<1 '• fig, iky. : ' . " •; ^ '- ^ -• .-. ^i^Pt-f'^% -3 a 1-4* YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY C^x.^ > 72:2 ^ / . - - 2 Hunt, Mrs. Marcia E., ¦- 1 - Hunt, Mrs, Martha N., . . . ' . 4 1 - Huntoon, D. T. V., - 2 - Langworthy, Rev. I. P., D.D., 1 - - Lapham, William B., - 5 - Lewis, Frank W., - 20 1 Lincoln, George, 1 1 1 Loud, John J. (also a picture of the old Hol- lis Street church, now in E. Braintree), '. _ 3 10 Lovell, A. A., - 2 - Lovell, John P., - - 1 Manson, Ev.an M. (an Indian relic) , . - - - Montcalm, Miss, 2 - - Nash, Gilbert, 4 4 2 Nash, Miss Louisa, - 2 1 Nash, Oran, 1 - - Nash, Thomas, - - 28 Porter, Hon. J. W., 1 8 - Porter, T. B., — 1 - 13 List of Donors — Concluded. NA.MES. Volumes. ramphle.,. pOjher_ Pratt, Edwin (one map) , . . . Eeed, Charles A., Reed, Quincy L. (Continental money, $^) , Reed, Samuel W., . . Rich.irds, Elias (two relics of the late war) , Rhode Island Hist. Soc, Sawtelle, J. B., Spencer, Jeremiah (an Indian relic) , . State Department, Washington, D. C., Stetson, A. W. (an Indian relic), Stone, Rev. Edwin M., Tilden, F. H., Titus, Rev. Anson, Jr., Tower, Dr. Charles C, Treasurj' Department, Washington, D. C, Trufant, Horace F., . Unknown, . . . . . . War Dep't, Washington, D. C. (4 maps) , Weymouth, Town of, . Weymouth, S., Citizens of (memorials of the Weymouth Light-Horse Troop) , White, Amos S., . White, Hon. George, . White, George W., Whitmarsh, Samuel F., Wildes, James L., Wilson, T. L., . Winthrop, Hon. Robert C, . 1 1 1 ~ - 10 - 1 5 - - 1 - 1 3 3 _ 50 10 14 INTRODUCTION. The discovery of the original Private Journal ofthe commander-in-chief of an important military expedi tion of the Revolutionary War, covering the whole time occupied by that service, is an event which justi fies more than a passing notice. The fact that such expedition resulted in failure is no sufficient reason for withholding its history, since the light of the fullest investigation, as in many par allel cases, may not only relieve a principal actor of the odium that such disaster naturally throws upon him, but may serve to restore him to his former position and reputation, with the added lustre which the details of the service alone are able to reveal; and, also, to fasten where it properly belongs, the responsibility of the result. The Private Journal of Gen. Solomon Lovell, which is hercAvith published, while it may not, perhaps, present any new facts in relation to the matter of which it treats, gives a clearer insight into the details of that unfortunate affair, and affords better means of judging with whom the blame should rest. As a private paper, not intended for the public eye, it should, and j^'obably does give the writer's real ideas and impressions of tlie events he relates, as they tran spired, which no public document could be expected to do. It may exhibit the partialities and prejudices of 15 the author, while it gives his honest opinion, and thus it becomes a valuable historical record. I It is comparatively easy, in the review of facts at the distance of years, to discover where an error was made. The knowledge afforded by subsequent events is a won derful fenlightener; but in order to form a correct judg ment it is essential to obtain, as nearly as possible, all of the facts, those adverse as well as those favorable; then it may be possible to find sulRcient reason for unfavor able results, without, in the slightest degree, criminating the most prominent actor. The single fact of a divided command, each chief being wholly independent of the other, though respon sible to one common authority, yet that authority so far removed as to be totally inoperative' in an emer gency, is judged, in ordinary campaigns, to be abun dant reason to produce failure. As commander of the land forces destined for the Penobscot Expedition, General Lovell was selected for his supposed special fitness for such a service, by men who were in a position, from long and intimate associa tion, to know best his qualifications. He was detached in haste, poorly supplied with the means necessary to render his branch of the service successful, and actually ordered to sea before the men were raised who were to support him, and in many cases before the munitions had been more than ordered ; and this, too, while the very force upon which the final result depended, was placed under the control of an independent commander; thus, when the time came that the brilliant landing of General Lovell on the bluffs of Bagaduce, on the 28th July, was effected, and it became necessary to supple ment that achievement by the active co-operation of the fleet in an attack upon the enemy's shipping, and, at a blow, destroy the only remaining force that was to be feared, an excessive caution amounting to timidity 16 prevailed in the naval councils, the important moments were allowed to slip by unimproved, and, instead of a brilliant, successful campaign, a disgraceful defeat was the issue. The Court of Inquiry established by the General Court, after a most thorough investigation, wholly exonerated General Lovell and placed the blame of the disaster upon his associate. Commodore Salton stall; and the general verdict of subsequent scholars who have examined the subject has sustained that finding. The Journal of General Lovell, published with this, affords most valuable ex-parte evidence in favor of this same conclusion; and from the internal evidence which it bears, it is certainly a candid and honest relation of an affair, which, while it reflects no credit upon the expe4i- tion as a Avhole, does not suggest any dishonor on the part of the writer, who is very careful to charge dis honorable intentions in no single instance upon any of the officers associated with him in the command. The document has lain for these many years among the few private papers of General Lovell that remain, unnoticed, imtil its recent accidental discovery; and it has been thought best, in the interest of historical research, to present it, verbatim, to the public. With that end in view, the paper was read before the Wey mouth Historical Society, which has taken the neces sary steps to issue the present volume, and which has throughout received the generous support of James Lovell Little, Esq., of Boston, a grandson of General Lovell, and who also has other interests from the fiict that his father, Luther Little, who married General Lovell's daughter Hannah (see Genealogical Table), and his uncle, George Little, were both more or less connected with General Lovell throughovit the Revo lution as well as on the Penobscot Expedition. 17 In connection with the publication of the Journal it has been judged appropriate to incorporate with it a brief sketch of the author. The materials for this pur pose have been gathered mainly from original sources, with much care, and, although not 60 full and abundant as could be desired, they are sufficient to afford the basis of a sketch of his life aud public services that may be of permanent value. Much of the material is wholly new to the public; and that portion of original matter found in the State Archives, which is somewhat farailiar, has been care fully examined in search of any facts, relative to the Penobscot Expedition, that may have been heretofore overlooked. Of the- private history of General Lovell but little has been ascertained; and although, from the comparatively short time which has elapsed since he died, from the fact that people are now living who have personal recollections of him, and, also, from the number of his descendants now residing not far from his old home, it might be supposed that ample material for such a pur pose would be found, yet the most careful inquiry thus far has failed to bring it forward. The writer of the sketch is indebted to the follow ing, among the many published works which he has consulted in its preparation: "Wheeler's History of Castine," "Williamson's History of Maine," "William son's History of Belfast," "Arnold's History of Rhode Island," "Bancroft," "Parkman," and other general his tories; while the public records of the town and State have been freely used. He is also greatly indebted to Mrs. Mary Lovell and her sister. Miss Selima Wildes, grand-daughters of General Lovell, for the use of the manuscript contain ing the Journal, and of the other private papers of the General now in their possession; and also for the cheer- 18 fulness with which they have contributed, in whatever way they could, by furnishing information and materials for the work. He would also gratefully acknowledge the kind assistance of Dr. Strong and the officers at the State House, in his researches among the State papers. 19 GENERAL SOLOMON LOVELL. CHAPTER I. HIS ANCESTRY. Rev. Joseph Hull,^ a native of Somersetshire, Eng land, a graduate of St. Mary's Hall, Oxford, and a preacher of some celebrity in the south-west of England, having become dissatisfied with his position, or, inspired with a desire to see the new world just now dawning upon the eyes of Europe, and towards which so many of his friends and neighbors were flocking, resigned, in 1632, the rectorship of IS^orthleigh, in Devon, which he had held for eleven years, and gathering a company of devoted followers who were willing to share with him the dangers, difficulties and pleasures of this new and unknown country, set sail on the 20th of March, 1635,^ from Weymouth, in Old Dorset, for the lands of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. The company consisted of twenty-one families,' — about one hundred and five individuals, — with probably no more definite destination than that so generally indi- ' Robert B. Hull, Esq. Manuscript in the Weymouth Historical Society's Library. ' Hotten. Early Emigrants, page 283. • Records of Massachusetts Bay Colony, vol. 1, page 149. 20 cated above, preferring to leave the precise spot of their location to the direction of Providence. After a pas sage of forty-six days, a fair one for that period, with such vessels as they could then command, and of which we have no further record, they passed in among the verdant islands of that beautiful bay, leaving on their left the bustling settlement of Hull, then a harbor for the inner plantations, and after a pleasant sail of about ten miles cast anchor before Governor Winthrop's infant village of Boston. This was on the Gth of May,^ and it was not until July 2 that, with the permission of the General Court,^ they at length settled upon Wessagus cus as their future home, the name of which, in j^leasant memory of the port in Dorset they had so recently left, was changed to Weymouth, — a name it has honorably borne to the present time, with its original territory unchanged by addition or diminution. This selection of a location was a serious business for the new colonists, whose eyes were familiar only with the highly cultivated fields of old England, who knew little of the capacities of the soil upon Avhich they now trod for the first time, of whose history they knew nothing, and whose outlines, even, they could hardly discern, so thickly were they wooded. There was no lack in quantity of land, and but little dispute with respect to titles, owing to war and pesti lence, which had nearly depopulated that section; but there was choice in quality and location, and even that must be left mainly, as they had from the first proposed, to the direction of Providence. So they sailed down the harbor, passing the many islands that dot so thickly its fair surface, and entering the estuary now called Fore River, came to anchor in a small cove about four ' K. B. Hull, Esq. Manuscript. •Massachusetts Colony Records, vol. 1, page 149. 21 miles from its mouth, afterwards known as Mill Creek, and not far from the spot Avherc Weston's colony found a landing some thirteen years before. Weymouth, even at so early a date, was not Avholly a wilderness, for Avith the Weston settlement of 1622, that of Gorges in the folloAving year,' scattered remnants of whose people yet remained upon the ground, and others Avho had since come in, quite a population had gathered within the limits of ancient Wessaguscus, Avhile the land had been so generally taken up, and the planta tions were so closely connected that the new comers Avere obliged to make their settlement upon territory further to the soutliAvard. The tract selected Avas situated southerly from Bury ing HilP (beyond Avhich, to the north, Avcre the larger portion of the older farms), with King Oak Hill for a central point, from Avhose summit, seaward and land- Avard there extended a magnificent prospect of hill and stream, of forest and bay, not surpassed in natural beauty by the most favored landscapes ofthe oldAvorld. The temporary habitations of the Weymouth colonists of 1635 Avere located in the valley lying along its Avestern base, reaching to Burying Hill. Upon the latter were the meeting-house and watch-house, as Avell as the burying-place, while the farms were scattered for a distance to the Avest, south and east. The rude shelters first erected were replaced from time to time by more substantial and commodious structures built upon the farms themselves, when the lands had become better improved, and the danger from Indians less imminent. Among the company of emigrants now arrived Avere some of the most familiar names in Weymouth history; ' C. F. Adams, Jr., Esq. Early Planters of Massachusetts Bay. (Trans actions of Mass. Hist. Society, 1878.) * Christopher Webb, Esq. Oral tradition. 22 that of John Whitmarsh,' with his wife Alice, and their four children; William and Susan Read, with two chil dren, — these latter soon .removed to Boston," where they have numerous descendants. There was also Zachary Bicknell and Agnes his Avife, with their family; and EdAvard Poole, Avhose numerous posterity are found not only in Weymouth, but largely in Abington and the other toAviis to the soutliAvard. Henry Kingman, Thomas Holbrook, Richard Porter, were also of the number, and, not the least of them all, Robert Lovell, husbandman, Avith Elizabeth his wife, and children, Anne, Zacheus, and John, with Ellen and James, the year-old twins. He was accompanied by his servant, Joseph Chicken, a lad of sixteen years, and, perhaps, Alice Ivinham, a maiden of twenty-two. Robert Lovell Avas at this time forty years old and Elizabeth, his Avile, thirty-five.^ Evidently he Avas a farmer in comfort able circumstances. The location of his earliest grants is not knoAvn with absolute certainty, the records of the tOAvn for that period being for the most part Avanting; but very early documents iu the Pi'obate Office aud Registry of Deeds of Sulfolk County, make mention of John Lovell's pas ture on King Oak Hill, and the Avell established fjict that the residence of Capt. Enoch Lovell, a grandson of Robert, lay upon the eastern slope of that hill, and was given by will to his son Joshua,* under date of July 18, 1738, he being then sixty-eight years of age indicates the spot very nearly. It is noAV OAvned by a daughter ofthe seventh generation of successive dwell ers of that family upon the same spot. James, one of the year-old twins named in the list ' Hotton. Early Emigrants, page 284. ' Boston Town Records. ^ Hotten. Early Emigrants, page 285. ' Suffolk Probate, lib. 62, Col 6^2. 23 of emigrants, and his wife Jane, were the parents of a large family, the best knoAvn of whom, Capt. Enoch, was born Dec. 29, 1670,' and the births of seven other chil dren stand upon the record. Capt. Enoch, a man of note and influence in town, inarried Mary, daughter of Thomas Reed, and their fourth child, David, the father of the subject of the present sketch, was born in Wey mouth, March 6, 1704. He being of a studious turn and of an opulent family, was fitted for college, after wards graduating at Harvard with the class of 1725. ' He married in 1730 (the publishment dates January 11) Mary, daughter of John and Mary (Symes) Torrey, and after a fcAV years spent in teaching and (tradition says) preaching, died 'Nov. 25, 1733,^ leaving tAVO children^ born in Abington, — Eleanor, born Aug. 7, 1730, and Solomon, born June 1, 1732;" the former of Avhom mar ried Mr. Joseph Webb, and was the mother of several children.'* The latter is the subject of this sketch. ' Weymouth Town Records. ' Grave Stone. Here Lyes Buried | The Body of M' | David Lovell MA | Dec" November y" 26 | 1733 In y" 30"' | Year of His Age \ ^ Abington Town Records. ¦* Weymouth Town Records. ^ 24 CHAPTER IL HIS EAKLT LIFE. Of the personal history of young Solomon, as boy and youth, but very little is known. The fact of his birth in a neighboring town, indicates the unsettled condition of his father's life, whose early death changed, probably very materially, the channel in which that young life Avas to run. We have seen the stock Avhence he sprung, on the paternal side; while from his mother he inherited some of the best blood of the ancient town. Lieut. John Torrey, her fiither, descended from Capt. William Torrey, the mother of his wife being the daughter of Capt. William Symmes, of Charlestown, son of Rev. Zachaiy Symmes, of honorable fame. The mother afterward married Rev. Samuel Torrey, pastor of the church of Weymouth, and, at her death, bequeathed all of her wearing apparel to her daughter Mary Torrey.' Although he was not, like his father, one of " Har vard's favored sons," yet his education Avas by no means neglected; for he was fully qualified, in that particular, to fill, with credit and dignity, the many important positions to Avhich he was afterwards called. And it is more than probable that, besides the primitive schools of the period, he enjoyed the privilege of the best private instruction, and studied, as was the custom of the wealthy classes, with his pastor. Rev. William Smith, no mean scholar in the learning of the times, 'Suffolk Probate, lib. 22, fol. 115. ^r.e:^ ^^^. ^ -^^-^ ^^^^^^^/-^'-^"^^^-^ .«:^ 7 «-^' .,«.*?^ y^-^^-<^ >^ ^;^ ^^-^' ^'-e^^-^-^.-- All.rilyl)^. — r,i||„.s f',i. ni.Sli.ll. CAPT. ENOCH LOVELL'S HOUSE. THE EARLY HOME Ulf SOLOMON LOVELT,. NOW STANDING ON CDMMERCIAL STKEET. 25 and widely known as the father of Mrs. Abigail Adams. The death of his f\ither, at the early age of thirty years, left young Solomon an orphan in his second year, under the care, probably, of his grandfather, Capt. Enoch Lovell, his inother having re-married Avhen he was five years old. On the death of his grandfather, which took place Avhen the lad had but just passed his fourteenth year, Solomon selected as his guardian' his step-father, Lieut. Samuel Kingman. This judicious selection had, doubtless, great influence in shaping his future life, and in forming that manful character that afterwards stood him in such good stead. By his guardian he was early initiated into all of the mysteries of the art of husbandry, as practised at that day; and from him, also, he probably imbibed that love for military science Avhich influenced him through life. Here, upon his grandfather's farm, a large portion of which he inherited on attaining his majority, it mry be safely supposed, he passed the folloAving decade in the peaceable occupation of a farmer, his sister having married in 1750. Even in this quiet life, he could hardly have been an indifferent spectator of the affairs of his own town, or the ofttimes stirring scenes going on among the near and remote colonies. We may imagine him a diligent student of events in the political Avorld, watching, Avith careful eye the difficult problems that were fast hastening to a bloody solution, and fitting himself, by close application, for the prominent part he afterwards played in them. The •narrow limits of his ancestral inheritance, and the staid life of a country farm, could ne\'er have been wholly congenial to the active temperament and military spirit of the young man; and the relations existing between the colonies ' Suffolk Probate, lib. 39, fol. 404. 26 and the home government were such as gave promise of a much larger exercise of those qualities that were aAvakeniug within him than had yet fallen to his lot. Agencies were already actively at AVork which would, not many years hence, rend asunder the most powerful empire of the world. For a long time, although they Avere nominally at peace, an actual state of hostilities had existed all along. the. western frontier, between the two great powers, whose sway divided the continent, each determined on the supremacy. The jealousies of the French and English settlers, from Canada to the Cumberland, were so great, the grasping ambition of their respective governments so far-reaching, and the warlike savag-es such convenient and willing instruments, that acts of hostility were constantly occurring, and each act was remembered and laid up in store against a day of final reckoning, which was sure to come. The French court, Avhile publicly condemning these occurrences, and making the strongest protestations of peace, Avere, in numberless ways, urging matters to such a condition, that, when the crisis should come, they would be in the best possible position to take advantage of it. They were, in the meantime, strengthening their old posts, establishing ncAV ones at the most advanta geous points over the disputed territory, and cultivating and extending friendly relations with their savage allies, among most of whose tribes there had long existed the active missions of the Jesuit fathers; so that their far- sighted and sagacious policy, through the activity of their religious and military agents, extended over the whole of that vast territory lying to the westward of the AUeghanies, and to the northAvard, from Central New York beyond Lakes George and Champlain and the Mohawk. Thus was created a network of fortifications, and an enthusiastic combination of Indian tribes, which, 27 with their oavu forces, AA;ere amply sufficient, under ordi nary conditions, to enable them to overcome any force that might be bi-ought against them, and Avould have done so, but for a consideration unfortunately overlooked by them — the intense vitality and the uuAvavering obsti nacy of the English character, Avhich, in spite of its blunders, in the end Avrested the victory from them. JSTor Avere the English managers at all behind in duplicity and diplomatic plottings; but, with less skill in their exercise, they fell far behind their more shrcAvd and subtle enemies in the contest.' The irritating proc esses continually going on Avere not without their result. In 1755, these incipient hostilities broke out into open Avar, and each pai-tj^, according to its own ideas, began preparations for active operations. But the French, being in possession of the ground, and having nearly completed their arrangements, had alto gether the advantage of their moi'c obtuse and less alert opponents. They had simply to hold their positions, with such additional strengthening as circumstances should, from time to time, suggest; while the English, with their proverbial mismanagement, pursued their traditional policy, and the victory that finally resulted was only attained at the expense of many a severe dis aster, and an immense expenditure of life and treasure, by the obstinate valor of their heroic troops, and the better councils that finally prevailed. IS^othing daunted, hoAvever, by the unpromising aspect of the situation, the home government, at the Court of St. James, set about their Avork with a comprehensive ness and vigor that promised grand results; though the very narrowness of their oavu local ten-itoiy i)oorly qualified them to comprehend the nature and extent of ' See any of tbe general histories of that period ; the differences consisting in the manner of statement, rather than in the facts. Bancrolt, Parkraan and others. 28 the AVork before them. Not that the general plan of the campaign was not extensive and complete enough; but, rather, that the means provided for its development were better adapted to the shorter distances and more open country of Western Europe, than to the almost boundless and unknoAvn Avastes of the new continent. StiU, since the campaign Avas to be carried on in that new continent, and principally at its expense, in blood and pounds, Avhile the success, should it finally come, could not fail to profit the inother country, perhaps it did not matter so much. It has been observed that the plan Avas comprehensive enough; and, in fact, it embraced, virtually, nothing short of the subjection of the entire territory,' and the total expulsion of the French possessors from its bor ders, although that Avas not the intent acknowledged. Four principal points Avere to be simultaneously at tacked, and each by a force judged sufficient to ensure complete success. The northern division, intended for the expulsion ofthe French from the lands " Avrongfully held by them," in Nova Scotia, under the command of Lieut.-Col. Monckton, Avith the troops of that province, assisted by men from Massachusetts and other New England colonies, effected its object; but, as that A\'as mainly subsidiary to the Avork of the other divisions, the principal interest centered in them. The most poAverful aud best-appointed of all, and that upon Avhich the success or failure of the year's campaign, as a whole, depended, Avas the force destined to act against Fort Duquesne, a strong post at the junction of the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers in western Pennsylvania (noAV Pittsburgh), and a very important one, since it was so situated that from it excursions could easily be made into the frontier set tlements of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia. It was also a source of perpetual alarm to the exposed 29 colonists. It will be remembered, too, as the scene of one of AVashington's early expeditions. It was natu rally a strong position, and had been rendered much more so by regular fortifications and a permanent gar rison of French troops, with a large allied force of Canadians and Indians, under the command of Cap tain de Contrecoeur, a prompt and resolute officer. The fate of the fine army under General Braddock sent to reduce that fortress, and Washington's connec tion Avith it, are too well knoAvn to need more than simple mention. The splendid start, Avith its grand flourish of banner and trumpet; the long and toilsome march through the Avilderness; the utter surprise of the A^ain and foolhardy commander; his total defeat and death, Avith the horrible massacre and annihilation of his troops that followed, form a story with which every school-boy is faitiiliar. The destruction of this army, and the consequent failure of the expedition, paralyzed that of Governor Shirley, operating against Niagara, Avhich had been detained at Albany by red tape, incapacity, and their always accompanying misfortunes, until the season Avas far advanced. The news of Braddock's defeat Avas so disheartening that, before they had sufficiently recov ered from it to make an advance, the time to attempt anything of consequence had gone by, and the further prosecution of the enterprise, other than the erection of a couple of weak forts at Oswego, was postponed until the following spring. The redeeming feature of the campaign Avas the acci dental victory of General, afterwards Sir Williain John son, over Baron de Dieskau on the shores of Lake George, in Avhich the Weymouth volunteers partici pated. To that point the men from that toAvn of the following year were sent. This fight opened Avith a defeat in consequence of the want of skill on the part 30 of the English commander, and was changed to a bril liant victory only through the desperate valor and stubborn resistance of the New England troops, after Johnson, slightly wounded, had retired from the field. His subsequent failure to follow up the success ren dered the result fruitless, otherwise than as a stimulant to iiCAV efforts in carrying out, diu'ing the following season, the great idea of this campaign, the expulsion of the French from Canada. Johnson busied himself in building Fort William Henr}^, and other equally use less operations, until the season was over, Avhen he dis missed the New England troops. The accidental lustre, hoAvever, of this affair, brought him a gratuity of five thousand pounds and a baronetcy, with the superintendency of Indian affairs.' Thus, with the failure of the tAvo most important expeditions, the close of the season of 1755 found the rival nations in very nearly the same relative positions as at the beginning, the advantage being with the French. ' Irving's Washington, vol. 1, page 238. 31 CHAPTER IIL THE EEENCH WAK. Notwithstanding the discouragements of the j^revi- ous season, instead of becoming disheartened, the spring of 1756 found a ncAV life infused into the militai^ opera tions ; and all over New England, recruiting for the en suing campaign Avas active and promising. Among the men taken from Colonel Lincoln's regiment for the CroAvn Point Expedition of 1755, Avere the names of nine Weymouth men.' Doubtless there Avere others in the different companies and regiments; but tlie rolls, in a large number of cases, do not name the resi dences of the men; therefore it is impossible to deter mine. In the campaign of 1756, there were betAveen thirty and forty Weymouth men, including the most of those who had served the previous year, mostly in the com pany of Maj. Samuel Thaxter of Hingham, Col. Rich ard Gridley's regiment, for service in the force under the command of Gen. John Winslow of Marshfield, who had taken his place at the head of the Crown Point ' See Colonel Lincoln's Return, Oct. 2, 1755. State Archives, vol. 93. Capt. Samuel Thaxter's (of Hingham) company. The names of the men were : — Lieut. Wm. Whitmarsh, Ensign Nath'l Bayley. John Canterbury, Jonathan Darby, Hezekiah White, Benjamin Tirrell, Joseph Truefant. Stephen Saulsbury, Silas Lovell. 32 Expedition, as successor to Governor Shirley.' Among the names of these volunteers is found that of First Lieut. Solomon Lovell, then a young man of twenty- four years. Doubliess he had some military reputation, since he appears upon the rolls as first lieutenant in the company of his neighbor, Maj. Samuel Thaxter of Hingham. The dangers of a frontier warfare were but an incentive to his resolute spirit, Avhen that service Avas to eventuate in the protection of his own com monwealth, although so far removed from the scene of conflict. At Lake George, he was to mingle with a multitude of kindred spirits, many of whom afterwards rose to eminence in the military annals of their country, and among them all, none more famous than Lieut. Israel 'The following list, made up from tho various muster rolls of the troops engaged in that campaign, and found in the State Archives, Bos ton, vols. 93, 94 and 95, is believed to be very nearly correct : — First Lieut. Solomon Lovell. Sergt. Caleb Eldridge, Corp. John Canterbury, Jun., " Jonatlian Darby, Jun., " Benjamin Nash, " Thomas Cushing, •• James Hunt. Silas Lovell, Stephen Canterbury, Benjamin Tirrell, Joseph Trufant, Joseph Pratt, 3d, William Holbrook, Jun., Noah Bates, Benjamin llichards, AVilliam Richards, Samuel Orcutt, Joseph Ford, David Orcutt, Lemuel Barbar, Stephen Saulsbury, Joseph Blanchard, AVilliam Salisbury, Ebenezer Tirrell, Thomas Colson, Jun., John Lincoln, Nehemiah Joy, James Nash, John Randall Vining, William Rice, Isaac Joy, Humphrey Burrell, AVilliam Bates, Isaac Pool, Nathaniel Blanchard. (Tiie last-named, and Benjamin Na.sh, should perhaps be credited to Braintree) Of those, six died dining tho campaign: Thomas O.ishin^ John Canterbury, James Hunt, William Holbrook, Benjamin RiehardT John Randall Vining. The term of service was from February to Novem ber, about nine months. 33 Putnam, one of the heroes of the victory of the previous season, Avhose commission as second lieutenant, dated just six days before that engagement, did not reach him until after the battle Avas ovei*. The campaign of 1756 was inspired by the same gen eral idea which governed that of the previous year, al though differing somewhat in its details — the expulsion of the French from Canada, and thus ridding the con tinent of them. NoAV, the line of commimication be tween Canada and the Ohio Yalley was to be severed by the capture of Niagara ; CroAvn Point must be re duced, since it presented a standing menace to the Hudson River country, and afforded an easy gate of entrance into New York and Ncav England, from the landward ; Avhile, as less important positions, and for the purpose of drawing off the attention of the enemy from the real objective points, Fort Duquesne was to be invested and Quebec threatened. Conscious of the causes of previous failures, the ministry determined to overcome them ; though with an inveterate stupidity of which only an English ministry could be guilty, they actually undertook to do this, by repeating the same blunders, only on a more magnificent scale ; making a change of commanders, but not of policy or mea sures. Braddock was succeeded by the Earl of Loudoun, a man possessed of all the perverse qualities of his pred ecessor, Avithout even his few redeeming features. General Shirley retired to give place to General Aber- crombie, merely the exchange of a military imbecile, for one possessed Avith a European reputation, but equally lacking in enterprise and judgment. The summer Avas frittered aAvay in pompous pretensions and dilatory preparations ; the New England troops, in the mean time, fretting themselves in their inactivity, were, nevertheless, learning one of the necessary qualities of 34 good soldiers, patience, with something of discipline and experience, so indispensable to military success. While this display of ignorance and imbecility was going on Avithin the English lines, a far different state of afl'airs was transpiring in the counsels and in the actions of their enemies. The Marquis de Montcalm, the ncAV French commander, a man of signal ability, full of intense activity and enterprise, was pressing his re sources to the utmost. Taking in .the whole field of operations to their fullest extent, he penetrated at a glance the designs ofthe English, and prepared, by the most vigorous measures, to counteract and overcome them. Paying but little attention to the northern and southern outposts, he visited and strengthened Ticon- deroga and Crown Point, massed his forces and as cended the St. Lawrence to the mouth of the Oswego, capturing, with hardljr an effort, the tAVO English forts built by Shirley in 1755 ; thus, at a single bloAV putting a check upon the beautiful paper campaign of his egotistical opponents. The activity and success of Montcalm completely paralyzed the little vitality that remained to the English commanders,- and nothing Avas accomphshed during the season. The Weymouth troops, after lingering around the romantic shores of Lake George till winter Avas about to set in, were discharged, and left for home, after having spent three-quarters of a year in endeavoring to effect the results of a cam paign Avithout brains to direct them ; no fault of theirs, however, as subsequent events proved. The campaign of 1757, was almost a repetition of those of the tAvo preceding years, substituting the massacre at Fort William Henry for the capture of Oswego ; and it was not until the spring of 1758, that the English aftairs, under the able leadership of Pitt, began to assume a different aspect. The new ministry, equally jealous of the power of France and her hold 35 upon the American continent, and just as determined to dispossess her of that hold, proceeded to action in stead of wasting the time in fruitless counsels. ' The poAverful fortress of Louisburg, deemed by the French, and Euglish, also, Avell-nigh impregnable, Avas taken after a memorable siege by General Amherst. In the nortli- Avest, General Bradstreet captured the strong position of Fort Frontenac, Avhile Fort Duquesne fell into the hands of General Forbes ; but to offset in a measure these grand successes, Lord Abercrombie, Avith a force of sixteen thousand men, met Avitli a terrible defeat before the walls of Ticonderoga ; the result of a remnant of disaster entailed from the previous ministry, all of whose blunders the new could not at once overcome. The succeeding season, 1759, Avas memorable for its almost invariable English successes. The defeat of the French at Niagara by Sir William Johnson ; the cap ture of Ticonderoga by General Amherst, and the bril liant victory of Wolfe over Montcalm on the plains of Abraham, put an end to the power of the French in North America, and the colonies, with comparative peace for nearly a score of years, were permitted, under many irritating restrictions and grinding burdens of taxation, to groAV up to so strong a manhood, that they were able to maintain their independence against one of the strongest nations of .Europe. 36 CHAPTER lY. DOMESTIC LIFE. Whether or not an unwonted ripple in his domestic affairs Avas in any degree, instrumental in sending young Lovell into the Crown Point Expedition, and thus shaping to some extent his military future, history does not inform us ; but it is quite certain, that shortly after this a change came over his social condition, and he Avas inarried, Jan. 19, 1758, to Lydia, the daughter of his neighbor. Deacon John Holbrook, who Avas also of the old emigrant stock, the deacon being great-grand son to Thomas Holbrook, one of the Hull eomjjany in 1635, a companion of Robert, the ancestor of the Lovells. Tradition says that this marriage was the result of a reaction in the affections of young Solomon, he having first set his longing eyes upon the comely person of Miss Hannah Pittey, Avho looked, or pre tended to look, with small favor upon his suit, and rejected his proposals. Subsequent events seem to sus tain this tradition. He was not long, hoAvever, permit ted to enjoy this marriage relation, for his Avife died May 21, 1761, at the birth of her second child, the first having died in infancy in 1759.' After the death of his Avife Lydia, his first love came back to him, the object of that earlier choice being yet single, and a second proposal from the young fiirmer, more successful than the first, Avas accepted, the mar riage taking place in May, 1762. Mrs. Hannah, was ' Weymouth Town Records. Albenype — i'orbes Co. Boston. GEN. SOLOMON LOVELL'S HOMESTEAD, A_SJa;TtP£Ji:-A4^S-I-N iSSi. 37 the daughter of James and Hannah (Reed) Pittey, born Doc. 8, 1730, .and consequently about a year and a half the senior of her husband. The marriasre was a happy one as far as can be learned ; and from it there sprung scA'^en children, four of whom died in child hood. From the top of King Oak Hill, no doubt he had often looked doAvn over the broad acres that formed the fertile farm of his future father-in-laAV, with a strong desire to unite it with his already ample estate, and the time had now come when the fact was accomplished. He soon left his old homestead to the use of his sister Eleanor, Mrs. Webb,' and removed Avith his fam ily to " Old Spain," the local name of that part of North Weymouth beyond the old burying-ground and bordering upon the bay, taking the old home of his wife, making it with some additions, his residence dur ing the remainder of his life, and leaving it by will, at his death, to his son, Dr. James Lovell,^ at whose death, in 1820, without issue, it was sold, passing out of the famil3^ This mansion, occupied as a tenement- house and retaining somewhat its general appearance in the palmy days of its old proprietor, General Lovell, still stands upon Neck Street, not far from Bridge Street, and is about half a mile to the eastward of the village of " Old Spain." ' Family tradition. 'Norfolk Probate, lib, 7, fol. 571. 38 CHAPTER Y. PUBLIC SERVICES. Soon after his first marriage, his real settlement in life, he began, as a good citizen, to turn his attention to the affairs of his native toAvn, and to interest him self in its welfare. From this time forward until near the day of his death, except when called away upon military business, he was almost constantly employed in important toAvn affairs, holding responsible offices, and Avas evidently looked up to as a man of prudence and sagacity, in whose hands the interests of the town Avould not suffer. His earliest employment in this direction Avas on May 19, 1760, when he was chosen one of a committee to ascertain the boundaries of the toAvn property at the various landings. These had long been in dispute, and were the objects of frequent trespass. It Avas a inatter requiring much tact and discretion, as Avell as personal acquaintance with the subject, and the selection of a young man to this important position, as his first public business, is sufficient evidence of the estimation in Avhich he Avas held by his toAvnsmen.' In 1770 he was chosen upon a committee to examine the toAvn treasurer's accounts, a position in those days much more responsible in the opinion of the toAvn than at present. Here he appears for the first time upon record under the designation of " Captain."^ Evidently ' AA^'eymouth Town Record, vol. 1, page 898. MA'eymouth Town Records, vol. 1, page 435. 39 he had not lost his interest in military affairs, but retain ing his connection with them, still occupied a prominent position. The succeeding year, 1771, he Avas chosen representa tive to the General Court. At this time the difficulties betAveen the colonies and the home government Avere assuming a serious aspect, and fast approaching a crisis, Avhen men of the soundest discretion, the Avisest and best, Avere demanded for the highest positions and elected tb fill them. This was but the beginning of many years of service in that capacity, a service ahvays result ing, as far as record and tradition show, in jirofit to the town and credit to himself. This year, in July, he was advanced one grade in military rank, being chosen second major of the Second Regiment of Sufiblk MiUtia.' In the earlier years of the colony the iron-ore used in manufactures was found mostly near the surface, and in neighborhoods where it was needed for use; and among the most abundant and available sources of sup ply Avere the bottoms of the larger ponds,^ which Avere dredged for the purpose, several of those in Weymouth being quite valuable, those of Great, Whitman's, and Whortleberry Ponds affording the town a considerable revenue. So rich Avere they considered that they Avere .sought after by manufacturers front other towns. The negotiation and disposition of these privileges was a subject of nice discrimination and good judgment, and the town Avas in the habit of putting its best men upon that duty. In 1773, the old contract having expired, the town appointed Capt. Asa White, Major Solomon Lovell, and Cotton Tufts, Esq., as a coinmittee to negotiate a new sale of this important privilege, ' state Archives, vol. 99, page 887. His royal commission dates March 4, 1773. 'Weymouth Town Records, vol. 2, pages 2 and 3. 40 which was concluded, much to the satisfaction of the citizens, with Mr. Thomas Holbrook of Pembroke, for a term of thirty years. Up to this time the records indicate that the town, by official action, had paid but little attention to colonial or provincial affairs. These matters were the subject of much discussion and frequent action in the General Court, and in the Provincial Congress, causing intense excitement; and since individual as well as public inter ests were at stake, and these could be protected in no way so well as by combinations of individuals acting for the common good, this began to be done, and committees of correspondence Avere formed in the sev eral towns, unions of various kinds contemplated or completed, and these in turn combined into larger or ganizations of the same nature, so that the whole of the English colonies scattered from the Canadian fron tier to the Spanish possessions upon the Gulf of Mex ico were rapidly acquiring the means by which a common agreement could be entered into, and by Avhich they could act together for the good of the whole. The toAvn meeting was the place where the general feeling of the people first took tangible form. From these gatherings it was that the General Colirt and the Provincial Congress learned what was expected of them, and where they were to look for support in the critical times that were upon them. ' Here the leaders in all popular movements could and did freely express their opinions upon all matters of governmental concern, some of the noblest utterances that have been handed. down to us from that exciting period coming from these primary assemblages. Ever active in carrying forward the general interests, and pronounced in all his views, Major Lovell was one of the foremost in opposing the encroachments of the crown, and these efforts found their public utterance 41 first in the town meeting. He was always found upon committee when matters of political importance Avere to be considered, and was one of the foremost to carry out the measures there decided on. At a special meeting of the town, held Jan. 3, 1774, of which Major James Humphrey Avas moderator, a letter Avas read from the Committee of Correspondence in Boston, with copies of the votes and proceedings of that town at meetings held November the 5th and 18th with regard to the cargoes of teas daily expected frora the East India Company's warehouses in London, suggesting the co operation of the several towns in resisting the introduc tion of this obnoxious article, — obnoxious, because it was subjected to a duty imposed by act of Parliament. The matter was discussed and the question presented for action in the form of a resolve, " not to purchase nor use any of the East India Company's teas of any kind (excepting such as they might now have on hand) until the act of Parliament, laying a duty thereon, be re pealed;" and the resolution passed "by a Great Ma- jority."* Cotton Tufts, Esq., Major Lovell, Deacon Nathaniel Bayley, Mr., Jacob Goold and Mr. Ebenezer Colson were appointed a committee to prepare further resolves, and report at a future meeting. They were also " to prepare a suitable instrument for the people, not now present, to sign if they see cause, that the minds of the people may be known." Accordingly such a document was prepared, and at a meeting held Deceraber 10 it was presented and signed, through a singular coincidence, by just one hundred and twenty-three men frorn each Precinct, showing an almost unanimous feeling, in which they agreed to abide by the recommendation of the Continental Congress in respect to the inatter in hand. In January following a committee Avas chosen, • Weymouth Town Records, vol. 2, page 6. 42 one of whose members was Major Solomon Lovell, to see that the Continental resolve was strictly adhered to. Truly the fathers were as zealous in doing as prompt in pledging. The situation of affairs had now become so serious that the town, at a meeting held May 2 of this year, 1775, deemed it necessary to order a military g^iard, consisting of fifteen persons, to serve for one week, at two pistareens per day; and on the the Oth of the same month, a Committee of Correspondence, to act with those of the neighboring tOAvns, Avas chosen, consisting of Dbctor Tufts, Col. Lovell, noAV colonel for the first time upon record (although it does not appear that bis commission from the Colonial authorities was issued until the following February'), Maj. Yining, Capt. Asa White and Mr. Josiah Colson.^ In January, 1775, the Council passed an order direct ing Col. Lovell to take charge of the boats belonging to the Colony, taken from Hospital Island and then stationed at Weymouth, for the protection of the coast.* The enthusiasm, as Avell as the patriotism, of the peo ple ran high at this time. The town adopted the most energetic measures to put itself in the best posture for defence; and, under the direction of wise coun sels, those measures were as prudent and judicious as they Avere prompt and vigorous. Private individuals also eame forward with their means, and gifts of anns and ammunition were frequent. At a meeting held May 24, the town voted to accept the ofter of two guns ' State Archives, vol. 28, page 89 ' Weymouth Town Records, vol. 2, page 17. An account of tho organization of these Committees, at Arnold's Tavern with Cotton Tufts, Esq., Chainnan, and Capt. Asa AVhito, Clerk, with a part of the subsequent proceedings, were published, from Ihe original record, by the Weymouth Historical Society, in the " Weymouth Gazette," March 14, ls79 ' General Court Records, vol. 31, page 150. 43 (cannons), and Cotton Tufts, Esq., received a vote of thanks, for his offer to pay for their transportation from Salem. At the same meeting, the enrolled soldiers, — all able- bodied males betAveen the ages of sixteen and sixty years, — were ordered to meet on the folloAving day, for the choice of officers, one company for each Parish, the tOAvn to pay for the arms of those Avho Avere not able to buy for themselves; also, to pay for ammunition for the "sAviA'ils," "provided the Province does not" ; and that the bells should be rung in case of an alarm. Also, voted to accept the use of two small carriage guns, of three hundred pounds each, from Mr. Rich ard Derby.' On the first of June, the toAvn voted to hire guns at one dollar each for six raonths for those not able to purchase. Also, ordered the soldiers from sixteen to sixty to appear under arms, "on each Lord's day," under a penalty of one dollar for failure to appear without arms, and tAVO dollars for staying away alto gether.^ ' Weymouth Town Records, vol 2, page 18. 'Weymouth Town Records, vol. 2, page 19. 44 CHAPTER YL MILITARY SERVICE. The time when Col. Lovell entered actively into the military service of the State during the Revolution is not definitely known, but it must have been quite early, since his commission as colonel of the Second Regi^ ment is dated ,Feb. 7, 1776,' and his regiment is mentioned as one of those that marched to Dorchester Heights, March 4, following.^ During the campaign of 1776, we find but little spe cial mention of the services of Col. Lovell ; but from the fact that his command was in an exposed position and known to have been upon active duty in some of the iraportant movements connected with the siege of Bos ton, it is fair to presume that he had his full share of local duty. As before mentioned, his regiment was called into active service March 4, 1776, and December 8, of the sarae year, he was ordered to detach tAvo hundred men for the defence of the fort at Ilidl, Avhich, from its ex- ' State Archives, vol. 28, page 89, Muster Rolls of officers in Mass. Regts. Suffolk County had been organized into six military districts, of one regi ment each; Boston, being one, and iis regiment known as the Boston regi ment; Roxbury, Dedham and Needham the fiist; AA'eymouth, Hingham, Cohasset and Hull, the second: Dorchester, Milton, Stoughton and Stoughtonham, the third ; Medfield, AVrentham, Medwa}-, Walpole and Bellingham, the fourth ; and Braintree the fifth. Records of the Council, vol. 6, page 243. ' Col. Lovell's Regiment was on duty at the time the Heights were taken possession of, and Capt. Thomas Nash, of tho South AVeymouth company, was officer of the day. (Private tradition ; Slate Archives, vol. 21, page 131.) 45 posed position, was in special danger from the attacks of the British ships of war.' The town, in the meantime, continued its exertions' to keep up its quota of men, increasing the provincial bounty from thirteen to twenty pounds, and afterwards adding to this three pounds per month for three months. On the 17,th of July, the Declaration of Inde pendence was read from the two pulpits of the toAvn and entered in full upon its records,^ in accordance Avith the order of Congress requiring it. At a meeting held Feb. 17, 1777, the passage of a vote regulating the prices of all kinds of marketable articles, with a document bearing the signature of nearly every citizen, evinced the cheerfulness and alacrity with which the people went into the Avork of establishing their independence.' On the 21st of the same month, the town bounty was advanced to eight pounds per month, for three years. This year. Col. Lovell was again chosen Representative to the General Court, and was also placed upon the committee for the encouragement of recruiting. His instructions as Rep resentative, dated May 15, prepared by a coraraittee of which Hon. Cotton Tufts Avas chairman and vs^ho Avas probably the author, is a remarkably able and Avell written document, and will compare favorably with the best public papers of that day.* ' Records of the Council, vol. 9, page 91. ' Weymouth Town Records, vol. 2, pages 29 and 80. ' Weymouth Town Records, vol. 2, page 31. • Weymouth Town Records, vol. 2, pages 39 and 40. This document is inserted in full, as one worthy of preservation, and as a specimen of the ability of the town in its official capacity. " Instructions to the Representatives of the Town of AVeymouth. To CoL°. Solomon Lovell. Sir. The struggle in which we are engaged is great and important, it calls for the Exertion of all the Powers and Faculties of every Individual in order to secure the invaluable Blessing of Liberty in its full Extent, which we profess to be the grand object of our pursuit. Could these be 46 On the 24 th of June, 1777, Col. Lovell was elected by the Council Brigadier-General of the militia of united and center in the main Point, we might, under Providence, be assui'cd of Success; to effect this, as Men have different Powers and Capacities adapted to different purposes, it is necessary that Men be em ployed in those different Matters, for wich they are be.st calculated, and without attending to this, the Publick cannot be well served nor its good Advanced You are therefore Instructed to uie your Influence, that the various ofRces of Government be filled up by Persons of Integrity and known qualifications for their Particular offices, and that a Multiplicity of offices be devolved upon no one, Especially where they cannot be discharged with Fidelity, and the good of the People, however otherwise qualified or distinguished the Person may be. Agreeable hereunto you are Instmcted not to give your Vote for any Person to sit in Council, who holds any office or offices incompatable with the faithful Discharge of the Duties of a Coun cillor, nor for any Member of the Continental Congress, nor for any hold ing Commissions under it, and that the Affairs of Government may be conducted, as much as may be, with Dispatch and without interruption. You aro instructed to use your Endeavors that Members of the Gen' Court be not unnecessarily charged with the Transaction of Business that can be as well or better done by suitable persons not belonging to the same, and who may be appointed for such purpose, and that all persons entrusted by the General Court, with Business of any kind, do from Time to Time render an Account of their conduct, where any are unfaithful that they be displaced without favor or affection, see that the unfaithful be punished, and tho upright servants of Government be rewarded, for where faithful servants of Government are not rewarded, no man of Integrity will ever chuse to accept a Trust, and the State must be governed by weak and wicked ilen. You are on the one Hand to avoid such parsimony as to discourage worthy men from engaging in the Publick Service, and on the other Hand such a profusion as to encourage Men to fleece the Public, and to wriggle them selves into places of Profit and Honor. You are particularly instructed to use your utmost endeavors that every measure be pursued for the suppres sion of vice and immorality, and as no People can long enjoy Liberty or Civil Happiness, without a fixed Government, whose Laws aro founded in Justice and administered vvith impartiality, we do agreeably to a recom mendation of the late General Assembly instruct you to join with the House of Representatives in one Body with the Council to form a Constitution of government, and when compleated to lay the same before us for our approbation or disapprobation. That you Sir, with the Members of the general Assembly, may be directed by the Supreme Governor of the world in the formation of a Con stitution satisfactory to the inhabitants of this State and productive of the greatest Virtue and happiness not only to the present, but to succeeding Generations, that the Children yet unborn may rise up and call you blessed", is the ardent wish of your constituents Cotton Tufts James Humphrey Asa White Eliphaz Weston Nathaniel Bailet. 47 Suff'olk County, and, receiving his commission,' entered at ouce upon the duties of his command — a i)ositlon of the highest importance, since it made him, subordinate only to the department officer appointed by the Con tinental Congress, the military commander of Boston, and, virtually, the central military authority of the East ern District, — which covered nearly the whole of New England, and requiring military ability of a high order, together Avith rare judgraent, prudence and discretion; a position that he retained to the close of the war, — a period of ^six years of constant watchfulness and prep aration; sufficient proof that his services were emi nently satisfactory to the people over whom he AA'as placed, and in whom was vested the power of removal at any time. July 21, 1777, Gen. Lovell was ordered by the Council to hold his brigade in readiness to inarch to his alarm post at a moment's notice;^ and, August 1, on the occasion of a new alarm, he Avas directed to detach one hundred and fifty men from Col. Cushing's regiment, and " proceed with them, personally, to Hull, there to take the command, to defend the fort and annoy the enemy.'" In September, a secret expedition to Rhode Island was undertaken by the General Court, and Brig.- Gens. Palmer and Lovell placed in command;* but the expedition failed, on account (as alleged) of the dis-' obedience of orders by Gen. Palmer, who was court- martialled therefor. In 1778, Gen. Lovell was again chosen Representative to the General Court.^ During this year, Rhode Island ' State Archives, vol. 27, page 217. General Assembly Record, vol. 37 page 97. ' Council Record, vol. 10, page 624. * Council Record, vol 10, page 655. * Council Record, vol. 10, page 865. General Assembly Record, vol. 88, page 39. ? Weymouth Town Records, vol. 2, page 49. 48 was the point around which the operations of the northern array centered.' So great was the solicitude, that Gen. SulUvan, one of Washington's most trusted officers, was appointed to succeed Spencer in that department, and despatched at once to Providence, to take command of the forces there, and the most ener getic measures were forthwith entered upon to place that State in the best posture of defence. The English, under Gen. Pigot, had made a descent upon the coast, plundered and partially burnt the flourishing tOAvns' of Warren and Bristol, taking some prisoners, but were finally driven off by a few troops, who had gathered during the alarm, before the places were wholly de stroyed. About the same time, another party of the enemy made an attempt upon Fall River, but were repulsed before accomplishing much damage, by the resolute conduct of Col. Joseph Durfee, and a fcAv men under his command. While the coast was thus threatened at various points, Gen. Sullivan found not more than five hundred men at his command, about three hundred of whom were Rhode Island troops, the remahider belonging to the other New England States. A special session of the Assembly was called, and an order passed to fill up the ranks of the State Brigade, and call out, for fifteen days, one-sixth of the military and chartered force of the State. At the same time, urgent calls for immediate assistance were made upon the neighboring States; yet, up to the raiddle of July, but about sixteen hundred men had been raised, Avhile the eneray had, in and about Newport, a force of seven thousand men, including a reinforcement of three thousand just received from New York. ' For the main facts relative to the Rhode Island campaign, the excellent history of that State by Samuel Greene Arnold has been followed. Vol 2 pages 415 to 428. " ' 49 A council of war called out at once half the efi'ective force of the State, to serve for twenty days from August 1st; and the remainder were ordered to hold themselves in readiness at a moment's notice. The same day. Count D'Estaing, with a powerfuL fleet and a reinforcement of four thousand French troops, ap peared off NcAvport harbor, in aid of the Americans. Maj.-Gen. Greene, Brig.-Gen. Glover and Marquis de Lafayette, who had just arrived from Washington's army, volunteered for the service. With the reinforcements which had been slowly reaching headquarters. Gen. Sullivan had succeeded in massing about ten thousand men, largely new recruits (many of Avhom, however, had seen some service), and proceeded to make immediate prepara tions for active Avork, crossing to the upper part of Rhode Island, while the French troops, destined for his support, were landed in Conanieut, the fleet, in the meantime, undertaking to force Newport harbor. Just at this time. Lord Howe, with an English fleet of twenty sail, appearing off Point Judith, the French troops Avere hastily re-embarked, and Count D'Estaing, eager for the battle, put to sea at once. But, before the action coraraenced, a terrible terapest — one of the most severe on record, lasting for two days, — scattered the hostile squadrons, and put an end, for the present, to the expected aid from that quarter; and Gen. Sulli van was left to make the best flght possible with the metins at his command. A letter from him at this tirae states that he had but fifteen hundred men from that State and fourteen hundred from Massachusetts, whereas three thousand had been expected frora each; Avhile Connecticut had sent but foiar hundred of the fifteen hundred called for from her. But the spirited conduct of the council of Avar, in calling out the remaining half 50 of the effective force of the State, had the eff'ect of restoring the General's confidence. The return of the French raised again the anticipa tions of the Americans, and strong hopes were enter tained of the capture of the entire British army, while Greene and Lafayette were sent to insure the co-oper ation of the Count; but he, to their great disappoint- raent, deterrained to proceed at once to Boston, to refit, against which decision the American officers entered an ineffectual protest. Meanwhile, matters in Providence were anything but pleasant; great scarcity of necessaries, with no means of obtaining thera; rauch uneasiness araong the troops, with frequent desertions, half the New Hampshire contingent having gone, and the reraainder with diffi culty being retained. The siege, notwithstanding, had been closely pressed, and the enemy shut up in their fortified Avorks, Avhile only the aid of the French fleet Avas Avanting to make the final assault. The determi nation, however, of D'Estaing, and the lack of the suppoi't that his force alone could give, compelled Sullivan to fall back upon his defences on the hills of the north. This encouraged the enemy, and, on the following morning, they sallied out of their injtrench- ments, threatening a general attack. The challenge was promptly accepted by Sullivan, and, on that day Avas fought the Battle of Rhode Island, a stubborn field-fight betAveen the tAvo armies, numbering some seven or eight thousand each, continuing all day, and resulting at last in the retreat of the British to their fortified camp, Avith a loss of over a thousand raen, Avhile that on the Ameri can side was but two hundred and eleven. In this fight the American force, only one-quarter of Avhom had ever been under fire before, was pitted against a force of British veterans, superior in num bers and discipline, aided by several ships of war, 51 and with such skill, courage and obstinacy as to win a decided victory. Of this engagement, I^afayctte is said to have remarked that " it Avas the best-fought action in the Avar." In this battle were the Massachusetts troops, under the command of Brigadiers Lovell and Titcomb, Avhose conduct Avas such as to Avin high praise. " While the heav}^ fighting Avas going on upon the British left, the Brigade of Gen. Lovell Avas ordered to engage their right and rear, Avliich was done Avith complete success." A jirivate account states that "many officers distin guished themselves by their coolness and courage," naming Gen. Lovell particularly.' By the pay-roll, it appears that this campaign lasted forty-seven days.^ In October, 1778, one thousand men were ordered, for the special defence of Boston, of Avhom "Brigadier" Lovell Avas assigned the comraand; and November 30, following, this vote appears upon the records of the Council, an action of very rare occurrence in that august body : " Ordered, That the thanks of the Board be, and hereby is, given to Brigadier Lovell, for his readi ness and alertness in turning out to take command of the militia lately ordered in for the defence of this State, and he is hereby excused from further attendance on that service till further order."^ May 17, 1779, Gen. Lovell is once more chosen to represent the toAvn in the General Court.'' > " spirit of '76 in Rhode Island," by Benjamin Cowell, in Harvard Col lege library ; also, " Heath's Memoirs," pages 191-193 : Lovell's brigade, 1158 men ; Titcomb's brigade, 957. » State Archives, vol. 26, page 211. ' Records of the Council, vol. 12, page 5. ' Weymouth Town Records, vol. 2, page 57. 52 CHAPTER YII. THE PENOBSCOT EXPEDITION" — PREPARATIONS. With their extended commerce, the English had suf fered greatly from the depredations of American pri vateers. The Continental navy at this time was quite insignificant, — hardly worthy of the name, — consisting of a feAV small frigates and sloops-of-war, its main dependence being upon private armed vessels, — letters of marque and privateers. These were neither designed for, nor expected to act upon naval expeditions strictly such, but to prey upon the rich merchantmen that were covering the ocean with their valuable freights. Fore most in this work were the ships of Massachusetts, — Newburyport, Salem and Marblehead being particularly conspicuous, — whose cruisers found a secure asylum araong the nuraerous bays and harbors of the rock- bound coast of the Province of Maine. It was easy to slip into alraost any of these Avith a prize, by raen farailiar with every inlet; and it was equally easy, also, frora thence to spring out upon their unsuspecting prey. These harbors also afforded great facilities for fitting out these destructive craft, and, also, for refitting and supplying, as well as securing crews for them from araong the hardy searaen with which that coast abounded. The English authorities did not fail to discover this, and to take prompt and vigorous action to prevent the mischief that would otherwise result. Gen. Francis McLean, Avith four hundred and fifty rank and file of the 74th Regiment, and two hundred of the 82d, June Alhcrtyiic— Follies Cu., Buat'Ui MAI' OF CASTINE HARBOR, From a V. S. SURVEY. I TORT CEORGK. 2. THE IlLUFF. 3. BANK'S ISLAND. 4. DATTIiRIES. 5. I'OSITIONS OK IIRITISH SHIPS. 53 IG, 1779,^ took possession of the peninsula of Bagaduce, now Castine, on the east side of Penobscot Buy, about twenty^ miles, from its mouth, and some half a dozen miles bcloAV the entrance to the river of that name. For the purpose designed, no better location <;ould have been selected, commanding, as it did, the most important bay and I'iA'^er upon the coast. It was also eas}'^ of access from their eastern possessions, afford ing a convenient and central rendezvous from which to carry on military operations against the rebel ports, serving, also, an excellent purpose of keeping the neigh boring population in awe, the most of whom Avere from the older colonies, to whose cause^ they vvere favorable, aud had rendered themselves obnoxious to the British authorities by the capture of A'cssels laden with sup plies, and the surrender of their crcAVS, as prisoners, to the American array. The peninsula of Maja-Bagaduce — or Bagaduce, as more commonly called, — is a high bluff of laud, extend ing into the open Avaters of the bay, aud is visible to a great distance. Along its south-east shore lies the river, or inlet, of the sarae name; on the south-west, it is Avashed by the AA'aters of the bay, Avhile on the north west it connects with the raain land by a marsh about a quarter of a mile across, overflowed at high tide. About a mile in width upon the bay, — its broadest part, — and a little less than tAVO railes in extreme length, it rises frora the shore to a height of about tAVO hundred feet above the Avater. Upon the bay, it is an alraost perpendicular precipice, while the inclination is more gradual toward the river and harbor. Gen. McLean approached cautiously, and with hesi tation, but landed without opposition,^ taking possession 1 Letter from McLean in " Gentleman's Magazine," vol. 49, page 513. Williamson's History of Belfast, page 169. Williamson's History of Belfast, page 170. 54 of the high ground upon the central ridge, where he selected a site for a fort, which was at once laid out, and the work coraraenced, with the intention of making it one of the strongest upon the coast. It was square,, two hundred and fifty feet upon a side, with bastions at the angles. A bomb-proof was to be built, with ample accommodations for officers and raen, with secure storage for the supplies, the whole to be defended by earth walla twenty feet in height, and these surrounded by a deep ditch.^ It was to be naraed Fort George, in honor of the king. The ground was covered with a heavy growth of wood, which the inhabitants of the neighborhood were persuaded to remove by the promise of protection and indemnity, many of whom came in and took the oath of allegiance in response to Gen. McLean's proclamation. But it Avas not until after the raiddle of July that the ground was prepared and the first rude works erected,* with a small battery near the shore and the needed store-houses for provisions. So slow had been the prog ress that, at the news of the approach of the American fleet, no cannon had been placed in position at the main fort, although they had mounted a six-gun battery at Dice's Point, and begun a small work at Cape Rozier.* The fleet had been sent back to Halifax, excepting the sloops-of-war "Albany" and "Nautilus," of 16 guns each; the "North," an old ship of 18 guns, and the "Santilena" (St. Helena), a prize vessel of a few guns. One account states that " the walls of the fort at that time were not more than five feet high, with two guns. mounted, one towards the water and the other toAvards; the woods, with only men enough to man three sides of the fort, placing the men a yard apart." They were. ' AA'illiamson's History of Maine, vol 2, page 469. ' Calef 's Journal, in Wheeler's Castine. ' David Perhani in Bangor " Whig and Courier," Aug. 13, 1846. 55 fully informed of all the movements of the Americans, and were prepared to make but the pretence of resist ance, expecting to be captured at once. The ncAvs of this occupation spread quickly through the eastern colonies, producing the utmost astonishment and consternation; and the most active measures were at once taken to dispossess the English of their newly- acquired position. Orders were issued by the General Court to fit out an expedition of sufficient force to accomplish the purpose. Letters were addressed to the New Harapshire authorities, soliciting their co-operation, which were promptly and favorably responded to.' Brig.-Gen. Lovell Avas ordered, June 26, 1779,^ to hold himself in readiness to take the comraand of twelve hundred militia, with one hundred of the artillery, to march, at the shortest notice, to Penobscot. Orders were issued to the Board of War to fit out a fleet iramediately, by obtaining the loan of the frigate "Warren" and sloop "Providence," Continental ves sels, the former a fine new ship of 32 guns, and the latter a sloop of 12; to buy, hire, or impress private armed ships — as many as might be necessary; also, to provide transports. Extraordinary inducements were also offered for seamen.^ Orders were also issued to the ordnance, commissary and quartermaster's departments, to furnish what sup plies might be needed from their stores. Ammunition, provisions, and supplies of all kinds in abundance, were ordered, that the expedition might not be lacking in these particulars. Yet, notwithstanding the utmost endeavors of the authorities, difficulties were encoun tered from the outset. The suppUes so liberally ordered were not forthcoming; and Gen. Lovell writes to the > state Archives, vol. 57, pages 298, 300. ' Council Record, vol. 12, page 444. ' State Archives, vol. 145, page 891. 56 Council, under date of July 2, stating that, so great is the difficulty in obtaining the necessaries under the ordinary method, that the operations of the expedition must be retarded thereby, and requests additional powers, which are granted.' July 7, Peleg Wadsworth, Adjutant-General of the State, an officer of high repute, who had seen much service, Avas chosen unanimously by the Council to the second position under Gen. Lovell, to serve as engineer, with rank of Brigadier^ On the 8th, Lieut.-Col. Paul Revere Avas appointed to comraand the train of artillery, and, on the 9th, Dr. Eliphalet Downer, Surgeon-General of the expedition; and, so great Avas the despatch, that the General received his orders to embark his artillery on the 12th, and on the 15th the expedition Avas in Nantasket Roads, ready to sail; but, from various causes, it did not put to sea until the 19th. The letter of instructions to the commanders Avas very full and explicit.^ The fleet had been placed under the command of Dudley Saltonstall, Esq., of New London, an olRcer of some repute, and then in comraand of the Continental frigate " Warren," which position was thought, perhaps, to entitle him to the comraand of the squadron.* This consisted of the ships "Warren," 32 guns; the "Hamp den" (the New Hampshire contingent, wliich joined thera at Townsend), and "Hector," of 22 guns each; the "Gen. Putnam," " Yengeance," "Monmouth," "Black Prince" (of Salem, Avhich joined the fleet oft' Ports mouth), "Hunter" and "Charming Sally," each 20 guns; "Sky Rocket," brigs "Hazard," "Pallas" and "Defence," of 16 guns each; "Active" and " Tyranni- ' State Archives, Vol 37, page 258. * Hocords of the Council, Vol 13, page 22-}-. ^ State Archives, Vol. 145, pages 9, 10, and 39. ' State Archives, Vol. 145, page 217, page 199. 67 cide," of 14ieach; the " Diligence " and sloop "Provi dence," of 12 each; sloop "Charraing Polly," and schooner "Hannah," of 6 each; mounting in all 324 guns, and manned by more than of tAvo thousand men, with, upwards of tAventy transports — probably the strongest and finest naval force furnished by New England during the Revolution; and the total cost of the expedition, as seen in the general account, was £1,739,174 lis. 4.d.' The following is the list of field and .staff officers connected Avith the land forces:^ Brig.-Gen. Solomon Lovell, Commander-in-Chief Brig.-Gen. Peleg Wadsworth, second in authority. Eliphalet Downer, Surgeon-General. Capt. Gawan BroAvn, Brigade Major. Capt; William Todd, Brigade Major. ' Capt. Jeremiah Hill, Adjutant-General. John Marston, Jun., Secretary. Col. John Tyler, Quartermaster-General. G. W. Speakman, Coramissary of Ordnance. Benjamin Furnass, Deputy Quartermaster. J. Robbins, Deputy Comraissary of Ordnance. With Lt. Col. Paul Revere in coraraand of the train of artillery. The expedition Avas the work of Massachusetts, notice only being given to the Continental authori ties,^ who consented thereto, furnishing aid and counsel, and, too late to be of any avail, a strong reinforcement. The burden imposed upon the colony was a heavy one, and its disastrous result aggravated the burden. The fleet Avas ordered to rendezvous at Townsend, Avliere the land forces of York and Cumberland, six hundred men each, were to meet them, and where everything • State Archives, vol. 1 45. page 201. ' State Archives, vol, 37, page 131. ' State Archives, vol. 37, page 268. 58 was supposed to be in readiness for an imraediate de parture. The fleet reached Townsend on the 21st, where the General and his " family " were hospitably entertained by Rev. Mr. Murray, whose place " was a much Gen- teeler seat than was by most persons expected to be found in this part of the country. Yery agreeably & sociably treated by the worthy clergyraan." Mr. Mur ray was afterwards persuaded by the General to accom pany the expedition, and was sent as bearer of despatches to Boston. The General speaks of him in very high terms.' Upon examining the returns of the troops, they were found to be deficient over one-third, or five hundred of the fifteen hundred ordered, which included three hun dred frora Lincoln. They were, notwithstanding, or dered np for review, and to embark iraraediately; of the raen sent forward, a large part were wholly unfit for service. General Wadsworth says,^ " at least one- fourth part appeared to me to be small boys and old men, unfit for service." Adjutant-General Hill sajs," " The difficulty in col lecting troops was so great that I recoraraended raartial power, as they were legally detached soldiers, and sub ject to martial law, which was done, and the quota partly fllled in that way. Collected four hundred and thirty-three, rank and file, and embai'ked them for Townsend. Some were old men, some boys, and some invalids; if they belonged to the Train Band or Alarm List, they were soldiers, whether they could carry a gun, walk a mile without crutches, or only co??ipos mentis sufficient to keep themselves out of fire and water." The Cumberland recruits were of much the same general character. These facts were repre- ' Lovell's Journal. ' State Archives, vol. 145, page 275. ' State Archives, vol. 145, page 284. 59 sented to the General, Avho Avrote at once to the several brigadiers to fill up their quotas iminediately. Some of these subsequent levies reached the Penobscot just previous to the final catastrophe. The adjutant says further, in relation to their equip ments : " most of them had arms, but raany were out of repair, little or no araraunition, and most of the officers and men quite unacquainted with any railitary manoju- vre, and even the manual exercise." Major Todd states' that he " received orders on the 2d July to repair to York County, to receive the troops raised there. Arrived at Wells on the 6th, and after the most urgent endeavors, consulting with General Frost and the colonels of the respective regiments," he had received, up to the 13th, not more than sixty men, some of whom were brought in by force of arms; on the 14th he had ready to march one hundred and thirty men, and the next day set out for Casco Bay. These testimonies are necessary in order to under stand the mateiial with Avhich the General had to Avork, and the difficulties that beset his way from the very outset. Even recruits of this class Avere deficient in number fully one-third. While at Townsend, General Lovell, pursuant to instructions, held an interview with chiefs ofthe "Nor- ridgewalk" Indians,' and finding them apparently friend ly and ready with their promises, he supplied them with necessaries. It appears from their subsequent conduct that the friendship was real, and the promises fully car ried out, the expedition receiving valuable aid, not only in men for the army, but also in service as guides; a large number being engaged in the military operations, a full list of whom may be found in "Kidder's Eastern Maine," in which raay be found much other valuable original matter connected Avith the expedition, ' state Archives, vol. 145, page 230. " Lovell's Journal. State Archives, vol. 145, pages 9, 10. CO CHAPTER YHI. PENOBSCOT EXPEDITION. OPEXHSTU TIIE CAMPAIGN, The arrangeraents were fully corapleted on the 23d,' and ou the raorning of Saturday, the 21th, the arma ment set sail from Townsend, with a fair wind, arriv ing the same evening at the mouth of Penobscot Bay, and cast anchor under the Fox Islands. They had observed nuraerous fires along the coast from point to point as they proceeded, a fact very unusual at this season of the year. These Avere, no doubt, the work of British emissaries to give warning of the approach of the enemy. Here they Avere joined by sorae Penobscot Indians, aaIio proceeded with thera. They had been tampered with by General McLean, but had refused his offers.' On Sunday morning. Captain Mitchell of Belfast having been engaged as 'guide, the fleet proceeded up the bay, the transports coming to anchor under the bluff at " Bragaduce," about seven o'clock in the even ing, under cover of ship "Charming Sally" and brigs "Hazard" and "Active"; several of the ships saluting the small battery at the Avater-side Avilh broadsides as they passed. A landing Avas at once attempted under the bluff, Avhich was thickly covered with brush and trees,^ but the sea being so rough, on account of the high Avind, that there would be danger that the first division might 'Lovell's Journal. ''Adj. Hill. Stiite Archives, vol. 145, page 284. ' Lovell's Journal. CI be cut off before the second could be brought to its support, counter-orders were issued, Avhich reached tho first division just as they received the fire from the enemy, Avho lay concealed among the brush, Avherc they could not be seen. They re-embarked with the loss of one Indian killed. News of the intended expedition had reached Gen eral McLean on the 18th,' to which he paid little at tention. On the day following, the intelligence Avas partially confirmed, and the work on the fortifications rencAved with the greatest vigor; the men working night and day, assisted by about one hundred of the inhabitants, Avho served as volunteers, clearing off the Avood, for Avhich they received the thanks of the Gen eral. Notwithstanding, however, their most strenuous endeavors, when the enemy arrived off the harbor they were in no posture for defence, and were greatly dis heartened. On the appearance of the American fleet "the seamen at Avork on the fort Avcre recalled; the ' Albany,' ' North ' and ' Nautilus ' formed in close order across the entrance of the harbor, just inside of the rocks on ' Magabagwaduce Point,' and the point off Bank's Island, afterAvards called Nautilus, or Cross Island, giving berth for three transports out of line of fire. The troops were encamped about half a mile from the works. The well bastion was not yet begun, nor that of the seamen quite finished. Now the works were put into the best defensible condition, some guns mounted, the army in garrison, and gunboats watching the enemy," while urgent despatches were sent to Hali fax for immediate reinforcement. On the 26th, the first division was ordered by General Lovell to make a feint of landing on the bhiff head of Maga-Bagaduce, and the marines to attack the enemy ' Calef s Journal, in Wheeler's Castine. 62 upon Bank's Island, a position commanding the ship ping in the harbor and also one of their batteries.' The attempt was entirely successful. The marines made good their landing, secured the position, driving the enemy from the island, capturing at the sarae tirae four cannon and sorae araraunition, without the loss of a man. The position was immediately taken possession of by General Wadsworth with the first division, which had left its feint for the purpose, although in making the landing, a chain-shot from the enemy's shipping sunk one of the boats, and " the worthy Major Little- field," with two raen, was drowned. Entrenching tools were ordered on shore at once, an embankment thrown up, and a battery mounted, consisting of two eighteen- pounders and one twelve, in addition to a brass hovvit- zer and a field-piece. The retreat of the British was so precipitate that they left their tents standing, and their flag as a trophy fell into the hands of the marines, who presented it to General Lovell. The post was left in charge of Captain Harker, with Captains Johnson and Edmunds and a detachment of troops.' This move ment corapelled the British to withdraw their ships to a position farther up the harbor. During this time the fleet under Coraraodore Salton stall had kept up, at intervals, a desultory cannonade upon the enemy with very little result. There appeared to be a disposition on the part of the Commodore to avoid any offensive movement, and to keep his fleet as far from danger as possible. The effect of this action, or rather want of action, was such as to cause the greatest dissatisfaction and disgust among the officers of the fleet, who did not allow this feeling to conceal itself or die for want of expression. As early as the 27th, 'Lovell's Journal. ¦¦¦ Adj. Hill. State Archives, vol. 145, page 284. e3 the following circular, certainly not at all ambiguous, signed by upwards of thirty of the lieutenants and masters, Avas put into the hands of the Commodore by Lt. Peter Pollard of the " Active : " ' " Tuesday, a. m., 27 July, 1779. " To the Honor' the Commodore & Commander-in- Chief of the Fleet now lying in this Harbor. A Petition of the Lieutenants and Masters of the sev eral armed vessels now under your Honour^s com mand. Humbly sheweth. "That we your Petitioners strongly impress'd with the iraportance of the expedition, and earnestly desire to render our Country all the service in our poAver — would Represent to your Honour that the most speedy Exertions shou'd be used to accomplish the design we come upon. We think Delays in the present case are extremely dangerous: as our Enemies are daily fortify ing and strengthening themselves, & are stimulated so to do being in daily Expectation of a Reinforcement. We don't mean to advise, or censure your past conduct, But intend only to express our desire of improving the present opportunity to go Immediately into the Harbour & attack the Enemy's ships, however we humbly submit our Sentiraents to the better Judgraent of those in Superior comraand. Therefore wait your orders whether in answer to our Petition or otherwise — and as in duty bound will ever pray." Signed by David Porter, 1st Lieut, of Ship " Put nam," and thirty others. This document, expressing the feelings of nearly all ofthe officers under his command, did not, as the event ' State Archives, vol. 145, page 50. Gi proved, produce the desired effect, for, while assenting ostensibly to the necessity of an imraediate attack by the fleet upon the enemy's insignificant force, obstacles and delays Avere always the order of the day, and the work Avas not attempted. On the afternoon of this day, when the Commodore must have felt the full force of this composing draught, a council of naval and land officers was held on board the " Warren," and the determination reached, to land upon the peninsula now in possession of the enemy, to obtain a permanent foothold, and to dislodge them if possible. ' Accordingly, before light on Wednesday raorning, all the troops were ordered into their boats, and a little before sunrise Avere formed, and, with hearty cheers, pushed for the shore, under coA'er of the guns from the fleet, intending to land under the high, precipitous bluff forming the south-western base of the peninsula, here nearly two hundred feet in altitude, and of nearly per pendicular ascent. The almost inaccessible nature of the shore, had led the British to believe that no atterapt to land at this place Avould be raade; therefore, no pro tective AVorks had been erected; the steep bank and the thick brush affording sufficient protection for the troops necessary for its defence. Under this cover, some three hundred of the enemy were posted, Avho, as soon as the boats struck the beach, opened their fire. The American force Avas formed in two divisions, the marines, about one hun dred and fifty of whom Averp in the engagement, Avith* a part of Colonel McCobb's railitia on the right, the remainder in the centre. General Lovell landing Avith the latter.' Notwithstanding the extreme difficulty of ' Lovell's .lournal. = Adj. Hill. State Archives, Vol. 145,' page 284. Lovell's Journal. 65 the ascent, and the enemy's fire directly in their faces, the troops pushed on Avith the greatest intrepidity, al though Avith but little order, scaled the heights, swept the foe before them, and captured a position upon the bluff Avhich was of the highest importance, since it gave them a point from which futur6 operations against the fort could be conducted Avith the greatest advan tage. The hard fighting Avas upon the right, the marines sufl'eriug severely, Avhile the other division, closing in Avith too much precipitation, drove the enemy from the ground, and enabled them to escape. The fight lasted but twenty minutes, and considering that the attacking force was composed of undisciplined mil itia, most of Avhom were never before in action ; the ascent almost too difficult to be undertaken unopposed, made in the face of a strong party of veteran troops, it may be fairly set down as one of the most brilliant exploits of the war. Says General Lovell, " When I returned to the Shore, it struck me with admiration to see Avhat a Preci])ice avc had ascended, not being able to take so scrutinous a view of it in lime of Battle; it is at least Avhere we landed three hundred feet high, and almost pei-psndicular, & the men were obliged to pull themselves by the twigs & trees. I dont think such a landing has been made since Wolfe." ' The loss of the Americans was fourteen killed aud twenty AVOunded, including the "brave Major Y^elcli of the marines, and Capt. Hinckley of the Lincoln mil itia," ' Avhile that of the enemy was fifteen killed, three wounded and eight prisoners. The Araerican loss Avas greatly exaggerated by the enemy, some accounts making it as high as one hundred; but the report of ' Lovell's Journal 0 Lovell's Journal, and letter to the council, Aug. 1. State Archives, vol. 145, page 61. 66 General Lovell, from which these figures are taken,, js undoubtedly correct. Orders were immediately given to secure the posi tion, which Avas Avithin point-blank range of the eneray's fort, by intrenchments and a battery. This compelled them to abandon their battery on South-east Point, leav ing behind them three six-pounders, and also to with draw their shipping to a point inside, commanded by their batteries, and " out of reach of our shot." 67 CHAPTER IX. PROGRESS OE THE SIEGE. On the 29th, a new battery was erected by the Americans, about sixty rods in advance of their former lines, and but a quarter of a mile from Fort George, mounting two eighteen-pounders, one twelve-pounder and one howitzer, which were ready for duty oh Friday and opened fire, the fleet threatening at the same time hostile measures. At this demonstration, the enemy sunk most of their transports and retired with their artillery to the fort, which was the only ground now held by them, except a small redoubt that protected their shipping. ' While this moveraent was in progress, fatigue parties were engaged in strengthening the AVorks on the heights, also in making a covered way across the isthmus con necting with the main, and in clearing a road in case a retreat should becorae necessary. Cannonading was carried on for several days, between the fort and the ships, assisted by the batteries, but generally with out result. A packet from Halifax, taken by the fleet, was brought in, but the despatches had been de stroyed; the only news, which was obtained from prison ers, being the constant expectation of a reinforceraent by the enemy, and the fact that they were at work day and night, strengthening their positions, every day's delay being of great value to them. About two o'clock on Sunday morning, August 1, ' Lovell's letter to the Council. State Archives, vol. 145, page 62. 68 General Lovell detached General Wadsworth Avith about three hundred men, a part of whora were sailors and marines, to capture the redoubt that covered the enemy's shipping and commanded the harbor. They inarched forward in good order until they received the fire from the garrison, when they broke; "a few, how ever, nothing daunted, pushed brayely forAvard and forced the battery, but Avere obliged to destroy it, as it was commanded by the enemy's main fort.' They killed five of the enemy and captured eighteen, destroying their stores, with a loss of four missing and tAvelve wounded; among the latter was Major SaAvyer." A proclamation Avhich had been issued by General Lovell to the neighboring inhabitants on the 29th, to counteract the British influence in that direction, Avas quite successfid, and the people were beginning to corae in freely in consequence. The greatest harraony and zeal existed among the troops, Avho were very active in carrying forAvard the plans of the General, notAvith- standihg they were suffering severely from a storm that came up, having no shelter.' Rev. Mr. Murray, " Avho has distinguished himself as a citizen and a soldier, who has undergone the fatigues of my camp and find ing it necessary to despatch a courier has voluntarily offered his services," was sent to Boston for reinforce ments and supplies.'' During all this time General Lovell had been usinof his utmost endeavors to persuade the Commodore to go in with the fleet and destroy the few ships of the enemy remaining in the harbor, when the fort could be attacked with good prospect of success; but the Commodore de clined, unless the General would storm the fort at the ' Lovell's Journal. 'Lovell's letter to tho Council, August 1. State Archives, vol. 145, page 62, ' State Archives, vol. 145, page 63. 69 same time, which the latter did not feel hiraself strong enough to do without the aid of the marines to co-oper ate. At one time the Commodore answered the request by pointing to the three-gun battery, destroyed on Sun day morning;' at another he urged that his ships might suffer, and as there was no place at which to refit, he might fall a sacrifice should a reinforcement arrive in aid of the enemy. And thus there Avas delay upon delajr, and every day was a golden opportunity im proved by the enemy. Nor was General Lovell the only one to complain of the inactivity and Avant of enterprise of the Commo dore; his own officers Avere equally dissatisfied, as is fully shoAvn by the letter addressed to him on the 27tli, already mentioned. They were almost unanimously in favor of attacking the ships at once. Colonel Brewei-, who Avas in the fort only the day before the arrival of the fleet, told the Commodore that "he (the Coraraodore) could silence the vessels and the battery in half an hour, and have everything his own way." He was answered by an oath, and " I am not going to risk my shipping in that d d hole." To Captain Titus Salter, of the " Hampden," who ventured a similar suggestion, he re plied by threatening to reduce his ship to a bread trans port.' Owing to the refusal of Commodore Saltonstall to go in with his ships, it became necessary to adopt other measures to act against the enemy's vessels, and General Wadsworth was sent on the 3d with a detachment to erect a battery upon the main, opposite their anchorage, to drive them away.' They landed at Swet's Cove, and with the aid of some of the searaen frora the " Hazard " and " Tyrannicide," placed in position a battery, raount- Lovell's Defence. State Archives, vol. 145, page 223. = Williamson's Belfast, page 176. ' Lovell's Journal. 70 ing one eighteen-pounder, one nine-pounder, and one field-piece, and opened fire, but with little effect, the dis tance was so great, being a mile and a quarter; and the General writes sadly in his journal of the 4th, " it is all the Army can do they have tried their best." For several days the progress of the siege was a succession of cannonades, alarms and fatigue duty, principally the latter, the outworks of the Americans being Avithin musket-shot of the fort, and the whole array in the woods, within point-blank range. On the 6th, General Lovell again Avrote Coraraodore Saltonstall, desiring to know " if he would go in and destroy the three sloops of War of the enemy," with the same re sult;' aud again the General writes the Council by Major Braddish, urging iramediate reinforcements. There Avas little change in the position of aftairs for several days. Occasional skirmishing, cannonading from the batteries and shipping upon the eneray's works, but with no iraportant results. In the mean time, it Avas becoming more and more ajjparent that a crisis was approaching when some decisive movement raust be raade, or the expedition abandoned. The con tinued inaction, with stormy Aveather, which Avas causing great loss of ammunition and provisions, and Avant ol proper shelter was having its effect upon the men, Avho were fast becoraing demoralized. To test the temper and discipline of the troops. Gen. Lovell, on the 10th, ordered out a strong skirmishing force, under Adjt. Gen. Hill, consisting of six hundred men, volunteers, if possible.' The irapression having gone abroad that a general assault Avas intended, it was Avith extreme diffi culty that four hundred Avere obtained; Col. Mitchell filling his quota of two hundred, after great exertion, • Lovell's Journal. ' State Archives, vol. 145, page 284 ; Adjt. Hill's report. 71 by including old men, boys and invalids, Col. McCobb succeeded in raising about one hundred and fifty, and Maj. Cousins, seventy-five, but tAventy of thera deserting during the night, and thirty more having been detached to look up the fugitives, he could furnish none; the remainder, about fifty, were made up from the new levies. " Col. Mitchell's officers were so terrified that they coraplained of his nomination, and even drcAV lots as to .who should go." On the following day, they were thoroughly tested in the field Avith the enemy; but with such results that the General did not dare to undertake any^ important move ment. At the same time, the Navy Board, informed of the slow progress of the siege, and the want of co-operation on the part' of the fleet, wrote to the Coraraodore, Aug. 12, coraplaining, in very strong terms, of his inaction and backwardness in not attacking and destroying the British shipping, when, by general acknoAvledgment, it was in his poAver to do so, and directing him to do it at once. On the Ilth, the General had written to the Com modore a very severe letter which was found by the enemy on a captured transport, and afterwards pub lished, in the following terms' : "Sir: In this alarming posture of affairs, I am once more obliged to request the most speedy service in your department; and that a moment be no longer delayed to put in execution what I have been given to under stand was the determination of your last council. The destruction of the Enemy's ships must be effected at any rate, although it might cost us half our own; •Wheeler's Castine, pages 310 and 311. 72 but I cannot possibly conceive that danger, or that the attempt will miscarry. I mean not to determine on your mode of attack, but it appears to me so very practicable, that any further delay must be infamous; and I have it this moment, by a deserter from one of their ships, that the moment you enter the harbor they will destroy them, which will effectually answer our purpose." The idea of more batteries was reprobated, having been sufficiently tried; besides, "that would take up dangerous time." Pie expresses his ardent desire to co-operate with the fleet in active operations; that the array had reached the limit of its power; the probability of a speedy reinforcement of the enemy necessitating instant action or the disgrace of losing their ships, the retreat of the army being secured. He continues : " I feel for the honor of Araerica, in an expedition which a nobler exertion had, long before this, crowned with success; and I have now only to repeat the absolute necessity of undertaking the destruction of the ships or quitting the place." In the meantime, councils had been held, nearly every day, of land or sea forces, or both combined; but the fact that the Commodore was averse to action, declining to risk an attack for fear of damaging his vessels, and that a large part of his captains, their ships being pri vate property, shared the same feelings, and that there was but little show of prize-money, produced conflict ing opinions,and prevented decisive results. On the 7th, an incident of a ludicrous character occurred, which exposed the actors to no small amount of disgrace.' The Commodore, with five of his cap tains, while reconnoitering in an open, unarmed boat ' Lovell's Journal. 73 near the enemy, was discovered by thera, who, guessing their character, immediately fitted out a strong party, in eight boats, and gaA'e chase. The pursuit was so sharp that the Commodore and his company, in order to escape capture, ran their boat on shore, and took to the bush. The boat fell a prize to the enemy, while the officers, after remaining on shore all night, succeeded in reach ing the fleet the next morning.' ' CalePs Journal, in Wheeler's Castine. 74 CHAPTER X. THE DEFEAT. On the 12th, however. Gen. Lovell carae to the deter mination to take up such a position as should compel the Commodore to move, although his force was, at this time, really inferior to that of the enemy, being but about nine hundred men, including the train of artillery and volunteers, ' although expecting rein forcements from Cols. Allen and Foster, and hoping for some, also, from the Continental government.' Accord ingly, on the afternoon of the 13th, he. proceeded, with four hundred men, to the rear of the enemy's position, and took post where he could operate to the best advan tage. The move was a dangerous one, but gave fair proraise of success. Gen. Lovell iraraediately de spatched intelligence of his action tp Coraraodore Salt onstall, who had always insisted that the army should attack the fort before the fleet should enter the harbor.* ' In the first return made during the expedition, July 20, eight hundred and seventy-three men reported fit for duty; the second, July 31, eight hundred and forty-seven men ; the third, Aug. 4, seven hundred and sixty- two ; the fourth, Aug. 7, seven hundred and fifteen ; and tho fifth, aud last, nine hundred and twenty-three, with one hundred and thirty -eight on the sick-list, one hundred and forty-four on command, and eight on furlough ; two companies having joined CoL McCobb since the previous return, the artillery and volunteers being included only in the last return. [State Archives, vol. 145, pages 48, 60, 66, 83 and 101. J " Arrangements had already been made to send Col. Jackson, with four hundred regulars, also a naval contingent, with additional supplies, which were, however, too late to be of any avail, the expedition having been defeated about the time the reinforcements sailed from Boston. [See " Orders of Council," Aug. 8 to 15. State Archives, vol. 145, page 391.] ' Lovell's Journal. 75 They at once weighed anchor, but had no sooner made sail than report Avas brought that a fleet Avas entering the bay. Word was instantly conveyed to the General, Avho, Avithout loss 6f time, returned to his previous position. At tAvelve in the night, intelligence came from the Commodore that the strange fleet were ships of force, and British. Orders were given for an immediate retreat, which Avas effected in good order, and Avithout loss. The batteries Avere dismantled, and the artillery re-embarked on the transports, the fatigue parties, Avith the entrench ing tools, and CA^ery other article of value, were on board by daylight, the troops by sunrise, and orders were given to proceed up the river, under command of Gen. Wadsworth. The only articles not brought off Avere two eighteen-pounders and one tAvelve-potinder, on an island at the entrance of the harbor, under the care of the officers of the navy.' The General used eyfivy effort to secure these, but the time Avas too short, and the covering ships had AvithdraAvn. The transports immediately proceeded up the bay; but when they reached the mouth of the rivei-, about two leagues away, — the breeze falling and the tide being on the ebb, — they cast anchor. The General, meanwhile, took a barge, and waited upon the Commo dore, to try and induce him to offer Avhat resistance Avas possible to the British, and thus enable the transports, with the troops and stores, to escape to some point on the river above, where a stand could be made, and the fleet, periiaps, saved; but, on reaching the "Warren," they were told that it was determined to run up the river, and the ships were even then getting under way for the purpose, a light breeze beginning to be felt, while the enemy's first division was coming in under ' Lovell's Report in State Archives, vol. 145, page 158. 76 full sail, distant about two miles.' Learning the deter mination of the Coraraodore, Gen. Lovell, after express ing his surprise at the moveraent, erabarked on board his boat to return to his troops; but the breeze in- ei'cascd so rapidly that the ships-of-war soon came up with them, and the General was taken on board the " Hazard." From this time forward, there was but one continued scene of consternation and confusion. Finding that they were to receive no support frora the armed vessels Avhicli Avere only doing their best to raake good their own escape, the transports immediately proceeded to get under way, just feeling the breeze ; but, being now astern, close to the enemy, and finding that they must inevitably fill into their hands, nothing was thought of by the crews but as speedy escape as possible to the shore, and hardly an attempt was made to save anything. Some were run on shore, sorae anchored, sorae aban doned with all sails set, and raost set on fire. Officers were despatched by Gen. Lovell to the shore to collect and take chargvas the ancestor of the family of the name now living in " Old Spain." The other three sons, John, James, and WU liam, remained in Barnstable, Avhere their famUies con tinued to reside. Ill 3. James,' (Robertf, the younger son of Robert remained in Weymouth, residing, without question, upon the family homestead, upon the eastern slope of King Oak Hill. He ra. (1) Jane . It is not known to Avhat family she belonged. They had : i. Deborah, b. June 8, 1664; m. Pratt. 4. ii. James, b. Mar. 7, 1667. iii. Hannah, b. Sept. 29, 1668; ra. Cleaves. 5. iv. Enoch, b. Dec. 29, 1670. V. Mary, b. Jan. 5, 1673; m. Chard. vi. John, b. April 19, 1676; ra. Mary, dau. of John and Hannah Shaw, and removed to Middleboro'. vii. Elizabeth, b. Sept. 22, 1679; d. Nov. 27, 1738. 6. viii. Joseph, b. Oct. 25, 1684. After the death of his wife, Jane, James m. (2) Anna— ^ her parentage is also unknown — by whom he had : ix. Anna, b. Nov. 20, 1697. Jaraes died in Weymouth, in 1706, leaving a large property, as is shown by the bequests contained in his will, of Avhich his son Enoch Avas executor and residu ary legatee. 4. James,^ (James,"^ Roberf), was also a resident of Weymouth, living probably in the easterly part of the town. He married Elizabeth, dau. of Joseph and Elizabeth Poole. They had: 7. i. James, birth not recorded. ii. Jane, who m. Mar. 18, 1717, Joshua Torrey. 8. in. Enoch, b. Mar. 11, 1702. iv. Joseph, b. 1706; m. Sarah, dau. of John and Mary HoUis, and resided in Braintree. V. David, b. Dec, 11, 1711. 112 vi. Samuel, b. 1709. vii. Isaac, b. June 15, 1714; nl. Jan. 12, 1737,' Judith, dau. of Seth and Sarah (Thayer) Donnan of Norton, in Braintree, and per haps removed to that town; afterwards settled in Mansfield, Conn. Of the other sons, David, Joseph and Samuel, nothing further has been ascertained. Jaraes died 1718, his son James, and son-in- law Joshua Torrey, administering upon his estate, which was appraised at £1,232 7s. His wife Elizabeth died the previous year, Sept. 27. 5. Capt. Enooh,^ {ffames^ Robert^), was a man of standing and influence in the town and church, residing upon the old horaestead. lie m. Nov. 24, 1697, Mary, dau. of Thomas and Sarah Reed. He died May 20, 1746, his wife Mary having preceded him May 5, 1745. He left a large estate to his chUdren. They had: i. Mary, b. Aug. 15, 1698; m. Oct. 30, 1718, Ebenezer Hunt. 9. ii. Joshua, b. Sept. 22, 1699. ui. Sarah, b. Nov. 15, 1701; m. (date of pub- lishraent Oct. 23, 1725) Nathaniel White. 10. iv. David, b. March 6, 1704. V. Hannah, b. Nov. 21, 1707; d. July 11, 1711. vi. Hannah, birth not recorded; in. June 1, 1732, Jonathan White. 6. JosEPHj^" {Jamesf Robert^); of whom but little is known, beyond the facts that he lived and died in Weymouth. His estate was divided by order of Court April 2-J, 1732. He m. Ruth, dau. of James and Ruth Richards. She died a Avidow, June 2, 1766. He died March 2, 1723. They had: 113 i. Ruth, b. Dec. 20, 1709, Avho m. AprU 22, 1731, John Whitmarsh. H. Mary, b. Feb. 21, 1712, who m. Dec. 17, 1730, Ebenezer Porter, Ju. iii. Ann, b. July 7, 1715; d. Sept. 3, 1715. iv. Jane, b. June 16, 1717. V. Silence, b. June 18, 1719. vi. Sarah, b. May 2, 1721. vii. Hannah, b. Dec. 17, 1722. The four younger daughters probably aU died young, as there is no mention of any but the tAvo eldest in the division of the estate ; they, Avith the AvidoAv, inheriting the Avhole. It was located upon the northerly border of Whitman's Pond. 7. James,'' (James,^ Jamesf Roberf-) ; ra. June 10, 1718, Betty Perkins of Hingham, where he probably afterwards resided. There are on record the births of the following chUdren in Weymouth : i. Thomas, b. Nov. 11, 1720. ii. Perkins, b. Jan. 30, 1724. Nothing further has been ascertained respect ing hira or his family. 8. Enoch,* {James,^ Jamesf Robert^); m. Feb. 20, 1724, Mary Beals. But little is known re specting him. He died in 1759, his son Enoch and Samuel Ward being administra tors upon his estate. They had : i. Elisha, b. Dec. 23, 1725; m. Nov. 23, 1758, Sarah, dau. of Joseph and Sarah (Porter) Trufant. They had two sons, Enoch and John, Avho lived in Hingham. ii. Obadiah, b. Feb. 17, 1729; m. Sept. 11, 1755, Ruth Beal. iii. Micah, b. Feb. 27, 1734; d. May 11, 1735. 114 iv. Micah, b. not on record; m. Jan. 15, 1763, Lydia, dau. of Micah and Bethiah (Allen) Turner. They had two sons, David and Lemuel, and lived at Lovell's Corner. He died Jan. 12, 1798. V. Mary, b. not on record ; d. 1759. 9. Joshua,* {Enoch^ Jamesf Robert,^) ; inherited a large part of the paternal estate, upon which he lived and died. He was a prominent man in the community, and an ensign in the militia. He ra. (1) (date of publishment July 15, 1727) Sarah, dau. of Joseph and Sarah Shaw. She died March 22, 1733, and he m. (2) Dec. 19, 1734, Betty Pratt. He died Nov. 24, 1763, and his widow afterward m. Philip Torrey. Joshua and Sarah had : i. Sarah, b. Aug. 9, 1728; m. May 2, 1751, Jonathan Trufant. ii. Mary, b. Feb. 5, 1730; m. Nov. 23, 1749, Matthew Pratt. iii. Joshua, b. Sept. 8, 1731; m. Elizabeth Pratt. She died March 20, 1790. They had two children, Samuel and Sarah. He was drowned, 1756. iv. Hannah, b. March 17, 1733; m. (publ.) AprU 13, 1751, Ezra Porter. V. David, b. Sept. 4, 1735; d. Nov. 14, 1735. yi. David, b. Aug. 2, 1736; m. May 4, 1768, Sarah Waterman, and had three children: Betty, who ra. Jona. Lewis; David, who m. Hannah Nash; and Enoch, who probably d. 1785. vii. Jacob, b. Aug. 25, 1637; m. Feb. 16,1760, Mary Tower of Hingham, by whom he had eight chUdren: Mary, Joshua, Lydia, Jacob, Hannah, Jacob, Stephen and Lucy. 115 viii. Betty, b. Sept. 25, 1742; m. May 17, 1764, Joshua Whitmarsh. 10. Ty^ym* {Enoch,' James,' RoberV)) graduated at. Harvard in the class of 1725; was em ployed as a teacher for a fcAv years, and, as tradition has it, preaching occasionally. He lived for a tirae in Abington, Avhere his children were born, but his gravestone stands in the Old North Cemetery, Wey mouth. He died Nov. 25, 173.3, in his .30th year. He m. (publ. Jan. 11, 1730) Mary, dau. of John and Mary (Symmes) Torrey, who Avas b. Oct. 11, 1711. They had: i. Eleanor, b. Aug. 7, 17,30, who ra. (publ. Sept. 22, 1750) Joseph Webb, by whom she had five children: Mary, Eleanor, Lydia, Joseph and Sarah. The family afterwards removed from town. • 11. ii. Solomon, b. June 1, 1732. Widow Mary, ra. (2) (publ. July 17, 1737) Lieut. Sain'l Kingman, by whom she had a large faraily of children. 11. SoLOMOi 41, 42, 43, 45, 47, 51, 84 to 87. volunteers, 29, 31, 34. Wheeler's History of Castine, 17, 54,61, 71, 73, 77, 82. whig and Courier, Bangor, 54. White, Amos S., 13. Asa, 7, 39, 42, 46, 87. Hon. George, 13. George W., 13. Hezekiah, 31. Jonathan, 112. Nathaniel, 112. Thomas, 7. Whitman's Pond, 113. iron ore of, 39. Whitmarsh, Alice, 22. John, 22, 113. Joshua, 115. Whitmarsh, Samuel F., 13. Lt. WUliam, 31. Whortleberry Pond, iron oro of, .39. Wildes, Capt. WiUiam, 89, 116. James L., 18. Miss Selima, 17. Williams, Capt., 102. Williamson's History of Belfast, 17, 53, 69. History of Maine, 17, 64, 82. Wilson, T.L., 13. Winch, Mrs. PrisciUa, 88, 116. Winslow, Gen. John, 31. Winthrop, Gov., 20. Hon. Robert C, 13. Wolfe (Gen.), 35, 65, 99. Worcester, England, 109. Wrentham (town of), 44. York County, 57, 59. This preservation copy was printed and bound at Bridgeport National Bindery, Inc., in compliance with U.S. copyright law. The paper used meets the requirements ofANSI/NISOZ39.48-1992 (Permanence of Paper). C L R (OO) 2001 YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRAHY 'fe ---III y-jiit- •.*., l^wi li; f 'I ' ,!-f ¦ H'^ 1 ''¦¦¦{4 ., i |;>' '^'r;:jC f\i: ;|,E!