>Y^ILE«¥ffl¥EI&SflirY- • iLniaiRABW • Purchased from Henry R. Wagner, Yale '84 1916 jl>. 1 TilUpa*?" THE HISTORY OF AWCIEXT MEXICO; FBOII THE KHTHDATIOIt OF THAT EKPtBE TO ITS TJE9TBWI0N BY THE SPANIARDS. IN TWO VOLUMES. BY THOMAS F. GOBSOJV. 'Tis strange, bat true; for Truth is always strange, Stranger than fiction. Byron. Don Juan, Canto xv. VOLUME n. PHILADELPHIA: Printed for and Published by the Author". And for Sale by the principal JBookseUers in the if. States. "1832."' Entered according to the Act of Congress in the year 1832, by Thomas F. Gobboh, in the Clerk's Office of tie District Court of the Eastern District of Pennsylyania. lit h$3Z % T. T0"W1TSS9 STEBEOTTPE, PHILADELPHIA. '} CONTENTS— VOL. II. CHAPTER I. Sect. I. Of the languages of America— General and im proved character 1 H. Diversity of languages in Anahuac 5 Of the Mexican language t 6 HI. Mexican eloquence and poetry 8 IV. Mexican picture writing — General character. . . 11 V. Mexican forms of manuscript 12 VI. Contents of the manuscripts destroyed by the Missionaries 13 VH. Collections of original manuscripts—Character, Quippus 14 VU7. Manuscript of theEscurial, of Bologna, Veletri, Rome, and Berlin 15 DC. Collection of Mendoza 19 X. Collection of Boturini 21 XI. Manuscripts in Mexico 22 XII. Description of a law suit 22 Xm. Manuscript of Dresden 24 XIV. Copies of Mexican paintings in the royal library at Paris 21 CHAPTER II. I. Comparison between the Indian races of the isl ands, and the Mexicans 29 H. Velasques proposes the conquest of Mexico — His difficulty in the choice of a commander. . 30 HI. Biographical notice of Hernandez Cortes 31 IV. Cortes assumes the honors of his office of Gen eral — Liberally urges forward the expedition. ¦ — Efforts of his competitors to injure him with Velasques — Departs from St. Jago de Cuba. . 33 V. Chief officers who accompanied Cortes 34 VI. Notice of Alvarado— Olid — Sandoval 35 Vn. Velasques repents the appointment of Cortes and commands Verdugo to divest him of his ¦ command 36 VQI. Cortes proceeds from Trinidad to Havanna — His vessel runs aground — Alarm and discord among the troops occasioned by his absence- Second attempt of Velasques to remove Cor tes from the command 36 IX. Cortes resolves to put to sea, against the orders of the Governor 37 1* VI CONTENTS. X. His departure from Havanna— Forces of the ex pedition 38 XI. Alvarado arrives at Cozumel before the fleet — His imprudent conduct there — Is censured by Cortes 39 XII. Wise policy of Cortes — Treaty with the inhabi tants of Cozumel — Hears of Aquilar a Span iard long among the Indians — Casts down the idols of the natives and erects the cross 40 XIII. Departure of the expedition from Cozumel — Re turns on account of one of the vessels spring ing aleak — Receives Aquilar 42 XTV. Fleet arrives at Tobasco — Hostility of the na tives — They are conquered and submit to the Spanish crown 43 XV. Cortes leaves Tobasco and arrives at Ulua — Dif ficulty in communicating with the inhabitants —Is removed by a female slave 47 XVI. Notice of Donna Marina 48 XVH. Message from the Governors of the province — Cortes lands and establishes hiscamp 49 XVHI. Receives a visit from the Governors — Demands to be iutroduced to the king; — Present from Montezuma 50 XIX. Mexican painters describe the Spaniard's and their equipage 51 XX. Disquietude of Montezuma — Causes thereof. ... 52 XXI. Embassy from Montezuma to Cortes — Rich pre sent — Montezuma declines his visit 53 XXII. Cortes persists in his intention to visit Mexico . 55 XXIII. He seeks a more, advantageous site for his colo ny. 55 XXIV. Irresolution of Montezuma — Peremptorily pro hibits the approach of Cortes— His present for the king of Spain 55 XXV. Diversity of opinion in Cortes' councils 57 XXVI. Remonstrance of Ordaz — Cortes consents to re turn to Cuba — Discontent and remonstrance of the army 58 XXVn. Cortes encourages the establishment of a civil colony — Resigns his office to the civil chiefs — Is elected by the council Commander-in-chief and Chief Justice 60 XXVnX Cortes arrests the leaders of Velasques' faction — Conciliates them 61 XXIX. The Spaniards are visited by the Chempoallese and invited to their city 62 XXX. The army sets out for Chiahuitzla by the way ofChempoalla 6.3 XXXI. Foundation of Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz. ... 64 CONTENTS. Vll XXXII. Cortes excites the Chempoallese to revolt — They imprison the collectors of the royal tri butes—Duplicity of Cortes ,. . . 64 XXXIII. Seven Spaniards desire to return to Cuba— Mis representation of the chief of Chempoalla. . . 66 XXXIV. Indignation of Montezuma appeased by the re port of his liberated officers — New Embassy — ¦ Cortes openly sustains the revolt of the To- tonacas 67 XXXV. Cortes destroys the idols of Chempoalla 68 XXXVI. Cortes receives a reinforcement from Cuba— The council and himself address the king... 70 XXX VH. Conspiracy among the soldiers to return to Spain — Discovery and punishment of the conspira tors 72 XXXVin. Cortes proposes and obtains the destruction of his ships 73 XXXIX. A vessel sent by Francis de Garay, Governor of Jamaica, arrives on the coast 74 CHAPTER HI. I. Cortes departs from Chempoalla 77 U. Passes through Xocotla — Interview with Olintetl its Governor 78 HI. Sends embassadors to Tlascala, visits Ixtacmao titlan , 80 IV. Reception of the embassadors 81 V. Debate of the Tlascalan Senate 82 VI. Perfidious resolution of the Senate — -Combats with the Tlascalan forces 83 VII. Treaty of peace with Tlascala 89 Vllt. Reception of the Spaniards in Tlascala 91 IX. Transactions at Tlascala 92 X. The army prepares to proceed to Cholula 94 XI. New embassy from Montezuma 96 XII. Arrival of the Spaniards at Cholula — Perfidy and slaughter of the inhabitants 96 XIII. Hypocrisy of Montezuma 102 XIV. The Mexican troops combat with Escalante — His Death 102 XV. Cortes resumes his march for Mexico— Avoids an ambuscade in the mountains 103 XVI. The Spaniards obtain their first view of the Vale of Mexico 104 XVII. Consternation of Montezuma 104 XVI11. Cortes visits the towns of Amaquemecan, Tlal- manalco, etc 106 XIX. Receives the king of Tezcuco at Ajotzinco. . . . 106 XX. Description of Cuitlahuac 107 XXI. Cortes visits Tezcuco 107 Vill CONTENTS. XXII. Description of Iztapalapan 108 XXIII. Continuance of the march to Mexico over the lake 109 XXIV. Interview between Cortes and Montezuma. . . . 110 XXV. Cortes enters Mexico — 'Description of his quar ters Ill CHAPTER IV. I. Description of the city of Mexico 113 H. Montezuma's second visit to Cortes — His muni ficence — His speech 115 IU. Reply of Cortes. - 117 [IV. Cortes visits the king; — Attempts to convert him to the christian faith 118 V. Visits the city and its fortifications 119 VI. Apprehensions of Cortes — He resolves to seize the king 120 VII. Trial and execution of Quauhpopoco and his of ficers for resi sting Escalante 125 VIII. Motives of Cortes' severity 126 IX. Insurrection planned by Cacamatzin — His arrest — Cortes builds vessels on the lake 128 X. He requires formal submission of the Mexican monarch and nobles to the Spanish crown. . . . 129 XI. Demands tribute — Division of the treasure ac quired 129 XII. New attempt of the Spaniards to introduce the christian faith 131 XIII. The Mexicans combine to expel the Spaniards — The king requires their departure 132 XIV. Cortes is informed of the arrival of a fleet on the coast — And that it was sent by Velasques. 133 XV. Arrival of the expedition under Narvaez — His Agents are made prisoners and sent to Cortes. 135 XVI. Extraordinary difficulties and resources of Cor tes 137 XVII. Narvaez marches to Chempoalla 139 XVIIl. Cortes resolves to attack him — Leaves Alvarado in command at Mexico 139 XIX. Battleof Chempoalla and victory over Narvaez. 141 CHAPTER V. I. Cortes proposes a further exploration of the country — Is recalled to Mexico by the impru dence of Alvarado 145 H. Return of Cortes to Mexico— Change in the de portment of the Mexicans — His haughty con duct to Montezuma ny III. The Spaniards suffer from the privation of food 149 CONTENTS. ix IV. Hostile attacks of the Mexicans 148 V. Death of Montezuma — His qualities 148 VI. Further combats 151 VQ. The JVocAe Triste, or night retreat of Cortes from Mexico 153 VHI. Battleof Otompan 156 IX. Friendly reception of the Spaniards in Tlascala. 159 X. Other Spanish losses— Policy of Cortes 159 XI. Discontent of the soldiers of Narvaez 160 XII. Excursion against the Tepejacans 161 XIII. Excursions against Quauhquechollan, Iztoccan and Tochtepec 161 XI V. Cortes receives supplies from Cuba and Jamai ca — His strength 163 XV. Cuitlahuatzin raised to the throne of Mexico— His measures for defence 164 XVI. Death of the new emperor and election of Quauh- timotzin 166 XVH. Cortes advances to Tezcuco — Seats Ixlilcochitl on the throne of that kingdom 166 XVHI. Cortes subdues the cities and states around the lakes 168 XIX. Transportation of the brigantines 169 XX. Cortes makes further progress around the lake. 170 XXI. He receives reinforcements from Hispanidla— Launch of the brigantines upon the lake. . . . 172 XXIT. Conspiracy against Cortes 173 fr xTtT. Cortes surveys his forces — March for Mexico- Execution of Xicotencatl 174 XXIV. Destruction of the acqueducts of Chalpotepec —Trial of the brigantines 175 XXV. Commencement of the siege of Mexico 176 XX VL Cortes changes his mode of attack 182 XXVII. The Spaniards make a permanent lodgement within the city — Quauhtimotzin taken prisoner. 1 83 XXVIH. Surrender of the city , 185 CHAPTER VI. I. Disappointment of the Spaniards in relation to the treasure found in Mexico. .. .1 188 H. Torture of Quauhtimotzin and the king of Tla- copan 188 HI. General submission of the provinces. 189 IV. Christopher de Tapia appointed to supercede Cortes — Is induced to return to St. Domingo. 190 V. The proceedings of Cortes are confirmed by the Geronymite Friars — He sends new deputies to Spain — Is appointed Captain General and Governor of Mexico ,.i. ...... 191 VI. His measures to consolidate his conquest 193 CONTENTS. VH. Subjection of the kingdom of Mechoacan 194 VHI. Cortes proposes to make discoveries in the Southern Ocean 196 IX. Conquests of Sandoval 197 X. Of Guatemala by Alvarado 198 XI. Enterprise of De Garay — Conquest of Panuco by Cortes 198 XH. Barbarous execution perpetrated by Sandoval at Panuco 202 XIH. Expedition of De Olid to Honduras 203 XIV. Of Gil Gonzales D'Avila 203 XV. Discovery of Nicaragua 204 XVI. Gonzales enters Honduras 206 XVII. He prepares a new expedition 207 XVHI. Enterprise of Francisco Hernandez to Cordova under the direction of Pedrarias 207 XIX. Conflict between Hernandez and Gonzales. . . . 207 XX. Hernandez is put to death by Pedrarias 208 XXI. Las Casas is sent by Cortes to punish the defec tion of De Olid— Death of De Olid 209 XXII. Resolution of Cortes to proceed to Honduras.. 210 XXIII. State of Mexico ; 211 XXIV. Preparations of Cortes for his journey 211 XXFV. Present from Cortes to the emperor 212 XXVI. His journey to Honduras 213 XXVII. He puts Quauhtimotzin and the other Indian kings to death 213 XXVHI. His proceedings at Honduras 215 XXIX. Dissensions in Mexico 215 XXX. Indecision of Cortes — His return to Mexico. . 216 CHAPTER VH. I. Malicious efforts of the enemies of Cortes. . . . 219 H. Arrival of the Licentiate Ponce de Leon to inves tigate his conduct 221 HI. Instructions given to De Leon 222 IV. Death of De Leon — Succeeded by Marcos de Aguilar 225 V. Death of Aguilar — Appointment of Estrada, Sandoval is joined with him, his ungrateful treatment of Cortes 226 VI. Violent proceedings in Spain against Cortes. . . . 227 VII. Cortes resolves to return to Spain 228 VDI. His wealth imported into that kingdom — Death •Vof Sandoval 229 IX. Reception of Cortes in Spain 230 X. The king refuses to re-appoint him Governor of Mexico 230 XI. Proceedings of the Audiencia of New Spain. . 231 CONTENTS. XI XII. Return of Cortes to Mexico— His prudent con duct 232 XIII. Proceedings of the Second Audiencia 232 XIV. Expeditions sent by Cortes into the South Sea. 233 XV. Sails himself, on a voyage of discovery 234 XVI. Dispatches an expedition under De Ulloa 235 XVII. Cortes revisits Spain— His Death 236 XIX. Subjection of the provinces of Honduras and Nicaragua 240 XX. Of Guatemala, and the proceeedmgs of Alva rado 244 XXI. Proceedings of Nuno de Gusman 248 XXII. Expedition of Montejo to Yucatan 250 XXIII. Unfortunate expedition of Narvaez 251 XXIV. Appointment of the viceroy Mendoza 252 XXV. Condition of the Mexican people, after the .¦>¦¦ ¦¦>¦¦¦¦•¦¦¦•¦¦¦•>••( *ti*«* 353 HISTORY OF MEXICO. CHAPTER I. I. Of the languages of America — General and improved character----!!. Diversity of langua ges in Anahuac — Of the Mexican languae;e---- III. Mexican eloquence and poetry ----!Y. Mexi can picture writing — General character • •••V. Mexican forms of manuscripts • • • ¦ VI. Contents of the manuscripts destroyed by the Mxssiona- ries----VH. Collections of original manuscripts — Character — Quippus ••'.•VIII. Manuscript of the JEscurial,of Bologna, Veletri, Rome, Vienna, and Berlin — IX. Collection of Mendoza- • • -X. Collection of Boturini----Xl. Manuscripts in Mexico- •••XII. Description of a law-suit- --• XIII. Manuscript at Dresden- • • -XIV. Copies of Mexican paintings in the Royal Library, at Paris. I. The language of every aboriginal nation of America appears, so far as it has been examined, to be framed upon a model essentially different, in its grammatical forms, from that, which prevails on the old continent. This difference consists, in the extraordinary compound of words, comprising many ideas, which it admits; and in the great order which prevails in its construction. From the first feature it has received the name of polysynthetic, 2 2 HISTORY OP AMERICA. OH. I. and from the second that of syntactic* These pe culiarities are discoverable, in the North, in the Karalit, or language of Greenland, and the Eski- maux, and in that of the Delaware, and the Iro quois; in Central America, in that of the Pochon- chi, the language of Guatemala; in that of the Mexican proper, the Tarascan, the Mextican, and even the Ottomic, the least civilized of the tribes of Anahuac; and in South America, in the Carrib- bean and Auracanian languages, spoken by tribes dwelling at its two extremities. This extraordi nary mode of compounding locutions, is not con fined to joining two words together, as in the Greek, or varying the inflection, or radical word, as in most European languages; but it admits the inter weaving of the most significant sounds, or syllables, of "simple words, thereby forming a compound, awakening at once, in the mind, all the ideas ex pressed by the words from which they are taken; and an analogous combination of the various parts of speech, particularly by means of the verb, so that, its various forms and inflections express -not only the principal action, but the greatest possible number of moral ideas and physical objects con nected with it, and combine, to the greatest ex tent, those conceptions which are the subject of other parts of speech, and in other languages re quire to be expressed in distinct words, t Thus a * The reader will obtain a very satisfactory idea of the Indian languages, by reading the able and lucid report of Mr. Dupon- ceau, to the Historical committee of the Philosophical Society, and the very interesting correspondence between that gentleman and the late venerable Mr. Heckewelder, of Bethlehem, pub lished in the transactions of that committee in 1819. And he may find much instruction on this subject in the Milhridates, offer Jlllegemeine Sprachenkunde of Adelung, and Vater. Ber lin, 1806. — 1817. 4 vol. Mr. Duponceau has given the names polysynthetic and syntactic, and they are most appropriately given, to the Indian languages. t Duponceau, ibid. CH. I. MEXICO. 3 word is made to express, the agent, the action with its accidents of time, place, and quality, and the object affected by them. With these admirable qualities, the American languages, so far from being " limited, and so scarce of words, that it is impos sible to express any metaphysical idea in them," as M. De Pauw has asserted, are rich in words, sono rous, plastic, and comprehensive, and possess pow er to convey all the metaphysical mysteries of the christian systems. In speaking of the American languages, Baron A. Humboldt remarks,* "that even such as have the same difference with each other, as the languages of Germanic origin, the Celtic and Sclavonian, bear a certain analogy, in the whole of their organization; for instance, in the complication of grammatical forms, in the modi fication of the verb according to the nature of its syntax, and in the number of the additive particles, the affixa and suffixa. This uniform tendency of the idioms, betrays if not a community of origin, at least, a. great analogy, in the intellectual dispo sitions of the American tribes, from_ Greenland to the Magellanic regions." "When," says Mr. Duponceau, "we cast our eyes for the first time on the original structure of the languages of the American Indians, and con sider the numerous novel forms, with which they abound, it is impossible to resist the impression that forces itself upon us, that we are among the aboriginal inhabitants of a new world. We find a new manner of compounding words from various roots, so as to strike the' mind at once with a whole mass of ideas; — a new manner of expressing the case of the substantives by inflecting the verbs which govern them; — a new number, 7the particu lar plural,) applied to the declension of nouns, and . _ * Researches, Introduction, Vol, 1, 4 HISTORY OP AMERICA. OH. I. conjugation of verbs; a new concordance in tense of the conjunction with the verb; we see not only pronouns, as in the Hebrew, and some other lan guages, but adjectives, conjunctions, and adverbs, combined with the principal part of speech, produ cing an immense variety of verbal forms. "* The number of languages in America, in a popu lation scarce exceeding thirty millions, is said to amount to several hundred. But it has already been discovered, that many, supposed to be distinct languages, are merely dialects of one, which the configuration of the soil, or the apprehensions of the mountaineers under the tropics, of exposing themselves to the burning heat of the plains, have contributed to multiply. And in the constitution of this great number, languages are regarded as different, which bear the same affinity to each other, not as the German and the Dutch, the Italian and the Spanish, but as the Danish and the German, the Chaldean and the Arabic, the Greek and the Latin. As the labyrinth of idioms is penetrated, it is apparent, that several are susceptible of being classed by families; a still greater number however remain insulated like the Biscayan, among the Europeans, and the Japanese among Asiatic lan guages. This separation, may be apparent only, and those which now have an independent rank may, on further examination, prove to be connect ed with others, t The diversity of languages in Anahuac, was very considerable. Some of these were radically diffe rent from each other, but the greater portion, we believe, were mere dialects of extensively perva ding tongues. Grammars and dictionaries are said to have been given of seventeen, but of others, no • Trans. Hist, committee, American Philosophical Society. xxxvii. t Humboldt's Researches, Introduction. CH. I. MEXICO. 5 methodical account has yet been published. The Mexican language, however, was the most preva lent; being understood and spoken every where; and was proper to the Chechemecan, Toltecan, Acolhuan, and Aztec races. \ II. This language wants the consonants, B, D, F, G,-R, and S, and abounds with L, X, T, Z, Tl, Tz: but though the letter L is very frequently used, it never occurs at the commencement of a word. No words, except some vocatives, have an acute termination; almost all have the penult syllable long; the aspirates moderate and soft, and the pro nunciation is never, necessarily, nasal. Notwith standing the curtailment of the alphabet, the lan guage is copious, polished, and expressive; and many Europeans who have mastered its idioms, have preferred it above the Greek} certainly not without reason when, its plastic genius is con sidered. Its copiousness is apparent, from the natural history of Hernandez, who for a descrip tion of twelve hundred plants, more than two hun dred species of birds, a great number of quadru peds, reptiles, insects, and minerals, found in it distinct proper names. Nor was it less rich in terms for metaphysical ideas. The highest myste ries of religion are expressed in it without the aid of foreign words. Acosta wonders that the Mexicans having an idea of a Supreme Being, Creator of heaven and earth, had not a word to express it, equivalent to the Dios of the Spaniards, Deus of the Romans, Theos of the Greeks, El of the Hebrews, and the Ala of the Arabs; for want of which, he says, the missionaries were compelled to use the Spanish word Dios. But the worthy father overlooked the word Teotl, not less similar in sense than in sound to the word Theos, which excessive delicacy of the preachers who caused the destruction of the histo- 2* 6 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. I. rical paintings, led them to reject; lest its use should revive the superstition of their converts. These pious pastors neglected in this instance the example of their great prototype St. Paul, who in his mission to the Gentiles, unhesitatingly adopted the Theos of the Greeks; causing it thenceforward to signify a Supreme, Eternal and infinitely perfect Being. Many theologians, however, who have written in Mexican, have used the word Teotl, as well as the words, Tloque,Nahuaque, Ipalnemoani, and other terms which the Mexicans applied to the invisible God. Like the Hebrew and French, the Mexican lan guage wants the superlative term; and like the Hebrew and most of the living languages of Europe, the com parative term, which are supplied by particles equi valent to those used in the modern European tongues. It abounds,more than the Tuscan,in diminutives and augmentives; and more than the English in verbal and abstract terms; for there is scarce a verb from which there are not many nouns, and scarce a substantive or adjective, from which there are not some abstracts formed. The power of the verbs, in combination with other parts of speech, as in other Indian lan guages, is uncommonly great. Thus, Chihua, is to do; Chichihua, to do with diligence, or often; Chihuilia, to do to another; Chihualtia, to cause to be done; Chihuatiuh, to go to do; Chihuaco, to come to do; Chiutiuh, to be doing, fyc* "The * The analogy which prevails in the construction of Indian languages, very variant in other particulars, and spoken by races widely distant from each other, will be very striking, by com- }>aring the following instances of the compound verbs with simi- ar verbs of the Mexicans. The Abbe Molina informs us amidst a number of compound words of the Jlraucardan language, spo ken on the extreme S. ~W. coast of South America, that, "idu- ancloclavin" means " I do not -wish to eat -with trim," and Mr. Heckewelder gives us " n'sclringi-wipoma," a compound verb of the Delaware language, expressing, " I do not like to eat -with Mm." [Trans. Hist. Com. Am. Phil. Soe] Mr. Duponceau, in CH-I. MEXICO. 7 verb among the Indians is truly the word by way of excellence."* The style of address in the Mexican language varies, according to the rank of the person, with whom, or about whom, the conversation is holden, by adding to the nouns, verbs, prepositions and ad verbs, certain particles expressive of respect. Thus, Tatli means father; Amotta, your father; Amotzin, your worthy father; Tleco is to ascend. If one commands his servant to ascend a certain plade, he says simply Xitleco; but if he ask this of some respectable person, he will say, Ximotlicahui : and if he wishes to be still more ceremonious and respectful, Maximotlicahuitzino. This variety beautifying and polishing the language, does not, however, render it difficult to be spoken; because it is subjected to fixed and easy rules, and is extremely regular and methodical. commenting on the Indian languages, says, " Nor are the parti ciples less copious. Every verb has a long series of participles, which when necessary can be declined and vised as adjectives, " And he instances the following from the causative Delaware verb Wulamalessohen, to make happy. WulamalessohaZwaierf, he who makes happy. Wulamalessoha&'r/, he -who makes me hap py. Wulamalessohalgwm, he -who makes thee happy. Wulama- lessohala£, he -who makes him happy. Wulamalessohal- quenk, he -who makes us happy. Wulamalessohalg'weefc, he ¦who makes yon happy. Wulamalessohalgro'eto'i, he -who makes them happy. " Now comes," Mr. D. continues, " anotherpar- ticipial pronominal vocative form, which may in the same man ner be conjugated through all the objective persons. Wulamales- sohalian, thou -who makest me happy," &e. " What," exclaims Mr. D., with amiable enthusiasm, " would Tibullus or Sappho, have given" Jo have had at their command, a word at once so tender, and so expressive? How delighted would be Moore, the poet of the loves and graces, if his language, instead of five or six tedious words, slowly following in the rear of each other, had furnished him with an expression like this, in which the lover, the object beloved, and the delicious sentiment which their mu tual passion inspires are blended, are fused together in one com prehensive appellative term? And it is in the languages of sa vages that these beautiful forms are found! What a subject for reflection, and how little do we know, as yet, of the astonishing things that the world contains!'" ungs «Di uponceau's correspondence with Hcckewelder. 8 HISTORY OP AMERICA- CH. I. In their compounds, the Mexicans do not, like the Greeks, employ the simple words, entire, but after the manner we have already noticed, select dis criminating syllables or letters. Thus Tlazotli sig nifies valued or loved, Mahuitztic, honoured or re vered; Tespixqui, priest; and the last is a compound of Teotl, God and the verb Pia, to hold, guard or keep; Taili is father, as we have just said. To write the five words in one, they take away eight consonants and four vowels, and say, Notlazoma- huitzteopixcatalzin, " my very worthy father, or revered priest." A word of this kind is common, and is not the longest; there are some which have fifteen or sixteen syllables. These*"Compounds are resorted to for definition or description; and are beneficially employed in naming animals, plants, and places whose names occur frequently in histo ry; indicating always, in the last case, the situa tion, or property, or action, connected with them. Many of the expressions are so strong, that their sense cannot be rendered more vivid, and this is particularly the case, on the subject of love. III. With a language so pliant and comprehen sive, the arts of poetry and eloquence would seem to be inseparably allied; and they were much che rished by the Mexicans. Persons destined to be orators, were carefully instructed in elocution, from their infancy; and taught to study and re peat the most celebrated orations of their ancestors. Their art was chiefly employed in the national councils, in congratulatory addresses to their prin ces, and in embassies to foreign or subject states. Their discourses were commonly judicious, adapt ed to the occasion, and oftimes elegant: and even when oppressed and abased by political and domes tic slavery, the propriety and force of their public harangues, excited the admiration of their oppres sors. CH. I. MEXICO. 9 But their poets, we are told, outnumbered their orators; and their compositions were remarkable for the attention given to cadence and measure. So carefully indeed, were these qualities regarded, that the Mexican, sometimes, ran into the vice of more civilized nations, sacrificing sense to sound, by the frequent introduction of words, for the sake of euphony alone. The language of their poetry was commonly brilliant and pure, figurative and agreeable; and its subject embellished, by compa risons with the most pleasing objects in nature. It was in song, too, that they chiefly used their com pound terms, of which a single one sometimes ex tended through the longest verse. The scope of poetical composition was as wide as among the most civilized nations. In the temples and the sacred dances, the priests hymned the prai ses of the gods; at their feasts they sang the victo ries of the nation, the glorious deeds of its heroes, the triumphs of love and the pleasure of the chase; and in their didactic poems, they conveyed lessons of morality and the arts. The priests, who were the chief poets, taught their compositions to their pupils, and by this means strengthened and main tained their power over the nation. , We have al ready recorded the taste and skill of the royal Ne- zahualcojotl, in the joyous science. His example excited his subjects to cultivate it, and multiplied the number of poets at his court; and we have a signal instance of the power of song, in disarming the stern and cruel justice which distinguished that prince. It is related, that a bard, condemned to die for some crime, composed an ode in prison, taking leave of the world so pathetically, that it moved the king to continue him longer in it. The Drama, the sister art of Poesy, was not un known; and Boturini has spoken in terms of high praise, probably much too nigh, of the Mexican 10 HSTORY OP AMERICA. CH. I. dramatic productions. The description of Acosta, however, has greater probability; and he paints the amusements of a semi-civilized people. In the tem ple of Quetzalcoatl, at Cholula, (and in other teo- callis,) was a small theatre, thirty feet square, cu riously whitened, adorned with green boughs and fitted up with great neatness; surrounded by arches of flowers and feathers, among which were placed birds, rabbits, and other pleasing natural objects. Around this stage the spectators collected in the after part of the day, to enjoy the mimicry of the actors; some of whom, counterfeiting the sick, the deaf, the halt, and the blind, appeared in the temple to petition the Gods to alleviate their miseries, and produced much mirth by the play of cross purposes, and the ludicrous representation of their assumed infirmities; some disguised as beetles, toads, lizards, and other animals, encountering each other, recip rocally explained their employments, and filled their characters with considerable ingenuity; boys metamorphosed into butterflies and birds of various hues, mounted upon trees, at whom the priests threw small balls of earth with their slings, occa sioning comical incidents, which gave much delight to the spectators. These spectacles were exhibited only on high festivals and always terminated in a dance, wherein the players and the audience inter mingled.* These scenes remind us of the first dra matic essays of the Greeks. Had the Mexican empire continued a century or two longer, their dra matic art might have attained admirable proficiency. The first Christian missionaries availed them selves of the love of the Mexicans for poetry and music, to inculcate the lessons of the faith. The Franciscan monk Sagahun, composed in pure and elegant Mexican, a hymn for each day of the year; * Acosta. Stor. Nat. e Mor. delle Indie, lib. v. chap. 29, CH. I. MEXICO. 11 and the Indian converts, many others in praise of the true God. IV. The most extraordinary circumstance con nected with the races inhabiting Anahuac, was the system for preserving and transmitting knowledge; the picture writing common to the Toltec, Cheche- mecan, Aztec, and other races. No satisfactory evidence has yet connected this system with any other; and it would seem to be, wholly of Ameri can origin. The first effort to convey ideas by vi sible and permanent signs, was, certainly, in rude copies of the outlines of sensible objects. Such was, and still is, the utmost skill of the unlettered sa vage of the North American wilds, in representing the triumphs of war, or the chase. The next was by conventional application of such drawings or of parts thereof, to definite objects, and in an allego rical sense; still preserving, however, some analogy between the thing and its representative. The third step was the invention of arbitrary symbols, be tween which and the object designated, there was no visible relation. The fourth, and most perfect, was the phonetic character, representing sounds, first syllabic, and afterwards univocal. The writing of the Mexicans, was composed of all these modes of representation, chiefly, however, of the first, and having very little of the last. The collections, improperly called American manuscripts, contain a great number of paintings, which may be inter preted or explained, like the sculptures on the Tra jan column, but few characters susceptible of being read. These form the chief subjects of the pic tures in the collection of Mendoza, published by Purchas, in the fragment of the Vienna collection, engraved by Dr. Robertson, and in the annexed engraving representing a law-suit tried subsequent to the conquest. The conventional application of portions of the paintings to a definite object is ex- 12 HISTORY OP AMERICA. CH. I. emplifled by the symbols of the day, night, midnight, year, century, water, earth,&c. and the perfectly ar bitrary symbol, by the numerical signs: and this last symbol seems to have been sometimes systemati cally used, and tohave formed symbolical writings not less regular than those of Egypt. Although the Mexicans were wholly deficient in signs for simple sounds, they had a species of phonetic symbol which indicated relations, not only with things, but with the words spoken. Thus the names of indi viduals, of cities and mountains, having generally some allusion to objects that strike the senses, have enabled "the Aztecs to write them, by signs which indicate at once the words composing them. The verbal translation of Axajacatl, is face of water; that of Ilhuicamina, arrow which pierces the sky; there- forego represent the kings Montezuma Ilhuicamina, and Axajacatl, the painter united the hieroglyphics of water and sky, to the figure of a head and of an arrow. The names of the cities Mahuilxochitl, Quauchtinchan, and Tehuilojacan, signify, five flowers, house of the eagle, and place of mirrors; to indicate which they painted a flower, placed on five points, a house whence issued the head of an eagle, and a mirror of obsidian.* V. The Mexican paintings which have been pre served, have a great resemblance, not with the hi- eroglyphical writings of the Egyptians, but with the rolls of Papyrus found in the swathings of the mummies, which may be considered paintings of a mixed kind, uniting symbolical and isolated charac ters with the representation of an action. The Egyptians used more freely, the simple hierogly phic. But notwithstanding the imperfection of the American signs, the paintings were good substi tutes for books, manuscripts, and alphabetical cha- • Clav. b. 7. Humboldt's Researches, vol. 1. pi. xiii. l/tmc-?,// ( /hnacftu /) '.sA/.m/Wuu/ fA/t/icj. J>. /2. a P P IP I:v 1 #:v HB41' 7i',> BKa^« too »S6oo The. Yeur iffl. m FIFM ••••»•• i?tf7/ ^W//1 Mulivtiftt The/Heavens ^fzr .. » Water CH. I. MEXICO. 13 ractcrs. The facility with which the artists made the paper of maguey, contributed to render the practice of painting very common among them. Their figures were not traced on separate leaves, nor were the substances on which they were paint ed formed into rolls, but were folded in a zig-zag form, somewhat after the mode now used for put ting up maps. Two tablets of light wood were pasted at the ends, one at the top and the other at the bottom, which gave the volume a strong re semblance to our bound books. But on opening the Mexican manuscripts, as we do our books, we see only half the characters at the same time, being those painted on the same side of the skin or paper. To examine all the pages, if that name may be given to the folds of a band, often forty feet long, we must extend the whole sheet from the left to the right, and then from the right to the left. In this respect the Mexican paintings are similar to ~ the Siamese manuscripts, preserved in the public library at Paris.* In a Mexican book, the painter or writer might commence at either angle of the great sheet; but if, at the upper angle on the right, he proceeded towards the left; if at the upper angle on the left, which was most common, he continued straight downward; if at the left lower angle, he progressed towards the right; if at the right lower angle, he proceeded up wards; so that, on the upper part of the sheet, he never painted from left to right, nor on the lower part from right to left; and never mounted from the left, nor descended by the right. With this understanding, all difficulty in pursuing the sub ject, by the reader, is obviated.t VI. The volumes which the first missionaries of Spain collected, but to destroy, consisted of histo rical annals, rituals indicating the periods of reli- • Humboldt's Researches, ib. t Clavigoro, vol. 1. 3 14 HISTORY OP AMERICA. OH. I. gious sacrifices, cosmogohical and astrological re presentations, documents relative to law-suits, and the divisions of lands, lists of tribute payable to the crown, genealogical tables, by which the de scent of property was determined, calendars show ing the intercalations of the civil and religious year, and the representations of the pains and pen alties which the law inflicted on crimes. VII. M. de Humboldt says, that his travels in Europe and America gave him an opportunity of inspecting a greater number of Mexican paintings than any other author, who since Boturini has writ ten upon the monuments of ancient civilization in the NewWorld,and that, the resemblance between those which he saw, at Veletri, at Rome, at Bologna, at Vienna, and at Mexico, was so great, that they seemed copies of each other. They are all extreme ly incorrect in the outlines, but, display a scrupu lous attention to detail, and great strength of colour ing, which is so used as to produce the most stri king contrasts. The figures are in general dwarf ish in the body, like those of the Etruscan reliefs, but in correctness of drawing are far inferior to the most imperfect paintings of the Hindoos, the Chi nese, the Japanese, or the people of Thibet. We behold in the Mexican paintings enormous heads, with very short bodies, and feet, which from the length of the toes, look like the claws of a bird. All this denotes the infancy of the art; but we must remember, that in this picture writing, the learned priests of Mexico, attached as little merit to correct drawing in their labours, as the literati of more civilized countries, to a fine hand writing in their manuscripts.* The frequent use of mixed hieroglyphic paintings, must contribute to spoil the taste of a nation thus * Humboldt's Researches ib. CO S,\,/)Jj,'Is- of'l/ic /t/i/Jiej-t'P'l/ic A/krtrtm h'iiigs- f/ml-.ilihiiill . Icainapilziii .!¦/,'/, ~/i//nt /t/utuamiiia . /.»;i/,),-ii/l OH. I. MEXICO. 15 familiarized with hideous figures, and incorrect forms. To represent a monarch, who at a certain period had conquered a neighbouring nation, the Egyptian, in the perfection of his writing, ranged in the same line a small number of isolated charac ters, formed after inanimate objects, expressive of the full series of his ideas: The Mexican to express the same thing, painted a king armed, overthrow ing a warrior, characterized by the banner of the city to which he belonged. But to abridge his la bour, he painted only what was indispensable, to convey his conceptions. We have already re marked, that the signs appropriated to religious subjects, must have been early fixed and tenacious ly preserved. And this must have been the case with other branches of knowledge in proportion as they attained a systematic and stable form. Hence the degree of improvement, in the mimic arts, must not be taken as the measure of the civilization of the Aztec race. Before the advent of the Toltecks it would seem that the natives of Anahuac, made use of knots or cords of various colours, common among the Peruvians, and by them called quippus, and which have been found also among the Cana dian tribes, and in very remote times among the Chinese. This fact however, depends upon the testimony of Boturini, who avers that he procured a specimen of this quippus from Tlascalla, and upon, figures supposed to represent it in Mexican drawings. VIII. From the researches of M. de Humboldt it appears, that there exist at present, in Europe, only seven collections of Mexican paintings, unless another be found in the archives of Simancas, in Spain; those of the Escurial, Bologna, Veletri, Rome, Vienna, Berlin, and Dresden. That of the Escurial, has the form of a book in folio. Thi3 circumstance, induces a suspicion that it is only a 16 HISTORY OP AMERICA. CH. I, copy; since all others have' the size of volumes, in quarto. It consists of forty sheets of maguey pa per, covered, probably, with astrological, and reli gious matters. At the bottom of each page, is an interpretation in Spanish, added since the Conquest. That of Bologna, is deposited in the library of the Institute of Sciences of that city. Its origin is unknown, but we read on the title page, that it was ceded the 26th of December, 1665, by the Count Valerio Zani, to the Marquis of Caspi. It is formed of a thick, and ill prepared skin, about nine feet long. The characters seem to have an allusion to the constellations, and to astrological notions. An engraved copy of this Codex Mexicanus, may be found in the museum of Cardinal Borgia, at Vele tri. • The collection of Vienna, consisting of sixty- five pages, has become celebrated, since it fixed the attention of Dr. Robertson, who has published in the appendix to his history of America, a few pages in outline only, and without colouring. A note annexed to this codex, asserts it to have been presented by Emanual, of Portugal, to Pope Cle ment the Seventh; and it passed through many hands until 1677, when it was presented to the Emperor Leopold, by the Duke of Saxe Eisenach:* The Codex Borgianus, of Veletri, is the largest, and most remarkable for the splendour and variety of the colours. It is a ritual and astrological al manac and once belonged to the family of Giusti- niani. By some unlucky chance it fell into the hands of the domestics of that house, who gave it as a play thing to their children. It was rescued from destruction by an enlightened lover of anti quities, Cardinal Borgi»; but not before attempts had been made to burn some folds of the deer skin upon which the paintings are delineated. Nothing * Rob, Am. Humboldt's Researches, ibid. PL ll/avtw ^Yiw/ir/zttit'o Clinic, TJiiii.v/nctif '/oltajit ~///ci ^Jfo/o/u/io eft- *• MEXICO. IT indicates the age of this manuscript, and it is per haps, but an Aztec copy, of an older book. The collection in the royal library at Berlin, contains, several paintings, collected by M. de Humboldt, in Mexico; comprehending lists of tributes, genealo gies, the history of the migrations of the Mexicans, and a calendar made soon after the conquest, in which the simple hieroglyphics of the days are uni ted to figures of saints painted in the Aztec style. The library of the Vatican, at Rome, possesses among its collection of manuscripts, two Codices Mexicani, numbered 3738, and 3776, in the cata logue. These and that of Veletri, were unknown to Dr. Robertson. It would seem that another volume of Mexican drawings was formerly in this library, but is now lost, unless it be that in the In stitute of Bologna.* The Codex, No. 3776, is about 125 inches long, and 7 inches square when folded. There are forty- eight folds, forming ninety-six pages; or as many divisions, marked on both sides of several doeskins, glued together. Every page is sub-divided into two compartments, except the first eight which consist of the simple hieroglyphics of the days ar ranged in rows parallel to each other. The border of each fold is divided into twenty-six small com partments, containing the simple hieroglyphics of the days. Every page exhibits in the sub-divisions two groups of mythological figures. We should lose ourselves in vain conjectures were we to at tempt interpreting these allegories; the manuscripts of Rome, Veletri, Bologna, and Vienna, having none of those explanatory notes which enrich the Mendoza collection. In the thirteenth plate of Humboldt's picturesque * Humboldt's Researches, 1. Mercatus degli. Obelischi di Roma, 2. p. 96. 3* 18 HISTORY OP AMERICA. CH. I. Atlas, he has given a copy of the ninety -sixth page of the Codex Vaticanus. The drawing, No. 1. represents an adoration; the Deity has on a helmet, remarkably ornamented; he is seated on a small bench, called icpalli, before a temple, of which, only the top, or small chapel placed on the upper part of the pyramid, is represented. The adoration in Mexico, as in the East, consisted of touching the ground with the right hand, and carrying the left to the mouth. In this drawing, however, the homage is rendered by a genuflection, and the atti tude of the figure, prostrate before the temple, is found in several paintings of the Hindoos. The group, No. 2. of which the annexed plate is a copy, represents the celebrated serpent woman Cihuacohuatl, called also Quilaztli or Tonacacihua, woman of our flesh; the companion of Tonaca- teuctli. ., The Mexicans considered her as the mo ther of the human race; and after the god of the celestial paradise, Ometeuctli, she held the first rank among the divinities of Anahuac. She is al ways represented with a great serpent; and other paintings exhibit a feather headed snake, cut in pieces by the great spirit Tezcatlipoca, or by the sun personified, the god Tonatiuh. "These alle gories remind us," says Humboldt " of the ancient traditions of Asia. In the woman and serpent, of the Aztecs, we think we perceive, the Eve of the Semetic nations. — In the scotched snake the ser pent Kalinga, or Kalinaga, conquered by Vishnu, when he took the form of Krishna. The Tonatiuh . of the Mexicans, appears also to be identical with the Krishna, of the Hindoos, recorded in the Bhagavata Purana, and with the Mithras of the Persians. Behind the serpent, who appears to be speaking to the goddess, are tWo naked figures of different colours, contending with each other. We might be led to suppose that the two vases, which CH. I. MEXICO. 19 we see at the bottom of the picture, one of which is overturned, are the cause of this quarrel. The serpent woman was considered in Mexico as the mother of twins."* One possessed of less than an ordinary share of christian enthusiasm, might see in this painting, no equivocal illustration of the book of Genesis, by the representation of the temptation of Eve, and the first great evil consequent on her disobedience, the slaughter of one of her children by the hand of another. IX. The most important collection of American manuscripts* is that to which we have oftimes re ferred in the preceding volume, and which was made by Don Antonio Mendoza, first viceroy of New Spain, and destined by him as a present to the em peror Charles V. The ship in which they were sent to Spain was taken by a French cruizer: and they came into the possession of Thevet, the king's geographer, who having himself travelled in the new world, and described one of its provinces, was a curious observer of whatever tended to illustrate the manners of the Americans. On his death they were purchased by Hackluyt, at that time, chaplain of the English embassador at the French court; and being left by him to Purchas, were published at the desire of the learned antiquary, Sir Henry Spel- man.t They were translated from English into French by Melchezedeck Thevenot, and published in his collection of voyages. A.D. 1683. The fate of the original paintings is unknown. Some authors± assert that they are preserved in the * Humboldt's Researches. + Purchas, iii. 1065. 2 Robert, app. note 35. Clavigero, vol. 1. and Humboldt, Researches, vol. 1. 182. Lond. ed. says that Thevenot's copy is very erroneous; the events,for instance, which nad place under the reign of Ahuizotl, are there indicated under the reign "of Montezuma. $ Warburton's Essay on Hieroglyphics, vol. 1. p. 18. Papillon, Histoire de la Gravure en Bois, 20 HISTORY OP AMERICA. CH. 1. royal library at Paris, but Humboldt deems it cer tain, that for a century past, this library has con tained no Mexican manuscript. The collection and commentary of Mendoza throw light upon the history, political state and domestic life of the Mexicans. As published by Purchas, in sixty -six plates, it is divided into three parts; the first, contains the history of the Aztec dynasty from the foundation of the city of Mexico in the year 1325 of our era, to the death of Monte zuma the Second in 1520; the second, a list of the tributes of the empire; and the third, sketches of the domestic life and manners of the Aztec people. The commentary of the Viceroy Mendoza has ren dered this collection very interesting to the histo rian. From this source has been drawn much of the matter of the preceding volume, relating to mar riages, to the ceremonies at the birth of a child, his education, diet and employment; to the judiciary system and punishment; and to the forms of reli gion. One of the most complicated and ingenious paintings of this code, is that representing a Uatoani or governor of a province, strangled for revolting against his sovereign: for the same picture records the crime of the officer, the punishment of his whole family, and the vengeance exercised by his vassals against the state messengers. Another specimen of Mexican writing was pub lished by Dr. Francis Gemelli Carreri, in two cop per-plates; the first, a map or representation of the progress of the ancient Mexicans, on their first ar rival in the country, and the various stations in which they settled, before they founded the city of Mexico; the second, the chronological circle, representing the cycle of fifty -two years, which is found in our third volume. He received both from Don Carlos de Siguenza y Gongora-, a creole of Mexico and a diligent collector of ancient Mexican CH. I. MEXICO. 21 documents, and their genuineness is recognised by Boturini, and Acosta.* X. A third specimen of Mexican painting was discovered by Lorenzo Boturini Benaduci. This indefatigable antiquary, an Italian, set out for New Spain in 1736, and was.led by several incidents to study the language of the Mexicans, and to collect the remains of their historical monuments. He em ployed nine years in his researches with extraordinary enthusiasm and exemplary patience. In 1746 he published at Madrid, Idea de un Nueva ERstoria General de la America, Septentrional, containing an account of the result of his inquiries, to which he added a catalogue of his American Historical Mu seum, arranged under thirty-six heads. His collec tion of paintings alone, amounted to nearly five hundred. Unfortunately, a ship in which he sent the greater part of his museum to Europe, was taken by an English privateer during the war 'be tween Great Britain and Spain, which commenced in 1739; and it probably perished by falling into the hands of ignorant captors. Boturini, himself, incurred the displeasure of the Court of Spain, and died in a hospital at Madrid, The remainder of his museum, like that of Siguenza, was dispersed; but some slight remnants of it were preserved, till the expulsion of the Jesuits, in the Library of St. Peter and St. Paul, at Mexico; the greater part, which was confiscated, was torn and pillaged by persons ignorant of their value. What existed in the palace of the Viceroy, at the period of M. de Humboldt's visit, (A.D. 1800,) composed only three packets, about 25 inches square by 20 in thickness. They had long remained in one of the damp apart ments, on the ground floor, with the archives of the government. They represent the migrations of the * Rob. Am. app. vol. 2. note 35. Clavigero, vol. 2. app, Humboldt's Researches. 22 HISTOHi OF AMERICA. CH. t. Aztecs from Rio Gila to the valley of Tenochtitlan, the foundation of several cities, and wars with the neighbouring nations. * XI. Hieroglyphic paintings have become so scarce in Mexico, that a great part of the well informed men who reside there, have never seen any. The library of the University no longer possesses any originals, and among the remnants of Boturini, there are none so fine as the codices Mexicani of Veletri and Rome. The finest collections in the capital are in the hands of private individuals. t M. de Humboldt conceives, however, that several objects important to the study of history, may still be found in the hands of the Indians who inhabit the province of Mexico, Puebla and Oaxaca, the Peninsula of Yucatan, and the kingdom of Guatemala, peopled by emigrants from Aztlan, and advanced in civi lization,— that, a traveller, who understanding the Aztec, Tarask, and Maya languages, could obtain the confidence of the natives, might still collect, three centuries after the conquest, and a hundred and twenty years after the visit of v ' Ini, a con siderable number of historical Mexican paintings. £ XII. Plate ., is a representation of a law suit, taken from a painting, executeii. soon after the con quest, exhibiting the genealoDj of the princes of Az- capozalco. It is one of the most intelligible of the Mexican designs, and a specimen of the mode of colouring. Although the division of labour was carried to a considerable extent, the profession of a lawyer was unknown under the dynasty of the Az tec kings. The parties in person, pleaded their causes before the courts, whether of the first in- * Rob. Clavigero. Humboldt. + M. de Humboldt names P. Jose Jlntomo Pichardo, as the owner of the best collection, who, beside the result of his own labours, inherited that of M. de G una. $ Hurnb. Researches, Vol. II. CH. 1. MEXICO. 23 f _ * stance or of dernier resort. As sentence was not immediately pronounced each of the disputants was interested in leaving with the judges a painting or writing to remind them of the principal object in dispute. In criminal cases, the picture offered by the prosecutor, represented the accused not only-at the moment when the crime was committed, but, also in the different circumstances of his life pre ceding this action. In pronouncing sentence of death, the king marked with the point of a dart, the head of the culprit in the picture. The use of paintings in law suits, was continued in the Spanish tribunals long after the conquest. When the Em peror Charles V. with the design of encouraging : the culture of the arts and sciences in these distant regions, founded in 1553, the University of Mex ico, three professorships were established; one for teaching the Aztec language, another for the Oto- mite, and a third' for explanation of hieroglyphical paintings.* The painting we have selected, according to the interpretation of M. de Humboldt, indicates a law suit between some natives and Spaniards. The matter litigated is a farm, the plan of which is 'traced in orthographical projection. The high road indicated, by the marks of feet; the house sketched in profile; an Indian whose name indi cates a bow, and Spanish judges seated on chairs with the laws before them, are very distinct ly recognized. The Spaniard immediately above the Indian, was probably called Aqua Verde; the symbol of water painted green, being figured be hind his head. The tongues are very unequally divided. The conquerors with long beards talk much and loud; whilst the smock -faced and sub ject native, scarcely dares to defend his cause, t Humb. Researches, vol i. + lb. 24 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. I. XIII. The Codex Mexicanus in the public library of Dresden, is one of the most valuable relicks of Mex ican science, since it seems to be wholly composed of the simple hieroglyphics, analogous to those of the Egyptians, and the keys of the Chinese; and leads us to suspect, that we yet know very little of the perfection attained by the Mexicans in the art of writing. This manuscript was purchased at Vienna, by the librarian Goetze, in his literary journey to Italy in 1739. It is on maguey paper, and forms a folded volume, such as we have de scribed, above twenty feet in length, having forty leaves, which are seven inches, three lines long, and three inches, two lines (French,) wide, with paintings on both sides. This form, also, distin guishes the Dresden manuscript, from those at Vi enna, Veletri, and in the Vatican. It is assimila ted also to the works of the Chinese, by the un couth painting of a sacred animal, recumbent and pierced with darts, and by the lineal signs, such as were invented by an emperor of China, two thou sand nine hundred and forty -one years before our era.*t XIV. Although the library at Paris possesses no original Mexican manuscript, it contains a valuable volume, in which a Spaniard, an inhabitant of New Spain, copied, either toward the end of the 16th or commencement of the 17th century, a great num ber of hieroglyphical paintings. The copies are carefully made and bear the character of original drawings. The volume belonged formerly to Le Tellier, archbishop of Rheims. In its outward form, it resembles the manuscript preserved in the library of the Vatican, No. 3738. Each hiero glyphic figure is accompanied by explanations in * Klaproth Asiatisches Magajjin, 1802. B. 1. p. 91 jji and 525. t Note A. OH. 1. MEXICO. 25 Mexican and Spanish, written at different periods, more instructive, according to Humboldt, than those annexed to the collection of Mendoza, and have the Mexican names more correctly written. This volume contains, a ritual almanac, a book of astrology, and a Mexican history from the year 5 Tochtli, or 1197, to the year 4 Calli, or 1561. The last merits particular attention. It includes a space of three hundred and sixty-four years. With this history, Boturini, Clavigero, and Gama, were unacquainted; and it seems to be of the greatest authenticity. From the year 1197, to the middle of the fifteenth century, it records few facts. Scarce one or two in an interval of thirteen years. From 1454, the narrative becomes more circumstantial; and from 1472, to 1549, it relates, almost from year to year, whatever was remarkable in the phy sical and political state of the country. The pages comprehending the periods from 1274 to 1385, from 1496 to 1502, and from 1518 to 1529, are wanting. In this last interval, the Spaniards entered Mexico. The figures are misshapen, but often of great sim plicity. Among the objects most worthy of note, are the image of the king Huitzilihuitl, who having no legitimate children, took a paintress for his mis tress, and who died in the year 13 Tochtli or 1414; the falls of snow, in 1447, and 1503, which caused a great mortality among the natives, by destroying the crops;- the earthquakes of 1460, 1462, 1468, 1480, 1495, 1507, 1533, and 1542; the eclipses of the sun in 1476, 1496, 1507, 1510, 1531; the first human sacrifice; the appearance of two comets in 1490, and 1529; the arrival and the death of the first bishop of Mexico, Zumaraga, in 1532, 1549; the departure of Nunez de Gusman, for the conquest of Xalisco; the death of the celebrated Pedro Alvarado, called by the natives Tonatiuh, the sun, on account of his flaxen hair; the baptism 4 26 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. V of an Indian by a mOnk; an epidemic malady which depopulated Mexico under the Viceroy Mendoza, in 1544 and 1545; the insurrection and punish ment of the negroes of Mexico, in 1537; a tempest which devastated the forests; the ravages made by small pox among the Indians in 1538, &c. The variety and scope of these annals exemplify in the most striking manner, the capacity of conveying ideas which the Mexican system of writing pos sessed.* In concluding our notice of the Mexican paint ings we may observe, that notwithstanding the vast number destroyed by the catholic missionaries, im mediately after the conquest, and the present dearth, there yet remained enough to supply the materials for the ancient history of Mexico, both to the Spanish and Mexican historians. All the works of Don Ferdinand Alba Ixlilxochitl, of Don Dominic Chimalpain, and others named in our ap pendix,! were composed from Mexican manuscripts. Hereafter, when we shall treat of the origin of the inhabitants of America, we shall examine this sub ject more profoundly, than is compatible with the present part of our enterprise. Some years since, we saw many very well exe cuted drawings exhibited at the Masonic Hall, in Philadelphia, said to be copies from Mexican origi nals, and taken in Mexico. They consisted prin cipally of single subjects, of vases, and other ves sels. We saw nothing which we think, according to present recollections, could be construed into his torical narrative, or continued story. The draw ings we learn have been taken to England, and have been splendidly engraved, at the expense of a nobleman friendly to the arts. * Humboldt's Researches, Appendix. t See note B. CH. 11. MEXICO. 27 CHAPTER II. I. Comparison between the Indian races of the isl- ands,Src. and the Mexicans- •••!!. Valasques pro poses the conquest of Mexico — His difficulty in the choice of a commander- ••¦III. Biographical notice of Hernando Cortes- ---TV. Cortes assumes the honors of his office of General — Liberally urges forward the expedition — Efforts of his competitors to injure him with Velasques*— De parts from St. J ago de Cuba----V. Chief offi cers who accompanied Cortes- •••VI. Notice of Alvarado — Olid — Sandoval- • • • VII. Velasques repents the appointment of Cortes, and commands Verdugo to divest him of his command- •••VIII. Cortes proceeds from Trinidad to Havanna — His vessel runs aground— Alarm and discord among the troops, occasioned by his absence — Second attempt of Velasques to remove Cortes from the command- • • -IX. Cortes resolves to put to sea, against the orders of the Governor- •••X. His departure from Havanna — Forces of the expedi tion- • ••XI. Alvarado arrives at Cozumel before the fleet — His imprudent conduct there — Is cen sured by Cortes- ."XII. Wise policy of Cortes — Treaty with the inhabitants of Cozumel — Hears of Aquilar, a Spaniard long among the Indians — Casts down the idols of the natives and erects the cross- •••XIII. Departure of the expedition from Cozumel — Returns on account of one of the vessels springing a leak — Receives Aquilar---- XIV. Fleet arrives at Tobasco — Hostility of the natives — They are conquered, and submit to the Spanish crown- -• -XV. Cortes leaves Tobasco, and arrives at Ulua — Difficulty in communica ting with the inhabitants— Is removed by a fe- IB HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. II. male slave----X\!. Notice of Donna Marina. • •••XVII. Message from the governors of the Province — Cortes lands and establishes his camp. • •••XVIII. Receives a visit from the governors — Demands to be introduced to the king— Pre sent from Montezuma — XIX. Mexican paint ers describe the Spaniards and their equipage- ••• XX. Disquietude of Montezuma — Causes there of- • ••XXI. Embassy from Montezuma to Cortes — Rich present — Montezuma declines his visit. • • • -XXII. Cortes persists in his intention to visit Mexico-- ••XXIII. He seeks a more advantageous site for his colony — XXIV. Irresolution of Montezuma — Peremptorily prohibits the ap proach of Cortes — His present for the king of Spain- •••XXV. Diversity of opinion in Cortes' councils- •••XXVI. Remonstrance of Ordaz — Cortes consents to return to Cuba — Discontent and remonstrance of the army----XX\!L Cortes encourages the establishment of a civil colony- Resigns his office to the civil chiefs — Is elected by the council Commander-in-chief, and Chief Justice- •• -XXVIII. Cortes arrests the leaders of Velasques'' faction — Conciliates them- -- -XXIX. The Spaniards are visited by the Chempoallese, and invited to their city ••••XXX. Tlie army sets out for Chiahuitzla by the way of Chempoalla. • • • -XXXI. Foundation of Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz- ••-XXX!!. Cortes excites the Chempoallese to revolt — They imprison the collectors of the royal tributes — Duplicity of Cortes ••••XXXIII. Seven Spaniards desire to return to Cuba — Mis representation of the chief of Chempoalla- ••• XXXIV. Indignation of Montezuma appeased by the report of his liberated officers — New Em bassy — Cortes opsnly sustains the revolt of the Totonecas----XXX\. Cortes destroys the idols of Chempoalla- •• -XXXVI. Cortes receives a re- CH. II. MEXICO. 29 infor cement from Cuba — the council and himself address the king- • • ¦ XXXVII. Conspiracy among some soldiers to return to Spain — Discovery and punishment of the conspirators- •- • XXXVIII. Cortes proposes and obtains the destruction of his ships- -• •XXXIX. A vessel sent by Francis de Garay governor of Jamaica arrives on the coast. no I. Before the voyages of Cordova and Grijalva, an account of which nas been given in the second volume of our Cabinet, the Spaniards had found in the New World, only a timid race, enervated by the softness of the climate, and the sloth and vo luptuousness which it induced; or rude and barba rous tribes prone to violence, but unskilled in the arts, to make their ferocity terrible. The govern ment of both these classes was of the simplest form, and such as is found in the earliest stages of politi cal society. The discoveries upon the coasts of Yucatan and of the Mexican gulph had made known to the eager curiosity and cupidity of the Castilians, a people much advanced in civilization, I practised in the fabrication and the use of arms, earned in systematic warfare, which they conduct ed by regular armies of mercenaries, experienced and inspirited by many and extensive conquests; rich in civil institutions, by which society was di vided and graduated, by very artificial scales, science cherished, the rights to real and personal property established, and a complex religious hie rarchy founded. The importance of this discovery might well be compared with the original success of Columbus, and conceived to transcend the latter in beneficial results. In periods of less excitement, even Span ish daring might have paused, before it resolved upon the attempt to subjugate such a people, par- 4* SO HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. II. ticularly after the evidence it possessed of their disposition to defend their shores and protect their institutions from foreign invaders. But the vast disproportion the Spaniards had hitherto found in arms and arts, and intellectual power, between themselves and the aborigines of America, led them justly to believe, that the inequality of their nu meral force, scarce merited consideration in any contest with the latter. II. Moved by these convictions, Don Diego Ve lasques, governor of the island of Cuba, by the ap pointment of the second admiral, did not hesitate with his slender means to attempt the conquest of an extensive and civilized empire, whose popula tion was not less, in all probability, than seven millions. We have seen, that immediately after the arrival of Alvarado, and before the return of Grijalva, he had commenced preparations for the enterprise; but the choice of an able commander was not more requisite to success, than difficult to make. Velasques was himself ambitious, cove tous of power and of fame, and not destitute of talents for government; but he was wanting in the energy and activity of mind, which would fit him to direct in person the armament he was preparing. He was therefore desirous to select an officer with courage and capacity to conduct the expedition, but, who, contented with some inferior reward, would yield to him the power and the glory which might result from success. But as the qualities of geni us, courage, and prudence, are rarely united with poverty of spirit, his search was tardy and difficult; and when he thought it happily completed, resulted in the most bitter disappointment. There were in Cuba several adventurers, whose merits and con nections authorized them to seek the command. Among them were, Antonio and Bernardino Ve lasques, relatives of the Governor, Baltazar Bermu- CH. II. MEXICO. 31 dez, Vasco Porcallo, and other cavaliers; but none, were supposed to possess the incompati ble qualities desired by the Governor. After long and anxious deliberation, his choice was fixed by the influence of Amadar de Lares, the royal treasurer in Cuba, and Andres Duero, his own secretary, persons who possessed his full confidence, and who were the intimate friends of Fernando Cortes. They maintained their recom mendation, of this extraordinary man, with great caution and judgment; rather leaving his qualifica tions and circumstances to operate upon the Gover nor, than risking to excite the suspicions of the latter, by fervent praises of their friend.* III. Hernan, or Fernando Cortes, was born at Medellin, a small town of Estremadura, in the year 1485, of a noble,- but reduced family. He was destined by his parents to the profession of the law, and was sent at an early age to the Universi ty of Salamanca, where he acquired some knowl edge of letters. But this pursuit being unconge nial • with an ardent temperament and great animal spirits, he retired to Medellin in disgust, and sur rendered himself wholly to active sports, and mar tial exercises, the fit preparations for the employ ment he most coveted. The marked bias* of his mind, his restless and impetuous disposition, and his dissipated habits, drew from his father a glad consent that he should seek his fortune in arms. There were at this period, two theatres, to which all who courted military glory resorted; one in Italy directed by Gonsalvo the Grand Captain, and the other in the New World. Cortes preferred the former, but being prevented by sickness, from embarking with a reinforcement of troops sent to Naples, he turned towards America, allured by the * Solis, Herrera, Clavigero. 32 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. II. hope of the protection of Ovando, then Governor of Hispaniola, who was his kinsman. He landed on that island in 1504, was very favorably received, and immediately employed in honorable and lucra tive stations.* The quiet state of St Domingo, now wholly subjected to Spanish power, afforded little scope for his active and restless spirit; and with the assent of his relative, he passed over to Cuba, where Velasques was employed in reducing the inhabitants to obedience. Here, soon after his arrival, he married DonnaCatalinaSuarezPacheco, a lady of noble family, but whose gallantry caused him some inquietude, to which the Governor was an auxiliary cause. But at length, being taken into favor by the latter, he obtained an ample reparti- miento, or donation of lands and slaves, the re ward usually sought by adventurers to the New World. Although hitherto unemployed in high com mands, Cortes had occasionally displayed quali ties, which raised him greatly in the esteem of his countrymen; who viewed him as one fitted for great actions. The turbulence of youth amid worthy and suitable occupations had subsided into regular and indefatigable activity. His impetuous temper re strained by intercourse with his equals, was mel lowed into cordial and soldierly frankness. He was as prudent in concerting, as vigorous and per severing in executing his schemes, and he possess ed in an eminent degree, that distinguishing mark of superior genius, the art of gaining the confidence * Gomara relates that Cortes was to have accompanied Ovan do in 1502, but was detained by an accident. Attempting in a dark night to scramble up to the window of a lady's bed-cham ber, with whom he carried on an intrigue, an old wall, on the top of which he had mounted, gave way and he was so much bruised by the fall as to be unfit for the voyage. Gomara, Croniea de la Nueva Espana cap. 1. 2 Robt. Note xcviii. CH. II. MEXICO. 33 and governing the" minds of men. To these, na ture had added a graceful person, a constitution of extraordinary vigour, and the power of endu rance, united with a winning address; and he had, by long apd careful practice, acquired great skill in all martial exercises. IV. When Cortes had received his commission, as Captain General of the Armada, and of the countries near the Mexican coast already disco vered and which he might thereafter discover, he acknowledged the favor with the warmest expres sions of respect and gratitude. He immediately assumed the costume and insignia of his rank, erected his standard before his own house, and ex erted himself strenuously to procure volunteers, and to hasten the preparations for the voyage. To this end, he employed liberally all his own funds, with whatever he could raise on credit, which were expended in the purchase of military stores and provisions, and in supplying the wants of his friends and companions.* These prompt and lau dable efforts, were used by his disappointed, but not misjudging competitors, to alienate the mind of the Governor from the new General. They repre sented his liberality as ostentatious and interested, adapted and designed to secure the affection of the troops, and to render his own authority indepen dent. They reminded Velasques of his former dissensions with the man, in whom he now placed so much confidence; and foretold, that Cortes would * Herrera, Dec. 11. Lib. iii. c. 2. and Bernal Diaz, c. 20. in form us that Cortes had 2000 pesos in the hands of Andrew Du- ero, and borrowed four thousand. — These sums Dr. Robertson says, were equal to Z1500 and as the price of every thing was very high in America, made but a scanty stock when applied to wards the equipment of a military expedition. 2 Robt Am. Note xcix. But if we consider that the peso or dollar of that day was worth five of the present, the sum was not inconsidera ble. 34 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. II. be more apt to avail himself of the power put into his hands, to avenge past injuries than to requite recent obligations.* They endeavoured also, to assail him through his superstition, employing a demi idiot, whose want of understanding, here, as in the east, was held to give a just claim to pro phetic power. This man, perfectly tutored, meet ing the Governor, attended by Cortes and his friends, cried, to the former, " Well done, friend Diego! you will soon have occasion to send forth another squadron to bring back Cortes. " These insinuations sank deep into the mind of the Gover nor, and Cortes and his friends soon perceived symptoms of growing alienation and distrust. By the advice of Lares and Duero, the General hasten ed his departure, before these should violently break forth. He sailed from St. Jago de Cuba on the 18th November, 1518, not clandestinely, as has been most improbably stated by Herrera, but with the full knowledge and consent of Velasques, whose suspicious, but unresolved mind, not yet determined to remove him, sought to alleviate its forebodings, by recommending to the officers of Cortes to keep a watchful eye upon every part of their commander's conduct. V. The names of the gallant officers who accom panied Cortes in this expedition, and which will often recur in the subsequent story, were Juan Va- lasquez de Leon, a near relative of the Governor, Alonzo Hernandez Portocarero, Francisco de Montijo, Christoval de Olid, Juan de Esca- lante, Francisco de Morla, Pedro de Alvara do and his four brothers, Gonzalo, Jorge, Gomez, and Juan, Francisco de Salceda, Juan de Es cobar, Gines de Nortes, Alfonso Davila, Gonzalo de Sandoval, Pedro Sanchez Farfan, Gonzalo •Robt CH. II. MEXICO. 35 Mexia, and Bernal Diaz, the most naive of histori ans that has ever appeared among veteran soldiers. Of these, Pedro de Alvarado, Christopher de Olid, and Gonzalo de Sandoval,merit particular attention, as they were, under Cortes, the first commanders of the troops employed in the conquests and made the most distinguished figure in its wonderful and perilous events. VI. Alvarado was young, tall, well proportioned, extremely agile, spirited, graceful, and popular; fond of luxury and pleasures, greedy of the gold which these tastes required, and not over-scrupulous of the means of obtaining it; fierce in combat and inclement after victory. Olid was stout-limbed, and of a dark complection, and remarkable for temerity. Both were serviceable to Cortes, but both proved ungrateful, and met with a tragical end. Sandoval was a mere youth, scarce two-and-twenty, yet well formed and manly in figure, robust, with dark chesnut hair, thickly curled, and a voice strong and thick, remarkably sparing of words, but profuse in deeds. He enjoyetf, in a high degree, the confi dence of the General, who entrusted to him the most difficult and dangerous expeditions, which he always conducted with honor and success. He was be loved by the soldiers, to whom he was invariably kind and an example of faithful obedience; humane to his enemies, notwithstanding some charges made against him of merciless cruelty; and entirely free from that besetting sin of his countrymen, ex cessive avarice. He United prudence and discre tion with the ardour of youth, bravery with huma nity, modesty with merit, and humility with suc cess.* Alvarado and Davila had been captains, and Bernal Diaz, an adventurer, in the expedition of Grijalva. * Clavigero, book viii. vol. U S6 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. II. VII. Cortes proceeded to Trinadad, a small set tlement, where he received several of his friends and an additional supply of stores. But he had scarce departed from St. Jago, when the suspicions of Velasques overpowered all remains of confidence; and as the barks lessened in the distance, the presentiment grew in the breast of the Governor, that his power over the expedition and its commander was departing from him. The rivals of Cortes did not fail to exaggerate these fears, and again resort ing to superstition, they procured an astrologer to predict his future treason. It was yet possible to aivest him of his General's truncheon, and Velas ques hastily despatched an order, for that purpose, to Verdugo, the chief magistrate of Trinadad. But Cortes had so firmly fixed the affections of his troops, that finding officers as well as soldiers equally zealous to support his authority, he soothed or intimidated Verdugo, who not only permitted him to depart from Trinadad, unmolested, but un dertook to Calm or remove the unseasonable, and as he supposed, unfounded distrust of the Governor. VIII. From Trinidad the expedition sailed for the Havanna, and apart of the troops passed thither by land, under the care of Alvarado, who had charge of the horses. The vessels arrived safely and without accident, except the Capitana,on which the General had embarked. She, on the night after leaving the port, ran aground; and it became ne cessary to unload the cargo and transport it to a neighbouring islet, before she could be gotten off. This labour, with that of reloading, detained the vessel seven days. In the interim, great alarm and discord prevailed among the troops at the Havanna. Some proposed to dispatch several barks in search of the missing ship, whilst others suggested the no mination of another commander, during the absence of Cortes, The latter advice being supported by CH. II. MEXICO. &7 Ordez, the near relative of Velasques, was held sinister by many, and earnestly repudiated. For tunately, these differences which threatened to be come mischievous, were dissipated by the arrival of the General. Several persons of distinction, here joined the fleet and engaged to supply such provi sions as were still wanting; the delay in obtaining these, however, gave a new opportunity to the Go vernor to attempt the removal of the commander. Sensible that he ought no longer to rely on one, of whom he had so openly discovered his distrust, he loudly censured Verdugo's disobedience, and des patched a confidential agent to Pedro Barba, his lieutenant governor at Havanna, with peremptory instructions instantly to arrest Cortes and send him prisoner, under a strong guard, to St. Jago, and to countermand the sailing of the squadronuntil he should receive further orders. He wrote also to the principal officers, commanding them to assist Barba in the performance of this charge. But before the delivery of this order, aFranciscan friar of St. Jago had conveyed intelligence of its contents to Cortes, through Bartholomew de Olmedo, a monk of the same fraternity, and chaplain of the expedition. IX. Thus forewarned, the General instantly re solved on his course. He had embarked in this ad venture the fortunes of himself and his friends; and though the Governor had contributed to the expenses of the outfit, far the greater proportion had been sup plied by them. He had around him a band of dar ing and adventurous men, of rank and family, who were, in official station only, inferior to the Gover nor himself, and who would not be easily turned from their pursuit of renown and wealth, and all the charms of the contemplated enterprise, by jeal ousies and suspicions, which at this moment had no apparent foundation. Upon their aid, he felt that he might confidently rely. His first step was to 5 88 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. II. remove from the Havanna, Diego de Ordaz, who on account of his resolute ana penetrating spirit, his devotion to Velasques, and his conduct during the late involuntary absence of the General, he had much reason to dread. He therefore despatched him with a small bark, to take on board some pro visions at a petty port beyond Cape Antonio. Im mediately after his departure Cortes communicated to his troops, amid shouts of indignation, the inten tions of the Governor. With one voice they conjured him not to abandon them, and pledged themselves to support him to the last extremity He gladly complied with what he himself so ardently desired, and swore to lead them to that rich country which had been long the object of their wishes. Barba, who had no power to contend with such reso lute adventurers, and who perhaps, was satisfied that the removal of Cortes was not less impolitic than impracticable, disclosed in the quarters of Cortes, his resolution to disobey the order, sent a messenger to the Governor with remonstrances against it; adding a recommendation that the latter should dismiss his groundless fears, and en deavour by new favors to reclaim the affections of the General.* X. Every thing being at length prepared, Cortes made his last dispositions for departure. So great an enterprise was never attempted with feebler means. The utmost stretch of power in Cuba could furnish only eleven small vessels. The largest, of one hundred tons burthen, was dignified by the name of Admiral, and commanded by Cortes in person; three were of seventy or eighty tons, and the rest, small barks. On board these were six hun dred and seventeen men, of whom five hundred and eight belonged to the land service, and a hundred » Solis. Rob. CH. II. MEXICO. 39 and nine were seamen and artificers. The soldiers were divided into as many companies as there were ships, to each of which a captain was assigned, hav ing command of the vessel at sea and of the men on shore.' As the use of fire-arms was only partially introduced in the armies of Europe, only thirteen soldiers were armed with muskets; thirty-two had cross-bows, and the rest swords and spears. There were sixteen horses, ten small field pieces, and four falconets. In lieu of the usual iron harness which had been found cumbersome in those equi noctial regions, the Spanish soldier prudently adop ted the lighter armour of the natives, the Ichcahue- pilli or escaupile as they pronounced it, jackets quilted with cotton, which were found to be suffi cient protection against the Indian weapons. The artillery was commanded by Francisco de Orozco, an officer famed in the wars of Italy. The expe rienced Alaminos was chief pilot. With the usual combination of holy and profane purposes which di rected all the measures of the Spaniards in Ameri ca, Cortes emblazoned on his banners, the symbol and legend of the first christian standard of Con- stantine,* Sigamos la Cruz; que en esta serial veneceremos. " Let us follow the cross,for under this sign we shall conquer." In this conviction, which was as firmly fixed as their religious faith, six hun dred men, with the means we have described, set forth to subdue an empire. XI. Having resolved to follow the route pursued by Grijalva, Cortes gave orders to Alvarado, to seek de Ordaz, and to them, and other officers of the fleet, in case of separation, to rendezvous at the island of Cozumel. The Armament sailed from the Havanna on the 10th of February 1519; high mass being first celebrated, a duty which these pious * In hoc Signum Vinces. 40 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. II. warriors never neglected. ,. A tempest, which rose on the night of their departure, environed the frail barks with peril, and drove that commanded by Alvarado, so deep into the Gulph, that he deemed it more prudent to sail for Cozumel, than to obey the orders given him to unite with Ordaz, and he arrived at the island two days before the fleet Finding the shores deserted, the inhabitants flying at the approach of the vessel, he, deeming that the duty of a soldier forbade inaction, or more proba bly, that the occasion was a happy one to obtain a rich booty, marched into the interior, and pillaged some food from the dwellings, and some gold and copper instruments and vessels, from the temples, which the people had also abandoned. Upon the arrival of Cortes, who had been joined on his pas sage by the ship of Ordaz, he censured publicly and severely the disobedience of Alvarado, and the license, he had taken: as adapted only to make enemies, where it was most desirable to leave friends. XII. Cortes remained several days inactive, that he might not give further alarm to the natives; and the wisdom "of this course became apparent, when, the inhabitants, loosing their apprehensions of dan ger, approached his camp, cautiously at first, but, soon to mingle in the utmost freedom with the sol diers. A treaty of peace and amity was formed with the Cacique; and the forbearance, of the Gene ral was most richly rewarded by obtaining an inter preter, the want of which formed one of the great est obstacles to his enterprise. We have mention ed elsewhere,* that two of the companions of Val- dibia, the messenger despatched by Balboa in 1510 to St. Domingo, had escaped from shipwreck and had been reserved from sacrifice by the inhabi- * See Vol. II. p. 79 CH. II. MEXICO. 41 tants of Yucatan. Whilst conversing with the islanders, through the medium of one of the priso ners who had been captured by Cordova, Cortes heard the word Castilla repeatedly, but indistinctly, pronounced by his visitors, immediately instituted an inquiry, wnich resulted in the information, that these Spaniards were in the neighbouring territo ries of the continent, distant about four leagues. His first idea was to rescue his countrymen by force; but the friendly Cacique of Cozumel intima ting that such an attempt might cause the death of the captives, the General, commending his pru dence, sent a party in two light vessels, under the command of de Ordaz, with instructions that one should coast for eight days at the point of Catoche, for the messengers, and that the second should re port their progress. The Indians engaged in the mission were abundantly furnished with beads and other toys, to pay a full ransom for the priso ners. In the meantime Cortes resolved to survey the island. At a short distance from the coast, he discovered a temple in which was an idol, much venerated and wrought with no despicable art. The form was human, but the features were horribly dis torted. The name Cozumel was given to the figure, whence that of the island was derived. When the Spaniards approached the sanctuary, they be held amid a great concourse of Indians, a priest, who was addressing them with great force and ges ticulation. Cortes immediately interrupted him, and turning to the Cacique who accompanied him, assured the latter, that the continuance of their friendship would depend upon the abandonment by himself and his subjects, of the worship of their false gods. He maintained the propriety of this demand, with so many, and such satisfactory ar guments, that the astounded and convicted chief tain, who doubtless understood all that was said to 5* 42 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. II. him, was wholly unable to reply.* But as'he de ferred in all religious matters, most wisely, to the priests, t he craved permission to submit the subject to their consideration. At the conclusion Of their conference, a venerable minister of the altar sur rounded by priests of inferior dignity, advanced towards Cortes, and in a loud voice denounced the vengeance of heaven against all who should dare to disturb the worship of its idols, declaring that, ex emplary punishment would immediately follow the sacrilegious deed But the General, equally in structed and zealous in the true faith, knew that heaven was leagued against, and not with, idolaters; and, therefore, irritated by these empty threats, suf fered, if he did not command, his equally zealous soldiers to cast down the hideous idols, and to sub stitute upon the altars, after purification, the more seemly simulations of the Virgin Mother, and the True Cross. The Indians, priests, and laity, be held this bold deed of their daring visitors, with horrorWd dismay; but as the sun did not withdraw his light, nor the earth tremble, nor nature leave its usual order to avenge it, they recognized the great truth, that the deity is indifferent to the form of worship adopted by his creatures, so that it be innocent and sincere; or_ what is more probable, in their ignorance, they despised gods, so long suf fering and slow to anger, and therefore readily transferred their adorations, to others more prompt to action, and sustained by greater power. "XIII. The Indian messengers not appearing within the time fixed for their return, Cortes weighed anchor and continued his voyage, but he was a few hours only at sea when he was compelled to return, in consequence of the leaky condition of the vessel commanded by Juan Ecalante. This * Solis + Cuique in sua arte credendum est CH. II. MEXICO. 43 was, indeed, a providential delay; for, at the end of four days employed in repairing the ship, our ad venturers beheld, approaching from the continent, a canoe filled with armed Indians, who with un wonted diligence and regardless of the squadron, strained every nerve to attain the island. Upon landing, one of the party, in appearance like to his companions, stepped forward and addressed in Casulian, the soldiers despatched by Cortes to in tercept them. This was Geronimo de Aquilar, whom eight years slavery among barbarians had almost converted into a savage, and who, whilst acquiring their language had almost forgotten his own. Through many years of suffering, he had finally attained a high degree of favor among his captors. Palos de Moguer, the other survivor of Valdibia's crew, who had reached the rank of a military chieftain;liad wedded an Indian wife, and had several children, preferred the simple enjoy ments by which he was surrounded, to the perils of Spanish adventure, and ingloriously, but not un wisely, abandoned himself to domestic happiness. Another reason, however, equally powerful for his refusal, was, that as an Indian leader he had plan ned and conducted the attack against Cordova the preceding year.* XIV. The squadron set forth for the second time, from the island of Cozumel, on the 4th of March. Having doubled the cape of Catoche, Cortes, instigated by some soldiers who had been with Cordova and Grijalva, was disposed to land and chastise the inhabitants for their resistance to these captains, but was deterred by the remon strances of his pilots, and the unfavorable position of the wind. Thence he proceeded to the river of Tobasco, attracted by the friendly conduct of the * Bernal Diaz. 44 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. II. inhabitants towards Grijalva, and, by the quantity of gold which he had obtained there. Cortes, how ever, was surprised to discover, that from some un known cause, the disposition of the people was totally changed. A large force resisted Ids de scent, with arms, turning a deaf ear to every ami cable overture which he made them, by means of Aquilar, who perfectly understood their language. After an obstinate combat the Spaniards made good their landing; and though Cortes did not desire to commence his conquests here, nor to be delayed in his course, he deemed it indispensable to reduce the confidence, and chastise the presumption of his present enemies. The Indians driven from the shore, retired to their town of Tobasco, which was fortified by a wooded stockade. This, however, proved a feeble defence against the skill of the in vaders, who, after a smart engagement without and within the walls, became masters of the city. This evident superiority of the Spanish power, would probably have induced the Tobascans to sue for peace, and to cultivate the favor of the conquerors. had they not been stimulated to try the fate ts another battle, by the representations of Melchior, the survivor of the Indians taken by Cordova. This lad, leaving his Spanish garments hanging upon a tree, fled to his countrymen, and communicated to them the small number of the Spanish forces; informing them at the same time, that the strangers were not immortal, and were not armed with the lightning, as the Indians had supposed.— In a skir mish of the succeeding day, Cortes made some prisoners, from whom he learned that, all the Ca ciques of the country with their respective forces, had been summoned, and would with their united masses fall upon the Spaniards. Thus forewarned, he had time to get his horses on shore, and to make the best disposition for the attack. He called a CH. II. MEXICO. 45 council of war composed, of all his officers, as was ever his custom on momentous occasions, and ob tained tlieir unanimous opinion that the subjection of this province was indispensable to their further progress. Cortes drew out his army from the town and placed it in an elevated and advantageous position, where he awaited the approach of the enemy.* Confident in their numbers, which the Spaniards have given at forty thousand, the Indians rushed impetuously upon the lines, regardless of the dis charge from the cross bows and arquebusses, and by a close conflict, rendering these weapons less available; but they were unable to withstand the keen and enduring edge of the Spanish sword, the overwhelming charge of the horses, and, the sweep ing desolation of the artillery; and after a short but severe contest this immense army was put to flight, with the loss of eight hundred killed and many more wounded. The Spaniards lost by death only two men, but a considerable number was wounded.t To account for this great disproportion, the Spanish writers, after Gomara, resort to mira cles, and relate, that Iago the tutelar saint of their country fought at the head of their countrymen, and, by his prowess determined the fate of the battle. The frank old soldier Bernal Diaz is much puzzled, to preserve a due respect to this relation and a strict regard for truth. "I acknowledge" says he " that all our exploits and victories are owing to our Lord Jesus Christ; and that in this battle there was such a number of Indians, to each one of us, that if each had thrown a, handful of earth, they might have buried us, if by the great mercy of God we had not been protected. It may * 25th of March. + The Indians sustained this battle against such novel and superior weapons, for a full hour before they gave way.. 46 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. II. be, that the person whom Gomara mentions, as ha ving appeared on a mottled grey horse was the glo rious apostle Signior San Iago or Signior San Pe dro, and that I, as being a sinner was unworthy to see him. This I know, that I saw Francisco de Morla on such a horse, but as an unworthy transgres sor did not deserve to see any of the holy apostles. It may have been the will of God that it was, so, as Gomara relates, but until I read his chronicle, I neveB'heard among any of the conquerors, that such a thing had happened." On the day succeeding the battle, Cortes ordered the prisoners, among whom were several chiefs, to be conducted into nis presence. They appeared oppressed with fear, apprehending the fate which usually attended their own captives. But the con queror receiving them with great benignity, set them at liberty, made them some presents, and dismissed them; saying, that, "He who knew how to conquer, also knew how to pardon. " This cle mency produced the happiest effects. Some hours after, there came to the Spanish camp, several In dians laden with maize, fowls, and other provi sions, to beg a remission of hostilities and a pac tion of peace. But at the instance of Aquilar, who represented that it was the practice among the na tions of this country on such occasions, to solicit peace, not by men of the vulgar class, like the present petitioners, but by nobles clad in their best garments and adorned with jewels, Cortes refused to receive their proposals, bidding them inform their prince, that, " if he desired peace he must solicit it by more dignified embassadors." On the next day appeared thirty nobles radiant with va riegated plumes and glittering jewels, and accom panied by many servants charged with provisions. The general assuming high state, surrounded by his captains, received them with great gravity.** CS. II. MEXICO. 47 The embassadors approached, with much humility and ceremony, casting before them a perfumed cloud of incense, from their burning censors, and, excusing the past conduct of their people, earnest ly sued for peace. Cortes rebuked them with much severity, that his condescension might be the more valued, but finally granting their request, sent them away highly contented, and enriched by gifts which they greatly valued. The treaty of peace was confirmed by a visit from the principal Cacique, by the return of the inhabitants to their dwellings in Tobasco, and by the formal submission of the country to the crown of Spain. The General ac cepted a present of some cotton garments, some fold and twenty female slaves.*' In memory of is victory he founded here a small city, to which he gave the name of Madonna del Victoria, which continued a long time the capital of the province, but which was depopulated in the middle of the 17th century by the frequent invasion of the En glish. The fugitive Melchor, was ungratefully trea ted by his countrymen for his patriotism, being sa crificed to the gods. XV. Warned at length by his pilots, that further delay would peril his vessels,Cortes weighed anchor and continuing his course westward, along the pro vince of Coatzacualco, and crossing the mouth of the river Papaloapan, entered the part of St. Juan de Ulua, on the 21st of April. As he sailed into the harbour a periogue, filled with people, two of whom, seemed persons of distinction, approached his ship, with signs of peace and amity. They came on board without fear or distrust, and addressed him in a most respectful manner, but in language alto gether unknown to Aquilar. Cortes was in the utmost perplexity at an event, of which he instant- * Solis, Herrera, Bernal Diaz, Clavigero. 48 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. II. ly saw all the consequences, and already felt the hesitation and uncertainty with which he should carry on the great schemes he meditated, if in his transactions with the natives, rhe must depend en tirely upon such an imperfect mode of communica tion as the use of signs. He v/as delivered from this embarrassing situation by one of those fortu nate accidents which seem to wait on daring enter prise. One of the female slaves he had received from the Cacique of Tobasco, understood the Mex= ican language and being present at this interview with his new guests, and perceiving his distress and the confusion of Aquilar explained what they said in the Yucatan tongue, to the latter, who inter preted it to Cortes. XVI. Donna Marina makes a considerable figure in the history of the conquest of Mexico. She was distinguished by birth, beauty and genius, and was born at Painalla a village of the Mexican province of Coatzalcualco. Her father had been a feudato ry of the crown, under which, he held the govern ment of several districts. Her mother becoming a widow married another husband, by whom she had a son. The greater love she bore to the fruit of her second marriage, led her to sacrifice that of the first. The daughter was given to some slave merchants of Xicallanco, who sold her in Tobasco, whose sovereign presented her to Cortes, uncon scious that he was arming him most efficiently, for the conquest of the neighbouring nations. Beside her native tongue, she spoke the Maja, that of Yu catan and Tobasco; and in an incredible short pe riod acquired the Spanish language also. Being instructed in the christian faith and solemnly bap tized, she became the mistress of Cortes. She was ever faithful to the Spaniards, was their interpreter in all negotiations, and preserved them from many dangers by her knowledge of the language and her CH. II, MEXICO, 49 acuteness in penetrating the designs of their ene mies. She bore the Conqueror a son who was called Don Martin Cortes, was knight of the mi litary, order of San lago, and was on account of some ill grounded suspicion of rebellion, put to the torture m-the year 1568. During the long and hazardous voyage which Marina made with Cortes to the province of Honduras, in 1524, she passed through her native country, when her mother and brother presented themselves before her, bathed in tears and covered with confusion, dreading her vengeance for the wrongs done to her infancy; but she received them with great affection, and freely pardoned a crime which had been productive of such extraordinary results.* XVII. Cortes now learned that the two distin guished personages he had received on board his ship were messengers from Teuhtlile and Cuitlal- pitocj officers entrusted with the government of that province, by the great monarch Montezuma; and that they were sent to inquire his purpose in visiting that coast, and to offer him whatever assis tance he might need to continue his voyage. Sur prised by the appearance of these embassadors, as well as by the tenor of their message, he assured them in very respectful terms, that he came with the most friendly intentions to trade with them, and to confer with their prince on matters of great importance to him and his kingdom, which he would more fully communicate in person to the governors, and that he hoped for the same favorable reception which had been accorded to his countrymen in the past year. To conciliate the messengers he made them taste some Spanish wine, and presented to them some trifles, which he deemed worthy of their y" Clavigero, book viii. t Not Pilpatoe, as Robertson wr/ites it. Clavigero, ib. O SO HISTORY OF AMERICA. OH. It. acceptance. On the next morning, Good Friday, without waitings reply, he landed his troops, with all their equipage, and assisted by the Mexicans raised and fortified his camp upon the sandy shore, where at present stands the city of Vera Cruz.* XVIIl. Upon Easter Sunday, Teuhtlile and Cuitlalpitoc attended by a numerous retinue arrived at the Spanish camp. Cortes received them with great ceremony, not, as naked and brutal savages, such as the Spaniards thenheld the natives of Ameri- ca,generally,but as the ministers of a great and pow erful monarch, entitled to the courtesy due to civi lized nations. High Mass was solemnly celebra ted, after which the embassadors were invited to partake of a sumptuous entertainment. When the cloth was removed, Cortes drew his guests apart, and informed them that he came embassador from Don Carlos of Austria,King of Castile, the greatest king of the East, charged with propositions of such moment, not only to the person and estate of the Mexican monarch, but to the welfare of all his vassals that he could impart them only to the Em peror himself; and therefore, he expected, they would immediately conduct him to their prince,. by whom he expected to be received with the kind attentions due to the greatness of the sovereign who had sent him. Teuhtlile replied with dignity and courtesy to this demand. "You are scarcely arrived in this land, and yet desire immediately to see our king, I have listened with pleasure to your report of the greatness of your sovereign; but know, that ours, is not less great than he. I had not supposed that his equal in power existed in the world; but as you assert the fact, I will cause it-to be communi cated to him, and I cannot doubt, that he will re- * Bernal Diaz. Selis. CH. II. MEXICO. 51 joice in receiving intelligence of your monarch, and will do honor to his embassador. In the mean time, I pray you to accept the inconsiderable pre sent I now offer you in his name."* Upon which many slaves approached loaded with provi sions, consisting of fowls, fruit, and roasted fish, ten packages of fine cotton mantles adorned with feathers, and a petlacalli or small basket of woven reeds containing golden ornaments, of admirable workmanship.! Cortes received these articles with equal sur prise and gratification. If the Mexican embassa dors designed to repress the inclination of the Spaniards to proceed to Mexico, they adopted the worst possible means to attain their object. The desire of the latter to become masters of a country abounding with such precious productions, was thereby greatly stimulated. Cortes repaid the pre sent of the chief by one prepared for Montezuma, consisting of an arm chair, richly carved and paint ed, some artificial jewels enveloped in perfumed cotton, a string of artificial diamonds, and a crimson cap, with a gold medal, having the device of St. George killing the dragon. XIX. During this interview, some painters, brought by the Mexican chiefs for the purpose, were engaged in delineating with much skill, upon prepared cotton canvas, figures of the ships, the horses, artillery, soldiers, and of every object which * Robertson, after Solis, whom, notwithstanding hisreprehen- sion, he seems much to follow, says that Teuhtlile at this inter view endeavoured to dissuade Cortes from visiting Montezuma. Bernal Diaz, who was a witness to the interview, does not men tion this, but says, that the Mexican assured Cortes his applica tion should immediately be made, and an answer transmitted; and Clavigero denies the fact with some asperity, and observes that " it appears from the testimony of ancient and better histo rians, he did not oppose him until he had a positive order from his kinsj to thatpurpose." Clavigero, book 8. note. t Soils. B. Diaz. Herrera. Clavigero. 52 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. II. they deemed most worthy the attention of their prince. When Cortes was informed of this, in order to make a deep and vivid impression of his power on the mind of the King, he ordered the trumpets to sound to arms: the troops were instantly formed in order of battle, the infantry and cavalry per formed their appropriate evolutions; the artillery pointed towards the thick woods, which surrounded the camp, was fired, and made great havoc among tile trees. The Indians gazed upon these proceed ings with stupor and amazement, until the canon were discharged, when some fled, others fell to the ground, and all were so much confounded, that Cortes had some difficulty to restore their confi dence. The painters had now many new objects for their art, all of which, were,however, represent ed' with great distinctness.* Teuhtlile, the most observing of the two officers, regarded with curious attention, a gilt helmet on the head of one of the soldiers, remarking, that it was similar to that which had been worn by one of their ancestors and now covered the head of their great God Huitzilopochtli, and begged permission to carry it to Montezuma. Cortes granted his request, stipulating that the hel met should be returned to him, filled with gold dust, that he might ascertain, whether that metal as dug from the mines of Mexico, was like that of his na tive country, t XX. We have already noticed the establishment of carriers which was maintained by Montezuma;^ and it would seem, that Teuhtlile had been trained in this service, from the speed with which he bore * B. Diaz. + Clavigero, book 8, note, reports, as he says, after some his torians, that Cortes remarked, when making this condition, that his companions and himself suffered a certain disease of" the heart, which could be cured by gold only. Si nan i vera prefers. 13* 138 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. IV. ter success. The letters from Cortes and his prin cipal companions, addressed to their late associates of Cuba, united with the presents of the former and the wishes honestly entertained for the preven tion of civil war, which threatened utterly to de stroy the Spanish power in Mexico, induced them, generally, to declare for an immediate accommoda tion. Narvaez not only disregarded their advice, but treated some of the officers with great severity, and publicly proclaimed in the most contemptuous terms,Cortes and his adherents, rebels and enemies to their country. Further communion between the officers of the two armies propagated widely the disaffection which had sprung up in that of Nar vaez, and which did not advance the more slowly, that the same Andres de Duerro who had original ly recommended Cortes to the favor of Velasques, was now in authority with Narvaez, and received the strongest assurances of obtaining wealth and consideration from Cortes pursuant to a contract made between them at Cuba.* In a word, so effectually were Cortes' means of corruption em ployed, that the principal officers of the new army became thoroughly devoted to his interests, some inferior ones, joined his standard and he was promptly apprized of every resolution and move ment in the enemy's camp. Narvaez upon disco vering the state of his army, was irritated almost to madness; he set a price upon the head of Cor tes and his principal adherents;! and arrested' and shipped to Cuba, the magistrate Vasques de Aillon, who had been sent by the Jeronimite Friars, repre senting the king in America, to Cuba, to interpose * Diaz says, that by this agreement Cortes was to divide equally with Duerro and De Lares, the gold he should acquire. That the latter was dead, but that Cortes sent to Duerro, at this time, two Indians laden„with gold, and made to him the most magnificent promises. + B. Diaz. Solis. Clavigero. Robertson. CH. IV. MEXICO. 139 between Velasques and Cortes, and had now ac companied the expedition for the like purpose. XVII. Narvaez marched from the place of his landing to Chempoalla, where he was favorably re ceived by the Cacique as the friend of Cortes. But the Indian was much surprised and disconcerted when he beheld the supposed ally seize all the gold,. the robes and the women, which Cortes had obtain ed here and which had been confided to his care. XVIIL Having failed, as he expected, to con ciliate Narvaez, Cortes determined immediately to advance upon him, and try the fate of arms. He left Alvarado in command of an hundred and fifty men in Mexico; and to this slender garrison he committed a great city, with the wealth he had amassed, and what he esteemed of still greater consequence, the custody of the imprisoned mo narch. He endeavoured to conceal from Monte zuma the real cause of his march, labouring to per suade him that the newly arrived strangers were his friends and fellow subjects, and that after an interview with them, they would together return to their own country. The captive prince, unable to comprehend the designs of the Spaniards, or to re concile what he now heard with the declaration of Narvaez, and fearful of betraying any distrust of Cortes^ promised to remain quietly in the Spanish quarters and to cultivate the friendship with Alva1 rado that he had uniformly maintained with him.* "Herrera. Robertson. But Bernal Diaz gives- a different ac count of this interview with Montezuma. He says, " that Cor tes having waited on Montezuma previous to our march, the king offered him assistance against his more numerous foes; but asked an explanation of the charges which Narvaez had made against Cortes and his party. The General replied, that he had refrained to speak to his majesty on this subject, lest he should grieve him; that it was true, that he and Narvaez were subjects of the same monarch, but utterly false, that we were traitors j the king of Spain he said ruled many countries, the inhabitants 140 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. IV. He left with Alvarado eighty-three men, and seven horses, taking with him one hundred and eighty soldiers, which were increased by the addi tion of seventy men under Sandoval. Allowing, therefore, for a small garrison at Villa Rica, it would seem that the force brought by Cortes had been reduced one half. He dreaded most the su periority of his enemy in cavalry, and against this, he made able provision. Having observed that the Indians in the province of Chinantla used spears of extraordinary length and force, he armed his sol diers with this weapon, and accustomed them by frequent exercises to its use. During his march to Chempoalla, he made repeated efforts toward accommodation. But Narvaez requiring that Cor tes and his followers should recognise him as Go vernor of New Spain, by virtue of the powers de rived from Velasques, and Cortes refusing to sub mit to any authority, not founded on a commission from the emperor himself, under whose immediate protection he and his adherents had placed their of some of which, were braver than others; that we were all natives of Old Castile, and called true Castillians, and that our opponents were commanded by a Biscayan: that his threats to destroy us were little to be regarded, since we were upheld by; our Lord Jesus Christ, and his Blessed Mother; that his majes ty would soon see the difference between them and us, as he hoped soon to bring back these boasters with him as prisoners. He also expressed hishopethatMontezuma would to his utmost, endeavour to prevent any insurrection in the city, as he certain ly would, on his return, make those who behaved ill dearly answer for it." Solis, says, "that, in reply to questions relative to the disunion between subjects of the same prince, Cortes informed Montezuma that this captain, so intem perate in his language, should rather be considered as inconside rate and mistaken in zeal than disobedient to his master. That he visited the coast under the authority of a lieutenant of the king, who residing in a distant island knew not the recent wish es of the Court; and that whatever misunderstanding might ex ist, would be speedily removed by an interview, for which pur pose he was about to hasten to Chempoalla,"'— Solis. vol. ii. chap. 7. CH. IV. MEXICO. 141 infant colony, these attempts proved fruitless. Nar vaez having learned .that Cortes had advanced with in a league of Chempoalla with his small force, considered this an insult which merited chastise ment, and marched out with all his troops to offer him battle. XIX. Cortes, too prudent to fight such an ene my, greatly superior in numbers and equipment, upon equal ground, preserved his position upon the opposite bank of the river Canoas, where he was well secured against attack. Towards the close of the day a heavy tropical rain came on, and the fol lowers of Narvaez unaccustomed to military hard ships, murmured so loudly at being thus fruitlessly exposed, that he, moved by their unsoldierly impa tience, and his own contempt for his adversary,, permitted them to retire to Chempoalla. From this circumstance Cortes conceived the hope of a sudden victory. His hardy veterans, though exposed without any shelter to the peltings of the storm, he observed were still fresh for service; and foreseeing that the enemy would give himself up to repose, in the belief that the season was wholly unfit for ac tion, he resolved, to' fall upon them in the dead of night, when surprise and terror would more than compensate for the inferiority of his numbers. His troops unanimously applauded this determination, and he had more difficulty to temper, than to in flame their ardour. He divided them into three parties. At the head of the first, Sandoval was charged to seize the enemy's artillery, which was planted before the principal tower of the temple, where Narvaez had fixed his head quarters; Chris- toval de Olid commanded the second; and the third a body of reserve, the smallest in number, was conducted by Cortes himself, to support the others as there should be occasion. Having passed the river, which was so much swollen that thewa- 142 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. IV. ter almost reached their chins, his troops advanced in silence, each man armed with his sword, his dagger and Chinantlan spear. Narvaez, however confident, was not wholly regardless of a General's duty; he had placed two sentinels to watch the motions of the enemy. One of these was seized by the advance guard, the other made his escape, and running to the town, gave timely notice of the approach of the foe. But the infatuated and arro gant commander imputed this alarm to the cowardice of the sentinel, and derided the idea of an attack, which the shout of Cortes' soldiers soon taught him was real. The rapidity of the assault was such, that only one cannon was fired, before Sandoval's party closed with the cannoneers, and drove them from their guns, which they turned upon the tower. In vain did Narvaez strive by his courage to re deem the consequences of his imprudence. His shouts of encouragement to his friends were an swered by the redoubled efforts of his foes; whose compact order and long spears bore down all oppo sition. They had already reached the entrance of the tower when a soldier having set fire to the reeds with which it was covered, compelled Nar vaez to sally forth. He was immediately wounded in the eye with a spear, dragged down the steps and secured in chains. The cry of victory was raised among the soldiers of Cortes, and a panic terror seized their foes. The troops from the first tower began to surrender, and tiiose stationed in the two smaller ones were thrown into confusion. In the darkness, they could not distinguish friends from foes — their own artillery was pointed against them, and they mistook even the fire flies to which they were accustomed, for the matches of musque- teers, advancing to the attack. — After a short re sistance the soldiers compelled their officers to ca pitulate, and before morning all laid down their CH. rv. Mexico. 143 arms and submitted- to the conqueror. The loss was inconsiderable on either part; that of Cortes being only two soldiers killed, and that of the ad verse faction two officers and fifteen privates.* The successful and politic General treated the van quished as countrymen and friends, and proposed either to send them back to Cuba or to admit them into his army, as partners in his fortune, on equal terms with his own soldiers. The latter was eagerly accepted by adventurers who sought nothing better than to overrun a rich and populous country under a skilful leader, and who saw in Cortes, and the advantageous position he held in Mexico, all that they could hope, even by a long period of contest, to obtain. Thus by a series of events in which good fortune seconded ability, Cortes not only escaped perdi tion which seemed inevitable, but, when he had the least reason to expect it, obtained a thousand Span iards ready to follow wherever he should lead. It cannot be doubted that these advantages were as much the result of his intrigues before, as his cou rage and skill in the battle; and that the ruin of Narvaez was occasioned not less by the treachery of his own troops than the valour of the enemy. * The fleet of Narvaez followed the fate of his army, the ships were dismantled and the command given to Cavallero, one of the captains, who was appointed admiral. 144 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. V. CHAPTER V. I. Cortes proposes a further exploration of the country — Is recalled to Mexico, by the impru dence of Alvarado-— -II. Return of Cortes to Mexico- — Change in the department of the Mex icans — His haughty conduct to Montezuma- -•• III. Tlie Spaniards suffer from the privation of food-—-!V. Hostile attacks qf the Mexicans- ••• V. Death of Montezuma — His qualities— —VI. Further combats — VII. The Noche Triste, or night retreat of Cortes from Mexico- ---V!!!. Battle qf Otompan- • • -LX. Friendly reception of the Spaniards in Tlascala- ---X. Other Spanish losses— Policy of Cortes- •••XL Discontent of the soldiers of Narvaez •••-X!!. Excursion against the Tepejacans----X!H. Excursion against Quauhquechollan, Iztoccan and Tochte- pec- — -XIV. Cortes receives supplies from Cuba and Jamaica — His strength- -• -XV. Cuitlahuat- zin raised to the throne of Mexico— His mea sures for defence- •• .XVI. Death of the new Emperor and election of Quauhtimotzin-— • XVII. Cortes advances to Tezcuco — Seats Ix- lilcochitl on the throne of that kingdom- • "XVIIL Cortes subdues the cities and states around the lakes- • • >XIX. Transportation of the brigantines. XX. Cortes makes further progress around the lake- •• -XX!. He receives reinforcements from Hispaniola — Launch of the brigantines upon the lake- •••XXIi. Conspiracy against Cortes- ••- XXIII. Cortes surveys his forces — March for Mexico — Execution of Xicotencatl- • • -XXIV. Destruction of the aqueducts of CJialpofepec— Trial of the brigantines- • -XXV. Commence ment of the siege of Mexico- -XXV!- Cortes CH. V. MEXICO. 145 changes his mode of attack- •••XXVII. The Spaniards make a permanent lodgement within the city — Quauhtimotzin taken prisoner-— - XXVIII. Surrender of the city. I. At the head of a force so respectable, compri sing nearly one hundred horsemen with abundant supply of the munitions of war, the enterprising and comprehensive mind of Cortes prepared te. make a further exploration of the country. He had already detailed parties for this purpose, and instructed his officers to survey the coasts of the Mexican gulph, when he was compelled to concen trate his troops, by unhappy tidings from the city of Mexico. On the approach of the great festival of Huitzil opochtli, which was holden in the month Toxcatl, commencing this year on the 13th of May, Monte zuma requested permission from Alvarado to visit the temple, that he might unite with the priests, the nobles, and the people, according to custom, in its celebration. The prudence or timidity of that officer, rejected the application; and the king, that he might participate in the sacred rite, directed the festival to be holden in the court of the palace oc cupied by the Spaniards. None were admitted save those of the higher order of priests and the principal nobles, who were adorned with their richest jewels. During the long dance which formed part of this stated religious ceremony, Al varado, closed the gates and stationed guards at every avenue. At a given signal the remainder ot the Spanish troops rushed with irresistible fury upon the unarmed, the astonished and wearied mul titude. The slaughter was terrible, from which a few only escaped, who succeeded in leaping the walls. When the horrible tragedy was completed; the executioners stripped the bodies of the glitter- 14 146 HISTORY OF AMERICA. OH. V. ing jewels, which probably formed the chief in ducement to the act.* To justify this inhuman deed, to his General, Alvarado alleged that he had received intelligence from two of the nobles and a priest, of a design on the part of the Mexicans to attack him. This may possibly have been true; and the dull intellect of tne fierce soldier may have been incapable of discovering any other mode of averting the danger. But, if the defence be ad mitted, we must also admit that the Mexicans had, very extraordinary ideas of making war, when they enclosed themselves unarmed, in the very den of the lion. Bernal Diaz, exonerates Montezuma from all hostile designs, and expressly declares, had he willed it, he might readily have destroyed at this period the whole Spanish force, t The people, driven beyond their patience, fierce ly assaulted the Spanish quarters, broke down part of the outer wall, and undermined the palace in several places; and though repelled by the fire of the artillery, they returned to the attack on the succeeding day, and having slain seven of- the Spaniards, would have destroyed the whole, had not Montezuma, compelled by his gaolers, restrain ed their fury. But though respect for their monarch * Robertson, upon the authority of several historians, has laid the scene of this infamous deed within the great temple; Acosta and Clavigero, in the court of the residence of Cortes. The latter, from all circumstances, seems most probable. Go mara estimates the number of nobles present at six hundred, others, at more than a thousand. Las Casus, whose testimony on such occasions must be received with much allowance, at more than two thousand. + The testimony of honest Diaz is the more entitled to credit, that he relates, without strong marks of credulity, a circum stance narrated by Alvarado in his exculpation. A number of Indians, says the latter, enraged at the detention of Montezuma, and the erection of a crucifix in the temple, had by the order of their gods attempted to pull down the cross, but to their infinite astonishment found, that all their strength was unable to re move it. CH. V. MEXICO. 14? and fears for his safety, diverted the assault from the Spanish quarters, the people did not desist from hostilities. They burned the brigantines on the lake, and blockaded their foes in the palace, draw ing a ditch around it, with the resolution to destroy them by famine. II. The garrison of .Mexico was in this critical situation when Cortes received two messages, by the faithful Tlascalans, urging earnestly his imme diate return to Mexico. To him the danger seem ed so imminent as to admit neither deliberation nor delay. He hastened, therefore, with all his forces from Chempoalla, with no less rapidity than he had advanced thither. At Tlascala his army was aug mented by two thousand selected warriors. But on entering the Mexican territories, he discovered that disaffection to his interests was every where prevalent. The principal inhabitants had deserted the towns through which he passed, and no provi sion was made for the subsistence of his troops. The roads, which on his former march were crowd ed by anxious and curious multitudes, were now silent and solitary; the people avoiding with horror all intercourse with him. Had the Mexicans pos sessed a very small portion of the martial science of their enemies, they might easily have accom plished their destruction. Had they suffered the advancing army to enter on the causeway of Iz tapalapan, and broken up the road and removed the bridges in their front and rear, the whole must have fallen a prey to famine. But they, ignorant- ly, again suffered Cortes to march into the city without molestation and quietly to take possession of his former quarters. * Pursuing the principles which had hitherto go verned his conduct, his demeanour towards Monte- * Bernal Diaz. Solis. Robertson. Clavigero, 1.48 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. V. zuma,was marked with haughtiness and disrespect. He not only neglected to visit the monarch, but, barbed the insult with expressions of contempt for him and his people.* Some Mexicans, who had acquired sufficient knowledge of the Spanish lan guage to comprehend the contemptuous words, re ported them to their countrymen, who, now satis fied that the intentions of the General were alike cruel with those of his lieutenant, resolved to re new the war with the utmost fury. Cortes, how ever, who was justly irritated at the wanton and unseasonable cruelty of Alvarado, severely cen sured that officer, and was restrained, only by the consideration that he should need the services of a brave leader, from inflicting upon him condign pun ishment. III. The force of Cortes within the walls of the city, amounted, auxiliaries included, to nine thou sand men; a part of whom were quartered in the enclosure of the great temple. For this multitude he found great difficulty to obtain provisions; the Mexican husbandmen, from hatred to the Spaniards, refusing to attend the markets. Cortes command ed Montezuma with stern threats to cause his sub jects to bring to the city the customary supplies; and when the king urged the impossibility of exe cuting this order whilst not only he, but the chieT officers of the crown were helpless prisoners, he liberated Cuitlahuatzin, the king's brother, to that end; who instead of tamely feeding, sought effec tively to destroy, the oppressors of nis country. IV. On the day succeeding that, on which Cor tes re-entered Mexico,t one of his soldiers, whilst * Observing, on the remonstrance of his officers who had kindly feelings towards the king, " Out on the dog! why does he neglect to supply us with provisions. " " What owe I to the dog no treated secretly with Narvaez, and suffers us now to perish of want?" t June 25, 1520. CH. V. MEXICO. 149 executing a commission for the General, was as sailed by the people, and driven back wounded to the Spanish quarters: A party under the com mand of Ordaz, sent out to inspect, and report on, the state of the city, was also driven in, with the loss of twenty-three slain, and many wounded; and a fierce attack was made and obstinately sus tained upon the garrison, in which several Span iards perished. A portion of the palace was set on fire, which was with great difficulty got under, by tearing down part of the buildings, and by co vering the flames with earth. Nor did the assail ants retire, until the departure of the sun, at which time, according to custom, they ceased to combat. On the following day the assault was renewed with greater fury. In vain did the discharges from twelve pieces of artillery, sweep away the advan cing columns, the desperate Mexicans instantly filled up the ranks, and pressed recklessly forward to the attack. Cortes beheld with astonishment, the men heretofore submissive to his slightest wish, now contend against his utmost power with the most exalted courage and fortitude. He attempted a sortie and though the mass gave way, momenta rily, to the shock of the Spanish charge, and num bers perished by the keen and enduring sword, the warring multitude did not seem to diminish. And his greatest exertions during a whole day of con flict, enabled him only to make his way through one of the principal streets of the city, and con sume a few dwellings. In obtaining these advan tages he had more than fifty men wounded, and ten killed, and was himself much hurt in the hand. This severe loss admonished the General to take greater precautions for the security of the troops; and a day was devoted to the construction of four moving towers, called manias, from each of which twenty -five soldiers might fight with the greatest 14* 150 HISTORY OF AMERICA. OH. V. advantage, and drive the enemy from their most annoying position on the roofs of the houses, V. In the mean time Cortes resolved to employ his prisoner Montezuma, to avert the fury of his subjects, and required that he should appear on the ramparts arrayed in royal robes, in order to attempt an accommodation, the basis of which should be, the departure of the Spaniards from the city. When the Mexicans on the following morning renewed the assault, the abject prince presented himself be fore them. At the sight of their sovereign, the combatants dropped their arms, the profound re spect and religious awe his presence had always inspired came upon their spirits, and they listened in deep silence to his exhortations to lay down their arms, and to suffer their cruel enemies to depart. But, when he ceased, a sullen murmur spread through the multitude, expressive of strong indig nation; and Quauhtimotzin his successor and the last king of Mexico, reproaching him for his super stition and cowardice, which had enslaved himself and entailed unheard of woes upon his country, seized a bow and aimed an arrow at his person. The veneration of the crowd was lost in the re membrance of their sufferings, and missiles of all kinds assailed the unhappy prince, who, insuffi ciently protected by the Spanish bucklers, received several slight wounds in the body, but far deeper ones in the spirit, fell to the ground and was borne to his apartments. Upon seeing him fall, his sub jects, horror stricken, fled from the scene of their crime. Cortes hastened to condole with the un happy monarch, who, now, conscious of the detes tation of his people, and hopeless of regaining the affection and the state from which he had fallen, resumed the haughty tone of his character, and disdained to be longer the slave and tool of his country's enemies. Tearing the bandages from his CH. IV. MEXICO. 151 wounds, he refused all nourishment, and thus ter minated his wretched life, rejecting with disdain every solicitation to embrace the christian faith.* Some of the Mexican historians ascribe the death of Montezuma to the Spaniards. This is not pro bable, simply, because, it does not appear, that, his death wouldL avail them in aught; and whatever may have been his deficiencies as a monarch, his private virtues had endeared him to the meanest soldier. In youth, and before he attained the throne, he was warlike and had conquered in many battles. He was magnificent, liberal, and luxuri ous: Proud in his deportment and severe in his judgments. In latter life, superstition and self in dulgence had so enfeebled his mind that he seemed as his subjects reproached him, to have changed his sex. The body of the unhappy prince was deli vered to his subjects and buried with the usual so lemn rites. He left at his death several sons, three of whom perished in battle on the Noche Triste, or night of wo, as the Spaniards have named it, shortly after the decease of their father. Of those who survived, the most remarkable was Iohualica- huatzin, or Don Pedro Montezuma, from whom the Counts Montezuma and Tula were descended. He left also a daughter, from whom the noble houses of Cano Montezuma and Andreda Monte zuma are derived. The Spanish monarch, in ac knowledgment of the ready submission of Monte zuma to their power, granted many special favors to his family. VI. On the 28th Cortes made a sally with his towers, in hope that the troops in their march might be freed from the missiles thrown from the house topsYl, But the roofs of the engines were crushed by the massive stones torn from the walls and cast " Herrera. Solis. Bernal Diaz. Clavigero. Robertson. 152 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. V. upon them; and unable to pass the first bridge which separated his quarters from the town, he re turned, after, a struggle of several hours duration, leaving one man killed and carrying back many wounded. The Mexicans were greatly encouraged by this successful resistance. Five hundred nobles forti fied themselves in the upper area of the greater tem ple, which overlooked the Spanish posts and whence they could annoy the soldiers with the greatest advantage. Cortes dispatched Juan de Escobar with an nundred men to dislodge them. But he was thrice repulsed and the General resolved with an additional force to head the attack himself. Binding his shield to his wounded arm, he sallied forth with a large party of Spaniards and Tlascal ans, who were bravely encountered and*long resist ed in the lower court. By degrees Cortes attained the upper area, where the combat was prolonged for several hours, and he was himself in great dan ger of perishing. Two young men, approached him as it craving quarter, and suddenly seizing him, attempted to throw themselves, with the Ge neral, into the lower area. But Cortes fortunately liberated himself from their grasp, and the devoted youths were precipitated together, over the preci pice. The slaughter here was great, the sanctua ries were set on fire, and the troops retired without further molestation to their quarters. But forty-six Spaniards were slain outright and many others grievously wounded. A speedy retreat was now indispensable, and Cortes endeavoured to obtain permission from the nobles to retire unmolested, urging his abhor rence to shed so much blood, and inflict so.jnany evils as their obstinacy occasioned. They mocked his pretensions to humanity; but declared that they regarded not, what might befall themselves, provi- CH. V. MEXICO. 153 ded they could destroy every one of their cruel enemies; and if they were unable to do this with the sword, it would assuredly be effected by famine. The latter result seemed highly probable, as in timidated by the late fierce displays of Spanish cou rage, the Mexicans had changed their whole system of attack, and had applied themselves to barri cade the streets and break down the causeways. To remove the former obstructions Cortes made a night sortie, and breaking into one of the principal streets, burned more than three hundred dwellings. On the next day he sallied by the dyke of Iztapa lapan and obtained possession of several bridges, and filled portions of the canals, that he might ren der his retreat more easy and less liable to inter ruption. But this advantage cost him ten or twelve of his bravest soldiers. Again, on the succeeding day, he fought his way by the same road, and at last reached the main land. Whilst engaged in destroying the last bridge, and filling the last canal, he was informed that the Mexicans were disposed to capitulate, and for that purpose required the li beration of the chief priest, who had been made prisoner at the assault upon the temple. He has tened to his quarters and readily granted their re quest. This was a stratagem, however, by which they procured the indispensable presence of the priest, at the coronation of their new sovereign, and a cessation of arms, during which, they drove the Spaniards in charge of the road into the town, and rendered useless their two days labour. VII. The dyke of Iztapalapan having been ren dered impassable, it was resolved to attempt that of Tacuba, which leading in a direction opposed to Tlascala had been the least injured by the Mexi cans. Unfortunately, the night was chosen for the retreat, from a knowledge of the general reluctance 154 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. V. of the Indians to fight in darkness, and not less from the advice of a soldier called Botello, whose claims to the vain science of astrology were even by Cortes confidently admitted. The army com menced its inarch towards midnight, on the first of July. Sandoval commanded the van, Alvarado and Leon the rear, and Cortes the centre, where were placed the prisoners, the artillery, the bag gage, and a portable bridge for passing the breach es of the causeway. Here, also, was the king's fifth of the treasure; all the rest Cortes abandoned to his soldiers, advising them however to leave it, rather than incumber themselves with its weight upon the march. In profound silence the troops reached the first canal through the dyke, hoping, that their retreat was undiscovered. But the priests who watched in the temple now gave the signal, and their cry, "To arms! to arms! theTeulesare flying," was answered by a tremendous burst of musical instruments and the shouts of an innume rable multitude, which lined the causeways, defen ded the breach and covered the lake with canoes. Flights of arrows and showers of stone poured from every quarter. And the Mexicans, in masses, impeding each other, rushed upon the Spaniards as on their devoted prey. The first ditch was passed in comparative safety; but the weight of the artille ry sunk the bridge so deep in the mud, that it could not be removed. The rencontre at the second ditch was consequently terrible. The deep dark ness of the night, was increased by heavy rain; and its silence was broken by the clamours of the com batants, the shrieks of the wounded, and the groans of the dying. The breach was too wide to be leaped and too d«ep to be waded. In the attempt to pass it by swimming, all order was broken, and the canal soon became so filled with dead bodies of men and horses, that the rear of the army was en- CH. V. MEXICO. 155 abled to march over it. The third ditch presented like difficulties which were surmounted in like manner. Cortes with about one hundred foot sol diers and a few horse gained the main land. Ha ving formed these as soon as he arrived, he return ed with such as were capable of service, to assist the retreat of their friends and to encourage their exertions by his presence and example. Some he was enabled to save, but his heart was rent by the cries of those who sank beneath the enemy, or, ta ken prisoners, were borne off in the boats to be sa crificed to the gods.* The loss of the Spaniards on this sad night con sisted of more than four hundred and fifty Euro- f leans, and four thousand auxiliaries; all the artil- ery; forty-six horses, the treasure which had been amassed, and the more valuable manuscripts of Cortes; a considerable part of the illustrious priso ners, among whom were, Cacamatzin, the deposed king of Acolhuacan; a brother, and son and two daughters of Montezuma and Maxicatzin. Of the Spanish officers, Cortes mourned with tears the loss of Velasques de Leon, who had, abandoned his own relative to cleave to him; Amador de Laviz, Francisco Morla, and Francisco de Saucedo.t He had the satisfaction, however, to learn that Aquilar and Marina, the useful instruments of his future fortune had been preserved. TJie Mexicans might in this broken and dispiri ted condition of the Spanish army, by continuing the combat, have utterly destroyed their late haugh ty and cruel enemies. But, either a want of knowl- * Alvarado crossed the third ditch by leaping it with his lance for a leaping pole. The leap was deemed so extraordinary that the pass still bears the name of Salto d' Jllvarado. B. Diaz. denies the possibility of the leap, and says that no spear could reach the bottom, + Clavigero. Bernal Diaz. 15b HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. V, edge in the art of war, the duty due to the dead, or some unknown cause, induced them to quit the pursuit; and they employed the following day in mourning, and paying funeral honours to their friends. In the performance of this melancholy office, they cleared the streets, dykes, and ditches, of dead bodies, burning them before they could infect the air by corruption. At break of day, Cortes collected his wounded, wearied and afflicted soldiers at the village of Po- potla; and thence marched through the city of Tla copan, (Tacuba,) harrassed by some troops of that city and of Azcapozalco, to Otoncalpolco, a tem ple on the summit of a low mountain, nine miles west of the capital, where subsequently stood, and perhaps, still stands, the sanctuary of The Virgin of Succour. The army halted here to take some rest and nourishment; the latter being furnished by some Otomies who lived impatiently under the Mexican yoke, in adjacent hamlets. Tlascala was the only place in which Cortes could hope to re ceive effectual succour and the means of retrieving his fortunes. But he was now, on the west side of the lake, and Tlascala lay sixty-four miles distant from its eastern bank. It was necessary therefore to go round its northern end, to gain the road which led thither. Under the direction of a Tlascalan guide, he marched by almost impracticable ways, through ill cultivated and thinly peopled districts of Quauhtitlan, Citlaltepec, Xoloc and Zacamolca, annoyed during their whole march by flying troops of the enemy, and so pressed by famine, that the Spaniards supped from trie carcase of a horse, which had been killed that day; and the Tlascalans cast themselves upon the earth to graze like brutes. VIIL During this painful march, the skirmish ing parties of the enemy frequently exclaimed, "March on robbers, march on, you do but hasten CH. V. MEXICO. 157 to the scene of punishment for your crimes." The meaning of this threat, not then understood, was appallingly explained, when on the next morn ing the Spaniards beheld from the mountains of Aztaquemecan, the plain of Tonan, between them and the city of Otompan, covered with a countless and brilliant multitude of their foes, who had se lected this as a favourable spot, to complete the immolation they had successfully began. The Castilians estimated this native army at two hun dred thousand men, and the bravest soldiers quail ed at the sight. But, Cortes, without waiting the growth of their fears, instantly formed his army, so that the flanks might be in some measure pro tected by his small squadron of horse, and gave orders for the attack. In open day the steel sword of the Castilians, gave them in close encounter such advantages, that in whatever direction they turned their force the impression was irresistible. But when the multitude gave way in one quarter, they closed in another, and the spirits of the soldiers sunk within ihem, as they beheld no end to their toil, and could entertain no hope of victory. For tunately, Cortes beholding the standard borne by Cihuacatzin, the Mexican commander-in-chief, called to mind, that upon it depended the fate of every battle. Assembling around him a few of the bravest officers, whose horses were yet capable of service, he dashed forward towards it with an impetuosity that scattered or prostrated all before him. The Mexican General, clothed in rich ar mour, his helmet surmounted by a lofty and waving Elume of brilliant feathers, and a gilded shield on is arm, was carried on a litter. The staridard formed of golden net-work, pendant from a point ed staff, was firmly bound to his body, and rose ten palms above his head. Cortes, Sandoval, Alvarado, and Olid, strove who should first 15 158 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. V. attain this gaudy and important pageant. It was Cortes' fortune to strike him first with his spear, and to overturn him upon the ground, when Juan de Salamanca, a brave soldier, who had kept up with his commander, dismounting quickly from his horse, put an end to his life. He tore off the plume from his head and presented it to the Gene ral, saying, "He who first strikes the Quarry merits the trophy."* The chiefs around the Mexi can standard shared the fate of the leader. When he fell and the banner disappeared, the army as if by universal consent was dissolved, every warrior - cast away his weapons, and fled from the field. Upon this day when every man fought with despe ration the gallantry and activity of Cortes and San doval called forth the admiration of the troops and received their warmest acclamations. The Tlas calans, too, fought with their usual courage and in the pursuit made great slaughter of the flying foe; twenty thousand of whom are said to have fallen. The Spaniards abandoned the pursuit to collect the spoils of the field, which, from the practice of the Mexicans to decorate themselves in their richest ornaments, were so valuable as almost to compen sate the soldiers for their loss during the sad re treat. But the victory was not bought without price. The greater portion of the Tlascalans pe rished; many of the Spaniards also were slain, and none escaped without a wound. The Spaniards were now reduced to four hundred and forty in number. Beside those slain previous to the retreat, there perished during it and tne six following days, eight hundred and seventy; many of whom naving been made prisoners, were sacrificed to the great Moloch of the temple. * Charles V. with other rewards, gave Salamanca, a coat of arms with a plume or penache upon it. CH. V. MEXICO. 159 IX. Scarce was the battle won, than new carea pressed upon the mind of Cortes. In the flood tide of his fortunes the Tlascalans had been faith ful to their pledge of amity,— his successes. grati fied every passion of their hearts — gave them glory, vengeance, and plunder. Since his reverse, their fate was indissolubly bound to that of him and his Spaniards. — But, would their nation now receive them with cordiality, when stripped of a^great por tion of their power, wounded, wearied, and de sponding? Or would they avail themselves of this opportunity, to avenge their first defeats and to obtain the valuable arms of the strangers? His doubts were injuries to the brave and generous re public. The principal chiefs met him upon their confines, and tendered him all that they could be stow; putting the whole force of the commonwealth at his command, and even the women excited him to take vengeance of the common enemy.* X. During the interval necessary to refresh the troops, Cortes learned that the enmity of the Mex icans had not been confined to the Spaniards imme diately under his command. A considerable de tachment, marching from Chempoalla to the capital, had been cut off by the people of Tepejacac, as peace-offerings to the Mexicans, whom they thus appeased for the offence, they had committed in the reception of- Cortes on his first march to Mexi co. A smaller party returning from Tlascala to Vera Cruz, with the share of Mexican gold allotted to the garrison, had been surprised and destroyed in the mountains. Steadfast to his purpose, of re ducing the empire of Mexico beneath the Spanish yoke, and which misfortune had in no way relaxed, he -mourned the loss of every soldier; and as a mean of securing the fidelity of millions, to a few * 8th July, 1520. 160 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. V. hundred invaders, he resolved to take ample ven geance for the death of every Spaniard who fell by the arms of the natives. Nor were the hopes he entertained unwarranted. Vera Cruz had remained unmolested. Chempoalla and the neighbouring districts, and the warlike Tlascalans were faithful to his interests, and his Spanish force, more expe rienced and better acquainted with the country, was quite as numerous as that, with which he had already penetrated to Mexico. XL Every act of his life tended to his great ob ject. He courted the favor of the Tlascalans with great assiduity; distributing liberally among them the spoils of the field of Otompan. He drew a small supply of amunition and two or three small field pieces from his stores at Vera Cruz. He des patched a faithful officer with four ships of Nar vaez' fleet,, to Hispaniola and Jamaica, to engage adventurers and purchase horses, gun powder, and other military stores. And to secure the command of the lake of Mexico, he prepared materials in the mountains of Tlascala, for building twelve brigan tines, which he purposed to have carried thither. A new and formidable obstacle arose, in a quarter where he least expected it The followers of Nar vaez differed widely from his own troops. They were planters, rather than soldiers, who, had left productive estates in Cuba, in hopes of obtaining more valuable ones in Mexico; and they, had never anticipated and were unwilling to pay, the great cost of the purchase. Amid the disasters of Mex ico, they cursed their easy faith in the General, which had led them into such perils: and such as had survived the retreat, had secured a considera ble share of the abandoned gold and were unwil ling to risk exposure to similar calamities. When Cortes' constancy to his design was developed, they remonstrated against it and earnestly and for- CH. V. MEXICO. 161 mally required him to lead them back to Vera Cruz whence they might pass to Cuba. Neither his own eloquence, nor the entreaties of his soldiers could change their determination. The utmost he could effect, was to defer their departure, under a pro mise that at some more convenient juncture he would dismiss such as should desire it. XII. It so happened that the . detachment de stroyed by the Tepejacans was composed chiefly of the companions of the discontented, and their de sire for vengeance made them more readily submit to the active employment which he deemed proper to divert the minds of his soldiers, from discussing his present conduct and future plans. Having de manded and been refused satisfaction, by the con federacy of Tepejacac, he placed himself at .the head of four hundred and twenty Spaniards, and six thousand Tlascalans, while Xicotencatl was le vying an army of fifty thousand men. The num ber of troops assembled from Tlascala, Huexotzin co, and Cholula,' has been estimated at one hundred and fifty thousand men. The town of Zacatepec was first reduced, then Acatzinco; each preceded by a hard contested battle. Tepejacac or Tepeaca, as it is termed by the Spaniards, fell without, resis tance. The capture of these cities more particu larly claim our notice, because, the Spaniards here, and at this time, introduced into Anahuac the exe crable system of Repartimientos, and consequent personal slavery. Cortes declared his prisoners slaves; and having set apart a fifth for the king, divided the rest among his countrymen and allies, branding those of the former with heated irons.* XIIL He had scarce completed the reduction of Tepejacac when he received an entreaty from the Governor of Quauquechollan,t to come to his aid, * Bernal Diaz. + Called Guacacualco by Bernal Diaz. 15* 162 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. V. and assist him in the expulsion of an army of thir ty thousand Mexicans. This was a considerable city about four miles south of Tepejacac, contain ing near six thousand families, pleasantly situated, and alike fortified by nature and art. On one side was a steep and rocky mountain, and on another two parallel rivers. The whole city was surround ed with a strong wall of stone and lime, twenty feet high and twelve broad; upon which was a breast-work of three feet elevation. The entran ces, four in number, were protected by doubling the ends of the walls in semicircles, such as we have described in the noted wall of Tlascala. Cor tes immediately despatched De Olid, with thirteen horses, two hundred Spaniards, and thirty thousand auxiliaries. During the march from Tlascala, Olid grew suspicious of treachery, on the part of Quauh- quechollan and Huexotzinco, and retired to Cholu la, whence he sent some chiefs of the latter to Cor tes for examination.* Their innocence becoming soon apparent, the General applied himself, suc cessfully, to remove every vestige of dissatisfaction; and putting himself at their head with an addition al hundred Spanish infantry, and ten horses, he marched for Cholula, resolved to take the enter prise upon himself. Before he arrived at Quauh- quecholla, his auxiliary troops amounted to one hundred thousand men. With such a force with out, aided by the insurgents, within, the city was soon taken. Itzocan, a small and well fortified town, situated in a deep and narrow valley, shared the same fate. Both professed submission to the Spanish crown, under whose dominion, the towns oi Xalatzinco and Tecamachalco, were also soon after reduced. These advantages scarcely com- • Clavigero. Bernal Diaz ascribes this retrogade movement to the mutiny of the followers of Narvaez. CH. V. MEXICO. 163 pensated the grievous disaster 'sustained before Tochtepec, a large city upon the river Popaloapan. Salcedo, with eighty Spaniards, was sent to attack the Mexican garrison here, not one of whom re turned to communicate the tidings of their defeat. Their deaths were soon afterwards avenged by Or daz and D'Avila who captured the city. The suc cesses of the Spaniards not only restored their con fidence in their own superiority, but reproduced the awe and veneration among the natives which had so much favoured their first victories. Cortes became now the general arbiter of the Indian na tions, by whose fiat, the succession to estates and honors was finally determined. XIV. The timber for his vessels being nearly ready, he prepared to make a direct attack upon the city of Mexico, in aid of which his extraordi nary good fortune again appeared. The Governor of Cuba, in full confidence of the success of Nar vaez, had despatched two small vessels after him, with new instructions and supplies of men and mi litary stores. They were artfully decoyed into Villa fiica and seized by the lieutenant of Cortes, who found little difficulty in persuading the soldiers to join the standard of the General. Soon after, three other ships of more considerable force came sepa rately into the harbour. These formed part of an armament fitted out by De Garay, Governor of Ja maica, with a view to conquest and colonization in Mexico. His agents had made their attempt on the northern provinces, where the country was poor and the inhabitants consisted of the fierce and war like Otomies. After a continued succession of disasters, famine compelled them to venture to Vera Cruz and cast themselves upon the charity of their countrymen, whose fame they had sought to rival, and in whose acquisitions they had designed 164 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. V. forcibly to participate.* They, too, were easily induced to join the standard of Cortes. A vessel also arrived from Spain, freighted with military stores, by private merchants, in hopes of a profita ble market. Cortes eagerly purchased the cargo, and enlisted the crew. Thus, from various quar ters, his army was augmented with one hundred and eighty men, and twenty horses, — a reinforce ment of great importance, which enabled him to dismiss such of -Narvaez' soldiers as continued with reluctance in his service, and whose longings for their homes rendered them spiritless soldiers, but, active and dangerous agitators. After their departure he still mustered five hundred and fifty infantry, of which four score were armed with muskets or cross-bows, forty horsemen, and nine field pieces; and the Tlascalans according to Her rera and Torquemada, supplied him with sixty thousand archers, ten thousand pikemen, and forty thousand swordsmen, commanded by the younger Xicotencatl. XV. In the mean time whilst the Spaniards were recovering from their fatigues and malting prepara tions to renew their attempt on Mexico, the inhabi tants of that city were not careless of the means of resistance. The injuries they had sustained in their temples, houses, and roads, in the death of their king and many of the chief nobles, were very great; but scarce greater than those arising from the dissentions which sprang up among themselves. A Spanish party, too, of the friends and relatives of Montezuma, had been formed within their walls, whose extinction was not effected without much bloodshed. Soon after the death of Montezuma, Cuitlahu- October 28. CH. V. MEXICO. 165 atzin* was duly elected to the throne. He had been, as we have seen, the distinguished counsellor of his brother, and was the General of his armies. Like his predecessor he was remarkable for magni ficence and liberality; and the gardens of Iztapa lapan, formed a beautiful instance of his taste., His talents and sagacity have been commended by no less a judge than Cortes himself; his spirit was evident in the impatience with which he bore the arrogance of the invaders; and his military skill in the events of the Noche Triste. Had lie lived, Cortes might not have triumphed in the conquest of the Mexican empire. If it were possible for the sacrifices of human victims ever to be holy, the captive Spaniards who bled on the altar at his coro nation, must have been acceptable. When this ceremony was over, he applied him self diligently, to repair the injuries the city had sustained, to conciliate his dependent states and concentrate their forces, promising those who would take up arms for the crown, exemption from future tribute. He with great ingenuity converted the weapons taken from the Spaniards, into others most effective against cavalry; heading his long lances with their swords and daggers. And he laboured earnestly to detach the Tlascalans from the Span ish interest; conjuring them by their common ori gin and religious faith, to bury in oblivion all causes of animosity between them and the Mexicans, and unite for the extirpation of an ungrateful race, who had caused the death of their benefactor, had bathed the country in. blood, and with sacrilegious hands had violated the very sanctuaries; and would not fail, to subject them at last, to the same yoke which they were now aiding to impose upon others. * Called by Diaz, Coadlavaca, and by Solis and Robertson, Quetlavaca. 166 HISTORY OF AMERICA. OH. V. The shrewd sense of this' representation made a deep impression on the Tlascalan senate. The young Xicontencatl, who had not forgiven the Spaniards his own defeat, supported with much zeal the solicitation of the king of Mexico. But the influence of Maxicatzin and other elders, restrained the partizans of the young warrior and caused him to be confined, as an enemy of the state. Deep rooted enmity against the Mexicans and the temporary, but abundant wealth, which, had flow ed into Tlascala through their gifted allies, closed the eyes of the republic against future dangers, predicted by a suffering foe. Xicotencatl owed his pardon to the intercession of Cortes; and the alli ance of the Spaniards was consecrated by the bap tism of the four chiefs of the republic, who adopted the christian faith. XVI. Whilst Cuitlahuatzin was preparing for defence, with enterprise and judgment, that pro mised signal success, he was cut off by the small pox. This scourge had been introduced into Mexi co, by a negro - in the train of Narvaez. It now raged extensively in Anahuac, many places were depopulated, and many chiefs were numbered among its victims; among whom were the Gover nor of Cholula, and the friendly Maxicatzin of Tlascala. In the interchange of pestilence, even, the Europeans possessed the greatest power of doing evil. The Mexicans raised Quauhtemotzin, a ne phew of the preceding king and son-in-law of Montezuma, to the throne. He was about twenty- five years old,- and his spirit and intelligence had already made him a great favorite with the people. XVII. Cortes commenced his march towards Mexico, on the 28th of December, six months after his disastrous retreat from that city. His design was to proceed to the city of Tezcuco, and there establish his head quarters until his brigantines CH. V. MEXICO, 16/ were ready to be launched. He chose this place with his usual excellence of judgment. The city was the second of the empire, was large, surround ed by a fertile country, and abounded with provi sions. The buildings were good, the fortifications strong and susceptible of improvement, and it pro duced the greatest number of the best artizans in Mexico. Its dominions were adjacent to those of Tlascala, and rendered communication with his friends at all times easy, whilst by the lake he could observe and control the country upon its shores, and equip his vessels for the attack of the capital. He expected also to govern the whole kingdom of Acolhuacan, by the prince Ixlilxochitl. He had carried with him from Mexico, the prince Cuicuitz- catzin,whom Montezuma,at his instance,had placed on the throne,- in the room of his unfortunate bro ther Cacamatzin. He escaped from Tlascala to Tezcuco, where Coanacotzin, the rightful heir, was then reigning, but speedily fell a prey to the jea lousy of his brother and king. Ixlilxochitl, had a numerous party in the city, and Cortes meant to re deem the pledge formerly given to put him on the throne. Cortes entered Tezcuco on the last day of the year, having surmounted some inconsiderable .ob stacles on toe road and entertained some embassa dors of Coanacotzin, who approached him with a small golden banner, weighing thirty-two ounces; an emblem of peace and a present from the king, who invited him to take up his residence in his city. He was lodged in one of the palaces of the late king Nezahualcojotl, sufficiently spacious to con tain, conveniently, more than double his Euro pean force. Although his reception was attend ed with every outward show of respect, he could readily perceive that it was not cordial. And notwithstanding he endeavoured to restore confi- 168 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. V. dence, by prohibiting his troops to leave their quar ters, he soon perceived the concourse of people in the streets to diminish, and the women and chil dren to fly from the city; and he had the mortifi cation to learn, on the next morning, that, Coana cotzin had fled by the lake to Mexico; it being his intention to make him captive. He immediately raised Ixtlilxochitl to the throne, and took under his protection the nobles of Huexotla, Coalichen and Atenco, towns so near to Tezcuco that they might have been deemed its suburbs. The young prince was king in name only; but that name was to Cortes a tower of strength, from which he com manded all the resources of the kingdom. XVIIL Cortes, whilst awaiting the necessary means for besieging Mexico, employed his troops in excursions against the neighbouring cities and adjacent country. The beautiful town of Iztapa lapan was laid waste, as much by the devoted pa triotism of its inhabitants as by the arms of the Spaniards; the former breaking down the mounds wnich kept out the waters of the lake, in hopes that the flood might overwhelm their enemies. The -cities of Misquic, Otompan, and the state of- Chal co joined his party. The king of the latter on his death-bed had recommended to his sons, to seek the protection of the General, and to consider him as their father. Most of the cities adjacent to Mexico, were originally capitals of small indepen dent states, which, as we have seen,* were success ively reduced to the Mexican yoke, which they bore with great impatience; and they listened with greedy ears to promises of freedom and the hopes of vengeance, by which Cortes enticed them to acknowledge the king of Castile as their sovereign, to supply the Spanish camp with provisions and to * Vol. iii. CH. V. MEXICO. 169 strengthen his army with their troops. Quauhte- motzin exerted himself to restrain and to punish their revolt; but the defection spread, and he had the pain to behold the very hands which should have defended the empire armed against it, and Cortes at the head of a numerous body of his sub jects prepared to advance against the capital. A more detailed* view of the operations of Cortes, the result of which we have just given, will tend to explain the nature and extent of the Mexican pow er, the obstacles in the way of its conquest, and the means by which the conqueror attained his end. XIX. Having received information that the tim ber, sails, cordage and iron for the brigantines were ready for transportation, he sent Sandoval with two hundred Spaniards and fifteen horses, to protect the carriage; charging him to pass by Zoltepec to punish the inhabitants of that place, for the slaugh ter of forty -five Spaniards and three hundred Tlas calans, who had been sent to convoy some gold to Cortes whilst he occupied the city of Mexico. This duty performed, Sandoval commenced the labour, which excelled in magnitude that of Basco Nunes, of like character, across the Isthmus of Darien. The Tlascalans furnished eight thousand Tamenes or labourers, to carry the materials on their shoul ders, and fifteen thousand warriors to defend them.* The Tamenes occupied the centre, one body of warriors the front, and another the rear, with con siderable parties on the flanks. To each party, some Spaniards were assigned to assist in case of danger and to preserve regularity and subordina tion. Thus distributed, the convoy extended in narrow passes over a line of six miles. Parties ot * Clavigero says 90,000 warriors, Bernal Diaz, 10,000, Her rera, 180,000. 16 170 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. V. Mexicans frequently appeared, hovering around them upon the neighbouring heights, but perceiving the excellent order which was preserved, did not venture to molest them. Thus thirteen vessels with the necessary equipment were carried, with out the aid of beasts of burthen or carriages, a dis tance of sixty miles. XX. Whilst the brigantines were being put to gether, Cortes, with the reinforcement of auxilia ries he now received, resolved to make the circuit of the great lakes, and to reduce the cities depen dent upon Mexico before he commenced the siege of the capital. In this progress, he assaulted and took Xaltocan, a strong town in the lake, connect ed, like Mexico, with the main land by dykes; the beautiful cities of Quauhtitlan, Tenajocca and Az- capozalco, fell into his hands without a blow, the inhabitants intimidated by the fate of Xaltocan, ha ving deserted them. His march was checked at Tlacopan, from which, after six days continued combat, he was compelled to retire. With a por tion of his army he entered upon the dyke leading thence to Mexico to review the scene of his great disaster; a scene which again had like to have proved fatal to him; for being suddenly attacked in front and rear, he was unable to extricate him self without considerable loss. His allies, becoming embarrassed with their spoils, obtained leave to carry them to their homes, and he returned for a short period to Tezcuco. Sandoval, after the re turn of Cortes, marched with twenty horse, three hundred Spanish infantry and a large army of aux iliaries to the relief of Chalco, threatened by a numerous Mexican force: but finding the city strengthened by its allies, he turned his arms against Huaxtepec, a strong place in the mountains, fifteen miles south of Chalco, overthrowing in his way two large bodies of the enemy. The town whicn was CH. V. MEXICO. 171 then famed for its excellent manufactures of cotton and admirable gardens, was easily taken. But Jacapichtla proved a more difficult conquest: Seat ed on the summit of a rugged mountain, almost in accessible to cavalry, and whose ascent was attend ed with great danger to the infantry, from the showers of darts and arrows which filled the air, and the masses of rock which came bounding with irresistible force down its sides. The Indian allies hesitated to scale the mountain, until, emulous of the Spanish example, the Tlascalans followed with equal courage and activity. The enemy was driven from the town with such slaughter that a small stream near it, was so tinted with blood, the heated and thirsty soldier could not for more than an hour drink of it. When the ti dings of the fall of this place reached Mexico, a body of twenty thousand men, in two thousand boats, were despatched against Chalco; and Sando val just returned to Tezcuco with his wearied and wounded troops, was commanded by Cortes to march thither, and unjustly reprimanded for not having foreseen and prevented this attack. His presence was however unnecessary; the enemy was repelled by the Chalchese and their allies; and the General, repenting the injury he had done his meri torious captain, endeavoured to efface his chagrin by renewed marks of confidence and esteem. On the 5th of April,* Cortes himself again set forth, with three hundred Spaniards and a large native force, and after some inconsiderable skir mishing, captured the town of Quauhnahuac, the capital of the Tlahuicas, situated more than thirty miles south of Mexico. Thence, he marched to Xochimilco, the fourth city of the empire, renown ed for its beauty, whence it had its name; signify- * 1521. 172 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. V. ing the " field- of flowers." It was well defended by ditches and dykes, and cost the General a severe battle before it was captured, in which he was res cued from the hands of the enemy by the courage of a Tlascalan warrior and two of his own domes tics. His horse was slain, and he was compelled to fight on foot with his lance, but he did not es cape without wounds. Clavigero assures us, that, on this, as on other occasions, Cortes might have been slain by the enemy, had they not been desirous to take him alive, that they might make so appro priate a sacrifice to the god of war. The Mexi cans, highly valuing the possession of this city, at tempted its relief, and full three days were spent by the Spaniards in its reduction. Thence he marched to Cojahuaean, six miles from the capital, which he caused to be set on fire; and by Tlacopan and other towns to Tezcuco; having in this expedi tion, made a circuit of all the lakes of the Mexican vale, and observed with the eye of an able com mander the whole field of his operations. XXI. About this period, four ships arrived at Vera Cruz, from Hispaniola, with two hundred sol diers, eighty horses, two battering cannon and a large supply of ammunition and arms. The brigan tines were completed; and to facilitate the launch ing, Cortes had employed a vast number of his aux iliaries in deepening the small rivulet which runs by Tezcuco into the lake, and forming it into a canal, two miles in length. On the 28th of April, all the Spanish troops together with the allies, were drawn up on the banks of the canal, and with ex traordinary military pomp, rendered more solemn by the celebration of religious rites, the vessels were launched. As they fell down the canal, Fa ther Olmedo blessed and gave each its name. Every eye followed them with wonder and hope, until they entered the lake, when under full sail, they CH. V. MEXICO. 173 bore away before the wind, accompanied by gene ral shouts of joy. XXII. Every thing appeared to promise a happy issue to the enterprise when its success was most endangered. The leaven of discontent, whose workings among the troops of Narvaez had hither to so much perplexed Cortes, had not been entire ly removed by the departure of such as had re turned to Cuba. Those who remained beheld with dread and dismay the labours and dangers which they were about to incur in the siege of the city, from which they saw no means of deliverance, but by the death of the commander-in-chief. Antonio Villefagna, a private soldier, bold, intriguing, and devotedly attached to Velasques, artfully fomented the disaffection. His quarters became the rendez vous of the malcontents, where the plan was ma tured, the officers nominated for the command of the army in case of success, and even the distribu tion of the spoil allotted. The conspirators bound themselves to fidelity by the most solemn oaths. But on the eve before the appointed day, one of Cortes' ancient followers, who had been seduced into the conspiracy, repented, and betrayed it to the General. He repaired instantly to Villefagnas' quarters, accompanied by some of his trusty offi cers and seized the astounded traitor, from whose bosom he tore a paper containing the particulars of the conspiracy, signed by himself. Impatient to know the extent of the defection, Cortes retired to read it. He found there names which filled him with surprise and sorrow; but aware that a strict scrutiny might prove dangerous at this juncture, he confined his judicial enquiries to Villefagna alone. The proofs of his guilt were manifest, and on the judgment of a court, summoned for the occasion, he was hanged. Many throbbing bosoms were present at this execution; but the admirable 16* 174 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. V. prudence of the General stilled their beatings, by the politic declaration, that the names of the other conspirators were unknown to him, that the traitor at the moment of arrest, had torn and swallowed a paper, which probably contained them, and that he possessed such constancy as to conceal the names of his accomplices under the severest tor tures. This wise dissimulation enabled him to protect himself against the disaffected, whilst they, flattering themselves that their guilt was unknown, became active and zealous in his service, to avert suspicion.* XXIII. Upon a review of the army and its equipment, there appeared eighty-six horses, and more than eight hundred infantry; fifty thousand Tlascalans under the command of Xicotencatl and Chichimecatl, both young and aspiring command ers, but not alike affected to the Spanish cause; and other auxiliaries from various tribes, making the whole amount of the Indian force, more than two hundred thousand men;t one thousand Castil- ian pounds of gunpowder; three battering cannon, of iron, and fifteen smaller ones of brass, with an abundant supply of balls. On May 20th, Cortes class ed and distributed this immense force, and appointed its , commanders. One division destined to advance on Mexico by the dyke of Tepejacac, was given to Sandoval; another, directed to proceed by Tlaco pan, was commanded by Alvarado; and a third, under De Olid, was instructed to possess itself of the road of Cojohuacan. Cortes reserved for him self, in spite of the remonstrances of his captains and soldiers, as the station of the greatest impor-; tance and danger, the conduct of the brigantines, * Solis. B. Diaz. Herrera. Robertson. Clavigero. t This computation is that of Alfonso d'Ojeda, their immedi ate commander. — Clavigero. CH. V. MEXICO. 175 each armed with one small cannon, and manned by twenty-five Spaniards. An event occurred at this time, which strongly pourtrays the prompt, resolute and uncompromismg character of Cortes. Whilst the Tlascalan troops were on the march to the post assigned them, it was discovered that Xicotencatl, their commander- in-chief, had deserted them. The cause of his withdrawal is variously reported. According to Clavigero, it was disgust at maltreatment of a re lative by a Spanish soldier; but Diaz ascribes his desertion, to an opportunity which was now afforded him, of seizing the possessions of his colleague Chichimecatl, and his hatred of the Spaniards. Upon the information of Chichimecatl, Cortes des patched several chieftains to request his return. He replied, that had his father, and the other princes of Tlascala pursued his advice, the na tion would not now be the slaves of a handful of foreigners; whom he would no longer serve. Cortes sent a party of horse and other Tlas calan chiefs, with orders to arrest the fugitive and hang him instantly; which were punctually obeyed, in a small town belonging to Tezcu co. His death was publicly proclaimed as the re ward of desertion and sedition. His countrymen were much intimidated by the boldness of the act, which also had a good effect, in restraining the irre gularity of the native troops. His family and pro perty were confiscated to the king of Spain. In the first, were his thirty wives; and in the last alarge quantity of gold. XXIV. As Alvarado and Olid proceeded to wards their posts they broke down the acque- ducts of Chalpotepec, and thereby deprived the city of Mexico of fresh water. The towns to which they were respectively ordered had been deserted by their inhabitants, who fled to the 176 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. V. capital, where Quauhtimotzin had collected the chief force of the empire. Before their separation, however, those commanders made a joint attempt to force one of the passes across the dyke of Tla copan, from which they were driven with conside rable loss. In the mean time, Cortes made trial of his navy in aiding Sandoval in a second assault on Iztapalapan. The vessels ran upon the base of a small conical hill which rises from the lake, and which was now covered with foes, all of whom perished under the Spanish sword; not, however, before a signal had been made summoning an im mense fleet of boats, which rowed boldly to the charge, whilst the brigantines, becalmed, could not advance to meet them. But a breeze soon after springing up, the sails were spread, and the Span ish barks broke through the lines of the canoes with ease, oversetting some and dispersing others with signal slaughter.* Sandoval captured'Izta- palapan, and thence proceeded to Tepejacac. XXV. From that time, Cortes remained master of the lake; and the brigantines not only preserved a communication between the Spaniards in their different and distant stations, but were employed to cover the causeways and keep off the canoes when they attempted to annoy the troops as they advanced towards the city. He formed the vessels into three divisions, appointing one to each of the sta tions, whenee an attack was to be made against the city, with orders to second the operations of the officer in command. Before this disposition was made of the fleet, he successfully led it to the at tack of the position called Xoloc, at the junction of the dykes leading from Cojohuacan and Tlaco pan; the most desirable point for offence, from which he could speedily communicate with two * B, Diaz, Solis. Clavigero. Robertson. CH. V. MEXICO. 177 main divisions of his army, and where he soon af terwards established a fourth. From these points he pushed on the attack against the city with equal vigour; but in a manner so different from the usual conduct of sieges in re gular war, that he himself seems afraid, that it would appear no less improper than singular, to persons unacquainted with his situation. Each morning his troops assaulted the barricades, which the enemy had erected on the causeways, forced their way over the trenches which they had dug, and through the canals where the bridges were broken down, and endeavoured to penetrate into the heart of the city, in hopes of obtaining some decisive advantage, which might force the enemy to surrender, and terminate the war at once; but when the obstinate valour of the Mexicans rendered the efforts of the day ineffectual, the Spaniards re tired in the evening to their former quarters. Thus their toil and danger were in a measure continually renewed; the one party repairing at night what the other destroyed in the day. Dr. Robertson ob serves, that Cortes preserved this plan of opera tions for a month, from unwillingness to expose his handful . of men by a lodgement within the city, and that he was extremely desirous to preserve the city, as the capital of his conquests and a monu ment of his glory. But, in truth, he had no choice. The Mexicans in their defence displayed valour notat all inferior to that of the Spaniards; and when the disparity of weapons and science is considered, a fortitude still more admirable. On land, on water, by night, and by day, one furious conflict succeed ed to another. From the description of one of these attacks we may judge of others. On the third day after Cortes had obtained the com-, mand of the lake, he made the first attempt to pene trate the city. The greater part of his cavalry, 178 HISTORY OF AMERICA. OH. V. three hundred infantry and an innumerable host of allies, attended by seven brigantines, issued from the point of Xoloc. The troops found the ditches opened, and entrenchments thrown up, behind which, appeared the enemy, well prepared to meet them. , The foe however was driven in, the obsta cles surmounted, and the Spaniards reached the principal square of Tenochtitlan; but Cortes would not suffer them to proceed further, whilst the ditch es and the trenches still subsisted. Thousands of the allies were engaged in filling the one and de molishing the other; and, in the mean time, parties were employed in setting fire to the temples, pala ces and principal dwellings, and among others that in which the Spaniards lately resided, and the cele brated palace of birds of Montezuma. This work of destruction was carried on amid incessant com bat; and the retreat was attended with the same la bour and peril as had accompanied the advance. Similar efforts were made by Sandoval and Alvara do in their quarters. On the next day Cortes issued forth early in the morning, in order to prevent the Mexicans from re-opening the ditches and raising the ramparts; but he found those labours accom plished and the enemy again prepared to defend them. In these conflicts several Spaniards were killed, more were wounded, and all were ready to sink under the toils of unintermitting service, ren dered more intolerable by the injuries of the season; the periodical rains having now set in with their usual violence.* The Spanish officers and soldiers wearied, at length, with so many fruitless combats, earnestly conjured the General to unite all his forces in one decisive blow, which might terminate their perils and their labours. They proposed to penetrate to * Clavigero. Robertson. CH. V. MEXICO. 179 the centre of Tlatelolco, where the great body of the Mexican warriors was assembled, and by one bold effort, either to destroy or compel them to ca pitulate. Cortes, who well knew the danger of the attempt, yielded reluctantly to their counsel. He sent instructions to Alvarado and Sandoval to ad vance with their divisions to a general assault; and marched himself with twenty -five hprses, a portioi of the infantry, and more than one hundred thou sand allies. Animated by his presence and the ex pectation of some decisive event, the Spaniards pushed forward with irresistible impetuosity. They broke through one barricade after another, forced their way over ditches and canals, and having en tered the city gained ground incessantly, in spite of the multitude and ferocity of their opponents. Notwithstanding the rapidity of his progress Cortes did not forget to provide for retreat; and appointed Julien de Alderete, the king's treasurer, and a cap tain of chief note in the troops he had received from Hispaniola, to fill up the breaches in the causeway as the main body advanced. That officer deeming it inglorious to be thus employed, whilst his com panions were in the career of victory, neglected this important duty to mingle with the combatants. Quauhtimotzin was immediately informed of this omission, and was aware of the consequences of the error, of which, with admirable presence of mind, he prepared to take advantage. He com manded the troops posted in front to slacken their efforts, to allure the Spaniards on, whilst he des patched a large body of chosen warriors, some by land and others by water, towards a great breach in the causeway, which had thus been left open. Suddenly, the horn of the god Painalton sounded, the signal, well understood, of victory or death; and every Mexican rushed upon the enemy with the most desperate Valour. The shock was irresistible, 180 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. V. before which the Spaniards began to retire, first, leisurely and in good order, but, as the enemy pressed on, and their own impatience of escape in creased, the terror and confusion became so gene ral, that when they arrived at the gap in the cause way, Spaniards and Indians,horsemen and footmen, plunged in promiscuously; while the Mexicans rushed upon them fiercely from every side, their light canoes carrying them through shoals which the brigantines could not approach. In vain did Cortes attempt to stop and rally his flying troops; and he laboured to save some of those who had thrown themselves into the water. But whilst thus employed, with more attention to their situa tion than his own, six Mexican captains, suddenly seized him, and were hurrying him off in triumph; and though two of his officers rescued him at the expense of their own lives, he received several dangerous wounds before he could break loose. Above sixty Spaniards perished in the route; and still more afflictive, forty of them fell alive into the hands of an enemy never known to spare a cap tive. The other divisions were also repelled after a severe struggle, but having been more careful to preserve the means of retreat, sustained less injury. In this attack the whole loss exceeded eighty men. The approach of night delivered the Spaniards from the assaults of the enemy, but brought a grie vance, scarce less tolerable, the noise of their bar barous triumph and the horrible festival with which they celebrated the victory. Every quarter of the city was illuminated; the great temple shone with such peculiar splendour, that the Spaniards could plainly see the people in motion, and the priests busy in hastening the preparations for the death of the prisoners. Through the gloom, they fancied that they discerned their companions as they were stripped naked and compelled to dance before the CH. V. MEXICO. 181 image of the god to whom they were to be offered. They heard the shrieks of those who were sacrificed, and thought, that, they could distinguish each un happy victim, by the well known sound of his voice. Imagination added to what they saw or heard, and augmented its horror. Cortes, who besides the common grief, was op pressed with that peculiar to his station, could not like others relieve his mind by giving vent to his anguish. He was obliged to assume an air of tranquillity in order to revive the spirit and hopes of his followers. The juncture indeed required an extraordinary exertion of fortitude. The Mexicans elate with victory, sallied out next morning to at tack his quarters with more than their usual courage. But they did not rely on the efforts of their own arms alone. They sent the heads of the Spaniards whom they had sacrificed,to the chiefs of the adjacent provinces, with assurances that Huitzilopochtli, appeased by the blood of the inva ders, which had been so plentifully shed upon his altars, had declared with an audible voice, that in eight days time those hated enemies should be finally destroyed, and peace and prosperity re established in the empire. A prediction uttered with such confidence and so void of ambiguity, gained universal credit among a people prone to superstition. The zeal of the provinces which had already declared against the Spaniards augmented; and several which had hi therto remained inactive, took arms with enthusias tic ardour to execute the decree of the gods. The Indian auxiliaries of Cortes,accustomed to venerate the same deities as the Mexicans, and to receive the responses of the priests with the same implicit faith, abandoned the Spaniards as men devoted to cer tain destruction. Even the fidelity of the Tlasca lans was shaken, and the Spanish troops were left 17 182 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. V. almost alone in their stations. Cortes, unable other wise to dispel the fears of his confederates, took advantage of the imprudence of the prophets in li miting so closely the time for the fulfilment of their prediction, to demonstrate its falsity, by suspend ing all military operations against the city during the period marked out by the oracle. Under cover of the brigantines, which kept the enemy at a dis tance, his troops lay in safety notwithstanding daily attacks, and the fatal term expired without any dis aster. But during this period, Sandoval, who, on account of the wounds of Cortes, had the general command, made a successful excursion against the Matlatzincas, one of the most warlike tribes of the country, and the Captain Andrea de Tapia, another, against the Malinalchese; both of which tribes soon after joined the Spanish standard. The Tlascalan General, also, selected this period to display his own and his peoples' courage by an attack on the city; in which he equalled the labour of the Span iards and proudly received their praises. XXVI. When the falsity of the prophecy became apparent, the allies, ashamed of their credulity, re turned to their station. And other nations, inferring that the gods had finally determined to withdraw their protection from the Mexicans, joined the Spanish standard. The force of Cortes thus be came so great, that Clavigero assures us, he might have employed in the siege of Mexico, more souls than Xerxes sent against Greece. But as a small portion only of these myriads could act at a time, upon the narrow causeways, he found it necessary to change his plan of operations. Don Carlos, as he had been named on his christian baptism, a younger brother of Ixlilxochitl, who had much dis tinguished himself by his conduct and courage, and who had greatly contributed to the safety of Cortes on his late unfortunate retreat, had suggested to CH. V. MEXICO. 183 him, the impolicy of his exhausting efforts; whilst by converting the siege into a blockade, he might by patience alone inevitably reduce the city and preserve all its temples and other beautiful edifices. This judicious advice was partially followed; but Cortes resolved to continue his attacks upon the city by gradual advances, and raze to the founda tion such portions of it as he successfully gained. Day by day the Mexicans were, thus forced to re tire within stricter limits, disputing with obstinate resolution every inch of ground. The Spaniards not only varied the mode of attack, but changed their weapons; adopting the Chinantlan spear, whereby they repelled with less danger the assault of the Mexicans. Famine now began to prey on the inhabitants of the city. The Spanish vessels intercepted the supplies by water, whilst the im mense number of auxiliaries shut up the avenues by land. The large stores which the king had prudently collected were exhausted by the multi tudes which had crowded into the capital for its defence. All classes felt the utmost distress from hunger, and their sufferings brought on their' usual concomitant, infectious and mortal distempers, which filled up the measure of their woes. XXVII. But, under the pressure of so many and such various evils, the spirit of Quauhtimotzin re mained firm and unsubdued. He rejected, by the counsel of his priests, after solemn consultation with them and his nobles, the many overtures of peace from Cortes, resolving to bury himself be neath the ruin of his country rather than submit to foreign oppressors. That ruin was visibly hastened by every day's operations and advanced with rapid strides. The women and the children covered the streets with their emaciated and dead bodies. The warrior, enfeebled by hunger, could scarce raise his lightest arms, and cursed, from behind his en- 184 HISTORY OF AMERICA. OH. V. trenchment, the slow progress of his enemies, the children of the sun, who, unlike their parent, could not complete their course in a single day. At length,* the three divisions penetrated the great square in the centre of the city and made a secure lodgement there. Three fourths of the city were now reduced, and in ruins; and on this fatal day forty thousand Mexicans are computed to have fallen, chiefly beneath the weapons of the auxilia ries, whose rage for blood no effort of Cortes could allay. The remaining quarter was so closely press ed, that it could not long withstand the assailants, who attacked it from their new station, with supe rior advantage and more assured expectation of suc cess. The Mexican nobles, solicitous to save the life of Quauhtimotzin, prevailed on him to retire from a place where resistance was now vain, that he might rouse the more distant provinces to arms, and maintain there, a more successful strug gle with the enemy. To facilitate his departure, they attempted to amuse Cortes with overtures of submission; but he, suspecting their intention, and aware of the importance of preventing it, appoint ed Sandoval, on whose vigilance he could most re ly, to take command of the brigantines, with strict injunctions to watch every motion of the enemy. Attentive to his charge, Sandoval observing some large canoes, filled with people, rowing with extra ordinary rapidity across the lake,instantly,gave the signal to chase. Garcia Holguin, who commanded the swiftest vessel, soon overtook them, and was preparing to fire on the foremost canoe, which seem ed to carry some one whom all the rest followed and obeyed. At once, the rowers dropped their oars, and all on board, throwing down their arms conjured him not to kill the emperor. Quauhtimot- * July, 27th. ch. v. MEXICO. 185 zin, with dignified composure, gave himself up to the captors, requesting the only grace, that no in sult might be offered to his wife and children. The Spaniards, struck with the most imposing spectacle in the world, that, of greatness, after exhausting its power of resistance, submitting patiently to mis fortune, treated their prisoner with profound re spect. When conducted to Cortes, he appeared neither with the sullen fierceness of a barbarian, nor the dejection of a supplicant. "Ihavedone," said he, addressing the General, "the duty of a prince. I have defended my people to the last ex tremity. The life which can no longer avail them is unworthy of preservation. The only boon I crave at your hands is a stroke of this dagger," laying his hand on the weapon of Cortes, " which may end it." XXVIII. As soon as the fate of their sovereign was known, the resistance of the Mexicans ceased, and Cortes took possession of the small part of the capital which remained undestroyed.* Thus ter minated the siege of Mexico; the most memorable event in the conquest of America. It continued seventy-five days, scarce one of which passed with out some extraordinary effort of attack and defence. The slaughter and misery attending it has scarce been surpassed. "What I am going to mention is truth," says the naive Bernal Diaz, "and I say amen to it. I have read of the destruction of Jerusalem, but I cannot conceive, that the mortality there ex ceeded that of Mexico; for all the people from the distant provinces which belonged to this empire, concentrated themselves here, where they mostly died. The streets, the squares, the houses, and the courts of Tlatelolco, were covered with dead bodies; we could not step without treading on them; » August 13, 1621. 17* 186 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. V. the lake and canals were filled with them; and the stench was intolerable. For this reason our troops, immediately after the capture of the royal family, retired to their former quarters; Cortes himself was for some time ill from the effect of it. " As the struggle here was more obstinate, it was likewise more equal, than any between the inhabi tants of the old and new world. The ability of Quauhtimotzin, the number of his troops, the pe culiar situation of his capital so far counterbalanced the superiority of the Spaniards in arms and disci pline, that without the aid of the natives they could not have accomplished their enterprise. But the assistance of the auxiliaries does not in our opinion detract from the merit of Cortes. He entered upon a large and populous empire with five hun dred men, unacquainted with the language, man ners, customs, and country. He had by the force of his genius, apd the good fortune which that ge nius knew how to use, penetrated the polity of the several nations, converted their jealousies and dis- sentions into the most efficient weapons against themselves and for the promotion of his own inter ests, and had finally subverted the thrones of the chief states of Anahuac in despite of some notable imprudences and severe reverses. The fate of Mexico is another lesson on the fra gility of power sustained only by force. But sub tracting from the Mexican people their horrid superstition, — their noble defence of the city, their active courage, admirable fortitude and con stancy, and their courtesy give an elevation to their character not inferior to that of their enemies, and confute the calumnies of historians, who have for years deprived them of the honors they so truly merit. CH. VI. MEXICO. 187 CHAPTER VI. . Disappointment of the Spaniards in relation to the treasure found in Mexico- •••II. Torture of Quauhtimotzin and the king of Tlacopan- ••!!!. General submission of the provinces ••••IV. Chris topher de Tapia appointed to supercede Cortes — is induced to return to St. Domingo- •••V. The proceedings of Cortes are confirmed by the Gero- nymitefathers — He sends new deputies to Spain — Is appointed Captain General and Governor of Mexico—- -VI. His measures to consolidate his conquest-— -V!!. Subjection of the kingdom qf Mechoacan- • • • VIIL Cortes proposes to make dis coveries in the Southern ocean-— -IX. Conquests qf Sandoval— -X. Of Guatemala by Alvarado. — XL Enterprise of De Garay — Conquest of Panuco by Cortes— -XU. Barbarous execution perpetrated by Sandoval at Panuco- •••X!!!. Ex pedition of De Olid to Honduras- •••XIV. Of Gil Gonzales D'Avila—--XV. Discovery qf Nicaragua'— -XVI. Gonzales enters Honduras. • •••XVII. He prepares a new expedition- ••• XVIIL Enterprise qf Francisco Hernandez to Cordova, under the direction of Pedrarias---- XIX. Conflict between Hernandez and Gonzales. • •••XX. Hernandez is put to death by Pedrarias. • •••XXI. Las Casas is sent by Cortes to punish the defection qf de Olid — Death of de Olid---- XXII. Resolution qf Cortes to proceed to Hondu ras— XXIII. State qf Mexico-— .XXIV. Pre parations qf Cortes for his journey— • -XXV. Present from Cortes to the Emperor- •••XXVI. His journey to Honduras •• -XXV!!. He puts Quauhtimotzin and the other Indian kings to death- - - .XXVIII. His proceedings at Honduras. 188 history of America. ch. vi. • •••XXIX. Dissensions in Mexico- •• -XXX. In decision of Cortes — His return to Mexico. I. The exultation of the Spaniards on the cap ture of the city was excessive, but was soon aMayed by the disappointment of those hopes which had sustained them through so many labours and dan gers. The whole of the treasure, they were ena bled to collect, amounted only to one hundred and thirty thousand pesos; a sum much inferior to that, which they had formerly divided. Quauhtimotzin, unable to defend his kingdom and his treasures, resolving that his conquerors should not possess the latter, had caused the remnant of the wealth amass ed by his ancestors to be thrown into the lake; and the Indian auxiliaries, whilst the Spaniards were engaged in conflicts with the enemy, had carried off the most valuable part of the spoil. Hence, the sum to be divided among the soldiers was so small, that many rejected it with disdain; all mur mured; some against Cortes and his confidants, whom, they, not without cause, suspected of having secretly appropriated to their own use a large por tion of the riches which should have been brought into the common stock — others againstQuauhtimot- zin, whom they accused of obstinacy in refusing to discover the place where he had cast his treasure.* II. Every effort of the General to soothe the angry soldiers, proving vain, he, from a solicitude to check the growing spirit of discontent, gave way to a deed, which stained the glory of all his great actions. Regardless of the former dignity of Quauhtimotzin and the reverence due to the vir tues he had displayed, he subjected the emperor and his chief minister and favorite the king of Tla copan to torture, in order to compel a discovery of * Bernal Diaz. Solis. HeiTera. Robertson. CH. VI. MEXICO. 189 the subtracted treasure. The soals of their feet were bathed with oil, and they were suspended over a glowing fire. Quauhtimotzin bore this refined torment with invincible fortitude; but his fellow sufferer overcome by the violence of the anguish, turned his eyes upon his master as if imploring per mission to reveal what he knew. The former, with a glance of authority mingled with scorn, asked, "Am I reposing on a bed of flowers?" Overawed by the reproach, the favorite persevered in his du tiful silence. Cortes, ashamed of a scene so hor rid, rescued the royal victims from the hands of the torturers, and prolonged lives reserved for new indignities and sufferings.* III. The fate of the capital, as both parties had foreseen, decided that of the empire. The provin- • This well told tale is from Dr. Robertson, who adds, that the favorite expired under torture, but does not give us his au thority for the statement It is wholly inconsistent with the re lation of Bernal Diaz, who mentions the torture of the king of Mexico and his " confidential friend," the king of Tacuba, (Tlacopan,) at the instance of the Spanish soldiers and against the wishes of Cortes. But neither died under the torture; and both confessed, that they had, four days previous to the surrender of the city, thrown the treasure into tlje lake, together with the arms which had been taken from the Spaniards. The place point ed out by Quauhtimotzin was carefully searched, in vain. In a deep pond at his palace, was found a sun of gold similar to that presented by Montezuma to the Spaniards, with many ornaments of inconsiderable value, his private property. The king of Ta cuba declared, that he had gold at a residence near his capital, and that he would point out the spot where it was buried. When taken there, however, he averred that he possessed no gold, but had made the assertion in hopes that he might die upon the road. "The fact is," continues Diaz, "that the treasury was diminished to a mere trifle before it came into Quauhtimotzin's hands; and I, and many others who saw it at first, knew that it appeared to be then worth twice what it was, when brought out to have his majesty's share deducted; I observed many articles of remarkable and curious workmanship missing at that time. They -were taken for the public service. Most of the gold went to the coffers of the king of Spain, in exchange for prisoners purchased by the soldiers for slaves. " 190 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. VI. ces submitted one after the other to the conquerors; and the most wealthy were apportioned among the principal Spanish officers for exploration. The books or tribute rolls of the Mexican kings enabled them to learn the products of the several parts of the empire, and to appreciate with tolerable cor rectness, the wealth that might be drawn from them. No mines were found in the Vale of Mexico; nor did it produce the valuable articles of cacao and cotton; the countries in which these abounded were the first objects of attention, for the conquerors. In employing his officers and troops in these expe ditions, the politic General rid himself of those who were disposed to look too nearly into his mea sures. IV. Whilst Cortes was acquiring such extensive territories for his native country and preparing the way for future conquests, he was not only destitute of authority from his sovereign, but was regarded as a disobedient and seditious subject. The affairs of the Indies being administered in Spain, by the Bishop of Burgos, who was much devoted to Velas ques, Portecarero and Montejo were very coldly received; the presents they brought, were delayed, and the ietters of Cortes, of the municipal autho rities of Villa Rica, and of the army were sup pressed; and the young Charles, then resident m Flanders, was kept in ignorance of the enterprise and merits of his subjects. By the influence of Fonseca, the conduct of Cortes, in assuming the Government of New Spain, was declared an irre gular usurpation in contempt of the royal authori ty; and Christopher de Tapia, royal inspector of St. Domingo received a commission empowering him to supercede Cortes, to seize his person, to confiscate his effects, to make a strict scrutiny into his proceedings, and to transmit the result of all his inquiries to the Council of the Indies, of which OH. VI. MEXICO. 191 the bishop was president. A few weeks after the reduction of Mexico, Tapia landed at Vera Cruz with the royal mandate to strip its conqueror of his power, and to treat him as a criminal. Alvarado, then Governor of the town, respectfully declined to acknowledge his commission, but referred him to Cortes, who, when apprised of his arrival, re called his principal officers from their several ex peditions, and commanded them to meet the royal lieutenant on his way to Mexico. With many compliments and much ceremony, they persuaded him to go to Chempoalla; where having verified his commission in due form, they placed it upon their heads in token of respect and submission. But, these public demonstrations of obedience covered the measures which Cortes privately took to defeat the object of Tapia's commission. He involved him and his followers in a multiplicity of negotia tions and conferences, in which he had sometimes recourse to threats, but more frequently to bribes and promises, and at length prevailed on him to abandon a province he was incompetent to go vern.* V. Soon after the departure of Tapia, Alonza D'Avila, whom Cortes had sent to Saint Domingo, after the defeat of Narvaez, in order to make a fa vorable impression of his views on the royal com missioners, the Geronymite Friars, returned with their sanction of his proceedings. But still the tenure by which he held his power was too pre carious to permit him to remain at ease; and he re solved to send D'Avila, and Anthony de Quinones to Spain, with a pompous account of his conquests, further specimens of the productions of the country, and rich presents to the king; requesting in recom pense for his services, the royal approbation of his • May IS, 1622 192 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. VI. conduct and the government of the country which he and his followers had added to the crown of Cas tile. His agents left Vera Cruz on the 20th of De cember; but stopping at Tecera, Quinones lost his life in a duel, growing out of some amatory intrigue. In the voyage thence to Europe, D'Avila, with his ship and treasure, fell into the hands of a French privateer, and was carried to France; and though no war actually existed, the French monarch con fiscated the treasure, as a small portion of his in terest in the world which Spain and Portugal had divided between them. D'Avila, however, found means to communicate with his friends in Spain, and De Ordaz and the relatives of Cortes, succeed ed in making a favorable impression for the Gene ral, at Court. The juncture was particularly au spicious. The internal commotions in Spain, which had disquieted the commencement of Charles' reign, were just appeased. The ministers had leisure to turn their attention to foreign affairs. The account of Cortes' victories filled his countrymen with admiration. The extent and value of his con quests, were subjects of vast interest. The stain he had contracted by the mode in which he acquired power, was effaced by the splendid and meritorious use he had made of it, and the public mind revolt ed at the idea of censure on one whose services en titled him to the highest marks of distinction. Charles who at this time arrived in Spain, adopted the opinions of his subjects; and notwithstanding the claims of Velasques and the partial representations of the Bishop of Burgos,he appointed Cortes, Captain General and Governor of New Spain; judging that no one could so well maintain the royal authority, and establish order among his Spanish and Indian subjects, as he, whom the one had long been accus tomed to obey, and the other to dread and respect.* * Robertson. Bernal Diaz. Herfera, CH. VI. MEXICO. 193 VI. Even before his jurisdiction received this legal sanction, Cortes ventured to exercise the pow er it conferred; and by various arrangements en deavoured to render his conquest, a secure and be neficial acquisition to his country. He determined to establish the seat of Government in its ancient station, and to raise Mexico from its ruins; and having conceived high ideas concerning the future grandeur of the state of which he was laying the foundation, he began to rebuild the capital on a plan which has gradually formed one of the most magni ficent cities of the New World. In this labour he derived much aid from the na tives, particularly those of Tezcuco, who were ex cellent mechanics and took great delight, under the direction of their princes, in observing and acqui ring the use of the iron instruments and labour-sa ving machines of the Spanish artisans. The great piety of Cortes and his followers, directed their first attention to the erection of churches; and in their unenlightened zeal, they used in some instan ces, especially, in the great church, the idols of stone which had filled the Mexican temples, for the foundations. The fame of the works in the city, and the encouragement given to settle there, at tracted so many people, that provisions became scarce and pestilence ensued. More than one hundred thousand houses, it is said, were erected in a wonderful short space of time, among which, those in the Spanish quarter were of durable mate rials and of large dimensions. The palace erected by Cortes himself has been much celebrated for its extent and magnificence, and is at this day among the most conspicuous buildings of the city. At the same time he employed skilful persons to search for mines in different parts of the country, and opened some, richer than any which the Span iards had hitherto discovered in America. He des- 18 194 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. VI. patched his principal officers into the remote pro vinces, and encouraged them to settle there, not only by bestowing on them large tracts of land, but by granting them the same dominion over the In dians and the same right to their service which the Spaniards had assumed in the islands. VII. In his efforts to extend his dominion,fortune continued still to favor the Conqueror. Whilst preparing his troops for incursions into various parts of the country, a Spaniard, who with several others had been engaged in exploring the surrounding districts, reported his discovery of the kingdom of Mechoacan, which bounded the dominions of Mexi co on the west, where he had been received with great hospitality. Its inhabitants were renowned in Anahuac for their skill and vigor in the use of the bow; and inured to arms had, though oversha dowed by the Mexican power, preserved their inde pendence. Their territory extended over a space of three hundred leagues; the capital city was founded on the eastern shore of the beautiful lake Pazcuaro. Though not remarkable at the time of the conquest for its mineral wealth, some of the richest mines have since been discovered within its bosom. The reigning monarch, Culcucin, had the reputation of a wise, liberal, and powerful prince. Cortes, immediately, despatched an embassy com posed of a certain Captain Montano and three other Spaniards, with some twenty distinguished Mexi cans, to his Court. They were met on the way by alarge and splendid deputation from the king, which, in his name, politely congratulated the Castilians on their marvellous victories; but when they arrived at Court, the monarch received them with a frigid aspect and gravely demanded, what cause had led them to his dominions. Under the influence of the barbarous superstition which oppressed this whole country, he was strongly tempted to sacrifice the CH. VI. MEXICO, 195 strangers as victims more than ordinarily acceptable to his gods; but the prudence of his counsellors prevailed, and he dismissed the embassadors, not only in safety, but with many marks of honour and valuable presents. With them he also sent seve ral of his most distinguished nobles, whom he em powered to declare himself and his subjects vassals of the Spanish crown, and to promise that he would speedily confirm this submission in person. The gold which he sent to Cortes on this occasion, be side the curious gems and rich manufactures of fea thers and cotton, was valued at one hundred thou sand pesos. His messengers, astonished at the ma jesty of Cortes, the power of the Spanish army, and the monuments of its prowess, and charmed by the attentions they received, reported so favorably of their mission, that the king was seized with the most ardent curiosity to behold the wonders they described. Whilst preparations were being made for his own journey, he sent his brother, who was dis tinguished for courage and conduct, to Mexico, with additional presents and further protestations of sub mission. Afterwards, attended by a magnificent train, scarce inferior to that which had waited on Montezuma, he himself, with offerings still more valuable than those he had already sent, did homage to the Spanish General for his dominions. Whilst his nobles appeared on every occasion in the richest habiliments and adorned with jewels; the prince, in token of his respect for Cortes, pre sented himself in the coarsest apparel, and with every mark of humility usual in the meanest of his sub jects. Yet, in his intercourse with the General one circumstance showed the high sense he entertained of his own dignity. Montezuma, haughty as he was, did not hesitate to address himself directly to the interpreter in his conversation with Cortes. But, the king of Mechoacan, always spoke to tha 196 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. VI. commander-in-chief of his army, who communica ted his words to an officer of minor rank, and he to one still lower, until through "many mouths, they reached the interpreter, who explained them to Cortes. Soon after the king had returned to his own country, he was followed by Olid with forty horsemen and one hundred infantry, for the pur pose of taking possession of his kingdom. This officer was very courteously received and establish ed the first colony at Tzinzunztan the capital of the kingdom.* VIIL Cortes in common with all the chief ad venturers to America at this period, believed in the proximity of the East Indies to the western shores of this continent; and his active mind, ignorant of the successful enterprise of Magellan, began alrea dy to form schemes for this important discovery. Even during his first visit to Mexico he had sent some of his soldiers to explore the country on the South Sea, who, when he had been driven from the city, became victims to the barbarity of the inhabi tants of the provinces. As Mechoacan was sepa rated from the southern ocean, only by the narrow district of Colima, the General directed Olid to re duce the latter and obtain a knowledge of the coast. In this attempt he was assisted by the Mechoacanese, but could not overcome the courageous resistance of the inhabitants without the aid of Sandoval, at the head of an additional Spanish force. Their joint efforts were successful after a horrible slaugh ter of the natives. Some Spanish colonists were established in the province of Colima, among whom ample portions of the country were distribu ted. But the favorite object of Cortes was more especially promoted by the subjection of the mari time provinces of Zacatala and Tecoantepec. The * Bernal Diaz, Herrera. CH. VI, MEXICO. 197 chief of the latter had invoked the aid of the Span iards against his neighbour, who voluntarily submit ted to Alvarado the commander of the party. The Tecoantepese also became the subject of those whom he had inconsiderately invited. IX. Whilst these acquisitions were being made in the west, Sandoval,* with two hundred infantry, thirty-six horse, and some thousand Mexicans un der their chief nobles, made an excursion towards the south-east, through the district of Tochtepec and province of Coazahualco, and the country ex tending from Vera Cruz to Teochiapan and Tza- poteca. The objects of this march were the pun ishment of the Tochtepese and other tribes, who had destroyed some small parties of Spaniards, sent to explore the country on Cortes' first visit to the capital — to search for mines — reduce the inhabi tants fully under the Spanish dominion — levy con tributions of gold — to reward the veteran soldiers by allotments of extensive portions of territory — all of which with much prudence and ability San doval satisfactorily effected. He founded the town Del Espiritu Santo, upon the river Guacacualco, at the distance of three leagues from the sea. About the same . period, Alvarado subjected the province of Mixteca and part of Tzapoteca, in which lie some of the most beautiful portions of New Spain; particularly the valley of Huaxyacac, called by the Spaniards Oaxaca, or Guaxaca. He was forty days on his march from Mexico to Tutepeque, and in many places met with considerable resistance from the inhabitants. He obtained here, a very large quantity of gold, but escaped narrowly with his life, from a conspiracy among his Spanish troops, which originated in his own avarice. He established in a very unhealthy and inconvenient position a colo- * November, 1521. 18* 198 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. VI. ny to which he gave the name of Segura de la Fron- tera^ X. Soon after his return to Mexico, these pro vinces attempted to throw off the yoke, and he again overran them; and marching through the districts ot Zapotecas, Techoantepec, and Soconusco he en tered that of Guatemala. As in almost every other part of the country, the inhabitants bravely resisted, but were compelled to submission. At a town called Utatlan, in a difficult country surrounded with de files, an Indian chief, with a policy justified in the wars of civilized nations, attempted to deceive the invader by propositions of peace, whilst he pre pared an ambuscade for him in the town. The ar tifice was discovered, and the chief, made prisoner, was condemned to be burned to death. Father Olmedo, whose zeal, though ardent, was tempered with discretion, obtained a respite of the sentence and permission to use his endeavours to convert him to the faith. He preached to the prisoner, in what language we are not told, one entire day, and felt himself rewarded by the conviction that he had gained a soul for heaven. In humble imitation of the mercy of the founder of our faith, the Father procured a commutation of the sentence, and the chief was not burned, but merely hanged to death. His victories prepared for Alvarado a pacific recep tion in the town of Guatemala. And aided by the forces of this province he carried his arms further to the south and east, warring with many tribes, and perpetrating innumerable butcheries to which the severity of his disposition incited him. XL We have incidently noticed the attempt of Francisco de Garay to establish a colony at Panu co, But, this enterprise merits more particu lar attention, for the contrast it affords with that of Cortes, and the relief it gives to that genius, to which alone, should be ascribed the conquest of Mexico. CH. VI. MEXICO. 199 De Garay, among other aspiring adventurers, had been highly excited by the voyages of Cordova and Grijalva; and having already acquired much wealth and consideration as Governor of Jamaica, he re solved to make a strenuous effort to increase both, in the newly discovered countries of the continent. Through the influence of the Bishop of Burgos he obtained the commission of Adelantado of the re gions he should discover and colonize north of the river Panuco. He soon afterwards despatched a squadron of three vessels, with two hundred and forty soldiers, who were defeated by the natives. One ship, only, escaped, which with two others, subsequently sent, fell, as we have seen, into the power of Cortes' officers at Villa Rica. Yet, sti mulated by the success of that General and disre garding his own losses, which he charged to the in capacity and treachery of his agents, he fitted out a fleet of thirteen ships in which he embarked one hundred and thirty-six cavalry, and eight hundred and forty foot soldiers, mostly musqueteers and cross-bowmen. This for the period, and the means the Spaniards possessed in America, was a very extensive armament, which under able commanders might have produced the most important and bene ficial results. Cortes, having received intelligence of Garay's designs, resolved to anticipate them by sending a party to reduce the country of Panuco under his authority. But, the inhabitantSj numerous and war like, resisting his lieutenant with much energy and success, and his most experienced captains being absent on other expeditions, he found it necessary to take this enterprise upon himself. His forces had now received very considerable additions, as well by those who had accompanied Tapia as by many arrivals from the islands. Leaving an effl uent garrison in Mexico, under Diego de Soto, 200 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. VI. he set out with one hundred and thirty horse, two hundred and fifty infantry, and ten thousand Mex icans. In no part of Anahuac had he found such resolute opposition. The enemy mustered seventy thousand warriors, and though repeatedly defeated, still fought with desperation, but finally submitted, upon the exhortations of the good Father Olmedo. From Panuco, the General marched with a portion of his troops to reduce the Indians beyond the river Chila. He crossed the stream in the night and after a severe struggle on the bank, against a large force, possessed himself of a town, plentifully stocked with provisions, among which were many jars of the wine of the country, carefully stored in cellars. In the temples he found the remains of the bodies and clothes of several of his countrymen, whose features were recognized by his soldiers. In a subsequent battle, the enemy not only fought with great spirit and pertinacity; but contrary to the custom of the Indians, rallied no less than three times to the charge. Unable to contend against the incessant activity of the General, who pursued them during the darkness of the night and the hea vy rains of the season, they too were compelled to submission. Cortes founded a town here of one hundred and thirty houses, where he settled among others, sixty -three of his soldiers. He gave to it the name of St. Stephen del Puerto, allotting to it all the neighbouring districts he had conquered. The fleet of Garay under his command sailed from Jamaica on St. John's day, one thousand five. hundred and twenty-three. Touching at Xagua, in the island of Cuba, he received information of the proceedings of Cortes. The fate of Narvaez filled him with apprehensions for his own, should he ob trude upon the jurisdiction claimed by the former; but he became reassured on the promise of the licenciate Zuazo to meditate between nimself and the General. CH. VI. MEXICO. 201 Upon approaching the coast of Mexico, adverse winds drove his fleet into the river Las Palmas, where he dis embarked his troops and marched them for Panuco. Knowing that Cortes had a post on the former river he endeavoured to preserve his officers and troops against seduction, by exacting an oath of fidelity to himself. After a march of several days through a swampy and uninhabited country, he reached Panuco, where his weary and impatient troops an ticipated refreshment and repose. But the incur sions of Cortes had wasted the country, and the terrified inhabitants, concealed from this new flight of devourers whatever the rapacity of the first had left. Instead of well stocked granaries, his sol diers found bare walls, which afforded no defence against the reptiles and vermin that assailed them in every cqrner. He could obtain no tidings of his fleet which he had ordered to meet him, and his soldiers disgusted with the country and seduced by the favorable reports relating to Mexico, began to disband themselves; and on their way to that city, pillaged and otherwise maltreated the natives. In these untoward circumstances, De Garay drew towards the colony of St. Stephen's, whose com mandant, Vallejo, made prisoners of a part of his troops; and afterwards, by stratagem, obtained pos session of his ships, which had continued in the river. In the mean time, Cortes apprized of his arrival, despatched Father Olmedo, Alvarado, and Sando val, with instructions to exhibit the emperor's or der, by which he was appointed Governor General of all his conquests; and to enforce obedience, if necessary, by arms. But De Garay was in nocon- dition to resists His followers, contemning his inca- Eacity and ill fortune, generally deserted him; and e" was reduced to the sad and mortifying necessity of casting himself upon the mercy of Cortes. The Conqueror not only received him at Mexico with 203 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. VI. great humanity, but consented to give one of his daughters to De Garay's son then with the fleet, and promised to restore to him his ships and his fu gitive soldiers. But he did not live to profit by these kind offers. A violent pleurisy carried him off in four days, and Cortes was subsequently, and calumniously charged, with having produced his death by poison. This event dissolved what re mained of his armament His soldiers dispersed themselves in small parties over the country, in dulging in every species of rapine and aggression upon the Indians, who, at length flew to arms, and in a few days sacrificed and ate more than five hundred of the marauders. Encouraged by this success they, also, attacked the settlement of St. Stephen; and though they failed to obtain possession of the works, they killed the commandant, and more than forty of his party.* XII. Cortes, immediately on the receipt of this distressing intelligence, despatched Sandoval, at the head of two hundred Spaniards and eight thousand Mexicans, to quell the insurrection. This officer, alike enterprising, brave and prudent, and posses sing more of the admirable qualities of his Gene ral than any of the subordinate captains, succeeded in executing his instructions, after a prolonged and bloody contest; but he dishonoured his victory by an act, whose barbarity is not surpassed in the an nals of civilized nations. Sixty caciques and four hundred nobles were burned at one time. And to render the scene still more horrible, the chUdren and relatives of the wretched victims were assem bled and compelled to be spectators of their dying agonies. This unparalleled act of inhumanity has not the apology of sudden rage excited by the heat * B.Diaz. Herrera. CH. VI. MEXICO. 203 of battle, but was perpetrated after a solemn con sultation with the Captain General. XIII. Cortes having received information that the countries of Higuera and Honduras abounded with mines so rich, that the fishermen used golden and copper weights to their nets, and that a streight might be probably found there which united the two oceans, was moved by this double attraction to despatch an expedition -thither under de Olid. The route by land to these remote provinces being tedious and difficult, a voyage by sea was deter mined on. Six ships were provided, on board of which embarked three hundred and seventy Span iards, of whom one hundred were musqueteers and cross-bowmen, and twenty-two cavalry. Among these were five only, of the veteran conquerors, the companions of Cortes. They very reluctantly abandoned their state of repose, but could not re sist the instances of their General. De Olid being instructed to touch at the Havanna for recruits and munitions, Velasques, whose desire of vengeance had never slept, availed himself of this opportunity to retort on Cortes the evils he had inflicted; and he prevailed on De Olid to renounce the jurisdiction of the latter, and to prosecute the adventure on his own account, under the protection of the Governor of Cuba. The armament arrived on the coast of Honduras early in May,* where De Olid establish ed a colony, to which he gave the name of El Tri- umpho de la Cruz, and soon after openly declared his independence.! XIV. In order fully to comprehend the events connected with this expedition it is necessary to trace succinctly, the prior northward enter prises of the Spanish adventurers, on the coast of Panama. Soon after the death of Bas- * 1523. + B. Diaz. Herrera. 204 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. VI. co Nunez, the pilot Andreas de Nino, engaged with the king to undertake the discovery of the Spice Islands by the west, and to make a full exa mination of the western coast of the continent; the expenses and profits of the expedition to be equally shared between himself and the crown. The king, having reserved the nomination of the Captain General of the armament, selected Gil Gonzales D'Avila, accountant of Hispaniola, who was extensively engaged in commerce in that island. Failing to obtain from Pedrarias, the vessels con structed by Balboa, they built others at an almost incredible expenditure of men, money, and time.* After three years of incessant toil and suffering,- Gonzales sailed from the Gulph of San Michael, oa the 21st of January, 1522. Following the western coast, he landed from time to time, and acquired, with uncommon success, the good will of the natives; and the pious men who accompanied him, happily, by gentle arguments, converted many to their faith, who, in testimony of their sincerity, surren dered up the statues of their gods, cast in massive g°ld- XV. Whilst in the territories of the Cacique Nicoya, from whom a province has been named, Gonzales was informed, that a powerful chieftain, called Nicaragua, resided at some fifty leagues dis tant, upon the lake which bears his name. An em bassy was immediately sent to this prince, to com municate to him, that, the sender was a friend, who would work him no evil, provided he would em brace the faith of Jesus Christ, and acknowledge himself the subject of the king of Spain, the mo narch of the world; but, who, on any other terms, would instantly declare war against him. The chieftain, who had already heard of the Spanish * See Vol. ii, p. 109. CH. VI. MEXICO. 205 power, and the wonders which it had wrought, re plied, that he earnestly desired peace, and would embrace the faith if he found it good. Gonzales advanced to his residence, and the priests who ac companied him, having instructed the Indian, that, his religion forbade drunkenness, gluttony, the sa crifice of men, and feeding on human flesh, he readily admitted its merit, and himself, his court, and nine thousand of his subjects were baptized. To two requisitions only, the chief objected. He would not renounce the pomp of war, nor the plea sures of his drunken dances; saying, that in the first case, the women would assume arms, and compel the men to spin, to weave, and to dig; which were the employments of females and slaves; and that the second was an amusement which injured no one. In the course of his conversion, this half naked child of nature, asked many ques tions which astonished his instructors, who had no conception that such subjects employed the mind of any Indian. He demanded, whether the chris tians had any knowledge of the great flood which had submerged the earth, and of any other deluge; whether the earth had then been turned upside down, or the heavens had fallen; when and how the sun, the moon, and the stars had lost their light and wandered from their course; who gave them mo tion and by what means they were upheld ? He demanded the cause of the darkness of the night and of the frost; and ,why they superseded light and heat, since the latter were more pleasant and useful; what honour should be paid to the God of the christians, whom the birds that soared in the sky, the fishes that cut the liquid deep, the men who governed the earth, and all nature adored? Whence the soul had its being, and as it was im mortal, why it remained in the body for so short a period? Whether the Holy Father at Rome, the 19 206 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. VI. Vicar of Christ the God of the christians, died; whether the king of Castile, of whom he heard so much, was mortal, and why so few men required so large a quantity of gold? The reflection that prompted these inquiries, characterised a mind which under like culture would have equalled the supercilious European, who was eager to place the man of America in the rank of brutes. XVI. The favorable reception of Gonzales, who had learned much of the progress of his country men in New Spain, inspired him with hopes of reaching the provinces which had submitted to Cortes. He journeyed northward over a fertile country thickly inhabited by tribes who gladly ex changed many valuable articles of gold for Spanish toys; but encountering others who were hostile and with whom he had several sharp engagements, he abandoned his intention of further discovery and returned to the coast, at the Gulph of St. Vincent, where his pilot Andres Nino awaited him. During the absence of his commander, Nino had surveyed the shore to the north-west, for more than three hundred and fifty leagues, and had reached seven teen and a half degrees of northern latitude. In this excursion Gonzales, had penetrated the coun try in various directions, the distance of two hun dred and twenty leagues, had baptized thirty-two thousand two hundred and seventy souls, and car ried off one hundred and twelve thousand five hun dred pesos worth of gold. He had coasted the shore from Cape Blanco to Chorotega, had examined the Gulphs of Papagayos, Nicaragua, and Posses sion and the Bay of Fonseca, to which he gave name; in all which, he sought with great care a communication between the two seas. This was one of the most successful expeditions undertaken in the New World, and was attended with the least outrage to humanity. CH. VI. MEXICO. 207 XVII. Upon his return to Panama, Gonzales proceeded to St. Domingo, to fit out a squadron to make further discoveries and to establish a colony in Nicaragua. From this city he addressed a me morial to the king containing an ample account of his late voyage, and praying that the government of the country with such other lands as he should dis cover might be granted to him. Having provided a sufficient force, he sailed for Ybueras, a port on the Atlantic coast, with the intention of seeking a streight between the two seas. He hastened his enterprise, knowing that Pedrarias, the Governor of Panama, who claimed the right of prior discove ry, was preparing to take possession of the provin ces he had visited, and to deprive him of the re ward of his labours. XVIIL Pedrarias had fitted out an armament at Panama, for this purpose, which he designed to put under the command of Juan de Basurto; but grow ing impatient of the delays of that officer, he com mitted it to Francisco Hernandez de Cordova, with whom, sailed the Captains, Gabrial de Rojas, Sosa, Adreas de Garabito and Soto. Hernandez found ed the town of Brusselas, in the Gulph of San Lu- car, and another called Granada, upon the lake of Nicaragua, in the province of Neuquecheri. He carried a vessel, in pieces, over land, with which he made the full circuit of the lake, and discovered St. Juan river, by which it pours its waters into the Atlantic Ocean. His passage through this outlet was stopped by rapids and precipitous falls, but a party, sent along its banks, reported, that, for the distance of eighty leagues, they had found a rich and populous country, remarkable for the quantity, variety, and size of its timber. XIX. In the mean time, Gonzales, to avoid op position from Pedrarias, had penetrated the pro vince of Honduras from the Atlantic. Leaving a 208 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. VI. small portion of his force at a station to which he gave the name of San Gil de Buenavista, he pro ceeded to Cape Camaron, and thence to the valley of St. Jago de Ulancho, where he received infor mation of the movements of Hernandez, who was then in its vicinity. In a few days he fell in with De Soto, with whom he had several engagements, and took from him one hundred and thirty thou sand pesos of inferior gold which he had collected from the natives. From mutual dread Hernandez and Gonzales avoided each other. The former re called his advance parties and erected for his de fence some fortifications at the town of Leon, which he founded between the shores of the lake and the western coast; the latter retired to the port of Ca vallos, on the eastern shore, near which he learned that some other Spaniards had established them selves. These consisted of the party under De Olid, at Triumpho de la Cruz, about fourteen leagues south of Cavallos. Thus, the Spanish adventurers had approached each other from opposite points; from the lakes of Mexico, and the Isthmus of Da- rien. XX. Soon after these events, Hernandez, seduced by that spirit of independence which we have fre quently had occasion to remark, renounced the au thority of Pedrarias, and sought nominally the protection of the Geronymite Friars at St. Domin go, under pretence that the government of Nicara gua pertained immediately to the crown by virtue of the discovery of Gil Gonzales, and not to the Governor of Darien. To sustain this position he sought the protection of Cortes, then about to de part from Truxillo for Mexico; but, he, now devo ted to order and subordination, advised Hernandez to preserve his faith to Pedrarias. But this advice was unwelcome to one, who, having acquired a very con siderable stock of gold, desired also to possess ex- CH. VI. MEXICO. 209 tended and irresponsible power; and though seve ral of his officers deserted him, he persisted in his disobedience. Pedrarias justly irritated at this re bellion but more alarmed at the presence and pro gress of Cortes in provinces over which he claimed jurisdiction, marched for Nicaragua, and appre hending Hernandez in the town of Leon, put him' to death.* XXI. Few circumstances connected with the enterprise of Cortes in the New World had given him more pain than the defection of De Olid. The qualities of the Captain had endeared him much to the General, who had relied upon his faith, his zeal, and ability, with the utmost confidence. He did not delay however, to fit out an armament against him, consisting of two ships and one hundred and fifty soldiers under the command of his brother-in- law, Francisco de las Casas. A naval engage ment was fought between this force and that of De Olid, in the bay of Triumpho, in which the latter, having lost one of his vessels, made overtures for peace; designing to protract the negotiation un til a part of his troops engaged in exploring the country should return. But, during the treaty the ships of Las Casas were wrecked by a violent storm, in which forty men perished. The rest, driven ashore naked and distressed, gave De Olid a blood less victory. The captured troops cheerfully join ed the standard of the victor; and their comman der and his officers were entertained in his dwelling and suffered to continue at large upon their parole. Whilst, these events passed at Triumpho, Briones the lieutenant of Olid, had encountered and taken prisoners above seventy of the troops of Gonzales^ whom he soon after liberated much to the dissatis faction of his Captain. Gonzales, himself, unable * 1526. 19* 210 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. VI. to contend with De Olid, retreated to St. Gil de Buenavista, where he hanged Francisco Riquelme, the Governor and a clergyman, who had been guil ty of sedition and other offences; and thence he passed to Choloma, where he fell into the hands of Juan Ruano, one of Olid's Captains, and his peo ple were incorporated with Olid's forces. But the liberty which the last gave his prisoners, Las Casas and Gonzales, enabled them to conspire his ruin. They attempted to assassinate him, but he escaped from their hands and fled into the forest; being soon after apprehended, he was formally tried by a court which they established, and beheaded as a traitor, pursuant to its sentence. The two com manders, thus restored to freedom, united their for ces; and having made several settlements in the country, set out for Mexico to put themselves un der the protection of Cortes, and to solicit aid from him to confirm their enterprises. XXII. The Governor General, soon after the departure of Las Casas, had sent him assistance in a vessel commanded by Pedro Gonzales de Trux- illo; who having sailed as far south as the port of Cavallos, and meeting with tempestuous weather, returned to Panuco, and asserted that Las Casas had perished by the storm. But Cortes, receiving certain intelligence of his capture by Olid, resolved to march in person, over land, to Honduras. He considered the revolt of this officer of the most dangerous tendency; that if not punished it would serve as an example to his other lieutenants, each of whom, according to the practice of \he age, might be disposed to carve out a kingdom for himself, which should be dependent only on the Spanish crown. But the punishment of Olid was not the only inducement to this extraordinary march of three thousand miles. He was desirous of inspect ing the whole extent of country, over which he pro- CH. VI. MEXICO. 211 bably expected to reign during life; to "investigate its capability for commerce, its productions, and more particularly, its mines. XXIII. When the Emperor advanced Cortes to the government of New Spain, he, at the same time appointed certain commissioners to receive and ad-. minister the royal revenue there, with independent jurisdiction. These officers, who arrived about this time,* consisted of Alonzo de Estrada, treasurer; Rodrigo de Albornoz, contador, or accountant; Gonzalo de Salazar, factor; and Peralmendez Chi- rinos, inspector. Selected from inferior stations in the public offices of Madrid, they took great state upon them in Mexico; but official habits had so contracted their understandings that they were in competent to judge of matters beyond the verge of their bureaus; and they consequently, not only gave Cortes much immediate trouble in his administra tion, but misrepresented his conduct and views in their correspondence with the royal ministers. They were received by Cortes with great respect and honour. At his departure for Honduras, he com mitted the government of Mexico, to Estrada and Albornoz, and took Salazar and Chirinos with him, as far as Guacacualco, whence he unfortunately despatched them, to exercise with the others, joint authority in the government. Their divisions sub sequently produced much scandal, and greatly re tarded the public business. XXIV. The preparations which the Conqueror made for his journey were no longer those of the simple soldier; but such as might well become an eastern Satrap or the Viceroy of an extensive, rich, and enslaved empire. Quauhtimotzin, Coanacotzin, and Tetepanquetzatl, the vanquished monarchs of the Vale of Mexico, with several of their most pow- July or August, 1524. 212 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. VI. erful nobles, formed a striking feature of the pa geant, and assured him of the obedience of their late subjects. Three thousand Mexicans attended their chiefs, beside the usual domestics. Cortes' personal attendants consisted of a steward and pay master, a keeper of the plate^ of which there were large services in gold and silver, amajordomo, two Stewards of the household, a butler, a confectioner, a chambermaid, a physician and surgeon, a number of pages, two armour bearers, eight grooms, two falconers, five musicians,, a stage dancer, a juggler and puppet player, a master of the horse and three muleteers.* His Spanish force was composed of one hundred and fifty horse, and as many foot, whose number were nearly doubled during the march, by the addition of the veteran troops who had settled upon their encomiendas in Guacacualco. Orders were given to despatch from Vera Cruz, in appropriate vessels, an abundant supply of provi sions and warlike stores, to follow the army along the coast, from which the General did not design far to deviate. A large herd of swine followed for the supply of the tables of the General and his offi cers. These preparations indicate expectation. of an easy; and pleasant excursion, which was con verted into one of unexampled toil and privation. XXV. Before his departure, t Cortes addressed, to the emperor, thanks for his appointment, with an account of his administration, and a present of eighty thousand crowns in gold, and a culverin of the same metal, valued at twenty-four thousand pesos. This extraordinary piece of artillery, was named the Phoenix,, and bore a motto, complimen- • The reader will observe that the arrangement of this list is by B. Diaz. + October, 1524. CH. VI. MEXICO. 213 tary to the king, and expository of the merits of the donor.* XXVI. It would be fruitless to follow Cortes throughout the whole of this astonishing expedition, which employed him for nearly two years and a half; in which he scaled mountains never crossed by human foot, traversed profound and rapid rivers, sometimes on rafts, at other times on bridges, which endured afterwards for many years; passed over deserts of burning sand and through forests which had never before been penetrated; sustaining hun ger and thirst and every species of privation, com bating with ferocious nations, who had grown con fident in arms,from the Spanish dissensions; and suf fering fatigue which could be equalled only by~the constancy with which it was borne. In his progress he founded several colonies, particularly, one in the country of Pontonchan, and another in the bay of St Andrews; and extended his dominion over all the nations, through which he passed as a tremen dous meteor, whose course was followed by torrents of blood. XXVII. No act of Cortes' life has been more severely censured, than the execution of the Mexi can princes, during his march to Honduras. But, if credit be given to the Spanish historians, their death was exacted by every principle upon which men in the situation of the Spanish leaders could reason. These unfortunate potentates, beholding the state of misery to which this long and painful journey had reduced the Spanish force, contras ting its numerical strength with .that of their * Esta Ave nacio sin par: Yo enservir os sin segundo; Y vos sin igual in El Mundo. Which may be literally rendered: This bird is born without a peer; In your service I am unrivalled; And you have no equal in the world. 214 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. VI. own countrymen and considering the facility of arming the nations around them who spoke the language and practised the religion of the Mexicans, conspired to destroy Cortes and his companions and to march back to Mexico; filling the country with the cry of freedom, and gathering all its tribes in one mass, to be rolled upon the ca pital and to crush at once the power of the oppres sors. The plan, worthy of Quauhtimotzin, glori ous in its projection and practicable of execution, might have been successful, if not marred by a sor did slave, who held the confidence of his master. The conspirators were arrested and tried before a Spanish tribunal. The principal Mexican officers confessed the plot, and Quauhtimotzin, Coanacot zin, and Tetepanquetzatl were hanged, as common malefactors,* in the district of Izancana. They met their deaths with heroic constancy; but though they did not deny the conception of the plot, they protested, that no means had been taken to carry it into effect. Their countrymen were stupified at their fate which they scarce deemed possible, and even the Spaniards condemned it as a cruel, if not an unjust deed. The piety of the historians has recorded, that, they diecl humble and devout christians ! ! The surrounding nations were struck with awe at this signal punishment, and more rea dily submitted themselves to the Spanish power. The remorse of Cortes is said to have driven sleep from his couch for the space of three nights; but we have no reason to believe, that his conscience was more sensitive than that of other heroes; and the anxiety of a General, who, contending with a thousand difficulties, had detected a dangerous con spiracy in his camp, may readily account for unu sual and prolonged vigils. * March, 1525. I CH. VI. MEXICO. 215 XXVIII. Having at length arrived in Honduras among the settlements established by De Olid and Gil Gonzales, Cortes learned the death of his re bellious officer and the departure of his judges and executioners. He found also, that a spirit of sedi tion had in a great measure marred the designs of the founders of the colonies. He communicated, however, a portion of his own energy to the half famished and despairing residents, and not only confirmed them in their several stations at Nato, Naco, Puerto de Cavallos, Truxillo, and other laces but, established some new posts, particular ly La Navidad, and overrun the country in every direction, being successful on all occasions in re ducing the natives to obedience. XXIX. At Truxillo, he received tidings, by a vessel from Mexico, which gave him much pain. He was informed, that it was universally reported and believed there, that he and his whole army had perished; that his credit had been much impaired at the Court of Spain by the calumnies of the roy al officers at Mexico; that the government of Pa nuco had been given to Nuno de Gusman, and that New Spain was torn by dissensions among the offi cers he had appointed. Salazar and Chirmos, im mediately upon their return to Mexico formed a strong party, among whom was the licentiate Zuazo, Rodrigo Paz, and other friends of Cortes, to strip Estrada and Albornez of their power. But, after a considerable struggle and some bloodshed, the latter were victors, and got possession of the per sons of the two former deputies and some of their friends. But this did not annihilate the strife, which encouraged many of the Indian tribes to re bel. Upon the report of Cortes' death, which had been proclaimed by his friend De Ordaz, who, when seeking him along the coast had notice of the destruction of a Spanish party, whom he believed 216 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH. VI. to be that of Cortes, the factor Salazar proclaimed himself Captain General and Governor of New Spain; and to maintain his power oppressed the natives and conducted himself in the most tyranni cal manner with the friends of Cortes, and that the v death of the General and his party might be deem ed certain, issued an order commanding the wives of the soldiers who had gone with Cortes,to consi der their husbands as dead in law, and immediately to marry again. He publicly ordered a matron who refused to credit the death of her husband in any combat with the Indians, and who, Penelope like, patiently awaited the return of her lord, to be publicly whipped. Whilst these tumults were at their height, Las Casas and Gonzales arrived at Mexico, and public ly asserted the existence of Cortes, of whom they had intelligence in their route. They took part against Salazar, declaring that if Cortes were dead his proper successor would be Alvarado; and that officer was induced by their instances to quit his district for New Spain; but becoming fearful of as sassination he soon returned to it. The usurper then seized on Las Casas and Gonzales, and prose cuted them for the murder of De Olid, for which they were sentenced to death, and were with diffi culty saved, by an appeal to the Emperor. He transported Zuazo to the island of Cuba, and actu ally tortured and hanged De Paz, the private trea surer of Cortes, who refused to surrender the de posits put by his master in his charge. XXX. Cortes resolved to return to Mexico by the vessel that brought him these unwelcome ti dings; but having been twice compelled to disem bark, by adverse winds and injuries to his ship, he was seized with the superstitious belief that God had destined him to remain to complete the coloni zation of this country. He recalled his troops, CH. VI. MEXICO. 217 whom, under the command of Sandoval, he had di rected to return to Mexico, by way of Nicaragua and Guatemala. But, the patience of his follow ers, at length, seemed to have been overcome by the hardships they had suffered, and the opinion that began to prevail among them, that the good fortune of their leader had deserted him. This faith in destiny seems inseparable from a life of vi cissitude, in which events have a course indepen dent of the volition of the actors in them. A train of favorable results, often produced by causes which they do not understand, seems the work of their good genius, who seconds their •aims by inscru table means; whilst misfortunes which might often be traced to ignorance, imprudence, or incompe tency, are ascribed to the departure of the good and the advent of an evil spirit. Soldiers and seamen are the peculiar subjects of this superstition, and the powerful minds which guided a Cajsar and Napoleon, have proven too weak to resist it. The mind of Cortes had been, in truth, broken by his labours; disease had wasted his health, and whilst he himself shrank unconsciously from new labours his soldiers lost their confidence in his power to command success. The hardy veterans who had, at his bidding, abandoned the easy homes which had rewarded their early labours, now refused him obedience, and the utmost that Sandoval could ob tain from them, was to delay their march for a sea son, whilst he endeavoured to arouse his General to a resolution more worthy of his fame. But, an invincible dread of proceeding to Mexico had seized his mind. At the earnest persuasion of San doval he despatched Martin de Orantes a confiden tial servant, with a commission to Alvarado and Las Casas, to take upon them the government du ring his absence; and in case they should not be in Mexico, he confirmed the authority given at his 20 218 HISTORY OF AMERICA. CH, VI. departure to Estrada and Albornoz, revoking that of Salazar and Chirinos. Orantes was wafted by favorable gales to the Mexican coast, and by a ra pid and secret journey attained the capital. He there found Alvarado and several friends of Cortes, concealed, to whom he communicated the glad ti dings of his master's existence, and commands. Although he arrived at midnight, the name of Cor tes was a spell to raise a host, and by the dawn of day the palace of Salazar was attacked, himself made prisoner, and confined, after the Mexican custom, in a cage of timber, where, Chirinos soon after became his companion. Cortes was informed as soon as possible of this revolution, and consent ed to return to Mexico, but insisted on going by land. The pilots, however, representing that the season was favorable* he embarked, and soon after by the way of the Havanna arrived at the capital. His arrival was. hailed by all classes with the great est joy. It allayed, though it could not extinguish the party feuds of the Spaniards; and such had been the wild rule of those who exercised the go vernment in his absence, that the Indians even deemed him their deliverer, and marshalled his way with their rude music, and strewed his path with flowers. His presence restored a general but mo mentary peace throughout the whole country. * April, 1526. CH. VII. MEXICO. 219 CHAPTER VII. I. Malicious efforts of the enemies of Cortes to cause his fealty to be suspected — Proceedings against him—-!!. Arrival of the Licentiate Ponce de Leon to examine into his conduct- • — III. Instructions given to De Leon- •• -IV. Death of De Leon — Is succeeded by Marcos de Aguilar • •••V. Death of Aguilar — Estrada appointed Governor, unites Sandoval with him His ungrateful treatment of Cortes. ••••V!. Violent proceedings in Spain against Cortes- ---V!!. Cortes resolves to return to name, after many years residence in Mexico, wrote a History ot New Spain, which was printed in that City in 1606. Gregorio Garcia, a Dominican, composed a treatise of much erudition, on the origin of the Americans; printed in Quarto, at Valentia, in 1607, and reprinted in Madrid, in 1729. It is al most useless, dealing little in facts, and much in conjectures, feebly founded. Juan de Torquemada, a Franciscan Spaniard, wrote a History of Mexico, under the title of the Indian Monarchy, printed in Mexico in 1614, in three large volumes, folio, which contains the most complete account of the antiquities of that country of any work published before that of Clavigero. The author who resided in Mexico from his youth, to his death, was well acquainted with the Mexican language, and, conversant with the inhabitants for more than fifty years, collected many ancient paintings, and manuscripts, and laboured on his work more than twenty years. It is, notwithstanding his care, obscured by contradictions and fables, and much superfluous learning. Anias Villalobos, wrote in verse, a history of Mexico, from the foundation of the capital, to the year 1623. It was printed in Mexico, in that year, but is a work qf little value. Christoval Chaves Castillejo, a Spaniard, wrote about the year 1632, a volume in folio, on the origin of the Indians, and their first colonies in Anahuac. Carlos de Siguenza e Gongora a native of Mexico, and profes sor of mathematics in the university of his country, was one of the most comprehensive writers on the History of Mexico. He made, at great expense, a large and valuable collection of ancient pictures and manuscripts. Besides many other works, he wrote in Spanish 1. The Mexican Cyclography, a work of great la bour, in which, by calculating eclipses and comets, marked in the historical pictures of the Mexicans, he adjusted their epochs with ours and explained their divisions of time. 2. The History of the Chechemecan Empire, in which he explains the Mexican paintings relating to the emigration of the first colonies, and the - events of the most ancient nations of Anahuac. 3. A long and learned dissertation on the Annunciation of the gospel in Ana huac whichhe believed had been made by the Apostle St. Thomas; 4. The genealogy of the Mexican kings, tracing the line as far back as the seventh century of -the christian era; 5. Critical an notations on the works of Torquemada and Bernal Diaz. AU these learned MSS. have perished, through the carelessness of 264 APPENDIX. the author's heirs; some fragments only have been preserved in the works of Gemelli, Betancourt and Florencia. The Ancient and Modern History of Mexico printed in the capital in 1698, under the title of The Mexican Theatre, is in regard to the Ancient History, an inaccurate abridgement of Tor quemada. Antonio de Solis, royal historiographer of America, has in his History of the Conquest of New Spain, given the most polished work which the Spanish language can boast in relation to Ameri ca. It is condemned, however, as an affected panegyric on his hero Cortes, in which, he has sacrificed truth to embellishment. Writers oftlie Eighteenth Century. Pedro Fernandez del Pul- gar, successor to Solis in the oftice of Historiographer, has writ ten " The true History of the Conquest of Mexico," with the view it is said of correcting the errors of his predecessor. Lorenzo Boturini Benaducci, was a curious and learned gen tleman of Milan, who arrived in Mexico in 1736. To qualify himself for writing the history of that kingdom, he made, during eight years that he remained there, the most diligent researches into its antiquities, acquired a considerable knowledge of its language, and by cultivating the friendship of the natives, obtain ed many of their ancient paintings, which he added to the copies of the valuable manuscripts then in the libraries of the monaste ries. His collection of paintings and manuscripts was the lar gest and most select, that had ever been made, with the exception of that of Siguenza. But, before he put a hand to his work,the jealousy of the Spanish Government stripped him of his litera ry estate and sent him to Spain. He was acquitted of all evil design, but his collection was never restored to him. He pub lished in Madrid in 1746, in 1 vol. 4to. a sketch of the great work he meditated. Among the collections of Boturini, were some important Mexican compends; such as, 1. Annals of the Toltecs painted on paper, with a commentary in the Mexican language; containing an account of the pilgrimage and wars of the Toltecas, the founding of their metropolis, and other occur rences until the year 1547: 2. Commentaries in the Mexican language on the History of the Aztecs from 1066 to 1316— and from 1367 to 1509: 3. A Mexican History in the Mexican lan guage, carried back as far as the year 1406: in which the arrival of the Mexicans at Tollan is fixed at 1196. There have been many foreign writers on the History of Mex- ico,but most of them have compiled their works from the autho rities above mentioned. The work of M. de Pauw is a philoso phical extravaganza, in which, the author, having formed certain evil opinions of every thing relative to America, unhesitatingly forges facts to support his system. The Abbe Raynal, an elo quent and much estimated writer upon the Indies, was likewise embued with a sceptical spirit, and is charged by Claviffero with some gross delusions relative to the modern affairs of New- Spain. He avers in relation to ancient Mexioo, that " nothingO APPENDIX. 265 are we permitted to affirm, except, that the Mexican Empire was governed by Montezuma, at the time the Spaniards landed on the Mexican coast. " Thomas Gage, an English writer, who re sided some years in Mexico has been much relied upon by Dr. Robertson, but is deemed by Clavigero to be wholly unworthy of credit Of Dr. Robertson we have heretofore sufficiently spoken. We will add here, however, that, if he did not possess all the resources of information above noticed, he possessed others entitled to respect, which we have not mentioned. We have with great pleasure availed ourselves of Dr. Robertson's work, whenever his statements were not impugned by the Abbe Clavigero. But in disputed points, we have chosen, wisely, we think, to rely on the latter. The works of M. de Humboldt, , particularly his Political Essay on New Spain, and his Researches concerning the Institu tions and Monuments ot the ancient inhabitants of America have shed much additional light upon the Geography, Natural Histo ry and Antiquities of Mexico, as well as on its modern civil state. We have drawn deeply from the fountains he has opened and shall revisit them hereafter. YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 9002 03473 1811 P0MM m