish of lentils. The
evenings of the soldiers were passed in political conversations, reason
ings, and complaints. " What have we come to do here ?" said some ;
" the Directory has banished us." " Caffarelli," said others, " is the agent
who has been made use of to deceive the general-in-chief." Some hav
ing observed that wherever vestiges of antiquity were found, they were
carefully examined, poured forth invectives against the learned men, who,
' they said, had started the idea of the expedition, in order that they might
pursue their researches. They called an ass a learned man, and said of
Caffarelli Dufalga, in allusion to his wooden-leg: "He does not care for
all this ; he has one foot in France." But Dufalga and the learned men
soon regained the esteem of the army.
On the 21st, at one o'clock in the morning, we left Om-Dinar ; we ex-*
pected this day to be decisive. At the break of day we saw, for the first
time since leaving Shebbreiss, a vanguard of Mamelukes, consisting of
about 1,000 horsemen; they maneuvered with order, but attempted no
attack — a few balls from our advanced guard kept them in awe. At ten
o'clock, we, came in sight of Embabeh, and saw the enemy drawn up in
order ef battle. Their right wing was stationed close to the Nile, on the
bank of which they had thrown up a large entrenched camp, defended by
forty pieces of cannon, and by about 20,000 men, composed of Janissary
infantry, Spahis, and the militia of Cairo. The right wing of their line
of cavalry was supported by the entrenched camp ; the left extended in
the direction of the pyramids, on the road towards Ghizeh; there were
from 9,000 to 10,000, as well as one could judge. Thus their whole army
amounted to 30,000 men, including the infantry and foot soldiers who
served each horseman : 2,000 or 3,000 Arabs held the extreme left, and
filled up the space between the Mamelukes and the pyramids. These
arrangements were formidable. We did not know how the Janissaries
and the Spahis would conduct themselves, but we knew, and greatly
dreaded, the skilful and impetuous bravery of the Mamelukes.
The French army drew up in the same order of battle as at Shebbreiss ;
the left wing supported by the Nile, the right by a large^ village. General
Desaix, who commanded the right wing, required three hours to form into
position and take breath. We reconnoitered the enemy's entrenched
camp, and soon discovered that it was but a slight, rough piece of work,
having only been begun three days before, after the battle of Shebbreiss.
It was composed of long trenches, which might be of some avail against
a charge of cavalry, but not against an attack of infantry. We also saw
through our telescopes that their cannon were not on movable carriages,
but /Were heavy piece? of iron taken from vessels, and managed by the
crews of the flotilla. As soon as the general-in-chief had ascertained that
the artillery was not mounted, it became evident that neither it nor the
infantry would leave the entrenched camp ; or that even if the infantry
did leave it, they would find themselves without artillery. The arrange
ments for battle were therefore made in accordance with this information ;
it was resolved to prolong our right wing, and to follow the movement of
this wing with the whole army, thus passing out of the reach of the cannon
in the entrenched camp. We should then only have to do with the Mame-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPPLEON. 307
hikes and the cavalry, and should place ourselves in a position which
would prevent the infantry and artillery from affording them any assistance.
Mourad-Bey, the commander-in-chief of the enemy, perceived the
movement in our columns, and immediately guessed our intention. Al
though this chief had not been accustomed to command, nature had en
dowed him with a vigorous character, undaunted courage, and a penetrating
glance. Ihe three affairs which we had had with the Mamelukes, had
already given him experience. He saw, with a quickness which could
scarcely be expected from the most skillful European general, that the fate
of the day depended on his not allowing us to execute our movement, and
on his making use of his numerous cavalry to attack us on our march.
He set out with the two-thirds of his horsemen (6^000 or 7,600,) leaving*
the rest to defend the entrenched camp, and encourage the infantry ; and ,
advancing at the head of this troop, attacked General Desaix, who was
advancing on the extremity of our right wing. This was a dangerous
movement. The charge was made with such rapidity, that we thought
the squares were falling into confusion ; General Desaix, who was at the
head of the column, had got into a palm grove. The advanced guard of
the Mamelukes, however, which fell upon him, was not numerous, the
body of the troops did^ not arrive till a few minutes afterwards, and, this
delay sufficed for us. The squares were perfectly formed, and received
the charge with coolness. General Regnier supported their left. Napo
leon, who was in the square of General Dugua, immediately marched upon
the chief body of the Mamelukes, and placed himself between the Nile
and Regnier. The Mamelukes were received by a shower of grape and
musket shot ; about thirty of the bravest of them fell near General Desaix ;
but the mass, by an instinct natural to the horse, turned round the squares,
and the charge was a failure.
1 Amidst the grape-shot, balls, dust, cries, and smoke, some of the Mame
lukes re-entered the entrenched camp, by a movement natural to the soldier,
of making his retreat to the same place from whence he set out. Mourad-
Bey, and the more experienced soldiers, directed their course towards
Ghizeh. This commander-in-chief thus found himself separated from his
army. The divisions of Bon and Menou, which formed our left wing,
now marched upon the entrenched camp, and General Pompon was dis
patched with two battalions to occupy a kind of defile between Ghizeh
and the camp.
The most horrible confusion prevailed at Embabeh. Our cavalry threw
themselves on the enemy's infantry, who, not expecting the attack, and
seeing that the Mamelukes were defeated, threw themselves into the djer
mas, caiques, and other boats, in order to re-cross the Nile ; many swam
across it ; the Egyptians excel in this exercise, which is rendered neces
sary to them by the peculiar circumstances of their country. The forty
pieces of cannon which defended the entrenched camp did not fire 200
shots. The Mamelukes who had retreated to this camp, soon perceiving
their error, endeavored to escape to Ghizeh, but it was too late ; the two
battalions which were placed between the Nile and Ghizeh, supported by
the other divisions, drove them back into the camp ; many of them met
their death there ; several thousand attempted to cross the Nile and were
drowned. Entrenchments, artillery, posts, baggage, everything fell into
our hands. Of this army of more thari 30,000 men, only 2,500, who were
with Mourad-Bey, escaped; of the cavalry: artd many of the infantry es
caped by swimming or in boats. The number of the Mamelukes drowned

308 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
in this battle is estimated at 5,000. Their numerous corpses, in a few
days, carried the news of our victory along the shore to pamietta and
Rosetta. It was at the commencement of this battle that Napoleon addressed to
his soldiers the words since become so celebrated : " From the summits
of these pyramids, forty centuries look down upon you."
It was night when the three divisions, those of Desaix, Regnier, and
Dugua, returned from Ghizeh; the general-in-chief established his head
quarters at the country house of Mourad-Bey.
The Mamelukes had, on the Nile, about sixty vessels, loaded with all
their riches. Seeing the unexpected issue of the combat, and finding that
our cannonjwere already planted on the bank of the river beyond the
opening at the Isle of Rodah, they gave up all hopes of saving these vessels;
and set them on fire. During the whole night we could see, by the light
of the flames, the minarets and buildings of Cairo, and of the city of the
dead. The fire threw such a strong light that we could even see the
pyramids. - The Arabs, according to their custom after a defeat, rallied at a distance
from the field of battle, in the desert beyond the pyramids.
For several days the whole army was employed in trying to find the ,
bodies of the Mamelukes. The value of their weapons, and the quantity
of gold which they were accustomed to carry on their persons, made the
soldier* very active in this search.
Our, flotilla had not been able to follow the movements of the army ; the
wind had failed. Had we had it, the day could not havC been more de
cisive, but we should probably have made a great number of prisoners,
and taken possession of all the riches, which had, as it was, fallen a prey
to the. flames. The crews of the flotilla had heard our cannon, notwithi
standing the north wind, which blew violently ; according as the wind fell,
the noise of the cannon increased, till at length it appeared to approach
nearer, and the sailors thought that the battle was lost ; but the number of
corpses which passed them on the stream, and which were all those of
Mamelukes, soon reassured them.
It was not until long after his flight that Mourad-Bey discovered that he
was only followed by a part of his troops, aYid saw the error which his
cavalry had committed in returning to the entrenched camp. He attempted
several charges, in the hope of covering the way for them, but he was too
late. The Mamelukes themselves were seized with terror, and acted
without energy. Fate had decreed the destruction of these brave and in
trepid troops, composed of the dlite of Eastern cavalry. The loss of the
enemy on this day may be estimated at 10,000 men, left on tlie field of
battle or drowned — Mamelukes, Janissaries, Militia of Cairo, and slaves
of the Mamelukes.
A thousand prisoners, 800 or 900 camels, and as many horses were
taken. At nine o'clock in the evening, Napoleon entered Mourad-Bey's country
house at Ghizeh. These residences bear no resemblanee whatever to our
chateaux. We had a good deal of trouble in accommodating ourselves,
and in understanding the arrangement of the different rooms. But the
thing which most agreeably struck the officers was the great number of
cushions and divans, covered with the most beautiful damask and Lyons
s'ilks, and adorned with gold fringe. There, for the first time in Egypt,
we found the luxury and the arts of Europe. A part of the night was

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. -309
passed in exploring this singular mansion. The gardens were filled with
magnificent trees, but had no walks, and bore some resemblance to the gar
dens of certain orders of nuns in Italy. What gave the most pleasure to
the soldiers, for every one hastened to them, were the large bowers of vines,
covered with the most splendid grapes. The vintage was soon gathered.
The two divisions of Bon and Menou, which had remained in the en
trenched camp, were also enjoying the greatest abundance. They had
found among the baggage a number of canteens full of spices, confectionary,
and sweetmeats. Every moment they came upon carpets, porcelain, and
a number of articles of furniture used by the Mamelukes, which excited
our curiosity. The army now began to be reconciled to Egypt, and to
believe at length that Cairo was not Damanhour.
Next morning, at break of day, Napoleon proceeded, to the river, and
having taken possession of several boats, sent over General Vial and his
division to the Isle of Rodah ; they rendered themselves masters of it, after
a few musket shots. From the moment that possession was taken of this
isle, a battalion placed in the Mokkias, and sentinels stationed along the
canal, the Nile might be considered as crossed ; we were then only separated
from Boulac and Old Cairo by a large canal. The general-in-chief ex
amined the walls of Ghizeh, and works were immediately commenced for
closing its gates. Ghizeh was surrounded by a wall, of extent sufficient
to inclose all our posts, and strong enough to keep the Mamelukes and
Arabs in check.
We awaited with impatience the arrival of the flotilla; the north wind
blew as usual, and yet it did not come ! The Nile was low, its waters had
failed, and the vessels had run aground. Rear-Admiral Perree sent word
that we must not reckon on him, as he could not fix the day of his arrival.
This disappointment was extremely vexatious ; for our wish was to take
possession of Cairo during the first moments of stupor, and not, by losing
¦ forty-eight hours, to give the inhabitants time to recover from their alarm.
Fortunately, however, it was not the Mamelukes alone who had been van
quished ; the Janissaries of Cairo, and all the brave men which it contained,
had also taken part in the battle, and were in a state of the greatest con
sternation. All their reports on the subject of the combat gave the French
a character which approached the marvellous.
A dragoman was sent by the general-in-chief to the Pacha, and to the
Cadi-sheik, the Imaum of the grand mosque, and the proclamations which
Napoleon had published on entering Egypt were circulated. The pacha
had already quitted Cairo, but he had left his kiaya, or lieutenant, behind.
The latter thought it his duty to come to Ghizeh, since the general-in-chief
declared that he was not making war against the Turks, but against the
Mamelukes. He had a conference with Napoleon, who succeeded in con-
vipcing him that his best, plan was to yield ; in doing this, he might enter
tain a hope of playing an important part, and making his fortune ; in
refusing, he would bring on his own destruction. He, therefore, assured
the general of his obedience, and promised to persuade Ibrahim Bey to
withdraw, and the inhabitants of Cairo to submit. The next day, a depu
tation of the Sheiks of Cairo came to Ghizeh, and brought intelligence that
Ibrahim Bey had already quitted the city, and was gone to encamp at
Birket-el-Hadji. The Janissaries had assembled, and had determined to
surrender, and the Sheik of the grand mosque of Gemil-el-Azar had been
commissioned to dispatch a deputation, for the purpose of negotiating the
surrender of -the town, and imploring the clemency of the victor. The

310- HISTORY OF. THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
deputies remained several hours at Ghizeh, where all the most efficacious
means were taken to confirm them in their good dispositions, and to give
them confidence. The following day, General Dupuy was sent to Cairo
as commandant, and took possession of the citadel. Our troops crossed
the canal and occupied Old Cairo and Boulac. The general-in-chief made
his entry into Cairo on the 27th of July, at four o'clock in the afternoon.
He lodged in the house of Elfy Bey, in the square Espekie, where he
established his head quarters. This house stood at one extremity of the
town, and the gardens communicated with the open country. -
Cairo lies at the distance of half a league from the Nile ; 01d_Cairo and
Boulac are its ports ; it is intersected by a canal, which is generally dry,
but which becomes full at the time of the inundation, when the dyke is
cut, an operation which is not performed till the Nile has reached a certain
height, and which gives occasion to a public festival. The canal then pours
its waters into numerous- other canals, and the square Espekie, as well as
most of the other squares and gardens of Cairo, are covered with water.
^During the inundations, all these parts of the town are traversed by means
of boats.
Cairo is overlooked by a citadel, situated on a hill which commands the
whole town. An aqueduct, rather a remarkable work, supplies this citadel
with water. The water which supplies the aqueduct is preserved in a
reservoir, in an enormous octagon tower, in Old Cairo, into which the
waters of the Nile are raised, by a hydraulic machine. Joseph's Well also
supplies water to the citadel, but this water is not so good as that of the
Nile. The French found this fortress in a neglected state, without defences,
and falling to ruin. Works were immediately commenced for its repair,
and it has been since kept in good condition. Cairo is surrounded by
high walls, surmounted by enormous towers built by the Arabs; these
walls were in a bad state, and crumbling from age ; the Mamelukes repaired
nothing. The town is large; half of its circuit borders on the desert; so
that on passing through the gate of Suez, or through those on the side to
wards Arabia, we come immediately upon the arid sands of the desert.
The population of Cairo was considerable ; it was estimated to contain
210,000 inhabitants. The houses are very high, and the streets narrow,
in order to be sheltered from the sun: and for this same reason, the bazaars
and puplic markets are covered over, with linen cloth or matting. The
Beys have very handsome palaces of Oriental architecture, which bears
more resemblance to that of India than to ours. The Sheiks have also
very fine houses. The Okels are large square buildings with immense
courts in the centre, in which dwell whole corporations of merchants.
Thus, there is the Okel for rice, and that for sugar, the Okel of the Suez
merchants, and that of the Syrian merchants ; all these buildings have
within them, and looking upon the streets, small shops of twelve or fifteen
feet square, where stands the merchant with samples of his goods.
Cairo contains a great number of mosques, which are considered the
finest in the world; the minarets are rich and numerous. The mosques
generally serve to receive pilgrims ; among this number is Gemil-el-Azar,
which is cited as the largest in the East, These mosques usually consist
of courts, round which are ranged enormous columns supporting terraces;
within are a number of basins or reservoirs of water, for drinking and per
forming ablutions.
There is oner quarter of, the town, called the quarter of the Franks, in
habited by. some European families; there are to be seen a few houses,
much like those which might belong in Europe to merchants possessing

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 311
an incbrne pf 30,000 or 40,000 francs ; they are furnished in the European
style, with chairs and beds. In this quarter are also the Coptic churches,
and a few convents of Syrian catholics.
Adjoining the city of Cairo, on the side towards the desert, is the City
of the Dead ; this is the place where all the families of Cairo have, -their
tombs; it is pf greater extent than Cairo itself. A multitude of. mosques,
tombs, minarets, and domes, preserve the memory of the great men who
have been interred tliere, and who have had them built. Many of the
tombs have keepers, who have lamps constantly burning in them, and show
the interior to the curious. The families of the deceased, or public foun
dations provide for these expenses. Even the tombs of the common
people, which are only raised a couple of feet above the ground, are dis
tinguished by families or quarters.
Cairo contains a great number of icoffee-houses: here people take coffee,
sherbets, and opium, and discuss public affairs.
All round this town, as well as near Alexandria, Rosetta, and other
towns, are to be seen mounds or hillocks of considerable height; they are
all formed of ruins and rubbish, and grow larger every day, because the*
refuse of the city is added to them ; this produces a very disagreeable
effect. The French established police regulations for the purpose of put
ting a stop to the evil; and the institution took into consideration the means
of entirely abolishing it. But difficulties presented themselves. Experi
ence had proved to the people that it was dangerous to throw this rubbish
into the Nile, because it encumbered the canals, or spread itself over the
country with the inundation. These ruins are the consequence of the
decay of the country, traces of which are observable at every step.

The siege of St. Jean d'Acre may be divided into three periods.
First Period. — It commences on the 20th of March, the day on which
the trenches were opened, and finishes on the 1st of April. During this
period, our whole equipage de siege consisted of a battery of thirty-two
cannon, which Major Lambert had obtained at Caiffa, by forcibly seizing
the boat of the Tiger ; but these could not be used in their present way of
hlounting ; and we were deficient in balls. These difficulties, however,
soon disappeared, and within four-and-twenty hours the cannon were
"newly mounted. As to balls, Sidney Smith provided us with them.
From time to time a few horsemen or wagons were made to appear, and
then this commodore approached the shore, and poured a rolling fire from
all his batteries, and the soldiers, who got five sous for each ball which
they brought to the director of the artillery, ran and picked them up. They
became so accustomed to this maneuver, that they pursued their search in
the midst of the cannonade, while laughter resounded on every side.
, Sometimes, too, a chaloupe was advanced, on which a feint of constructing
a battery was made. In this way, balls of twelve and thirty-two pounds
were collected. We had powder, for a good deal had been brought from
Cairo,- besides which, some had been found at Jaffa and at Gaza, All our
artillery, therefore, including the field-pieces, consisted of four twelve-
pounders, provided with 200 shots each, eight howitzers, a battery of
thirty-two pieces, and about thirty four-pounders.
The general-of artillery, Sanson, who was commissioned to reconnoitre
the town, came back with the intelligence that it had neither counterscarp

312 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
I
nor fosse. He said that he bad, by night, reached the foot of the rampart,
where he had received a musket shot which had severely wounded him.
His report was incorrect ; he had indeed. reached a wall, but not the ram--
part. Unfortunately, measures were takeh in accordance with the infor
mation brought by hirn, The soldiers flattered themselves with a hope of
taking the town in three days; "for," said they, -"it is not so strong as
Jaffa ; its garrison only amounts to 2,000 or 3,000 men, whereas Jaffa,
though a much smaller place, had, a garrison of 8,000 at the'tlme when it
was taken." f
Ori the 25th of March, in four hours' time, the battery and the four,
twelve-pounders made a breach in the tower, which wa^ considered prac
ticable. A young officer of talent, with fifteen sappers and twenty-five
grenadiers, was ordered to mount to the assault, and clear-the foot of the
tower, and adjutant Laugier, who took^ up his position in the pWk d' armes,*
at the distance of 100 toises, was to. throw himself into the breach the in
stant this was done. The sappers having come out from behind an aque
duct, had, a distance pf about thirty toises to pass over, but they were
stopped short by a counterscarp of fifteen feet high, and a fosse of several-'
toises in width. Fiye or s'x °f them were wounded, and the rest, findiri'j|''
themselves exposed to a fearful volley of musketry, hastily retired Ho the"
trenches. V
A miner was immediately stationed to blow up the counterscarp. This
difficult operation was performed under the fire of all the ramparts, and of
a large number of mortars, which, directed by the excellent means fur
nished by the English mountings, poured their contents in every direction,
All our eight-inch mortars, and some of our best pieces, which had fallen
into the hands of the enemy, assisted in the defence of the place. The
mine was sprung on the 28th of March, but did not produce the intended
effect; it was not sufficiently deep, and only overthrew the half of the
counterscarp, leaving still eight feet. The sappers, however, asserted that
there was no more left. Mailly, an officer of the staff, was consequently
commanded to assist, with, a detachment of twenty-five grenadiers^ an
officer of the engineers, who was to advance against the counterscarp with
s'ix sappers. As a precautionary measure, they took with them three lad
ders, with which they were to descends from it. As the firing incommoded
them very much, they attached the ladder to the breach, and the sappers
and grenadiers preferred mounting to the assault. They caused Laugier
(who was ready to second them with two battalions) to» be told that they
were in the fosse, that the breach was practicable, andjhat it -was time to
come to their assistance. Laugier set off in double=quick march ; but
just as he arrived at the counterscarp, he met the grenadiers returning";
they said that the breach was too high by several feet, and that Mailly and
several others were killed. . < »',?'
When the Turks saw this young officer fixing the ladder, a panic had
seized them, and they had fled to the port ; even Djezzar had embarked.
But the death of Mailly produced the failure of the whole operation ; the
two battalions separated to reply tp the cannonade ; Laugier was killed,
arid several men were lost without any good result. This event was very
unfortunate. That was the day on which the town ought to have been
taken ; from this time reinforcements arrived every day by sea.
Second Period. — From Aprh\lst to April 27th.
A new mine, intended to destroy the whole counterscarp, was opened,
in order-that the fosse might no longer present any obstacle. What had

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 313
been done was found to be useless ; it was no longer easv to make a new
shaft. The miners required eight days to complete the work. They
succeeded perfectly in blowing up the counterscarp. On the 12th, the
mine was continued under the fosse, with the aim of blowing up the whole
tower ; there was no longer any hope of entering it by the breach ; the
enemy had filled it with all kinds of firework makers. The mine was
continued during six days ; .the besieged at length became aware of it, and
made a sally in three columns ; the centre one was headed by English ;
they were repulsed, and a captain of marines was killed on the shaft of
the mine. It "was during this period that the battles of Canaam, Nazareth,
Saffet, and Mount i*abor were fought. The first took place on the 9th,
the second on the 11th ; the others on the 13th and 16th. On this same
day, April 16th, the miners calculated that they were under the centre of
'*j8ie tower. It was at ffiis time that year-Admiral Perree arrived at Jaffa,
from Alexandria, with three frigates ; he had landed two mortars and six
eighteen-pounders at Tortura. Two of these pieces were placed so as to
overlook the small island which flanked the breach, and the others were
Iflljected against the ramparts and walls beside the tower. The intention
was to enlarge, by the overthrow of the tower, the breach which it was
Supposed the mine would make ; for it was feared that the enemy had
made an inner intrenchment, and had isolated the tower, which projected
beyond the rest of the fortifications. On the 25th the mine was fired ;
but a vault which was under the tQwer misled the calculations, and the
side next us was the only part blown up. Two or three hundred Turks
and some pieces of qannon were buried in the ruins, for they had embattled
every story of- the tower and occupied it. The French resolved to profit
by the first moments of surprise ; and thirty men attempted to take pos
session of the tower. Not being able entirely to succeed, they maintained
their position in the lower stories, while the enemy occupied the upper
ones, until the 26th, when General Veneux was wounded. They then
evacuated it, in order to make use of our batteries against the now shaken
building, and entirely to destroy it. On the 27th Caffarelli died.
Third Period.— From April 27th to May 30.
During this period, the enemy felt that if they remained on the defensive,
they were lost. The counter-mines whjch they had made, did not suffi
ciently secure them. All the battlements of the wall were destroyed, and
the pieces dismounted by our batteries. ¦' A reinforcement of three thou
sand men, which had entered the place, had, however, repaired all their
losses. But the imaginations pf'fhe Turkish troops were struck with terror, and
they could no longer be persuaded to remain on the walls, or in the tower;
they fancied that every* place was undermined. Phillipeaux traced the
lines of counterattack ; these lines proceeded from the palace of Djezzar,
and from the right of the point of attack. He also traced two trenches,
. like two sides of a triangle, which took all our works in flank. The nu
merical superiority df the enemy, the great number of laborers in the town,
and the bales of cotton of which they made demi-bastions, greatly expe
dited, the works; in a few days they flanked the whole tower, on the right
and on- the left;, after this the enemy erected cavaliers, on which they
mounted some twenty-four pounders. The French several times overthrew
and destroyed their counter-attack and their batteries, and spiked their
cannon; but this could never be continued for any time; they were too
much-overlooked by the walls and the tower. Orders were given to make

314 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
counter-mines, so that their sappers and purs were only separated by a few
yards of ground, and were constantly approaching each other. We also
made fougades, which afforded us the means of entering the enemy's
trenches, and destroying all that were not on their gurfrd.
It was thus that, on the 1st of May, two hours before day-break, the
French gained possession, without loss, of the most projecting part of the
counter-attack. At break of day, twenty valiant men attempted to occupy
the tower, all the defences of which had been completely razed by our
batteries ; but at this moment the enemy came out in force on trie' right of
the tower, and their balls pouring on the detachment in the rear, compelled
them to retreat. The sally was energetically repulsed ; frpm five, to six
hundred of the besieged were killed, and a great number driven into the
sea. As there was now nothing left of the tower, we resolved to attack a ,
portion of the rampart by means of a mine, in order to avoid the entrench
ment which the enemy had constructed. The counter-scarp was blown
up ; the mine had already crossed the fosse, and was beginning to extend
under the scarp, when, on the 6th, the enemy sallied by a sap which was
covered by the fosse, surprised the mask of the mine, and filled up its
shaft. On the 7th, a reinforcement of 12,000 men arrived to.the assistance of
the enemy. Immediately on hearing that they were signaled, we made a
calculation, and found that, with the present wind, they would not land for
six hours ; we consequently brought into operation a twenty-four pounder,
which had been sent by Rear-Admiral Perree; it overthrew a part of the
wall to the right of the tower, which was to our left. During the night,
the French threw themselves on all the enemy's works/.pVerthrew them,
killed every one who came in their way, spiked the cannon, mounted to
the assault, took possession of the tower, and entered the place ; and had,
in short, made themselves masters of the town, when the freshly landed
troops presented themselves in formidable numbers to assist the besieged;
Rambaut was killed, 150 men perished with him, or were taken; Lannes
was wounded. The besieged sallied from every gate, and regained the
breach; but .here their success ended; the French marched upon them,
after having driven them back into the town, and having cut off several of
their columns, re-established themselves on the breach. In this affair' we
made seven or eight hundred prisoners, "armed with European bayonets;
they came from Constantinople. -The enemy's loss was enormous ;— -all
our batteries poured showers of grapeion them; and our success appeared
so great, that on the 10th, at two in the morning, Napoleon Ordered a new
assault. General Bon was mortally wounded in this last action. There
Were 20,000 men in the town, and Djezzar's house and all the others
were so filled with people, that we could not pass the breach. In such
circumstances, what course was the general-in-chief to pursue? Ori the
one hand, Rear-Admiral Perree, who was returning from a cruise, had, for
the third time, landed artillery at Tortura; we began to have enough artil
lery to afford us hopes of reducing the town; but, on the" other hand, the
prisoners announced that fresh reinforcements were preparing to leave
Rhodes when they had embarked. The reinforcements already received*
or about to be received, by the enemy, might render the success of the
siege doubtful; so far distant as we were both from France and from
Egypt, we could not afford to suffer fresh losses. The number of our
wounded, at Jaffa and in the camp, was 12,000, and the plague was in our
hospitals. On the 20th, the siege was raised.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 315
General Kleber had never served in the capacity of commander-in-chief;
he had been engaged in the army of the Sambre and Meuse as a general
of division, under the orders of Jourdan. Having incurred the displeasure
of the Directory, he had remained in obscurity at Chaillot, until Napoleon
arrived at Rastadt, in November, 1797, after having completed the conquest
of Italy, dictated peace under the walls of Vienna, and captured Mayence.
Kleber attached himself to him, and followed him into Egypt. He con
ducted himself there with as much talent as bravery; he acquired the
esteem of his commander-in-chief, who considered him the best officer in
his army afterTJesaix ; he showed himself also one of the most subordi
nate, to the astonishment of the officers of his staff, who had been accus
tomed to hear him blame and criticise the movements of the army of the
Sambre and Meuse; he expressed great admiration of the maneuvers at
the battle of Mount Tabor, in which the general-in-chief had saved his
honor and his life. Some weeks after, he advanced at the head of his
division- to the siege of St. Jean d'Acre: Napoleon sent orders to him to
return and join him, not wishing to expose so valuable a life on a service
which could be as well performed by a brigade-major.
When the general-in-chief had come to the resolution of returning to
Europe to the assistance of the republic, he had at first intended to leave
the command of the Egyptian army wilh Desaix ; then to take with him
to France both Desaix and Kleber ; and lastly, to take Desaix with him,
and to leave Kleber in command of the troops. It is certainly an extraor
dinary proof of jealousy, to raise a general of division to the rank of gene
ral-in-chief ! and yet we read that this was the case,- and in a work of con
siderable authority. But why should the conqueror in so many battles be
jealous; and what proofs of jealousy has he given?
The army, of Egypt was able not only to maintain itself, but even to
keep up its numbers without receiving any assistance from France: pro
visions, the various articles of dress, and everything necessary to an army,
were to be had in the country in abundance. There was enough ammu
nition, &c, for several campaigns; besides, Champy and Conte had es
tablished powder manufactories ; the army had officers for 80,000 men,
and could enlist as many recruits as they chose, principally among the
young Copts, Greeks, Syrians and blacks of Darfour and Sennaar. The
21st demi-brigade enlisted 500 Copts, of whom several afterwards became
non-commissioned officers, and received the cross of the legion of honor ;
there are, no doubt, some of them still in France.
But what power was in a condition to attack Egypt? The Ottoman
Porte ? She had just lost her two armies of Syria and of Rhodes ; the
inhabitants of the country roujid the pyramids, of Mount Tabor, and of
Aboukir, had betraved the Weakness of the Ottoman arms. The Grand
Vizier, with his collection of Asiatic canaille, was no longer an object of
terror to the inhabitants themselves. Russia?— This was merely a sort of
>bugbear, with which the army was to be terrified. The Czar wished the
French army to be consolidated in Egypt; it was useful to his purposes,
and was opening for him the gates of Constantinople. England then alone
was left; but an army of at least 36,000 men would have been required
for such an operation, and England could not then dispose of such an army.
It was evident, since England had formed a second coalition, that she
would conquer Egypt in Italy, in Switzerland or in France.
But, besides, the army of the East might have received reinforcements
from France during the winter; nothing could have prevented this.

316 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF. NAPOLEON.
The destruction of the squadron in the bay of Aboukir was, undoubtedly,
a great misfortune; but the loss of four vessels,- of which three were very
old, was not irreparable. From the month of August, 1799, Admiral Brueys
was master of the Mediterranean, in command of forty men-of-war; if he
had wished to throw 15,000 men into Egypt, he might have done so. He
did not do so, because the war upon the continent rendered the presence
of all the French troops necessary in Italy, in Switzerland, or on the banks
of the Rhine. In the month of January, 1800, immediately after the 18th
of Brumaire, any number of men might have been sent there, by the
squadron of Brest, or that of Rochefort; but the men were wanted in
France to dissolve the second coalition ; it was not till after Marengo,
when the state of the republic was altered, that it was thought advisable to
send considerable reinforcements to this army.
Gantheaume left Brest with seven men-of-war, conveying 5,000 men ;
forty vessels were to set sail as soon as the first cannon-shot should be
fired in the Baltic ; and this obliged. England to send out a reinforcement
of thirty men-of-war. These forty vessels from Brest would then have
ruled the Mediterranean during a part of the summer ; they could have
embarked, at Taranto the troops destined for Egypt.
In the month of October, 1800, vessels of all sorts, both war and mer
chant vessels, arrived frequently in Egypt ; the various productions of
Europe were to be had there in abundance, and the army received news
from France every month. There were no means of preventing frigates
or corvettes from Toulon, Ancona, Taranto, or Brindisi, from arriving at
Damietta, or Alexandria, during the months of November, December,
January, February and March ; the Egyptienne and the Justice arrived in
the month of January, in sixteen days from Toulon ; the Regeneree, from
Rochefort in seventeen days: we must conclude, therefore, — 1st, the army
of the East did not require any assistance; 2dly, it might have remained
many years without requiring new recruits : 3dly, it might have enlisted as
many recruits as were required by choosing Christians, even young Mussul
mans:! or, finally, by purchasing negroes from Darfour and Sennaar. Egypt
is not a fortress, or a barren island ; it is an immense kingdom, the coast
of which is 120 leagues long. To apply to so rich and so extensive a country
the principles applicable to a citadel, is a proof of strange self-deception
and error.
The detailed instructions given by the general-in-chief to General Kleber,
and the letter dated Aboukir, the 7th Fructidor, which is now printed, and
which was written just before his departure, are sufficient to show what
were his intentions respecting Egypt, his hopes of returning to complete
his work, and his perfect confidence that Kleber would consolidate his
cplony. So long as France should be engaged in war, and' the second
coalition should not be dissolved, nothing could be done but to remain
stationary in Egypt, and merely retain possession of the country ; and for
this purpose Kleber or Desaix were, more than sufficient. Napoleon
obeyed the voice of France which recalled him to Europe. On his de
parture, he had received from the Directory carte blanche in regard to his
operations, both in Malta and Sicily, Egypt and Candia. He had full
powers to conclude treaties with Russia, the Porte, the Indian govern
ments and princes ; he was allowed to bring back the army,-or to name
his successor, and return at his own convenience.
When he was informed of the assassination of Kleber, and that General
Menou, as the oldest general, had taken the command, he thought of re-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 317
calling Menou and Regnier, and of giving the command to General Lan-
usse. General Menou appeared to possess all the qualities necessary for
a commander ; he was very well-informed, a good manager, and an upright
man. He had become a Mussulman, which was ridiculous enough, but
very suitable to the country ; his military talents were rather doubtful; it
was known that he was extremely brave ; he had behaved very well in La'
Vendee, and during the attack of Alexandria. General Regnier was more
accustomed to war, but was wanting in the first quality of a chief: he was
fitted to occupy the second rank, but he did not appear to be suited to the
first. His character was reserved ; he was fond of solitude ; not capable of
electrifying, ruling over, and conducting men. General Lanusse possessed
much of the sacred fire ; he had distinguished himself by brilliant actions
in the Pyrenees and in Italy ; he had the art of communicating his feelings
to the two former. What, however, determined the First Consul to leave
things as they were, was the fear lest the nomination of the new governor
might be intercepted by some of the enemy's cruizers ; and that the En
glish might make use of it as a means of sowing division in the army,
which appeared already somewhat inclined that way. It was impossible,
at the time, to foresee how exceedingly unfit Menou was, to have the di
rection of affairs, since he had been a soldier all his life, had read much,
had been present in several campaigns, and was perfectly acquainted with
the country in which he was stationed.
Napoleon had no party in Egypt — he was commander-in-chief: Ber-
thierj Desaix, Kleber, Menou, Regnier, were all his subordinate officers,
and even if there had been parties, how could he have taken such little and
erooked ways of arriving at his object? He whose whole administration
seemed expressly intended to put down all party spirit, and whose very
first act of authority was the law of the nineteenth Fructidor, and the
placing such men as Portalis, Benezech, Carnot, Dumas, Laumond, Fieve,
Barthelemy, Fontanes, Pastoret, &c, in the ministry, in the council of
State, and the senate ? And if this is absurd, why must we find it stated
in a respectable work ?
Gantheaume left Brest on the 25th of January ; he passed the Straits
on the 6th of February, and if he had continued his course, he would have
arrived at Alexandria on the 20th of February. He would have found no
one there except the cruizer on that station ; he would have landed the
5,000 men whom he had on board, as well as 1,000 more, the crews of
three frigates or corvettes. In seventy-two hours he might have landed
everything he had on board, and returned to Toulon ; there was no squad
ron in the Mediterranean, except that of Admiral Keith, consisting of nine
vessels, which was lying in the bay of Macri, embarrassed with a convoy
of 180 sail ; Rear-Admiral Warren was at Gibraltar with a few vessels in
course of preparation, and it would be long before he could be able to
start. Admiral Calder, with seven sail, had set off in pursuit of Admiral
Gantheaume, and had gone to America; so much address had been used
in deceiving the spies. In fact, several officers connected with the admin
istration of Guadaloupe and that of St. Domingo, and a large number of
others, .both men and women, had embarked on board the squadron at
Brest, under the impression that they were about to sail for America.
The frigate the Regeneree, which sailed from Rochefort, passed the
Straits on the 19th of February.'and arrived at Alexandria on the 1st of
March— a clear proof that Admiral Gantheaume, who had passed the
Straits on the 6th pf February, might have arrived there before that date ;

318 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
and it was only on the 1st of March that Admiral Keith anchored at
Aboukir, and landed the army of Abercrombie. General Friaut, who
commanded at Alexandria, would have had then 8,000 men to oppose the
landing of the British troops. The English would have failed, and Egypt
would have been saved; the English army and fleets would have been di
vided by the war which was being carried on by the French and Spaniard's
in Portugal, and by the quadruple alliance, which required them to main
tain a fleet in the Baltic. The French, having succeeded in deceiving
Admiral Calder, had nothing further to fear in the Mediterranean.
The French ' admiral's resolution failed him, however, and after having
taken an English frigate and a corvette, he anchored, towards the middle
pf February, in the port of Toulon. The First Consul was much displeased
at this ; he ordered- hiiri to set sail again ; but the admiral was not ready
for sea before the 19th of March. Off Sardinia, he fell in with Admiral
Warren's fleet, which had been -got together in Gibraltar ; it was inferior
to his own in numbers, but as his object was not to engage him, he bore
up during the night, and avoided him by some very skillful maneuvering.
Warren not seeing him at daybreak, made sail for Alexandria, in order to
place himself under the orders of Admiral Keith. Gantheaume ought also
to have sailed in the direction of Mount C ami el, and have landed his little
army at Damietta. He would have arrived there in April ; We had not
then evacuated Damietta, and Egypt might still have been saved. Instead
of doing this, he returned a second time to Toulon ; the First Consul was
much displeased, and sent him orders to sail again, to disembark his army
at Damietta, after coasting along Syria, or to land them at El-Baratoun,
after crossing over to the African coast. El-Baratoun is a good harbor ;
from this place to Alexandria there is abundance of water and of food, &c;
he could have landed, with his 5,000 men, provisions for two months, and
a supply of money. After five or six days' march, these 5,000 men
would have arrived at Alexandria. This third time, Gantheaume reached
the coastof Egypt, on the 8th of June ; this army, therefore, might have
arrived on the 15th or 20th of June, at the very moment when they could
have been best employed, as the reinforcements on their way from England
had not then arrived. In June, General Coot had not more than 4,000
men in his camp opposite Alexandria. Hutchinson, with 5,000 men, was
near Ghizeh. General Menou, with the reinforcement of Gantheaume's
troops, could have attacked General Coot with 10,000 men, could have
beaten him, and have dispatched Belliard lo Cairo ; the victory would have
been decisive. Three times, therefore, the French admiral .might have
saved Egypt ; but he allowed himself to be imposed upon by false reports ;
if he had had the decision of Nelson, his squadron, which was light, con
sisting of vessels well equipped, and good sailers, might have cared nothing
for Admiral Keith, not to fight him, but to escape from him. Gantheaume
was perfectly acquainted with the coasts of Syria and of Egypt, and cir
cumstances were particularly favorable. All the English fleets were re
quired in the Baltic. A small squadron, sailing well, and well fitted out,
may do almost anything. During the siege of Acre, three frigates, com
manded by Rear-Admiral Perree, swept all the seas between Rhodes and
Acre, frequently came within two leagues of Sidney Smith, and intercepted
several vessels coining from Rhodes to Acre, laden with provisions, can
non, and munitions of war, for the besifged army ; and, notwithstanding
this, the Alceste, the Courageuse, and the Junon, were but" very poor sail
ers. If the Admiral had had three frigates like the Justice and the Diane,

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEPN. 319
he would have maneuvered with much greater boldness ; he would even
have come to blows with the Tiger and the Theseus, Sidney Smith's two
eighty-gun ships.
To resume: the expedition to Egypt succeeded perfectly— Napoleon
landed at Alexandria on the 1st of July, 1798, and, before the 1st of Au
gust, was master of Cairo, and of the whole of Lower Egypt. By the
1st of January, 1799, he was master of the whole of Egypt; by the 1st
pf July, 1799, he had destroyed the Turkish army in Syria, had taken
from them the whole of their field equipage, including forty-two guns and
one hundred and fifty caissons. Finally, in the month of August, he de
stroyed an army consisting of the elite of the Porte, taking from them, at
Aboukir, thirty-two pieces of cannon. Kleber allowed himself to be im
posed upon by the Grand Vizier : he restored to him all the fortified places,.
and consented to a very extraordinary convention, that of El-Arish. In
the meantime, Colonel Latour Maubourg having arrived on the 1st of
March, 1800, with letters for the First Consul, before Cairo had been sur
rendered, Kleber defeated the Grand Vizier, drove him into the desert and
reconquered Egypt. In the month of March, 1801, the English landed a
body of 18,000 men, without horses for their artillery or for their cavalry.
This army must have been destroyed, but Kleber had been assassinated,
and by a most unfortunate fatality, the French army was commanded by-a
man, good in a great many respects, but miserable in respect to war. The
army, conquered after six months maneuvering, landed on the coast of
Provence, to the number of 24,000 men. The army of Egypt, on its.
arrival in Malta, in 1798, consisted of 32,000 men; it received there a
reinforcement of 2,000 men, but having left a garrison of 4,000, it con
sisted of 30,000 on its arrival in Alexandria. Afterwards, it received an
addition of 3,000 men, from the wreck of the squadron of Aboukir, mak
ing in all 33,000 men. Of these, 24,000 returned to France : 1,000 had
been previously sent home, wounded or bhhd, on board the frigates Muiron
and Carriere, which took home Napoleon ; but an equal number had been
sent out by the Justice, the Egyptienne, and the Regeneree. The loss,
then, amounted to 9,000 men ; of whom 4,000 died in 1798 and 1799,
and 5,000 in 1800 and 1801, either in the hospitals or on the field of battle.
When Napoleon left Egypt at the end of August, the whole force of the
army was 28,000 French, including the sick, the veterans, the garrisons, '
and the camp followers.
The English army, in 1801, consisted at first of 18,000 men; but it
received, in the months of July and August, 7,000 men from London,
Malta, and Mahon ; and 8,000 from the Indies, who landed at Kossier,
making in all 33,000. Adding to this, 25,000 Turks, the allied forces
employed against Egypt would amount to something like 60,000 men— ^a
force which it would have been impossible to resist, if they had made a
joint attack; but as they only came into action some months after each
other, the French must have been victorious, had Kleber and Desaix been
at the head of the army, or even any one else than Menou, who, however,
had only to imitate exactly Napoleon's movements in 1799, when Mus-
tapha Pacha landed at Aboukir. The religious fanaticism which had been
regarded as the most serious obstacle to the establishment of the French
in Egypt, had been done away with; all the Ulemas and great Sheiks
were well disposed towards the French.
St. Louis, in 1250, landed at Damietta with 6,000 men ; if he had con
ducted himself as the French did in 1798, he would have conquered

320 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF 'NAPOLEON.
Egypt in precisely the same way; and if Napoleon, in 1798, 'had acted
as°the Crusaders did in 1250, he would have been defeated as they were^
St. Louis appeared before Damietta on the 5th of June, and 'landed the
next day. The Mussulmans evacuated the town ; he entered it on the
6th, and from that time till the 6th of December he never moved ; on that
day, he left Damietta, ascending the right bank of the Nile. On the 17th,
he arrived on the left bank of the canal of Achmoun, opposite Mausoura,
and remained there for two months ; the canal being then full of water.
On the 12th of February, 1251, when the waters had fallen, he crossed
this arm of the Nile, and fought a battle, eight months after his arrival in
Egypt. If, on the 8th of Jurie, 1250,' St. Louis had maneuvered as the French
did in 1798, he would have arrived at Mausoura on the 12th of June, hav
ing crossed the canal of Achmoun without wetting his feet, as this would
have been the season when the Nile is lowest ; he would have arrived at
Cairo on the 26th of June, and would have conquered Lower Egypt in
the month of his arrival. When the first pigeon brought to Cairo the
news of the landing of the infidels at Damietta, the consternation was
general — there were no means of resisting them ; the faithful filled the
mosques, and passed the day and night in prayer ; they were resigned,
and awaited the army of the French. But in eight months, the true be
lievers had had time to prepare to resist them. Upper Egypt, Arabia,
and Syria, sent assistance ; and St. Louis', defeated and disgraced, was
made prisoner. If Napoleon had acted in 1798 as St. Louis did in 1250,
and had passed the months of July, August, September, October, Novem
ber and December,- at Alexandria, he would have encountered insurmount
able obstacles in January and February. Damanhour, Ramanieh, and
Rosetta would have been fortified ; Ghizeh and Cairo would have been
intrenched, covered with cannon, and filled with troops ; 12,000 Mamelukes,
20,000 Arabs, 50,01)0 Arab-Janissaries, assisted by the armies of Arabia,
and of the Pachaliks of Damascus, Acre, Jerusalem, and Tripoli, would
have advanced to protect the key of the holy Caaba, and would have ren
dered all the efforts of the French army useless, and compelled them at
last to return. In 1250, Egypt was still less able to defend itself; but St.
Louis was not able to profit by its weakness. He spent eight months
deliberating with the pope's legates, and praying ; time which he might
have employed better in conquering the country.

LETTER FROM GENERAL KLEBER TO OBSERVATIONS OF NAPOLEON
THE EXECUTIVE DIRECTORY. ON
THE LETTER
Head-quarters at Cairo, of
4th of Vendemiaire, year 8. general kleber.
(Sept. 26th, 1799.)
Citizen Directors,
(A) The Commander-in-chief, (A) In the latter end of August,
Bonaparte, left this for France, on the Grand Vizier was at Erivan, in
the morning of the 6th Fructidor, Upper Armenia, having with him
without telling any one of his inten- only 5,000 men: it was not known
tion : he had appointed to meet me in Egypt on the 22d of August, that

HISTORY OF THE' CAPTIVITY PF NAPOLEON.

321

at Rosetta on the 7th, but I only
found dispatches from him there.
Not being certain of the General's
safe arrival, I think it my duty to
send you copies both of the letter
in which he deputed to me the com
mand of the army, and of that which
he addressed to the Grand Vizier at
Constantinople, although he knew
perfectly well that the pacha had al
ready gone to Damascus.
(B) My first care has been to in
vestigate minutely the actual situa
tion of the army.
You can easily find means, Citi
zen Directors, of -ascertaining the
state of his troops at the time of his
arrival in Egypt ; they are reduced
to half their original number, and we
occupy all the principal points of
the triangle from the Cataracts to El-
Arish, thence to Alexandria, and from
Alexandria to the Cataracts.

VOL. IV.

the prime minister had left Constan
tinople ; and if it had been known,
very little importance would have
been attached to the information.
When this letter was written, on the
26th of September, the Grand Vi
zier was neither at Damascus nor
Aleppo ; he was beyond the Taurus.

(B) The French army was 30,000
strong at the moment of its land
ing in Egypt in 1798 ; General Kle
ber declares that it was reduced one
half on the 26th of September, 1799 ;
it would, therefore, consist of 15,000
men. But this is evidently a false
hood, since the reports of the chiefs
of division, sent to the minister of
war on the 1st of September, gave
the number of the army at 28,500
men, exclusive of ^the natives of the
country ; the report of the Interidant
Daure represented the consumption
of provisions as for 35,000, which
number included the artillery, aux
iliaries, double rations, the women
and the children ; and the report of
the paymaster Esteve, which he
sent to the treasurer, represented the
number of the army as at 28,500
men. How, then, it may be said,
did the conquest of Upper Egypt
and of Syria, did the plague and
other maladies cause only the. loss
of 1,500 men? Not so: we. lost
4,500 men ; but after their landing,
our troops received an augmentation
of 3,000 men, the remains of the
squadron of Admiral Brueys. .
Do you require another proof
equally strong ? it is to be found in
the fact that in the months of Octo
ber and November, 1801, two years
afterwards, 27,500 men landed in
France, from Egypt, of whom 24,-
000 belonged to the army ; the rest
were sailors, Mamelukes, or natives
of the country. Now, the army had
received no reinforcements -except
'l000 men, who were brought by the
10

322

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPPLEPN.

(C) However, the question is not
now, as it was formerly, a mere
struggle against some hordes of
frightened Mamelukes ; we must
fight against and resist the united
efforts of three great powers* — viz :
the Porte, the English,. and the Rus
sians. The complete want of arms, gun
powder, cannon-balls, and musket
bullets, presents a picture quite as
alarming as the great and sudden
diminution in the number of the
men, of which I haye just spoken.
The attempts in foundry have not
succeeded at all; the manufactory of
gunpowder, established at Rodah,
has not yet justified, and probably
never will justify, the expectations
entertained about it. In a word, the
repairing of the fire-arms is a slow
process, and the rendering it, effect
ive, would require funds and means
which we do- not possess^
(D) The troops are almost naked,
and this deficiency of clothing is the
more to be lamented as it is well
known that in this country it is one

three frigates, the Justice, the Egyp-
tienne, and the Regeneree ; and a
dozen of corvettes or advice-boats
which arrived in that interval.
In 1800 and 1801, tlie army lost
4,800 men, either by sickness, the
campaign against the Grand Vizier
in 1800, or that against the English
in 1801. Besides these, 2,300 men
were taken prisoners, some in the
forts of Aboukir, Julien, and Rah-
manieh, some in the desert with
Colonel Cavalier, and others con
voying the Djermas, or at Marahut :
these troops, however, having been
sent back to France, are included in
the 27,g00 who effected their return.
It is evident, therefore, from this
second proof, that in the month of
September, 1799, the army amount
ed to 28,500 men, including the
maimed, the veterans, and those in
the hospitals.
(C) Muskets were not wanting
any more than men : the reports of
the chiefs of division, in September
1799, show that there were in the
depots 7,000 muskets and 11,000
sabres ; and the reports of the artil
lery officers state that there were
5,000 new muskets, besides 3,000
spare ones at the park, making
15,000. Neither were we deficient in guns ;
it was incontrovertibly proved by the
artillery reports, that there were 1 ,426
guns, of which 180 were field-pieces ;
there were 225,000 projectiles, 1,100
cwt. of powder, 3,000,000 of infan
try cartridges, and 27,000 cannon
charges in preparation ; and the cor
rectness of these reports is proved
by the fact that, two years after
wards, the English found 1,375 guns,
190,000 projectiles, and 900 cwt. of
gunpowder.

(D) We had no deficiency of cloth
any more than of munitions ; the re
port on the state of the stores of the
divisions showed that there was cloth

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEPN.

323

of the principal causes of dysentery
and of ophthalmia, diseases con
stantly prevalent; the former, par
ticularly, has this year had fatal in
fluence upon the men, who were
exhausted by fatigue.
The officers of health remark, and
constantly report, that although the
army is so considerably diminished
in numbers, they have a much greater
proportion of invalids this year than
they had last year at the same sea
son. (E) General Bonaparte had, in
fact, given orders before his depart
ure for clothing the troops in cloth ;
but, on this subject, as on many
others, he contented himself with
issuing orders ; the lowness of the
finances, which is a new obstacle to
have to combat with, no doubt com
pelled him to postpone the execution
of this useful project: we must make
some remarks on this want of funds.
The general exhausted all the ex
traordinary resources during the first
few months after our arrival; he then
levied, for the expenses of the war,
as much as the country could possi
bly afford ; and, therefore, for us to
have recourse to those means now,
when we are surrounded by enemies
abroad, would be to prepare a revolt
against us on the first favorable op
portunity. Bonaparte did not leave a sou in
the treasury when he left Egypt, nor
any property worth one ; on the con
trary, he left a debt of nearly twelve
millions of francs— that is to say,
more than a year's income in the
actual state of things : the pay due
to the whole army amounts itself to
four millions.
(F) The inundation renders it im
possible just now to recover what is
due for the year which has now
closed, a sum hardly sufficient for
the expenses of a month : we cannot
take any steps towards collecting
this money till the month of Frimaire,

in the depots, and that the clothing
was being prepared ; and in fact, in
the month of October the army was
newly clothed. Besides, how could
clothing be wanting in a, country
which can clothe 3,000,000 of in
habitants ? The population of Africa
and Arabia fabricate cotton and
woolen cloth in great quantities.

(E) For a long time, the soldiers'
pay was regularly paid ; there was
a debt of fifteen thousand francs* but
that was of long, standing : the con
tributions due amounted to sixteen
millions of francs* as could be proved
by the statement of the Paymaster
Esteve, dated the 1st of September.

(F) The conduct of this people
during the war in Syria, left no doubt
about their good dispositions towards
us ; but they should not be made un
easy on the subject of religion, and
their Ulemas ought to be conciliated.

324

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY PF NAPOLEON.

and then, there is every reason to
believe that we cannot pay attention
to it, as we shall be obliged to be
fighting. In fact, as the Nile has this year
risen very little, many of the pro
vinces, for want of being inundated,
have nothing of any value, and it is
incumbent on us to consider this, and
be sparing of them.
Everything which I here state, I
can prove, Citizen Directors, both
by verbal affirmation, and by the
written reports certified by the dif
ferent official persons.
Although Egypt is apparently
tranquil, it is very far from being
subjected to us : the people are un
easy, and whatever line of conduct
we may pursue, they only regard us
as the enemies of their property;
their hearts constantly beat with the
hope of some favorable change.
(G) The Mamelukes are dispers
ed, but they are not destroyed ;
Mourad Bey remains constantly in
Upper Egypt, at the head of a body
of troops sufficiently large to employ
a part of our forces : if we should
lose sight of him for a moment, his
followers would rapidly increase,
and he would assuredly disturb us
even in the capital, which, notwith
standing a very strict surveillance,
has never ceased, even to this day,
to furnish him with supplies of arms
and money.
Ibrahim is at Gaza with about
2,000 Mamelukes, and I am informed
that the army of the Grand Vizier
and of Djezzar Pacha, to the amount
of 30,000 men, has already arrived
there.

(H) The Grand Vizier set out for
Damascus about twenty days ago ;
he is actually encamped near Acre.

(I) Such is, Citizen Directors, the
situation in which General Bonaparte

(G) Mourad Bey had taken refuge
in the Oasis, for he no longer pos
sessed a single point in the valley ;
he had no magazines, not a barque,
nor a cannon ; he had no followers
except some of his most faithful
slaves. Ibrahim Bey was at Gaza
with 450 Mamelukes ; how could he
possibly have 2,000, since he never
had more than 950, and he had sus
tained some losses in the battles in
Syria ?
At the end of the month of Sep
tember, there was not a single man
left of the army of the Grand Vizier ;
on the contrary, Djezzar Pacha had
drawn away all his own troops from
Gaza, in order to concentrate them
upon Acre. There were no troops
at Gaza except the 400 Mamelukes
of Ibrahim Bey.
(H) The Grand Vizier was not in
Syria on the 26th of September ; he
was neither at Damascus nor Alep
po ; he was beyond Mount Taurus.
(I) This fatal crisis existed only
in the general's imagination, and was

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

325

has consigned to me the enormous
charge of the army of the East; he
saw the approach of the fatal crisis :
it is true, your orders did not permit
him to surmount it. That this crisis
exists, is proved by his letters, his in
structions, and his half opened nego
tiation ; it is of public notoriety, and
is as well known to our enemies, as
to the Frenchmen who are in Egypt.
" If this year," said General Bona
parte to me, " notwithstanding every
precaution, the plague should be in
Egypt, and that you should lose more
than 1,500 soldiers, a considerable
loss, since it would be in addition to
that which the events of the war
would occasion daily ; I say, in that
case you ought not to run the risk of
carrying on the next campaign ; and
you are authorized to conclude a
peace with the Ottoman Porte, even
though the evacuation of Egypt
should be its principal condition."
This passage of the letter of the 5th
Fructidor is abridged.
I wish you to remark this passage,
Citizen Directors, because it is cha
racteristic under more than one point
of view, and that it plainly indicates
the critical situation in which I am
placed. Of what importance can 1,500 men
be, more or less, in the immense ex
tent of territory which I have to de
fend, and having to fight every day
besides ?

the work of certain persons who
wished to urge him to leave the
country. Napoleon had opened negotiations
with Constantinople, on the second
day after his arrival at Alexandria,
and he continued them in Syria : he
had several ends in view ; to hinder
the Porte from declaring war ; to get
it to disarm, or at least to render its
hostile feelings less active; and to
find out what was going on, by means
of the goings and comings of the
Turkish and French agents, who
supplied him with news of the events
of Europe.
Where was the fatal crisis ? The
Russian army was said to have ar
rived at the Dardanelles; that was
the first phantom ; the English army,
which had already passed through
the Straits, was the second ; lastly,
the Grand Vizier was still far distant
from Egypt at the end of September.
Even if he should pass Mount Tau
rus and the Jordan, he would have
to encounter the jealousy of Djezzar;
he had with him only 5,000 men ;
he would be obliged to collect his
army in Asia, and could, perhaps,
bring together forty or fifty thousand
men, who had never seen service,
and who were as little to be feared
as the army of Mount Tabor; this
was in reality, a third phantom.
The troops of Mustapha Pacha
were the flower of the Ottoman
army, and they occupied a formid
able position at Aboukir ; yet they
had offered no resistance. The
Grand Vizier would never venture
to cross the desert in face of the
French army ; or if he did so ven
ture, it would have been very easy
to defeat him.
Egypt was in no danger, except
from the bad spirit which had begun
to manifest itself amongst the offi
cers of the staff.
The plague, which had afflicted
the army in 1799, carried off 700
men : if its visitation in 1800 should
carry off 1,500, it would be pf twp-

326

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPPLEON.

fold malignity. In these circum
stances, the general, before setting
out, wished to provide against the
only dangers which threatened the
army, and to diminish the responsi
bility of his successor; he, there
fore, authorized him to open a treaty,
if he did not receive news from the
government before the month of
May, 1800, on the condition that
the French army should remain in
Egypt till the general peace. But
the case provided for had not oc
curred ; it was not yet the month of
May ; it was only the month of
September. There was, therefore,
the whole of the winter to pass, dur
ing which time it was probable that
news would be received from France;
and to conclude, the plague did not
attack the army either in 1800 or
1801.

(L) The General also.says, "Alex
andria and El-Arish are the two keys
of Egypt."
El-Arish is a bad fort, 'four days'
journey in the desert ; the great diffi
culty of being able to victual it, does
not permit of keeping a larger garri
son than 250 men ; {J00 Mamelukes
can intercept the communication with
Katieh at any time when they feel
so disposed; and as, at the time of
Bonaparte's departure, the garrison
had not provisions for fifteen days,
no more time than that was neces
sary to oblige them to surrender
without striking a blow.
The Arabs alone can endure the
fatigue of conducting convoys through
those burning deserts ; but on the
one hand, they have been so often
deceived by us, that far from offer
ing us apy assistance, they get out
of the way, and leunceal themselves ;
and on the other, the arrival of the
•Grand Vizier, who inflames .their
fanaticism, and gives them many
presents, contributes to encourages
them to abandon our interests.

(L) The fort of El-Arish, wliich
can contain a garrison of five or six
hundred men, is built of good ma
sonry; it commands the springs and
the forest of palmrtrees in the oasis
of the same name. It is a watch-
tower close to Syria, and the only
way by which a hostile army can
approach Egypt by land. The lo
cality presents many difficulties to a
besieging force ; and it may, there
fore, be justly styled one of the keys
of the desert.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

327

(M) Alexandria is not a fortress ;
it is a vast entrenched camp ; it was,
indeed, pretty well defended by se
veral pieces of artillery ; but we lost
that artillery in the disastrous cam
paign in Syria. On General Bona
parte's departure, he took away the
guns of the shipping, in order to
complete the arming of the two fri
gates which he took with him ; this
camp, therefore, would now only be
able to make a weak resistance.
( (N) General Bonaparte had, in
short, deceived himself as to the
effect likely to be produced by his
success over the troops of Musta-
pha, at Aboukir ; it is true, he had
destroyed, almost totally, the Turks
who had landed ; but what signifies
so small a loss as that, to a great na
tion which has been robbed of one
of the finest portions of her domi
nions, and which religion, honor,
and interest equally impel to take
revenge, and to recover that of which
she has been deprived ? Thus, then,
this victory did not retard for one
instant either the preparations or the
march of the Grand Vizier.
(P) In this situation of affairs
what can I do? — what ought I to do?
— My own opinion is, Citizen Di
rectors, that I pught to continue the
negotiations begun by Bonaparte ;
for even although they should pro
duce no other result than that of
gaining time, I should have reason
to be satisfied. I send you, with
this letter, one which, under this
impression, I have written to the
Grand Vizier, to send to him with a
copy of that of Bonaparte. Should
the minister meet my advances, I
shall propose to him the restitution
of Egypt on the following condi
tions : —
"The Grand Seignior shall nomi
nate its pacha, as in time past, and
he shall again have the right to the
myre, which the Porte has always
claimed, but never, in fact, received.

(M) There were at Alexandria 450
guns, of two calibres : the twenty-
four pieces lost in Syria belonged to
the equipage de siege, and were
never destined to the defence of that
place. In 1801, the English found
at Alexandria more than 400 pieces
of cannon, independent of the guns
on board the frigates and other ves-

(N) The army of Mustapha, the
Pacha of Rumelia, which landed at
Aboukir, consisted of 18,000 men ;
they were the elite of the troops of
the Porte, and had been engaged in
the war against Russia. They were
incomparably superior to the army
of Mount Tabor, and to all4he Asia
tic troops of whom the Grand Vi
zier's army was composed.
The Grand Vizier only received
the news pf the defeat at Aboukir,
on reaching Erivan, in Armenia,
near the Caspian Sea.

(P) This project was well con
ceived, but badly executed ; there
is a great difference between it and
the capitulation of El-Arish.
Any treaty with the Porte would
be good, which should have these
two results ; its agreeing to disarm,
and the continuation of the French
troops in Egypt.

328

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

" Trade shall be free, both as re
gards customs and other dues, until
the government has made peace with
England." If these preliminary and summary
conditions are accepted, I think I
shall have done more for the ad
vantage of the country than if I had
gained the most brilliant victory;
but I much doubt whether they. will
listen to these proposals. If the
pride of the Turks is not opposed to
them, I shall have to struggle against
English influence ; but in every case,
I must be guided by circumstances.
(Q) I know all the importance of
Egypt as a position ; I have said in
Europe that it is the point d'appui
by which France could influence
the commercial system of the four
quarters of the globe ; but, in order
to effect that, it would be requisite
to have some power as a lever ; this
lever is the marine; our marine did
once exist, but since that time every
thing has altered ; and it is only by
concluding peace with the Porte, as
it seems to me, that we can open
for ourselves an honorable retreat
from ' an enterprise which has no
longer any chance of attaining the
object once proposed.
I shall not enter, Citizen Direct
ors, into a detail of all the diplomatic
combinations which the actual situa
tion of Europe offers ; that is not
my province. In the difficulties
which surround me, and being so
far removed from the scene of busi
ness, it is as much as I can do to
watch over the safety and honor of
the army which I command; and
happy shall I be if, with all my care,
I can succeed in fulfilling your in
tentions ! If I were once more near
you, I should consider it my greatest
glory to obey you. I subjoin, Citi
zen Directors, an exact account of
what we most require for the artil
lery, and a summary view of the
debt contracted and left unpaid by
Bonaparte. (Signed) Kleber.

(Q) The destruction of eleven
ships of war, three of which were
unfit for service, did not in any way
change the situation of the republic,
which was as inferior in power on
the sea in 1800, as it had been in
1798. Had we been masters of the
sea, we should have marched direct
upon London, Dublin, and Calcutta
at the same time. It was with the
view of acquiring this naval supe
riority that the republic wished to
possess Egypt. It possessed, how
ever a sufficient number of vessels
to be able to send reinforcements into
Egypt, when that should become
necessary. At the time when the
general wrote this letter, Admiral
Bruix, with forty-six ships, was mas
ter of the Mediterranean; and he
would have succored the army of
the East if his troops had not been
required in Italy, in Switzerland,
and on the Rhine.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.

329

(R) P. S. At the moment of my
sending you this letter, Citizen Di
rectors, fourteen or fifteen Turkish
sail have cast anchor off Damietta,
whilst waiting for the fleet of the Ca-
pitan-Pacha, which is anchored off
Jaffa, and which is reported to have
on board from 15,000 to 20,000
men; 15,000 are already assembled
at Gaza, and the Grand Vizier is on
his way from Damascus ; he sent
back to us within these few days, a
soldier of the 25th demi-brigade,
who had been taken prisoner at the
fort of El-Arish, having previously
made him go through all the camp,
and desired him to tell his comrades
what he had seen, and to tell his
general to tremble. This seems to
show that the Grand Vizier has
great confidence in his forces, or else
that he wishes to make some ad
vances. With regard to my own
situation, it would be utterly impossi
ble for me to bring together more than
5,000 men fit for immediate service ;
but notwithstanding that, I shall try
my fortune, if I cannot succeed in
gaining time by negotiation.

(R) This postscript shows the
state of agitation in which General
Kleber was ; he had served eight
years as an officer in an Austrian
regiment ; had been engaged in the
campaigns of Joseph the Second,
who had allowed himself to be beaten
by the Ottomans, and Kleber en
tertained an exaggerated opinion of
the prowess of the Turkish troops.
Sir Sidney Smith, who had al
ready been the cause of the Porte's
losing the army of Mustapha, the
Pacha of Rumelia, which he had
landed at Aboukir, now came to
Damietta with sixty transports, in
which were embarked 7,000 Janis
saries, very good troops ; they were
the rear of the army of Mustapha
Pacha. On the 1st of November,
they landed on the beach at Damietta ;
the intrepid General Verdier marched
against them with 1,000 men, and
either killed, took prisoners, or drove
into the sea, the whole number;
getting possession of six pieces of
cannon as trophies.
The Capitan-Pacha was not at
Jaffa ; the Grand Vizier had not
even entered Syria ; there were not,
then, 30,000 men at Gaza. The
Russian and English armies had
not even thought of attacking Egypt.
This letter, then, is full of false
assertions. It was thought that Na
poleon would not arrive in France ;
it was decided to evacuate Egypt,
and reasons were sought for, to
justify that evacuation. When the
letter reached Paris , (the 12th of
January), General Berthier laid it
before the First Consul ; it was ac
companied by reports and accounts
from the Intendant Daure and the
Paymaster Esteve, and by twenty-
eight other reports from the colonels,
and the chiefs of the divisions of
artillery, infantry, cavalry,' drome
daries, &c, &c. Extracts from , all
these reports, drawn up by the min
ister of war, showed a state of things
which quite contradicted the account
given by the general-in-chief. But

330 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
fortunately for Egypt, a copy of this
letter fell into the hands of Admiral
Keith, who immediately sent it to
London. The English minister in
stantly forwarded instructions, that
no capitulation should be entered
into having as a condition the send
ing back of the army of Egypt to
France; or, should it have already
embarked, it was to be captured and
brought into the Thames.
Another fortunate circumstance
was, that Colonel Latour Maubourg,
who set out from France at the end
of January, as the bearer of the
news of Napoleon's arrival there.
of the events of the 18th of Bru
maire, the constitution of the year
•8, and the letter from the minister
of war, of the 12th of January, in
reply to that of Kleber, given above,
arrived at Cairo on the 4th of May,
ten days before the term fixed upon
•for delivering up that capital to the
Grand Vizier. Kleber now saw
that he must either conquer -or die.
He had only to march forward ; the
undisciplined mob called the " army
of the Grand Vizier," were driven
beyond the desert without making
any resistance. The French troops
did not lose 100 men in killed and
wounded, whilst they killed 15,000
of the Turks, and took all their
tents, baggage, and artillery. Kle
ber then entirely changed his plan ;
he applied himself seriously to the
work of ameliorating the condition
of the army and of the country ; but
on the 14th of June, 1800, he perish
ed by the poniard of a miserable
fanatic. Had he been alive when, in the
following campaign, the English
army landed at Aboukir, it would
have been destroyed; but few of
the English would have escaped,
and Egypt would belong to France.
Napoleon returned to France: lstly, Because he was authorized by his
instructions to do so if he chose; he had carte blanche as to his conduct:
2dly, Because his presence there was necessary for the cause of the re
public: 3dly, Because the army of the East, victorious and numerous, was

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 331
t
not likely to have any enemies to contend with for a long time, and be
cause the first object of the expedition had been attained, and the second
could never be so, as long as the republic was menaced on its frontiers,
and a prey to anarchy. The army of the East had been victorious over
the two Turkish armies which had been opposed to it during the cam
paign— viz., that of Syria, which had been defeated at El-Arish, at Gaza,
at Jaffa, at Acre, and at Mount Tabor, with the loss of its park of artillery,
consisting of forty field-pieces, and of all its magazines : and that of Rhodes,
which was beaten at Acre and at Aboukir, where it had lost thirty-four
field-pieces, and its general-in-chief, the Pacha of three tails, Mustapha.
The army of the East was numerous ; it amounted to 25,000 fighting men,
of whom 3,500 were cavalry; it had 100 mounted field-pieces, and 1,400
guns of different calibre, well served. It has been stated that Napoleon
left his army in a bad condition, without artillery, without clothing, without
provisions, and with numbers diminished to 8,000 fighting men. These
false reports deceived the English minister; on the 17th of December,
1799, he decided upon breaking the capitulation of El-Arish, and ordered
the Admiral then in command in the Mediterranean not to permit the exe
cution of any agreement which should allow the army of the East to
return to France; to seize the vessels on which the troops might have
embarked, and conduct them to England. Kleber then clearly understood
his position ; he threw off the yoke of intrigue, recovered his presence of
niind, marched upon the Ottoman army, and defeated it at Heliopolis.
After so shameful a violation of the law of nations, the cabinet of St.
James perceived its error, and sent into Egypt 34,000 Englishmen under
the command of Abercrombie, which troops being joined by the 26,000
Turks, under the Grand Vizier and the Capitan-Pacha, succeeded in making
themselves masters of that important colony, in September, 1801, twenty-
seven months after the departure of Napoleon, but not until after a very
active 'campaign of six months' duration, which would have ended in the
discomfiture of the English, if Kebler had not been assassinated, and if
Menou (than whom no man more unfit ever had the command of an army)
had not been placed at the head of the troops. This campaign of 1801,
however, cost the English government many millions sterling, 10,000
chosen men, and their general-in-chief.
General Belliaux, at Cairo, on the 27th of June, 1801, and Menou, at
Alexandria, on the 2d of September, 1801, obtained the same capitulation
which intrigues had managed to get signed by Kleber at El-Arish, twenty
months before, on the 24th of January, 1800 — viz., That the French troops
should be taken back to France at the expense of the English, with all
their arms, artillery, baggage, and standards, and without being considered
prisoners of war-. The official reports issued on their arrival at the laza
rettos of Marseilles and Toulon state their numbers at 24,000 Frenchmen,
their losses in 1800 and 1801 having amounted to 4,000. When Napo
leon left Kleber in command of the army, it consisted of 28,000 men, of
which there were 25,000 fit for service ; it is well known that when he
left Egypt, in the month of August, 1799, he believed the possession of
that country to be secured to France, and hoped that he should be able,
one day, to accomplish the second object of the expedition. As to his
opinions upon the state of France at that time, he communicated them to
ft&enou, who often repeated — " He planned the events of the 18th of Bru
maire."

EXHUMATION AND TRANSPORT
OF
NAPOLEON'S REMAINS
FROM ST. HELENA TO FRANCE.

It has appeared to the Editor, that the preceding notices and documents
concerning the life, actions, and captivity of Napoleon Bonaparte, would
be incomplete without some account of the negotiations which subsequently
took place between the governments of France and England, with a view
to the removal of his remains from St. Helena to Paris, and of the actual
removal of these relics from St. Helena to the banks of the Seine. During
the period of the Restoration, this question was, of course, not mooted;
but on the accession of Louis Philippe, and during the contests which
arose amongst rival statesmen and parties in France for the possession of
the helm of affairs, the idea of restoring Bonaparte to France was suggested
as a measure of popularity, both for the King and his ministers. All dan
ger of the revival of a powerful Bonapartist party was at an end — and this
act of grace was, no doubt, calculated to gratify all those whose recollec
tions were bound up with the military glories of the empire and its illus
trious chief. Monsieur Thiers, at the head of a new French ministry,
opened negotiations for this purpose with the English government. Lord
Palmerston, who was at that time intent upon working out his views in
the East, opposed no difficulty whatever, but readily conceded the permis
sion desired — a permission which it would have been absurd to refuse,
whilst its concession, and, above all, the manner of its concession, was a
proper respect to the King and Government of a powerful ally and neigh
bor. In consequence of the determination of the French government,
Monsieur Guizot addressed the following official note to Lord Palmerston,
the English Secretary for Foreign Affairs :
" The undersigned, ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary of his
Majesty the King of the French, has the honor, conformably to instruc
tions received from his government, to inform his Excellency the Minister
of Foreign Affairs to her Majesty the Queen of the Unitedi Kingdom of

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 333
Great Britain, that the King ardently desires that the mortal remains of
Napoleon may be deposited in a tomb in France, in the country which he
defended and rendered illustrious, and which proudly preserves the ashes
of thousands of his companions in arms, officers and soldiers, devoted
with him to the service of their country. The undersigned is convinced
that her Britannic Majesty's government will only see in this desire of his
Majesty the King of the French a just and pious feeling, and will give the
orders necessary to the removal of any obstacle to the transfer of Napo
leon's remains from St. Helena to France."
This application was seconded by a letter from Earl Granville, the Bri
tish ambassador in Paris, addressed to Lord Palmerston, in which he states
the views and wishes of Monsieur Thiers and the government of France.
The letter was as follows : — Paris, May 4th, 1840.
"My Lord, — The French government have been requested, in several
petitions addressed to the Chambers, to take the necessary steps with re
gard to the government of her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain, in
order to obtain an authorization for removing to Paris the ashes of the
Emperor Napoleon. These petitions were favorably received by the
Chambers, who transmitted them to the President of the Council, and to
the other ministers, his colleagues. The ministers having deliberated on
this point, and the King having given his consent to the measures neces
sary to meet the object of the petitioners, M. Thiers yesterday announced
to me officially the desire of the French government, that her Majesty's
government would grant the necessary authority, to enable them to remove
the remains of the Emperor Napoleon from St. Helena to Paris. M.
Thiers also calls my attention to the fact, that the consent of the British
government to the projected measure would be one of the most efficacious
means of cementing the union of the two countries, and of producing a
friendly feeling between France and England.
' (Signed) "Granville."
To this communication, Lord Palmerston, in the course of a few days,
transmitted to Earl Granville the following reply: —
" Foreign Office, May 9th, 1840.
" My Lord, — Her Majesty's government having taken into considera
tion the request made by the French government for an authorization to
remove the remains of the Emperor Napoleon from St. Helena to France,
you are instructed to inform M. Thiers, that her Majesty's government
will wifh pleasure accede to the request. Her Majesty's government en
tertains hopes, that its readiness to comply with the wish expressed will
be 'regarded in France as a proof of her Majesty's desire to efface every
trace of those national animosities which, during the life of the Emperor,
engaged the two nations in war. Her Majesty's government feels plea
sure in believing that such sentiments, if they still exist, will be buried for
ever in the tomb destined to receive the mortal remains of Napoleon. Her
Majesty's government, in concert with that of France, will arrange the
measuresliecessary for effecting the removal. (Signed) " Palmerston."

334 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
This answer from the British government was no sooner received in
Paris, than the Kingk who was always watchful never to lose any oppor
tunity of increasing his own popularity, and of gaining the affections of
the French people for his family, conferred on his son, the Prince de Join
ville, the command of the expedition destined- to convey the glorious re
mains of Napoleon from St. Helena, to Europe. The necessary steps
were taken to provide funds — >the necessary arrangements were made ; and
in reply to the subject matter of the petitions, and the well-known wishes.
of the majority of the Chambers, the following document was laid before
the Chambers by the government of the King of the French; at once
signifying his anxious desire to co-operate in the design, and to obtain the
acquiescence af the Chambers, by providing thenecessary means: —
"May the 12th, 1840.
" Gentlemen, — The King has commanded his Royal Highness Prince
Joinville to repair with his frigate to the island of St. Helena, there to re
ceive the mortal remains of the Emperor Napoleon.
" The frigate containing the remains of Napoleon will present itself, on
its return, at the mouth of the Seine; another vessel will convey them to
Paris; they will be deposited in the hospital of the Invalides. Solemn
ceremonies, both religious and military, will inaugurate the tomb which is
to retain them for ever.
" It is of importance, gentlemen, to the majesty of such a memorial,
that this august sepulchre should not be exposed on a public place, amidst
a noisy and unheeding crowd. The remains must be placed in a silent
and sacred spot, where all those who respect glory and genius, greatness
and misfortune, may visit them in reverential tranquillity.
" He was an Emperor and a King ; he was the legitimate sovereign of
our country ; and under this title, might be interred at St. Denis ; but the
ordinary sepulture of kings must not be accorded to Napoleon; he must
still reign and command on the spot where the soldiers of France find a
resting-place, and where those who are called upon to defend her will
always seek for inspiration. His sword will be deposited on his tomb.
" Beneath the dome of the temple consecrated by religion to the God of
armies, a tomb worthy, if possible, of- the name destined to be graven on
it, will be erected. The study of the artist should be to give to this monu
ment a simple beauty, a noble form, and that aspect of immovable solidity
which shall appear to brave all the efforts of time. Napoleon must have
a monument durable as his memory.
- "The grant for which we have applied to the Chambers is to be em
ployed in the removal of the remains to the Invalides, the funeral obsequies,
and the construction of the tomb.
" We doubt not, gentlemen, that the Chamber will concur with patriotic
emotion, in the royal project which we have laid before them. Henceforth
France, and France alone, will possess all that remains of Napoleon ; his
tomb, like his fame, will belong solely to his country.
" The monarchy of 1830 is, in fact, the sole and legitimate heir of all
the recollections in which France prides itself. It has remained for this
monarchy, which was the first to rally all the strength, and conciliate all
the wishes, of the French Revolution, to erect and to honor without fear
the statue and the tomb of a popular hero ; for there is one thing, and

HISTORY PF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 335
one alone, which does not dread a comparison with glory — and that is
Liberty ! *
The enthusiasm with which this beautiful appeal was received through
out the Avhole of France is well known. The Chambers, by voting a
provisional grant of a million, responded worthily to the noble idea of tlie
king. Immediately on the voting of the grant by the Chambers, the govern
ment hastened to make preparations for the voyage. M. Baudouin, director
of funeral ceremonies, was charged with the completion of the new coffin,
and of the imperial pall destined to cover it.
The coffin, which in its simple and severe form, resembled the ancient
sarcophagi, was entirely without ornament, surmounted only by an entab
lature and mouldings ; in length, it measured 2 metres 56 centimetres — in
breadth 1 metre 5 centimetres, in height 76 centimetres. The material
was massive ebony; of so jet a black, and of such brilliant polish, that it
resembled marble. On the lid there was inscribed in, letters of gold —
NAPOLEON. In the centre of each side there was placed, in a circular
medallion, the letter N, in relief, of bronze gilt. Round the sides, and end
were disposed six strong bronze rings, made to turn in their sockets, so as
to afford a means of carrying the coffin at the time of the ceremony. The
lower corners were finished with bronze ornaments. In front was a lock,
concealed by a golden star, which was made to turn, and allow the entrance
of the key. The wards of the key were of iron, the handle of bronze
gilt;- the ring represented an N, surmounted by a crown. The, ebony
sarcophagus contained a leaden coffin, on the lid of which was the follow
ing, inscription, surrounded by laurel branches and arabesques :
"NAPOLEON,
Empereur et roi,
Mort a Sainte-Helene
Le V. Mai,
MDCCCXXI."
The funeral pall was made of purple velvet, trimmed with ermine. The
outer border was composed of arabesques in gold; the inner border of
palm leaves ; in the four corners were medallions of the imperial eagle.
The emperor's cipher was repeated eight times in the circumference of the
pall, whi'ch was embroidered with bees,, striped with silver, and finished at
the corners by four large golden tassels.
On the 2d of July, Prince Joinville quitted Paris ; on the 6th, arrived
at Toulon, and went on board the frigate " Bellepoule," which had already
been fitted up in the following manner for its pious office :
Between decks, a chapelle ardente, hung with black velvet embroidered
with silver, contained the imperial cenotaph. This cenotaph, made in the
form of the Rpman sarcophagi, was painted in black and white, and pre
sented on the front and back two allegorical bas-reliefs, History and Justice ;
on the ends the cross of the Legion of Honor, and a figure of Religion;
at the corners four eagles ; and surmounting the pediment, the imperial
crown. * We are indebted for these details to the official accounts published at the time by
the French government.

336 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
On the 7th of July, at half-past seven in the evening, the frigate " Belle
poule," accompanied by the corvette "Favorite," commanded by M.
Guyet, set sail from Toulon.
Prince Joinville was accompanied in the "Bellepoule" by Captain
Hernoux, his aid-de-camp; Ensign Touchard, his officer of ordnance;
Count Rohan-Chabot, commissary of the King ; Baron Las Cases, mem
ber of the Chamber of Deputies ; General Gourgaud, aid-de-camp to the
King? General Count Bertrand; M. l'Abbe Coquereau, almoner to the
expedition ; and the four former servants of Napoleon — Saint-Denis and
Noverray, valets-de-chambre ; Pierron, officer of the kitchen; and Ar
chambaud, butler. M. Marchand, one of the executors of Napoleon, and
of whom he said, " The services which he has rendered me are those of
a friend," took his passage on board the " Favorite."
After the dispatch sent by Prince Joinville, announcing his touching at
the Brazils, in the beginning of September, the government for some time
received no news of the expedition ; at length, on the 30th of November,
intelligence was received that the vessels had anchored at Cherbourg, on
the same morning at 5 o'clock, after a good passage. Next day, December
1st, the following reports were received : —

Report of Prince Joinville to the Minister of Marine.
" Cherbourg Roads, Nov. 30th, 1840.
" Sir, — As I have already had the honor of informing you, I quitted the
bay of All Saints on the 14th of September; I then followed the coast of
Brazil with easterly winds, which, on hauling N.E. by N. enabled me
speedily to reach the meridian of St. Helena, without being obliged to pass
the line of 28 degrees south. After reaching this meridian, calms and gales
caused me some delay. On the 8th of October, I came to anchor in the
roads of James Town.
" The brig ' Oreste,' dispatched by Vice-Admiral Mackau to bring a
pilot from the channel to the ' Bellepoule,' had arrived the evening before.
As this vessel brought me no fresh instructions, I proceeded to the fulfil
ment of those which I had previously received.
" My first care was to put M. de Chabot, the king's commissary, in
communication with General Middlemore, governor of the island. These
gentlemen were to arrange, in accordance with their respective instructions,
the manner in which the exhumation of the emperor's remains, and their
removal on board the ' Bellepoule,' was to be effected. The execution of
the arrangements determined upon was fixed for the 15th October.
" The governor took upon himself the direction of the exhumation, and
of all the ceremonies which were to take place on the English territory.
I regulated the honors to be rendered on the 15th and 16th, by the division
placed under my orders. The French merchant ships, the ' Bonne-Aimee,'
Captain Gallet, and the ' Indian,' Captain Truquetil, eagerly associated in
our proceedings.
" On the 15th, at midnight, the exhumation was begun, in presence of
the French and English Commissioners, M. de Chabot and Captain Alex
ander, R.E. The latter directed the operations. As M. Chabot gives the
government a circumstantial account of these proceedings, of which he
was a witness, I shall not enter into details, but will only state, that at ten
o'clock in the morning, the coffin was discovered in the grave. After

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 337
having taken it out perfectly entire, they proceeded to open it, and the
body was found in a state of preservation exceeding our hopes. At this
solemn moment, at the sight of the remains, so easily to be recognized, of
him who did so much for the glory of France, the emotion of those present
was profound and unanimous.
" At half-past three, the cannon of the ports announced to the vessels in
the roads that the funeral procession was setting out for James Town.
The militia and garrison troops preceded the car, which was covered by a
pall, the corners of which were borne by Generals Bertrand and Gourgaud,
MM. Las Cases and Marchand; the authorities and inhabitants of the
island followed in great numbers. In the roads, the cannon of the frigate
had replied to those of the forts, and continued to fire minute guns ; since
the morning the rigging had been a-peak, the flags hauled down to half- _
mast, and all the vessels then in the roads, both French and others, had
assumed these signs of mourning. When the procession appeared on the
quay, the English troops fell into two lines, and the car advanced slowly
between them towards the shore.
" On the shore, at the point where the English lines ceased, I had col
lected around myself the officers of the French division. In deep mourn
ing and with uncovered heads, we awaited the approach of the car ; at
twenty paces from us it stood still, and the governor, advancing to jme,
delivered the remains of the Emperor Napoleon, in the name of his go
vernment, into my hands.
" The coffin was immediately lowered into the frigate's cutter, which
lay ready to receive it, and here again our emotion was deep and solemn ;
the desire of the dying Emperor was beginning to be fulfilled ; his ashes
reposed under the national flag.
" Every sign of mourning was from that moment abandoned ; the same
honors which the Emperor would have received in his life-time were
rendered to his remains ; and amidst salvos from all the vessels, now
dressed with flags and with their yards manned, the cutter, escorted by all
the ships' boats, slowly took its course towards the frigate.
" Arrived on board, the coffin was received between two ranks of officers
under arms, and carried to the poop, which was arranged as a chapelle
ardente. According to my instructions, a guard of sixty men, commanded
by the oldest lieutenant of the frigate, performed the honors. Although it
was already late, the absolution was pronounced, and the coffin remained
exposed during the night. M. L'Abbe Coquereau and an officer kept
watch beside it. , ~
" On the 16th, at ten o'clock in the morning, the officers and crews of
the French ships of war and merchant ships being assembled on board toe
frigate, a solemn funeral service was celebrated; after which the coffin
was lowered between decks, where a chapelle ardente had been prepared
""At'nooCalTwas finished and the frigate ready to sail ; but the drawing-
up of the minute and reports required two days, and it was not unti the
morning of the 18th, that the ' Bellepoule' and the 'Favorite, were able to
set sail. The ' Oreste' left for its destination at the same time.
"After an easy and fortunate passage, I came to anchor, at 5 o clock in
the morning, in the roads of Cherbourg.
"Accept, Admiral, the assurances of my respect.^ ^^^
(!S,gneCU " Captain of the ' Bellepoule.' "
VPL. IV.

338 HISTORY PF THE CAPTIVITY OlF NAPOLEON.

Report of the exhumation and removal of the remains of Napotion.
" We the undersigned, Philippe Ferdinand Auguste de Rohan-Chabot,
Knight of the Royal Order of the Legion of Honor, Secretary of the Em
bassy, and Royal Commissioner, in virtue of powers received from His
Majesty the King of the French, to preside, in the name of France, at the
exhumation and removal of the mortal remains of the Emperor Napoleon,
buried in the Island of St. Helena, and at the transfer of the said remains
by England to France, in accordance with the decisions of the two govern
ments, on the one part; and Charles C.orsan Alexander, captain of the
royal corps in garrison at St. Helena* deputed by his Excellency Major-
General Middlemore, Knight Companion of the Bath, Governor and
'Commander-in-chief of the forces of his Britannic Majesty at St. Helena,
to preside, in the name of his Excellency, at the said exhumation, on the
other part: Having previously communicated to each other our respect
ive powers, and verified the same, repaired this day, the 15th of the present
month of October, in the year 1840, to the place of interment of the Em
peror Napoleon, for the purpose of overseeing and directing in person the
operations of exhumation and removal.
" Having arrived at the valley called the Valley of Napoleon, we found
the tomb guarded, according to the orders of his Excellency the governor,
by a detachment of the 91st regiment of English infantry, under the com
mand of Lieutenant Barney, which had been charged to prevent the ap
proach to the tomb of any person who should not have been indicated by
one of us as destined to assist in the ceremony, or take part in the ope
rations. " The following persons then entered the space thus reserved around the
tomb : —
" On the part of France :
" Baron Las Cases, Member of the Chamber of Deputies, Councillor of
State; Baron Gourgaud, Lieutenant-General, Aide-de-camp to the King;
M. Marchand, one of the Emperor's executors ; Count Bertrand, Lieu
tenant-General, accompanied by M. Arthur Bertrand, his son ; M. L'Abbe
Felix Coquereau, almoner of the frigate ' Bellepoule,' accompanied by two
chorister^ ; MM. Saint-Denis, Noverray, Archambaud and Pierron, former
servants of the Emperor ; Captain Guyet, commanding the corvette ' Fa
vorite ;' M. Charnet, second in command of the frigate ' Bellepoule ;' M.
Doret, commanding the brig ' Oreste ;' Dr. Guillard, surgeon-major of the
frigate ' Bellepoule ;' and M. Leroux, plumber.
" And on the part of England, —
"The Hon. William Wilde, judge, member of the colonial council of
the island of St. Helena ; the Hon. Hamelin Trelawney, lieutenant-colonel,
commander of the artillery, and member of the council ; the Hon.
Colonel Hobson, member of the council ; Mr. H. Seale, colonial secretary
of the government of St. Helena, and lieutenant-colonel of the militia ; Mr.
Edward Littlehales, lieutenant in the royal navy, commanding his Britan
nic Majesty's schooner the 'Dolphin,' representing the navy; and Mr.
Darling, who had been present at and directed the Emperor's' interment.
" The persons intended to direct and execute the necessary works were
afterwards admitted.
" Then, in our presence, and in that of the persons above-mentioned, it
was ascertained that the tomb was entirely uninjured in any way, and the

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 339
m°theS morning3" "* *" m°St profound silence' between midnight and one
wi't'bTh»fiJSt C3U!ed the i!'°" railinS which surrounded the tomb, together
Ip tbln S'r°nS Stone work into which they were fastened, to be removed ;
lit p! A *-° e?ten?T C0VerlnS °f th* grave, which, occupying 3
Z In't^ T nTTeS! U ^ Six inches Eng'ish) in length, and 2 metres,
tip T r (8 feet/llnoh) *" b™^, was* composed of three slabs of
nnrv FIT**" (6 ""*«*) thick, enclosed in a second border of ma
sonry. At half-past one this first covering was entirely removed.
On its removal, we discovered a rectangular wall, forming, as we after-
Wards ascertained, the four sides of a vault, 3 metres, 30 centimetres (11
feet) in depth, 1 metre, 40 centimetres (4 feet 8 inches) in breadth, ana 2
metres, 40 centimetres (8 feet) in length. This vault was entirely filled
with earth to the depth of about 15 centimetres (6 inches) from the slabs
of stone which had been removed. After having removed the earth, the
workmen, at a depth of 2 metres 5 centimetres (6 feet 10 inches), encoun
tered a horizontal layer of Roman cement, extending over the whole space
enclosed within the walls, to which it adhered hermetically. This layer
having been, at 3 o'clock, entirely laid bare, the undersigned commission
ers descended into the vault, and ascertained that it was perfectly entire,
and undamaged in any way. The above-mentioned layer of cement
having been broken, another layer was discovered beneath it, 27 centi
metres (10 inches) thick, formed of rough hewn stones, attached together
by iron tenons ; it required four hours and a half of labor to remove this
layer. "The extreme difficulty of this operation induced the undersigned Eng
lish commissary to cause a trench to be dug on the left side of the vault,
for the purpose of throwing down the wall ori that side, and thus effecting
an opening to the coffin, in case the horizontal layer should offer too
strong a resistance to the efforts simultaneously made to break through it.
But the workmen having succeeded, towards 8 o'clock in the morning, in
entirely removing this layer, the works of the trench, which had reached
a depth of 1 metre, 50 centimetres (5 feet), were abandoned. Immedi
ately below the layer thus removed, we found a strong slab, 1 metre, 98
.centrimetres (6 feet 7£ inches) long, 90 centimetres (3 feet) broad, and 12
centimetres (5 inches) thick, forming, as we afterwards ascertained, the lid
of the interior sarcophagus, of cut stone, which contained the coffin. ¦ This
slab, which was perfectly entire, was enclosed in a border of rough hewn
stones and Roman cement, strongly attached to the walls of the vault. This
border having been carefully removed, and two rings fixed to the lid, at
half-past nine everything was ready for the opening of the sarcophagus.
Dr. Guillard then purified the tomb, by sprinkling it with chloride, and
the slab was raised by order of the Uridersigned English commissary,
by means of a crab, and laid on the edge of the grave. As soon as the
coffin was discovered, all present uncovered their heads, and M. 1'Abbe
Coquereau sprinkled holy water upon it, and recited the ' De Profundis.'
" The undersigned commissaries then descended to examine the coffin,
which they found in good preservation, excepting a small portion of the
lower part, which, although it stood on a strong slab, supported ori cut-
stone, was slightly injured. Some sanatary precautions having been again
taken by Dr. Guillard, an express was sent to his excellency the governor,
to inform him of the progress of the operations, and the coffin Was raised
out of the vault by means of hooks and straps, and carefully removed to
a tent prepared for its reception. At this moment, M. l'Abbe, in accord-

340 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
ance with the rites of the Catholic church, read the service used on the
taking up of a corpse.
" The undersigned comhiissaries then descended into the sarcophagus,
which they ascertained to be in perfect preservation, and exactly corre
sponding with the official descriptions of the interment.
"About eleven o'clock, the undersigned French commissary had, previ
ously ascertained that his Excellency the Governor had authorized the
opening of the coffins. Conformably to arrangements previously decided
on, we caused the first coffin to be carefully removed ; we then found a
leaden coffin, in good condition, which we placed in that sent from France.
His Excellency the Governor, accompanied by his staff, Lieutenant Middle-
more, aid-de-camp and military secretary, and Captain Barnes, entered the
tent, to be present at the opening of the inner coffins. The lid of the
leaden coffin was then cut and raised with the greatest care, and within
was discovered another coffin of wood, in very good preservation, and
corresponding with the descriptions given at the time of the interment,
and with the recollections of the persons present at it. The lid of the third
coffin having been raised, a tin coffin, slightly oxydated, was discovered;
the lid of this being cut and drawn back, a white satin sheet was dis
covered; this sheet was raised with the greatest precaution by the doctor,
and presented to view the body of Napoleon. The features had suffered
so little as to be immediately recognizable. The different articles con
tained in the coffin were found exactly in the positions in which they had
been placed; the hands singularly well preserved, the uniform, the orders,
the hat, all but very little injured; the whole person, in short, seemed to
indicate a recent interment. The body did not remain exposed to the air
more than two minutes at most; this time was necessary to the surgeon
for the purpose of taking the measures prescribed in his instructions, and
of preserving the body from any ulterior change.
" The tin coffin and that of wood were immediately reclosed, as well as
the leaden one containing them. This again was re-soldered with the
greatest, care, under the direction of Dr. Guillard, and strongly fastened by
the corners into the new leaden coffin sent from Paris, which was her
metically soldered. The new ebony coffin was then locked, and the key
delivered to the undersigned French commissary.
"The undersigned English commissary then declared to the French
commissary, that, the exhumation being now terminated, he was author
ized by his excellency the governor to inform him, that the coffin con
taining, as had been duly ascertained, the mortal remains of Napoleon,
would be considered as at the disposal of the French government the
moment it should reach the place of embarkation, to which it was about
to be conveyed, under the personal orders of his Excellency the Governor.
"The undersigned French commissary replied, that he was commis
sioned to accept the coffin in the name of his government, and that he, as
well as all the persons composing the French mission, was ready to ac
company it to the quay at James Town, where his Royal Highness, Prince
Joinville, chief in command of the expedition, purposed to present him
self, in order to receive it from his Excellency the Governor, and solemnly
to convey it to the frigate 'Bellepoule,' commissioned to convey it to
France. " The coffin, covered by a pall presented by the undersigned French
commissary, was placed on a funeral car; and at half past three in the
afternoon, the procession set out in the follpwing pr,der, under the com-

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 341
rtiand of his Excellency the Governor, whom indisposition had prevented
from being present at the operations of the previous night:—
« I a mi[ltla-reglraent °f St. Helena, commanded by Lieut.-Col. Leake.
^ detachment of the 91st regiment of infantry, commanded by Capt.
"The band of the militia.
" M. l'Abbe Coquereau, with the two choristers.
" The car, escorted by a detachment of royal artillery ; the corners of the
pall borne by Lieutenant-General Count Bertrand, Lieutenant-General
Baron Gourgaud, Baron Las Cases, and M. Marchand.
" MM. Saint Denis, Noverray, Archambaud, and Pierron.
" The undersigned French commissary, heading the mourners, and hav
ing beside him Captains Guyet and Charner.
",M. Arthur Bertrand, followed by M. Coursot, a former servant of the
Emperor, Capt. Doret, and Dr. Guillard.
, " The civil, naval, and military authorities of the island, arranged accord
ing to rank.
"His Excellency the Governor, accompanied by the worshipful Chief
Judge, and by Col. Hobson, member of the council.
" A company of royal artillery.
" The principal inhabitants of the island, all in deep mourning.
" During the whole time of the procession, the forts fired minute guns.
" The procession having reached James Town, the car slowly proceeded
between two ranks of soldiers belonging to the garrison, with their arms
reversed, which extended from the entrance to the town to the place of
embarkation. " At half-past 5, the procession reached the extremity of the quay. Here
his Royal Highness Prince Joinville, accompanied by his aide-de-camp,
Captain Hernoux, member of the Chamber of Deputies, and surrounded
by the staffs of the three French ships of war, the ' Bellepoule,' the
'Favorite,' and the ' Oreste,' received from his Excellency the Governor
the imperial coffin, which was immediately lowered into the ship's boat,
previously prepared for this ceremony, and solemnly conveyed by the
Prince on board the ' Bellepoule,' with all the honors due to sovereigns.
" In attestation of which, we, the undersigned commissioners, have drawn
up the present report, and attached thereto our seals with our arms.
" Drawn up by us at St. Helena, on the 15th day of the month of Octo
ber, in the year of grace 1840.
" (Confirmed) (LS.) Rohan-Chabot,
(LS.) Alexander Middlemore."
\
Report of the Chief Surgeon of the Frigate "Bellepoule."
" I, the undersigned, Remi-Jullien Guillard, doctor of medicine, chief
surgeon of the frigate ' Bellepoule,' having repaired, in compliance with
the instructions of Count Rohan-Chabot, commissary of the King, on the
night between the 14th and 15th of October, 1840 to the Valley of the
Tomb, island of St. Helena, in order to assist at the exhumation of the
remains of the Emperor Napoleon, have drawn up the present minute of
the proceedings : —
"During the first operations, no sanatary precautions were taken; no
mephitic exhalation proceeded either from the ground or from the vault
when opened.

342 HISTORY of the captivity of napoleon.
" The vault having been opened, I descended into it ; in the bottom was
the coffin of the Emperor; it rested on a large slab, which was supported
on large stones. The mahogany planks of which the coffin was composed,
still retained their color and hardness ; except those forming the bottom, on
which the velvet exhibited some slight injuries. N° body; either solid or
liquid, was to be seen anywhere round the coffin. The walls of the vault
exhibited not the slightest injury; a few traces of damp alone were to he
seen on them.
"The King's commissary having requested me to open the inner coffins,
I first subjected them to some sanatary measures, and then immediately pro
ceeded to open them. The exterior coffin was fastened by long screws ;
these we were, obliged to cut jn order to take off the lid. We then came
to a leaden coffin, closely fastened up on all sides ; this contained a ma
hogany cpffin, entirely uninjured ; and this again a tin coffin, the lid of
which was soldered to the side's. The soldering was slowly cut, and the
lid cautiously raised ; I then perceived a white covering, which concealed
the interior of the coffin, and hid the body from view ; it was of wadded
satin, with which the cpffin was also lined. I raised the covering by one
end, and rolling it up from the feet to the head, there was presented to
view the body of Napoleon, which I immediately recognized, so well was
the copse preserved, and so much truth of expression did the head possess.
" Something white, which seemed to have detached itself from the satin,
like a light gauze, covered all that the coffin contained. The head and
forehead, which adhered strongly to the satin, were very much covered with
it, but little was to be seen on the lower part of the face, the hands or toes.
The body of the Emperor lay in an easy position, the same in which it
had been placed in the coffin ; the upper limbs laid at their length — the left
hand and lower part of the arm resting on the left thigh — the lower limbs
slightly bent. The head, a little raised, reposed on a cushion ; the capacious
skull, the lofty and broad forehead, were covered with yellowish integu
ments, hard and strongly adhering. The same was the case round the
eyes, above which the eyebrows still remained. Beneath the eyelids were
fo be seen the eyeballs, which had lost but little of their fullness and form.
The eyelids, completely closed, adhered to the cheek, and were hard when
pressed with the finger; a few eyelashes still remained on their edges. The
bones of the nose, and the integuments which covered them, were weU
preserved; the tube and the nostrils alone had suffered. The cheeks were
swollen ; the integuments of this part of the face were remarkable for their
soft and flexible feeling, and their white color ; those of the chin were
slightly bluish ; they had acquired this tint from the beard, which appeared
to have grown after death. The chin itself had suffered no change,
and still preserved the type peculiar to the face of Napoleon. The
lips, which had become thinner, were parted; three incisor teeth of
extreme whiteness appeared under the upper lip, which was a little
raised at the left side. The hands left nothing to desire, they were not
altered in the slightest degree ; though the muscles had lost their power of
motion, the skin seemed to have preserved that peculiar color which be
longs only to life ; the nails were long, adherent, and very white. The
legs were inclosed in boots, but the sewing of the feet had burst, and the
four smaller toes of each foot were visible. The skin of these toes was
of a dull white ; the nails preserved. The anterior region of the thorax
was much fallen in the middle, the sides of the stomach sunken and hard.
The limbs appeared to have preserved their form beneath the clothes that

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 343
covered them ; I pressed the left arm, and found it hard and diminished in
size. The clothes themselves had preserved their color : thus the uniform
of the chasseurs a cheval was perfectly to be recognized by the dark green
of the coat, and the bright red of the facings ; the grand cord of the Legion
of Honor crossing the waistcoat, and the white pantaloons partly concealed
.by the small hat which rested on the thighs. The epaulettes, the gold
work, and two orders on the breast, had lost their brilliancy, and were
blackened, with the exception of , the crown surmounting the cross of an
officer of the Legion of Honor, which preserved its color. Some silver
vases lay hetween the legs ; one surmounted by an eagle, between the
knees; I found it uninjured and closed. As these vases adhered rather
strongly to the adjoining parts of the body, by which they were partially
covered, the King's commissary thought it better not to displace them for
nearer examination.
" Such are the only details which an examination lasting only for two
minutes, has allowed me to draw up concerning the mortal remains of the
Emperor Napoleon. They are doubtless incomplete, but they will serve
to attest a state of preservation more perfect than 1 had any grounds to ex
pect, after the known circumstances of the autopsy and interment. This
is not the place to examine into the numerous causes which may have
contributed to arrest at this point the decomposition of the muscles, but
there is no doubt that the extreme solidity of the masonry of the grave,
and the care employed in the manufacture and soldering of the metal
coffins, were very efficient in the production of this result. However this
may be, I feared the effect of contact with the air upon the corpse ; and,
convinced that the best means of preserving it was to withdraw it from its
destructive action, I eagerly complied with the request of the King's com
missary, who desired that the coffins might be reclosed.
" I replaced the wadded satin, after having slightly rubbed it with crea-
spte ; I caused the wooden coffins to be hermetically sealed, and the metal
coffins to be soldered with the greatest care.
" The remains of the Emperor Napoleon are at present contained in six
coffins :
"1. A tin .coffin. 2. A mahogany coffin. 3. A leaden coffin. 4. A
second leaden coffin, separated from the previous one by saw-dust and
wooden corners. 5. An ebony coffin. 6. An oak coffin, to preserve that
of ebony from injury.
" Drawn up at the island of St. Helena, the 15th of the month of Octo
ber, 1840. " (Signed) Remi Guillard,
Doctor of Medicine.
" (Signed) Ph. de Rohan-Chabot,
Commissary of the King."
The reports which we have just given were accompanied by private
letters, from which we take the following details.
On the poop pf the frigate, and on the platform erected for the helm, an
altar and chapelle ardente had been arranged. On the 17th, divme service
was celebrated at this altar, in presence of the crews of the three French
vessels; during the whole ceremony they kept their flags half-mast high,
and their riggipg a-peak, and fired minute guns. At the head of the main
mast of the frigate floated a silken flag, covered with black crape, which
had been presented by the ladies of James-Town. After the ceremony,

344 history of the captivity of napoleon.
the body was lowered into the funereal chapel between decks, which we
have described above.
On Sunday the 18th, at eight in the morning, the expedition set sail for
France. Thus Napoleon quitted St. Helena exactly twenty-five years
after his arrival in that land of exile, (October 15th, 1815.)
Among the historic souvenirs which Prince Joinville took on board
with him were the slabs of stone which had covered the grave.
During the first five days, the passage afforded no remarkable incident;
but on Saturday, October 31st, Prince Joinville heard from the merchant
vessel the " Hamburg," coming from the port of that name, the first report
of a probable rupture between France and England.
On Monday, November 2d, the Dutch vessel, the " Egmont," con
firmed this news, and gave circumstantial details of the affairs of Europe
till October the 5th.
Prince Joinville immediately summoned the officers of the two other
vessels on board the "Bellepoule," to deliberate on an event as serious as it
was unexpected. This council of war came to the resolution that prepa
rations for an energetic defence should at all events be made, and measures
were in consequence taken for placing in battery all the guns which the
frigate could bring to bear against an enemy. The store-chambers were
demolished, and the partitions, as well as all the elegant furniture which
decorated these rooms, thrown into the sea. Prince Joinville himself was
foremost in activity, and the frigate soon had six or eight pieces added to
her guns in position. The quarter of the ship occupied by these cham
bers was called Lacedsemon — luxury was banished, to be replaced by
utility. In this place, we may appropriately speak of the unanimous testimony
of all the persons who, in any capacity whatever, formed part of the mis
sion of St. Helena, to the worthy manner in which Prince Joinville ac
quitted himself of his great and honorable commission. They all affirm
that, as chief of the expedition, he not only did at St. Helena all that it
was his duty as a Frenchman to do, to the end that the memory of the
Emperor might receive all the honors due to it, but fulfilled his mission
with the solemn mein, the pious and severe dignity which a son of the
Emperor, in fulfilling such a mission, might have displayed. As com
mander, he felt that the Emperor's remains must not fall into the hands of
foreigners, and having resolved rather to sink his ship than to abandon his
precious charge, knew how to inspire all around him with his own ener
getic resolves against an extreme case. After these preparations, the
" Bellepoule" separated from the " Favorite," whose slower progress de
layed her, and continued her course towards France, constantly attending
to all the precautions usual in time of war ; for during the twenty-eight
days of the passage no vessel approached her so nearly that she could hail
her, and obtain intelligence of the state of affairs.
On Sunday, November 29th, at six in the evening, the frigate came in
sight of the port-fires and lights of the town of Cherbourg. The absence
of any English cruiser, and the security which reigned, sufficiently indi
cated that the peace was not disturbed, and that all the preparations for
combat had been unnecessary.
On Monday, November 30lh, the steam-vessel " Normandie" advanced
to meet the " Bellepoule," in order to tow her, if necessary ; but a breeze
having sprung up, the frigate reached the roads without assistance ; and at
ten minutes past five in the morning, forty-two days from her departure

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 345
fu?,, St' .^elena' the shiP entered the great basin of the port, saluted by
all the artillery of the ramparts, to which, in the distance, Fort Royal, Fort
Hommet, and Fort Querqueville replied.
The solemn entry of Napoleon's remains into Paris having been fixed
for the 15th of December, the government took every measure for hasten
ing the preparations for this important ceremony.
The authorities and people of the departments which the cortege was
about to traverse, were enthusiastic in their endeavors worthily to honor
the passage of the immortal exile. Three steam-vessels, the " Norman
die, the " Veloce," and the " Courrier," composing the flotilla, which
was destined to make the first part of the progress, had repaired to Cher
bourg some days before the arrival of the " Bellepoule." Immediately on
her appearance, they ranged themselves around her, as if to form a guard
of honor.
On Tuesday, December 8th, the day fixed upon for leaving Cherbourg,
mass was celebrated on board the frigate, in presence of all the civil and
military authorities. The service being terminated, the Emperor's coffin
was removed from the chapelle ardente and conveyed on board the " Nor
mandie." At this moment, all the cannon of the fort and ramparts saluted
the passage of the corpse with a salvo of a thousand guns ; it was imme
diately placed under a cenotaph, which had been erecfed in the middle of
the poop. This cenotaph, was composed of a low dome, supported by
twelve columns, hung with velvet fringed with silver, surmounted by tri
pods, and surrounded with lighted lamps ; at the head, a gilt cross ; at the
foot, a gilt lamp ; behind, an altar hung with black, having a silver eagle
at each corner.
The removal of the corpse being completed, Prince Joinville, the persons
belonging to the mission, and the officers of the "Bellepoule," went on
board the "Normandie." Four hundred sailors, chosen from among those
of the "Bellepoule," were divided among the steamers; a hundred on the
"Normandie," with the band of the frigate, a hundred on the "Courrier,"
and two hundred on the "Veloce." All the arrangements having been at
length made, and the signal given for getting under weigh, the mayor of
Cherbourg approached the cenotaph, and, in the name of the city, laid ' a
golden laurel branch on the coffin. All the guests then retired, and the
convoy began its route at mid-day. It soon passed the eastern passage
and doubled Fort Royal, amidst the salutes simultaneously poured from
all the batteries of the forts and breakwaters. The little squadron advanced
rapidly eastward in the channel, but without standing out to sea, or losing
sight of the coast of France. And never, at any time, was a spectacle
equal to the one now presented to be seen. It seemed as if Napoleon, on
re-entering his empire, was reviewing the inhabitants of ancient Normandy !
Here the fishermen of La Hougue, those of the isles of St. Marcou, and of
the rocks of Calvados — there the graziers of Isigny poured down to the
mouth of the Vire; farther on, the citizens of Caen stationing themselves
at the mouth of the Orne ; and nearly at the gates of Havre, but at the
other side of the bay, the inhabitants of Dyve, Touques, and Trouville.
All these, pouring down upon the strand, seemed to descend with the
waves, in order to approach nearer to the imperial flotilla. Raising their
hands and waving their hats at its passage, with loud acclamations, they
followed it with their gestures and with their voices long after it had dis
appeared in the shadows of the evening.
At the time of leaving Cherbourg, the weather had given indications of

346 HISTORY PF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPPLEON.
storm, and there was reason to fear a tedious and adverse passage ; but the
flotilla had scarcely put to sea when the wind fell, the billows became
smooth, and the moon rose in all its brilliancy, as if to cast its melancholy
light on the course of the funeral convoy.
At half-past nine in the evening, the flotilla came in sight pf the harbor
of Havre, but, after having approached near enough to be clearly seen,
stood out again toward Cape La Heve, where it "passed the night. The
day before, the prefect of Havre had addressed the following proclamation
to the inhabitants of the department of Seine-Inferieure :—
" The department of Seine-Inferieure will be the first traversed by the
funeral cortege which is proceeding, under the conduct of his Royal High
ness Prince Joinville, to the capital of the kingdom, where memorable
solemnities will be performed, amidst the great bodies of the state, and
heightened by all the prodigies of contemporary art and ingenuity,
" There is, perhaps, no event in history which shines forth with such a
character of grandeur as accompanies this unhoped for return of the mortal
remains of the Emperor Napoleon.
" When the vessel bearing these revered remains advances slowly up
the river, you will receive it with the religious feeling and profound emo
tions which always arise at the remembrance of the misfortunes of our
country, of her triumphs, and of her glory.
"You will render the last honors to this great man with the calm dig
nity becoming a population which has so often felt the blessings of his
protecting power and of his especial benevolence."
On Wednesday, December 9, about five in the morning, the drums were
beaten in the streets of Havre, summoning the national guard to arms.
The guard of Montivillers was already drawn up in order of battle on the
Place de Provence; these worthy and zealous patriots had marched all
night, braving the -bad state of the roads, in order not to lose this oppor
tunity of testifying their respect to the remains of the Emperor. The
population of Havre, mixed as it is, travelers and sailors from the four
corners of the earth, now crowding to the edge of the basins and jetties,
seemed to form one great deputation from all civilized nations, coming in
the name of repentant Europe to make the first amende honorable to the
man of the century.
For a long time every eye was fixed on the gaily dressed masts which,
faintly seen amidst the mists of the horizon, beyond the " Veloce," an
chored in the roads, indicated the presence of the floating cenotaph. The
flotilla did not stand out till about half-past six.
The first rays of daylight which now began to disperse the darkness,
enabled the gazers to distinguish all the vessels of the convoy ; the " Nor
mandie" led the van, bearing the national colors, having the royal flag at
the main, and all the other flags hoisted on the rigging; after her came the
"Seine," which had been sent from the port to meet the expedition; then
the "Veloce" and the "Courrier," which closed the convoy.
Towards seven o'clock, the little squadron turned their prows straight
upon the tower, and steered so as to pass at a short distance from the
jetties. The " Normandie" then presented three-quarters of her side to the shore,
but, haying approached within two cables' lengths of the jetties, she turned
a little to starboard, in order to enter the Seine, and the picture which then
presented itself awakened in every heart those various sentiments which

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 347
could not fail to be inspired by the solemn act which was being performed,
and the immortal recollections which it evoked.
On the poop, surrounded by four burning lamps, the bright light of
wh.ch mingled with the dawning brilliancy of day and the last beams of
the moon, lay the narrow coffin which enclosed the greatest man that
France had ever produced.
Little by little, the vessel, with its glorious burden, was borne on the
waves away from the deeply-moved multitude, whose solemn silence was
only broken by the first cannon, announcing that the mortal remains of
the Emperor had entered a French river, that Seine whose shores he had
chosen for his resting-place.
At the same moment, and, as it were at the signal given by the artillery,
the sun rose, pure and brilliant, above the hills which bound the river, and
his golden rays, falling on the chapelle ardente, made it glitter as if with
thousands of sparks.
The coffin seemed surrounded by a luminous atmosphere, of which the
rays of the golden crown that rested on the pall were the centre. This
was not a prestige; Napoleon re-entered France encircled by a glory —
the Sun of Austerlitz saluted the return of the hero.
As the funeral convoy now began to ascend the Seine, the banks of this
river became crowded with multitudes of spectators, rendered almost in
visible by distance, and whose presence was only attested by shots fired
as a salute by aged peasants, become soldiers again in order fo present
arms to the corpse of their general.
From the summits of the hills, from the valleys, from every point, were
it ever so distant, from which the " Normandie" could be seen, signals of
all kinds were constantly made, indicating crowds of citizens rejoicing at
having caught a glimpse of the remains of the popular hero.
At Quilleboeuf, where the convoy was to coast along the shore, an ova
tion was prepared. On the quay of this town were assembled as if by
enchantment the national guards of Pont-Audemer, St. Aubin, and Sainte-
Opportune, of all the neighboring places, and even those of the most dis?
tant towns of Lower Normandy, as far as Granville. On the other shore,
and notwithstanding their distance, were to be perceived the citizens of
Lillebonne under arms, drawn up on the strand ; and such was the inten
sity of the sentiment which animated these brave people, that though sepa
rated from the convoy by the whole width of the Seine, they advanced
even into the water in order to be somewhat nearer to the imperial re-r
mains. As the convoy defiled along the quays of Quilleboeuf, it was saluted by
repeated volleys of musketry and salvos of artillery ; the standards were
lowered, the troops saluted, and the vessels in the harbor, which exhibited
all the signs of mourning, lowered their flags ; then cries of enthusiasm
burst forth, and the convoy continued its triumphant course.
On the evening of the 9th, the flotilla anchored at Val de la Haye, three
leagues below Rouen. Next morning, the flotilla of Haute-Seine, sent from
Rouen the day before to replace the " Normandie" and the " Seine," ap
peared at Val de la Haye. At half-past nine in the morning, the change
of vessels was effected, and the coffin, transferred on board the " Dorade,"
No. 3, was there placed under a cenotaph dressed with purple velvet,
surrounded by forty tri-color flags, and bordered with garlands of oak and
cypress. This cenotaph, erected on the prow of the vessel, was itself

348 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
covered by a canopy hung with black velvet, relieved by cords and tassels
of silver; masses of black plumes floated above the canopy. ;
Prince de Joinville, and all the other persons belonging to the expedition,
having embarked on board the new boats, they immediately set out, in the
follpwing order : — The steam-vessel " Parisienne," on board which were
the inspectors of the navigation ; the " Zampa," conveying the Prince's
band ; the " Dorade," No. 3, Captain Garay, having on board the mortal
remains of the Emperor, Prince de Joinville, and the 1st company of the
" Bellepoule," serving as a guard of honor; the " Etoile," No. 2, convey
ing M. de Rohan-Chabot, the King's commissary, Count Bertrand, grand
marshal of the palace, General Baron Gourgaud, and the Emperor's house
hold. On the " Etoile," No. 4, were embarked the 2d company of the " Belle
poule;" on the " Etoile," No. 1, the 3d company of the "Bellepoule;"
on the " Dorade'" No. 2, Captain Pages, the 4th company of the " Fa
vorite;" the rest of the assistants were conveyed by the "Dorade," No.
1, and the " Montereau."
Thus marshalled, a distance of about three lengths being kept between
the boats, the flotilla advanced up the river ; the weather was fine, though
a little cold and hazy.
At a quarter past eleven, the flotilla reached Rouen.
Here great preparations had been made for its reception'. The central
arch of the suspension bridge formed an immense arch of triumph; the
decoration of this bridge and of those parts of the shore which it touched
had been performed exclusively by the old wounded legionary officers and
the soldiers of the empjre. \ Trophies and pyramids covered with purple
velvet, embroidered with bees, and bearing the names of the Emperor's
most glorious victories, were erected on Both banks of the river, and on
the Orleans bridge. The public monuments, all the vessels in the harbor,
and a great number of private houses displayed the national flag ; an ori-
flamme surrounded by banners floated on the magnificent spire of the
cathedral. At ten o'clock, the Cardinal Archbishop of Rouen, at the head
of his clergy, went in procession to the quay Saint-Sever, from whence
he pronounced the prayers of the church over the coffin as it passed. At
the same hour the municipal body joined the other authorities. The na
tional guard of Rouen, in admirable order, those of the surrounding com
munes, the troops of the garrison, and multitudes of people, lined the quays
on both sides of the river, and made the air ripg with enthusiastic cries of
" Vive I'EmpereurJ" The artillery of the National Guard crowned the
heights on the St. Catherine side, and the vessels in the harbor fired salutes
at intervals of a minute, until the conclusion of the funeral service ; and
were answered by the guns of the " Dorade," No. 3, which bore the mortal
remains of the Emperor.
On the arrival of the flotilla at Rouen, the " Parisie.nne" and the
"Zampa" took up their stations in front of the stone bridge; the rest of
the boats forming the convoy remained in front of the suspension bridge ;
and the vessel bearing the cenotaph remained alone between the two
bridges. After the absolution, which was performed by the Cardinal Archbishop,
assisted by more than two hundred priests, a salvo of a hundred cannon
announced that henceforth the ceremony would assume a triumphal cha
racter. The bells rang forth their peals, all the signs of mourning disap
peared, the troops presented arms, the drums beat the march, and the

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 349
military bands played airs of victory. A last salvo of a hundred and one
guns announced the departure of the convoy; the flotilla began to move,
and when the vessel bearing the imperial coffin passed under the triumphal
arch, the veterans, drawn up on the bridge, showered down upon it wreaths
of everlasting and branches of laurel which they held in their hands.
Never had so imposing a concourse been seen at Rouen. All the neigh
boring communes, all the rural national guards, half organized, mingled
their compact masses with a numerous clergy, whose enthusiasm sur
passed that of all others, and seized every opportunity of manifesting
itself. Never had the capital of Normandy witnessed a similar solemnity ;
never was a national hero so universally celebrated.
Elbeuf, which the flotilla passed while it was yet broad daylight, sur
passed Rouen, if possible, in enthusiasm; the whole of the manufacturing
population, men and women, seemed to have but one voice to honor Na
poleon. Some old soldiers of the empire, in full uniform, were mingled
with the national guard ; they waved their arms and their standards, and
shed tears of emotion.
On the same day, at five in the afternoon, the imperial convoy passed
Pont-de-1'Arche, where the national guards of Louviers, and the surround
ing communes, awaited it, and rested for the night at half a league above
this town.
On the morning of the 11th, the flotilla was again put in motion; but
in, pursuance of fresh instructions received, it now proceeded with such
rapidity, that the ovations which had been arranged at different places on
its course, could only take place at a few of them. That same evening,
it passed the town of Vernon, and instead of passing the night there, as
had been announced, lay to before Roche-Guyon.
On the 12th, at ten in the morning, it passed Mantes, where it was,
nevertheless, received by the sub-prefect, the mayor, the municipal council,
the clergy, and the national guard, which presented arms and saluted it
with volleys of musketry. In the evening it anchored before the bridge
of Poissy.
As soon as intelligence of its arrival at Poissy reached Paris, the people
of the river districts were joined by numbers of the inhabitants of the
capital. The offices of the St. Germain railway were literally besieged,
and the roads leading to St. Denis, Clichy, Asnieres, and Courbevoie,
were crowded .with foot passengers, and equipages of every kind, from
that of the modest tapestry-maker to carriages covered with armorial
bearings. ,
At Poissy, where mass was celebrated on the morning of the 13th, on
the deck of the vessel which bore the cenotaph, the national guard and the
troops of the line were under arms. At several places women and chil
dren, and even men, knelt down, while the vessel bearing the holy cross
at its prow passed by. During the whole voyage Prince de Joinville
stood behind the coffin, and in front of him General Bertrand, General
Gourgaud, and M. Marchand, valet-de-chambre of the Emperor; this lat
ter wore the uniform of an officer of the second legion of the Parisian
national guard. .
His Royal Highness Prince de Joinville, wishing to give to the Do
rade" No. 3, which bore the coffin, an appearance befitting such a solemn
office, had had all the decorations which adorned the poop removed. The
vessel was painted black, and one object alone attracted all eyes and every

350 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEPN.
pne's attention, the imperial coffin, surrounded by wax-lights, covered with
the imperial pall, and shaded by a group of standards.
In the meantime, three new steam-vessels had been dispatched from
Paris to meet the imperial convoy; one of them carried the band .of the
military gymnasium, which was to execute funeral marches during the
whole voyage from Poissy to Paris ; the two others towed a funereal boat,
which had been constructed expressly for the ceremony. On the deck
of this boat was erected a funeral temple made of bronzed wood and hung
with drapery; the ceiling of this temple, entirely.covered with white satin,
was adorned with embroidery in gold; the carpet; of purple velvet; was
worked with bees in gold ; and four gilt caryatides adorned the entrance of
the temple.
Besides this temple the boat was further ornamented in the following
manner: —
At the stern behind the temple was a trophy of banners, on which were
inscribed the names of Napoleon's most famous victories.
Along the sides, long garlands of laurels and everlastings, entwined
along the whole length of the boat.
All around, tripods of ancient form, destined for burning incense and
perfumes. And, finally, an immense golden eagle, placed on the prow of the ship,
which seemed to be bringing back its glorious master in triumph.
Unfortunately, however, this funereal boat, which would have formed
one of the most beautiful ornaments of the ceremony, did not completely
answer the intentions of the managers of the fete ; notwithstanding the
efforts of the powerful vessels which towed it, it advanced so slowly, that
it was decided to leave it at Argenteuil.
When the flotilla was preparing to leave Poissy, Prince de Joinville did
not consider it prudent to risk his precious charge on a conveyance which
seemed to offer but little security ; he therefore only gave orders that the
funereal boat should make part of the convoy, as one of the most brilliant
ornaments of the ceremony.
On the morning of the l"4th, the flotilla, now composed of ten steam
vessels, leaving Maisons, arrived at Pont du Pecq (below the terrace of
St. Germain) at ten o'clock. The national guards of the surrounding com
munes rendered military honors to it; a considerable orchestra, composed
of the bands of different regiments, performed funeral symphonies, inter
rupted every five minutes by salvos of artillery.
At half-past twelve, the flotilla arrived at Chatou, where it received the
same honors as at Pont du Pecq.
Leaving Chatou at one o'clock, at half-past two it came in sight of St.
Denis. The national guards of Epinay, Pierrefitte, Stains, and other
neighboring communes,- had repaired very early to the ground, headed by
their banriers and music; they were in very complete order, and weil
marshaled. Their line extended from the port of Isle St. Denis, to the
hamlet of La Briche. The 35th and 67th battalions of the line Were
placed to the left of the bridge, on the St. Omer side. A tent had been
raised facing Isle St. Denis, for the civil and military authorities and
clergy. At half-past one, M. Lucien Mechin, sub-prefect of the department, M.
Brisson, mayor of the town, and the members of the municipal council,
preceded by the clergy of the Royal Church of St. Denis, and by all the
members of the chapter, headed by M. Rey, former bishop of Dijon, and

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPPLEPN. 351
escorted by the Gendarmerie of the department, the 3d garrison regiment
and the national guard, repaired to the raised platform which had been pre
pared for their reception. A deputation of the young ladies of the Legion
of Honor, headed by the lady-superintendent, and dressed in deep mourn
ing, occupied a reserved gallery.
Both banks of the Seine were covered with an immense multitude,
drawn together from all the neighboring communes, and even from the
capital. At two o'clock, a gun announced the approach of the imperial
convoy; and a few minutes afterwards, the national colors which floated
on the " Dorade" and its suite, were to be seen across the island, having
reached Epinay. "The Parisienne" soon advanced, preceding the
"Dorade" by about 120 feet, and followed by eight other steam-vessels
serving as an escort; At this moment, the national guard saluted the pre
cious freight. Several salvos of artillery were fired by the gunners of the
national guard, and responded to first by the guns of the " Parisienne,"
and then by those of the " Dorade." When the flotilla arrived opposite
the tent erected for the authorities, it fell into the following order :
In the first line, the " Dorade," bearing the Emperor's coffin, and the
"Parisienne." On the prow of the " Dorade," between the cross and the
coffin, stood Prince de Joinville, in the full uniform of commander of a
vessel. At the head of the coffin stood Generals Bertrand and Gour
gaud, and behind them, M. l'Abbe Conquereau, in his sacerdotal robes.
Immediately behind the " Dorade" was a steam-vessel, on which was
the band, executing funeral symphonies at intervals; the rear-guard was
formed by the other vessels, conveying the crews of the " Bellepoule" and
"Favorite." As soon as the "TJorade," though without quitting the mid
dle of the river, or being approached by a boat of any kind, had arrived
opposite the funereal temple, the prince ordered a short halt; Archbishop
Rey, assisted by all the clergy, read the absolution, and the flotilla con
tinued its course. Here again an immense multitude assisted with pro
found awe at the religious ceremony ; but as soon as it was terminated,
acclamations in honor of the Emperor burst forth on all sides, and Were
repeated along the shores of the river, on which the crowds became greater
the nearer the convoy approached Courbevoie.
At St. Ouen, Clichy, and Asnieres, the multitudes were wonderful. It
was in vain that, at the last mentioned place, endeavors were made to keep
the people back from the bridge ; the barriers were not respected, and
wreaths of everlastings were1 showered upon the "Dorade" as it passed
under the arches. The Queen, whose carriage was stationed near the
bridge, here saw her son foT the first time, for Prince de Joinville, although
he had for two days been within a few leagues of his family, had never
left his charge since he entered the Seine ; the only members of his family
whom he had seen were the Dukes d'Aumale and d'Orleans, who had met
him at Poissy and Maisons. The Queen and the Princesses who accom
panied her were in deep mourning; they set out on their return to Paris
immediately after the passing of the flotilla, which continued to advance
without stopping, though slowly, drawing an immense concourse in its
train. The funereal boat brought up the rear of the convoy, towed by
one of the steamers ; about a dozen sailors had been put on board it as a
crew. The arrival of the flotilla at Courbevoie was a magnificent sight. It was
scarcely four o'clock; the sun was setting radiantly behind Mount Vale-
rien, amidst luminous clouds ; on one side were to be seen the picturesqu*

352 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
islands of Neuilly, and the triumphal arch in the distance; on the other,
the hills of Courbevoie ; in front, the bridge crowded with spectators, the
national guards, the troops of the line, and the artillery pouring forth their"
salutes, to which the flotilla replied ; and soon after, the deep cannon of
the Invalides, repeating in their turn the signal of the arrival of the great
man, after twenty-five years of exile.
The flotilla anchored below the bridge, opposite a funereal temple
which had been erected to receive the body. Bivouac fires burning on the
shores indicated the presence of the national guards of Neuilly, and of an
immense concourse of citizens, prepared to pass the night in the open air,
notwithstanding the intensity of a rigorous frost. The funereal boat and
the flotilla, illuminated and surrounded by numerous boats filled with per
sons coming to obtain a nearer view of them, gave to this evening a most
brilliant and animated aspect.
It was on the landing place of Courbevoie that the body of Napoleon
first touched the soil of France.
According to all calculations, the St. Helena expedition was not ex
pected to reach France on its return till about the 15th or 20th of Decem
ber ; it was therefore supposed that the ceremony would not take place
till about the 25th; but the arrival of the " Bellepoule" in the end of No
vember disturbed all the previous calculations, and the artists and workmen
were obliged, in consequence of the shortened time allowed them, to re
double their efforts and activity.
It was a very curious sight to see all these workmen, spread along the
whole line which the cortege was to traverse, always at work, notwith
standing the inclemency of the season and the rigor of the cold, and con
tinuing their labors, even through the night, by the light of torches ; it
was easy to perceive that a feeling of patriotism ruled in all hearts, that
every one thought it an honor to labor at the apotheosis of Napoleon.
We shall now describe these various preparations, following the order
indicated for the progress of the cortege.
At Courbevoie, on the banks of the Seine, and iriimediately below the
bridge, there was a large funereal temple, of Greek form, and with four
pediments, adorned with pilasters, garlands of oak, escutcheons, eagles, and
draperies, and decorated with paintings and symbols, descriptive of the
event. In front of the temple, a landing-place, the pillars of which were
washed by the river, surmounted by a triumphal arch ; on the bridge of
Neuilly, a rostral column, forty-five metres in height, surmounted by a gold
en eagle ; and in front of this column, a statue representing Notre Dame
de Grace, the patroness of sailors.
Around the triumphal arch, erected at the " Etoile des Champs Elysees,"
were twelve masts, bearing shields, trophies of arms, and tri-color banners.
On these banners were inscribed the names of the principal armies of the
Republic and of the Empire ; — Army of Holland, of the Sambre et Meuse,
of the Rhine and Moselle, of the Shores of the Ocean, of Catalonia, of
Arragon, of Andalusia, of Italy, of Rome, of Naples, Grande Armee,
and Armee de Reserve.
On the platform, and covering this arch, was the apotheosis of Napoleon,
composed as follows : —
In the centre, the Emperor, in his imperial robes, as he appeared on the
day of his coronation, standing in front of his throne, and supported bv
two allegorical figures, the Genius of Peace and that of War. At each

HISTORY PF THE CAPTIVITY PF NAPOLEPN. 353
angle of the platform, an enormous antique tripod, emitting colored flames;
at each side of the attic, a Fame on horseback, one representing Glory, the
other Greatness. ?
Frohi the top of the arch to the basement, long hanging garlands of
flowers and laurel.
At intervals along the Champs Elysees, from the " Etoile" to the place
de la Concorde, triumphal arches, adorned with standards, eagles, and other
emblems of the empire ; and between the arches, on each side of the road,
twelve allegorical statues, representing victories.
At each corner of the Pont de la Concorde, a fluted triumphal column,
of octagonal shape, with allegorical figures on the pedestal ; above the capi
tal, a golden. eagle; and around the basement, scrolls bearing the names of
victories. On the bridge, eight statues ;— r-Wistiom, by M. Ramus; Strength, by
M. Gourdel; Justice, by M. Bion ; War, by M. Calmels ; Agriculture, by
M. Therasse ; Eloquence, by M. Fauginet ; the Fine Arts, by M. Merlieux ;
Commerce, by M. Dantan;jun.
In front of the Falace of the Chamber of Deputies,'Immortality, a colos
sal statue by M. Cortot.
On the Esplanade des Invalides, thirty-two statues of the kings and great
captains who have shed glory on France ; Clovis, by M. Bosio ; Charles
Martel, by M. Debay; Philippe-Auguste, by M. Etex; Charles V.,by M.
Dantan, sen.; Jeanne d'Arc, by M. Debay; Louis XII, by M. Lanneau ;
Bayard, by M. Guillot; Louis XIV., by M. Robinet; Turenne, by M.
Toussaint; Duguay-Trouin, by M. Bion; Hoche, by M. Sarnet; La Tour
d'Auvergne, by'M. Cavelier; Kellermann, by M. Brun; Ney, by M. Gar-
reau ; Jou'rdan, ,by M. Duseigneur ; Lobau, by M. Schez ; Charlemagne,
by M. Maindron ; Hugues-Capet, by M. Etex ; Louis IX., by M. Dan-
tan, sen.; Charles VII., by M. Bion; Du Guesclin, by M. Husson ;
Francois I., by M. Lanneau ; Henrie IV., by M. Auvrayj Conde, by M.
Daumas; Vauban, by M. Callouet; Marceau, by M. Leveque; Desaix, by
M. Jouffroy ; Kleber, by M. Simard ; Lannes, by M. Klagman ; Massena,
by M. Brian ; Mortier, by M. Millet ; Macdonald, by M. Bosio.
Between these statues, tripods emitting flames.
On the right and left. sides of the esplanade,' immense platforms, calcu
lated to hold thirty-six thousand spectators, and extending as far as the gate
of the Invalides.
At this gate, a black tenting, relieved by ornaments of gold and silver,
and supported by two triumphal columns, and by numerous ornamented
fasces of lances ; the columns crowned by large tripods, and serving to
support two large covered porches, reserved for the pensioners.
In the first court of the Invalides, a series of candelabra artd tripods,
casting forth bright flames.
In the court of honor, two platforms, arranged to furnish sitting room
for six thousand persons.
All the pillars of the covered galleries of this court were converted into
trophies of arms, and surmounted by eagles. Between the pillars, at the
height of the arches, escutcheons, some representing the Imperial cipher, ;
others the cross of the Legion of Honor. Between each arch, a double-
festoon of laurel.
At the height of the roofs of the galleries, all around the frieze, the
names, in letters of gold, of the Frenchmen who have distinguished them
selves in battle since 1793.
vol. iv. 12

354 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
Extending round the whole of this triumphal frieze, there ran a triple
cord of garlands and wreaths of everlasting. Above, following the line of
the roofs, a broad ribbon of the Legion of Honor. Lastly, in the centre
of the court, and supported against the platforms, a series of prnamented
masts, surmounted by a gigantic- golden star.
In front of the portico of the church, and destined to receive the Em
peror's body on its arrival, there stood a funereal temple, of square form,
supported by four quadrangular pillars, with an architrave on each side,
surmounted by a pediment emblazoned with the imperial arms. Above
the facade, a figure of Notre Dame de Grace, supported by two allegorical
figures. On the architraves, the portraits of the marshals of the empire;
below, the names of the battles in which they distinguished themselves.
The porch of the church was formed into a vault, hung with black, and
lighted by sepulchral lamps. At the entrance Qf the nave, at an equal
height with the organs, an immense gallery, hung with black, and destined
for the orchestra.
On each side of the nave, a funeral platform :, the one on the right re
served for the different deputations convoked to the ceremony ; that on the
left for the crews of the "Bellepoule" and "Favorite."
Behind the pillars of the two side galleries, other platforms, completing,
with the upper galleries, the accommodations destined for those invited to
the ceremony.
On the pillars of the nave, funeral escutcheons, surmounted by trophies
of arms in gold, and shaded at the two corners by standards.
On these escutcheons, the names of the celebrated marshals and generals
of the empire, with the names of their victories. These escutcheons were
in the following order, beginning from the chief entrance to the church :
Pillars on the right side : —
Ney, Prince of Moscow. — Elchingen, Hohenlinden, Amskerdoff, Ciudad-
Rodrigo, Smolensk, Valentina, Moscow, Lutzen, Champ-Aubert and Mont-
mirail. ¦' Mortier, Duke of Treviso. — Hondschotte, Fleurus, Altenkirchen, Dier-
stein, Moscow, Lutzen, Dresden, and Montmirail.
Kleber. — Fleurus, Altenkirchen, El-Arish, Chasah, Jaffa, Mount Tabor,
Heliopolis, and Cairo.
Duroc, Duke of Friuli. — Jaffa, St. Jean d'Acre, Aboukir, Austerlitz, and
Wagram. l
Monton, Count Lobau. — Novi, Genoa, Austerlitz, Jena, Eylau, Fried-
land, Isle of Lobau, Moscow, and Lutzen.
, Bessieres, Duke of Istria. — Rivoli, Pyramids, Marengo, Austerlitz, Jena,
Eylau, Medina, and Lutzen.
Pillars on the left side,: —
Jourdan. — American war, Hondschotte, Watignies, Maubeuge, Fleurus,
Maestricht, and Rollembourg.
Count d'Hautpoul-Saletto. — Maubeuge, Nimeguen, Wallbruck, Alten
kirchen, Hohenlinden, Austerlitz, Jena, and Eylau.
Desaix.^ — Offenburg, Kehl, Chebreiss, Samanhout, El-Gunaim, and Ma
rengo. Count De Lariboissiere. — Mayence, Austerlitz, Eylau, Dantzig, Fried-
land,- Wagram, Smolensk, and Moscow.
Count Serrurier. — Hanover, St. Michael, Vigo, Mantua, and Venice.
Baraguay d'Hilliers, — Mayence, Rivalla, Elchingen, Ulm, Real, and
Figuieres.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 355
Lannes, Duke of Montebello.^Lodi, Castiglione, Montebello, Pyramids,
Mount fet. Bernard, Marengo, Austerlitz, Friedlaod, Saragossa, and Essling.
Between the arches of the arcades, rich curtains of black velvet, laced
with silver; above, a deep girdle of black velvet, fringed and embroidered
with silver, in front of which hung long garlands supporting crowns of
laurel. In Jhe centre of these crowns, escutcheons inscribed with the civil
glories of the empire ; on the entablature of the balustrades, a representa
tion of the imperial crown, supported by the sceptre and eagle crossed.
The large upper windows of the dome closed by purple curtains, adorned
in the centre with a golden eagle; above these windows a broad purple
girdle, painted with the imperial arms, and embroidered with golden bees
and ciphers ; below, a range of wax torches, supported by a cornice of gilt
sculpture. Round this cornice, twenty-four tri-color banners, bearing the names of
the Emperor's most splendid victories.
Below this, round the great arches of the dome, garlands of laurel.
Above the entablature »f the first order, a second range of wax torches,
encircling the whole dome. From this entablature down to the ground,
draperies of purple cloth and velvet, glittering with golden arabesques, bees,
eagles, and ciphers.
Lastly, three large banners bearing the arms of the King of France,
floating above this brilliant decoration. -
At the entrance of the dome, galleries • destined for the officers of the
army and navy, and of the national guards, the council of the department
of the Seine, and various other constituent bodies.
. Beneath the centre of the dome, and on the spot where the tomb of
Napoleon was ulteriorly to be erected, a magnificent cenotaph, sixteen
metres in height, and composed of two basements adorned with bas-reliefs ;
the first basement decorated at each corner with a statue 3 metres 50 cen
timetres in height, representing a Victory, with one hand supporting palm
branches, with the other resting on a shield ; each statue leaning against a
trophy surmounted by an eagle ; the trophy composed of a fasces of asjtfis
belonging to all the conquered nations ; the second basement supportingtfour
columns of the Corinthian order.on which rested the upper part of the ceno
taph, formed by a brilliant dome-shaped cupola, decorated on the inside with
white satin, entirely gilt, and surrounded on the outside by groups of stand
ards; and immediately below this cupola, an exact representation of the
coffin which contains the remains of Napoleon. (Tbe lower part of the
cenotaph had been arranged for receiving the real coffin, afterthe presentation.)
Lastly, an immense golden eagle, measuring 3 metres 30 centimetres
between the wings, hovering. above the cenotaph,
To the right and left, above the tombs of Turenne and Vauban, galleries
hung with black velvet, destined for the Chambers of "Peers and Deputies,
the Council of State, the Court of Cassation, the Royal Court, &c.
Behind the cenotaph, various galleries for the ladies invited.
Close to the grand entrance, an altar for the celebration of the service ;
the drapery of the altar composed of black velvet covered with applique
gold lace.
To the right of the altar, the King's gallery, hung with purple velvet,
embroidered with palm-leaves in gold, and covered with a canopy of scarlet
velvet surmounting the royal throne.
And lastly, a purple carpet, embroidered with silver bees, and covering
the whole extent of the nave and of the church, and even the spot where

356 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.'
the altar had stood, this altar having been., removed, in order that it might
not interrupt the coup d'osil, and to give a view, even from the nave, of
the effect of the dome and of the whole ceremony.
Tuesday, December 15th, will take its place among the national festivals
of France, and will remain as one of the most memorable in#its history.
On the night of the" 14th, the great city went to rest in a state of unusual
agitation and feverish excitemerit. In the morning, as early as five o'clock,
while it was still perfectly dark, and intensely cold, the beating of the
drums and ; the cannon of the Invalides, aroused its inhabitants, and they
seemed joyously to arise like one man. In a few moments lights appeared
in every window, and noise, movement and life filled the Streets. Had
the shops at this moment taken down their shutters, and the counters dis
played their rich wares, one might have imagined it to be just. night-fall,
when the Exchange closes and the theatres open.
An hour after the beating of the reveille, a crowd of idle persons rushed
into the streets, the national guard formed, the regiments quitted itheir bar
racks, and tire whole mass directed its course towards the west of Paris;
so that in a few minutes certain parts of the town offered the silent aspect
of a desert, while others, invaded by. the popular flood, seemed too small
to contain this mass of living creatures. More than seven hundred thpu»
sand souls, braving the northern blast, which becarne still more bitter as
dawn approached* pressed to the Champs Elysees, the Invalides, and the
road froiri Neuilly to Courbevoie.
When the rising sun began fo shed its purple beams in the east, all Paris
was awake.
At break of day, detachments of troops of the line, and the national
guard of Courbevoie, stationed themselves in front of the bridge of Neuilly,
and at the sides of the landing-placei, and two pieces of artillery brought
from Vincennas were placed on the bank of the river.
The bridge was exclusively Occupied by the armed force; the crowd
was ranged behind the military lines, and all the windows were literally
filled with human heads; groups of spectators seemed hanging to the
trees, to the posts, to tlie cornices of the houses : the roofs were completely
Jiidden by crowds of eager lookers-on.
An innumerable multitude, pouring forth from Paris to Courbevoie, was
repulsed on reaching the bridge ; it then spread itself along the opposite
bank, and invaded L'Isle Royale by the assistance of the numerous boats
which row on the river.
All anxiously awaited the imposing scene, one which could never be
repeated, the disembarkation of the mortal remains of the Emperor on the
soil of France. ' '
At nine o'clock, tlie imperial car arrived.
This car was composed of five very distinct parts: 1. The basement;
2. The pedestal; 3. The Caryatides-; 4. The shield; 5. The cenotaph. ,
The basement, resting on four massive gilt wheels, was of an oblong
shape, with a semicircular platform in the front; on this platform was a
group of cherubs, supporting the crown of Charlemagne; at the four cor
ners of the. basement four other cherubs in bas-relief, with one hand sup
porting garlands— with, the other, holding trumpets to their mouths.
Above were fasces; in the centre, eagles and the cipher ftf the, Emperor
encircled by crowns. This basement and. all these ornaments were in
frosted gold. The pedestal was hung with purple, embroidered in gold

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEPN. 357
with the cipher and arms of the EmperoT, and decorated at each corner
with fasces; long purple draperies, relieved by embroidered bees, fell from
the top of this pedestal to the ground. A long garland extended on each
side from corner to corner. It was surmounted by an ornamented cornice
and four eagles.
On this pedestal stood fourteen gilt "figures, larger than life. These
statues represented Victories, triumphantly bringing back the cenotaph,
which was supported on a large shield; six stood at each side, and one at
each end.
The shield, entirely of gold, was in form a long oval, and bore fasces of
javelins. The cenotaph was a faithful imitation of Napoleon's coffin; it was veiled
by a large piece of purple crape, embroidered with golden bees. At the
hack of the car was a trophy of standards, palm branches and laurels, on
which were inscribed the names of Napoleon's most splendid victories.
On the cenotaph were laid the imperial crown, the sceptre and the sword
of justice, in gold, adorned with precious stones.
The car was drawn by sixteen black horses, arranged four abreast. These
horses were adorned with white plumes, with manes of waving white fea
thers, and entirely covered by caparisons in cloth of gold. Each housing
had the imperial arms embroidered- on it, and was bordered with eagles,
ciphers, and laurel-branches. Sixteen piqueurs, wearing the imperial
livery, led the horses ; two mounted piqueurs preceded them.
Total height of the car, ten metres ; breadth, four metres, eighty centi
metres ; length, ten metres ; weight, 13,000 killograms.
Immediately after its arrival, the imperial car was stationed beneath the
triumphal arch erected on the landing-place, and Prince de Joinville gave
orders for the disembarkation.
At half-past nine, the " Dorade," No. 3, moored beside the quay, with
its right side touching the landing-place ; the cannon sent forth its salutes,
and the sailors of the "Bellepoule," raising the, body pf the Emperor,
solemnly carried it to the imperial car, and placed if in the interior, where
a place had been reserved for the real coffin, its apparent place on the shield
being occupied by tlie cenotaph above described. ,
A unanimous cry of " Vive l'Empereur !" was heard on all sides, and
many of the spectators of this great national reparation for the moment felt
themselves thirty years younger.
The sun at that moment shone as on the most beautiful day in May ;
and its rays, gilding the temple, the car, the horses, the troops and the
multitude of citizens, on the left bank of the river, offered to the spectators
on the island an enchanting picture of poetry and majesty, on which the
waning moon, by a singular accident, sought also to throw her last pale
rays. In the mean time, the national guard of Paris and of its precincts, and
several bodies of troops, arrived in close columns on the avenue of Neuilly
and the Champs Elysees. At ten o'clock, the troops stationed themselves
on the ground assigned to them by the order of the day.
¦ The national guard lined both sides of the avenue of Neuilly, from the
bridge to the barrier of the "Etoile ;" it then extended along the right side
of the road, as far as the Esplanade des Invalides, where it again formed
a double line up to the great gate. The line formed by the regular troops
extended from the barrier of the " Etoile" to the Quay d'Orsay, at the
corner of the Rue d' Austerlitz, thus lining the left side of the road, while

358 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
the national guard occupied the right. The regiments were drawn up
according to the numbers of their brigades ; two batteries of artillery were
stationed af Neuilly.
, Two other batteries were placed beside the triumphal arch at ¦'the
"Etoile," on the left side, separating the natiohal guard and the troops of
the line.
At half-past ten, the cannon at Neuilly announced the departure of the
car ; a little before, the sky had become overcast, the, snow fell in flakes
and covered the road ; but at the moment in which the funeral procession
set out, the, sun penetrated the clouds, and shone with the, greatest bril
liancy. The procession now slowly advanced along the Neuilly road ; and
although the concourse drawn together to witness this- pious solemnity was
incalculable, the religious, silence was only broken by the spontaneous cry,
"Vive 1'Empereur!" .
At half-past eleven, the car arrived beneath the triumphal arch, and the
transports of the multitude burst forth afresh ; a salvo of twenty-one guns
announced its arrival, and, after a short -halt, it at length entered Paris,
through the barrier of the "Etoile," the gates of which had been removed.
The procession advanced in the following order : ,
The gendarmerie of the department of the Seine, headed by their colonel,
and preceded by trumpeter*. .
The mounted municipal guard, (two squadrons,) headed by the colonel,
and accompanied by standards and trumpeters.
A squadron of the 7th Lancers.
Lieutenant-General Darriule, commandant of Paris, and his staff, followed
bysthe officers on furlough. ,,
A battalion of the 66th regiment of the line, preceded by a standard,
sappers, drums and-trumpets, and headed by the colonel.
- The infantry of the municipal guard, headed by the lieutenant-colonel.
The Sapper-firemen, with a standard and drums, headed by the lieute
nant-colonel. Two squadrons of the 7th Lancers, headed by the lieutenant-colonel.
Two squadrons of the 5th Cuirassiers, with standards and band, headed
by the colonel.
Lieutenant-General, Pajol, commandant of the military division, accom
panied by his staff.
200 officers ,of various ranks, employed at Paris, .in the Ministry or War
Office. The Military School of St. Cyr, carrying their muskets under their left
arms, headed by their staff.
The Polytechnic School, headed by its .staff.
A battalion of the 10th Light Infantry, with sappers, drums and trum
pet^, headed by their colonel. (The sight of the standard of this regiment,
blackened by smoke, and almost-in rags, caused lively emotion.)
Two batteries of the 3d and 4th artillery regiments. ,
A detachment of the 1st battalion of Chasseurs-a-pied. , -
The seven garrison companies cantoned in the department of the Seine,
forming a battalion under the command of a captain.
The four companies of veteran sub-officers. These brave men marched
with a front of at least five-and-twenty : the first rank all wore orders.
Two squadrons of the fifth Cuirassiers, headed by the lieutenant-colonel.
Two squadrons of the mounted national guard, with standard and band.

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEPN. 359
Marshal Gerard, commander-in-chief of the National Guards, accompa
nied by Lieutenant-General Jacqueminot, and foUowed by the whole staff
of toe national guard.
The second legion of the national guards of the precincts, with drums
and trumpets, headed by the colonel.
The first legion of the national guards of Paris.
Two squadrons of the mounted national guards.
A blaclfcarriage, relieved with silver embroidery, containing M. l'Abbe-
Cpquereau, almoner to the St. Helena expedition.
Some generals and about fifty officers belonging to the squadron of re
serve or retreat, all mounted.
Some superior officers of the royal navy.
The funeral band of music.
The Emperor's war-horse, with the saddle and trappings used by Na
poleon when First Consul.
This saddle, which is kept in. the wardrobe of the crown, is of.purple
velvet broidered with gold; the housing, and holsters are embroidered
with the same richness ; the housing is bordered with the emblems of com
merce, arts, sciences, and war, worked in colored silk. The bit and" stir
rups are of silver gilt, and chased ; the eyes of the stirrups are surmounted
by two eagles, added under the empire. The horse was covered by a veil
of purple crape, embroidered with bee's, and led by' a servant in the livery
of the Emperor.
A company of twenty-four officers wearing orders, selected from the
mounted national guard, the corps of cavalry and artillery of the line, and
the municipal guard, commanded by a captain belonging to the general staff
of the infantry of the national guard. Eighty-seven mounted sub-officers,
carrying standards on which were inscribed the names of the 86 depart
ments and of Algeria; each standard surmounted by ah eagle with spread
wings ; this detachment was under the orders of a commander of a squad
ron. His Royal Highness Prince Joinville, on horseback, wearing the uniform
of a captain of the navy.
His sun-burnt complexion and military appearance attracted all, eyes.
He was saluted by numerous Vivats, with which were mingled cries of
"Vive la marine !" " Vivent les marins de la ' Bellepoule !' "
The prince's staff.
The four, hundred sailors belonging to the frigate " Bellepoule," in regu
lar sailor's dress — blue trowsers arid waistcoats, and a small round leather
hat, carrying their sabres in their hands. This detachment surrounded
the funeral car, marching in two files.
The imperial car.
On the right and left of the car, the Duke of Reggio, Marshal Molitor,
Admiral Roussin, and General Bertrand, holding the four corners of the
imperial pall.
The former aides-de-camp and civil and military officers of the empe"-
rrir's household.
The prefects of the Seine and of the police, the members of the general
council, and the mayors and joint commissioners of Paris and of the rural
communes, to the number of about a hundred.
A deputation of veterans of , all ranks, who had formerly belonged to
the jmperial armies, in the uniforms of grenadiers and chasseurs of the

360 HISTORY OE THE CAPTIVITY OF. NAPOLEON.
Old Guard, Empress's o\ragoonSj, hussards dela mort, chambonans, velites,
gUides^red lancers, &c.'.&c. ^ ,
The legions of the national guard of Paris and the precincts, which,
after having formed the line, successively wheeled intothe procession- after
it had defiled.
The procession was closed by—
A squadron of the 1st dragoons, headed by .the lieutenant-colonel.
Lieutenant-General Schneider, commander of the dlvision^iri the envi
rons of Paris, accompaniedbyhis staff. *' V
Camp-marshal Hecquet,, commanding, the 4th infantry brigade in the
environs of Paris. ,
A battalion of the 35th regiment of the line, with'standard,. sappers and
music, headed by the colonel.
, The two battalions of artillery which had been stationed at Neuilly.
A battalion of the 35th regiment of the line, headed, by the lieutenant-
colonel. Camp-marshal Lawoestine, commanding the cavalry brigade.
And lastly, two squadrons of dragoons, with standard, and mugjc, headed
hy the colonel.
The procession advanced majestically into, Paris, along the Champs
Elysees, where more than four hundred thousand spectators crowded, to
greet it ; the numerous platforms erected along the whole way were co
vered with well-dressed ladies ; the houses and windows filled to over?
flowing ; -from the " Etoile" to the obelisk, not a spot was unoccupied.
Everywhere in its passage the same cries of enthusiasm, the same homage
tp the mempry of tlie Empei^t made the air ring; on the Place, dela
Concorde they were redoubledT ' At half-past one, the procession reached
the Esplanade des Invalides ; at the same moment the steam vessels com
posing the flotilla which had conveyed the remains of the Emperor from
Rouen to Courbevpie, reached the Pont des Invalides, towing after them
the funereal boat, and there anchored. The cannon announced the arrival
pf the car at the gate of the Invalides, and the coffin was soon borne from
sight by the robust arms of the' sailors ; but not till the eager „eyes benj
upon it had caught a gliinpse, from beneath, the imperial pall, of the ebony
which enclosed the body of the great man. Tears fell from the eyes of
some old warriors, while the young pupils. of the military schools waved
their hats and made the air ring with their "vivats," and the crowd gave
back their acclamations.
As early as seven o'clock in the morning, the vast amphitheatres con*
structed on both sides of the esplanade had begun to be covered with spec
tators, who were not intimidated by the certainty of having to wait there
for eight hours at least, in a temperature of ten degrees of cold (Reaumur).
A long file of persons, dressed in mourning, formed along the fosse to
the right of the gate, and extended to the Rue de Bpurgpgne ; and numbers
of invitecf persons, eager to behold such a spectacle, pressed to other places.
At eleven o'clock the gates of the Invalides were opened ; all efforts to
restrain the crowd were vain, and1 the galleries, especially in the interior
of the church, were soon invaded.
Towards half-past eleven, the chamber of deputies arrived, with their
president at their head ; it had been preceded by the different members of
the judicial order. The chamber of peers did not arrive till later.
Although protected by the armed force, the great bodies of the state had
considerable difficulty in penetrating to the church, so compact and dense

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON, 361
was the crowd without. A way being once made, they were soon fo],
towed by the civil and military deputations, and, the functionaries' of all
ranks, who took their places in the following order:—
At the bottom of the dome behind the cenotaph and, in front of the altar,
.the archbishop and, clergy ; in front of the royal gallery, and a little below
it, the ministers; on the other side, the marshals and admirals of France.
In front of. the ministers, the governor of .the Invalides, the venerable
Marshal Mpncey, who had had himself rolled in a chair to the. foot of the
altar, to render solemn homage to the memory of his glorious Erriperor.
To the right of the cenotaph, the peers; a little above, them, the council, of
state. To the left of the;cehotaph, the deputies.
At the entrance to the dome, the court of cassation, the court, of ex
chequer, the royal council of public instruction, the institute, the' college
of France, the ^eans of the faculties, the royal court, the general officers
of the army and navy, &c. &c. ,'
In the nave, the officers of the imperial army,, the staff of the Invalides,
the polytechnic school, &c, V
About two o'clock, the cannon announced that the procession had
reached the gate of honor.
The Archbishop of Paris, followed by all his clergy, immediately de
scended in procession to receive the body under the porch.
A moment qf religious silence followed ihe departure of the clergy ; in
afew minutes they were seen to return in the same order, followed by
the imperial cortege.
Hi&jPjpy.al Highness Prince Joinville walked first, in the uniform of a
captarnVof the- navy, and holding his sabre in his. hand ; he was followed
by his staff and a detachment of his crew, also holding their sabres in their
hands. " Behind them came the members of the St. Helena mission; then the
imperial coffin, borne by twenty-four sub-officers, of the National Guard,
and the same number of sub-officers of the arrhy.
|The four cornersof the pall were held, as in thei processipn^hy Marshal
Molitor, the Duke of Reggio, General Bertrand, and Admiral Roussin.
After the coffin came thf, 'superior officers of the army, the prefects of
the Seine, and of the police, the general, council of the town of Paris, the
mayors, and the veteran generals of the empire ; four hundred sailors of
the "Bellepoule" closed the procession.
On the appearance of the cortege, the king descended from his throne,
and advanced to the entrance of the dome to meet it. Here Prince Join
ville said to him : " <$tre, I present to- you the body of Napoleon, which,
in accordance with your commands, I have brought back to France."—
"J receive it in the name of France," replied the king, raising his voice.
General Athalin bore on a cushion the sword of the Emperor ; he now
gave it to Marshal Soult, who presented it to the king. His majesty then
turned to Gerieral Bertrand, and said,." General, I commission you to place
the glorious sword of the Emperor oft his coffin." The king then returned
to his throne, and the coffin was placed in the interior of the cenotaph in
a jlace prepared for it in the lower part of the pedestal and facing the
nave. Tbe general officers who had carried the imperial pall seated them-.
selves at the corners of the cenotaph ; the mission pf St. Helena toek their
"jilaces in front. i
*¦ The funeral mass now commenced ; the orchestra^ placed in front of
the organs, was directed by M. Haheneek, and composed of more than

362 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPPLEON.
three .hundred musicians. The solos were . sung by Duprez, Rubini,
Lablache, Tarnbiirini, Levasseur, Chohetj and Mesdames Grisi, Stoltz,.
Persiani, Damoreau, Garcia, Dorus, &c.
The grand Riquiem of Mozart especially produced an effect difficult to
describe ; the sanctity of the spot alone prevented the expressions of trans-,
port from bursting forth. - *
At half-past tilree, the clergy approached the coffin and sprinkled it with
holy water. *<
The archbishop having then presented the brush to the king', his majesty
fulfilled this last duty and retired. ,;'
The ceremony being now concluded, the multitude dispersed in pious
silence. ¦ :
One of the finest moments of this solemnity, as regarded the effect of
the decorations, was that wherithe green and red flames sprang up in the
funeral tripods, extending from the organ to the cenotaph. The.light which
they threw round the whole church gave it a truly funereal aspect.
For eight days, from the 16th to the 24th of December, the church,
illuminated exactly as it had been on the day of the ceremony, remained
open to: the public.
The concourse of visitors was so great that we do not think it was ever
equalled, in any time or place ; more than two hundred thousand persons
daily crowded, to the Invalides $ the ranks extended on one side to the
.Champ-de-Mars, and on the-other to the square Of the Chamber of Depu
ties. The greater part of this multitude, after having passed the day ex
posed to the severest cold, to snow, and tblhe north wind, returned. home
without having been able to procure an entrance, but all were ready to try
their .•fortune again ,the next day. Aud not Only were the' inhabitants of
the capital attracted by this imposing spectacle, but even those of the most
distant towns. On the eighth day, when the government ordered the
church to be closed, the press of people, farTrom being diminished, seemed
to be increasing. Had the lying-in-state been prolonged, crowds would
.have hastened from all parts of the world to render this brilliant homage
to the remains of the great Emperor.

This imposing funeral ceremony surpassed anything which has ever
been exhibited in similar circumstances ; it was worthy of the solemnity
demanded by the great name of the Emperor.
It was ordered by the Minister of the Interior, and directed by M. Cave,
director of the fine arts. M. Charles Baudouin was especially charged hy
government with all fhe arrangements relative to the Coffin. The execu
tion of the imperial car, of the ornamertts of the imperiarfunereal-boat, and
of all the draperies, embroideries and. decorations of the Invalides,, was
confided to the administration of funejal pomps.
Lastly, the ensemble of the ceremony was executed after the designs of
Messrs. Blouet, Labronste, Visconti, and Felix Martin, architects.
"Chapelle Ardente."
On Saturday, February 6th, at noon, the coffin of Napoleon, which had
lain, since the ceremony of the, 15th of December, in the imperial, ceno
taph, was removed to a chapelle ardente arranged in one of the chapels—

HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON. 363
that of St. Jerome, to the right of the aftar. This removal took place in
presence of Marshal Moncey, governor of the Invalides, of General Petit,
commandant, the staff of the Hotel, the division of officers, and the thirteen
divisions of sub-officers and soldiers. The number of persons invited was
very limited:^ General Bertrand, General Gourgaud, M. de Las Cases,
Jun., M. Cave, director of the fine arts, M. Marchand, and the other mem
bers of the St. Helena mission, were all the strangers admitted to the
ceremony. Four superior officers held the four corners of the imperial pall.
The mass for the dead was celebrated by the Abbe Ancelin, cure of the
Invalides, assisted by his clergy; After the mass, the coffin, decorated as
oq, the day of its entry into Paris, with the imperial crown at the head,
and the sword and small hat at -the feat, was taken from its place in the
cenotaph,*and set on an inclined plane covered with black drapery.' Once
placed upon this plane, it glided down, with wonderful facility, to a base
ment prepared, for its reception. This operation being terminated, Mar
shal Moncey and the other guests were introduced into the chapel ; a "De
Profundis'*was then chanted by the clergy and choir, and holy water was
again sprinkled on the coffin by all those assisting at the ceremony ; after
which the gates of the chapel were closed in their presence.
The principal decorations of this chapel, where the 'coffin was to re
main until the completion of the mausoleum, were as follows : — '
The capitals and bases of the columns were gilt, the feet richly draped
in silk and gold; between the columns extended draperies of purple velvet,
deeply bordered with gold, ana embroidered with bees. In the centre of
these draperies hung trophies of antique arms, in damascened brass of
beautiful workrrianship ; ' in the centre of the shields were inscribed the
names of Marengo, Wagram, Austerlitz, and Jena.
Above the draperies ran a girdle of purple velvet, richly embroidered
with the Emperor's cipher, surrounded by laurels. Between the two
columns opposite the entrance of the chapel, was a basement, 1 metre 70
centimetres in height, entirely draped with purple velvet and adorned with1
gold embroidery and gilt mouldings. On this basement stood the Empe
ror's coffin covered with the same imperial pall which had been used after
' the exhumation at St. Helena, and during the voyage. On the coffin lay
— 1. The imperial crown. 2. The Emperor's sword, presented 'to the
King by General Bertrand. 3. The hat which Napoleon wore at Eylau,
and which he had himself given to the celebrated Gros, when he ordered
him to paint that memorable battle.
Behind, and overshadowing the coffin, waved the standards taken at
Austerlitz. In the midst of these standards appeared a golden eagle with
extended, 'wings, measuring 3 inches across, hovering majestically over the
coffin. Purple curtains, embroidered with the imperial arms, were hung
across the windows, and thus preserved a solemn obscurity in the whole
chapel. A gas chandelier, suspended from the dome, burned night and
day. It was ordered that antique candelabra should'- be lighted in the
chapel, on all the anniversaries connected with the history of Napoleon;
the 20th of March, 5th pf May, 15th of August, &c. Behind the coffin,
the wall of the chapel'*was hung with a drapery forming the back of an
altar, which was decorated with a cross, arabesques, and the imperial arms
embroidered in gold.^ * The chapel was closed by gates of iron gilt, which,
although they prevented the approach of visjjors, allowed a view to»be had
of ,the whole arrangement of the chapel. Curtains of transparent material

364 HISTORY OF THE CAPTIVITY OF NAPOLEON.
were arranged so as to cover the>--gates, amd the entrance to the chapel on
ordinary days. Four pensioners,: with naked sabres, kept guard day and
night at the gates of the chapel.
Preparatipns "were soon after commenced for completing the tomb,
which, according to the, terms of the law, was to. be ereeted in the midst of
the church of the Invalides. * . f
After such, a variety of fortune, the Emperor at length reposes iji'MI
last and unenajfgeaBfe resting-place. The immense drama of his marvel
ous destiny has closed with the gates of his tomb ; but, this glorious tomb
itself will remain as an abiding lesson to the whole family of man ; it will
always remain to jecal to the world the vanity of all earthly greatness and
splendor. There sleeps the Ernperor, together with the passions ^nd
animosities of which he was the object or..the originator.
* '* *v v
REQUIESCAT IN PACE.

THE END;'*

i