YaleUoneisit'/Libfarii

39002035103168

YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

1939

YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

1939

A COLLECtfON

POLITICAL WRITINGS

WILLIAM LEGGETT,

SELECTED AND ARRANOBD,

WITH A PREFACE,

THEODORE SEDGWICK, Jr.

IN TWO VOI.UMF.g.
VOL. I.

N B W . Y O R K :
TAYLOR & DODD.
1 840.

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1839,
DY W. C. BRYANT,
In the Clerk's Office for the Southern District of New- York.

H. tTJBWIO, PRINTER,
72, Veaey-strcet, N. Y.

PREFACE

In preparing for the press a selection of the wri
tings of William Leggett it is proper to state the
precise object which has been had in view. The
wisii of his friends is to re-publish such of his writinga
as will give a true picture ofthe mind and character of
the man whom they so much lament ; and in dis
charging the duty confided to me I have endeavour
ed faithfully to carry out this idea. To do this,
however, it has not been thought necessary or desira
ble to revive and perpetuate the temporary controver
sies, in which the editor of a newspaper becomes
almost inevitably entangled ; and therefore, although
many of the [lieces of this class were, at the time they
appeared, among lliosc which attracted the most at
tention, they have, with few exceptions, been excluded
from these volumes.
But beyond this I have omitted nothing on account
of its peculiar character, and have re-published all
those articles from the Plaindealer, and Evening
Post while under the management of Mr. Leggett,
which will give the most vivid idea of the vigour of his
style, the originality of his mind, and the force and
independence of his character.

IV preface.
I have excluded nothing merely for the reason of
its being contrary to the prevailing or popular opinion,
and on the subject of Slavery I have inserted many
articles which go far beyond the tone of cither of the
great political parties of this day.
It will not be supposed, however, that the Editor
of this publication, or the friends who have sanction
ed it, adhere to the views expressed upon all the con
troverted topics which these pages contain. Many of
those most attached to Mr. Leggett, and most devoted
to the leading doctrines of his political faith, were at
the same time the most opposed to the course pursued
by him on particular subjects. But I have not thought
myself at liberty to omit any articles for this reason.
The effect of suppression would be to give a very
imperfect idea of the mind and character of Mr. Leg
gett ; and to suppress them from any apprehension
of injuring the sale or circulation of the work, would
be a subserviency to popular prejudice, which the
author, of all men, would have been the last to
permit. In this collection, therefore, I have endeavoured to
embody such of his writings as will serve to convey a
just idea of the abiUty and virtues of the author, and
perhaps 1 may be permitted, in a few words, to point
out those attributes of peculiar merit to which they
may justly lay claim.
The intellect of Mr. Leggett was of a very high
order. His education was originally, in matters of
mere accomplishment, defective ; but perhaps, in other
respects, it could not have been better calculated to
form the able and intrepid man, whose memory these
pages are intended to perpetuate.

preface. y
Nurtured in moderate circumstances, unspoiled >
and unpampered by the seductions of affluence, his
life was one of widely diversified experience —
first a woodsman in the wilds of the west — next
wearing the uniform of the navy and breasting the
waves under the constellation banner — soon the vic
tim of a harsh if not tyrannical commander, he threw
up his commission, because his complaints were de
nied a hearing — then exposed to grievous hardships
and to all the temptations of a great commercial
metropolis — last a leading partisan editor — all
these chances and changes were well fitted to make
a hardy, self-relying man — an intellectual athlete.
But it is not to this education that Mr. Leggett owed
his vigorous eloquence — his copious style — his close
logic — his eminent powers of generalization. These
attributes incontestahly distinguished him. His articles
are often prolix, often perhaps defective in other re
spects of style ; but it must be reflected that there are
no circumstances so unfavourable to composition as
those under which an editor writes. The unavoid
able haste — the eternal interruptions and distractions
— the impossibility of concentrating the mind on the
subject — the necessity of repetition — the want of time
to condense ; — all these are sufficient reasons why the
Press has in this country no higher literary character.
But all these difficulties were, in a great degree, sur
mounted by him ; and when it is remembered that
the greater part of his articles were composed in the
back room of a printing-office, amid the din ofthe press
and the conversation of political loungers, it will be, I
am persuaded, thought remarkable that he overcame
them to so great an extent, I do not mean to over-
I»

VI preface.
rate the merit of his Avritings. I am aware that very
great deduction is to be made for the excitement under
whicli they were first read, when thoy were aninialcd
and quickened by a deep interest in the events with
which they were connected — that great deduction la
also to be made for the strong bias which a similarity
of political sentiments creates ; but I am convinced
that the admiration tiiese writings excited is no delu
sion, no mere temporary feeling ; and that the reputa
tion which Mr, Leggett attained, during his short
career as an editor, could not have been acquired un
less his Writings had possessed merits of an abiding
character. What, then, was that character ? What
are the claims which these productions present to a
permanent place in our literature ?
The foundation of his political system was an
intense love of freedom. This, indeed, was the cor
ner-stone of his intellect and his feelings. He ab
solutely adored tho abstract idea of liberty, and he
would tolerate no shackles on her limbs. Liberty in
faith — hberty in government — -liberty in trade — lib
erty of action every way, — these were his fundaraen
tal tenctti— tlictic the source alike of his cxcejionciud
and his defects.
His love of freedom made him the warm and
constant advocate of universal suffiage. He ever
looked coldly if not with positive disinclination upon
the different laws proposed for registering voters • ho
^ could npt endme the idea of any impediment upon the
liberty of the citizen, and he preferred the evils which
resulted from a want of registry to those wliich he
feared might follow fi-om a system that should impose
any restraint or qualification upon the right of suffrage.

PREFACE. VU
In the same light he looked upon every effort to
exclude foreigners from the polls. His love of liberty
was far too catholic and comprehensive to bc bounded
by any line of language or birih, and he could never
tolerate the hostility often expressed to the adoption of
foreigners into our political family. Ak to freedom of
trade, he was equally consistent. He from the first
warred against the tariff, and a federal bank. He
was the leader of those who raised the standard
agamst the monopoly system of incorporated banks;
and one of the first to insist upon the total disconnec
tion of government from its fiscal agents. In hke
manner, he reprobated all the state inspection laws,
and one of his last productions in the Plaindealer is
that in which he advocates the idea of a free trade
post office, or a system by which letters should be car
ried, as goods and passengers are now, by private esta
blishments. In this respect the merits of his writings
cannot bc overrated ; he must ever be remembered as
one of the most able and consistent disciples of that
school of commercial freedom which is destined ulti
mately to bind the whole civilized world in bonds of
peace and amity — of that school of political science
whose end and aim arc to simplify and cheapen the
operations of government. ,
His reading was extremely copious, and his style
ofthe most vigorous and manly order. On the topics
which excited hira he poured forth a flood of reason
ing or it might be of denunciation and invective
which forced the mind irrcsistilily along and aroused
the most slnggipli itil.clloct. llis language often rises
to a coramanding eloquence, and is always earnest,
impressive and powerful.

VUl PREFACE.

I have no desire or intention to pronounce a mere
eulogy, an inconsiderate and sweeping panegyric. It
would be I am convinced, the thing most repulsive to
his own feelings. Mr. Leggett had unquestionably
defects in his intellectual organization — he generalised
too much — he pushed out his theories witiiout a pro
per reference to the time and means necessary to per
fect them, and to persuade their adoption — and wdiat
was a greater defect for one who desired to lead the
public mind on matters of daily and hourly import
ance, he was not sufficiently practical, nor did he listen
with sufficient attention to the suggestions of practical
men. His views when most correct, were frequently
urged with a vehemence and impetuosity which pre
vented their adoption, and he often in this way dis
pleased and alienated moderate men of all parties.
To this, which miglit perhaps be teniied an imprac
ticability of conduct, are to be ascribed some singular
inconsistencies of his views on various topics. He
was an author and a consistent advocate of the right of
property and of free trade. But he at all times opposed
the introduction of an international copyright law.
No one was a more zealous and unflinching enemy
of mobs, but he with almost equal ardor opposed the
passage of any law granting indemnity totheir victims.
He detested slavery in every shape, but he was totally
hostile to any action of Congress on the question in ilie
District of Columbia. This diminished his influence
as a party leader, for which station indeed he was not
fitted, except in periods of great excitement and vio
lence. He was certainly at times deficient in forbearance
towards his opponents, and indulged in a violence of

PREFACE. IX
language wholly unjustifiable. But in extenuation
it is to be recollected that no writer connected with
the press, was so unfairly and indeed indecently
attacked as he was during the time when he had
charge of the Evening Post. It must not be for
gotten, that he was abused and calumniated in a
manner almost unprecedented, even in the annals of
the American press, and that his errors in this matter,
were, to a great extent, errors of retaliation.
Nothing could form a greater contrast with the
vehemence of his writings, than the mildness and
courtesy of his social life. I have repeatedly wit
nessed the surprise of those who knew him only
through the columns of his paper, When accident
brought them personally in contact with him. No
one more enjoyed the pleasures of society — no one
allowed less of the bitterness of political controversy to
infuse itself into his social relations. His naval edu
cation, and " the grave and wrinkled purposes of his
life," gave dignity to his manners, and he had a soft
ness and delicacy in his character which the acrimony
of political strife had no effect to diminish.
His style is often diffuse, and it may occasionally be
charged with rhetorical extravagance, but to this a suf
ficient answer is perhaps to be found in the fact that
these writings are newspaper articles ; written under
the spur and excitement of the hour, and often with the
intention and under the necessity of appealing quite
as much to the passions as the judgment. It is an
unhappy obligation, but one apparently imposed upon
the conductors of the press, that they are compelled to
arouse the public mind and stimulate it to action ;
and this is often to be done solely by infusing into the

X PREFACE.
system, not the wholesome mental food of truth, but
the powerful and dangerous excitants of invective and
declamation. Another and one of the highest attributes of
the author of these works, was boldness — cour
age. He had no conception of what fear was ;
physically, morally and intellectually, he had no idea
of the meaning of the term. No personal danger
could appal him ; no theory did he ever hesitate to
adopt because it was scouted by the prevailing opinion,
and no cause did he ever fail to espouse because it was
destitute of friends. When the mobs first attacked the
abolitionists in the city of New- York, he had not made
the subject of slavery one of very particular considera
tion, but he was the earliest to denounce the popular
violence, and to call upon the municipal government
to suppress it by the most vigorous and effective wea
pons. The sarae course he pursued in regard to the
Bank. The vehemence of his attacks upon that in
stitution brought hira into direct and frequent collision
with members of the mercantile classes, but never was
he deterred from this path by any apprehension of in
jury to his interests. The course pursued by the
paper (the Evening Post,) during the crisis of 1833
and 1834, was extremely injurious to the pecuniary
affairs of that journal which had previously, by its
opposition to the tariff, made itself to some extent a
favourite of the commercial community.
This same courage taking what is perhaps the
higher shape of fortitude, showed itself in a manner
equally remarkable in his private life. Amid the re
verses of fortune, when harrassed by pecuniary em
barrassments — during the tortures of a disease which

PREFACE. XI
tore away his life piece-meal, he ever maintained the
same manly and unaltered front — the same cheerful
ness of disposition — the same dignity of conduct. No
humiliating solicitation — no weak complaint for a
moment escaped him.
But the mtellectual character of Mr. Leggett, mark
ed as it was, was far inferior in excellence to his moral
attributes. It is to these he owes the respect and affec
tion in which his meraory is held — it is to these that
the influence his pen acquired during his life is chiefly
attributable. At the same time it should be said that it is difficult
to distinguish between his intellect and his character.
They both derived force and support frora each other,
and it is not easy to draw any dividing line.
There is nothing of that incongruity which history
exhibits in some of the greatest men upon her page,
where extraordinary mental power has been unsup
ported by moral energy.
His great desire on all the questions which agitated
the country appeared to be the attainment and esta
blishment of truth. The vehemence of his tempera
ment and the force of his original impressions often
had an obscuring tendency upon his mind. But
against these he was forever striving. No one fami
liar with him but raust have perceived the progress
his mind was continually making, and the raanly in
dependence with which, when once convinced of an
error, he denounced and cast it off.
Truth was his first love and his last — the affec
tion of his life. I Tis raost favourite work was, I think,
Milton's Areopagitica, and the magnificent description
of Truth which it contains was constantly on his lips.

xn PREFACE.
Equally remarkable with this, was his superionty
to all selfish considerations. He was doubtless some
times misled by his passions and his prejudices — never
by his interest. No personal considerations could
weigh with him a moment, when set in opposition
to what his deliberate judgment convinced him was
the cause of truth. Nothing can more satisfactorily
prove this than his conduct on the abolition question.
The first time that this matter distinctly presented it
self, was in the summer of the year 1835. The
administration was then in its palmiest days. The
contested elections of 1834 had terminated success
fully. The attack of the President upon the Bank,
had been sustained by the state of New- York, and to
appearance the government had establislied itself
in an impregnable position. At this time Mr. Leggett
was the sole conductor ofthe Evening Post, the lead
ing, if not the only administration organ in the city of
New- York. He had edited that journal during the
warmest part of the conflict, and on every ground he
had a right to demand and expect the support of the
party in power.
At that moment Mr. Kendall, one of the most promi
nent members of the government, issued his well-
known letters to the postmasters at Charleston and
New- York, in which he justified, to a certain extent,
the conduct of those officers who had stopped the mails
containing what he termed, the " incendiary, inflam-
rriatory and insurrectionary " manifestoes of the abo
litionists. That party at this time, was a small and un
popular sect. It is always painful to utter a sylla
ble detracting from the merit of persons unques-

PREFACE. XUl
tionably aniraated by the impulse of a high moral
principle — more especially of men combating With
the baleful institution of slavery. But the truth should
at all times ' have precedence. Wisdom of conduct
is as necessary as integrity of purpose. The unpdpu-
larity of the abolitionists was not wholly without
cause. They had done injury to the progressive
cause bf freedom, by a violence of denunciation
which the good sense of the country pronounced un-"
just and dangerous. Their proposed measures were
not sufficiently distinct to be inteUigible to the people ;¦
and their leading organs had not manifested a proper
ci^nt deference either f6r the great charter of the union >
or for that spirit of concession and harmony upon
which our political existence depends, and which formfe
the corner-stone of the Constitution itself. Itis howr
ever with the fact that we are here principally con
cerned. But a few months before, they had been the
victihis of mob-law in New- York, and they were pre-.
eminently unpopular with the commercial classes of
the north, whose interests had taken the alarm, and
who had enrolled under the dark banner of the detes
table institution. Thus disliked by their immediate
neighbours, they were absolutely abhorrent to the peo
ple of the South. They in fact stood alone, a small;
and uninfluential sect, professing ultra and impracti
cable 'doctrines, without power or support. In this
matter of the poSt-offlce lawj they stood unsustained!
except by justice and freedom.
But this was enough for Mr. Leggett — that an
unjust and unconstitutional power was attempted to be
exerted against them was enough for him. Contrary
to the urgent solicitations of many of his personal
Vol. 1—2

XIV P R E F A C E .
friends — against the vehement representations of nioet
of his political supporters, and particularly in contempt
of all consideration of interest, he declared war against
the doctrines of the administration. He grappled,
without fear or hesitation, with the Poemaster Gen
eral himself, and in terms ef eloquent reprobation de
nounced and derided this new censorship of the press.
This conduct can be ascribed to no cause whatever
but his love of truth and his utter superiority to sordid
motives, and from the moment he adopted his line of
proceeding, he steadfastly persevered in it. No con
siderations moved him. The administration organ
of the state denounced him. The mouth-piece of the
government excluded him from the party pale, but
tiiese things he heeded no more than the blasts ofthe
winds : or if they produced any effect at all, it was to
arouse him to a more vehement and more unspar
ing opposition of the measures of the government.
So far as individuals and motives were concerned, he
may have been carried too far by the violence of
his temperament; but we can scarce pay sufficient
honour to the boldness, the independence and the inte
grity of his conduct.
This same line of action he pursued until he was
prostrated by illness in the fall of 1835, and obliged to
abandon the Evening Post.
He established the Plaindealer in the fall of 1836.
The first number was published in December of that
year, and the last in September, 1837.
It is in this periodical that his best pieces are to be
found ; and it is from this that I have comparatively
made the largest selections.
The paper was established originally as a demo-

PREFACE. XV
cratic paper ; but the boldest attacks upon the course
pursued by the government towards the abolitionists
are to be found in its columns. While at the same
time, there is no more vigorous support of the Sub-
Treasury scheme than its pages contain.
His mind was too sagacious not to perceive that the
adoption of this measure must inevitably lead to the
great desideratum of American legislation — an ad valcn
rem tariff, and a revenue reduced to the actual expen
ses of the government.
In connection with the subject of Abolition, I have re
printed his articlij upon Mr. Van Bureli's Message of
1830 ; not that I think it just, but bfecause it is oneof the
most conclusive proofs of Mr. Leggett's independence.
Abolition of slavery, in the District of Cohimbia, is envi
roned by difficidty, and the President should not have
been charged with a want of courage or honesty, with
out more conclusive proof than the Message itself af
forded. I have also republished this article for another
reason, to which, in giving increased publicity and per
manence to so severe an invective against the Presi
dent, it is right to call the attention of the reader.
There is no better evidence of the superiority of Mr.
Van Buren to personal resentment, and it furnishes in
deed the strongest argument in favour of the chief ma
gistrate on the subject of the paper in question. He
eould scarcely within two years have appointed Mr.
Leggett to the Guatemala raission, at a tirae, too, when
that gentleman, broken down by illness, was without
influence or power, unless he had been conscious that
the attack was unfounded. It is impossible that news
paper articles can be always correct. The merit of
Mr. Leggett's writings is that they were always honest.

XVI PREFACE.
The Plaindealer also contains some articles
on a subject which must ultimately engage the atten
tion of the American people— that of direct taxation.
Mr- Leggett has ably put fortli the leading argu
ments in favour of this, the only fair, uniform, and
democratic mode of raising funds for the support of
the government. It is not one of the least proofs of
his far-sighted views, and the enlarged and philosophi
cal tone of his legislative theories.
Such is a very brief sketch of the character of the
author of the writinga contained in these volumes. It
is necessarily imperfect. The reader has the opportu
nity of completing or correcting it from his own
observation. No man's personal qualities were ever
more deeply impressed upon his works.
The death of Mr. Leggett is deplored with a regret
that arises as well from public as private considerations.
We grieve for the loss of an accomplished man of
warm attachments, ardently devoted to his friends, and
ready to make any sacrifice for them. But if possible
we still more deeply lament the death of an eloquent
and independent politician, thoroughly imbued with
the cardinal principles of Liberty— of one with no
superior, and scarcely a rival in his vocation, who,
whatever his faults, had merits that a thousandfold
redeemed them ; his richly stored intellect — his vigor
ous eloquence — his earnest devotion to truth— his
incapability of fear — his superiority to all selfish views,
are forever embalmed in our memory.
Most especially do his friends deplore the time and
circumstances of his death. Life appeared to be
opening brightly, and the clouds which had hung
around hira seemed on the point of dispersing.

PREFACE. XVU
Every year was softening his prejudices and calm
ing his passions. Every year was enlarging his cha
rities and widening the bounds of his liberality. Had
a more genial clime invigorated his constitution, and
enabled him to return to his labours, a brilliant and
honourable future might have certainly been predicted
of him. He would not have left a name only as
the conductor of a periodical press — he would not
merely have left these transient and fleeting memo
rials of his ability and rectitude. It is not the sug
gestion of a too fond affection, but the voice of a calm
judgment wliich declares that whatever public career
he had pursued he must have raised to his memory
an unperishable monument, and that as no name is
now dearer to his friends, so few could then have been
more honourably associated with the history of hig
country than that of William Leggett,

A COLLECTION

POLITICAL WRITINGS

WILLIAM LEGGETT

BANK OF UNITED STATES,
[From the Evening Post, March, 1834 ]
In answer to the many objections which are urged
with great force of ttrgument against the United States
Bank, and against any great national institution of a
similar character, there is little put forth in its defence,
beyond mere naked allegation. One of the assertions,
however, which seems to be most relied upon by the advo
cates ofthe Bank, is that it has exercised a most benefi-
cial power in regulating the currency of the country.
Indeed, the power which it was supposed it would possess
to regulate the currency, furnished one of the chief
grounds of the support yielded to the original proposition
to establish a United States Bank, and the same topic
has occupied a prominent place in every subsequent dis
cussion of the Bank question in Congress. It is main
tained, in favour of tho present institution, that it not
merely possesses that power, but that it has exerted in it
the most prudent and salutary manner. This is made

20 POLITICAI. writings OF
the theme of many high-wrought panegyrics. It is
triumphantly put forth by the journals in the interest of
the Bank ; it drops from the lips of every Bank declaimer
at political meetings, and is asserted and re-asserted by
all the orators and editors of the Bank party, with a con-
fidence which should belong only to truth. Many per-
sons, indeed, who are strongly opposed to the United
States Bank on moral grounds ; who view with disraay
its prodigious means of corruption ; and shudder with
abhorrence at the free and audacious use it has made of
those means ; yet accede to it the praise of having at
least answered one great purpose of its creation — namely,
the regulation of the currency of the United States.
It is to be feared that men in general have not very
precise notions of what constitutes a regulation of tho
currency. If the meaning of this phrase is to be limited
to the mere sustaining of the credit of the Bank at such
a point, that its notes shall always stand at the par value
of silver, then indeed must it be admitted that the United
States Bank has, for the greater part of the time per
formed its functions in that respect. Yet no praise is to
be acceded to it on that score ; since such an effect must
naturally and almost inevitably flow from the self-imposed
obligation on the government to receive its notes at their
nominal amount, at all places, in payment of debts due
to the United States. Tiiere is not a bank in the coun
try, accredited and endorsed by the Government to an
equal extent, that would not as certainly maintain its pa
per on a par with the precious metals. Indeed, most of
the well-conducted institutions in the Atlantic cities, with.
out the advantage of such countenance from the Gov-
srnment, have preserved their paper in equal credit ; or,
in other words, have been equally successful in regula.
ting the currency, so far as the term implies the affording
of a convertible paper substitute for money, which shall

WILLIAM liEGOETT. 21
pass from hand to hand as the full equivalent of sdver
coin. The doing of this certainly constitutes an im^
portant branch of the regulation of the currency ; but
there is another and more important branch, and in this
the United States Bank has totally and most signally
failed. What is regulating the currency ? It is the furnish.
ing of a medium of circulation, either metalic or con.
vertible at par, equal in amount to the real business of the
country, as measured by the amount of its exports and
the amount of actual capital employed in commercial
business. It is the furnishing of that amount of circula
tion, which is actually absorbed by the commercial
transactions of the country — by those transactions which
rest on the basis of the exchange continually going on
of the commodities of one country for those of another^
When bank issues are limited within this circle, the notes
of the bank in circulation are founded on the security
of the notes of merchants in possession of the bank, and
the notes of the merchants rest on the basis of goods
actually purchased, which are finally to be paid for with
the products of the soil or other articles of export. The
maintaining ofthe circulation at this point would, in the
strict and proper sense of the word, be regulating the
currency. It would be supplying the channels of busi
ness to the degree requisite to facilitate the operations of
commerce, without causing those operations to be unduly
extended at one time, and unduly contracted at another.
It would be causing the stream of credit to glide in an
equal and uniform current, never stagnating, and never
overflowing its boundaries.
When bank circulation exceeds this measure, an in-
evitable derangement of the currency takes place. The
par of value between the paper representatives of money
and money itself may still be maintained ; but prices are

22 POLITICAL WBITINGS OF
raised, and raised unequally, and the dollar no longer
accurately performs its office as a measure of value. The
effects of the expansion of the currency are first seen in
the rise of the prices of foreign fabrics. Tliis leads to
excessive importation on the part of the competitors
anxious to avail themselves of the advance. Goods are
purchased from abroad to a much larger amount than the
exports of the country will liquidate, and a balance of
debt is thus created. The payment of this balance drains
the country of specie. The bank, finding its paper re
turn upon it in demand for coin, is obliged suddenly, in
self-defence, to curtail its issues. The consequence of
this curtailment is a fall of prices. Those who had
ordered goods in expectation of deriving the advantage
of the high prices, are obliged to sell at a sacrifice, and
are fortunate if they can dispose of their commodities at
all. Those who had been deluded, by the fatal facility
of getting bank favours, into extending themselves be
yond the limits of that fair and prudent credit to which
their actual capital entitled them, must necessarily be
unable to meet the shock of a sudden withdrawal of the
quicksand basis on which their business rested, and are
thus compelled to become bankrupts. A stato of general
calamity succeeds — most severe in the couimerciul cities,
and measured in all places by a rule of inverse ratio to
the excess of the preceding apparent prosperity. These
sudden expansions and contractions of the currency have
happened too frequently in this country, and have been
followed by effects of too disastrous a nature, for any
reader to be ignorant of them.
Has the United States Bank never caused distress of
this kind ? Has it never caused the amount of circula
ting medium to fluctuate ? Has it never stimulated
business into unhealthy activity at one time, and with
held its proper aliment at another ? Has it never poured

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 23
out a sudden flood of paper money, causing the wheels
of commerce to revolve with harmful rapidity, and then
as suddenly withdrawn tho supply, tdl the channels were
empty, and every branch of business languished through
out the land ? There are few of our readers who cannot,
of their own knowledge, answer these questions in the
affirmative. For the two or three years preceding the extensive and
heavy calamities of 1819, the United States Bank, in
stead of regulating the currency, poured out its issues at
such a lavish rate that trade and speculation were excited
in a preternatural manner. But the inevitable conse.
quences of over issues did not fad to happen in that case.
A large balance of debt was created in Europe, and to
pay that debt our metalic medium was sent away from
the country. The land was soon nearly exhausted of
specie, and still the debt remained unliquidated. The
bank, in order to bring business to an equipoise again, ex
changed a part of its funded debt for specie in Europe,
and purchased a large amount of coin in the West Indies
and other places. But it still continued to make loans
to a larger degree than the actual business of the coun
try, as measured by the amount of its exports, required,
and its purchase was therefore a most ineffectual and
childish scheme. It was but dragging a supply of water
with much toil and expense, from the lake of the valley
to the summit of an eminence, in the vain hope that,
discharged there, it would continue on the height and not
rush down the declivity, to mix again with the waters of
the lake. The specie, purchased at high rates in foreign
Countries, was no sooner brought to our own, and lodged
in the vaults of the bank, than it was immediately drawn
thence again, by the necessity of redeeming the notes
which poured in upon it in a constant stream in demand
for silver. In one year, 1818, upwards of fifteen

24 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
millions of dollars were exported from the country, and
still the debts incurred by the mad spirit of overtrading
were not liquidated. The bank itself was now on tho
very verge of bankruptcy. At the close of its business
on the 12th of April, 1819, the whole amount of money in
its vaults was only 71,522 dollars, and it at the same time
owed to the city banks a clear balance of 196,418 dollars,
or an excess over its means of payment of nearly 125,000
dollars. A depreciation of its credit was one of the con-
sequences which had flowed from this state of things, and
the notes of the United States Bank— the boasted insti
tution which claims to have regulated the currency of
this country — fell ten per cent, below the par value of
silver. . . ,
.But the greatest evil was yet behind. The Bank was
at length compelled, by the situation in which the rash
ness of its managers had involved it, to commence a rapid
curtailment of discounts. . An immediate reduction took
place of, two millions . in Pliiladelphia, two millions in
Baltimore, < nearly a miUion in Richmond, and half a
million in Norfolk. This sudden withdrawal of the
means of business was, of itself, a heavy calamity to
those cities; butthe system of curtailment was perse
vered in, until the foundation of a great part of the
commercial transactions of the United States, and of the
speculations in land, in internal improvement, and other
adventures,. which the facility of getting money had in-.
duced men to hazard, was withdrawn, und the . whole
fabric, fell to the ground, burying beneath vast numbers
of unfortunate persons, and scattering ruin and dismay
throughout the Union.
.The same, scenes, only to a greater extent, and with
more deplorable circumstances, were acted over in 1825,
There are few inhabitants of this city who can have
forgotten the extensive failures, both of individuals and

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 25
corporate institutions, which marked that period. There
are many yet pining in comfortless poverty whose dis
tress was brought upon them by the revulsions of that
disastrous year — many who were suddenly cast down
from atfluence to want — many who saw their all slip
frorn their grasp and melt away, who had thought
that they held it by securities as firm as the eternal
hills. But not to dwell upon events the recollection of which
time may have begun to efface from many minds, let us
but cast a glance at the manner in which the United
States Bank regulated the currency in 1830, when, in the
short period of a twelvemonth it extended its accommo
dations from forty to seventy millions of dollars. This
enormous expansion, entirely uncalled for by any pecu
liar circumstance in the business condition of the coun
try, was followed by the invariable consequences of an
inflation of the currency. Goods and stocks rose, specu
lation was excited, a great number of extensive enter
prises were undertaken, canals were laid out, rail-roads
projected, and the whole business of the country was
stimulated into unnatural and unsalutary activity. The
necessary result ofthe spirit of speculation thus awakened
was the purchase of more goods abroad than the com
modities of the country would pay for. Hence vast sums
of specie soon began to leave the United States ; scarcely
a packet ship saUed from our wharves that did not carry
out to England and France a large sum of money in
gold, and silver; and it is estimated that in 1831-32 the
specie drawn from the country did not fall short of twenty
millions of dollars. The Bank of the United States,
failing to accomplish the bad design for which it had thus
flooded the country with its paper, now began to try the
effects of a contrary system, and resorted to coercion.
Vol. I.— 3

20 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
A reduction of its issues must inevitably have taken
place in the nature of things, nor could all the means and
all the credit of the Bank have removed the evU day to
a very distant period. But it had it completely within
its power to effect its curtailment by easy degrees, and lo
bring back business into its proper channels by operations
that would have been attended with little general distress.
But this was no part of its plan. Its object was to wring
from the sufferings of the people Iheir assent to the per
petuation of its existence. Its curtailments were there
fore rapid and sudden, and so managed as to throw the
greater part of the burden on those commercial places
where there was the greatest need of lenity and forbear
ance. The distress and dismay thus occasioned, were
aggravated by the rumours and inventions of hired
presses, instructed to increase the panic by all the moans
in their power. Of the deplorable etrccts produced by
this course, the traces are yet too recent to require that
we should enter into any particulars.
The Bank has not yet exhausted its full power of
mischief. Since its creation to the present hour, instead
of regulating the currency, it has caused a continual
fluctuation ; but it is capable of doing greater injury
than it has yet effected. It is perfectly within its power
to cause a variation of prices lo the extent of twenty-five
per cent, every ninety days, by alternate expansions and
contractions of its issues. It is iu its power, in the short
period that is yet to elapse before its charter expires, so to
embarrass the currency, so to limit the amount of circu
lating medium, so to impair commercial confidence, and
shake the entire basis of mercantile credit, as to produce
throughout the whole land a scene of the most poignant
pecuniary distress — a scene compared with which the
dark days of 1819 and 1825, and those throu<di which

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 27
we have just passed, shall seem bright and prosperous.
And there are indications that the Bank will do this.
There aro signs and portents in the heavens which tell
of a coming tempest. There are omens which foreshow
that this mighty and wicked corporation means to use to
the uttermost its whole machinery of coercion, to wring
from the groaning land a hard contest to the renewal of
its existence. We trust the People will bear stiffly up
under tho infliction. We trust they will breast the storm
with determined spirits. We trust they will endure the
torture, without yielding to a measure which would de
stroy the best interests of their country, and make them
and their children slaves forever.
Regulation of the currency ! What a claim to set
up for the United States Bank ! It has done the very
reverse : it has destroyed the equal flow and steady worth
of the currency : it has broken up the measure of value :
it has kept the circulating medium in a state of continual
fluctuation, making the dollar to-day worth a dollar and
a half, and to-morrow not worth a half a dollar. Besides
the three great periods of sudden excess and rapid cur-
tadment, its whole career has been one series of experi-
ments, more or less general, of inflation and exhaustion
of the currency. And this is the institution, which now
comes forward, and claims to be re-chartered, on the
ground of having well performed the great offices for
which it was created. It has failed in all its great ends.
In its chief purpose, as a fiscal agent and assistant of the
. Government, one on which it might at alf times securely
rely, it has wholly failed. We have seen it interfering
in the national politics, and endeavouring to rule the
suffrages of the people, first by bribery and afterwards
by compulsion. We have seen it place itself in open
defiance to the Executive, and rank him in its official

28 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
papers, with counterfeiters and robbers. We have seen
it endeavouring to thwart tlie measures of his administra
tion ; collude with foreign creditors of the Government
to defeat the avowed objects of the Treasury,; refuse to
give up the national funds at the commands of the com
petent authority ; and finally turn a committee of con
gress with contumely from its doors, in violation of its
charter, and in violation of every obligation of morality
and every principle of public decency. Tliis is the insti
tution which now comes forward for a re-charter. If
the people grant it thoy will deserve to wear its chains !

RIOT AT THE CHATHAM STREET CHAPEL.
[From the Evening Post uf July 8, 1834.]
The morning papers contain accounts of a riot at
Chatham-street chapel last evening, between a party of
whites and a party of blacks. The story is told in the
morning journals in very inflammatory language, and
the whole blamo is cast upon the negroes ; yet it seems
to us, from those very statements themselves, that, as
usual, there was fault on both sides, and more especially
on that of the whites. It seems to us, also, that those
who are opposed to the absurd and mad schemes of the
immediate abolitionists, use means against that scheme
which are neither just nor politic. We have noticed a
great many tirades of late, in certain prints, the object of
which appeared to be to excite the public mind to strong
hostility to the negroes generally, and to the devisers of
the immediate emancipation plan, and not merely to the
particular measure reprehended. This community is

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 29
too apt to run into excitements; and those who are now
trying to got up an excitement against tho negroes will,
have much to answer for, should their efforts be success
ful to the extent which some recent circumstances afford
ground to apprehend. It is the duty of the press to dis
criminate ; to oppose objectionable measures, but not to
arouse popular fury against men ; to repress, not to sti
mulate passion. Reason — calm, temperate reason — may
do much to shorten the date of the new form in which
fanaticism has recently sprung up among us ; but perse
cution will inevitably have the effect of prolonging its
existence and adding to its strength.
The riot at the Cliatham-street chapel seems to have
grown out of the following circumstances. The New-
York Sacred Music Society have a lease of the chapel
for Monday and Thursday evenings throughout the year.
Some person, in behalf of the blacks, had obtained from
the Secretary of the Music Society permission to occupy
the chapel last evening. The blacks thereupon issued
printed notices of their intended meeting, which it is said
was called for the purpose of celebrating the postponed
festival of the Fourth of July. In pursuance of this
notice they met and commenced their exercises. Cer
tain members of the Music Society also arrived, not
knowing the disposition which had been made of the
chapel ; but being informed of the circumstances, agreed
to postpone the purpose with which they had themselves
assembled. Their number, however, being soon aug.
mented by the arrival of other persons, they reversed
their first peaceable and proper resolution, and concluded
upon insisting that possession of the chapel should be
given to them. The blacks, in the meanwhile, had pray
ed, sung a hymn, and had commenced reading the Decla.
ration of Independence. They did not seem disposed,
3*

30 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
at that stage of the proceedings, to break up their meet
ing and retire from the chapel One of their number
rose and requested them to do so, but others called on
the meeting to keep their seats. The Sacred Music So
ciety then took forcible possession of the pidpit, and
thereupon a general battle commenced, which seems to
have been waged with considerable violence on both ^
sides, and resulted in the usual number of broken heads
and benches.
We have made up the foregoing statement wholly
from the one-sided account of the Courier and Enquirer,
the most inflammatory and unfair paper in the city on
what relates to negroes, as on all other subjects. We
have simply taken its facts, without their gloss; and we
think readers of candid and temperate minds will per
ceive that the blame of this disgraceful transaction lies
more with the white persons concerned in it, than with
their coloured antagonists. Permission had boen duly
obtained to use the chapel on this occasion ; and if it
had not been, application should have been made to the
civil authorities to expel the occupants. If there was any
deception or concealment practised by Mr. Tappan in
procuring permission to use the chapel, as is alleged, he
made himself obnoxious lo coiisuro ; but that circumstance
furnished no warrant to eject the blacks by force of arms.
That it was very wrong in them, and morc particularly
in the fanatical white persons who are leading them on,
to meet there at all, for the purpose contemplated, or for
any purpose, no one can deny, for it was obviously pro
voking a riot. That the whole scheme of immediate
emancipation, and of promiscuous intermarriage of the
two races, is preposterous, and revolting alike to common
sense and common decency, we shall be ever ready, on
all occasions, to maintain. Still, this furnishes no justi-

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 31
fication for invading the undoubted rights of the blacks,
or violating the public peace ; and wo think, from the
showing of those who mean to establish the direct con
trary, that these were both done by the Sacred Music
Society. We are aware that we aro taking the unpopular side
of this question ; but satisfied that it is the just one, we
are not to be deterred by any such consideration. Cer
tain prints have laboured very hard to get up an anti-
negro excitement, and their efforts have in some degree
been successful. It should be borne in mind, however,
that fanaticism may be shown on both sides of the con
troversy ; and they will do the most to promote the real
[ interests of their country, and of the black people them-
selves, who will be giiidcd in the matter by the dictates
of reason and strict justice. The plans of the Coloniza
tion Society are rational and practicable ; those of the
enthusiasts who advocate immediate and unconditional
emancipation wholly wild and visionary. To influence
the minds of the blacks, then, in favour of the first, we
must have recourse to temperate argument and authentic
facts. Whatever is calculated to inflame their minds,
prepares them to listen to the frantic ravings of those
who preach the latter notions.

ABOLITION RIOTS.
[From the Evening Post, July II, 1834.]
It is most earnestly to be hoped that the civil authori
ties will bo prepared to act with all their strength, toge
ther with that of the military, if it should be necessary,
to put down, this night, in the most effectual manner, any
further attempt to make this city a scene of disgraceful

32 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
riot and tumult. A mad spirit has gone abroad among
our popvdacc — a spirit excited in part, no doubt, by tho
proceedings and inflammatory publications of the Aboli
tionists, as thoy are called ; but even in a greater mea
sure by the violent tirades of certain prints opposed to
the Abolitionists.

Strongly as we aro o|)pose<l to the doctripes and to the
measures of the Abolitionists, both to those of the asso
ciation, and those of a wilder and more deeply fanatical
cast which are advocated in their journals, and in anony
mous handbills and pamphlets, yet even greater is our op
position to all attempts to overthrow those doctrines by
a resort to brute unauthorized force. Yet such force has
been almost in terms appealed to, time and again, by the
journal we have named, and bad as the conduct of the
Abolitionists is, it has been represented in highly exag
gerated colours, in order more strongly to inflame the
public indignation against them.
Even now that these mobs have occurred, and their pro
ceedings been characterized by a degree of lawless vio
lence highly disgraceful to the city, the press, with two
or three exceptions, has not the wisdom and independ
ence to speak out boldly and energetically, and tell these
rioters how madly they are acting. That a mob, com
posed more than half of boys, of wild, daring, undisciplin
ed boys — and a very large proportion of the other moiety
made up ofthe very dregs of society — that this mob, so
coinposed, and actuated by no common sentiment or ob
ject, further than the mere love of disorder — should be
treated as expressing the sentiments, and wreaking the
vengeance of this great and moral community, is an in
sult on the character of the city. A mob attacking and

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 33
destroying the private dwellings of citizens, and not stay
ed even at the threshold of the church, but with sacrile
gious fury assailing even such an edifice, though held in
respect by the common sentiment of mankind — such a
mob ought to bc treated with no honeyed words, but all
good citizens ought to lend thoir assistance to maintain
the supremacy of the laws, and put down this insurrec
tionary spirit.
No reader can for a moment suppose that we approve i
or would countenance in any degree the schemes of the
Abolitionists. We have expressed repeatedly our dee])
abhorrence of a portion of their views, and our conviction
that other portions are wholly visionary and impractica
ble. Even if their notions on the subject of abolition
were proper in themselves, their conduct in attempting to •
propagate these notions is such that to ascribe it to fana
ticism is the most charitable construction. But even
these enthusiasts, while they transgress no law, are under
the protection of the laws, and he who without legal war
rant invades their houses and destroys thoir property, if
he does it from any other motive than virtuous resent.
ment against error, is an incendiary and robber ; and if
actuated by that feeling, is himself an example of fanati
cism, though of an opposite kind. There are legitimate
ways of expressing public opinion far more efficacious, as
well as far more respectable, than a mob can ever be.
We may call public meetings, and pass temperate but
firm resolutions ; we may expose through the press the
absurdity and impracticability of the views of those who
have been the objects of assault in this case ; we may
keep a vigilant eye upon them, and procure them to be
indicted and visited with legal puni.shment whenever
their proceedings become obnoxious to the law. But till
then they are entitled to all the privileges and immuni-

84 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
ties of American citizens, and have a right to be protec ¦
ed in their persons and property against all assailan &
whatsoever. We trust that the authorities will this night
show that this right is not a mere mockery ; we trust
that the rioters will be dealt with in a way that may long
ensure the quiet of the city, if they dare again congre
gate to carry their incendiary purposes into furtiier
execution. In making these remarks, we do not wish to be under
stood as intimating that there has been any remissness on
the part ofthe civil authorities during the previous nights.
On the contrary, last night in particular, they were ex
ceedingly active, and took their measures with great
promptitude and discretion. But it was evident that the
disorders were far more extensive than had been antici
pated, and the force under the direction ofthe Mayor was
therefore not sufficient for the simultaneous protection of
all the different points where the riot was expected to
show itself.

ABOLITION RIOTS.
[From the Evening Post, July 12, l834.]
The details which are published below, from the Jour
nal of Commerce and the Daily Advertiser of this morn
ing, are already on their way to every quarter of tho
country, to inform the whole people of the United States
of the additional and deplorable blot which the events of
last night have stamped on the character of this city.
The fury of demons seems to have entered into the breasts
of our misguided populace. Like those ferocious ani
mals which, having once tasted blood, are seized with an

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 35
insatiable thirst for gore, they have had an appetite awa
kened for outrage, which nothing but the most extensive
and indiscriminate destruction seems capable of appeas
ing. The cabin of the poor negro, and the temples dedi
cated to the service of the living God, are alike the ob
jects of their blind fury. The rights of private and pub
lic property, the obligations of law, the authority of its
ministers, and even the power of the military, are all
equally spurned by these audacious sons of riot and dis
order. What will be the next mark of their licentious^
wrath it is inipossil)le to conjecture.

This nijjht the trial is to be once again made whether
the public authorities or a lawless mob are to be masters
of the city ; whether a motley assemblage of infuriated
and besotted ruffians, animated with a heflish spirit, are
to destroy and slay at the promptings of their wild pas
sions and prejudices ; or w'hether the true sentiments of
this great community are to have their due preponder
ance. We accord to the city magistrates all the praise
which their conduct hitherto deserves. But at the same
time we must take leave to advise them, in the most seri
ous manner, no longer to forbear resorting to stronger
measures, to such measures as it is now evident can
alone effectually queO the insurrectionary and destroying
spirit which the proceedingsof the Abolitionists, the indis
creet comments of certain prints, and most especially the
seditious and inflammatory advice of that journal of
whose tone and temper a spcciuion is given above, have
aroused.* We call upon them not again to repeat the
* The extract here referred to is omitted for the reason stated
in tho Preface, that it is not the intention of this publication to re-

^

36 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
idle pageant of a mflitary procession ; not to add to the
confidence of the rioters by an empty, ineffectual dis-
play of unused weapons. Lot them be fired upon, if
they dare collect together again to prosecute their nefa-
rious designs. Let those who make the first movement
towards sedition be shot down like dogs — and thus teach
to their infatuated followers a lesson '.vhich no milder
course seems sufficient to inculcate. TUs is no time for
expostulation or remonstrance. Forbearance towards
these rioters is cruelty towards the orderly and peaceable
part ofthe community. Let us act wifli such promptness
and decision now as to ensure that there will be no repeti-
tion of such outrages in time to come. Let us restore the
dignity of the violated law. Let us not pause to parley
when the foe is at the gate. Let us be brief when traitors
brave the field. We would recommend that the whole
military force of the city he called out ; that large detach
ments be stationed wherever any ground exists to antici
pate tumultuary movements ; that smaller bodies patrol
the streets in every part ofthe city, and that the troops
be directed to fire upon the fiibt disorderly assemblage
that refuses to disperse at the bidding of lawful authority.
This will restore peace and quietness to the city, and no
thing short of this will do so.

vive tlie temporary controversies of tlio time when these articles
were written.

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 37
ANTLSLAVERY ASSOCIATION.
[From the Evening Post, July 22, 1834.]
It wUl be seen by the report of the proceedings of the
Board of Aldermen last evening, published in another
column, that the communication of the Executive Com
mittee of the Anti. Slavery Association was treated with
great contempt by that body. As the communication
has been inserted, as an advertisement, in nearly all the
newspapers, the public generally are probably pretty well
apprized of its contents. It is a perfectly respectful do
cument, prepared with the purpose of showing that the
association above named had transcended none of. those
rights which are guarantied to its members, in common
with all their fellow-citizens, by the Constitution of the
United States ; and that the objects of the society are not
incompatible with the duties of its members as citizens
under the existing institutions of this country.
With afl due respect for the motives which actuated
the Board of Aldermen in unanimously refusing to enter
tain this document, we must take the liberty to say that
we think they did not act wisely in casting it out. An
occasion was presented them for the expression of a
calm and temperate opinion on the conduct of the aboli.
tionists, as it affects the peace and order of society,
which, properly embraced, might have been pro
ductive of much good, both on the minds of the enthu-
siasts in the cause of negro emancipation, and those,
more especially, of the community at large. We would
not have the Common Council throw itself in as a dis
putant in the fierce and inflammatory discussion which
has already engaged so many fiery antagonists ; but we
should have been glad to see it treat the subject as a le-
gislative body — as a body of municipal magistrates, charg
ed with the framing and the enforcing of the laws. We
Vol. I.— 4

88 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
should have been glad if this letter of Arthur Tappan
and his associates had^been referred to a discreet and in
telligent committee, to the end that they might draw up a
report, not controverting the abstract notions of the abo
litionists on the subject of the emancipation and equal
rights of the blacks, but proving by mild and judicious ar
guments, that even if the end they aim at is in itself
proper, the time is ifl chosen, and the means employed
Calculated, not merely to defeat their object, but to plunge
the negroes Into a far worse condition than that which
they are now taught by their deluded guides to repine at.
The report might further have shown, that, even
allowing the time to be well chosen for the work, and the
means adapted to the end, they pursue a radically erro.
neous course in addressing their doctrines to the negroes
themselves, whom they ,lhus render discontented and
wretched, but whoso condition they cannot meliorate.
To effect their object the minds of the whites must be
convinced of its propriety ; and all discourses addressed
to the blacks meanwhile, to show them the degradation of
their situation, and their natural right to an equal foot
ing with the race of white men, must inevitably tend, at
the best, to make thera unhappy, and may load to scenes
of outrage Which the mind shudders to contemplat;j.
In a report such as we are supposing, the committee
might also have taken occasion to speak words of saluta
ry counsel to those classes of the community most likely
to be stirred up to acts of violence by the fanatical con.
duct of the abolitionists. They might have shown them
that any insurrectionary movement, instead of effecting
the ol)ject desired, would, by an invariable law of human
nature, be followed by a very contiary result. They
might have shown, that persecution is the very fuel that
feeds the fire of fanaticism ; that such men as the aboli
tionists are but fixed more firmly in their faith by the op-

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 39
position that seeks to prostrate them ; that like the waves
of the ocean, which swell from biflows into mountains as
the gale rages against them, their spirits but rise the
higher when assailed hy a storm of popular fury, nor sub
side again till the tempest is overpast. Fanaticism has
ever flourished most exuberantly in the most into
lerant countries; nor arc there many miuds in this com-
munity so ignorant of the history of nations as not to
jcnow, that, whether in religion or politics, enthusiasm
gains strength and numbers the more its dogmas are op
posed. The effort to put down the Roman Catholic re
ligion by persecution has been tried, and with what re
sult ? The attempt to destroy the heresy, as it was
deemed, of the Covenanters in Scotland, by hunting
down its professors, was also thoroughly tried; but
though the, devoted peasantry were driven to caves and
dens, and forced to subsist on the roots of the earth,
the storm of religious persecution, instead of extinguish
ing, only fanned the fire of zeal into a fiercer flame.
These are views which, if the Common Council had
embraced the opportunity of the letter of Arthur Tappan
and his associates to put them before the community, in
a report drawn up with ability and judgment, might, we
think, have been productive of very considerable good.
The Anti-Slavery Society, as the reader probably re
marked, after stating that nothing had occurred to
change their views on those subjects in relation to which
they are associated, declare their determination not " to
recant or relinquish any principle or measure they have
adopted," but on the contrary, avow their readiness
"to live and die" by tho principles they have espoused.
In this — however mistaken, however mad, we may con
sider their opinions in relation to the blacks — what
honest, independent mind can blamo them ? Where is tho
man so poor of soul, so white-livered, so base, that he

40 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
would do less, in relation to any important doctrine in
which he religiously believed? Where is the man who
\VOuld have his tenets drubbed into him by the clubs of
ruffians, or would hold his conscience at the dictation of
a mob? There is no man in this community more sincerely
and strongly opposed to the views and proceedings of the
abolitionists than this journal is, and alwaj's has been.
Our opposition was commenced long before that of those
prints which now utter the most intemperate declama
tion on the subject, nor have we omitted lo express it on
any proper occasion since. But in doing this temper
ately, in employing argument and reasoning, instead of
calling on the populace "to arm and strike a blow for
liberty" — instead of painting disgusting portraits of the
"blubber lips and sooty blood of negroes" — we think wo
are more effcctuully advancing the desired end, than wo
possibly could, by the most furious and inflammatory ap
peals to the angry passions of the multitude. Indeed,
one ofthe reasons why we lamented the late violations of
public order and private right, was, that the effect of such
outrages would be to increase, instead of abating, the
zeal of abolition fanaticism, and warm many minds per
haps, which were before only moderately inclined to those
doctrines, to a pitch of intemperate ardour. The wildest
, fancies that ever entered into a disordered brain are
adopted as truths when ho who utters them meets with
unreasonable persecution ; while, if unnoticed, or noticed
only by the proper tribunals, they make no harmful
impression, even on the mind of credulity itself. "Tho
hghtning hallows where it falls," iind so the bolt of per
secution, in the eyes of thousands, sanctifies what it
strikes.

¦WILLIAM LEGGETT. 41

SMALL NOTE CIRCULATION.
[From the Evening Post of August 6, 1834.]
Now that real money has come into circulation — now
that the country is plentifully supplied with gold and sil
ver — we trust the friends of a sound currency will take
pains, and adopt all proper measures, to banish small
notes from use. We call upon every man who professes
to be animated with the principles of the democracy, io
assist in accomplishing tho great work of redeeming this
country from the curse of our bad bank system. We
never shall be a truly free and happy people while sub
ject, as we now are, to Bank domination. No system
could possibly be devised more certainly fatal to the
great principle on which our government rests — the glo
rious principle of equal rights — than the Banking system,
as it exists in this country. It is hostfle to every re
ceived axiom of political economy, it is hostile to morals,
and hostfle to freedom. Its direct and inevitable ten
dency is to create artificial inequalities and distinctions
in society ; to increase the wealth of the rich, and render
more abject and oppressive the poverty of the poor. It
fosters a spirit of speculation, destructive of love of coun
try — a. spirit which substitutes an idol of gold for that
better object which patriotism worships — a spirit which
paralyzes all the ardent and generous impulses of our
nature, and creates, instead, a sordid and rapacious
desire of gain, to minister to the insatiable cravings of
which becomes the sole aim of existence.
We do not expect and do not desire to overthrow our
pernicious Banking system suddenly. We would not, if
we could, do aught to infringe the chartered privileges
of Banks already existing. Were they ten times worse
in their effects than they arc, wc would not justify a
4*

42 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
breach of the public faith to get rid of the cvfl. But we
' desire most ardently that it may not be permitted to
spread more widely. The legislatures may at least say,
« Thus far shalt thou go and no further ; here shall thy
proud waves be stayed." They may refuse to grant any
more charters of incorporation, and may take effectual
measures to prohibit the small note issues. These mea
sures constitute the proper first step in the great reform-
ation for which we contend, and these measures the de
mocracy of tho country — if wo do not strangely misinter
pret their sentiments — wifl demand.
But in the meanwhile, the means arc within the
reach of the people themselves to do much — very much
— towards the accomplishment of the desired object.
Let efnployers provide themselves with gold to pay their
hands ; and let the hands of those employers who con
tinue in the practice, which has been too extensive, of
procuring uncurrent money to pay them, take such mea
sures to remedy the evil as arc within their reach, and
not inconsistent with prudence. The practice is wholly
iinjustifiable, and stands, in a moral point of view, on
a footing not very different from that of clipping coins.
The law, however, which we all know is not always
framed in the most perfect accordance with the princi
ples of ethics, makes this important difference, that
whde to the one species of dishonesty it extends full pro
tection, the other it visits with the most ignominious pun
ishment. But though protected by the law, workmen
may do much to rid themselves of the evils of this prac
tise, and at the same time forward the great object of
democracy — ultimate emancipation from the shackles of
a detestable Bank tyranny. Let them remember, when
paid in small uncurrent notes, that the longer they retain
possession of those notes the greater is the profit of the
Bank that issued them, and therefore let them take the

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 43
best means within their reach of causing them to bc re
turned to the Bank. Every doflar-note in circulation
has displaced an equal amount of gold and silver, and, on
the other hand, every dollar of gold and silver you keep
in circulation, wfll displace twice or three times its
amount in paper money.
Paper money is fingered by a great many hands, as
may be easily perceived from the soiled and worn ap-
pearance of many ofthe bills. A cheap, and, to a cer
tain extent, most effectual method of disseminating the
principles of those opposed to incorporated rag-money
manufactories, would be for them to write upon the back
of every bank-note which should come into their posses.
sion, some short sentence expressive of their sentiments.
For example — " No Monopolies ! " " No Union of Banks
and State ! " " Jackson and Hard Money ! " ',' Gold be
fore Rags ! " and the like. When it should become
their duty to endorse a bill issued by a Bank, the charter
of which was obtained by bribery and collusion, (as many
such there be) it would be well to inscribe upon it in a
clear and distinct hand, " Wages of Iniquity ! "
What we have here recommended may seem to be but
child's play ; but we are satisfied that if the workingmen,
upon whom the worst trash of Bank rags are palmed off,
would only adopt such a practice, and persist in it for a
short time, they would see the good result. The worst
class of uncurrent notes would soon be plentifully endors-
ed, for it is the worst description of money which is gen
erally bought to pay away to mechanics, in order that
their employers may avoid paying them as large a pro
portion as possible of their just wages. Let them consi
der the hints thrown out in this article, and they can
hardly fail, we think, to perceive, that if generally acted
upon, they would have an important effect in assisting
the introduction of gold as a currency, in tho place of

44 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
the smafl note circulation of which there is sp much rea
son to complain.

RESOLUTIONS OF THE DEMOCRATIC
REPUBLICAN COMMITTEE.
[From the Evening Post, August 12, 1834.]
Two advertisements, one from " the Democratic Re
publican Young Men's Comuiittee," signed by Mougan
L. Smith as Chairman, and the other fiom " tho Demo
cratic Ro])ublican General Committee," signed by Eldad
Holmes, havp been published regularly in the Times,
the first articles in its colurans, for the last eight or ten
days past. These advertisements purport to be the pro-
ceedings of the Committees, at a meeting held by each on
the evening ofthe fourth of this month. They each con
sist of three resolutions ; both sets of resolutions have,
pari passu, a corresponding object, and are expressed in
language of great similarity ; and both, we presume, may
be ascribed to the same paternity. Being thus, as it
were, twin-brothers, we shall save space by copying ohly
the set that stands first, which wifl sufficiently acquaint
the reader with the ground of the remarks we arc about
to offer. They are as follows :
"At a regular meeting of the Democratic Republican
Young Men's Committee, held at Tammany Had, on the
evening ofthe 4th instant, the following resolutions were
unanimously adopted :
" Resolved, That this Committee highly approve the
political course of ' The New. York Times,' a pa]>or re-
cenfly established, for the independent and feariess
course it has pursued in support of the Democratic Re
publican principles of the present administration, and
that we therefore confidently recommend it to the confi-

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 45
dence and patronage of our Democratic Republican
friends. "Resolved, That the New-York Evening Post, the
Truth Teller, and the other democratic papers, having
been consistent and able labourers in the cause of Re
publican principles, are entitled to the continued confi
dence and support of this Committee.
" Resolved, That the above resolutions be printed in
the Democratic Republican papers, and signed by the
Chairman and Secretaries."
We certainly can have no objection that either of the
General Committees, or both, should express their appro
bation of the course ofthe Times, ybr its course, or that
they should confidently recommend it to confidence and
patronage. There is nothing in this recommendation,
except its tautology, at which any one has a right to feel
offended. The Times is a new paper, was set up under
peculiar circumstances, and may stand in need of such
an endorsement. Its course has, certainly, so far, been
as exactly and carefully squared by party rules as the
most thorough-going party-man could desire, and it was
therefore but reasonable that the Committees should be
called together, and requested confidently to express
their confidence in that print. If they had stopped
there not one word of dissatisfaction should they have
heard from uS.
But so far as the Evening Pq.sT is made to figure in
these resolutions, we must confess we are not exactly
pleased. We have never presented ourselves, cap in
hand, to either of the Committees, to beg .their most
sweet voices ; we have never asked their aid, or their
endorsement in any way or shape ; and do not feel that
our dignity or iraportance is increased now that it is vol
untarily bestowed. For years we have maintained, with
industry and zeal, the principles of democracy ; we have

46 POLITICAI. WRITINGS OF
been forward to engage in every contest in which we
considered the rights or interests of the people were put
to hazard ; we have been strenuous in asserting the great
doctrine of equal rights ; we have utterly shut our eyes
and turned a deaf ear to considerations of private, inter
est ; we have hesitated not to speak in terms of severest
truth to our misled and misdoing merchants, although
they were the chief supporters of our journal ; we have
been vigilant and active in season, and out of season ;
and now, verilj', wo at last have our reward I — to bc put
at the fag-end of a resolution got up to glorify the
Times ! — a paper of yesterday ! a print which has all the
gloss of newness yet upon it ; which, however sound in
its doctrines, and firm in its principles, bears no marks of
fight, can show no scars, has made no sacrifices.
We repeat, we have no objection that the Democratic
Committee should glorify that paper, and recommend it
to "patronage,'' (a most undemocratic word, by the way,)
we have no objection they should laud its course, — (we
also are gratified with its general tone and manage.
ment,) — we have no objection that they should nod their
heads in approbation, and thus give " the stamp of fate
and signal of a god." But we do object to being our
selves lugged in to fill up the cry — we do object to being
put in the same category ^vitll Ibo Truth Teller and all
the other democratic papers. It is a fortunate thing for
us, by the way, that the Democratic Chronicle happened
to expire a few days before this ovation to the Times, or
the Evening Post might have found itself placed side by
side with that disgusting dealer in filth and personalities,
as an equally worthy champion in the same republican
cause. We do most sincerely and urgently request the two
Committees that they will hereafter let us alone. This
is a request they can scarcely refuse to grant, since it is

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 47
the first we ever made of them. We request that, here
after, when any one interested in a new paper, wishes
them to stand its sponsors, that the Evening Post may
not be required to swing the censer, or bear any other
subaltern part in the ceremonial. As for their " patron.
age," or that of any other body, or individual, we never
asked it, and never shall. The democrats whp like our
course will probably continue to take our paper, not
withstanding the unkind cut of the Committees in thus
thrusting us into the train of the Times. And as for the
Committees' own, direct " patronage," (which means
advertising to the amount of some forty or fifty dollars a
year,) they are at liberty, nay, they are desired to with
draw it, whenever they think they do not get their mo
ney's worth. It is on this footing that we wish to stand
with all our subscribers and advertisers. We desire no
man's " patronage," and no man's business, who does
not receive from us a full and fair equivalent for all he
renders.

REPLY TO THE " TIMES."
[From ihe Evening Post, August 13, 1834.]
The Times of this morning incorrectly represents the
ground of tho I'lvcniiig Post's complaint .ngainst the two
Committees which were called together a fortnight ago
to endorse that paper. We assure the Times that we feel
not the slightest jealousy towards it, nor do we in the
least envy its good fortune in receiving a stamp of appro
bation from the two Democratic Committees. We hope
that endorsement may effect the end which was intended,
for while tho Times continues its endeavours to forward
the republican cause we shall be glad to see it sustained.
We exprfessed yesterday our approbation of its general

48 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
tone and management ; and so far from wishing to sup
plant it in the affections of the general Committee, or of
the Young Men's Coraraittee, we only complained that
the Evening Post, with all the other democratic papers,
was lugged in to divide honours which we were quite
willing should be conferred on the Times alone.
As to which is the leading paper, that is a question we
are quite content to submit to the readers of the several
journals, not thinking the matter by any means settled
by the precedence given to the Times in the resolutions
it refers to. It perhaps deserves that precedence ; but
though we do not ckim to be a better soldier, we certain
ly are an older soldier than the Times, and bear some
marks of the service we have passed through. Thus, for
our course in support of the interests of the democratic
party and in defence of the great principle of Equal
Rights, we lost last year several hundred mercantile sub
scribers — and this is the fi rst time we have ever breathed
a syflable on the subject. Did we waver in our faith,
did we falter in our struggle, did we slacken in our ener
gy, when the merchants were running about, from count
ing-room to counting-room, and beseeching their brother
merchants to stop the Evening Post ? — when men who
had taken our paper for thirty years, wrote us insolent
notes, commanding ita discoiitimianco 7 — when such per
sons as  exerted themselves with might
and main, to induce our subscribers to forsake us and take
the Evening Star instead ? ¦ — and when the news of a
discontinuance was received in Wall-street with half-
frantic cheers ? Did we not, aU the whde, pursue the
forward tenor of our way with unabated zeal, exposing
the true nature of the conffict which the Rich were wag
ing against the Poor — the Aristocracy against the Demo
cracy ? Did we utter a complaint ? Did we ask the
General Committee, or the Young Men's Committee, or

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 49
any other Committee, or any person, for assistance ?
Did we not stand on our own resources, and look alone
to the final triumph of truth for our reward V
We ask the Times, then, if we have not a right to
complain, when we find ourselves thrust in at the tail of
a proceeding got up to do honour and service to it ? We
have fought the battle of the Democracy for years, and
were never made the subject of a special endorsement by
the two Committees which have countersigned the
Times. That troubled us not — we a.sked not their stamp
— we desired it not. Nor does it trouble us that their
stamp is now impressed upon the Times. That paper is
welcome to the distinction, and we hope it may answer
the end to give it greater currency. But that, to con
summate its apotheosis, we should be mixed up in a batch
with the Truth Teller and all the other democratic pa
pers, and thrown in as a make-weight, is certainly a mark
of" continued confidence and respect," of a very sinister
description, to say the least of it.
Let it not be supposed that we mean ¦ aught we have
here said to express disparagement of the Truth Teller,
of the merits of which spirited and zealous weekly jour
nal we are fufly sensible. The Truth Teller itself has a
right to complain of being kneaded into a common lump
with a parcel of nameless prints — no one may say how
many nor of what character. But if the Truth Teller,
which is a weekly paper, and devoted but in part to
American politics, has a right to feel displeased, how
much more so have we, that for a long series of years
have bent our undivided energies to one object, the pro-
motion of fhe fundamental principles of fhe Republican
party ? But we do not complain ; we confine our ani
madversions to a single request — that the Committees
will hereafter let us alone, to pursue our own course, in our
own way, and not drag us, against our will, to serve as
Vol. 1.-5

50 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
torch-bearers or train-holders in any triumphant proces
sion in honour of any new object of their glorification.
If we cannot recomraend ourselves to the democracy, we
do not wish the Committees to do it for us. And as to
being harnessed to the triumphal car of the Times, it is a
piece of service we do not affect — we are somewhat res
tive, and might throw the train into confusion by kicking
out of the traces.

THE PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST.
[From the Evening Post of August 19, 1834.]
The duties of our situation oblige us to study with
more attention than mere taste might incline us to jdo,
the indications of public sentiment and public policy, as
furnished by the course and tone of political journals,
and the proceedings of political meetings. From the
survey we have laken of the inovements of the opposi
tion party, for the last few months, it seems to us quite
evident that they are laying a scheme to cheat the peo
ple out ofthe election of President. They seem to act on
a principle of settled distrust of the intelligence and pa
triotism ofthe great body ofthe peo])le, and lo havo laid
their plans to cany their object in defiance of tho wishes
of a majority. For this purpose, it ib their pieseiit aim
to bring together, and coiubine into one body, all the
materials of opposition, however disbimflar and heteroge
neous, with a view to return to the next Congress as
many members as possible opposed to the present admi-
nistration, no matter how coutrariant and irreconcileable
their respective giounds of opposition.
This, object accomplished, their next step will be, not
by mutual compromise and conciliation to name some
candidate for the President on whom all the diversified

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 51
sects of their composite party might unite; for they aro
sensible that such harmony of action is impossible, and
that they are not more hostile to the present administra
tion than they are to each other ; but for each faction to
set up its own candidate, and support him in his own
particular district of countr}', in the hope that the sum of
the votes thus scattered among the various chiefs of the
opposition may be sufficient to defeat an election by the
people, and carry the question into the House of Repre
sentatives. Sliould tho question bc between tho candi
date of flic democracy, and any single candidate the op
position might name, they are well aware that tho choice
of the democratic party would be ratified by a very large
majority of votes. They will therefore seek to distract
the public mind b}' a multiplicity of candidates, to take
the election out of the hands of the people, and submit it
to a body where each state has only an equal voice, and
where experience has shown that collusion and intrigue
may obtain a decision in direct opposition to the clearly
expressed will of the great body of the people of the
United States.
That this is the game which the various, united fac
tions that compose the opposition intend to play off there
can be no manner of doubt. It is a corrupt scheme,
because it is devised with a manifest intention atid desire
of preventing a fair expression ofthe popular will; and
the preliminary steps arc corrupt, because in the indus
trious and almost incredible efforts which the combined
parties of the opposition are now making to elect mem
bers to Congress opposed to the administration, great
pains are taken to conceal from fhe people the ultimate
object which they have in view. For this purpose the
war is waged simply on the broad ground of hostility to
the Executive and to Martin Van Buren. No definite
principles of action or of public policy are avowed ; be-

52 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
cause there are none on which this amalgamated body
of political antipathies could agree. No name of a suc
cessor is breathed ; because tho utterance of such a name
would dissolve the unholy spell which binds thera together
before the great end ofthe ill-assorted union is achieved.
It is therefore opposition to the administration which
they alone venture to declare as their motive of action,
and to this motive they attempt to give a colour of patri
otism by the iteration of certain sounding and illusory
phrases, the ready resort of political knaves and dema
gogues in all countries and all ages ofthe world.
Among the catchwords on which they seem most to
rely for success, are the shouts which they are forever
bawling in our ears, of " Constitution and Laws ! " and
« Principles, not men I " As to their pretended venera
tion for the Constitution and Laws, it accords well with
a party whose only hopes of success rest on the issue of
a deliberate fraud upon the People ! We say a fraud
upon the People — and what can be a more positive and
flagitious fraud, than this combination of political sects,
as opposite as day and night in their doctrines and views,
acting together, not with a view to establish any common
and definite course of policy for the administration ofthe
General Government, but airai>ly for tho preliminary pur
pose of pulling down a Chief Magistrate who enjoys the
confidence and affections of the People — each leader of
those opposite factions inwardly trusting to his own skill
ih the arts of collusion, intrigue, and corruption, to win
over the partizans of the others in the House of Repre
sentatives, and thus secure the Presidential succession to
himself ?
When the country beholds the leaders of the most con-
tradictory and irreconcileable political doctrines that
were ever entertained under our confederacy leaguing
together for a common purpose pf hostility to the domi-

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 53
nant party, and all joining with equal lustiness in the cry
of Constitution and Lates .' even Charity herself would
whisper that their conduct and motives ought to be scruti-
nized with vigflantly inquiring eyes. Is it the leader of
the sect which professes the nullification heresy whose
fears are aroused for the safety of the Constitution and
Laws ? What ! he who but a few months ago raised the
standard of revolt, advised the South to spurn with con
tempt the revenue laws of the country, and to resist
their enforcement to the death ! What ! he who talked
of sundering the Union, of establishing a separate repub
lic, and of shooting down like beasts that perish any such
of his fcUow-countiymen as, in pursuance of fhe orders
of Government, should cross the borders of South Caro
lina to enforce the violated laws ! Is he now one of the
chief leaders of the opposition party against the Execu
tive, on the ground of an invasion of the Constitution
and Laws ? A fit minister of vengeance for such an
offence ! Fellow-countrymen, watch him well !
Hand in hand with him, the next one of the league
who attracts our notice is connected with reminiscences
of a very different nature. In him we behold fhe author
of that gigantic scheme of injustice and oppression, the
object of which was fo build up a manufacturing aristo
cracy, and enrich them out of the earnings of the hardy
sons of commerce ; that scheme, which under the sound
ing prefence of holding out protection to American in
dustry, was intended to strengthen the General Govern*
raent at the expense of the States, and to lay the founda
tion of an enormous and profligate system of public ex
penditure which would have resulted, at no distant day,
in the total overthrow of the liberties of the American
people ; that scheme which was devised to advance hig
own ambitious views, in defiance ofthe provisions of the
Constitution, and ofthe rights and interests of the South ;
5*

.54 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
and the palpable injustice and cruel oppression of which
led the Nullifier with whom he is now joined in a pretend
ed fraternal embrace to those traitorous measures which,
buffer the inflexible patriotism and energy of our Chief
Magistrate, would have eventuated in the dissolution of
our inestimable union. He also is a fit one now to wage
war against fhe adminisfralion on the ground of its vio
lation of the " Constitution and Laws."
A third one in this unholy league has ever been dis
tinguished by his opposition to the equal rights of the
people, and to the fundamental principles of the demo
cratic party. In him we behold a man in whom hostility
to democracy is the only principle which he kas never
forsaken — a man who opposed with all his energy the
measures of the Government when at war with Great
Britain ; who rejoiced in the victories of the enemy ;
who at one time was the opponent, and then the advocate,
of the United States Bank ; at one time a declaimer
against the Araerican System, and then ifs fast friend.
This is the third member of the triumvirate of political
rivals who join in proclaiming as their watchword and
battle-cry, the Constitution and Laws !
Among the vague and ambiguous sentiments by which
they profess fo be governed, is the stale and unmeaning
phrase, of " Principles not Men." This is one of those
jugghng maxims with which sordid and selfish politicians
have .ever attempted to cheat mankind. It has an honest
pnd taking sound, but is utterly without substance, a
mere jingle of words, vox et proiterea nihil. Not much
discernment is requisite to detect the faUacy and empti-
ness of this dishonest invention of unprincipled dema
gogues ; for surely any man must perceive that princi
ples without men, are htfle better than men without prin
ciples. Do they mean to elect their principles to office ?
Do they mean to have us governed by abstractions ? by

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 55
a body of ethics ? by a set of precepts ? or will they,
like every other party, be sooner or later obliged to hold
forward some man, as the person who is governed by their
principles, and who, if chosen, will carry them info exer
cise? This wretched sophistry oi " principles not men,"
has been used, all tho world over, as a cloak for political
knavery — as a convenient shelter for those to fight behind,
who had no principles at all, and who were endeavour
ing fo elevate men so notoriously unworthy, that pru
dence forbade their being named. " It is an advantage
to all narrow wisdom and narrow morals," says Burke,
"that their maxims have a plausible air, and, on a curspry
view, appear equal to first principles. They are light
and portable. They are as current as copper coin ; and
about as valuable. They serve equally fhe first capaci
ties and fhe lowest ; and they are at least as useful to the
worst men as fhe best. Of this stamp is fhe cant of
Not men but measures ; a sort of charm by which many
people get loose frorh every honourable engagement." If
the opposition party, or the" Whig party," as they pre
fer to caU themselves, are one — one in their political doc
trines and poUtical objects — let them avow what their
doctrines and objects are ; let them name the person
whom they desire fo elevate that he may carry them into
effect ; let us see what are their principles and who are
their men. " Unqualified and uncompromising hostility
to Martin Van Buren,'' is but half a motive. Pulling
down is but a moiety of fhe work they have fo achievd ;
they, must build up, also ; and fhe People are curious to
see what sort of a mixed and composite administration
they propose fo create out of the various materials of
which their heterogeneous party is composed.

56 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
SMALL NOTES AND TIIE STATE BANKING
SYSTEM.
[From the Evening Post, August 26, 1834.]
Every day adds fo fhe number ofthe indications, which
any man not blind must perceive, that fhe great body of
the democracy of this state are radically opposed to the
Banking System, as it exists in this country, and are de-
ferm_ined fo insist that their representatives in the legis
lature shall fake the first great step towards a reforma
tion,, by prohibiting the issue of small notes. The
Albany Argus has at last taken a decided stand on this
subject, and we notice with great pleasure fhat several
sound and influential country journals have likewise ex
pressed themselves in favour ofthe prohibition, in manly
and explicit terms. The Poughkeepsie Telegraph has
the following sensible paragraph on the subject. [Here
follows extract.]
The Albany Argus of last Saturday quotes the fore
going paragraph, with a remark, fhat it is " happy lo
perceive that the question of restricting the issue of bank
notes of fhe smaller denominations is beginning to receive
the notice of fhe republican press, as well as of fhe peo
ple in their primary meetings," and it avows ifs " full
concurrence, both in tho general e.xpression, and in the
extent of the restriction."
So far, so well. One step fiirUier, however, is demand
ed, both by the sentiments of a very large portion ofthe
democracy, and by a due regard fo the political princi-
pies on which the democratic party is founded. The
Bank system is an insidious enemy of democracy. It is
an essentially aristocratic institution. It has stolen upon
us like a thief in the night. It has sprung up among us,
before the people were aware of it.s true nature and ifs
rapid growth. Either fhe Bank system, which, in other
words, is an odious system of exclusive privfleges, must

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 57
he put down, or the days of democracy are numbered.
Wo wish not this to be done by any sudden or violent
means ; but we look upon it as the bounden duty of all
who really entertain republican sentiments ; who would
really grieve to see this country lapsing into aristocracy ;
who really desire to preserve the great and fundamental
principle fo the democratic party — the glorious principle
of Equal Rights ; — we look upon it as the bounden duty
of all such to oppose, by all proper means, our most per
nicious system of banking — a system which has grown
up in this country so rapidly, and has acquired such for
midable power, that we already present the degrading
spectacle of a people professing to be self-governed, and
yet completely held, in man)^ respects, in the vile fetters
of a host of exclusively privileged money monopolies.
Wc say, therefore, that one step further than the mere
restriction of small bank-notes is necessary. The senti
ment ought fo be distinctly avowed fhat no new bank
charters shall be granted, and no existing charters extend.
ed, either in duration or amount. Let the legislators be
chosen with a full understanding that this is the wish of
the people. Let them be told fhat they are to truck or
bargain away no more exclusive money privileges, for any
political or pecuniary consideration whatever, or for any
other purpose, real or pretended. Let fhem understand,
moreover, that these steps are but the beginning of a sys
tem of measures which wiU be steadily persevered in by the
democracy, untfl every vestige of monopoly has disap
peared from the land, and until banking — as most other
occupations are now, and as all ought to be — is left open
to the free competition of all who choose to enter into
that pursuit.
We have already too many banks, viewing fhe subject
without reference to the question of exclusive privileges.
We have too many banks, merely considering them as

59 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
instruments fo supply a circulating medium. The banks
which already exist cannot possibly do a profitable busi
ness, except by fostering a harmful, demoralizing spirit
of overtrading and speculation. There is no good reason
why a single additional charter should be granted, or
why the capital of auy bank should be enlarged. We
therefore hope that the deraocracy, throughout the state,
will be careful fo let their sentiments on this interesting
and important subject bo fully and clearly expressed.
In this city, we would in a particular nianner call upon
the people fo give free and emphatic utterance to their
wishes. For our own part, this journal long ago voluntarUy
declared it would support no candidate for the legislature
who is not understood to be unequivocally opposed to fhe
granting of any new bank charter, or to fhe extending of
any new one. This, and the determination to prohibit
the issue of notes of a less denomination than five dollars,
constitute a qualification, without which no candidate
shaU receive our support. The people have groaned and
sweated under Bank tyranny long enough. It is time
that fhey should rise in their strength, and assert their
right fo be freed from the petty yet galling despotism of
money incorporations.

THE ELECTION.
[From the Evening Post, Sept. 24, 1834.]
The more we reflect on the recommendation of fhe
Bank party at fhe meeting at Masonic Hall to the mer-
chants of this city, to close their stores during the election,
the more we are struck with fhe probable, nay almost cer-
tain consequences of such a rash and malignunt proce
dure. Not that we apprehend any results injurious to

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 59
our cause, or fo those by whom it is supported. Tho
hard hands, sturdy limbs, and honest hearts ofthe demo
cracy of this city, are fully adequate fo fhe defence of
their sacred right of suffrage. Other considerations,
therefore, have impelled, and wdl still impel us, to raise
our voice against fhis second attempt to throw our city
into confusion ; fo frighten our peaceable citizens into the
innermost sanctuary of their dwellings ; fo invite to riot
and bloodshed ; and to bring disgrace on the name, the
practices, and the principles of free government.
Hitherto, and until resort was had to this new expedient
of letting loose upon the peaceful voters of fhis city, a host
of mao-headed young men and half-grown men, for the
purpose of marching out of their own peculiar wards into
those where they had no business fo go, for fhe purpose of
surrounding the polls and insulting the democratic voters
— until that pernicious example was set by the pretended
supporters of order and decency, the elections of this coun
try were the boast of our people, and the admiration of
foreigners. Contrasted with the riots, the battles, and
the broken heads of the English polls, fhey exhibited to
the world fhe example of a decorous and peaceful strug
gle for power, honourable fo the nation, and doubly ho
nourable fo the spirit of libnly. Tlioy afforded a full and
unanswerable refutation ofthe vain assumption of aristo
cratic pride, that disorder and licentiousness will ever ac
company a general diffusion ofthe right of suffrage, and
deprived the enemies of freedom of their last argument
against fhe equal rights of fhe people.
Hence, one of fhe great objects of fhe Bank party in
adopting the measure which , is the subject of these re
marks, undoubtedly is, fo goad on the young men and
boys who are in a state of dependence, fo provoke fhe
people fo acts of violence, by every means in their power,
and then to proclaim to fhe world that these acts of just

60 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
resentment are the boiling effervescences of the turbulent
spirit of democracy.- They intend fo draw new argu
ments against equal rights and universal suffrage, from
the consequences that may result from their own mad,
malignant measures, and to charge the honest, industri-
6us, upright, independent voters of this city with all the
odium of acts forced upon them in their own defence.
Such was fhe course they pursued during the last, such
the course they are about pursuing in the coining elec
tion. In the former of these occasions, by the instru
mentality of fhat dexterity in falsehood and misrepresenta-
tion which seems to be the main pillar of their principles
and their practices, they metamorphosed the breakers of
the peace info the conservators of the peace, and con
verted an attack on the property of the state, into a de
fence of the rights and property of fhe citizens. By the
same adroitness at legerdemain, they wfll without doubt
attempt fo make the world believe, thaf a simflar course
of conduct on a future occasion resulted from the same
disinterested regard fo the public welfare, and the peace
of the city.
If such is not fhe secret motive of fhis letting slip the
dogs of war upon us, to what other motive shall wc ascribe
a measure so fraught with consequences such as they
without doubt anticipate ? Cannot these youngsters
come quietly, one by one, and give in their votes, if they
are entitled by age and residence, and go about their
business when fhey have done so, like fhe rest of their
fellow-citizens ? To what purpose throng about fhe polls,
day after day, except to impede others, insult their feel
ings, and provoke them fo retaliation ? Do they expect
to gain any votes by fhis course of conduct ? Certainly
not. Their object is to prevent others from voting ; to
pry into the ballots of such tradesmen, mechanics, and
labourers, as may be in the employment of the lordly

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 01
master they themselvea serve, and denounce them for fu
ture proscription, and finally, in the last resort, to invite
the sturdy democracy to resent their impertinent inter
ference. But whatever may be the motives and the expectations
of these " friends of order and decency," wo earnestly
hope, though we can scarcely in reason e.xpect, they will
bc signaUy disappointed. We hope the manly and sedate
democracy of our city, conscious of its superior strength,
virtue, and independence, will content itself with laugh-'
ing to scorn these puny insects, that come to buzz their
impertinencies in their ears, and in fhfe stern yet tempe
rate spirit of utter contempt, treat fhem as spoiled chfl
dren, invited to dangerous mischief, and ignorant of its
probable consequences. Let fhem recollect that these
misguided young men and beardless boys, are but the in
nocent puppets of violent and interested leaders, who send
then^ forth as tools and cats-paws to provoke the men of
the city, and bring upon their own heads the conse
quences of their own doings. We earnestly hope the pa
rents of these indiscreet artd deluded youth will make use
of their authority, and enjoin them on their obedience
and duty to keep away from these riotous meetings at
Masonic HaU, and stay at home of evenings, under the
sacred protection of their hearths and firesides. Finally,
we call upon fhe ministers of the Gospel of Peace, in the
spirit of pastors of their flocks, and advocates ofsocial or
der, to adjure the aged to exert their influence to prevent
their sons going forth thus to throw firebrands into the
city. What will be fhe probable result of this rabble of hot
headed young men and indiscreet boys, with their ships
and their banners, intruding info the wards where fhey
neither reside or have a vote? At first, perhaps, a con
test of cutting jests, and bitter repartee, in which those
Vol. I.— 6

62 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
who get the worst wfll become the most irrri tated. Frowi
hard words fo hard blows is but a single step. The mad
ness will spread ; the cudgel wifl be lifted ; the paving-
stones and brick-bats will fly ; fhe concealed dirk will be
drawn ; blood will flow, and innocent lives pay the for
feit of fhe madness of youth, spurred on by smooth-faced
hypocrites and reckless renegades. But this is not all,
nor is it the worst. The civil authorities of the city
being too weak to quell the fury of the multitude, wifl be
obliged to call out a military force. But whence are
they fo obtain such a force ? Those who compose the
military would probably be engaged, on opposite sides,
among the rioters. Yef let us suppose it practicable to
obtain a mUitary force for fhe purpose of restoring order.
We shall then behold citizens with arms in their hands
stand arrayed against those who have none. All other
means failing to still the tumult and arrest the actors, it
will become the painful duty of the Mayor to order the
troops fo fire into the multitude ; or if he should refrain
from so doing, a single missive not perhaps intended for
that purpose, provokes one of the military to fire without
orders. Who shafl paint the consequences of such an
act ? We shrink from the anticipation. It is sufficient
to refer to the thousand examples under similar circum-
~ stances. Who shall pretend to say that our city would
not smoke in ashes and blood ?
Such are the consequences likely to flow from this last
and desperate resort of a baffled and twenty times defeat
ed traitor. And afl for what ? That the Bank may
triumph over tbe constitution, and money tyrannize over
men.

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 63
TIIE STATE PRISON MONOPOLY.
[From the Evening Post, Oct. 1834.]
We are very sorry to sec fhe opposition to the scheme
of State Prison labour, or the State Prison Monopoly,
as it is termed, showing itself in acts of violence,
the effect of which must be to cool the friendship which
men of correct principles entertain for that cause, if
not to turn fhem wholly against it. We allude fo the
mutilation of edifices budt of materials prepared at Sing-
Sing Prison. A nuraber of costly and beautiful houses
in the upper part of the fown have been defaced and
mutilated by some misguided and unprincipled persons,
for no other reason that can be conjectured than that
they were constructed of materials procured at the State
Prison. This journal is opposed — decidedly and
strongly opposed — fo any plan of convict labour, the
effect of which is to interfere with fhe prosperity of up.
right citizen mechanics, or dirainish fhe incentive to an
honest and industrious pursuit of lawful vocations. But
if any thing could induce us to withhold our assist
ance from fhe objects contemplated by those who are
seeking to effect a radical change in the plan of prison
labour, if would be fhe lawless and incendiary conduct
lo which we allude. A gnod causo can never need to
be furthered by violence and outrage, and violence and
outrage are in themselves prmayacie evidence of a bad
cause. While cut stone, or any other materials for build
ing, can be procured cheaper at Sing Sing Prison than
elsewhere, it would be expecting too much of contractors
to ask them to forego the advantage thus extended to them.
To buy where we can buy cheapest, and sell where we
can sell highest, is the rule of all traffic, and it is putting
men to too hard a test when fhey are required to correct,
by individual forbearance, what should be provided for by

64 POLITICALWHITINGSOF
a general law. Besides, even if those who erect build
ings with materials purchased at fhe prison do wrong, and
even if injury inflicted upon their private property bc the
best means of procuring redress (neither of which propo
sitions is tenable) still it should be borne in mind that the
houses wh ich they build pass into other hands, and that, in
mutilating them, instead of injuring those whorn they
consider j ustly obnoxious to anger, the opponents of the
Slate Prison Monopoly may in reality be invading the
the means of some citizen friendly to their cause.

THE DIVISION OF PARTIES.
[Fro7n the Evening Post, November 4, 1834.]
Since the organization of tho Government of the
United States fhe people of this country have been divi
ded into two great parties. One of these parties has un
dergone various changes of name ; fhe other has con
tinued steadfast alike to its appellation and to its princi
ples, and is pow, as it was at first, the Democracy.
Both parlies have ever contended for the same opposite
ends which originally caused the division — whatever
may have been, at different fimes, the particular means
which furnished the immediate subject of dispute. The
great object of the struggles of the Democracy has been
fo confine the action of the General Government within
the limits marked out in the Constitution: the great ob-
ject of the party opposed to fhe Democracy has ever been
to overleap those boundaries, and give to the General
Government greater powers and a wider field for their
, exercise. The doctrine of the one party is that afl pow
er not expressly and cleariy delegated to the General
Government, remains with Ihe States and with the Peo
ple : the doctrine of the other party is that the vigour

:' WILLIAMLEGGETT. 66
and efficacy of the General Government should be
strengthened by a free construction of its powers. The
' one party sees danger from the encroachments of the
General Government ; the other affects to see danger
from the encroachments of the States.
This original line of separation between the two
great political parties of the republic, though it existed
under the old Confederation, and was distinctly marked
in the controversy which preceded the forraation and
adoption ofthe present Constitution, was greatly widen
ed and strengthened by tho project of a National Bank,
brought forward in 1791. This was tho first great ques
tion which occurred under the new Constitution to test
whether the provisions of that instrument were to be in
terpreted according to their strict and literal meaning ;
or whether they might be stretched to include objects
and powers which had never been delegated to the Gen
eral Government, and which consequently still resided
with the states as separate sovereignties.
The proposition of the Bank was recommended by the
Secretary of the Treasury on the ground fhat such an in
stitution would be " of primary importance to the prosper
ous administration of the finances, and of the greatest
utflity in the operations connected with the support of pub
lic credit." This scheme, then, as now, was opposed on
various grounds ; but the constitutional objection consti
tuted then, as it does at the present day, the main reason of
the uncompromising and invincible hostility of the de
mocracy to the measure. They considered it as the ex-
ercise of a very important power which had never been
given by the states or the people to the General Govern.
ment, and which the General Government could not
therefore exercise without being guflty of usurpation.
Those who contended that the Government possessed tho
power, effected their immediate object ; but the confro-.
6*

66 • POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
versy still exists. And it is of no consequence to tell
the democracy that it is now established by various pre
cedents, and by decisions of the Supreme Court, that
this power is fairly incidental to certain other powers
expressly granted ; for this is only felling them that the
advocates of free construction have, at times, had the
ascendancy in the Executive and Legislative, and, at all
times, in the Judiciary department of the Government.
The Bank question stands now on precisely the same
footing that it originally did ; it is now, as if was at first,
a matter of controversy between the two great parties of
this country — between parties as opposite as day and
night — between parties which contend, one for the conso
lidation and enlargement of the powers of the General
Government, and the other for strictly limiting that
Government to the objects for which it was instituted,
and to the exercise of the means with which it was en
trusted. The one party is for a popular Government ;
the other for an aristocracy. The one party is compos
ed, in a great measure, of the farmers, mechanics,
labourers, and other producers of the middling and low
er classes, (according to the common gradation by the
scale of wealth,) and the other ofthe consumers, the rich,
the proud, the privileged — of those who, if our Government
were converted into an aristocracy, would becorae our
dukes, lords, marquises and baronets. The (piestion is
stiU disputed between these two parties — it is ever a new
question — and whether the democracy or the aristocracy
shall succeed in the present struggle, the fight wfll be re
newed, whenever the defeated party shall be again able to
muster strength enough to take the field. The privUege
of self-government is one which the people will never be
permitted to enjoy unmolested. Power and wealth are
continually stealing from the many to fhe few. There
is a class continually gaining ground in the community,
who desire to monopolize the advantages of the Govern-

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. , 67
raent, to hedge themselves round with exclusive privileges,
and elevate themselves at the expense of the great body
of the people. These, in our society, are emphatically
the aristocracy ; and these, with all such as their means
of persuasion, or corruption, or intimidation, can move to
act with them, constitute the party which are now strug-
ling against fhe democracy, for the perpetuation of an
odious and dangerous moneyed institution.
Putting ouf of view, for the present, all other objections
to the United Stafes Bank, — that it is a monopoly, that
it possesses enormous and overshadowing power, that it
has been most corruptly managed, and that it is identified
with political loaders to whom fhe people of fhe United
States must ever be strongly opposed — the constitutional
objection alone is an insurmountable objection to it.
The Government of the United States is a limited
sovereignty. The powers which it may exercise are ex
pressly enumerated in fhe Constitution. None not thus
stated, or that are not " necessary and proper" to carry
those which are stated into effect, can be allowed to be ex
ercised by it. The power to establish a bank is not ex
pressly given ; neither is incidental ; since it cannot be
shown to be " necessary" fo carry the powers which
are given, or any of them, into effect. That power can
not therefore be exercised without transcending the Con
stitutional limits.
This is the democratic argument stated in ifs briefest
form. The aristocratic argument in favour of the
power is founded on the dangerous heresy that the Con
stitution says one thing, and raeans another. That ?ie-
cessary does not mean necessary, but simply convenient.
By a mode of reasoning not looser than this it would bc
easy to prove that our Government ought to be changed
into a Monarchj% Henry Clay crowned King, and fhe op-
position members ofthe Senate made peers of the realm ;

68 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
and power, place and perquisites given to them and
their heirs forever.

THE CHARACTER OF THE PRESIDENT.
[From the Evening Post, Novemher 4, 1834]
The Aristocracy are exceedingly anxious to divert the
attention of the people from the chief object of their war
fare — the venerable and heroic old man who sits at the
head of fhe Government. They profest that their efforts
are no longer directed against General Jackson, but are
now aimed against Martin Van Buren. But this pre
tence is so flimsy, that it would be almost insulting the
sagacity of our readers to suppose fhey do not see
through it. General Jackson is fhe object of the direst
hatred of fhe Bank tories. It is his measures against
the United States Bank which have excited them to
such ferocious political warfare against him. It is his
having declared the Bank to be unconstitutional, dan
gerous fo our liberties, an oppressive burden to the great
body of people, an aristocratic institution, hedging the
rich round with exclusive privileges, and degrading the
condition ofthe labouring poor — it is for having declar
ed these opinions, and acted in conformity with them,
that General Jackson is hated by the aristocracy, and
termed a usurper and a despot, a cut. throat and a villain.
But when, in fhe course of his whole long and iUustri
ous life, has Andrew Jackson ever shown the disposition
to be a usurper or a despot ? Was it in New Orieans,
when, after having saved fhe city from sack and pillage,
oven in spite of itself, he appeared at the Bar of the
Court, at one and the same moment fo submit to its de
cision and to protect it against its consequences ? Was
it when, as the Judge was about to adjourn that Court, in

WILLIAM LEGGETT- 69
apprehension of the just indignation of the people whom
he had saved, the war-worn old veteran coolly exclaim
ed — " There is no danger here ; there shall be none.
The person who protected ihis city from foreign invaders,
can and leill protect this Court, or die in the attempt."
And the old veteran spoke the truth. The people were
hushed, and suffered him to be fined one thousand dol
lars, which he paid on the spot, and for which he re
fused to be remunerated by the contributions ofthe com
munity. AVas fhis acting like a despot and usurper ? ^
Was he a despot, when, elected by the people to the
office of President, ho recommended an amendment to
the Constitution, giving to the people an immediate and
direct voice in the selection of their Chief Magistrate,
and fhat he should be eligible for only one term ? Was
this tyranny — was this usurpation ? Was he fhe enemy
of freedom, when, in the same communication to Con
gress he urged the passing of a law providing for the in
troduction of the principle of rotation in office, and secur
ing its members from the dangers of Executive influence
— his own influence ! — by disqualifyng themselves from
accepting office during the period they were elected fo
serve the people ? Was this usurpation ; or did it savour
of a disposition to extend his prerogatives 1
The whole life of General Jackson has been one of
absolute uncompromising devotion to his country. He
never was afraid of responsibility when he was in jeopar
dy. He did not stand mooting nice points of poUtical
orthodoxy, or questioning whether he was right or
wrong, when the ravager was on her shores, and the
knife at her' bosom. He is not the man who, when he
sees his friend, his wife, or his country, suffering vio
lence or injury, wfll stop fo inquire who is to blame, be
fore he flies to the rescue. He thinks of saving them
first, and in his honest delight of having succeeded, for-

70 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
gets to ask fhe particulars of the quarrel. Is it any won
der that fhe honest, warm-hearted, clcardicaded people
of the United States love, and trust, and venerate this
noble old man, whose redeemed pledges they see every
day before them ; or that they shut their ears to the
mingled yell of clamour thaf resounds from the Holy
Alliance of discords ; the union of chemical antipathies ;
the mixture of oU and vinegar, that compose fhe hetero
geneous party now marshalled under " old Cacafoga and
his money bags ?"
And now he stands at the head of the Democracy of the
world, fighting ifs battles, and stemming the tide of selfish
interest combined with unprincipled ambition. He is
there as the leader and champion of fhe people, and will
the people desert him? He is now putting their virtue
and their patriotism to the test. He is now fiying the great
experiraent whether this government is in future to rest
on the sordid principle of gain, or the sound principles
of a free Constitution. Every appearance demonstrates
¦that the present contest is one which will inevitably de
cide whether the rich or the labouring classes, the few
or the many, are to rule this wide Confederation. This
is the great cause in which fhe people are now called up.
on by every tie of interest and honour ; by their present
possessions and their future hopes ; by the memory of
their fathers and prospects of their children ; by grati-
tude,.by affection, by the stfll cafl ofthe dead, the voice of
the past, the] present, and the future — the cry of oppress
ed natiohs looking hitherward for the result of all their
hopes — and by every other motive fhat can influence the
actions of rational intelligent men, fo rally round the old
hero, and stand by him, as he has stood by thera. One
day more wifl decide whether or not these solemn ap-
peals have been addressed to them in vain.

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 71
MONOPOLIES.
[Fro?n the Evening Post, November 20, 1834.] ¦
Want of time, and other demands on our space, pre
vented us yesterday from extending our article on fhe
subject of Corporations, so as fo embrace a reply to those
points in fhe remarks ofthe Times* which seemed to us
worthy of answer. There is indeed not much in those
remarks which absolutely requires notice ; for, happily,
the Times is as feeble in its arguments in favour of a
certain class of monopolies, as if is unfortunate in the
subject it has chosen on which fo vent its malignity
against the Evening Post. But as the question which
that print, siding with the Courier and Enquirer, and
echoing ifs heresies, has thought proper to moot, is one
of great intrinsic importance, it may not be altogether
without use and interest to take up its article of yester
day, as furnishing an occasion of some further exposition
of the true democratic point of view in which charters of
incorporation — fhe most insidious and dangerous form of
monopoly — ought to be considered.
The Times has favoured us with a confession of faith on
the subject of monopolies, and if ifs preaching were in ac
cordance with its creed, there would bejiiftle ground of dis
pute, for it would seem by this that there is no great differ
ence between us on general principles. The Times says :
" The Post is against all monopolies — .so are we. The
Post is for Equal Rights — so are we. The Post is for
the suppression of small notes, and a reform of our bank
ing system — so are we, for the last because it is needed,
and for fhe first because the notes are an evil, and their
extinction is essential f o fhe success of one of our most
iraportant measures of public policy, the substitution of
* The Times newspaper has long since ceased to exist, and there
is not therefore any particular reason for om'tting this and some
other articles attacking that Journal.

72 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
a specie currency. The Post is against legislating for
the benefit of individuals, to fhe disadvantage or exclu
sion of others — so are we, and in this and on all these
points, the party agrees with us."
So far, so good. We shall pass by the twaddle about
" the party agreeing with us," which is mere harmless
impertinence and coxcombry not worth reply. We shall
pass by, too, the satisfactory and lucid reason stated by
the Times for being in favour of " a reform of our banking
system." We gather, then, from this confession of faith
that the Times is opposed to all monopolies, is in favour
of equal rights, believes that small bank-notes should be
suppressed, the banking system reformed, and legislation
for individuals, to the disadvantage or exclusion of others,
should cease. One might naturally infer from all this
that there is no real ground of controversy between us,
and thaf, like many other disputants, we have been argu-
ing about nothing. But when the Times comes to ex
plain itself, we find, notwithstanding fhe apparent agree.
ment in our premises, that we differ very widely in our
conclusions. It is against all monopolies in the abstract,
but for them in fhe concrete. It is ojiposed to charters
of incorporation in general, but advocates them in parti
cular. It is in short against exclusive privileges as mo
nopolies, but in favour of them as means of effecting
"great objects of public utflity," "developing vast
resources," "stimulating industry," and so forth, which
is only a repetition ofthe stale cant which has been used,
time out of mind, by those who desired to cheat the peo-
pie out of their rights for their own selfish ends.
The Tiraes is pleased to say that we ride the doctrine
of monopolies as a hobby. We might retort by saying
fhat the Times rides it only for convenience, and just as
it suits its purposes. It is " ride and tie " with if. One
moment it is on horseback, pricking its ambling steed

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 73
along ; the next it dismounts and turns him loose to graze •
on the common. For ourselves, we have only to say,
that if opposition to monopolies, in every form and under
every disguise, is our hobby, it is because we honestly
believe them to be the most sly and dangerous eneraies
to the general prosperity that ever were devised by inge
nious cupidity. If is on this ground we have opposed
them earnestly — it is on this ground we mean to oppose
them, with all our ability, until fhe evil is arrested, or we
become convinced fhat opposition is vain.
Though the Times professes to agree with us in the
opinion that all monopolies are infringements upon the
equal rights of the people, and therefore at war with the
spirit of our government and institutions, it differs widely
with us in its definition. It separates monopolies from
corporations, and its idea seems to be fhat monopohes
must be entirely exclusive, or they are not monopolies.
There are degrees of virtue and of vice ; there are degrees
in every thing ; but according fo the Times there are
none in fhe nature and extent of monopolies. These
consist in extremes, and have no medium.
Among its exceptions are railroad incorporafiPhs,
which it does not consider as belonging to the gi'eat
family of monopolies. It acknowledges that a railroad
may be a monopoly — "a speculation for the profit of in
dividuals, not required by, nor likely to promote the pub-
lie interest ; " but, on the other hand, to meet fhis case,
it supposes another, in order to show that a railroad com
pany may be incorporated without creating a monopoly.
Extreme cases are but poor arguments ; since by carrying
any right or principle to an extreme, it may be made fo
appear vicious and unjust. But let us examine tho sup
posititious case which the Times has manufactured fo jus
tify ifs insidious advocacy of monopolies. We copy fhe
whole passage :
Vol. I.— 7

74 POLITICAL WBITINGS OF
« Suppose Grand Island to be inhabited by twenty peo
ple, and that their only ferry is at one end of the island.
Suppose that they have no good road, and that they want
a railway to transport their produce from their farms
down to the ferry. No one of them is rich enough to
make it, but the whole together can, provided they have
an act of incorporation for the management of the joint
funds, and the direction of the work. Suppose the Post
to be the legislature, and that these twenty isolated pro
prietors apply for a charter : how would the Post reply ?
It would say, " there is certainly nobody concerned in
this mafter but yourselves, and the work would benefit
you vastly, but if no one of you is wealthy enough to con
struct it, you must do without — you cannot have a char
ter, /or I oppose monopolies, and every act of incorpora
tion is a monopoly ! "
This is all very smart and very convincing, and we
only wonder that the Times did not discover that it had
trumped up a case which has no application whatever to
the raafter in dispute. The twenty inhabitants of Grand
Island, according to the case hero put, constituted a
complete community, having one common interest in the
contemplated railroad, aud all sharing equally in its ad
vantages. They are, so far as respects tiiia question, a
whole people, and being thus united iu one common bond
of interest, the rights of no one of them would bc impair
ed by the whole body being incorporated for any comraon
object. This supposititious act of incorporation bears a
strong analogy to the very measure of legislation which
we yesterday spoke of as fhe proper means of effecting
those objects which are now attained by partial and une
qual laws. Instead of Grand Island, let us read the
State of New- York ; and instead of an act of incorpora-
tion> for a specific purpose including the whole population,
let us suppose a law applicable to all purposes for which

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 76
charters could be asked, under which any set of individu
als might associate, and we have at once, a remedy for
the evils of exclusive charters — we establish a systera
under which monopolies cannot exist.
But let us look a little closer at the railroad incorpora
tion which the Times wishes to bestow on the twenty
inhabitants on Grand Island. It is within the corapass
of possibilities that fhe population of Grand Island, parti
cularly after " their resources should be developed," and
"their industry stimulated," by an act of incorporation,
might be increased by emigration, or in some other way.
As the charter was conferred exclusively on the twenty
original inhabitants, we suppose the new comers would be
denied the benefits of the railroad, unless they paid a toll,
or contributed an equal proportion with the. original
proprietors. Would not this raUroad at once become a
monopoly, and as such be open to all the objections to
corporations of this kind ?
But we are fighfing shadows. Communities cannot
be incorporated except under laws equally applicable to
all their raembers ; and the idea of giving society at large
exclusive privileges is an absurdity. A law which is
general in its operation cannot confer exclusive privi
leges. The fiction of a whole community requiring ari
act of incorporation to accomplish an object of public
utility is equally fanciful and original.
The Times furtiier maintains fhat the Evening Post
is an enemy to every species of internal improvement,
and that the position it has taken would exclude them al.
together. The Post, it says, will allow no rich man '
to make a road because the Post upholds equal rights, and
will not permit corporate bodies to do it ; of course the
people must go without roads. Now all this is gratui-
tous assumption both of facts and consequences.
There is no necessity for either the rich man or tho

76 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
corporate company to make roads. The people will do
it themselves ; their own wants and convenience will im
pel them ; and as dieir requirements and means increase,
their modes of conveyance will advance accordingly. A
rich raan may hold all fhe property through which a road
is fo pass — but what of thaf? He cannot impose upon
the people by making them pay to pass through it. The
general law of the land points out fhe uniform mode of
proceeding. He is remunerated by lieing paid the fair
amount of his injury, and taxed his full share of the ad
vantages derived from the improveraent. There is here
no monopoly, and there is no op[>ressioii, because every
man's property is liable to similar contingencies.
But in order to justify fhis great system of monopoly
in disguise, it is the fashion to proclaim from the house
tops that communities can do nothing in tlieir combined
capacity, and fhat general laws are insulhcienf for neariy
every purpose whatever. We have special laws and
contrivances interfering with and infringing fhe common
rights of individuals. We must have societies of all
kinds, for every special purpose, and corporate bodies of
every narae and device, to do what o\iglit not to bc done,
or what the community can well dispense with, or what
they could as well do for themselves. Nations, slates,
and cities can do nothing now-a-days, without fhe agency
of monopolies and exclusive privileges. Nor can indi
viduals « beneficially eraploy capital," unless thoy are
inspired by an act of fhe legislature, and a prospect of
exorbitant profits, such is " the progress of the age and
the march of intellect."
Wc need not say again that wo are not an enemy of
public improvements— such as aro equally beneficial fo
the whole of that community which bears an equal pro
portion of the ex[)ense which fhey cost. But we are for
putting such improvements on the footing of county roads

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 77
and other municipal undertakings. The people who are
to be exclusively benefitted may make them if they please,
and if fhey do not please they may let if alone. In our
opinion if is paying at too dear a rate for quick traveUing
through New-Jersey to purchase it at the price of depriv.
ing fhe citizens of that state, not members of a certain
railroad company, of fhe right to make another raUroad
from New-York to Philadelphia. By such a system of
legislation, the sovereign people of a whole state are de
prived of their equal rights.
But it is our custom to treat all great political subjects
on broad and general principles, from which alone gen
eral conclusions can be derived. A superficial or partial
comparison ofthe advantages and disadvantages of a cer
tain course of legislation furnishes a poor criterion from
which to strike the balance ; because it is wholly impos
sible for the ripest experience, aided by fhe most; saga
cious intellect to see and weigh everything connected
with fhe subject of discussion. We must resort to gen
eral principles. '
The question between the Times and the Evening
Post, then, is not whether an act of incorporation raay
not be passed by a legislative body from the purest mo
tives of public good, nor whether the public good may
not in some instances be promoted by such an act. The
true question is whether all history, all experience, nay,
the very nature of man, does not support the position
that this power of granting privileges, either wholly or
partially exclusive, is not one that has always led, and, as
we have thence a right to infer, wiU always lead, not
only to corruption and abuse, but to either open or secret
infringements of the sanctity of Equal Righis ? This is
the only question worthy of a high-minded and patriotic
politician. It is not whether the practice may not occa
sionally lead to public, or social, or individual benefit ;
7*

ts POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
but whether it has not in the past been made, and whe
ther it will not in the futuro be made again, the fruitful
source of those inequalities in huraan condition — those
extremes of wealth and poverty, so uniformly fatal to the
liberties of mankind.
Our pen has been often employed, and we trust not
wholly without effect, in pointing out and illustrating the
evil consequences of fhis system of bartering away fhe
reserved rights of the great mass of the communily, in
exchange for public bonusscs and private douceurs, either
direct or indirect, or in furtherance of political views.
This system has deranged the whole organization of so
ciety, destroyed its equilibrium, and metaraorphosed a
governraent the fundaraental principio of which is equal
rights to every free citizen, to one of euual wrongs to
every class that does not directly share in ifs monopo
lies. We neither wish to pull down the rich, nor to bolster
them up by partial laws, beneficial to them alone, and
injurious to all besides. We have repeated, again and
again, that all we desire is, that the property of the rich
may be placed on the same footing with tbe labours of the
poor. We do not incorporate the diilerent classes of
tradesmen, to enable them fo dictate to their era|)loyers
the rate of their wages ; wc do not incorporato the fariu-
ei'S to enable fhem lo establish a price for their products ;
and why then should we incorporate moneyed men (or
men having only their wits for a capital) with privileges
and powers fhat enable fhem to control the value of the
poor man's labour, and not only the products of the land,
but even fhe land itself?
If the Times will answer these questions, we are willing
to discuss the subject, step by step, in all its important
relations. But if it shall continue to lay down positions
but f o explain them away, like the boy who blows a bub-

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 79
ble only for the pleasure of dissipating it by a breath, wo
shall not feel bound fo pursue the subject in a controver
sial form. The weathercock must reraain stationary for
at least a moment, before we can fell which way the wind
blows. The ship which, without rudder or compass, yaws
and heaves about, the sport of every impulse of fhe ele
ments, can scarcely bo followed in her devious course by
the most skilful navigator.

ASYLUM FOR INSANE PAUPEltS.
[From the Evening Post, Nov. 28.]
We have received a copy of a circular letter on fhe
subject of a recommendation raade by Governor Marcy
to the Legislature, af ifs last session, that an Asylura for
Insane Paupers should be erected, at the expense of the
State. A select committee was charged with the sub
ject, which reported favourably on fhe project ; but the
legislature adjourned without acting upon it. We trust
fhey will adjourn again without acting aflirmafively on
any such scheme. j
The taking care of the insane is no part ofthe business
ofthe state government. The erecting of such an Asy.
lum as is proposed, and the appointment of the various
officers to superintend it, would be placing a good deal
more power — where there is already too rauch — into the
hands of the state executive, fo bo used honestly or cor-
ruptly, for good or evU, as these qualities should happen
to predorainate in his character, or as the temptations to
use his official patronage for his own aggrandizement or
profit might be .strong or weak. We are continuaUy
suffering, under one pretence or other, these pUfcrings of
power from the people.
The circular to which we have alluded appeals strongly

80 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
to the sympathies of its readers. It presents a deplora.
ble and harrowing picture of the miseries endured by in
sane paupers in the poor-houses of MaKsachusufts and
New Hampshire, and intiuiafes thaf their condition is no
better in many counties of fhis state. If this is so, the
evil ought fo be investigated and remedied ; but not in
the method proposed, by fhe erection of a splendid state
Asylum. The people ought not fo suffer their judgment
to be led away by their sympathies. They cannot be too
jealous of the exercise of unnecessary powers by the
state governraent. The nearer they keep all power fo
their own hands, and fhe raore entirely under their own
eyes, fhe raore secure are fhey in their freedom and
equal rights.
We would have destitute lunatics taken care of, but
not under fhe charge or at fhe expense of the state go
vernment. It ought to be one of the leading objects of
the deraocracy of this country for many years fo corae to
diminish the power of the general and several state go.
vernments, not fo increase it. On the subject of legisla-
tion for paupers they ought to be particularly vigilant.
In nine cases out of ten, and we believe we might say
ninety-nine out of a hundred, poor-laws make more pover
ty than thoy alleviate. If the reader has ever eraployed
himself in tracing the history of the poor-laws in Eng
land, he will not require any proof of fhis assertion ; if
he has not, he could scarcely turn his thoughts to a sub
ject raore rife with matters of serious interest.
Lunatic paupers ought certainly to be taken care of.
Both charity and self-protection require this. But we
would remove this guardianship as far from government
as possible. Each county should certainly provide for
its own ; each township would be better, and if it were
practicable to narrow it down to fhe kindred of fhe in-
sane persons, it would be better still. As a general rule,

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 81
all public charities, except for the single pvirpose of pro
moting education, are founded on erroneous principles,
and do infinitely more harm than good. See that the
people are educated, and then leave every man to take
care of himself and of those who have a natural _claiin on
his protection. We have many large charities in this
community, founded in the most amiable and benevolent
motives, that annuafly add very largely to the sum of
human miser)', by ill-judged exertions fo relieve it.
The picture of the wretched condition of lunatic pau
pers, as presented in the circular before us, is certainly
very touching, but legislators must not be blinded by
tears fo the true and permanent interests of man. They
must let their feelings of commiseration take counsel of
the pauser judgment. They must look at the subject in
all ifs bearings and aspects, before they saddle the peo
ple in their collective capacity with another tax, and
place the revenue so instituted at fhe disposal of an exe
cutive officer, who may expend it with a view to advance
llis private ends.
We have said that the account given of the sufferings
of these pauper lunatics is touching ; yet it would be easy
to draw as touching a picture, and as true too, ofthe
sufferings of sane paupers. Indeed, with many, what a
horrible aggravation to their sufferings their very sanity
must be, " Which but supplies a feeling to decay !"
The lunatics are by no raeans the most unhappy class of
paupers, as a class. Insanity comes fo many as a friend
in their deepest affliction, to raitigate the tortures of a
wounded spirit — to t
Pluck from the memory a rooted sorrow ;
Raze out tho written trouljlcs of tlic brain,
And, with a sweet oblivious antidote.
Cleanse the stuffed bosom ofthe perilous stuff
Which weighs upon the heart.

I #
82' POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
Those who are sick and desolate ; who have fallen from
a high estate — fallen by their own folly, perhaps, and
therefore experience the gnawings of remorse, or faflen
in consequence of fhe ingratitude or trea:chery of others,
may easily be supposed to experience keener anguish
than the demented inmates of the same abode ; since the
worst pain raan suffers has its seat in the mind, not in fhe
body ; and from that species of affliction the crazy are
exempt. If this scheme of a grand state lunatic asylum
should be carried into effect, we see no reason why next
we should not have a grand state poor-house, for the re
ception of all paupers who had not lost their wits. Other
large state charities would probably follow, and one abuse
of government would step upon the heels of another.
The system is all wrong from beginning to end. We
are governed too much. Let fhe people fake care of them.
selves and of their own sick and insane, each community
for itself. Let them, above all things, be extremely cau
tious in surrendering power into fhe hands of fhe govern
ment, of any kind, or for any purpose whatever, for go
vernments never surrender power to the people. What
they get is theirs " to have and fo hold," ay, and to exer
cise too, to the fullest extent, nor is it often got back from
them, till their grasp is opened with the sword.
Our reraarks are cursory and loose, perhaps, as this
article has been written in the midst of more than usual
interruptions. Let the reader not thence infer, however,
that we have taken ground on this subject hastily ; for
such is not the fact. The plan recommended by Gover-
nor Marcy last winter, has frequeptly occupied our
thoughts, and in every light in which we have viewed it
has appeared to us to deserve tho opposition of the demo
cratic merabers ofthe legislature. We ure for giving as
few powers to government as possible, and as small an
amount of patronage to dispense. Let the aristocracy

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 83
advocate a strong government ; we are for a strong
people. '

MONOPOLIES.
[From the Evening Post, Nov. 29.]
" TO THE EDITORS OF THE EVENING POST.
" I have read attentively the views expressed in your
paper on the subject of " monopolies," and I agree with
you fo somo extent, but I am not certain that I under
stand how far the practical detail raay interfere with fhe
general principle. This raay be tested by sorae cases in
point. I fake the first notice from the Journal of Com
merce, and the others from the Albany Argus.
[Here follow notices of applications for incorporations.]
" You will perceive here are four distinct objects pro.
posed to be accomplished. That the public may know
how your theories are to be reduced to practice, I request
thatyou wUl say how the members from this city, under
their pledge as honourable men, are to vote on these gene
ral propositions ; and secondly, how you would vote as a
legislator without any pledge. " AN HONEST INOUIRBR."
We have witnessed with regret, and we raay add with
surprise, that, notwithstanding the recent cleariy and
strongly expressed sentiment of the great body of fhe
deraocracy of fhis state against all monopolies, of every
kind and degree, a number of notices, like those quoted
by our correspondent, have already appeared in fhe pub
lic papers. There can be no sort of question that one of
the chief points which the groat body of the democratic
voters meant fo decide by their suffrages in the recent
contest, was that there should be no more monopolies
created by our legislature. And there can be no sort of
question either, that in the term monopoly, according to

84 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
the understanding of the democratic party, all acts of in
corporation were included.
We do not mean to say that this was the universal un
derstanding ; and perhaps it is never the case, in a poll-
tical contest which turns on a variety of questions, that
the whole body of voters are governed by absolute coin
cidence of sentiment on every particular subject. But
we do raean to say, and we think no one will dispute,
that those who gave fhe latitude of meaning to the word
monopoly which we have here expressed, were at least
much more numerous than the excess of votes in favour
of Governor Marcy over Mr. Seward ; and further, that
had it been announced, from any authentic source, pre
vious to the election, that the candidates of the demo
cracy for legislative office would, on being elected, vote
for any act of incorporation whatever, they never would
have had the opportunity of imposing any such contem
plated additional fetters on the body politic.
The success of fhe democratic ticket in a majority of
the republican counties, was clearly owing, in our view of
the subject, fo the belief that all exclusive and partial le
gislation would cease, if the deraocracy succeeded ; that
laws would be made for the whole people, not for a part ;
and that the great fundamental principio of our republic,
the equal rights of all, would be their governing rule of
action. It is to this conviction we owe our success ;
and if this conviction had been destroyed by fhe promul
gation of such sentiments before the election, as have
since been expressed in certain degenerate prints, Ihose
who are now inforraed that fhe term monopoly applies
only to such laws as no one ever dreamed would be pass
ed, and are called upon fo act accordingly in the legisla
ture, would StUl have occupied a private station.
But independent of fhis consideration, we hold it to be
demonstrable, (and we think we have not fallen far short

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 85
of demonstration in our various articles on the Subject,)
that afl acts of partial legislation are undemocratic ; that
they are subversive of fhe equal rights of men ; are calcu
lated to create artificial inequality in hum'an condition ;
to elevate the few and depress tbe many ; and, in their
final operation, to build up a powerful aristocracy, and
overthrow the whole frame of democratic government.
In this view of the subject, we consider it the duty of
every democratic legislator, however rauch or little he
may consider the disputed word monopoly to compre
hend, to sot himself firmly against every attempt to ob
tain new charters of incorporation, or to enlarge the term
or conditions of old ones. Whether he thinks himself
positively instructed or not, by the terms of his county
resolutions, to oppose every bill of incorporation, no one
will pretend that he has been instructed to advocate such
a biU, and ho is therefore certainly under the general
obligation to oppose every measure of anti-democratic
character or tendency. The man, then, who, pretending
to represent democratic constituents, shall yet cast his
suffrage, or exercise his influence, in favour of a single
application for corporate powers, or shall refrain from
exerting himself to defeat such an application, wiU be un
faithful to his trust, to his country, and to the principles
of liberty, and wUI richly deserve to be held up, in the
strongest language which indignant patriotism can use,
to the scorn of his fellow-men. On such a gibbet we
shall surely do all in our power to hang such a traitor,
if any such there shall be found, which we hope and
trust there may not.
Is our correspondent answered ? As to the duty of our
city delegation, there is not the slightest room for ques
tion. They are pledged to oppose, with all their might,
all monopolies ; and happily tho terms of the pledge have
not left the word monopoly of dubious import. By spe-
VoL. I.— 8

86 POLITIC.IL WRITINGS OF
cifying Insurance Corporations, which are as useful in
their favourable features, and as little objectionable in
their unfavourable, as any description of corporations
whatever — by specifying these as one of the most ob
noxious kinds of monopolies, the phrase clearly embraces
corporate institutions of every kind and name. Should,
then, any member of our city delegation, being thus
pledged, vote for any monopoly within the comprehensive
signification fixed by the obligation he subscribed, he
would not only bo unfaithful fo his party and to republi
can principles, but a fore-sworn caitiff, worse even than
Dudley Selden, if worse can be.
But we have no fear that the democracy of our metro
polis have cherished any such viper in their bosom.
We look not to see any of our delegates seek to escape
from their honourable obligations through any flaw
which the Times may try to discover in their pledge.
We look not to see them skulk behind a quibble, or palter
with their constituents in a double sense. We expect
rather that they will exhibit a noble emulation in carry
ing into effect the spirit of that condition. We expect to
see them all eager to identify themselves with the leading
doctrines of the democracy in the, present struggle with
aristopratic opponents of equal liberty and laws, and each
striving to outdo the others in the strenuousness of his
hostflity to exclusive privileges, partial legislation, or
whatever endangers, in the slightest degree, the founda
tion principle of our political fabric, the equal rights of
mankind.

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 87

MONOPOLIES.
[From the Evening Post, Nov. 29, 1834.]
The Journal of Commerce protests that it has not haul
ed down its flag, but joins ifs co-labourer the Times, in
insisting we ourselves are used up. , " We thought it un
necessary to proceed further with the discussion, because
the whole ground had been gone over, and we believed
the wrong doctrines ofthe Post sufficiently refuted." So
says the Journal of Commerce. How complete this refu
tation is, our readers are qualified to judge, since we
have placed its several articles before them, some 'in
whole, and some in substance. The Journal admits that
its " fifty dollar" argument " is just as good in relation
to packeting as banking." It is just as good, then, in
relation to any other business. For instance, one of the
bubbles that accorapanied the airy flight of the famous
south-sea bubble, and exploded about the same time,
though with less noise and devastation, was called " the
Spanish Jackass Corripany." Now, by carrying out the
idea of the Journal of Coraraerce, a Ne\y-York Jackass
Company might be incorporated, and ihe Editor of the
Journal of Commerce, by buying fifty doUars' worth of
stock, might stand a fair chance to be chosen president.
The stock of a company of that description might be ex
pected to be very popular among a certain political party
to which the Journal of Commerce, in some measure, be
longs ; and it might all be taken up before, one-tenth of
the applicants were supplied. Would not the disappoint
ed nine-tenths, as they wended their way homeward,
with their fifty dollars apiece in their breeches' pockets,
have reason to exclaim that there was something partak
ing of the character of exclusiveness in this Jackass
Company 1 And suppose the Editor of the Journal of

88 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
Commerce, despite his claims, should receive no appor
tionment of stock, would he not begin lo think fhat there
was sorae trufh in the complaint against monopolies?
But badinage apart, we are surprised that fhe Journal
of Commerce does not perceive that it makes no difler
ence in the principle of the thing whether the stock of an
incorporated Corapany is divided info fifty doUar shares,
or five thousand dollar shares. Of whatever amount the
subdivisions may be, but a small portion of the commu
nity can receive any at fhe original allofraent, and but a
small portion of them could receive any, if the Journal
of Commerce's favourite plan of selling fhe shares by
auction were adopted. When the pitcher is full it will
hold no raore ; and when the shares were all apportioned
or sold, disappointed applicants could not expect to get
any. The corporation would then be a monopoly enjoy
ed by the successful applicants ; and whether their num
ber was five or five thousanjl, they would possess " exclu
sive privileges " nevertheless, and would be the benefi
ciaries of unequal legislation.
It is an error of fhe Journal of Commerce to sa)', that
the practical operation of corporations is to " take privi
leges, which would otherwise be monopolized by fhe rich,
and divide fhem into such small parts, that every one
who has fifty dollars may be interested, upon equal terms
of advantage with the most wealthy." In practice, the
operation of fhe thing is quite the reverse. " Kissing
goes by favour," in those operations. Large capitalists
get all the stock fhey ask for, and poor men get but a part,
if any, that they solicit. Tjiere are published lists of
apportionments to which we can refer the Journal of
Commerce. But the fact is notorious. And moreover,
it is notorious, that this pretended division of stock has
even much less of fairness and honesty about it than
would seem by the face of things. Many of the appli-

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 89
cants who get large apportionments are men of straw,
mere catspaws, thrust forward to answer the purpose of
some great capitalist, for whom the stock is really pro
cured. We could name instances, if it were necessary.
We have not come to this subject without being furnish
ed with ample means of establishing our arguments.
There is the very last bank that went into operation —
was the stock of that incorporation divided td fifty dollar
applicants ? Is it not, on the contrary, a fact, that a con-
troUing interest is in the hands of a single individual, who
is represented by his puppets — we beg their pardon, his
proxies — in the directory ? Nor is, that bank a solitary
instance, as fhe Journal of Commerce wefl knows.
But if the argument were true, to the fullest extent,
that " fifty dollar men " can become bankers, and life-
insurers, and packet-owners, and so on, it would stiU not
be a good arguraent in favour of special acts of incorpo
ration for these several purposes ; because these special
acts would each embrace but a small portion of the com
munity, and all special or partial legislation is, in its very
nature, anti-republican and invasive of equal rights.
Let capital and industry alone to find their own chan
nels. This is the true principle to act upon. If any
additional legislation is necessary, let it be legislation
that shall embrace the whole body politic, and every
variety of laudable enterprise. The " fifty doUar'' argu
ment of the Journal of Commerce might with much more
propriety be put forward in support of a general law of
joint stock partnerships, than in support of the everlast
ing iteration of special acts of incorporation, where
every succeeding set of applicants are striving to get
some privilege.'" or advantages not conferred by previous
charters, and, to effect their selfish and unjust ends) re
sorting to all the arts of collusion and corruption. Under
a general law, not merely « fifty dollar men," but twenty
8*

90 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
. dollar men, and one dollar men, might if they pleased
place their means in the joint funds of an association f o
effect some great enterprise. Such a law would be the
very measure to enable poor men to compete with rich.
As it is, let the Journal of Commerce say what it may,
acts of incorporation are chiefly procured by fhe rich and
for the rich. What claims have your WUliam Bards or
your Nathaniel Primes on the country, thaf our legisla
ture should spend their time in making laws for their
exclusive or particular advantage ? Did wo cast our
suffrages into the ballot-boxes fo select legislative factors
for tliose men, or such men ? Let them have their equal
rights, but let them have no more.
The Journal of Coramerce seems to think our reason
ing involves a contradiction, because we oppose special
acts of incorporations or monopolies, and yef would ex
tend incorporations indefinitely. We have not said we
would extend corporations indefinitely ; yef if corpora
tions were extended indefinitely, there would be no mo
nopoly ; since when every member of the community
has precisely the same opportunities of employing capital
and industry given fo him by the laws which every other
member has, there is no exclusive privilege, and no inva
sion of equal rights. But it ia an error in terms to say
that we advocate the indefinite extension of corpoififions,
since fhe very nature of a corporation, is to be endowed
with special privileges. We shall not dispute about
words, however, if we can bring the Journal of Com
merce to agree with us about principles. The act of
incorporation, then, which we should desire to see pass
ed, would be an act incorporating the whole population
of the. State of New York, for every possible lawful pur-
posd to which money or human labour, or ingenuity, is
ever applied, with a clause admitting to a full commu
nion of the benefits of the body corporate, every indivi-

WILLIAM LEGGETT.

91

dual who should at any future time becorae a member of
the body politic.

MONOPOLIES.
[From the Evening Post, November, 1834.]
What have fhe People, the Democracy, been strug
gling for in the last election ? Was it merely to satisfy
a personal predilection in favour of a few leaders, and to
gratify a personal dislike to a few others ; or was it for
certain great principles, corabined in the one great gen
eral term of Equal Rights ? As to ourselves, and we
believe wc speak the sentiment of a great majority of
those who acted with us, we answer unhesitatingly, not
for men but principles ; not for Messrs. Cambreleng,
White, Jloore, Morgan, McKeon, and others, whatever
we may think of llicra as individuals, but because they
have pledged theraselves fo the support of Equal Rights,
and lo an opposition fo monopolies and exclusive privi
leges, s
Yet fhe Tiraes in effect denies and repudiates our doc
trine, that every species of corporate body created for
the purposes of gain, and gifted with privileges which
others do not and cannot possess or exercise, is in ifs na
ture and consequences an infringement dn fhe Equal
Rights of fhe People. It advocates fhe system in all i^s
prominent features of abuse and oppression, qualified
indeed by certain restraints, which, being disguised in
loose generalities, elude defection and defy argument.
For ourselves, we have no concealments. On fhis sub
ject we have heretofore opposed, and mean hereafter to
oppose, with the utmost exertion of our powers, every
new addition to this already overgrown and pernicious
system of bartering away the sovereignty of the People

92 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
to little bodies politic, fattening on the great body, aud
are satisfied thaf, but for the stand we took on this great
constitutional ground, the late triumph of democracy
would not have been so signal — in fhis great city at least.
The majority of the People echoed our sentiments ; they
rose in their might against monopolies and exclusive
privileges ; and if their victory is not followed up by un
compromising opposition to the great source of monopo
lies, like fhe citizens of Paris, they will have fought fhe
"three days" for nothing, or at least nothing worth
gaining. They will have used their exertions only to
drive away one swarip of flies, alfeady gorged with their
substance, to give place to another more hungry and insa
tiable. Again we ask, if we were not fighfing against
.monopolies and exclusive privileges, what were we fight
ing for ?
That our readers may see the progress making in other
portions of the Union, in this system of secret warfare
agaipst their Eqijal Rights, we lay before them an
analysis of the privileges lately conferred on one of these
corporate bodies in the state of Ohio. It is called a Life
and Trust Company, and all these extensive powers are
bartered away by fhe representatives ofthe people, under
the specious pretext of enabling a few persons, having
money to spare, fo buy life annuities, and place their pro
perty in the safe keeping of a corporation ; a body with
out a soul ; an abstraction ; a remote circumstance ; a
npthing tangible or responsible. In the opinion of these
law-givers, fhe integrity of, individuals and the general
laws of fhe land are insufficient guarantees for the safety
of property ; and nothing can secure it but the possession
and the exercise of privileges founded on a perpetuity of
property and a usurpation of rights.
The powers granted by the legislature of Ohio to' their

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 93
most favoured bantling of legislative munificence, are as
follows :
1. To make insurance on lives.
2. To grant and purchase annuities.
3. To make any other contract involving the inlerest
of money and the duration of life.
4. To receive moneys on trust, and f o lend out the same
at such rate of interest as may be agreed mi.
5. To accept and execute all such trusts of every de
scription as may be committed to ihem by any person, or by
by any Court of Record.
6. To receive and hold lands under giants with general
and special covenants, so far as may be necessary to their
business or the payment of their debts.
7. To buy and seU drafts and bills of exchange.
8. To hold an original capital of 2,000,000 of dollars.
9. To vest said capital in bonds and mortgages on real
estate valued at double ihe amount of ihe sums loaned.
10. To increase said capital to an indefinite extent
by deposites at an agreed rate of interest.
11. To issue bank notes to double the amount deposited
— not to exceed one million of dollars.
12. To have twenty trustees, one-fifth elected every
two years, so that ultimately each trustee remains in ten
years. Now we desire the people to look well at this delega
tion of their sovereignty to these twenty trustees. We
ask them if there is any thing under heaven fhis corpora
tion cannot do, except perhaps make war and peace ;
or any liraits to its powers of accuraulation ? And as if
to cap the cliraax, of legislative folly or corruption, this
corporation is perraitted to coin its own money, to lend or
to pay its annuities and the interest on its trusts. It re
ceives pledges on land and real property, bonds and mort
gages, on liens of its own paper, and charges interest for

94 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
the same, thus exchanging rags for lands and houses, at a
premium of interest " such as may be agreed on."
It is permitted " fo increase its capital to an indefi
nite EXTENT by deposites at an interest agreed on." In
short it " can make any contract .vwolmng the interest of
money or the duration of life." This pledge covers every
species of human dealing, and may be tortured by the
ingenuity of cupidity into including all the business of
life. In fact there is no limit to the powers which this
minor sovereignty raay exercise, as fo ifs means of acquir
ing wealth and influence. Its duration is perpetual, and
in less than one hundred years, if will swallow up the
whole state of Ohio. Its proprietors of land will become
tenants at will to the Life and Trust Company, and an
independent yeomanry sink into a race of dependant
slaves. They have no remedy except a revolution ; for accord
ing to the famous doctrine of " vested rights," one legis
lative body may barter away privileges which, however
pernicious or fatal to the liberty and prosperity of the
great mass of citizens, can never be reclaimed by its
successors. The mill-stone once tied about the neck of
the people, becoraes a' vested right, and cannot be un
loosed, even to save them from drowning. If such is the
settled principle, does it not hold up a warning to the de
positories of the sovereignty of the peoole, against lightly
giving way, or bartering for some pitiful consideration,
privileges which, however dangerous or pernicious in
their consequences, must either be perpetual or endured
for a certain number of years ? If the grant is irrevo-
cable, how careful should they be in making it ? Re
pentance cannot alleviate the consequences of the trans-
gression ; legislation can make no atonement. It is the
fiat of fate, and to strive against it, is not only vain but

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 95
blasphemous, according to the opinion of the champions
of legislative omnipotence.
The people of this or any other country never contem
plated bestowing on their government the power to inflict
upon them evils which no subsequent exertion of that
power could remove. They did not bestow upon their
legislative bodies a portion of their sovereignty, fo barter
it away in exchange for the wages of corruption, or for
political purposes. What they gave they expected would
be received by those to whom it was given for the special
benefit of fhe great majority, and not employed in forging
for them fetters from which no after struggle could release
them. This practice of frittering away the powers of
the government, in theraselves, not transferable, has di
vested fhat government of a great portion of what the -
people conferred on it, and it alone. It might just as
well delegate to a corporation the rights of declaring war
and concluding peace, as to bestovv on it the exclusive
right of giving a national currencyi The one is an act
of sovereignty as well as fhe other, and cannot be dele
gated. Already we perceive the value of fhe privileges thus
liberally bestowed on the Ohio Loan and Trust Company.
It is scarcely yet in operation, and ifs stock is upwards
of twenty per. cent above par. In a few years, it will in
all probability, if managed with ordinary sagacity rise
to one, nay, two hundred per cent. Other people are
glad to get six or seven per cent, for their money and fhis
is all the law allows them. But our legislatures make
other laws, granting fo a few what is denied to the many,
and conferring on them fhe "vested right" of doubling
their capital every few years. Not all the sophistries of
interested cupidity, can now persuade the enlightened
farmers and labouring classes, that such distributions of
privfleges are founded in fhe principles of Equal Rights.

96 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
The time we trust is at hand, when their pernicious in
roads on the sanctify of individual independence will be
arrested in their career, and that preparations must be
made to retrace the path pursued for the last twenty or
thirty years. The People have spoken, and fhey must
be heard. For ourselves we mean to persevere in our en
deavours to draw public attention to this most important
of poUtical subjects. Not aU fhe clamours of aristoc
racy, nor the treacherous attacks of pretended friends,
shall drive us frora the stand we have made in behalf of
the Equal Rights of fhe People. With fhem we have
made coraraon cause, and with them we mean to stand or
fall.

TIIE MONOPOLY BANKING SYSTEM.;
[From the Evening Post, December, 1834.]
It is a source of sincere pleasure to us f o perceive that
the attention of fhe people is seriously awakened to the
subject of the Bank system, as it exists in this country.
It seems to us quite evident that the sentiment is daUy
gaining ground that fhe whole system is erroneous —
wrong in principle and productive of incalculable evils
in ifs practical operation. Those who have been readers
of the Evening Post, for fhe last six or eight months,
have had this subject fully and freely discussed, not only
in articles from our own pen, but in numerous excellent
communications from able correspondents, and, more
especiaUy, in fhe clear, coraprehensive, and unanswera
ble essays of Mr. Gouge, which, with the author's per
mission, we copied from his admirable work on Ameri
can Banking. , Those who perused these various pro
ductions, with the attention which the important and
interesting nature of fhe subject required, have possessed

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 97
fhcinselves of sufficient materials for the formation of a
correct opinion ; and we have the satisfaction of know-
ing that very many of our readers concur fully with us in
the sentiments we entertain with regard to our banking
system. We look upon that system as Trong in two of ifs
leading principles : first, we object to if as founded on a
species of monopoly ; and secondly, as supplying a circu-
Infing medium wiiich rests on a basis liable to all tho
fluefuations and contiughncii's of coiuinerco and trade 
a basis whioli mny at anv time be swept away by a thou
sand casualties of l)usiness, and leave not a wreck behind.
There are raany other objections incident to these, sorae
of which present themselves in forras which demand the
most serious considerafioii.
Our primary ground of opposition to banks as they at
present exist is that they are a species of monopoly.
All corporations are liable to fhe objection that whatever
powers or privileges are given to fhem, are so much taken
from the government of the people. Though a state
legislature may possess a constitutional right to create
bank incorporations, yet it seems very clear to our appre
hension thaf fhe doing so is an invasion of the grand
republican principle of Equal Rights — a principle which-
hes at the bottom of our constitution, and which, in trufh,
is fhe corner-stone both of our national government, and
that of each particular state.
Every charter of incorporation, we have said, is, fo
some extent, either in fact or in practical operation, a
monopoly ; for these charters invariably invest those upon
whom they arc bestowed with powers and privileges which
are not enjoyed by fhe great body of the people. This
may bc done by merely combining larger amounts of
capital than unincorporated individuals can bring info
competition with fhe chartered institution ; but the end is
Vol. L— 9

08 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
more frequently effected by the more palpably unjust
process of exonerating fhe chartered few from liabilities
to which the rest of the community are subject, or by
prohibiting tbe unprivUeged individual from entering
into competition with the favoured creature of the law.
When a legislative body restrains the people collec
tively from exercising their natural right of pursuing a
certain branch of business, and gives to particular indi
viduals exclusive permission to carry on that business,
they assuredly are guUty of a violation of the republican
maxim of Equal Rights, Which nothing but the plainest
paramount necessity can at all excuse. This violation
is the more palpable, when immunities are granted lo the
few, which would not have been enjoyed by fhe people,
had their natural rights never been restricted by law. In
the case of Bank incorporations such ia clearly true ;
since those who are thus privileged are protected by their
charters both from the competition of individuals, and
from loss to any greater extent than fhe amount of capi
tal they may risk in fhe enterprise — a protection which
would have been enjoyed by no meraber of the corarau
nity, had the law left banking on the same footing with
other mercantile pursuits. As a monopoly, then — as a
system which grants exclusive privileges — which is at
Variance with the great fundamental doctrine of demo-
cracy— we must oppose Bank incorporations, unless it can
be shown that they are productive of good which greatly
counterbalances fhe evil.
A second objection to our banking system is thaf if is
founded on a wrong basis — a basis that does not afford
adequate security to the community ; since if not only
does not protect them from loss by ignorant or fraudu.
lent management, but not even from those constantly
recurring comraercial revulsions, which, indeed, are one
of the evfl fruits of this very system. The basis of our

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 99
banking business is specie capital ; yet every body knows
that the first thing a bank does, on going into operation,
(if we suppose the whole capital to have been honestly
paid in, which is very far from being always the case)
is to lend out its capital ; and the profits of the institu
tion do not commence until, having loaned all ifs capital,
it begins to loan its credit as money. No set of men
would desire a bank charter merely to authorize fhem to
lend their money capital af the common rate of interest ;
for they would have no difficulty in doing fhat, without
a charter, and without incurring the heavy expense inci
dent to banking business. The object of a bank charter
is to enable ihose holding it to lend their credit at interest,
and to lend their credit too, to twice, ^ and sometimes
three fimes, the amount of their actual capital. In re-
turn, then, for its capital, and for the large amount of
promissory obligations issued on the credit of that capi
tal, the Bank holds nothing but the liabilities of individual
merchants and other dealers. It must be evident then
that its capital is liable to all the fluctuations and accir
dents to which commercial business is exposed. Its in
tegrity depends upon the ability of its dealers punctually
to discharge their obligations. Should a series of com
mercial disasters overwhelm those dealers, the capital of
the Bank is lost, and the bill holder, instead of money,
finds himself possessed of a mere worthless and broken
promise to pay.
Let us trace the progress of a new banking institution.
Let us imagine a knot of speculators to have possessed
theraselves, by certain acts of collusion, bribery, and po
litical management, of a bank charter ; and let us suppose
them comraencing operations under their corporate privi
leges. They begin by lending their capital. After that,
if commercial business is active, and the demand for
money urgent, they take eare to put as many of their

100 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
notes in circulation as possible. For awhile this does
very wcU, and the Bank realizes largo profits. Every
thing seems to flourish ; merchants extend their opera.
tions ; they hire capacious stores, import largely from
abroad, sell to country dealers on liberal terms, get the
notes of those dealers discounted, and extend themselves
still further. Others, in the raeanwhile, stimulated by
this sarae appearance of .commercial prosperity, borrow
money (that is notes) from the Bank, and embark in en
terprises of a different nature. They purchase lots,
bufld houses, set railway and canal projects on foot, and
every thing goes on swimmingly. Tho demand for
labour is abundant, property of aU kinds rises in price,
and speculators meet each other in the streets, and exult
in their anticipated fortunes.
But hy and by things take a different turn. The ex
ports of the country (vvhich furnish the true measure of
business) are found lo fall greafly short of fhe amount
due abroad for foreign fabrics, and a large balance re
mains unpaid. The first intimation ,of this is the rapid
advance in the price of foreign exchange. The bank
now perceives that it has extended itself too far. Its
notes, which, until now, circulated currently enough, be-
gin fo return in upon it in demand for specie ; while, at
tlie same time, fhe merchants, whom if has been all along
eager to serve, now call for increased accommodations.
But fhe Bank cannot accommodate them any longer.
Instead of increasing its loans, it is obliged fo require
payment of those which it had previously made; for ifs
ovyn notes are flowing in a continual stream fo ifs coun
ter, and real money is demanded instead. But real
money it has none, as that was all lent out when if first
went info operation. Here then a sudden chock is given
to the seeming prosperity. The merclmnts, unable to
get the amount of accommodation necessary to sustain

WriLIAM LEGGETT. 101
their operations, are forced fo suspend payment. A ru
mour of the araount lost by the Bank in consequence of ^
these faUures, causes confidence in its solvency to be im
paired, and being threatened with a run, it resorts to a
still more rapid curtailment. Then follows wider de
rangement. One coramercial house after another becomes
bankrupt, and finally fhe Bank itself, by these repeated
losses forced fo discontinue ifs business, closes ifs doors,
and hands over its affairs for the benefit of its creditors.
Who are ifs creditors ? Those who hold its money, that
is, its "promises io pay.'' On investigation it is discov
ered, most likely, fhat fhe whole capital of the institution
has been absorbed by its losses. The enormous profits
which it made during fhe first part of its career, had
been regularly withdrawn by the stockholders, and the
deluded creditor has nothing but a worthless bit of engra
ved paper to show for the valuable consideration which
he parted with for what he foolishly imagined money.
What we have here stated can hardly bo called a suppo
sititious casC' — it is a true history, and there are events
within fhe meraory of almost every reader of which it is
a narrative almost hteraUy correct.
The basis of our banking system, then, if liable to be
thus easily dissipated, is certainly wrong. Banks should
be established on a foundation which neither panic nor
misraanagement, neither ignorance nor fraud, could de-
sfroy. The bill-holder should always be secure, what
ever might becorae of the stock-holder. That which is
received as raoney, and which is designed to pass from
hand to hand as such, should not be liable to change into
worthless paper in the transition.
A very important objection incident fo fhe banking
system of this country is the demoralizing effect which it
exercises on society. It is a raatter ofthe utraost notori
ety that bank charters are in frequent instances obtained
9*

102 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
by practices of the most outrageous corruption. They
are conceived in a wild spirit of speculation ; fhey are
brought into existence through the instrumentality, of bri-
bery and intrigue; and thoy exercise over fhe communily
' the raost unsalutary influence, encouraging men of busi
ness to transcend the proper limits of credit, and foster
ing a general and feverish thirst for wealth, prompting
the mind to seek it by other than fhe legitiraate means of
honest, patient industry, and prudent enterprise. Let
any man who has had an opportunity of observing the
effect of introducing a banking institution, into a quiet
country town, on fhe moral character ofthe inhabitants,
answer for himself if fhis is not true. Let any man,
whose knowledge enables him to contrast a portion of our
country where banks are few, with another where they
are numerous, answer if it is not true. Let any man
whose meraory extends so far back that he can compare
the present state of society with what it was in fhe time of
our fathers, answer if it is not true. The time was when
fraud in business was as rare — we were about to say — as
honesty is now. The tirae was when a failure was a
strange and unfrequent occurrence ; when a bankrupt
excited fhe sympathy of fhe whole community for his
misfortunes, or their censure fi)r his rashness, or their
scorn for his dishonesty. The banking systeiii has made
insolvency a raafter of daily occurrence. It has changed
the meaning of words, it has altered the sense of things,
it has revolutionized our ethical notions. Formerly, if
a man ventured fiir beyond his depth in business — if he
borrowed vast sums of money fo hazard fhem in doubt
ful enterprises — if he d(;luded the world by a system of
false shows and pretences, and extended his credit by
every art and device — foraieily such a man was caUcd
rash and dishonest, but wc now speak of him us enter
prising and ingenious. The man whose ifl-plaiincd specu-

WILLIAM LEGGETT.

103

lations miscarry — whoso airy castle of credit is suddenly
overturned, burying hundreds of industiious mechanics
and labourers under its ruins — such a man would once
have been execrated ; he is now pitied ; while our con-
sure and conlnivqit is tran.srcrred fo fho.'?c who are fhe vic
tims of his IVaudful schemes.
For ifs political efi'cict, not less than moral, our bank
system deserves fo be ojiposcd. If is essentially an aris.
tocratic institution. It bands the wealthy together, holds
out fo them a common motive, auiraafcs fhem with a com-
mon sentiment, and inflates their vanity with notions of
superior power and greatness. The bank system is
maintained out of the hard earnings of fhe poor ; and
its operation is to degrade them in their political rights,
as much as they are degraded in a pecuniary respect,
by the accident of fortune. Its tendency is to give ex
clusive political, as well as exclusive money privileges to
the rich. It is in direct opposition to fhe spirit of our con.
stitution and fhe genius of the people. It is silently, but
rapidly, undermining our institutions ; it falsifies our grand
boast of political equality ; it is building up a privileged
order, who, at no distant day, unless the whole system be
changed, wifl rise in triumph on fhe ruins of democracy.
Even now, how coinplcft^Iy W(!arc monopoly-governed I
how comjilefcly wc arc hcmniod in on every side, how
wo are cabined, cribb'd, confined, by exclusive privi
leges ! Not a road can be opened, not a bridge can be
built, not a canal can be dug, but a charter of exclusive
privileges raust bo granted for fhe purpose. The sum
and substance of our whole legislation is the granting of
monopolies. The bargaining and trucking away char
tered privUeges is fhe whole business of our law makers.
The people of fhis great stato fondly imagine that they
govern themselves ; but they do not ! They are led about
by fhe unseen but strong bands of chartered companies.

104 POLITICAL WBITINGS'OF
They are fastened down by the minute but effectual fet
ters of banking institutions. They are governed by
bank directors, bank stockholders, and bank minions.
They are under the influence of a power whose name is
Legion — they are under the influence of bank monopo
lies, with a host of associate and subordinate agents, the
other incorporated companies, depending on bank assist
ance for their means of operation. These evil influences
are scattered throughout our community, in every quar
ter of fhe state. They give the tone fo our meetings ;
they name our candidates for the legislature ; they se
cure their election ; they control fhem when elected. '
What then is fhe remedy for fhe evil ? Do away with
our bad bank system ; rcjieal our unjust, unsalutory, un
democratic restraining law; and establish, in ifs stead,
some law, the sole object of which shall be fo provide the
community with security against fraud. We hope, in
deed, fo see fhe day when banking, like any other mer
cantile business will be left to regidate itself ; when the
principles of free trade will be perceived to have as much
relation to currency as fo commerce ; when the maxim
of Let us alone wfll be acknowledged fo be better, infi
nitely better, than all this political quackery of ignorant
legislators, instigated by the grasping, monopolizing spirit
of rapacious capitalists. This country, we hope, we
trust, is destined fo prove to mankind the truth of the
saying, fhat ihe world is governed too much, and to prove
if by her own successful experiment in throwing off the
clogs and fetters with which craft and cunning have ever
contrived to bind the raass of raen.
But fo suit the present teraper of the times, it would
be easy to substitute a scheme of banking which should
have all the advantages of the jiresent one, and none of
its defects. Let fhe restraining law be repealed ; let a
law be substituted, requiring simply fhat any person enter-

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 105
ing into banking business shall be required to lodge with
some officer designated in the law, real estate, or oflier
approved security, fo the full amount of the notes which
he might desire to i,ssue ; and to secure, that fhis araount
should never be exceeded, if might bc provided that each
particular note should bo auflicnticated I13' the signature
ofthe comptroller, or other officer entrusted with fhe busi
ness. Another clause might state suitable provisions for
havinp; the securities ro-appratsed, from time lo time, so
that bill holders might be sure that sulUcient uiialienablo
property was always pledged for tho redemption of the
paper currency founded upon that basis. Banking, es
tablished on this foundation, would be liable fo none of
the evUs arising from panic ; for each holder of a note
would, in point of fact, hold a title-deed of property to
the full value of its amount. It would not be liable to
the revulsions which foUow overtrading, and which every
now and then spread such dismay and ruin through com
mercial communities ; for when bankers are left to
manage their own business, each for hiraself, they would
watch the course of trade, and limit their discounts ac
cordingly ; because if they extended thera beyond the
measure of fhe legitimate business of fhe country, fhey
would bo sure that their noles would return upon them in
demand for the precious metals, thus forcing thera fo
part with their profits, in order fo purchase silver and
gold to answer such demand.
But much as we desire to see fhe wretched, insecure,
and, in a political view, dangerous banking system su.
perccded by fhe more honest and equal plan we have
suggested, we would by no means be considered as tho
advocates of sudden or capricious change. All reforma
tions ofthe currency — all legislation, the tendency of
whicli is to disturb the relations of value, should lie slow,
well considered and gradual. In this hasty and unpre-

106 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
meditated article, we have glanced at fhe system which
we desire may ere long fake fhe place of fhe present
one, and have rapidly adverted to some of the reasons
which render fhe change desirable. But as a first step
towards fhe consumraation, we should wish fhe legisla
ture to do nothing more at present than restrain the issue
of notes under five dollars, and refuse to charter any
more banks. ^ The people demand it, and we do not think
that fhe public sentiment is in favour of any further imme
diate reformation. As to the prospective legislation
which is proposed by some, we think it anti-republican
and unwise. We would not fake advantage of any pre
sent movement of the public mind to fasten a law upon
the state, which public sentiment may not afterwards sus
tain. The same infiuence of public opinion which, is
now about to lead to the long-desired _)Jrsi step in Bank
reform, will be potent in carrying on the reformation to
the desired conclusion. A good maxim, and one which
it will be well to be governed by in this matter, is festina
lenie.

RICH AND POOR.
[From the Evening Post of December (i, 1834.]
The rich perceive, acknowledge, and act upon a com
mon interest, and why not the poor ? Yet the inoment
the latter are called upon to corabine for the preservation
of their rights, forsooth the coraraunity is in danger !
Property is no longer secure, and life in jeopardy. This
cant heis descended to us from those times when the poor
and labouring classes had no stake in the community, and
no rights except such as they could acquire by force.
But the times have changed, though the cant remains
the same. The scrip nobility of this Republic have

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 107
adopted towards tho free people of this Republic the
same language which the Feudal Barons and fhe des
pot who contested with them the power of oppressing the
people, used towards their serfs and villains, as they were
opprobiously called.
These would-be lordlingsof the Paper Dynasty, cannot
or will not perceive, that there is some difference in the
situation and feelings of the people of fhe United States,
and those ofthe despotic governments of Europe. They
forget that at fhis moment our people, wo mean emphati
cally the class which labours with ifs own hand^, is in
possession of a greater ])ortion of tho property and intelli
gence of this country, ay, ten times over, than all the
creatures of fhe paper credit system put together. This
property is indeed more widely and equally distributed
among the people than among the phantoms of the paper
system, and so rauch the better. And as to their intelli
gence, let any man talk with thera, and if he does not
learn something it is his own fault. They are as well
acquainted with the rights of person and property, and
have as just a regard for them, as the most illustrious
lordling of the scrip nobUify. And why should they
not ? Who and what are fhe great majority of fhe weal
thy people of fhis city — we may say of this country ?
Are they not (we say it not in disparageraent, but in
high commendation) are fhey not men who began the
world comparatively poor with ordinary education and
ordinary means ? And what should make fhem so rauch
wiser than their neighbours ? Is it because they live in
better style, ride in carriages, and have more raoney — or
at least raore credit than thoir poorer neighbours ? Does
a man become wiser, stronger, or more virtuous and patri
otic, because he has a fine house over his head? Does
he love his country the better because he has a French
cook, and a box at the opera ? Or does he grow more

108 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
learned, logical and profound by intense study of fhe day
book, ledger, bflls of exchange, bank promises, and notes
of hand ?
Of all the countries on the face of the earth, or that
ever existed on the face of the earth, fhis is the one where
the claims of wealth and aristocracy are the most un
founded, absurd and ridiculous. With no claim lo he
reditary distinctions ; with no exclusive rights except
what they derive from monopolies, and no power of per
petuating their estates in their posterity, the assumption
of aristocratic airs and claims is supremely ridiculous.
To-morrow fhey themselves may be beggars for aught
they know, or at all events their children may become
so. Their posterity in the second generation vvUI have
to begin the world again, and work for a living as did
their forefathers. And yet the moment a man becomes
rich among us, he sets up for wisdom — he despises the
poor and ignorant — he seta up for patriotism : he is your
only man who has a stake in the community, and there-
fore fhe only one who ought to have a voice in the state.
What folly is fhis ? And how contemptible his presump.
tion ? He is not a whit wiser, better or more patriotic
than when he coramenced the world, a waggon driver.
Nay not half so patriotic, for he would see his country
disgraced a thousand times, rather than see one fall of
fhe stocks, unless perhaps he had been speculating on
such a. contingency. To him a victory is only of conse
quence, as it raises, and a defeat only fo be lamented, as
it depresses a loan. His soul is wrapped up in a certifi.
cale of scrip, or a Bank note. Witness the conduct of
these pure patriots, during the late war, when they, at
least a large proportion of fhem, not only withheld all
their support from the Government, but used all their in
fluence to prevent others from giving their assistance.
Yet these are fhe people who alone have a stake in the

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 109
community, and of course exclusively monopolize patriot
ism. But let us ask what and where is fhe danger of a com
bination of the labouring classes in vindication of their
political principles, or in defence of their menaced rights ?
Have they not the right to act in concert, when their op
ponents act in concert ? Nay, is it not their bounden
duty to combine against the only enemy they have to fear
as yet in this free country, monopoly and a great paper
system that grinds them to the dust ? Truly this is
strange republican doctrine, and this is a strange republi
can country, where men cannot unite in one coraraon
effort, in one common cause, without rousing the cry of
danger to fhe rights of person and property. Is not this
a government of fhe people, founded on the rights of the
people, and instituted fpr the express object of guarding
them against the encroachments and usurpations of
power? And if they are not permitted the possession of
common interest ; the exercise of a common feeling ; if
they cannot combine to resist by constitutional raeans,
these encroachments ; to what purpose were fhey declar
ed free fo exercise fhe right of suffrage in the choice of
rulers, and the making of laws ?
And what we ask is the power against which the peo
ple, not only of this country, but of almost all Europe, are
called upon to array themselves, and the encroachment
on their rights, they are summoned fo resist ? Is it not
emphatically, the power of monopoly, and the encroach
ments of corporate privileges of every kind, which the
cupidity ofthe rich engenders fo the injury ofthe poor?
It was to guard against fhe encroachments of power,
fhe in.safiafe ambition of wealth that fhis government was
instituted, by the people themselves. But tho objects
which call for the peculiar jealousy and watchfulness of
the people, are not now what they once were. The cau-
VoL. I  10

110 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
tions ofthe early writers in favour ofthe liberties of man
kind, have in some measure become obsolete and inappli
cable. We are menaced by our old enemies, avarice and
ambition, under a new name and forra. The tyrant is
changed from a steel-clad feudal baron, or a minor des
pot, at the head of thousands of ruflian followers, to a
mighty civU gentleraan, who coraes mincing and bowing
to the people with a quill behind his ear, at the head of
countless mUlions of magnificent promises. He promises
to make every body rich ; he promises to pave cities with
gold ; and he promises to pay. In short he is made up
of promises; He will do wonders, such as never were
seen or hfeard of, provided the people will only allow him
to make his promises, equal to silver and gold, and huraan
labour, and grant hira the exclusive benefits of all fhe
great blessings he intends fo confer on them. He is the
sly, selfish, grasping and insatiable tyrant, the people are
now to guard against. A concentrated money power ;
a usurper in the disguise of a benefactor ; an agent exer
cising privileges which his principal never possessed ; an
impostor who, while he affects to wear chains, is placed
above those who are free ? a chartered libertine, that pre
tends to be manacled only that he may the more safely
pick our pockets, and lord it over our rights. This is the
enemy we are now to encounter and overcome, before we
can expect to enjoy the substantial realities of freedom.

WILLIAM LEGGETT. Ill

REVOLUTIONARY PENSIONERS.
[From the Evening Post of Dec. 8, 1834.]
In the proceedings ofthe Board of Assistant Aldermen,
on Monday evening last, as reported in the morning pa
pers, and copied into this journal, there occurred the fol
lowing passage :
" Assistant Alderman Tallmadge moved that the Board
now take up fhe report of the special comrnittee, relative
to the relief of the surviving Revolutionary soldiers re
siding in the city and county of New-York. When the
last Pension List was made out, the number amounted to
one hundred and thirty-seven — but sorae, since then, had
left the city, and others had joined the companions of'
their youth, in the cold and quiet grave, so that the num
ber left is less than one hundred. He ^moved that one
hundred dollars be paid out of the city treasury on the
1st January next, to every surviving officer and soldier
of the revolution in the city and county of New- York,
now receiving a pension, provided the number does not
exceed one hundred. He accompanied it by an eloquent
appeal, in which he showed, that while we are rejoicing
at the victories of the revolution, we should not forget
those in their old age who achieved them.''
Mr. Tallmadge chose, beyond all question, a very fine
theme, for the exercise of his oratorical powers, if he pos
sesses any ; and if we are to believe the reporters of the
morning papers, there is not a stupid dolt in either board
of the city council who does not evince the eloquence of
a Tully every time he opens his mouth, and drawls and
stammers out a few sentences of ungrammatical gib
berish. Whether Assistant Alderman Tallmadge's
oratory is of this stamp or not we do not profess

112 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
to know, as we never had the happiness of hearing
the gentlemen, or seeing him, or having any com
munion with him, direct or indirect, of any sort or
kind whatever. We are bound to suppose, however,
that his forensic powers are of a high order ; for we do
not know in what way else to account for the fact that
hia wild and unjustifiable proposition should have receiv
ed, with a single exception, fhe unanimous support of
the whole Board of Assistant Aldermen. The name of
the man who voted in the negative ought to have been
given. He deserves credit for his independence ; he
deserves credit for his fidelity to his constituents ; he
deserves credit for not suffering his comraon sense and
comraon honesty to be swept away by the torrent of
Assistant Alderman Tallmadge's " eloquent appeal I "
Let us reflect a moment what this proposition is which
the Board of Assistant Aldermen have, with this single
exception, unanimously adopted. Why to give away
ten thousand dollars ofthe people's money to such of fhe
revolutionary pensioners as reside in the city of New-
York. Does not the plain good sense of every reader
perceive that thia is a monstrous abuse of fhe trust con
fided to our city legislators ? Did we send them to re
present us in tho Common Councfl thaf fhey may squan
der away the city's treasures at such a lavish rate ? Is
it any part of their duty to make New-Year's presents ?
Have they any right under heaven to express their sym
pathy for the revolutionary pensioners at the city's cost?
If they have, where is fhe warrant for it? Let them
point their fingers to the clause in the city charier which
authorizes them to lay taxes, that they may be expended
again in bounties, rewards and largesses, to class any of
men whatever.
Let no reader suppose that in raaking these remarks,
we lack a proper appreciation of the eminent services

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 113
rendered to this country, and to the cause of human lib
erty throughout the world, by those brave and heroic
men who achieved our national independence. Doubt
less many, very many of them, entered into fhat contest
with no higher motives than animate the soldier in every
contest, for whatsoever object undertaken — whether in
defence of liberty or to destroy it. But the glorious re
sult has spread a halo around all who had any share in
achieving it, and they will go down together in history,
to the latest hour of time, as a band of disinterested, ex
alted, incorruptible and invincible patriots. This is the
light in which their sons, at least, the inheritors of their
precious legacy of freedom, ought to view them ; and
they never, while a single hero of that band remains, can
be exonerated from the obligations of gratitude which
they owe. But we would not, on that account, authorize
any usurpation of power by our public servants, under
the pretence of showing the gratitude of the community
to. the time-worn veterans of the revolutionary war. —
Every man ought to be his own almoner, and not suffer
thoss whom he has elected for far different purposes, to
squander the funds of the public chest, at any rate, and
on any object which] raay seem Jto them deserving of
sympathy. The precedent is a wrong one, and is doubly
wrong, inasmuch as the general regard for those For
whose benefit this stretch of power is exerted, may lead
men to overlook the true character of the unwarrantable
assuraption. Let ten thousand — let fifty thousand dollars be given
by our city to the revolutionary veterans who are closing
their useful lives in the bosom of this community ; but let
it be given to them without an Infringement of those sa.
crcd rights which they battled to establish. If the public
feeling would authorize such a donation as Mr. Tall-
madge exerted his " eloquence " in support of, that same
10*

114 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
feeling would prompt our citizens, each man for himself,
to make a personal contribution towards a fund which
should properly and nobly speak fhe gratitude of New-
York towards the venerable patriots among them. But
the fax-payer, who would liberally contribute to such an
object, in a proper way, may very naturally object to Mr.
Tallmadge thrusting his hand into his pocket, and forc
ing him fo give for what and to wdiom that eloquent gen
tleman pleases. If the city owes an unliquidated
amount, not of gratitude, but of money, to the revolution
ary pensioners, let it be paid by the ' Common Council,
and let Mr. Tallmadge be as eloquent as he pleases, or as
he can be, in support of fhe appropriation. But beyond
taking care of our persons and our property, the func
tions neither of our city government, nor of our state
government, nor of our national government, extend.
We hope to see the day when the people will jealously
watch and indignantly punish every violation of this
principle. That what we have here written does not proceed
from any motive other than that we have stated, we
trust we need not assure our readers. That, above aU,
it does not proceed from any unkindness towards the re
maining heroes of the revolution, must be very evident to
all such as have any knowledge of the personal relations
of the writer. Among those who would receive the bene
fit of Mr. Tallmadge's scheme is fhe venerable parent of
hira whose opinions are here expressed. That parent,
after a youth devoted fo the service of his country, after
a long life of unbleraished honour, now, in the twilight of
his age, and bending under the burden of fourscore
years, is indebted to the tardy justice of his Governraent
for much of the little light that cheers the evening of his
eventful day. Wanting indeed should we be, therefore,
in every sentiment of filial duty and love, if we could

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 115
oppose this plan of a public donation, for any other than
public and sufficient reasons. But viewing it as an at
tempt to exorcise a power which the people never meant
to confer upon their servants, we should be wanting in
those qualities of which fhis donation is intended to ex
press the sense of fhe community, if we did not oppose
it. We trust the resolution will not pass the upper
Board.

PROTECTION OF COMMERCIAL INTERESTS.
[From the Evening Post, Dec. 12, 1834.]
The resolution offered by Mr. Morgan, in the House
of Representatives on Tuesday last, instructing the
Committee on Commerce to inquire into the expediency
of obliging all raasters of vessels trading south of fhe
equator to take at least two apprentices with thera, does
not erabrace a sufficiently extensive range of inquiry.
Ought not fhat Committee, or other appropriate ones,
standing or special, to inquire into the expediency of
obliging all shipwrights to have a certain number of ap
prentices, " as a raeans of benefitting the coramercial in
terests of the United States ?" The art of ship-bulldlng
is certainly a very important one to our commercial in-
teresfs,'quite as much so as the art of navigating the
southern ocean and catching whales and seals. Then
again, there is the rope-making business, which is also
important. If that art should be lost, our " commercial
interests" '%vould cut but a sorry figure. Ought we not,
therefore, to guard against so great a calamity, oblige
ropemakers fo educate a certain nuraber of apprentices ?
We should have few sailors if we had no ropes. The
raising of hemp, and the manufacture of canvass, are
both important to our « commercial interests." Con-

116 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
gress had perhaps better look out that the race of hemp.
raisers and canvass manufacturers do not become extinct
by timely passing a law obliging afl now engaged in
these pursuits to take apprentices ; for we never heard
of but one ship that could lie upon a wind and make
headway without canvass, and there is not likely to be
another, unless. Indeed, steam might supply the place of
canvass ; and then the law would only have to be modi
fied so as to transfer the apprentices over to the steam
engineer. If Mr. Morgan begins upon this forcing sys
tem, and is for doing everything by legislation, he must
not atop at south sea ahip apprentices. A wide field is
open before hira. When he comes to expatiate at large
in it, however, he may chance to discover that he has
started on a wrong principle, — that the old notions of
governraent bounty, protection, prohibition and coercion
in mafters of trade, are totally exploded by the wisest
men and deepest thinkers of the age, — that mankind
have discovered at last that they are " governed too
much ; — and that the true democratic principle, and
the true principle of political economy, is "Let ua alone."
It may be proper to add that we do not mean, by our
ironical mode of allusion to the subject, the slightest dis
respect to Mr. Morgan, for whose character we entertain
great regard.

THE FRENCH TREATY— PRESIDENT'S
MESSAGE.
[From the Evening Post, December 15, 1834.]
Wb have heretofore remarked that a great number of
the opposition prints, including some most distinguished
for the bitterness of their hostility to the present Admin
istration, fully approve of fhat portion of the President's
message which relates to France. All of them, without

WILLIAM lEGGETT. 117
exception, so far as we have observed, admit that his
statement of the question at Issue between the two gov
ernments is exceedingly lucid and accurate, and that tho
conduct of France deserves all the reprehension it has re
ceived. But constrained, either by the force of habit, or
the force of political malignity, to oppose the E.xecufive
at all hazards and on all subjects, there are raany prints
that assail his proposed raeasure of reprisals with a bitter
ness which could hardly be exceeded if France were
wholly in the right, and the mere suggestion of a course
by no means belligerant were an actual declaration of
war. The spectacle of so considerable a portion of the
press of a free and enlightened country attacking the
Chief Magistrate with fhe utmost vindictiveness, for
simply recommending measures which he deems called
for alike by regard for the long-deferred rights of plun
dered citizens, and by the claims of national honour,
would create emotions of a painful kind, had not our vo
cation long since accustomed us to see partisan writers
lose all sense of patriotism in the engrossing sentiment
of hostility to fhe exalted man " who has filled the mea
sure of his country's glory." As it is, we view the effer
vescence of their rancour with a feeling near akin to in
difference ; and indeed it is an employment not whoUy
without amusement to watch the straits fo which they
are reduced, in order to give sorae colour of reason to
the violent Invectives they pour out upon Geneiral Jack
son's head.
One tribe of opponents, determined to consider the
suggested measure of reprisals as tantaraount to a declar
ation of war, straightway fall to counting the coats, and
graduate the wickedness of the proposal by a scale of
dollars and cents. These ready reckoners, with a facility
of calculation surpassing that of Zerah Colburn, have
ascertained the exact expense of war, which they set

118 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
down at fifty millions of doUars ; and hereupon they rail
at the President for his enormous profligacy in proposing
to spend fifty mfllions for the recovery of five ! , France,
they acknowledge, has treated us very badly. Our na-
tional forbearance, they are obliged to confess, has been
shown in an exemplary degree, throughout the whole
course of a most protracted and perplexing negotiation ;
and when that negotiation at last terminated in a treaty,
by which fhe spoiler of our commerce and the plunderer
of our citizens agreed fo pay us back simply the amount
rifled from us many years before, and not even that
amount without the conceaaion, on our part, of conimer-
cial advantagea which she had no right to claim, they
admit that fo violate such a treaty, in the face of all the
honourable obligations wliich can bind one nation to keep
faith with another, ia a degree of perfidy that it would be
difficult to characteriae by too strong a terra. But fifty
millions of dollara ! — there is the rub. The phantom of
that large sura of money haunts their imaginations and
appals their understanding ! To spend fifty millions to
coerce France Into the payment of one tenth of that
sum is a proceeding for which they can find no rule in
their political arithmetic. If we could compel France to
pay us the debt at an expense of two or three millions, so
that wd might pocket one or two millions by the opera
tion, these patriotic journals would applaud the undertak
ing. If we could make money by fighting, they would
be the first to cry havoc ! and let slip the dogs of war.
But the idea of throwing money away for the mere
" bubble reputation,'' seems lo them exceedingly prepos
terous. National honour is a phraae to which they can
attach no iraport by itself; it must be accompanied by
the expression, national profit, to give It any significancy
in^ their eyes.
We should like to know what opinion these worthies

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 119
entertain of the conduct of those men who " plunged this
country in all the horrors of war" on account of a pre-
amble, fo use Mr. Webster's explanation of the matter.
We allude to the authors of our revolution. It has never
been supposed that they counted on raaking a great deal
of raoney by the enterprise. They pledged their lives,
their fortunes and their sacred honour on the issue — and
life and fortune many of fhem forfeited ; but none of
them their honour ! They entered into fhat contest ex
pecting to endure great hardships, to make great sacri
fices, to expend vast treasures, and for what ? Not for the
purposes of acquiring fifty millions of dollars from Eng
land, or five millions ; but for the siraple acknowledgment
of an abstract principle. It was enough for them that the
principle of hberty was invaded. They did not wait
uhtfl the consequences of the aggression should call for
resistance. They thought, as Mr. Webster has truly and
eloquently represented (though for an unhallowed pur
pose !) that " whether the consequences be prejudicial or
not, if there be an illegal exercise of power, it is to be
resisted." " We are not to wait" (let us borrow the language of
a man whose words have the weight of law with the
opponents of the President) " tfll great public mischiefs
come ; till the governraent is overthrown ; or liberty
itself put in extreme jeopardy. We should not be worthy
sons of our fathers, were we so to regard great questions
affecting the general freedom. Those fathers accom
plished the Revolution on a strict question of principle.
The Parliament of Great Britain asserted a right to tax
the colonies in all cases whatsoever, and it was precisely
on this^question fhat they made the Revolution turn.
The amount of taxation was trifling, but the claim itself
was inconsistent with liberty ; and that was, in their eyes
enough. It was against the recital of an act of Parlia-

120 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
ment, rather than against any suffering under its en
actments, that fhey took up arms. They went to war
against a preamble. They fought seven years against
a declaration. They poured out their treasures and
their blood like wafer, in a contest, in opposition to an
assertion, which those less sagacious, and not so well
schooled In the principles of civil liberty, would have re
garded as barren phraseology, or mere parade of words.
On this question of principle, while actual suffering was
yet afar off, they raised their flag against a power to
which, for purposes of foreign conquest and subjugation,
Rome, in the height of her glory, is not to be compared ;
a Power which has doffed over the surface of the whole
globe with her possessions and military posts ; whose
morning drum-beat, foUowing the sun, and keeping com
pany with the hours, circles the earth daily with one
continuous and unbroken strain of the martial airs of
England." Such was the cause for which our fathers fought, and
such the power with which they battled. They were of
that metal that on a question of honour or right they did
not stop to count the cost. Their minds were thoroughly
imbued with the sentiment, fhat
Rightly to be great
Is, not to stir without great argument,
But greatly to find quarrel in a straw.
Where honour's at the stake.
A portion of their descendants seem to be animated
with very different principles. Those who but recently
were ready for civfl broil, who proclaimed that we were
on the eve of a revolution, and on questions which in-
volved raere difference of political ojdnion — questions
which the peaceful weapon of suffrage was fully adequate
to decide,— now start back with well-painted horror from

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 121
the prospect of strife with a foreign nation, which, after
having despoiled our citizens, and trifled with our gov
ernment, through long years of patient intercession, has
at last capped the climax of indignity by the grossest in- "
suit which can be offered to a sovereign people ; namely,
by the causeless violation of a solemn international pact.
But it is discovered that a war with that nation would he
attended with expense, and therefore if ought not to be
undertaken ! Money, according fo these journals, is of
more value than honour. Let a foreign nation tread on
you and spit on you, and bear it meekly, if it will cost
you money to avenge the insult! Such at least is the
precept to be inferred frora their remarks.
It Is for the purpose of enforcing this precept, we pre
sume, that the public have been treated, in various jour
nals, with highly coloured pictures of the evils of war.
Our merchants have been represented as prostrated; our
ships rotting at the wharves, our shores lighted with con
flagrations, and the ocean incarnadined with slaughter.
The tears of widows have streamed through the pens of
these pathetic gentlemen, arid the cries of orphans have
been heard In fhe clatter of their presses. Pirates and
marauders infest every line fhey write, and fhe thunders
of a naval conflict roar in every paragraph. It is fortu
nate, however, that the reader can turn from these dis
mal forebodings to the sober pages of history, and learn
how far the triith, in relation to fhe past, sustains these
fancy sketches of the fufure. What is the fact ? We
have passed through two wars with the most formidable
power on earth, and yet survive, to prove to France, by
force of arms, if it should bc necessary, that while wo
ask nothing fhat is not clearly right, we will submit to
nothing that is wrong.
But this extremity will not be necessary. France has
trifled with us, but she wiU repair the wrong. Should
Vol. L— 11

122 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
she not— should she, through the duplicity of her king,
or the misapprehension of her deputies, or wilful slight,
or any other cause, persist In denying us our right, we
even yet propose to pursue only the mildest and most paci
fic course. The nature of reprisals is too clearly establish.
ed to need newspaper elucidation. It is unnecessary to load
our columns with extracts from Grotius or Puffendorf, from
Burlemaqui or Vattel, for the laws of nations rest on the
plain principles of equity ; and what can be moro obvi
ously just than our right lo detain the properly of France
for the purpose of defraying her acknowledged debt,
should she adhere to her strange refusal fo comply with
her own proraise of payment ? Such seizure and de
tention of property affords a nation no ground for war ;
any more than an individual, whose property has been
taken by due course of law to satisfy his debts, is fur
nished by that proceeding with a justification for murder.
They, therefore, who treat the proposed measure of re
prisals as equivalent to a declaration of war, do great In
justice to the character of France ; as if that nation
were governed by so unfriendly a feeling towards this
young republic, fhat she would eagerly seize any pretext
to fight with us, though all fhe world must perceive that
our Government has clairaed nothing but its rights.
That the conduct of France will be so contrary to that
liberal spirit which animates her people we can not be-
lieve, and shall not, till sorae stronger evidence is afforded
than the predictions of those who are even eager to for-
tell "war, pestUence, and faraine" as the necessary con
sequences of the administration of a man who has done
more to elevate our character abroad, promote our prosper
ity at home, and revive and secure the great principle of
equal liberty than any other raan tiiat ever lived in the tide
of time. But if war must come of our asserting our rights,
let it come I Much as we should regret, on various ac

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 123
counts, any collision with France, we would not avoid
strife even with that country at the expense of national
honour or justice. We are prepared for any event.
True,certain members of Congreaa exclaimed withjaffect.
ed horror, "What! plunge into war with an erapty
treaaury !" But heaven grant that we raay never have
a full treasury. We desire to see no surplus revenue at
the disposal of fhe Governraent, fo be squandered in vast
scheraes of infernal improvements, or prove an apple of
discord to rouse the jealousy and enraity of different sec
tions of the country. Ff wc have not tho money In the
treasury, wc have it in the pockets of tho people. Our
wide and fruitful territory is loaded with abundance.
Plenty smiles in every nook and corner of the land.
The voice of thanksgiving ascends fo heaven from the
grateful hearts of millions of happy freemen. Our Go
vernment owes not one dollar of public debt, and its cre
dit is unbounded, for its basis is the affections of the peo
ple, and its resources are coextensive with their wealth.
Let it becorae necssary again for that Government to
maintain its honour at the hazard of war, though it
should even be " against a preamble," and we shall again
find that a people thoroughly imbued with fhe principle
of liberty are ever ready to pledge their lives, their for
tunes, and their sacred honour in support of such a
quarrel. But another objection is found to the Presidenets pro-
posal, fhat it will build up a national debt. A national
debt is certainly a national evil ; but it is not the worst
evil fhat can befal a nation. And fhe argument that we
should waive on just claims for indemnify from France,
rather than incur the hazard of debt, coraes with an fll
grace frora that party of which it has always been s
leading maxim that a national debt is a blessing insfeail
of a curse. This sentiment Is entwined with the verj
heartstrings of aristocracy — if, indeed, aristocracy has r

124 PO.LITIOAL WRITINGS OF
heart. Its doctrine has always been that a public, debt
gives solidity to the Government, creates in the bosoms
of a vast number of people a strong peisonal interest in
its welfare, consolidates in Its favour all fhe moneyed In
fluence of the country, strengthens Ifs power, and gives
permanence to its duration. For fhe disciples of this
school now to cry out against measures which involve
the possibility of war, because war would create a public
debt, is a degree of hypocrisy and inconsistency which
'scarcely deserves reply.
There is another ground of objection which strikes us
aa equally preposterous. They dc))recafe war lest the
power of conducting it should fall into the hands of Gen
eral Jackson I And into whose hands, in the name of
common senae and common honesty, could such a power
be so wisely and advantageously entrusted? Why,- fhe
whole sum and substance of the opposition clamour
against the Chief Magistrate, has been on fhe ground that
he Is a Military Chieftain — thaf he was qualified to rule
in the carap or battle-field, but was too dictatorial to pre
side over the peaceful councils ofthe nation. His talents
as a soldier have never been disputed. Hia sagacity,
bravery, alertness, energy are qualities notorious fo the
world. What ! fhe war power not to be trusted info flic
hands of Andrew Jackson ! a soldier almost from his era-
die ; a champion who has contended alike against the
native savages of our forest and the most disciplined
troops of Europe ; who has encountered all sort of foes,
and always with success. What, not trust the war-power
with tho Hero of New-Orleans? Put up witli a gross
affront from France, rather than confide our quarrel to a
a man who, of all men living, is best entifled fo fhe confi.
dence of the people, best qualified to conduct the strife to
a prosperous result ! Nothing can exceed the utter ab
surdity of this objection.

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 125
But let it not be lost sight of that all fhe objections to
the suggestions of General Jackson relative to our rela
tions with France, are founded on false assumptions.
No "war power," no "discretionary power'' is asked.
No proposition of a belligerant kind is offered. No me-
nace is held out. Iiis allusions to France are in the
kindest and raost conciliatory spirit, and the most lively
regret is manifested that the faUure of that country to
perform its solemn covenant has forced upon the Chief
Magistrate of this the necessity of adverting to the mea
sures which may becorae necessary, in case she should
show no disposition to redoera her violated faith. The
spirit of General Jackson's raessage is fhe spirit which
we trust this Governraent will always display to the Go.
vernments of other nations. It is neither dictatorial nor
sub^iisslve ; neither boisterous nor wheedling. Calm,
temperate, firm, if affords to France no excuse for resent
ment, and wUI command the respect and admiration of
other foreign nations. We wish that journalists, who, be
neath all fhe scum and crust of party prejudices and pas
sions have the true interest and glory of their country at
heart, would adopt a simflar tone —
" Let us appear not rash nor diffident :
Immoderate valour swells into a fault.
And fear admitted into public counsels,
Betrays like treason : let us shun thera both."

UTOPIA— SIR THOMAS MORE— JACK CADE.
[From the Evening Post, December 18, 1834.]
Not many days ago we placed before our readers some
pregnant reasons for thinking that fhe epithet of Utopian,
which has been applied to the doctrines advanced by
this journal on the subject of corporations and other cog-
11*

126 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
¦ nate matters. Is not, after all, the worst name with which
the efforts of a zealous advocate of equal rights may be
branded by the aristocratic enemies of that principle.
^Ve showed that the word is derived from the title of a
speculative work, written by a man of great powers of
mind, great purity of life, and great love for the best into.
rests of his fellow-men. Those who are familiar with
the history of Sir Thoraas Jlore cannot but admire his
character. He was a man whose doctrines and whose
lifelwere coincident. His very first public act was fo
place himself in prominent and uncompromising opposi
tion to. the rapacious demands of a powerful monarch,
though by doing so he brought down on his own parent
the most rigorous punishraent that unbridled tyranny
dared to inflict. He pubsequenfly, with equal boldness
and integrity, incurred the resentment of the haughty
Wolsey;. by strenuously opposing his oppressive mea
sures;.- Again, when afterwards elevated, under the im-
perio,us.and hcentious Henry the Eighth, lo the office of
Lord Chancellor of England, he relinquished tho seals
and retired from that high station, provoking fhe lasting
enmity of the king, rather than consent fo his divorce
from Catharine of Arragon. And finally, persecuted by
the vindictive monarch under various pretences, he at
length yielded up his life on the scaffold, preferring dealli
to violating the dictates of his conscience.
Such was the man whose admirable work on Govern
ments, veiled under a thin disguise of fiction, has given to
the language a word, which monarchical and aristocratic
writers are fond of bandying as expressive of the wUdest
dreams of visionaries and lunatics. Whether fhe produc
tion deserves such a character from republicans, let those
judge who are acquainted with ifs contents, or who pe-
rused fhe extracts which we placed before our readers. It
is a work replete with political truth and wisdom. Many

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 127
of Its doctrines have since been adopted by the wisest
statesmen ; many of them have a conspicuous place in
the democratic theory of our Government ; and many
others are destined yef to force their way, in spite of the
opposition of aristocratic selfishness and pride, not only
in this young repubUc, but In fhe king-governed nations
ofthe old world.
Reason there is that despots and the parasites of despots
should treat such views as fhe impracticable theories of
dieainors and enthusiasts. But in this country, blessed
witli freedom above all others ; blessed with a Govern
ment founded on the broad b.isis of Equal Rights ; in this
country, where the people are the sole source of power,
and their equal good ifs sole legitimate object ; where
there are neither lords nor serfs, masters nor bondmen, but
where rich and poor, learned and unlearned, proud and
humble, move and mingle on one unvarying plane of po
litical equalit)' — in this country we ought to reject fhe
prejudices and cant of other lands, and think, and reason,
and act for ourselves.
That all the views of Sir Thoraas More are practicable
we by no means contend ; and strange indeed would if
have been if one living at his time, and under such a
constitution of society, could so far have outsoared man
kind, as to prefigure a government in aU respects adapted
to the rights, wants and capacities of man In a state of ab
solute political and religious freedom. But If his theory
of Government Is not in all respects sound, it is at least
full of important truths ; and the aristocratic abuses
which prompted his meditations are accurately and vi
vidly delineated, as are fhe hydra evils, political and so
cial, of which they constitute the prolific source.
' The lesson which his work teaches, then, is highly im
portant, if no other than to guard with sleepless vigflance
the great palladlura of freedom, the principle of equal

128 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
rights ; to guard it against the first insidious approaches
of that spirit which is ever seeking to subject flic many
to the will of the few ; which conies with professions of
zeal for the public good on ifs lips, and with Ita heart top-
ful of achemes of self-aggrandizement and ambition. Let
the people examine well Into the true designs of those
who betray fhis suspicious ardour of philanfropy, caring
all for the public, and nothing for themselves. When
they hear fhe oft-repeated cant about "stimulating the
industry of the country," " developing Its vast resources,''
and the like, let fhem inquire how much this stimu
lus is to cost, and let them remeraber, If It Is to be pur
chased by the surrender of one jot or tittle of their equal
privileges, the price is iniinilcly too dear. These are fhe
sentiments which fhey will derive from a perusal of Sir
Thomas More's excellent work, and let them not fear to
entertain and act upon these sentiments, though by do
ing so they should incur from the aristocracy the epithet
of Utopian.
But the opponents of fhe doctrines we advocate, as if
calling names were a certain method of overt hrpwing our
argumenta, are not content with stigmatizing our views
as Utopian, but bestow the appellation of Jack Cade
upon ourselves. Thus an article in tbe Courier and En-
quirer of this morning, after grossly misstating the objects
for which we contend, and indulging in much groundless
abuse, at last closes with what the writer may have sup.
posed the very climax of invective, by designating us as
"the Jack Cade ofthe Evening Post."
Here again we seethe readineaa of our opponents to
adopt the aristocratic cant of those countries, the Govern
ments of which repudiate the principle of equal liberty,
and exert their powera to concentrate all wealth and pri-
vflege in the handa of a few. It ia heart-sickening to see
men, citizens of this free repubUc and partakers of its

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 129
equal blessings, thus assume without exaraination, and
use without scruple, as terras of reproach, fhe epithets
with which lying historians and panders to royalty have
branded those, whose only crime was their opposing, with
noblo ardour and courage, flie usurpafions\>f tyranny,
and setting themselves up as assertors of the natural and
inalienable rights of their oppressed fellow-men.
Have the editors who use the name of Cade as a word -
of scorn looked Into the history of thaf heroic man ?
Have they sifted ouf, from the mass of prejudice, bigotry
and servility, which load the pages of fhe old chroniclers,
the facts in relation to his extraordinary career ? Have
they acquainted theraselves with the oppressions of the
tiraes ; the lawless violence of the nobles ; fhe folly and
rapacity of the raonarch; the extortion and cruelty of his
ministers ; and the general contempt which was mani-
fested for the plainest and dearest rights of humanity ?
Have they consulted the pages of Stow, and Hall, and
Hollingshed, who, parasites of royalty as they were, and
careful to exclude frora their chronicles whatever raight
grate harshly on the delicate ears ofthe privileged orders,
have yet not been able to conceal the justice ofthe cause
for which Cade contended, the raoderafion of his demands,
or the extraordinary forbearance of his conduct ? Have .
they looked into these matters for themselves, and divest
ing the statements ofthe gloss of prejudice and servility,
judged of the rrian by a simple reference to the facts of
his conduct, and the nature and strength of his motives ?
Or have fhey been confent to learn his character from
tiie scenes of a play, or the pages of that king-worshipper,
that pimp and pander to aristocracy, the tory Hurae, who
was ever ready to lick absurd porap, and give a narae of
infamy to any valiant spirit that had fhe courage and
true nobleness to stand forward in defence of fhe rights
of his fellow-men ?

130 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
Let those who use the name of Cade as a term of re
proach remember that the obloquy which blackens his
meraory flowed frora the same slanderous pens that de
nounced as rebels and traitors, and with terma of equal
bitterness, though not of equal contumely, the Hampdens
and Sydneys of England — glorious apostles and martyrs
in the cause of civfl liberty ! Let them remember, too,
that, as the philosophic Mackintosh observes, all we know
oi" Cade is through his enemies — a fact which of itself
would impress a just and inquiring mind with the necessi
ty of examination for itself, before adopting the current
slang ofthe aristocracy of Great Britain.
The very name of Jack Cade, if we take the pains to
look into contemporary historians, is but a nick-name
conferred upon the leader of fhe Kentish insurrection, in
order to increase fhe obloquy with which If was the policy
of Henry fhe Sixth and his licentious nobles lo load the
memory of that heroic and treacherously-murdered man.
But whatever was his name or origin, and whatever
might have been his private motives and character, if we
judge of hira by the authentic facts of history alone, we
shall find nothing that does not entitle him to the admira
tion of men who set a true value on liberty, and revere
those who peril their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred
honour to achieve it from fhe grasp of tyrants, or defend
it against their encroachments. Nothing can exceed the
grossness of the oppressions under which the people la
boured when Cade took up arms. Nothing can exceed
the arbitrary violence with which their property was
wrested from their hands, or the Ignominious punishments
which were causelessly inflicted on their persons. The
kingdom was out of joint. An imbecile and rapacious
monarch on the throne ; a band of licentious and factious
nobles around him ; a parliaraent ready to impose any
exactions on the commons ; and all the minor offices of

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 131
Government filled with a species of freebopters, who
deemed the possession of tho people their lawful prey — in
such a state of things, the burdens under which the great
mass of Englishmen laboured must have been severe in
the extreme.
If Cade was the wretched fanatic which it has pleased
the greatest dramatic genius of fhe world (borrowing his
idea of that noble rebel from old Hollingshed) to repre
sent hira, how did it happen that twenty thousand men
flocked to his ftandard the moment it was unfurled?
How did it happen fhat his statement of grievances was
so true, and his demaiids for redress so moderate, that,
even according to Hume hiraself, " the Councfl, observing
that nobody was wiUing to fight against men so reason
able In their pretensions, carried the King for safety to
Kenilworth ? " How did It happen, as related by Fabian,
fhat the duke of Buckingham and the archbishop of Can
terbury being sent to negotiate with him, were obliged to
acknowledge that fhey found him " right discrete in his
answers ; howbeit they could not cause him to lay down
his people, and to subrait hira (unconditionally) unto the
king's grace." But we need not depend upon the opinions
of historians for fhe reasonableness of his deraands. Hol
lingshed has recorded his list of grievances and stipula
tions of redress ; and let those who think the terra Jack
Cade synonymous with ignorant and ferocious rebel and
traitor, examine it ; let them compare it with the griev
ances which led our fathers fo take up arms against their
mother country, nor lay fhem down until they achieved
a total separation ; let fhem look at it In reference to
what would be their own feelings under a tithe part of
the wrongs; and, our life on it, fhey wiU" pause before
fhey again use the word in such a sense. Nay more :
let them follow Cade through his whole career ; let them
behold him in the midst of insurrection, checking the

132 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
natural fierceness of hia followers, restraining their pas-
sions, and compelling them by the severest orders to res
pect private property ; see him withdrawing his forces
each night from London, when he had taken possession
of that city, that its inhabitants might sleep without fear
or molestation ; mark him continually endeavouring to
fix the attention of the people solely on those great ends
of public right and justice for which alone he had placed
himaelf in arms against his king : let them look at Cade
in these points of view, and we think their unfounded
prejudices wUI speedily give way to very different senti
ments. Follow hira to the close of his career ; see him deserted
by his followers, under a general hut deceitful promise of
pardon from fhe Government ; trace him afterwards a
fugitive through the country with a reward set upon his
head. In violation of the edict which but a few days be
fore had dissolved hira ofthe crime of rebellion on condi
tion of laying down his arras ; behold him at last en
trapped by a wretch and basely murdered ; weigh his
whole character as exhibited by all fhe prominent traits
of his life and fortune, reraembering too that all you know
of him is from those who dipped their pens in ink only to
blacken his name ! and you will at last be forced to ac
knowledge that instead ofthe scorn of raankind, he deserves
fo be ranked araong those glorious martyrs, who have
sacrificed their lives in defence of the rights of raan.
The derision and confuraely which have been heaped on
Cade, would have been heaped on those who achieved fhe
liberty of fliis country, had fhey been ecpially unsuccess
ful in their struggle. It ill then becomes republicans,
enjoying the freedom which they achieved, admirin"- the
intrepidity of their conduct, and revering their memory,
to use the narae of one who sacrificed his life in an iU-
starred effort in defence of the same glorious and univer-

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 133
sal principles of equal liberty, as a by-word and term of
mockery and reproach.
Cade was defeated, and his very name lies buried un
derneath the rubbish of ages. But his example did not
die; For freedom's battle once begun,
Beq\ieathed from bleeding sire to son.
Though oflen lost is ever won.
Those who are curious in historical research may
easily trace the influence of the principles which Cade
battled to establish, through succeeding reigns. If they
foUow the streara of history from the sixth Henry down
wards, they will find that the same sentiments of freedom
were continually breaking away from the restraints of
tyranny, and that the same grievances complained of by
the leader of the Kentish insurrection, were the main
cause of all the risings of the Commons, tfll at last the cup
of oppression, filled to overflowing, was dashed to the
earth by an outraged people, the power of the throne was
shaken to ifs centre, and the evils under which men long
had groaned, were remedied by a revolution.
Let readers not take things upon trust. Let them not
be turned away from doctrines which have for their ob
ject the more complete establishment of the , great princi
ple of equal rights, by the reproachful epithets of aristo
cratic writers. Let them, above all, not take the worn
out slang of other countries as equivalent to argument ;
but subjecting every thing to the touchstone of good sense
and candid examination, try for theraselves what is cur
rent gold, and what is spurious coin. If they look well
into fhe true meaning of words, they wUl discover that
neither Agrarian nor Utopian is a term of very deep dis
grace ; that to be called a Jack Cade is rather compli.
mentary than discireditable ; and that even the dreaded
Vol. I.— 12

134 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
name of Jacobin has not half so odious a meaning as
people are apt to suppose. In studying the histories oi
other countries, he shows a true American feeling, who
separates facts from the prejudices of the writer, and
forms conclusions for himself as to character and events
in the great drama of existence.

TO WILLIAM L. MARCY,
GOVERNOR OF THE STATE OF NEW-tOHK.
[From the Evening Post, Dec. 24, 1834.]
Recent events have fixed the eyes of the Democracy of
this State with great interest upon you. They await
your Message with much anxiety. Not even the admira
ble and truly democratic state paper lately addressed to
Congress by the National Executive was perused with
greater eagerness and attention, than will be fhat com
munication which your duty will soon require you to lay
before the Legislature. Circumstances have arisen to
create a very extensive apprehension that fhe wih of the
people, on a question deeply interesting in its nature,
and one on which their sentiments have been clearly ex-
pressed, will be disregarded by their servants ; and to
you, as their chief servant, they look with fear and trem
bling, lest that confidence which fhey have expressed by
their suffrages in your intelligence and integrity should
prove to have been misplaced. We shall not, in a false
spirit of courtesy, or unrepublican strain of adulation,
affect to deny that we largely partake of these fears ;
' nor shall we hesitate, with that freedora and frankness
which becorae deraocrats, looking upon you, not as their
master, but as their representative, to lay before you
such views as wc think ought to govern your conduct on
the subject to which we afludc.

'WILtlAM LEGGETT. l35
It is a truth, susceptible of the clearest demonstration
that the great body of tho people of this state havo express
ed themselves decidedly opposed to the incorporation of
any new banks, and as decidedly in favour of fhe with
drawal of aU bank-notes of a less denoraination than five
doUars from circulation. A very cursory reference to
the proceedings of town and county raeetings, previous
to the late election, must satisfy any candid mind fhat
this was one ofthe leading favourite objects of the demo-
cracy. Situated where you are, and having necessarily
some knowledge of the modo by which those who assurae
to be " leading politicians" sometimes contrive to stifle
the expressions of the people, or weaken their force, or
perplex them with ambiguities, you may readily conclude
that public sentiment, is In reality rauch more adverse to
banks aud a small note currency, and the desire for the
speedy extinction of the latter Is rauch stronger and
urgent than would even appear by the tone of the pub- -
lished proceedings of democratic meetings.
It may not be known to you, however, that, by a fraud
of so atrocious a character fhat lio narae of Infaray
would be too strong to apply to It, some of those who
take upon theraselves the task of guiding and regulating
public opinion, have had the hardihood, in certain impor
tant instances, fo forge resolutions on the subject of banks
and currency, and put thera forth as a part of fhe pro
ceedings of [Deraocraf ic Conventions, though entirely
different in their tenor fiom the resolutions which were
really adopted. It may not be known fo you, for exam
ple, that the proceedings bf the Young Men's Herkimer
Convention underwent, in very important respects, fhis
audacious mutation. That Convention consisted of a
very numerous body of the delegated representatives of
by far the largest and most active class of the democra.
cy of this state ; and it comprised as much intelligence.

136 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
patriotism and discretion, aa any assembly of political
delegates which was ever convened on any like occasion
ih our country. What must have been the feelings of
those honourable delegates, when the published account
of their proceedings vvas placed In their hands, to per
ceive resolutions ascribed to them which they never adopt
ed? to see other resolutions, on important subjecta, so
changed by interpolations and omissions, as to have lost
afl the force and efficacy of their original tenor? and lo find,
also, that resolutions, expressing the senae of the meeting
on queations of great and pervading interest, had been
wholly expunged ?
Such was literally the fact ! The proceedings of that
Convention, as published, were not the proceedings which
took place ! The account was a forgery ! The hand
of political knavery had been employed upon it, and had
changed the sentiments of the convention to sentiments
in accordance with what the " party leaders " had
then, no doubt, laid out as the course to be pursued by
our legislature on thpse great questions of state policy
which have agitated the public mind for a long time
past. We desire to expresa ouraelves explicitly. We
distinctly charge that the proceedlnga of the Young
Men's Herkimer Convention were materially alter
ed in Albany. We charge, in particular, that the resolu
tion on the subject of the suppression of small notes, and
the substitution of a metallic currency, waa ao transform.
ed, in Albany, by additions and omissions, as to be of
very different and far feebler and more qualified import,
than was fhe resolution as passed by the Convention,'
and transraitted to that place for publication. We
charge, also, that another resolution, on a cognate subject,
in which the sense of the Convention was strongly ex
pressed against all raonopolies whatever, was, by the Al
bany junto, whoUy suppressed.

WILLIAM leg'gbtt. 137
These are some ofthe facts which authorize us in say.
ing that the sentiments of the democracy of fhis State,
are much more hostile to banks and a smafl note curren
cy than might be inferred frora the language of their pub
lished proceedings. We by no means raean to be consid
ered as intimating that you have had any share In the
gross frauds which have been practised upon the people,
or that you have been in any degree accessory to them.
Hut it is a fact susceptible of proof, that these frauds
have been coininitled.
Taking it as a point conceded, then, that the seiiti-
ineiifs of a vast majority of the people of fhis state are in
favour of the suppression of all bank notes of a smaller
denomination than five dollars, let us ask what reasona
ble pretence can be urged why this measure should be
postponed fo a future day ? AVas there ever a tirae in
this country when this reform in our currency could be
.so easfly effected as now ? AVas there ever a time when
such a vast quantity of gold and silver was accumulated
in our banking houses, and only restrained from filling
up the channels of circulation, and flowing in healthful
currents through fhe country by every vein and artery
being previously occupied with the sickly, worthless trash
which has so long supplied the place of constitutional
money ? Our country contains, af this moment, twenty
millions of dollars in specie more than it did a twelve
month ago, and the most exaggerated calculation of the
araount of our small note currency does not make it more
than fifteen millions. The specie which we now have
within our control will desert us soon, unless if be de
tained by the legislative reform which the public voice de
mands. Paper and gold cannot circulate together. The
banks are discounting freely, and fhe spirit of specula
tion, recovered from the shock which It received a year
ago, is already engaged in hazardous enterprizes. Bank
12*

138 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
notes are the aliment on which speculation subsists, and
there is something In the quality of that nutriment whicli
seeras fatal lo caution and prudence. Already our mer- :
chants arc ini()orling largely. Stocks have risen in va.
lue, and land is selling at extravagant rates. Every
thing begins to wear the highly-prosperous aspect which
foretokens commercial revulsion. If nothing should oc
cur to check fhe "liberality'' ofthe banka, our gold and
silver must soon deaert us, lo pay for the excess of our im
portations over fhe amount of our exports. Upon this
there wUl follow rigorous curtailments of discounts on
the part of those institutions which are now lavish of
their favours. After having pampered the public into
comraercial extravagance, they will suddenly withdraw
their aid, careful to shelter theraselves from the evils
which their own selfish liberality has occasioned. De
serted In their utmost need, men who have ventured far
beyond their depth on the flood of bank credit, wfll find
themselves suddenly overwhelmed, and we shall again see
many goodly a merchant stranded on the shore, or lying
broken wrecks, on the shoals and quicksands of that
treacherous sea. Such will be the inevitable course of
things, if nothing occurs to check the dangerous generos-
Ity of our banks. If the proposed prohibition of notes of
less than five dollars is postponed eighteen months, it will
not take place at afl. The commercial business of the
country in the intermediate time will change the face of
affairs. Before eighteen months shall have elapsed, fhe
gold and silver, which have flowed so copiously into our
country, in payment of that balance in our favour which
the panic of last winter, by checking importation, has so
happfly occasioned, will have left us by flie natural reflux
of trade. When we buy more of foreign nations than
our cotton, tobacco and flour will pay for, we must dis
charge the balance of debt with specie. The only way

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 139
to keep the necessary quantity of the precious metals
araong us, is fo abolish the small note currency at once.
No injustice wiU be done fo the banks by carrying this
measure info immediate effect. They have had long
warning fhat the sentiments of the people deraanded this
reformation, and they know that the wishes of .the peo
ple are — or rather ought Io be — the supreme law. It is
to be feared, however, that bank influence will prove
stronger than the popular will. It was that influence,
and fhe pretext of the panic, which prevented a law being
passed last winter to restrain the banks from issuing fhe
smaller denominations of notes. That influence, and
sorae other groundless pretext, there is too rauch reason to
apprehend, will again be found more potent with our le
gislators than their duty to their constituents, and to the
great and permanent interests of the state. It was our
intention to Include a summary ofthe reasons which ren
der it imperative that the State Government should ab
stain from adding any more banks to our already almost
innumerable host ; but interruptions which we did not
anticipate oblige us to put a hasty end to this article.
We shall take the liberty of resuming the subject on an
early day.

140 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP

MONOPOLIES.
[From the Evening Post, December 30, 1834.]
This day week the Legislature will convene at Albany.
Seldom has it happened fhat fhe meeting of that body
has been looked forward fo with so much general interest.
The Message of Governor Marcy wfll probably bo com
municated lo both Houses of fhe Legislature on the first
day of, fhe session, and we expect to bc able fo place it
before our readers on the following Thursday. By fhe
sentiments of that Mesaage, will Governor Marcy be
tried. They wfll either raise him In our estimation, and
in fhe estimation of all who are animated by truly demo
cratic principlea, to a most enviable height, or sink him
to fhe level ofthe gross herd of petty, selfish, ahort-sighfed
and low-minded politiciana. The rare opportunity is pre
sented to him now, by one single act, fo inscribe his name
among those of fhe greatest benefactors of mankind. If
he should stand forth as the honest, bold, unequivocal
assertor ofthe great principle of Equal Rights, and strenu
ously recornnicnd fo fhe Legislature to pursue such mea
sures only as are consistent with fhat principle ; if he
should urge upon their attention the evil effects of the
partial and unequal system of legislation which we have
been pursuing for years; if he should illustrate the in
compatibility of all acts of special incorporation with the
fundamental principle of our Government, and ahow their
tendency to build up a privfleged order, and to concen
trate aU wealth and power in the hands of the few ; if
he should sternly oppose all further extension of exclusive
or partial privileges, and earnestly recommend, instead,
the adoption of a general law of joint stock partnerships,
by which whatever of truly valuable is now effected by
private incorporations might be done by voluntary associ-
ations of men, possessing no privileges above their fellow-

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 141
citizens, and liable to the same free 'competition which
the merchant, flic mechanic, fhe labourer, and the farmer
are, in their vocations — if he should take such a stand,
his name would go down to posterity inseparably associ
ated with fhat of the patriotic and democratic raan, who,
at the head of fhe National Government, has done so
much to restore to the People their violated rights, and
check the course of unequal, aristocratic legislation. If,
on the contrary. Governor Marcy should listen to the
suggestions of selfish interest or short-sighted policy ; if,
through timidity of character or subserviency to the
views of unprincipled deraagouges, who assume to be the
" leaders " of the democracy, and claim a right to legisla
tive rewards, he should recommend " a middle course,"
or should cloak his sentiments in ambiguities, or fetter
them with qualifications that take from them all force and
meaning ; if he should either approve a continuance of
the fatal course of legislation which has done so much to
oppress the people, or express disapproval of it in such
mincing, shuffling, evasive terms as to pass for nothing ;
if he should object to the incorporation of more banks,
except in places where more banks are asked for, and
should suggest fhe propriety of prohibiting the small note
currency, at some future and indefinite period: if Gov
ernor Marcy, instead of realizing the expectations
of the honest democracy of the state, should pursue
such a triraraing, paltry, tlrae-serving course, most com-
pletely wifl he forfeit the high prize of farae which Is
now within his reach, most blindly will he turn aside from
the proud destiny which it is In his power to achieve.
We await his message with anxiety, but not without
strong hopes.

142 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF

JOINT-STOCK PARTNERSHIP LAW.
, [From ihe Eoening Post, December 30, 1834.]
The charters of several incorporated companies in this
city are about to expire, and wo have several fimes been
asked if this paper, in pursuance of the doctrines wo pro
fess, would feel called upon to oppose the renewal of
those charters. To this our ansvver Is raost unequivo
cally in the affirmative. We shaU oppose, with all our
might and zeal, the granting or renewing of any special
charter of incorporation whatever, no rriatter who may be
the applicants, or what the objects ofthe association.
But at the same time, we wish it to be distinctly un
derstood, that we do not desire to break up those incorpo
rated associations the charters of which are about to ex
pire. How so ? You would refuse fo re-charter fhem,
and thus they would inevitably be broken up. Not at all ;
as we .shall explain.
It is not against the objects effected by Incorporated
companies that we contend; but simply againat the false
principle, politically and polltico-economically, of special
grants and privileges. Instead of renewing the charters
of Insurance Coinpanies, or any other companies, about
to expire, or granting charters to new applicants, we
would recoraraend the passing of one general law of joint
stock partnerships, allowing any nuraber of persons fo
associate for any object, (with one single temporary ex
ception, which we shall state In the proper place) per
mitting fhem to sue and be sued under their partnership
narae, to be secure from liability beyond the amount of
capital invested, to conduct their business according to
their own good pleasure, and, in short, to possess all the
powers defined by the revised statutes as belonging fo
corporations. There is nothing not perfecfly equitable

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 143
in the principle wdiich exempts men from liability to any
greater araount than tho capital actually invested in any
business, provided proper notoriety be given of the ex
tent nnd circumstances of that investment. If such a
law were passed, tho stockholders in ali insurance com
pany, or the stockholders in any other chartered com
pany, when their corporate privileges were about to ex
pire, would have merely fo give the proper public noflfi-
cation of their intention to continue their business in
Iho mode specified in the general joint-stock partnership
law, and thoy luiglif go on precisely the same as if their
special privileges had been renewed. The only differ
ence would be that those privileges would no longer be
special, but vvould belong fo the whole community,-any
number of which might associate together, forra a new
company for the same objects, give due notification to
the public, and enter into free competition with pre-exist
ing companies or partnerships ; precisely as one man, or
set of associated raen, maj' now enter into mercantile
business by the side of other merchants. Import the sarae
kinds of goods, dispose of them on the sarae terms, and
compete with them in all the branches of their business.
There has been a great deal said about our ulfraism
and Utopianism ; and fhis Is the extent of it. By a
general law of joint-stock partnerships afl the good effects
of private incorporations vvould be secured, and all fhe
evil ones avoided. The humblest citizens raight associ
ate together, and wield, through the agency of skilful
and intelligent directors, chosen by themselves, a vast
aggregate capital, composed of the little separate suras
which fhey could afford to invest in such an enterprise,
in competition with the capitals of the pur.sc-proud men
who now alraost monopolize certain branches of business.
The exception to which we have alluded above, is fhe
business of banking. Our views on this subject were

144 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
fully stated yesterday. We would not have banking
thrown open fo the whole community, until flic legisla
ture had first taken measures to withdraw our paper
money from circulation. As soon as society should be
entirely freed, by these measures, from the habit of tak
ing bank-notes as money, we would urge fhe repeal of
the restraining law, and place banking on as broad a
basis as any other business whatever.

OBJECTS OF THE EVENING POST.
[From the Evening Post, January 3, 1835.]
Those who only read fhe declamations of the opponents
of the Equal Rights of the people, may be induced to be
lieve that this paper advocates principles at war with the
very existence of social rights and social order. But
what have we asked in the name of the people, that such
an interested clamour should be raised against them and
us? What have we done or said, that we should be de
nounced as incendiaries, striking at the very roofs of soci
ety and tearing down the edifice of property ? It may
be useful fo recapitulate what we have already done, in
order that those who please may judge whether or not we
deserve these reproaches, from any but the enemies ofthe
equal rights of person and property.
In the first place, in designating fhe true functions of
a good government, we placed the protection of property
among its first and principal duties. We referred to It
as one of the great objects for the attainment of which all
governments were originally instituted. Doea thia savour
of hostility to the rights of property ?
In the second place, we maintained that all grants of
monopolies, or exclusive or partial privileges to any man,
or body of men, impaired the equal rights of the people,

WILLIAM LEGGETT. '. ' 6'il
and was in direct violation of fhe first principle of a free
government. Does it savour of hostility fo the rights of
property to maintain that all property has equal rights,
nnd that exclusive privileges granted to one class of men,
or one species of properly, impair the equal rights of aU
the others ?
As a deduction from these principles, we draw the con-
elusion that charters conferring partial or exclusive mo.
nopolies on small fractions of society, are infringements
on the general rights of society, and therefore that the
system ought to be abandoned as soon as possible, as ut
terly af war with the rights of the people at large. It is
here that fhe shoe pinches, and here the clamour against
us wfll be found to originate. Thousands and tens of
thousands of influential individuals, at the bar, on fhe
bench, in our legislative bodies, and everywhere, are deep
ly interested in the continuance of these abuses. Law
makers, law -expounders and law executors, have invested
either their money or their credit in corporations of every
kind, and it is not fo be wondered at that fhey should
cry out against the abandonment of a system from
whence they derive such exorbitant gains.
AVe are accused of violating vested rights when we
ask, in the name of the people, that no more be created,
and that aU those possessing the means and the inclina
tion, may be admitted, under general regulations, to a
participation In fhe privileges which hitherto have been
only enjoyed through the caprice, fhe favour, the policy,
or the corruption, of legislative bodies. We never even
hinted at touching those vested rights, until the period to
which they had been extended by law had expired, and
tiU it could bc done without a violation of legislative
faith. We defy any man fo point out in any of our argu
ments on this subject a single idea or sentence that wIU
sustain the charge of hostflity to actually vested righte.
Vol. I.— 13

146 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
Our opposition was prospective, not retroactive ; It was
not to present, but f o future vested rights.
In attacking a course of policy in tbe future, do we
make war on the past? In pointing ouf what we believe
errors in forraer legislation, and recorarnending their
abandonment in future, do we violate any right of proper
ty, or recommend any breach of puplic faith ? Or, in
advocating fhe equal rights of all, do vve impair the con
stitutional rights of any? It might be well for the ela-
mourous few who assail our principles and our motives
with opprobious epithets, which, though they do not un
derstand their purport themselves, they mean should con
vey the most dishonourable imputations — it inight be
well for them to answer these questions before they resort
to railing.
One of the greatest supports of an erroneous system of
legislation, is the very evil if produces. When it is pro
posed to remedy the mischief by adopting a new systera,
every abuse which has been the result of the old one be
comes an obstacle to reformations. Every political
change, however .salutary, must bc injurious to the inte
rests of some, and it wUl be found that those who profit
by abuses are always raore clamouroua for their continu
ance than those who are only opposing theni from mo-
tives of justice or patriotism, are for their abandonment.
Such is precisely the state of the question of monopoly at
this raoraent.
Under the abuses of the right fo grant exclusive privi
leges to the few, which ia a constructive, if not a usurped
power, a vast and concentrated interest and influence has
grown up among us, which will undoubtedly be seriously
affected in its monopoly of gain frora that source, by the
discontinuance of their chartered privileges, when they
shall expire by their own limitation. The admission of
all others having the means and the inclination to associ-

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 147
ate for similar purposes, by destroying the monopoly at
one blow, will in all probability diminish the prospect of
future gains ; and these vviU be still further curtaUed, by
at first restricting banks in their issues of small notes and
in the amount of notes Ihej' are permitted fo put into cir
culation, and finally by repealing the restraining law, and
throwing banking open to the free competition of the
whole community. These may prove serious evUs to the
parties concerned ; but it is a poor arguraent to say that a
bad system should be persevered in, least a small minority
of the community should suffer sorae fufure inconveni
ence. The magnitude of the evlis produced by an erro
neous sj'stem of legislation, far from being a circum
stance in favour of its continuance or increase, is the
strongest argument in the world for its being abandoned
as soon as possible. Every reforraation raay in this way
be arrested, under the pretence that the evils it wilicause
are greater than those it will cure. On the same princi
ple the drawing of a tooth might be opposed, on the
ground that the pain is worse than that of the tooth-ache,
keeping out of sight the fact that the one is a lasting and
increasing, fhe other a momentary evil.
It is fhe nature of political abuses, to be always on the
increase, unless arrested by the virtue, intelligence and
firmness of the people. If not corrected in time, they
grow up into a gigantic vigour and notoriety which at
length enables them to wrestle successfully with the peo
ple, and overthrow thera and their rights. The posses
sors of monopolies and exclusive privileges, which form
the essence of every bad government, pervert a long per
severance in the wrong, info a political right ; abuses
grow venerable by time ; usurpation matures into pro
scription ; distinctions become hereditary ; and what can
not be defended by reason, is maintained on the ground

148 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
that a long continuance of wrongs, and a long possession
of rights, are equally sacred.

REFUSAL OF THE U. S. BANK TO PRODUCE
ITS BOOKS.*
[From the Evening Post, May, 13, 1834.]
The resolution adopted by the popular branch of Con
gress to appoint a Committee of Investigation to inquire
into the affairs and conduct of the United States Bank
was passed by a vote of 174 fo 41. There has scarcely
a question of any kind arisen during the present session
which has received the approbation of so large and sig
nal a majority of fhe House. Rumors have been in eir.
culation ,for somo days past, from the purport of which
it was surmised that the managers of the United States
Bank were determined to defeat all alteinpts to investi
gate fhe concerns of that corrupt institution, and refuse
to reraove the veil which conceals their iniquitous ti-ans-
actions. These ruraors, however, could not gain entire
credit frora those who bore in mind how strong was the
vote of the House In favour of appointing the Invesfigat-
ing Committee, how explicit were the instructions given
thera, and how ample tho powers with which they wero
clothed. If seeras, however, fhat these reports were but too well
founded. The Bank has added another act of audacious
wickedness to those which had already raade it fhe ob
ject of unappeasable detestation and abhorrence to tho
great body of the People of the United States. If has
given another evidence of ifs dutciiniiialioii lo rule fhe
country ; and as it lately undertook fo withhold the pub.
lie funds from the executive department charged with
their custody, and to dictate the law to fhe President of
' Several piecaa aro inuurled Uon: oui ofthe order of dale.

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 149
the United States ; so now it ret'uses obedience to a reso
lution of Congress, framed in strict accordance with the
terms of Ifs charter, and shutting ifs books ogainst the
Committee of Investigation, sends them back to Wash
ington no wiser than when fhey left.
AVo learn this fact frora various sources. The Penn-
sylvanian says, " After a tedious and protracted atterapt
to induce the Bank to subrait araicably to an investiga
tion legally ordered and emanating from the direct re
presentatives of the people, it was found necessary at
last to serve a subpaina duces tecum upon the President,
Directors, &c. of the United States Bank, to bring them
and the requisite books and papers of fhe institution be-
fore the committee, then sifting at the North American
Hotel. The officers so summoned made their appear
ance before the coramittee, and formally refused
EITHER TO TESTIFY, OR TO PRODUCE THE BOOKS AND PA
PERS, IN EFFECT DENYING THE AUTHORITY OF THE COM
MITTEE AND DISCLAIMING ALL HRSPONSIBILITY TO THE HE-
PUBLIC AND ITS SERVANTS ! The rcfusal being peremp
tory, the only course left to the coraraittee was an Imme-
diate adjournment."
The proceedlnga referred to In the foregoing para
graph took place on Saturday last. The committee of
Investigation adjourned, wo understand, to meet again in
Washington, on Thursday next, when, if is presumed, a
full official report of their whole proceedings and those of
the Bank will be subraitted to Congress and laid before
the people of the United States.
Nothing has occurred in fhe whole history of this pow
erful and dangerous monopoly which equals in arrogance
this high-handed and startling proceeding. Its bribery
and corruption, extensively as it has been practised, was
meant to operate in secret. Its resistance fo fhe Execu
tive authority, in the matter of fhe pension fund, was
offered under fhe pretence of obedience fo the law. But
1.3*

150 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
in ita refusal to submit to the investigations of the Com
mittee of Congress, there is no plea lo justify or exteuu.
ate ifs audacity ; and we can look upon fhis instance of
monstrous and unheard of arrogance in no other light
than as the result of a conviction entertained by the Bank
that fhe power of its gold Ims at length prevailed, and that
what with direct bribery, what with indirect corruption,
and what with pecuniary coercion, it has obtained the
mastery over the American people. We shall be greatly
mistaken, however, if fhis last exhibition of autocratic ar
rogance does not arouse the indignation of the people to
the highest pitch. We have miscalculated the moral
sense of our fellow-countrymen if they can taraely brook
the audacious conduct on the part of a money corpora
tion, thus openly and insolently setting all law and aU
authority at defiance.
The clause in fhe charter of the Bank, by which Con
gress reserved fo itself the power to examine into the af
fairs and manageraent of that institution is clear and ex-
plicit. The twenty-third section of the act of 1816
chartering fhe United States Bank, is in the following
words: " That it shall, at all times, be lawful for a com
mittee of either House of Congress, appointed for fhat
purpose, to inspect the books, and examine into the pro
ceedings of tho corpoialioii hereby created, and fo report
whether the provisions of this charter have been, by the
sarae, violated or not."
With regard to fhe particulars of the conduct of the
President and Directors of fhe United Stafes Bank to.
wards the Investigating Coramittee we have heard sev
eral verbal reports, of which fhe following paragraph,
given in a postscript of the Albany Argus, contains the
substance. The extreme arrogance of the bank, and the
unlawfulness of fhe pretence it set up, may be inferred
from the course adopted by fhe Committee, who would

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 161
not have relinquished tho investigation and returned to
AVashington, had the Bank attempted to prevent their in
vestigation by no other means than those which its char
ter authorizes it to uso.
"The Comiuiflcc soon nnvt their appointment," says
fhe Albany Argus, " assembled in Philadelphia, and do-
manded fhe usual convenience of a room in fhe Bank for
fhe examination of fhe books and accounts of the bank.
This was refused, except upon the condition that a com
mittee of seven of the directors should be present at all ex
aminations of the books, and it was also refused fo allow
copies or extracts to be taken. The coraraittee then ad
journed to a roora in one of the hotels, and deraanded
that fhe books be sent thither. This was also refused ;
but a proposition made on the part of the Bank to allow
an examination of the books in the bank and In the pre
sence of the officers of the institution. The coraraittee,
anxious to fulfil the duties of their appointment, accepted
the ])roposif ion, and proceeded to the Bank ; when Mr.
Biddle icfii.sed to allow an cxamiualioii of fhe biiulcH, un
less the object of such examination of the particular books
were stated in writing. A compliance with such extra
ordinary terms, was of course inadmissible ; and fhe cora
mittee returned to their room, and directed subpoenas to
issue for the appearance before them of the president and
directors, with the books of fhe bank. The subpoenas
were served by the marshal, and the president and direc
tors appeared, but refused the books, and refused to be
sworn or to give evidence. The committee of course,
had no alternative but to return to the seat of government
which they were to do, we learn, on Monday."
Nothing but fhe consciousness of damning guilt — no
thing but the fear that practises of fhe most enorraous
and flagitious corruption would be defected — nothing but
the apprehension that its vast and wicked schemes wore

152 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
about to be laid before the American People, could have
prevailed upon the Bank of fhe United Stafes to act as
it has done towards the Coiiiiuittee of Investigation. If
its conduct had been pure — if its business had been hon
estly conducted — if its condition was solvent — if if had
acted in conformity with the provisions of its charter
— what need was there to shun investigation? Guilt
shrinks in holes and corners, but an upright man stands
boldly forth in the light of day. The course which fhe
Bank has adopted must alienate thoae (if any there were)
who have hitherto believed in ifs integrity. This effect,
indeed, is said already fo have taken place.

REFUSAL OF THE U. S. BANK TO PRODUCE
ITS BOOKS.
[From the Evening Post of May 3l, 1834.]
" Button button, who's got the button ?"
Our readers will doubtless recollect an old play of this
name araong the amusements of their youthful days, but
probably never anticipated it would be played by such
dignified personages as the President and Directors of
the Bank of the United States. It wiU be seen by a pe
rusal of fhe documents accorapanying the Report ofthe
Comraitfee of Investigation, that fhey were as much
puzzled to find out who had the custody of the Bank
books, as we have often been fo find who had the buffon.
The books of fhe ancient sibyls were not more difficult
of access than those of the Bunk of the United States.
When application was made by the Coiiiinittee to the
President, it was found they were not in his custody.
When asked what clerks had charge of particular books,
it was rejdied none ; and when the Directors had a simi-
lar question put fo fhem, they could not bo brouolit fo

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 153
confess that these books were In their possession, or under
their control. In reading this correspondence, vve are
strongly reminded of the fable ofthe two corporate gen
tlemen, who went into a butcbcr's shop and stole a piece
of beef, and can scarcely refrain from adopting the same
opinion with the honest butcher.
But it not only appears that no person has charge ofthe
books of "the Bank, but there are raoreover strong indi
cations in fhis correspondence thaf nobody represents fhe
Bank Itself, or is responsible for its proceedings. The
cominittoe address a letter fo Mr. Biddle, and are answered
by Mr. Sergeant. Thoy write fo Mr. Sergeant, and
presto ! Mr. Biddle responds, or in default of Mr. Biddle,
Monsieur Jaudon volunteers. In this way fhe committee
are bandied about from one to another, until they become
as rauch puzzled fo find ouf fhe rogue, as fhe honest
butcher in fhe fable. All that they, or we, can gather
from this inextricable jumble is, that nobody has the cus
tody ofthe books, and that noliody represents tbe Bank
or is responsible for its proceedings. AVliether the Presi
dent, the Cashier, the Directors, or fhe Clerks, constitute
this extraordinary body corporate, is a profound mystery.
The President, we all know, wields fhe whole power of
fhe Bank, but tho responsibility for ifs exercise is, for afl
we know, in the man of the moon. They have got tho
button among them, fhat is certain, but the fortunate
possessor has not yet been defected.
The Bank reminds us, in truth, of fhat race of mis
chievous amphibious aniraals, called water rats, which
are neither amenable fo the laws of fhe land, nor the
laws of the sea. When detected in rifling the house
they take shelter in the docks ; and when routed thence
ensconce themselves in fhe cellar. The very best mousers
are at fault, and the rats escape with Impunity. Whether
they have any learned counsel to aid or abet fhem, we

154 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
cannot say, but rather apprehend that such is the case,
since all experience verifies the fact, that no rogue wiU
ever lack a pettifogger, who has discretion enough to steal
a cheese for a fee.
The truth is, fhat such corporate bodies as the Bank
ofthe United States, being founded on no general princi
ple of law, are in fact amenable to none, and always
escape fhe responsibility of their illegal acts by the aid
of shuffling chicanery, stimulated by the ample means
of remuneration in their possession. Legal opinions may
be bought like any other commodity, and so may the men
who sell thera, if the price is proportioned to the dignity
and value of the purchase. Having neither souls nor
bodies, corporations cannot be brought to a sense of shame
by exposure, nor to a sense of justice by the fear of
punishment. They can noithcr fool disgrace nor smart
under corporeal infliction. They belong to no genus of
aniraals ; arc subject lo none of the laws of nature and
society; and when justice seeks to lay hold of them, it
finds that it has grasped af a shadow. Even High Con
stable Hays, the terror of all evfl doers, would be at fault
in hunting such game. They are private citizens, one
moment asserting their natural and constitutional rights ;
the next a corporate body, sheltering itself in the obscu
rity of ita equivocal being, and claiming the privilege of
exeraption frora fhe duties and responsibilities of private
individuals. Thus dodging about frora side to side, and
availing itself of pettifogging subtUties, a full purse, and
a brazen face, the Bank ofthe United States haa hitherto
baffled the scrutiny of fhe public inquest, defied the con
stituted authorities of the nation, and triumphed in the
impunity of detected yet unpunished guilt.
But there is one great and oninipotent tribunal it can
not evade — the tribunal of the sovereign people of tho
United States. To that tribunal it must come al last,

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 156
and by that tribunal it will be conderaned to annihila
tion. You cannot fee them — they are too virtuous to be cor
rupted by bribes, and if they were not so, too numerous
to be bribed. A few of their leaders may bo seduced by
the temptations of ambition and avarice combined ; but
a nation of freemen, never yet bowed their necks to fhe
yoke, even though it were of solid gold. The doom of
the Bank of fhe United States is sealed ; the condemna
tion is in fhe mouths and hearts of tho American people ;
and the evfls infficted upon them by that powerful, un.
principled corporation, wUI be amply repaid by the deep
detestation they will ever afterwards feel for such a dan
gerous and unconstitutional monopoly.

THE BANK PARTY.
[From the Evening Post of June 12, 1834.]
Whoever Is an observer of the signs of fhe times
must have noticed the earnest and painful efforts of the
Bank party fo rid themselves of that appellation. They
have recently heen endeavouring with great zeal fo per
suade the world thaf fhey are not partizans of the United
^States Bank; that the re-charter of that institution is a
matter of secondary consequence with them ; and the
chief object of their warfare with the democracy of fhe
country is fo rescue the Constitution from fhe hands of a
despot and usurper ; to correct the evils of Executive
misrule ; and to retrieve the land from the ruin which is
laying it waste and desolate. The question fo be deci
ded, they say. Is not Bank or no Bank, but Laws or no
Laws, If they are sincere In these professions, then
must the strife of parties cease at once ; for surely the
democracy wifl never be found warring against those who

156 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
avow the same principles, and aim at the aame objects
with fheraaelvea. To prevent usurpation, repress tyranny,
and raaintain a system of equal and just laws, have
always been the great aims of fhe democratic party.
These form at all times, and under all circumstances,
the raain precepts of their doctrine, and furnish the battle-
cry of their political contests. If those with whora we
have been hitherto contending are animated by the same
sentiments, and directed by fhe same motives, let us at
once drop our weapons, clasp each others' hands in fellow-
ehip, and proceed hereafter in a united band, like bro
thers, not disputing each inch of ground, like foes. But
before we cast aside our arras and offer tokens of amity,
it maybe well fo scrutinize these pretensions, and compare
them with the conduct of those by whora they are avowed.
The despotism and usurpation of the chief magistrate,
as far as any specific accusation can be inferred from the
vague charges uttered against him, consists in the remo
val of the Governraent deposites from the United States
Bank. The Senate, It is true, in paaaing their verdict
against him, were careful to exclude frora It all apecifi.
cation of particular offences. While thej' pronounced
hira guilty of high crimes and misdemeanors, they left it
to conjecture to discover the transgression, with no nar
rower limit to circumscribe ita search than the vague
phraae of " late executive proceedings in relation to the
public revenue." But though that extraordinary sen
tence is thus indefinite in its description of the particu
lar act it condemns, there are circumstances which point
to the reraoval of the deposites as the measure which has
given occasion fo such a world of denunciations again.st
infringements of fhe constitution, and such pious horror
of executive despotism and usurpation. This is the par
ticular act of the administration against which the slinn^
and arrows of an outrageous parly are inceasanfly dis-

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 157
charged. The reraoval of tho deposites is the theme of
their newspaper tirades ; it is the burden of all their
petitions fo Congress ; it is the topic on which Bank
orators in that body have exhausted their eloquence, and
well nigh exhausted the English language of Ifs terms of
invective and reproach. AVe take it then, that fhe re
raoval of the deposites is the measure which Is relied
upon to prove the Executive a tyrant and usurper.
It is not necessary to the purpose of this article that
wc should establish either tho policy or tho constitution
ality of that measure. Let us first examine if our oppo
nents are sincere in alleging that their warfare is in de
fence of a violated Constitution, not in defence of the
United States Bank. If they are really not a Bank
party, but a Constitutional party ; if their object is not
to perpetuate a huge moneyed institution, too powerful
for a free people to risk, and too corrupt for a virtuous
people to endure ; but to re-establish the Constitution in
its original strength and simplicity, before the spirit of
expediency had strained any of its provisions to larger
issues than its framers designed, and before the fatal
precedent had heen pleaded to justify subsequent perver
sions — if our opponents are governed by such motives, no
wonder that they reject with scorn the appellation of
Bank party.
But if we look back to the history of their hosfUify to
the Executive, shall we find that it comraenced with the
removal of the deposites ? Shall we find that before that
act they yielded him their support, joined with him in
censuring the corruptions ofthe Bank, and manifested no
desire for „the ioncw.il of ifs charter? Shall wc not on
the contrary, find that a large portion of those who now
fight against the administration under a common banner,
and shout a common war-cry, were as decidedly opposed
to Andrew Jackson before he v/as elected chief magis-
VoL. I.— 14

158 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
trate as fhey are at this moraent ? Shall we not find that
they misrepresented his actions, maligned his motives,
and even slandered his dead wife, while she lay yet hardly
cold in her grave? And on his being chosen by the Peo
ple fo preside over them, did the enmity of these champi
ons of fhe Constitution cease ? Did they not embarrass
his administration by every art fhat ingenuity could de
vise, and shower on his head every reproach that slander
could invent? Did they not deride his public measures,
and traduce his private conduct — at one moment denounc
ing hira as a military chieftain ruling with the sword,
and the next as a superannuated imbecile, blindly led by
flatterers and favourites ? Did they not receive his very
first suggestion to Congress relative to fhe United States
Bank wIUi jeers and hisses ? Did fhey not defend fhe
conduct of that institution in all Its successive steps of
wickedness and corrupfion ? — its interference in elections,
its infidelity fo its trust in the business of the three per
cent, stock — its corrupfion of fhe preaa — its enorraous
over-issues, inducing ruinous speculation — ita rapid cur-
tailraenfa, causing wide-spread ruin and distress — and
finally its audacioua violation of ifs charter, hy turning a
Coraraittee of Congress from its doors ? To these ques-
tions every man not deaf or blind, physically or mentally,
must return an answer in fhe aflirmutivc.
The other portion of fhis patriotic parly, which ia now
waging fight in defence of fhe Constitution and laws
against fhe usurpations of a despot, is composed of those
true lovers of their country and its lia])py institutions
who, a little while ago, showe<l their devotion for flic con
stitution by raising the standard of rebellion — hy arming
themselves against the laws — and threatening to cut fo
pieces fhe officer who should attempt to carry them into
execution. The tyranny and usurpation of the Chief
Magistrate were then shown in his preserving the Union

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 159
against their parricidal assaults and taming their fiery
spirits to obedience. Their foiled leader, moved by rest
less ambition and implacable hatred, now stands among
the foremost champions of the Bank — he who but a few
raonths since was ready to drown the country in blood in
defence of state rights, Is now the advocate of an insti-
tion, which has not a word of warrant In the Constitution,
and the inevitable effect of which, sooner or later, must
be to melt fhis confederation into one vast consolidated
empire, and place an aristocracy .if its head.
These are tho materials of which the party opposed fo
the administration is raainly coraposed. There are joined
with thera, a certain class of men in the mercantile cities,
who are such pure and intelligent patriots, that no ques.
tion, of whatever importance to fhe countiy, could bring
them into the field of politics, unless It dliectlj' affected
their personal and pecuniary interest — raen whose hearts
are in their money-bags — whose patriotism rises and falls
with the rates of exchange and the price of stocks —
whose constitutional scruples are so nice, fhat It is a
sufficient answer with fhem fo all the objections to the
United Stafes Bank, fhat it furnishes a convenient me
dium for the management of domestic exchanges. These
men join In the cry of executive tyranny and usurpa
tion, and coraplain fhat the national faith is violated by
the reraoval of the deposites !
This then is the party which claims fo be called Whigs,
and repudiates the name of the Bank party. Yet what
are they contending for but the re-charter of the United
States Bank ? What has the Senate of the United
Stafes been doing for six months past, but reading and
making speeches about memorials praying for the resto
ration of the deposites and the renewal of the Bank char
ter ? What is the burden of every harangue frora the
opponents of the administration, but a declaration that

160 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
the country cannot prosper without a national Bank ?
What is the object of every journal of their party, but to
obtain a re-charter of the Bank ? Bank ! Bank I Bank !
is their constant theme — it is the prayer of their meetings
— the topic of their newspaper declamation — and the be-
ginning, middle and end of fhe violent philippics of the
partizans of that institution in Congress. The Bank
is the band which holds'fhis ill-assorted party together —
it is the magazine which furnishes them with weapons —
it ia the treasury which supplies them with means. It is
by the aid of fhe Bank that they hope to pull down the
administration. The cry of Executive usurpation and despotism is mere
declamation to mislead fhe unwary — it is mere dust and
sraoke to hide the real object. The Bank is the real ob
ject of the warfare ; for it is only through the Bank that
any leader ofthe desperate faction can hope to succeed.
Yet aware of the honest indignation felt by the People at
the conteraplation ofthe numerous acts of corruption and
audacity practised by that institution — and particularly
afraid of the effect of Its last daring and unprecedented
step — they now seek to cast off the name of Bank party,
and to be known only by their stolen appeUation of Whigs.
Whigs, indeed ! What right have they to that title, in
separably associated as it is with the memory of patriot-
ism and valour and manly worth ? What right have
they — tories in all that distinguished tories in the revolu
tion — fo a name which implies love of freedom and the
equal rights of mankind ? No, let us not lose sight of
their proper — their only proper designation. They are
not whigs, and from this hour forth shafl never be so styled
in this journal. They are the Bank Party — a name
significant of Infamy — a narae with which they will go
down in history, and
" Stink in the nose of all succeeding time, — "

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 161
a name which fliey have richly earned by their unprinci
pled support of an unconstitutional, dangerous, most cor
rupt and usurping institution. Let that name stick to
them. The democracy ought to caU them by no other.

CONDUCT OF THE BANK.
[From the Evening Post, June 9, 1834.]
The Bank ofthe United States desires fo carry on its
business in secret and hide the record of its corruptions
fiom every eye, and the Senate of the United States,
some of whose raembers are doubtless governed in the
matter by strong reasons, are determined fo gratify that
desire. The Bank has now been raore than six months
wholly free from the supervision of Governraent Direc
tors. The Senate have made the office of Governinent
Director so unpleasantly conspicuous, and the honest
exercise of its duties a subject of such reproaches and
abuse, that there are few men wlUing fo accept fhe unen
viable trust, and those who do are turned away from the
Bank on the ground of their not having been invited !
The reader ought not to lose sight ofthe fact that the con
duct of the Board of Directors of the Branch Bank in
this city to Saul Alley, was in pursuance of orders from
Nicholas Biddle ! The two checks provided by the cau
tious framers of the Bank charter, to prevent it from
abusing its enorraous money power — namely fhe right of
the Government to be represented by five directors at its
Board, and of either House of Congress to appoint a
Committee to look into ifs affairs, aro completely de
stroyed by the high-handed conduct of that guilty insti
tution, and ifs collusory assistants in flic Unil^l States
Senate. How much longer will this audacious monopoly
be allowed to abuse the patience of the People ?
14*

162 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
TRUE FUNCIIONS OF GOVERNMENT.
[From the Evening Post, Nov. 21, 1834.]
" There are no necessary evils In Governraent. Its
evils exist only in Ifs abuses. If it would confine itself
to equal protection, and, as heaven does its rains, shower
its favoura alike on the high and the low, the rich and
the poor, it would be an unqualified bleaslng."
This is the language of our venerated President, and
the passage deserves to be written in letters of gold, for
neither in trufh of sentiment or beauty of expression can
if be surpassed. We choose It as our text for a few re
marks on the true functions of Government.
The fundamental principle of aU governments is the
protection of person and property from domestic and
foreign enemies ; in other words, to defend the weak
against the strong. By establishing the social feeling in
a community, it was intended to counteract fhat selfish
feeling, which, in ifs proper exercise. Is the parent of all
woridly good, and, in its excesses, the root of all evil.
The functions of Government, when confined to their
proper sphere of action, are therefore restricted fo the
making of general laws, uniform and universal in their
operation, for these purposes, and for no other.
Governments have no right to interfere with the pur
suits of individuals, aa guarantied by those general laws,
by offering encouragements and granting privileges to
any particular class of industry, or any select bodies of
men, inasmuch as all classes of industry and all men are
equally important fo the general welfare, and equally en
titled to protection.
AVhenever a Government assumes the power of dis-
crirainawhg between the different classes of the comrau-
nity, it becoraes, in effect, the arbiter of their prosperity,
and exercises a power not contemplated by any intelli-

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 163
gent people In delegating their sovereignty to their rulers.
It then becomes the great regulator of fhe profits of
every species of industrj', and reduces men from a de
pendence on their own exertions, to a dependence on the
caprices of their Government. Governments possess no
delegated right to tamper with individual industry a sin
gle hair's -breadth beyond what is essential to protect the
rights of person and property.
In the exercise of this power of intermeddling with
the private pursuits and individual occupations of the
citizen, a Governraent may at pleasure elevate one class
and depress another ; it may one day legislate exclusive
ly for the farmer, the next for the mechanic, and the
third for the manufacturer, who all thus become the mere
puppets of legislative cobbling and tinkering, instead of
independent citizens, relying on their own resources for
their prosperity. It assumes the functions which belong
alone to an overruling Providence, and affects to become
the universal dispenser of good and evil.
This power of regulating — of increasing or diminish
ing the profits of labour and the value of property of all
kinds and degrees, by direct legislation, in a great mea
sure destroys fhe essential object of all civfl compacts,
which, as we said before, is to make the social a counter
poise to the selfish feeling. By thus operating direcfly
on the latter, by offering one class a bounty and another
a discouragement, they involve fhe selfish feeling in
every struggle of party for fhe ascendancy, and give to
the force of political rivalry all the bitterest excitement
of personal interests conflicting with each other. AVhy
is it that parties now exhibit excitement aggravated fo a
degree dangerous to the existence of the Union and fo
the peace of society? Is it not that by frequent exercises
of partial legislation, almost every man's personal in
terests have become deeply involved in the result of the

164 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
contest ? In common times, the strife of parties is the
mere struggle of arabifious leaders for power ; now they
are deadly contests of the whole raass of fhe people,
whose pecuniary interests are implicated in the event,
because fhe Government has usurped and exercised the
power of legislating on their private affairs. The selfiah
feeling has been so strongly called into action by this
abuse of authority as almost fo overpower the social
feeling, which it should be the object of a good Govern
ment to foster by every means in its power.
No nation, knowingly and voluntarily, with its eyes
open, ever delegated to its Governraent this enormous
power, which places at its disposal the property, the in
dustry, and fhe fruits ofthe industry, ofthe whole ]3eo-
ple. As a general rule, the prosperity of rational men
depends on theraselves. Their talents and their virtues
shape their fortunes. They are therefore the best judges
of their own aflaiis, and should be permitted fo seek
their own happiness in their own way, untrammelled by
the capricious Interference of legislative bungling, so
long as they do not violate the equal rights of others, nor
transgress the general laws for the security of person and
property. But modern refinements have introduced now princi
ples in the science of Governraent. Our own Govern.
ment, most especially, has assumed and exercised an au.
thority over the people, not unlike fhat of weak and va
cillating parents over their children, and with about fhe
same degree of impartiality. One child becomes a fa
vourite because he has made a fortune, and another be
cause he has faded In fhe pursuit of that object ; one
because of its beauty, and another because of ifs defor
mity. Our Government has thus exercised the right of
dispensing favours to one or another class of citizens at
will ; of directing ifs patronage first here and then there ;

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 165
of bestowing one day and taking back the next ; of
giving fo the few and denying to the many ; of invest
ing wealth with new and exclusive privileges, and dis
tributing, as it were at random, and with a cnpricous
policy, in unequal portions, wiiat it ought not to bestovv,
or what, if given away, should be equally the portion of
aU. A governinent administered on such a system of poli
cy may bo called a Government of Equal Rights, but it
is iu its nature and essence a disguised despotism. It
is the capricious dispenser of good and evfl, without any
restraint, except its own sovereign will. It holds in its
hand the distribution of the goods of fhis world, and is
consequently fhe uncontroUed master of the people.
Such was not the object of the Government of the
United Statea, nor such the powers delegated to It by the
people. The object waa beyond doubt to protect the
weak against the strong, by giving them an equal voice
and equal rights in the state ; not to make one portion
stronger, the other weaker at pleasure, by crippling one
or more classes of the coraraunity, or making them tribu
tary to one alone. This is too great a power fo entrust
to Governraent. It was never given away by the peo
ple, and is not a right, but a usurpation.
Experience will show that this power has always been
exercised under the Influence and for the exclusive bene
fit of weaUli. It was never wielded in behalf of the
community. Whenever an exception is raade to the
general law of the land, founded on the principle of equal
rights, it wifl always be found to be in favour of wealth.
These immunities are never bestowed on the poor.
They have no claim to a dispensation of exclusive bene
fits, and their only business Is to " take care of the rich
ihat the rich may take care of the poor."
Thus it wiU be seen that the sole reliance of the labour-

166 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
ing classes, who constitute a vast majority of every
people on the earth, is the great principle of Equal
Rights ; that their only safeguard against oppression is a
syslem of legislation which leaves all to the free exer-
cise of theu talents and industry, within the limits of the
GENERAL LAW, and wliich, on no pretence of public good,
bestows on any particular class of Industry, or any parti
cular body of men, rights or privileges not equally en
joyed by the great aggregate of fhe body politic.
Time will remedy the departures which have already
been made from fhis sound republican system, if flie
people but jealously watch and indignantly frown on any
future attempts to invade their equal rights, or appropri
ate to the few what belongs to all alike. To quote, in
conclusion, fhe language of the great man, with whose
admirable sentiment we commenced these remarka, " it
ia time to pauae in our career — if we cannot at once, injus
tice fo fhe interests vested under improvident legislation,
make our government what it ought to be, we can at
least fake a stand against all new grants of monopolies
and exclusive privileges, and against any prostitution of
our Governraent to the advanceraent of the few at fhe
expense ofthe many."

CORPORATIONS.
[From the Evening Post, November 22, 1834.]
In reading the lucubrations of the advocates of mo
nopolies and incorporations, one might be induced fo
wonder how other countries, not favoured with the mar
velous expedients for " fhe proper development of enter
prise," and " fhe employment of capital," managed not
only to exist, but fo enjoy a reasonable degree of prospe
rity. According to their doctrine, the people, in their

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 167
capacity of a body politic, can do nothing ; Individual j
capital, except aided by exclusive privileges, can do no-
fliing in the way of public improvements. AVithout
incorporations wc can have no roads ; without incorpo-
rations wo can have no canals, or any other public im
provements ; without incorporations we can have no
money ; and, by and by, we shall perhaps be told that
unless the bakers be incorporated we shall have no bread.
In order fo have public improvements, "a proper develop-
niont of enterprise," and " a beneficial employment of
capital," it would seem, according to those writers, that
it is indispensable that fhe great mass of fhe people
should be divested ofthe Equal Rights guarantied fo them
by the constitution.
Did these advocates of incorporations ever read of the
great Roman acqueduct for conveying water from Tus-
culum to Rorae ? Did fhey ever hear of fhe Appian way,
both fhe work of one single man ? Or did they ever
hear of the Flarainian way, also the work of one raagni-
ficent Roman ? These works, like the Egyptian pyra-
raids, seem destined to be coeval with the duration of
fhe earth which supports thera. Sorae twenty centuries
have elapsed since their construction, and almost a hun
dred generations have availed themselves of these great
public benefits, and still they remain fhe almost eternal
monuments of individual public spirit. WUI any of our
railroads, or incorporated bridges, last as long? For a
period of near two thousand years, fhe inhabitants
of Rome, and all fhe world fhat flocked to Rome, have
enjoyed the benefits of these great public Improveraents,
without paying a single cent in tolls, or for a drink of
water, and without the grant of a single exclusive privi
lege to any raan or a,ssociation of men. Neither Appius
Claudius, nor Titus Flaminlus, nor their heirs, ever levied
contributions on the people of Rome for the water of the

168 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
acqueduct, or fhe use of the road. AVe never heard that
either Appius or Flaminius was incorporated ; transmut
ed info irresponsible nonentities, above the laws, or so
slippery as to evade their operation. They were , mere
siraple individuals — one an orator, the other a soldier who
fell in defending his country against Hannibal. Actuat
ed by a noble spirit of patriotisra, they gave to their
countryraen, as a free gift, what it seems can now only
be attained in this modern republic by grants of exclu
sive privileges, and by a perpetual tax upon the people.
All the ancient world is filled with instances of these
noble benefactions for public purposea ; and it. there any
reaaon why thia new world should not emulate the exam
ple ? A few Stephen GIrards might in a simflar spirit of
munificence confer equal benefits on this country. But
we do not rely upon individual wealth or patriotism to do
all fhat is salutary in the way of public improvements.
AVe look to the wants of the people, and to fhe great inter
ests of the coraraunity at large for such purposes. Is
the hope fallacious, or have we no examples to encourage
us? Let us see what the People, through the agency of
their representatives, have already done in this and other
Stafes of the Union ; and let us look what they and their
rulers have done elsewhere. AVas the great canal of
Languedoc the work of an incorporated company ? AVas
that aystem of canals in China, to which the old world
affords no parallel, the work of an incorporated company
or companies ? Are the great system of infernal im
provements, in operation in Pennsylvania and Ohio, the
work of incorporated companies, or arc fhey the work of
fhe people of those states through the agency of their
common representatives, and by raeans of their coramon
resources? And last, though not least, have not the
greatest works of this age, the Erie and Chamjdain ca-

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 169
nals, been achieved by the people, the great body politic
of fhe state, after an incorporated companj' had totally
failed in completing ono small section of this noble on-
terprise ? Nay, let us go further, and ask whether in
nine cases in ten incorporated companies for great na
tional objects, have not failed, and been obliged at last to
throw themselves on fhe charity of the state for support ?
Have we forgotten fhe Delaware and Hudson Canal Cora-
panj', and the loans of state credit ? And is if not noto
rious fhat af this moment tbe Ohio and Chesapeake Ca
nal Company is dc|)endciit on (Congress for the ability to
pay the inlerest on its Dutch loan ? Instances might be
multiplied fo tediousness were It necessary, but the re
collection of every man will supply thera.
In the face of the.se undeniable facts, we are not to be
told, that we are for putting an end to all future public
improveraents, because we are opposed to incorporations.
The imputation Is as weak as it is unfounded, for the
exaraples we have adduced, and could adduce by scores,
sufficiently prove that Incorporated companies are not in-
dispensable, not even safe agents to depend upon for our
public Improvements.
We will suppose, however, for the sake of argument,
that the canals of New York had been the work of incor
porations, and not ofthe great body politic acting through
its representatives. The charter being perpetual, the
lolls would of course bc also perpetual, and thus die peo
ple of this and other states making use of these conve
niences, would have paid a perpetual tax to the company,
long after it had been amply remunerated for aU the ex
pense and risk of constructing them. Being however
the work of the people the case Is far otherwise. The
toUs are now rapidly extinguishing the canal debt; in a
few years it wfll be entirely paid, and the people wifl
then enjoy fhis great pubhc benefit, at the trifling cost of
Vol. I.— 15

170 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
keeping it In repair. On the other hand, the company
would enjoy a perpetuity ; it would accumulate millions
upon millions of fhe money of the people, and every
atterapt lo dirainish ifs exorbitant gains, would be resisted
as an innovation on the sacred principle of " vested
rights." Here then Is exhibited a complete and fair exemplifi
cation of the relative advantages of a system of public
improveraents prosecuted by the people theraselves, and
one exclusively confined to incorporations. In Ihe one
case the people after paying for the improvement, enjoy
it ever afterwards free of all taxes, except for repairs ;
in the other they are saddled with a perpetual burden,
and condemned to pay for it len limes over to the corpo
ration. It may be said, that there is no advantage in
this exemption from toll to the state, by the state, since
the money ia paid by one hand and received by the other.
But this ia a view of fhe caae entirely fallacious. The
doctrine would equally apply to every species of taxation,
and it might be asserted with equal truth, fhat fhe amount
of public burdens is a matter of no sort of consequence,
provided the money is again distributed among fhe peo
ple. This we know Is one of the favourite fallacies of a
particular school of political economists, but it will not
do here we trust. According to Ihem, every thing moves
in a circle ; the money taken from the people is distri.
buted among them again, and the circulation like that of
the blood, gives life and vigour to the body pohtic. The
mischief however is, that there is no certainty that the
same man wJio pays five dollars, will ever receive it back
again ; and that if he does, it is so long in coraing, that
« while the grass grows the steed may starve." Gener
aUy speaking, every man's money is safest in his own
pocket, and he does not require the aid of government in
its distribution.

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 171

LITERARY CORPORATIONS.
[From the Evening Post, November 2G, 1834.]
When, a few days ago, we expreasedthe opinion, that
so contrary to fhe principle of equal liberty ia the prin
ciple of corporations, that a legislature, governed by sin
cere and enlightened sentiraents of deraocracy, would
refuse to incorporate even a college or a church, an ex
clamation of pious horror was raised by certain opposi
tion prints, which were very glad, no doubt, to seize the
pretext of regard for fhe institutions and best interests of
learning and religion, as an occasion for defending their
favourite aristocratic system of raonopolies and exclusive
privileges, through the instruraenfalify of which alone
can they ever hope fo break down the power of the
people, and reduce the many info subserviency to fhe few.
That what we said did not proceed frora any want of
veneration for the vast benefits f o society of religion and
learning, our readers will readily believe ; and, indeed,
this might be inferred from the very ground on which
we assail the principle of corporations, as hostile to the
principle of equal freedom ; since we think it will not be
denied that a free country, of all others, is most favour
able to the cause of religion and virtue, and fo fhe devel
opment ofthe human mind. But if we look at fhe sub-
ject of corporate institutions of learning merely In a poli
tico-economical point of view, we think it wfll be easy
to discover fhat the interests of society are not promoted
by giving charters of Incorporation fo seminaries of edu
cation. We shall make fhis fhe subject of our leading
article this afternoon ; and in the first place let us pro
pose the following questions.
Have the charters of incorporation bestowed on our
colleges contributed, in general, to promote the ends of

172 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
their institution ? Have they contributed to encourage
the diligence, and to improve the abilities of the teach
era? Have they directed fhe course of education towards
objects more useful, both to the Individual and to the
public, than those to which it would naturally have gone
of its own accord ? If would not seem very difficult to
give at least a probable answer to each of these questions.
In every profession, the exertion of the greater part of
those who exercise if, is always In proportion fo fhe ne
cessity they are under of making that- exertion. This
necessity is greatest with those to whom the emoluments
of their profession are the only source from which they
expect their fortune, or even their ordinary revenue and
subsistence. In order to acquire this fortune, or even to
get this subsistence, they must, in the course of a year,
execute a certain quantify of work of a known yalue ;
and where the corapetltlon is free, the rivalship of cora
petitors, who are all endeavouring to jusfle one another
out of eraployraent, obliges every man to endeavour to
execute his work with a certain degree of exactness.
The greatness of the objects which are to be acquired by
success in some particular professions, may, no doubt,
sometimea animate fhe exertions of a few men of extra
ordinary spirit and ambition. Great objects, however,
are evidently not necessary in order to create the great
est exertions. Rivalship and emulation render excellen
cy, even in mean professions, an object of ambition, and
frequently occasion the very greatest exertions. Great
objects, on the contrary, alone and unsupported by the
necessity of application, have seldom been sufficient fo
occasion any considerable exertion. Success in the
profession of the law leads to some very great objects of
ambition ; and yet how few men, born to easy fortunes,
have ever, in this country, been erainent in that profes
sion !

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 173
One of the effects of the charters of corporation be
stowed on colleges, is to give fo those institutions the
facility of acquiring, in their corporate capacity, and
holding from generation to generation, a large amount of
property. Out of the revenue of this property the sala
ries of professors are paid, either in whole or in part.
Only a portion ofthe expenses of the institutiona, in most
cases, at least, Is defrayed from the sum received for tui
tion. The subsistence of a professor, then, so far as It Is
defrayed out of the permanent revenue of the corpora
tion, is evidently derived from a fund altogether indepen
dent of his success and reputation in his particular pro
fession. His interest is, in this case, set as direcfly in
opposition to his duty as it is possible fo set if. It Is the
interest of every man fo live as much at his ease as he
can ; and if his emoluments are fo be precisely the same
whether he does or does not perform somo very laborious
duty, it is certainly his interest, at least as interest is
vulgarly understood, either to neglect it altogether, or, if
he is subject to sorae authority which will not suffer him
to do this, to perform it in as careless and slovenly a man
ner as that authority will permit. If he is naturally ac
tive and a lover of labour, it is his interest to eraploy that
activity in any way from which he can derive some ad
vantage, rather than in fhe performance of his duty, from
which he can derive none.
If the authority to which he is subject resides in the
body corporate, the college, or university, of which he
himself is a member, and in which the greater part of the
other merabers are, like hiraself, persons who either are
or ought to be teachers, they are likely to make a cora
mon cause, to be all very indulgent lo one another, and
every man to consent that his neighbour may neglect hia
duty, provided ho himself is allowed to neglect his own.
If the authority to which he is subject resides, not so
1.5*

174 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
much In the body corporate of which he is a member, as
in sorae other extraneous persons. In the governor, for
example, or in a board of regents, it is not indeed in thia
case very likely that he will be suffered to neglect hia
duty altogether. All that such superiors, however, can
force hira to do. Is to attend upon his pupils a certain nura
ber of hours, that is, to give a certain nuraber of lectures
in the week, or in the year. What those lectures shall
be, raust still depend upon the diligence of fhe teacher ;
and that diligence is as likely to be proportioned to the
motives which he has for exerting it. An extraneous
jurladicfion of fhis kind, besides, is liable to be exercised
both ignorantiy and capriciously. In its nature It is ar-
bitrary and discretionary ; and the persons who exercise
it, neither attending upon the lectures of the teachera
theraselves, nor perhaps understanding the sciences which
it is their business to teach, are seldom capable of exer
cising it with judgment. From the insolence of office,
too, they are frequently indifferent how fhey exercise it,
and are very apt to censure or deprive of office wantonly
and without just cause. The person subject to such juris
diction is necessarily degraded by it, and, instead of being
one ofthe most respectable, is rendered one ofthe mean
est and most contemptible persons in society. It is by
powerful protection only that he can effectually guard
himself against the bad usage fo which he is at all tiraes
exposed ; and this protection he is most likely to gain,
not by abUity and diligence in his profession, but by obse
quiousness f o the will of his superiors, and by being ready
at all times to sacrifice fo fhat wifl the rights, fhe interest,
and fhe honour of the body corporate of which he is a
member. Whoever has attended for any considerable
time to fhe administration of a French university, must
have had occasion to remark the effects which naturally

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 176
result from an arbltrarj' and extraneous jurisdiction of
this kind.
AA'^hatcvcr forces a certain niinibrr of students to any
college or universitj', independent of the merit and repu
tation of the teachers, fends more or less to diminish tho
necessity of that merit and reputation.
The privileges of graduates in arts, &c. when they can
be obtained only by residing a certain number of years m
certain universities, necessarily force a certain nuraber
of students fo such universities, independent ofthe merit
and reputation of the teachers. The privileges of gradu.
ates are a sort of statutes of apprenticeship, which have
contributed to the improveraent of education, just as the
other statutes of apprenticeship have to that of arts and
manufactures. The discipline of corporate colleges Is in general con
trived, not for the benefit of the students, but for the in
terest, or more properly speaking, for fhe ease of the
masters. Ifs object is, in all cases, to maintain the au
thority ©f the master, and, whether he neglects or performs
his duty, to oblige fhe students in all oases to behave to
hira as if he perforraed it with the greatest diligence and
ability. It seeins to presurae perfect wisdora and virtue
in the one order, and the greatest weakness and folly in
the other. AVhere the masters, however, really perform
their duty, there are no exaraples, I believe, that the
greater part of fhe students ever neglect theirs. No
discipline is ever requisite fo force attendance upon lee
tures which are really worth attending, as Is weU known
wherever any such lectures are given.
Force and restraint raay, no doubt, be in sorae degree
requisite in order to oblige children, or very young boys,
to attend to those parts of education which if is thought
necessary for them to acquire during that early period of
life ; but after twelve or thirteen years of age, provided

176 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
the master does his duty, force or restraint can scarce ever
be necessary to carry on any part of education. Such
is the generosity of the greater part of young men, that,
so far from being disposed to neglect or despise fhe in
structions of their master, provided he shows some aerious
intention of being of use to them, fhey are generally in
clined to pardon a great deal of incorrectness in the per-
formance of hia duty, and sometimes even to conceal from
the public a good deal of gross negligence. Those parts
of education, it is to be observed, for the teaching of
which there are no public institutions, are generally the
best taught. Schools have no exclusive privileges. In
order to obtain the honours of graduation, itis not neces
sary that a person ahould bring a certificate of his hav
ing studied a certain number of years at a public school.
If upon exaraination he appears to understand what is
taught there, no questions are asked about the place
where he learnt it.
In the attention which the ancient phUosophers excit
ed, in the erapire which they acquired over the opinions
and principles of their auditors, in the faculty which they
possessed of giving a certain tone and character to the
conduct and conversation of those auditors ; they appear
to have been much superior fo any modern teachers. In
modern times, the diligence of public teachers is raore or
less corrupted by the circumstances, which render them
more or less independent of their success and reputation
in their particular professions. Their salaries too put
the private teacher, who would pretend to come into
competition with fhem, in fhe same state with a mer
chant who attempts fo trade witiiout a bounty, in compe
tition with those who trade with a considerable one. If
he sells his goods at neariy the sarae price, he cannot
have the sarae profit, and poverty and beggary at least,
if not bankruptcy and ruin, wiU infaUibly be his lot. If

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 177
he attempts to sell them much dearer, he is likely to havo
so few customers fhat his circumstances wfll not be rauch
mended. The " privUeges " of graduation, besides, can
be obtained only by attending the lectures of the incor
porated institutions. The most careful attendance upon
the ablest instructions of any private teacher, cannot al
ways give any tide to demand them. It is from these
different causes that fhe private teacher of any of the
sciences which arc commonly taught in universities, is
in modern times generally considered as in the very low
est order of men of letters. A man of real abilities can
scarce find out a more humUiating or amore unprofita
ble employment to turn them to. The endowments of
schools and colleges have, in this manner, not only cor
rupted the diligence of public teachers, but have rendered
it almost impossible to have any good private ones.
Were there no public institutions for education, no
system, no science would be taught for which there was
not some demand ; or which the circumstances of the
times did not render if, either necessary, or convenient, or
at least fashionable to learn. A private teacher could
never find his account in teaching, either an exploded
and antiquated system of a science acknowledged to be
useful, or a science universally believed to be a mere use
less and pedantic heap of sophistry and nonsense. Such
systems, such sciences, can subsist no where, but in
those incorporated societies for education whose prospe
rity and revenue are In a great raeasure indej)endent of
their reputation, and altogether independent of their in
dustry. Were there no public institutions for education,
a gentleraan, after going through, with application and
abilities, the most coraplete course of education which
the circurastances of the fimes were supposed fo afford,
could not corae Into the world completely ignorant of

178 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
every thing which is the common subject of conversation
among gentleraen and raen of the world.
But in placing these speculations before our readers,
do we not run some risk of being again called " a little
free-trade crazy ?" Let those who cannot controvert the
views and arguments ascribe thera to lunacy, or idiocy,
if they please. They are at all events the view? and
arguments, ay, and the very language, too, of Adam
Smith, from whose iraraortal work on the Wealth of Na-
tions we have borrowed these paragraphs, having copied
them literally, with the exception of two or three shght
verbal changes.

CHARACTER OF MR. VAN BUREN.
[From the Evening Post, January 19, 1835.]
During the session of the national and state legisla
tures, so many subjects crowd upon our attention and
occupy our columns, that we are frequently obliged to
dismiss, with a very cursory and imperfect notice, mat.
ters which intrinsically deserve careful and particular
comment. This was fhe case with the letter of Mr. Ben
ton fo fhe Democratic Convention ofthe Slate of Missis.
sippi, declining their nomination of hira as a candidate
for Vice President, which we recently had fhe pleasure
of laying before our readers. That letter ao highly credi
table to Mr. Benton'amind and heart, ao illustrative of his
intelligence, firraness, candour, and sincerity, contained
matters well worthy of being recommended to the con
sideration of the deraocracy In every part of the Union,
by frequent and earnest editorial comments.
The great object which Mr. Benton had in view, waa
to impress upon the attention of the people ofthe United

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 179
States, the necessity of harmony and concert in relation
to fhe candidates for fhe two highest offices of the Go-
vernraent, if they wish to succeed in those cardinal ob
jects of the republican party which are of incalculably
more importonce than ever can be, under any circura
stances, fhe gratification of mere personal preferences or
sectional pride. To ensure this harmony, as far as lay
in his own power, Mr. Benton did not merely exercise
his eloquent pen in delineating the consequences which
would almost inevitably flow from divided councils, but
gave the strongest proof of his disinterestedness and mag.
nanimity, by positively declining the high compliment
which had been paid him, and refusing to suffer his name
to be used as a candidate for Vice President, thus re
moving one circumstance which he feared might prove an
obstacle to the desired concord. In thus doing, though
sinister objects are of course imputed to hira by thoae
whose business and pleasure it is fo revile all fhe proral-
nent champions of democratic principles, yet no person
ofthe least candour can help feeling, in his secret heart,
that Mr. Benton has exhibited an evidence of singleness
of raotive and nobleness of character which entitle him
to fhe increased admiration and respect, not only of every
true republican, but of every man, whatever his political
creed, who can appreciate the sacrifices of disinterested
patriotism. It would have been highly pleasing to us, we are free to
confess, if it had been considered quite compatible with
the iraportant end of a perfect union and harmony of
purpose and action among the democracy in all parts of
the country, to have seen Mr. Benton placed before the
people as fhe republican candidate for Vico President.
Well has he deserved such a mark of honour. Hig con
sistency, industry and zeal in the cause of the people ;
his vigilance in detecting the arts of fhe aristocracy ; hia

180 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
fearlessness in exposing fhem ; his readiness to stand
forward, at all times, aa tho champion of democratic
principles ; his elo<juence ; his blunt and manly indepen
dence of character ; and the honest boldness with which
hia indignant feelinga have always led him to rebuke
those who seek personal aggrandizement at fhe expense
of fhe equal rights of man : these are qualities which
have won for Mr. Benton fhe general regard of fhe de
mocracy, and have caused many fo desire fhat he might
be norainated as the successor of Martin Van Buren in
the place which the latter now so worthily fiUs.
We do not know, however, whether the true interests
of the people are not better answered by the course Mr.
Benton has determined fo pursue. Much as he deserves
to be elevated to a higher post, we do not know whether
he could well be spared from that where he is now sfa.
tioned. His talents, his firraness, his assiduity, his un.
shrinking courage, his powerful eloquence, are needed in
the Senate chamber. We do not question fhat he would
adorn other stations ; but for fhat of Senator he seems
peculiarly adapted. His masculine understanding, his
resolute heart, his diligent and unwearied application,
are now exerted in their proper sphere. To him public
business seems not a task, but a pleasure; and if he has am.
bition (as no great raind is without it) his recent noble act
of self-denial sufficiently proves that his at least is not the
arabition which begins and ends and centres all in self,
but thaf nobler kind which seeks to win its way through
the laborious gradations of public service, and achieve Its
object by promoting fhe real good of llis fellow-men.
Those who duly consider Mr. Benton's letter, will find
init a conclusive answer fo fhe clamorous objections
which the aristocracy urge against Martin Van Buren.
Most of these objections consist of fhe catchwords of
party declamation, and do not deserve reply, until they

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 181
can be shown to rest on sorae raore substantial basis than
the mere imputations of political hostility. The epithets
of magician and intriguer have been reiterated against
him, for may years, with all the earneafneas of vitupera
tive malice ; but we are not aware that any proof has yet
been exhibited, or even attempted, that he either practl.
ces " arts inhibited," or that he winds his way fo his ob
ject through fhe devious and covert mazes of subtlety
and intrigue. We have been attentive readers, for a long
time past, of the chargea against Mr. Van Buren, and
close observers of his public conduct ; and our respect for
his talents, his integrity, and his patriotism, for the pu
rity of his motives, and the wisdora of his proceedings,
has Increased fhe more we have read and observed.
Mere denunciation, however often reiterated, is not likely
to injure a public man In the estiraation of the intelligent
citizens of this country. Had it been otherwise, we
should have lacked the executive services of the Ulustrl-
ous Jefferson ; the reins of Government would never
have been swayed by the patriot Jackson ; and Martin
Van Buren would long since have been consigned to in.
famy or oblivion. But happily " curses kill not ;" and
till soraething more relative than gibes and anathemas
of a factious aristocracy can be uttered against Mr. Van
Buren, he stands in little danger, we think, of losing his
strong hold on the affections of the democracy of the
United States.
The brUliant passage in Mr. Benton's letter, in rela.
tion to the oft-repeated charge, that Mr. Van Buren is
ofthe non-committal school, " a flippant phrase got by rote
and parotted against him," raust stand as a most tri
umphant and unanswerable vindication of his character
frora whatever is derogatory in the imputation. Never
in any instance, where the obligations of honour or patri
otism required that he should commit hiraself, has Mr.
Vol. I.— 16

182 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
Van Buren hesitated to speak or act. The public have
not been left to guess his views on important questions.
He has not, it is true, obtruded himself, uncalled for, be
fore the nation, and hastily volunteered opinions which he
was afterwards glad to retract. He has not committed
himself, like the leading demagogues worshipped by those
who raise this senseless cry, for and against fhe United
Stafes Bank, for and against the American System, and
for and against a dozen other iraportant national measures.
His first care has been fo acquaint himself thoroughly
with the merits of all great questions ; and once satisfied
of the right, he has taken his ground boldly and openly,
and maintained it firmly to the end. Hence flie extra
ordinary consistency of his career. No politician in this
country has pursued a more even and undeviating course.
And this very consistency, amidst afl the fluctuations of
opinion and policy, and all the vicissitudes of public
events, is as strong an evidence as can be adduced of
the soundness of his motives, and the boldness of his
character. Had Mr. Van Buren been distinguished by that
species of tiraidity which is implied in fhe phrase non
committal, instead of pursuing his straight-forward course
through good report and through evil report, he would
have accommodated himself to the variations of public
sentiment ; he would have triraraed his sail to the popu
lar breeze ; he would have veered and tacked, now steer
ing to this point, and now to that, until his course was as
mazy as fhat of Mr. Webster or Mr. Clay. But timidity,
or at least that species of timidity which springs from
selfish arabition, is no part of the character of Mr. Van
Buren. If he has ever hesitated, it has only been until
he could satisfy himself what was demanded by the true
interests of his country. " Interested timidity," says
Burke, " disgraces as much in the cabinet, as personal

WILLIAM LEOGBTT. 183
timidity does in the field. But timidity, with regard to
iJie well-being of our country, is heroic virtue." This is
the extent of Mr. Van Buren's timidity — fhis is the only
sense in which the cry of " non-comraiftal " has any
trufh. There ia another point in the Letter of Mr. Benton,
to which vve take pleasure in inviting fhe attention of our
readers. It comes In here as an appropriate iUustration
of tho absurdity of the charge to which we have just
referred. AVe allude to the brief exposition It contains
of Mr. Van Buren's views on the subject of the Bank
system. What Mr. Benton says on thaf subject, must
be looked upon as authentic. The nation has a right to
consider it as said by Blr. Van Buren himself; for the
circurastances under which this Letter was written,
would have required of that gentleraan. If his sentiments
on any great question of public policy were inaccurately
stated, to correct the error in as public a form as that in
which it was made. The silence of Mr. Van Buren can
not therefore be cited as an instance of" non-comraittal ;"
but, on the contrary, he must be looked upon as having
early and decidedly taken his stand on a question already
of exceeding interest in several stafes, and destined
ere long to become a chief touchstone of democratic
principles throughout the Union. We have great plea
sure, then, in begging our readers to take note that Mr.
Van Buren " is a real hard-money man ; opposed to fhe
paper system ; in favour of a national currency of gold ;
in favour of an adequate silver currency for comraon use ;
against the small note currency ; and in favour of con
fining bank notes to their appropriate sphere and original
functions, that of large notes for large transactions and
mercantile operations."
Much has been said and written on the subject of the
claims of New-York to aupply an incumbent of the Pre-

184 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
sidential chair. Our paper, not a great while ago, con
tained a most exceUent article from the Harrisburg Re
porter, in which the propriety of nominating Mr. Van
Buren on that ground was urged with singular eloquence
and force. The article in question, as we have access to
know, came from fhe pen of a disinterested and enlight
ened man, whose sentiments were the result of a broad
and patriotic view of the whole subject, and had no other
object than fo advance the best interests of our common
country. For our own part, we do not place our advo-
cacy of Martin Van Buren on sectional grounds. It is
the least of his clairas, in our sense, that he drew his first
breath on the soU ofthe Erapire State. Show us a wor
thier raan ; a man whose career has been more con
sistent, whose services have been more useful, whose
principles have been more democratic, whose character
has been freer frora reproach ; show us a man raore en
titled to the confidence of the deraocracy, possessing a
larger share of their esteem, and more likely lo carry
out those great republican principles which have guided
the administration of Andrevv Jackson ; show us such
a man, and we will to-morrow withdraw our support
from Martin Van Buren and transfer it fo fhat other and
worthier one. But the nation contains no such raan ;
and we therefore advocate hira, not aa the favourite son
of New-York, but, after General Jackson, as the foremost
champion of the deraocracy of the United States, and
the candidate intrinsically best entitled to unite aU their
suffrages. These are our sincere sentiments, governed by no per-
sonal considerations, by no sectional pride. Were we a
denizen ofthe south or of the west, Martin Van Buren
would still be our choice. And the south and the west
and the east will unite with the " great middle " in this
preference, and, with one accordant voice, will call him

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 185
to preside over the republic. Aristocratic railers raay
continue fo shower their abuse on his head, but in vain.
It is tho fate of all prominent asserfers of democratic
principles to be maligned ; and if their rancour is fiercer
towards Martin Van Buren than any other, it is only be.
cause he is more strongly fixed in the affections of the
people. Their attachment rests on the strong basis of
his real worth. They look through the aspersions of his
enemies, and read the truth for theraselves, and the truth
in relation to that distinguished man, needs only to be
known to insure him general regard. And it is known.
The people of this country are too clear.sighfed to bo
misled by the mere clamour of calumny and detraction,
and there is a quality in truth itself which is sure eventu.
ally to triuraph over mirepresenfation.
Truth, though it trouble some minds.
Some wicked minds that are both dark and dangerous.
Yet it preserves itself, comes off pure, innocent.
And like the sun, though never so eclipsed.
Must break in glory.

THE JOINT-STOCK PARTNERSHIP LAW.
[From the Evening Post, January 23, 1835.]
The Attorney General of fliis State, in his report on
the subject of Corporations, which we published yesfer.
day, says, " In the Interpretation ofthe constitution, we
ought, as far as possible, to enter into fhe mind and inten.
tion of those who fraraed the instruraent, and adopt thai
construction which will best fulfil the end for which it was
made." We are very willing that fhe ninth section of
the seventh article of fhe Constitution, which " makes
the assent of two-thirds of fhe members elected fo each
branch of fhe legislature requisite fo every bill creating,
161=

186 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
continuing, altering, or renewing any body politic or
corporate," should be interpreted by fhis rule. The end
for which that section was fraraed was distinctly ex-
plained by Mr. King, chairman of the comraitfee that
introduced it. " The coraraon law abhorred monopolies"
he said, and the object of the section was " not to in
crease thera, but dirainish them as far as we can consist-
enfly with the preservation of vested rights." He there
fore had reported a clause requiring a Iwo-thirds vote,
not only for the creation of any new corporation, but for
altering, continuing, or renewing any old one. But
whUe he was desirous of placing thia difficulty in the
way of granting apecial charters of incorporation, on the
ground that they wore monopolies, he did not seek to ab
rogate or limit those general lawa, then existing, under
which voluntary corporations, for certain purposes, and
to an indefinite nuraber, might be formed by whomsoever
chose to enter Into thera. Corporations, no matter for
what purposes, which derived their existence from direct
apecial legialation, were raonopoliea, and those the Con
stitution sought to diminish as far as was consistent with
vested rights ; but corporations formed under laws which
were of equal applicability and equally open to the whole
community, were not considered monopolies, and there
fore no change or modification of those laws was pro
posed. We think the reader who carefully peruses fhe Report
of fhe Convention which framed Ihc Constitution, and
strives "fo enter into the mind and intention of those
who framed the instrument, and adopt the construction
which will best fulfil the end for which It was made,''
wUl agree with us in fhe view we have here taken. The
grand general aim of fhe Constitution, also, to protect
the communily in their equal rights of person and pro-
perty, ought fo be kept constantly in sight ; as well as

WILLIAM LEGGETT- 187
the grand democratic maxim of equality of political and
civil rights, on which the Constitution and the laws all
arc founded.
Tiic Attorney General is of opinion that, accord-
ing fo the Constitution, "the legislature cannot now
provide by general laws for tho incorporation of volun
tary associations, but must act directly on every grant
of corporate privileges, creating some one or more corpo
rations in particular,'' Yet he is of opinion, at the same
time, that " fhe legislature may, by one act, create two
or more corporate bodies.'' That is to say, they may
create ten thousand corporations by one act, if they
please, onlj' naming each particular set of individuals
incorporated, but cannot pass a law establishing the
general principles on which any set of individuals may
forra themselves into a corporation. The Constitution
says, "the assent of two-thirds of the members elected
to each branch of the legislature shall be requisite to
every bill creating, continuing, altering, or renewing any
body politic or corporate." If every bill creating any
body politic, may mean a bill creating a myriad of bo
dies politic, it may raean any thing. The object of the
two-thirds provision was to insure separate and careful
deliberation on every particular application for a spr cial
grant of corporate privileges. Ifa thousand applications
may be huddled together, and one bill passed granting a
corporate franchise fo all, the intention ofthe framers of
the Constitution is more effectually overleaped than It
possibly could be by a bUI establishing the general princi
ples and conditions under which any association of men
might assume and exercise corpoia'e powers. But the
Constitution, in fhe Attorney General's plastic hand. Is
a mere nose of wax, and is moulded into what shape he
pleases. The thirteenth section of the seventeenth article of

188 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
the Constitution continued in force all lawa flien exist
ing which were not repugnant to any of its provisions ;
but aU laws or parts of laws repugnant fo the Con
stitution were by fhat instruraent abrogated. At the
tirae tbe Constitution went into effect, general laws
were in operation, under which corporations, for a va
riety of purposes might be created, without the direct
intervention of fhe legislature. The Attorney General
says, " fhe several laws providing for fhe creation of cor
porate bodies, without a special grant from fhe legisla
ture, have been acted upon for the twelve years which
have elapsed since this part of the Constitution went
into operation, and It is believed that the validity of
tlioso laws, or the right to form associations under thera,
has never been seriously questioned." If those laws are
valid, which we do not doubt, it ia because they are not
repugnant to the Constitution. But it seeras, by the
Attorney General's reasoning, that a law now passed,
though by a two-thirds vote, and for precisely the sarae
objects, and expressed in the sarae terms, would be re
pugnant to the Constitution. Thaf is fo say, a principle
which was perfectly consistent with fhe Constitution in
1828, is totally contrary to it In 1834. For example, if
the legislature, at its present session, should repeal one of
thoae laws under which corporations may now be formed
without a direct act, and the next legislature, convinced
that the law had boen useful, and fhat the repeal of it was
unwise, should repass it by a vote of two-thirds of each
House, it would not be valid, because it would be repug
nant to the Constitution. It had been quite constitu
tional a year before, but though fhe Constitution in the
meanwhile had undergone no change, and the law was
revived in precisely fhe same words as before, it would
be wholly null and void. AVe confess we cannot give
our judgment up to such reasoning as this.

WILLIAM LEGGETT. * 189
The general laws under which corporations were form
ed without special legislation prior to the adoption of the
Constitution, were abrogated by that instrument, if they
were repugnant to any of ifs provisions ; and if fhey were
not repugnant to any of its provisions, neither would a
law .at this day be, fraraed on the sarae principles and in
corresponding terras. The Constitution makes a vote of
two-thirds necessary fo create any body politic, fhat Is
any one bodj' politic, on fhe ground that partial legislation,
giving special privileges to particular individuals, par
takes of the character of monopoly ; but it does not even
make a two-thirds vote necessary to pass a law, general
in its provisions, and calculated for the equal good of
the whole comraunilj'. A general law of jolnt-stock
partnerships would not be a law " creating a body poli
tic." But when A, B, and C, wish to be erected info a
corporation, and have particular privileges conferred up
on thera, the legislature are hindered by the constitution
from granting their prayer, unless two-thirds of the
whole nuraber elected think it worthy of their assent.
If we " enter into the raind and intention of those who
framed the instrument," we shall find that fhis condition
of fhe assent of two-thirds was stipulated for the expresa
purpose of preventing special acta of incorporation from
being passed, except where the reasons for thera were
very cogent. If we then examine the acts of the very
first session of the legislature after fhe Constitution went
info effect, we shall find that so ineffectual was this pro
vision for the purpose Intended, fhat there were thirty-
nine new private companies incorporated, and numerous
acts passed amending nnd enlarging previous charters.
But while this two-thirds check (vvhich proved in effect
to be no check at all) waa established for the reason that
" the multiplication of corporations was an evil," and
that it was the duty of the Convention " not to Increase

190 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
them but diminish them," no step was taken to hmit the
number of voluntary corporations which fhe spirit of en
terprise and competition raight cause lo spring into ex
istence under the general laws. The reason was, no
doubt, that these were not conaidered an evil. A grant
of special privileges to a particular set of men was consi
dered an "abhorred monopoly;" but a general law of
joint-stock partnerships, for the mere facilitation of cer
tain pursuits, of which all men alike might avafl them
selves, was not a monopoly. Those who " enter into
the mind and intention of the framers of the Constitu
tion," wUI arrive, we think, at a very different conclu
sion froni that of the Attorney General. It would be a
singular circumstance, truly, if the Convention had fast
ened, eternally and irremediably, a most odious and op
pressive systera of monopolies on the free people of this
state, by fhe very provision which fhey framed with the
avowed purpose of diminishing these monopolies as far as
they could consistently with the preservation of vested
rights.

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 191

TIIE JOINT-STOCK PARTNERSHIP LAW.
[From the Evening Post, January 26, 1835.]
There was one point in our argument, on Saturday,
in relation to the Constitutional power of the legislature
to pass a general joint-stock partnership law which we
wish to raodify ; namely, that It is competent for fhe
legislature to pass such a law without the concurrence of
two-thirds of the members elected to each branch. Thia
slipped from us inadvertently, and in positive, instead of
hypothetic language. More raature deliberation has
satisfied us that a vote of two-thirds would be requisite to
pass either a general or partial law.
The great object of the aectlon In the Constitution, in.
deed, was very evidently f o establish the necessity of the
concurrence of two-thirds of the members elected on the
subject of corporations. It was not fo change the pre.
vious practise in any other respect than as regards fhe
extent of fhe majority. It was to secure upright and
deliberate legislation ; to diminish the chances of corrup.
tion ; to throw a strong impediment in fhe way of the
log-rolling system.
If the language of fhe Constitution required the assent
of two-thirds of the legislature for every bUl creating any
body, or bodies, politic or corporate, we fancy that fhe
competency of the legislature to pass a general law, de.
fining the principles and establishing the conditions on
which bodies politic or corporate might be forraed, could
not for a moment be doubted. Yet the Attorney General
admits that the present phraseology, though in the singu
lar number, presents no bar fo fhe creation of a plurality
of corporations by one legislative act. He admits that
the legislature may Incorporate any number of assocla.
tions, even to tho extent of including the whole popula-

192 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
tion of fhe State, by a single bfll. It seems to us t'lat
this adraission gives up tho whole question. If "every
bill creating any body i)olitic," is cciuivalcnf to " every
bUl creating any number of bodies politic," it may surely
also mean "every bUl defining fhe terras on which any
association of raen may possess themselvea of corporate
powers." If fhe legislature is not required to act separately on
every single queatlon of creating a body politic, but may
by one vote, provided it haa the requisite majority, cre
ate a mlUion of bodies politic, it is not easy to perceive
how the powers of the legislature on the subject of
granting corporate privileges are at all raodified or re-
strained by the present Constitution, except simply as to
what shall constitute a valid majority on such questions.
Indeed, the Attorney General seems so naturally to have
come fo fhis conclusion, that he expresses it in so many
words. He says, the Constitution only prescribes the
nuraber of votes necessary to every bUl, " leaving all
other questions about the passing of such laws aa flicy
stood before, to the discretion of the legislature." The
legislature have a right now to pass any law whatever
respecting corporations by a vote of two-thirds of all the
members, which it before had by a simple raajority of
the raembers present. Whenever we have a vote of two-
thirds the Constitutional requirement is complied with ;
and if a general law of joint-sfock partnerships is objec
tionable, it is on grounds distinct from those presented by
the language of the ninth section of the seventh article
ofthe Constitution.
That objections of this kind existed in the Attorney
General's raind is plainly to be inferred from some of his
remarks. Thus he argues that if fhe legislature can
provide by general laws for the incorporation of such
persons as shall associate for any particular purpose,

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 193
though " both useful and harmless," " it can, in like man
ner provide for fhe incorporation of such persons as raay
associate for the purpose of carrj'ing on the business of
banking, insurance, or receiving and executing trusts."
This, we apprehend, is the grand difficulty. A general
law of joint-stock partnerships would do away with all
necessity or excuse for interested applicants asserabling
at Albany every winter to use ihat pecuUar .ipecies of
argument with legislators and " leading party raen" in
favour of their scheraes, which it is notorious has hereto
fore been used to a prodigious extent, and which, with i
very many men, constitutes the main ground of their ;
desire to get into the legislature.
The Attorney General devotes a portion of his report
to a eulogy on corporations, and repeats fhe old cant
about their furnishing " the best raeans for aggregating
the necessary amount of capital for the rapid and full
tZereZopmen^ of the resources of the State." If fhis rapid
development is really so desirable an object, is it more
likely fo fake place through the agency of special corpo
rations, or through the means of a law which opens the
the field of corapetltlon to the whole community ? But
the Attorney General adraits fhat " there is an adraixfure
of evil in almost every grant of corporate privileges."
And what is this admixture of evil ? It is, chiefly, that,
under the present system of granting charters, tbey par
take of the character of monopoly — they confer powera
on a few privileged individuals which are taken, or at any
rate withheld, from the great body of the people. Create
a general law, under which any set of men may form
themselves into a body corporate, and you at once take
from such associations the chief admixture of evil.
The Attorney General admits, that, on fhe subject of
CoUeo-es the legislature has not acted upon his doctrine,
and that the Revisers do not seera even to have dreamt
Vol. I.— 17

194 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
of his construction. With all deference to fhe Attorney
General, fhe Revisers are much higher legal authority
than he can with any sort of propriety claim to be. But
let us try his views on their own merits, and to do so, we
may test the applicability of his rule fo other subjects.
Abundant opporUinities of testing its soundness in this
way are presented by the Constitution. The very sec
tion under consideration requires fhe assent of two-thirds
ofthe legislature " fo every bill appropriating fhe public
moneys or property for local or private purposes.'' Now,
what is more common than, after deciding on the whole
principle of an appropriation, to refer the mafter to Com
missioners, to the ComptroUer, or fo some other public
officer, to expend and apply fhe money in a certain raan
ner, to take bonds for its payment, and even proofs of ifs
araount. AVe do not say that such legislation is not some
times improper, but we apprehend it will hardly be called
unconstitutional. Laws making appropriations for pri
vate purposes, on general principles, necessarily leave
something fo the discretion of the Commissioners to
whom the carrying those laws info effect is entrusted ;
but in the case of a law fixing tho principles and condi
tions on which any set of individuals might become a
body politic, nothing need be left to discretion. Under
such a law, individuals give notification of their intention
in a certain specified way, file certain papers with a spe
cified officer, and straightway they become a corporate
partnership. The legislature has the undoubted power
to create those Individuals a body politic absolutely and
unqualifiedly. It is apprehended that those who have the
power lo do any thing absolutely aud un(iuulifiedly, have
the power to do it on conditions. Tho greater [lovver
includes fhe less, or if the Attorney General pleases, a
power to sell includes a power lo mortgage.
If this doctiiue is unsound — if the views of fhe Atlor-

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 195
ney General are riglil; throughout, then that officer has
the merit of abrogating, by a single exercise of his pon,
the corporate powers, not only of all fhe colleges and
academies which have gone into e.xercise under the Re
vised Statutes, but also nearly all our banks and other
moneyed corporations, for their charters have been gener
ally granted on certain conditions relative to opening
their books, distributing the stock, paying in the capital,
and filing an affidavit that the capital had been paid in.
The appointment of Coraraissioners raay very well corae
within fhe Attorney General's rules, which prohibit the
legislature from delegating any discretionary power.
The Attorney General, in atterapting to break down
our anti-monopoly doctrines, may get into more difficulty
than he seeras to be aware of. His argumenta againat a
general law of joint-stock partnerships, on the ground that
such a law woidd be a delegation of power to others to
do what the Constitution requires should be done directly
by the legislature, and by a two-thirds vote, bear with
greater force against the system he applauds than that
which he conderans. He says, in effect, chartered pri
vileges must be distributed by the legislature itself fo a
favoured few, and cannot be granted fo all by a general
law, because the legislature cannot delegate its power.
But at fhe same time the legislature does delegate its
power, in every charter of incorporation it passes, fo dis
tribute fhe stock among such favoured individuals as
certain Coraraissioners may select, and the power delegat.
ed is rendered great hy reason of these legislative fa
vours being withheld frora the great body of fhe people.
These inconsistencies wUl not tend to convince the peo
ple that a general joint-sfock partnership law is not
needed, though it raay satisfy thera that there is some
occasion for a better expounder of fhe laws already in
existence.

196 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
REPLY TO TIIE CHARGE OF LUNACY.
[From the Evening Post, Jan. 30, 1835.]
The Bank tory presses originated the imputation of
lunacy against fhe conductors of this journal, and the
echoes ofthe Albany Argus have caught up the cry, and
rung the changes upon if, until very possibly many of
their readers, who do not read the Evening Post, may
suppose it has some foundation in truth. One good-naf ur-
ed editor In Connecticut, we perceive, has taken the matter
up quite seriously in our defence, and seeks to prove
,that we are not crazy in fhe full sense of the word, but
only partially crazy, or suffering under a species of rao-
noraania on the subject of monopolies. We are infinitely
obliged to our benevolent defender, and in return for his
courtesy beg leave to assure him, that if our views on the
subject of banks and corporations are evidence of the
malady he imputes to us the disease is endemic in this
state, and not oven Governor Marcy's proposed magnifi
cent lunatic asylum would be capable of containing one
hundredth part of the monomaniacs who now go at large,
and are generally supposed fo be in the full enjoyment of
their senses. •
The charge of lunacy against an antagonist whose
arguments are not refutable is neither a very new
nor very ingenious device. Ifs novelty is on a par with
ita candour. It ia a short and wholesale method of
answering facts and reasonings, of which weak and per
verted rainds have ever been ready to avail Iherasolves,
and if has ever been especially resorted fo against such
as have had the boldness to stand forward as the asserfers
of fhe principles of political und religious liberty. Those
who are unable fo refufe your arguuients, can at least
sneer at flieir author ; and next to overthrowin'ran anta
gonist's doctrines, it is considered by many a desirable

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 197
achievement to raise a laugh against himself. To be
laughed at by the aristocracy, however, (and there are too
many aristocrats who, to ansvver selfish purposes, rank
theraselves with fhe democracy) is fhe inevitable fate of
all who earnestly strive to carry into full practical opera
tion fhe great principle of equal political, civil, and reli
gious rights. To escape "fhe fool's dread laugh," is
therefore not to be desired by those who are ardent and
determined in the cause of true democratic principles.
Such derision they will consider rather as evidence of the
soundness of their views, and will bo inclined lo say with
John Wesley, " God forbid that we should not be the
laughing-stock of mankind I"
But we put it to every reader seriously, whether, In all
they have seen against the doctrines maintained by this
paper on fhe subject of banks and corporations, they have
yet found one single argument addressed to men's rea
sons, and tending fo show that our views are wrong. ¦
They have read, doubtless, a deal of declamation about
our ulfraism and our Jacobinism ; they have seen us call
ed a Utopian, a disciple of Fanny Wright, an agrarian, a
lunatic, and a dozen other hard names. They have seen
it asserted that we are for overthrowing all fhe cherished
institutions of society ; for breaking down the foundations
of private right, sundering tho marriage tie, and estab
lishing " a community of men, women, and property."
But amidst all this declamation — amidst all these ground
less and heinous charges, have they yet found one editor
who had the candour fairly to state our views, and meet
them with calm and temperate argument 7 If fhey have
found such a one, fhey have been morc fortunate than we.
While fhe principles which vve raaintain arc subject fo
such constant and wilful raisrepresentations, it may not be
without use frequently to repeat, in a brief forra, the real
objects for which wc contend. All our agrarian, Utopian
17*

198 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
and anarchical views, then, are comprehended in the fol
lowing statement ofthe ends at which we aim.
First, with regard fo'corporations generally : we con
tend that it is the duty of the legislature, in accordance
with the principle of equal rights, on which this govern
ment is founded, to refrain, in all tirae to corae, from
granting any special or exclusive charters of incorpora
tion to any set of raen, or for any purpose whatever; but
instead, to pass one general law, which will allow any set
of men, who choose to associate together for any purpose,
(banking alone temporarily excepted,) lo form theraselves
into that convenient kind of partnership known by the
narae of corporation.
Second, with regard to banking : we contend that
suitable steps should be immediately taken by the legis
lature to place that branch of business on the same broad
and equal basis : that to this end, no more banks should
be created oc renewed; that existing banks ahould be
gradually curtailed of their privilege lo Issue small noles,
untfl no bank notes of a smaller denoraination than twenty
dollars should be in circulation ; and that then the re
straining law should be repealed, and tho community left
as free fo pursue the business of banking, as they now
are to pursue any business whatever.
We are not In favour of pulling down, or overthrowing,
or harming, in any way, any existing Insfifuflons. Let
them all live out their charters, if they do nothing in the
meanwhile to forfeit them ; and as those charters should
expire, the very same stockholders might, if they chose,
associate themselves fogefher in a voluntary corporation,
under the proposed general law, and puisne their busiiiesa
without infeiTupfion, and without lei or hiiidurance.
The grand principle which wo aim fo establish is the
principle of equal rights. The only material diflerence
between the present system, and the system we propose.

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 199
is that instead of exclusive privileges, or particular facU
ities and immunities, being dealt out fo particular sets of
individuals by the legislature, all kinds of business would
be thrown open fo free and fidl corapetltlon, and all classes
and conditions of mon would have restored to them those
equal rights which fhe systera of granting special char
ters of incorporation has been the means of filching frora
them. All our Utopiani.sm, Jacobinisra, Agrarianism, Fanny
AA'^right-ism, Jack Cade-isni ; and a dozen other isms ira
puted fo us, have this extent, no raore. It would argue
that there was soraething very rotten in the democracy
of the present day, if for entertaining and strenuously
asserting such views, the conductors of a public journal,
whose business and pride it is to maintain democratic
principles, should be generally supposed to labour under
mental derangement. If this Is lunacy, it is at afl events
such lunacy as passed for sound and excellent sense in
Thomas Jefferson. The sura of a good governraent, as
described by that illustrious charapion of deraocracy, is all
we aira at — " a wise and frugal government, which shall
restrain men from injuring one another; shall leave thera
otherwise free fo regulate their own pursuits of industry
and improvement ; and shall not take from the mouth of
labour the bread it has earned."

THE SENATE OF TIIE UNITED STATES.
[From the Evening Post, February 3, 1835.]
It ia a good old republican custom, sometiraes, nay
often, to call the attention of the people fo the conduct of
the different branches of their Governraent, legislative, aa
well as executive and judiciaf. The people, whose pro
vince and whose duty it is to stand sentinel over their

200 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
rights, and over that Constitution which was devised sole
ly for their security, should never sleep on their posts, for
the encroachments of power are like the pestilence, that
walketh in darkness, and no one can tell when fhey will
corae. The present organization and late course of the Senate
ofthe United States are, in our opinion, aerious aubjecta
for the deep conaideration of all who value the represen
tative principle in its purify, or who look to the true spi-
rit of the Constitution. A majority of fhe states and
the people is represented by a minority of fhat body, fhe
majority of which is acting in defiance of both. This
majority is enabled to carry Its measures by the aid alone
of those members who are acting entirely independent
of any other impulse than that of their own sovereign wiU.
While these Senators are pretending to stickle for the
rights of the states, they are setting at naught the au
thority of thoae very atates, and in the language of Mr.
Madison, instead of " giving to the State Governments
such an agency In the formation of the Federal Govern
ment as must secure the authority of the forraer," are de
priving them of all agency whatever, except that which
is direcfly contrary to their instructions.
This bold defiance of the public will, it is believed, is
stimulated and ausfaiiied by fhe iiinucuce of a combina
tion of political eneraies, who, while they differ, in their
fundaraental principles, agree in ono point, that of oppos
ing the public voice and thwarting the wishes of the peo
ple. Living upon the reputation acquired by forraer servi.
ces and trading on a stock of integrity long since exhaust.
ed, these distinguished men, for distinguished they certain
ly are by political arts. If not by political wisdora,
despairing It would seera of rising to the summit of their
ambition on the blUows of popular applause, are determi.
ned to revenge their disappointment by opposing fhe pub.
lie will. Certain little men around them, seduced by

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 201
their example, or probably deluded by their eloquence,
have caught the contagion of disobedience, and masking
their personal insignificance behind the shield of sturdy
independence, crow defiance in the teeth of their consti.
luenfs with all fhe arrogance of ill-founded self-sufficien.
cy. They neither, forsooth, represent the states nor the
people ; they represent fhe Const itut lon of the United
Stafes, and like watchful guardians, prey upon the trea
sure they affect to guard.
Under the scattered banner of these independent politi
cians, who trade on thoir own bottom, the mnjority ofthe
Senate so con.«tilutod as vve have stated, is gradually tak
ing fhe lead of fhe House of Representatives, the peculiar
guardian of the people. Not content with assuraing the
right of irapeachrnent, which is exclusively fhe constitu
tional prerogative of the House of Representatives, it has
constituted itself the grand inquest of the nation, which it
no longer represents. It delegates ifs authority to itine
rant committees, which travel about during the recess of
the Senate taking ex parte testimony against public and
private Individuals. It foresfaUs the action ofthe House
of fhe people, fhe proper organ of fhe popular will, and
contrary fo established custora as well as obvious pro
priety, takes the lead in all those great national ques
tions which it was evidently the design of the Constitu
tion should bo first proposed and decided in that body
which most iraraediately emanates frora the sovereign pow
er. There might be sufficient grounds of justification for
the raajority ofthe Senate representing a rainority ofthe
stafes, were fhey to confine themselves to assuming the
lead in questions purely constitutional. But they havo
widely overstepped the bounds of this, their peculiar pro.
vince, and every day exhibit an uii.sccmly ambition to go
foremost in very thing. The Constitution, for example,
says that " aU blUs for raising revenue shaU originate in

202 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
the Houae of Representatives." This provision is in
strict accordance with the first and best principles of lib-
orty. It constitutes one of the great bafcguards against
the encroachments of power on the part of the less popu
lar branches of government, because if leaves if entirely
to the immediate and peculiar representatives of fhe peo.
pie to withhold appropriations for all purposea of which
they do not approve. They are the proper guardiana of
the money of the people, and, being poaaessed of the ex
clusive right of originating revenue bUls, can, as they
ought to do, entirely control the arabition or prodigality
of the other branches of Government.
The reasona which govern in the case of raising, apply
to fhe expenditure of the public money, or fhe voting of
any moneys whatever, either out of the existing public
funds or In anticipation of them. The vote for raising a
revenue, and fhat for expending it, either hefore or after it
is raised, seem so analagous in their a])plication to the
principlea just laid down, that it appears difficult fo sepa.
rate thera. Both should originate in fhe House of Repre.
sentatlves, and be sanctioned by if, before being taken up
by the Senate, whose exaraple and influence operating on
the former, might improperly control its action, and
cause it fo lose sight of ifs responsibility fo the people.
In one word, we doubt the right of the Senate to vote
any appropriation of the people's money, except it be
first sanctioned by the House of Represenlafives.
The Senate has consumed a considerable portion of
the present session in debating a bfll for the appropria
tion of five millions of the public money, to be raised
from the people, for the payraent of certain unliquidated
demands on the French Government. The question of
national obligation to pay this money is of no conse
quence to this argument, and therefore we pass It by.
We would only ask whether a bill fo pay money, which,

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 203
if paid at all, must be raised by a revenue bill, is not, if
not a revenue bill, at least its legitimate father ? So far
as the sanction of the Senate goes, it is an application of
the public money which can be raised in no other way
than by a revenue bUI. If seems to us that if the Senate
can originate the one, fhey can the other with quite as
much reason. The principle Is much the same, and
there Is strong ground for believing that th e spirit, if not
the letter of the Constitution, includes both the raising
and the expenditure of the public revenues.
What would be the use of this provision otherwise ?
Had it been entirely omitted in the Constitution, the
Senate could no more have raised a revenue without the
assent of the other House than it can now. The object
was, that as the people pay the revenue, their iraraediate
representatives, acting it is to bc presuraed in conforraity
with their will, should have the first say in the business.
If was fo secure to the people, as far as possible, a direct
controul over the expenditures of fhe governinent, by giv
ing them a right of first deciding on their propriety or
necessity. Do not precisely fhe sarae reasons apply to
the assuraption of fhe Senate lo appropriate five millions
of fhe money of fhe people, which can only be provided
for by a revenue bUI ? Has the voice ofthe people, or of
their representatives been heard, or their opinions ascer.
tained through the medium of their appropriate organs ?
Certainly not. Yet the bUI is jogging on in the march
of wild legislation, and so far as the decision of fhe Senate
can be anticipated, and so far as that decision is to go, the
people are,to be saddled with five millions of debt at the pre
sent tirae besides ten tiraes that sura in fufure, by a bill ori.
ginating in the Senate, which, though nota revenue bill,
involves flic direct necessity of" raising a revenue !"
We have no idea that any thing vve or the people may
say on this or any other encroachment of fhe Senate, will

204 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
have any influence on the majority of fliese lordly contem
ners ofthe popular will. Underiirefence of vindicatingflie
Constitution, they may violate its letter and spirit at
pleasure, and during six years at least, enjoy fhe enviable
satisfaction of " defending the people from their own
worst enemies, theraselves." Still there raay be some
little use in agitating fhe subject of senatorial assumption
— we will not call them by so harsh a name as uaurpa-
tions^-if it be only that of awakening the sleeping dig
nity of fhe House of Representatives to a recollection of
its ancient precedence in all raoney matters at least.
We take it that fhis is a popular government, and that _
all questions in which the people are deeply and exten
sively interested, and most especially all those involv
ing expenditures of money, should be first passed upon by
those most likely f o feel and obey the impulse of the pop
ular will.

GOVERNOR McDUFFIE'S MESSAGE.
[From the Eoening Post, February 10, 1835.]
Governor MoDoffie, iu his late message lo the Le
gislature of South Carolina, has promulgated various er
rors in relation to the views and principles of fhe demo
cracy of fhe middle and northern states, which might
excite astonishment at his ignorance, or regret at his
insincerity, did we not know that fhey are founded on
the misrepresentations of the Bank tory organs of fhis
part of the world. Great pains have been taken by
these fo persuade the people of the south, that all the
violent anathemas uttered against fhe system of slavery,
by enthusiasts and fanatics in this quarter, and aU their
dangerous zeal for immediate emancipation, originate
with the democracy. The charge of agrarianism, also,

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 205
which has with such marvellous propriety been urged
against this journal, because if supports fhe doctrine, not
of an equalization of i)roperty, which is an impracticable
absurdity, but because it maintains the princiiile of equal
political rights, sccnis fo have excited the Sensitive ap
prehensions of fhe Governor of South Carolina, and
prompted him to the utterance of sentiraents which we
are sorry fo see avowed on such a public and grave oc
casion, as fliat of addressing tho legislature in his Official
capacity. AVe raust beg leave to set Governor McDuffie right
on these points. In the first place, what is called agrari
anism by the Bank tory pros,scs is nothing raore than the
great principle which has always been raaintained with
peculiar earnestness by fhe southern stafes, and most es
pecially by Virginia and Soutii Carolina. It is siraply an
opposition to all partial and exclusive legislation, which
gives to one profession, one class of industry, one section
ofthe Union, or one portion ofthe people, privileges and
advantages denied lo the others, or of which, frora the
nature of their situation and circumstances, they cannot
partake. It is opposition fo bounties, protections, incor
porations, and perpetuities of all kinds, under whatever
mask they raay present theraselves. If is neither raore
nor less In short, than a denial of the legislative authority
to grant any partial or exclusive privUeges under pre
tence of the " general welfare," the " wants of the cora-
raunity," " sound policy," "sound action," "developing
the resources and stimulating the industry of fhe coin-
munity," or any other undefinable prefence, resorted to
as a subterfuge by avarice and arabition. This is what
fhe whig papers, as they style theraselves, hold up to the
South as a dngerous doctrine, calculated fo unsettle the
whole system ofsocial organization, and subject the rights
Vol. I.— 18

206 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
of property to the arbitrary violence of a hungry and ra-
pacious populace !
We would ask Governor McDuffie if this is not, fo all
intents and purposes, fhe doctrine of those who main.
tained fhe independent authority of Iho slates, in aU
points where it was not voluntarily and specifically sur.
rendered to the Federal Government? Did fhey not
repudiate and deny the power of fhat government to
grant charters of incorporation ? And when the Conven
tion which formed fhe Constitution of fhe United Stafes
rejected the plan pf a national or consolidated govern
ment, was it not mainly on the ground that it would
place the stafes, and what is fhe sarae thing, the people
of the states, whoUy at the mercy of a power, which
might, if It pleased, under fhe specious pretext of fhe
" public welfare," sacrifice fhe interests of one state, or
one section, fo those of another, and thus introduce a
systera of partial and exclusive legislation ? If such a
systera, adopted by fhe Federal Governraent, would be
injurious fo fhe righta of fhe states ; so is It now when
adopted by a state legislature towards the people of a state
just aa injurious to the rights and liberties of the great
majority, because it is the very essence of such privileges,
that, fo be worth having, they must of necessity be con.
fined to a small minority. Governor McDuffie cries
out against fhe oppressions inflicted on a minority of the
stafes, by a partial systera of federal legislation, and the
democracy of the north exclaim against a similar system
adopted by our own legislatures to the prejudice of the
rights of a raajority of the people. Which has fhe broad
est ground of action, lie who raalnfains the rights of fhe
few or he who raalnfains the rights of the many, in a
government fhe first principle of which is, fhat within the
limits of the Constitution, the majority of the poeple
must and ought to govern ?

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 207
Governor McDuffie is still raore misled in his ideas of
the part taken by the deraocracy of thia and tho eastern
states in the mad and violent schemes of the iraraediate
abolitionists, as fhey are called. He may be assured that
the abettors and supporters of Garrison, and other itine
rant orators who go about stigmatizing fhe people of fhe
south as "men stealers," are not the organs or instru
ments of the deraocracy of the north, but of the aristo
cracy — of that party which has always been in favour of
encroaching on the rights of the white labourers of this
quarter. It is so in Europe, and so is it here. There,
the raost violent opponents of tbe rights of the people of
England, are the raost loud in their exclamations against
the wrongs of the people of Africa, as if they sought to
quiet their consciences, for oppressing one colour, by be
coming the advocates of the freedora of the other. Da
niel O'Connell is one of the few exceptions, and even he,
in one of his speeches, with fhe keenest and most bitter
irony, taunted these one-sided philanthropists with per
petuating the long enduring system of oppression in Ire
land, while they were affecting the tenderest sympathy for
the blacks of the West Indies. Was Rufua King, the
great leader on the Miasouri question, a representative of
the deraocracy of the north ? and were not the interests
of the planters of the south sustained by the deraocracy
alone ?
Governor McDuffie may raake hiraself perfectly easy
on the score of the democracy of the north. They are
not agrarians, nor fanatics, nor hypocrites. They make
a trade neither of politics, nor philanthropy. They know
well that admitting tbe slaves ofthe south to an equality
of civfl and social rights, however deeply it raight affect
the dignity and interests ofthe rich planters of that quar
ter, would operate quite as injuriously, if not more so,
on themselves. The civil equality might affect both

208 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
equaUy, but the aocial equality would operate mainly to
the prejudice of the labouring classes araong the derao
cracy of the north. Il is here the emancipated slaves
would seek a residence and employment, and aspire to
the social equality they could never enjoy among their
ancient masters. If fhey cannot bring themselves up to
the standard ofthe free labouring white men, they might
puU the latter down fo their own level, and thus lower
the condition ofthe white labourer by association, if not
by amalgamation.
Not only fhis, but fhe labouring classes of the north,
which constitute the great raass of the democracy, are
not so short-sighted fo consequences, that fhey cannot
see, that the influx of such a vast number of emancipated
slaves would go far to throw them out of employment,
or at least depreciate the value, of labour to an extent
that would be fatal to their prosperity. This fhey know,
and fhis will forever prevent fhe democracy of fhe north
frora advocating or encouraging any of those fli-judged,
though possibly well-intended schemes for a general and
immediate emancipation, or indeed for any emancipa
tion, that shall not both receive the sanction and pre
serve fhe rights of the planters of the south, and, at the
same time, secure the democracy of tho north ugainst
the injurious, if not fatal consequences, of a competition
with the labour of miUions ofmanuraitted slaves.
If any class of people in this quarter ofthe Union have
an interest in this question, independent of the broad
principle of huraanity, it is the aristocracy. It is not
those who labour and have an interest in keeping up ifs
price, but those who employ labour and have an interest
in depressing if. These last would receive all fhe bene
fits of a great influx of labourers, which would cause the
supply fo exceed the demand, and consequently depress
fhe value of labour ; while fhe former would not only

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 209
experience the degradation of this competition, but be
come eventually its victims.
If vve look back fo the political history of this country,
it will be found that the true democracy of fhe north has
always supported fhe southern policy. They sustained
every republican candidate for the Presidency frora that
section of fhe Union (for such we considered General
Jackson) and their uniform co-operation distinctly indi
cates a near affinity of interests nnd principles between
the republicans of fhe south and the democracy of the
north. The latter will probably, at the ensuing Presi
dential election, put forward a candidate identified with
these interests and principles, and will the forraer desert
their old friends, who never deserted thera ? Will they
aid In dividing and distracting the republican party by
multiplying candidates, and thus by throwing the deci
sion upon Congress, pave the way for a successful in
trigue that may again cheat the people of their choice,
and restore fhe ascendancy of an aristocratic faction
which haa always been arrayed in opposition to their
interests. Again we assure Governor McDuffie, and all those
who iraagine fhey see In the democracy of the north, the
enemies to their rights of property, and the advocates of
principles dangerous to the safety and prosperity ofthe
planters ofthe .south, that tbey may make Ihcmsclvea per
fectly easy on these heads. The danger is not in tho
democratic, but fhe aristocratic ascendancy. The whole
is a scheme of a few ill-advi.sed men, which certain whig
politicians have used fo set the republicans ofthe south
against the democracy of the north, and thus, by dividing,
conquer them both.
18*

210 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
THE FERRY MONOPOLY
[From ihe Eoening Post, February 18, 1835.]
We have received frora Albany a copy of the Report
ofthe Select Coraraittee ofthe Assembly on the several
petitions addressed to fhat body, relative to the establish
ment of additional ferries between this city and Brook
lyn. The petitioners ask that an intelligent and impar
tial board of coraraissioners may be appointed, with full
powers to establish ferries between New-York anu Long
Island, and that the present rates of ferriage be reduced.
The fact that additional raeans of coraraunication between
tho cities of New- York and Brooklyn are very rauch
needed, fhat the present rates of ferriage are exorbitantly
high, and the accoramodationsnone of the best, is too no
torious for any one to deny. It is also a well-known
fact, fhat nuraerous responsible persons have frequently
and vainly petitioned fhe corporate authorities of thia
city for permission to establish another ferry, offering to
bind themselves to furnish suitable accommodations, and
to pay too a large sura for the desired " privilege." In
Consequence of the rejection of all these applications,
resort has at last been had to fhe State Legislature.
The power of establishing ferries over the East River
is claimed by the corporate authorities of this city as a
franchise conferred upon fhem by fhe ancient charters,
and confirraed by various subsequent acts of state legisla
tion. The Report before us contends fhat " the authority to
establish ferries, granted fo fhe city of New-York by
charter, is to be considered, not as a monopoly for the
purpose of revenue fo the city, but asa delegated legisla
tive power, to be exercised with the same regard to fhe
convenience of the public, as the legislature themselvea
would exercise it." They fiirther argue that "although

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 211
the charter declares that the Comraon Council shall have
the sole power of establishing ferries, yet that this only
means that this power, as a delegated authority, should be
possescd by thom, to ihr exclusion of any other office, tribu
nal, or public body," and that fhe power may be altered
raodified, repealed, or resumed, at flic discretion ofthe le
gislature, always faking care, of course, it is fo be pre
suraed, not to violate the public faith, as pledged by fhe
acts of the Coraraon Council in the exercise of the au
thority delegated to them.
In the difficulties which citizens now experience fo ob
tain reasonable facilities of communication between New-
York and Brooklyn, a forcible illustration is afforded of
the absurd and oppressive nature of monopolies. The
question how far the power to regulate this mafter has
been granted fo fhe Coramon Council of New- York, and
how far it yet resides in the legislature of the Stale is
one which we have not qualified ourselves to answr. It
seems to us, however, frora an attentive perusal of the Re
port, and a reference to sorae of the authorities there
mentioned, that fhe positions assumed in that document
are sound, and that fhe Legislature have a primary, una
lienated and supreme control over the whole matter In
dispute. Bo this as it may, the common sense view of the sub
ject plainly teaches fhat there ought to be no further le
gislative or municipal interference with the business of
ferriage, than is deraanded by a simple regard for public
safety and convenience. We have not time fo go into
any argument to-day ; but on fhis subject, as on all others,
we are the advocates of fhe principles of free trade. We
would puf no hinderance in the way of any man, or set of
men, who should choose to undertake the business of fer
rying people across the river. The public interests would
be best served hy leaving the matter to regulate Itself — or

212 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
rather leaving It to be regulated by the laws of demand and
supply. Free competition would do more to insure good
accommodations, low prices, aw iff and safe boats, and
civil attendanla, than all the lawa and chartera which
could ever be framed. The sheet of water which sepa
rates New- York from Brooklyn ought to be conaidered as
a great highway, free to whomsoever should choose lo
travel on il, under no other restriction than complying
with certain regulations for the mutual safety and con.
venience of all : such regulations as are now enforced
with regard to private vehicles in the streets and public
roads. Yetjsince the corporate authorities choose to turn
every business fhat they possibly can into a source of re.
venue to the city, they might make a license necessary
for ferry-boats, as is now done with regard to the Broad-
way and Bowery oranibusses. Even thia tax ia an in-
fringement of those sound principlea of political econoray
which ought to govern in the matter ; but it could not
be objected lo in the case of ferries, while it is recogniz
ed in that of stage coaches.
In raaking these reraarks, we are by no raeans forgetful
of the " chartered rights" of those who now have the " ex
clusive privilege" of carrying people to and fro between
New-York and Brooklyn. Much as we detest the prin-
ciple of such raonopolies, we would by no raeans justify
any invasion of the rights duly granted fo Uicm. The
public faith ia pledged, and, at the expense of any tem
porary inconvenience, let it be preserved inviolate. But
though the Corporation ought not to invade the rights
which have been foolishly granted, yef as far as fhey
still retain any control over fhe subject, they might re
store to the community their natural rights, and leave
those who wish to establish other ferries to make fhe
best terras they can with fhe existing monopolies. Such
a course is in reality dictated as well by selfish and local

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 213
Interests as by an enlarged and liberal view ofthe whole
question. Every additional facility of access to this me
tropolis increases its general prosperity. We are aware
that pains have been taken fo create a belief that the
establishment of more ferries would Injuriousljr affect the
prices of property In the upper part of the city, and that
narrow and selfish opposition has been thus engendered.
But we think it could be demonstrated that every addi
tional means of communicating with Long Island will
add to tho prosperity of New-York. Be this as it raay
as respccls owners of real estate, there can be no ques
tion that It is true with regard to the great body of the
people.

THE OPPOSITION IN THE SENATE.
[From the Evening Post of Feb. 24, 1835.]
The Senate of the United Stales occasionaUy presents
a spectacle calculated to excite wonder, if not ridicule, at
the inconsistencies of raany of its distinguished leaders.
On flie one hand we see Mr. Calhoun, vvho has carried the
doctrine of State Rights fo the very verge ofthe greatest
possible extrerae, proposing a scheme of reforra, which, if
adopted, will place the states on the pension list of the
United Stafes for eight years to come at least. Of all
the plans we have yet seen propounded by great states
men to increase fhe influence of fhe ferleral government,
and to impoverish the people at the same time, that of
raising a revenue only fo distribute it again, minus the
deduction fhe expenses of coUecting and distributing, ap.
pears to us the most preposterous. Besides this inevita
ble loss to fhe people, they wUI of necessity lose the use
and the interest of this surplus revenue, which Mr. Cal-

214 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
houn calculates at nine miUions per annum, during the
whole period which elapses frora the tirae of paying to
that of receiving it back again. The scheme of the hon
ourable Senator frora South Carolina for enriching the
States, reminds us of the honest trader who always sold
his goods below cost, and lived by the loss.
But there is no danger that those who pay the aurplus
of nine mfllions per annura for seven or eight years wifl
ever see their money again. The current of taxation is
like that of the Mississippi : If always runs one way ; It
flows into the great ocean of public expenditure, and is
lost in oblivion. The money returned to fhe States will
never find its way into the pocketaof Its old owners again.
It will come Into the handa of certain officers of tho
State Governments, who will infallibly apply it to " the
public good," that it to say, "supplying the wants of fhe
community," "giving energy to public enterprise," " pro
viding new avenues for the surplus products of the coun
try," &c. &c. ; afl which, done info plain practical Eng.
lish, means nothing more or less than distributing the
money contributed equally by the whole coraraunity in
political bribes, or to further the scheraes of a few specu
lating politicians, who make a trade of patriotism, and
apply the confidence of a deceived people solely to their
pwn interested purposea.
In the midst of these extraordinary schemes of reform,
supported by arguments equally extraordinary, we see a
system of most extravagant expenditures adopted by these
original reformers, for the encourageraent of printing and
bookraaking it would seera. The reformers are deter
mined thaf the people of fhe United Statea and their re
presentatives shall be enlightened. They have frora time
to time voted a few hundred thousands of dollars for
printing vast numbers of speeches and reports which
would take the people years to read, and ages to compre-

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 215
hend. In order to make sure of the people becoming
thoroughly enlightened, they have distributed only the
arguments on one side of the question, from a just appre
hension that if the other was presented they might bo
placed in the situation of a certain animal between two
bundles of hay, and suffer an intellectual starvation in
the rialdst of too great plenty.
In addition fo this expedient of econoray, the reforraers
in the Senate have voted a few hundred thousands more
for the double purpose of supplyihg themselves with
books, and, as has been surmisod, of onablingccrlain me
ritorious printers of newspapers fo employ the money of
the people in opposing the administration of their choice.
Thus they kill two birds with one stone. They supply
themselves with a library comprising a vast accuraula
tion of useless knowledge, and thus enable themselves to
legislate to the greatest advantage, and they at the same
time foster, the spirit of literature by multiplying books
that nobody reads. Now, for our humble selves, we think
this mode of fitting legislators for the performance of
their duties, after they are chosen, is putting fhe cart
before the horse. In our opinion they should by all
means be qualified beforehand, aa in all other trades, in
which a man serves his apprenticeship before he sets up
in business. This extempore education reminds us of the
story of an honest Frerichmari, vvho, having occasion for
spiritual advice called several fimes on his bishop, but
was always put off with the excuse that ho was at 'his
studies. Upon which, getting at last out of all patience,
he exclaimed, " I wish to heaven our king would send us
a bishop who had finished his education."
We see no special propriety in legislators finishing their
education at the expense of the people ; or if fhey will do
this, it seems but just that the other functionaries of the
government should be put on the sarae footing. It was

216 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
a terrible infraction of the great precept of doing as we
would be done by, lo refiisc the Attorney General an ap-
propriation for law books, while Congress is every day
voting itself a supply of books of legislation. It is ru
moured that more than one of the honourable membera
has set up a book store at fhe seat of government, and
that others who have been overlooked by the people at
the last election, intend commencing. business at home,
on the stock In trade acquired by a few years of services
to the people.
On fhe other hand, we see Mr. Clay and his band of
reformers, strenuously opposing the increase of executive
patronage, by advocating fhe principle of appointinenta
for life, or at least during gopd behaviour. Does if not
strike the honourable Senator that, if, aa he prcaumea, fhe
whole body of public officers are "fhe supple tools of Exe
cutive power," fhat these men, beingenfirely governed by
motives of self-interest, wfll make much greater sacrifices
for an appointment for life, or during good behaviour,
than for one of four years, subject to the will of the Exe
cutive, or fhe vicissitudes of political changes ? If he
looks into history, he will find the atrocifie.'! comraitted
by kings and nobles to secure themselves the possession
of hereditary honours and hereditary power, beyond all
comparison greater than those of men struggling only for
a temporary superiority. The greater fhe boon fhe
greater the sacrifice ; and a great man who would thwart
the wishes of the people for the sake of a teraporary
office, might be tempted to plunge his country into all the
horrors of a revolution to render the possession perma
nent. But what right does Mr. Clay brand the whole class
of office holders, with being " the supple tools of Execu
tive power ? " Does he speak from his own experience,
or is this high charge fhe result of his exalted opinion of

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 217
human nature ? That distinguished person is himself at
this moment in office, and has been nearly all his life
seeking offices. AVo do nol urge this as a reproach ; for
situations of honour, emolument and trust, are objecta not
unworthy of the highest character in this country, and
if they are gained by means and exertions becoming a
man of principle and independence, they are badges of
honour, not of disgrace. A genfleraan once standing so
high, and stfll standing high in the estimation of a con
siderable portion of this Union, ought to be above repeat
ing the miserable slang about office holders, with which
every petty disappointed demagogue solaces his miseries,
and assuages the aggravated inflamraation of his political
buffetings. It is unworthy of hira, and is an extravagant
assumption. Ono great fault in the systera of political
ethics acted upon by Mr. Clay and his whig partizajis,
is that of underrating the virtue and Intelligence of the
people. They ascribe that to the influence of office hold
ers, which Is in reality the result of public intelligence
and feeling, and stigmatize as the corrupt instrument of
" the supple tools of Executive power," what in reality is
nothing more than enlightened perception of their own
rights and interests on the part of the people. Mr. Clay
and his partizans have been defeated by the free people
of the United States, and not by a combination of " sup
ple tools of Executive power." His own party once had
the sarae means of corrupfion in their hands. Were they
too pure fo use them ; or were the people incorruptible ?
Again we repeat, the slang is unworthy the high source
whence if emanated on this occasion. It is in fact a
general and sweeping charge against fhe character of the
people of the fJnitod States, bocau.so it directly intimates
fliaf they aro all c<[ually a.ssailablo by corruption, or fhat
they are instruraents in the hands of " the supple tools of
Executive power."
Vol. I.— 19

218 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
But while expressing our just reprehension of this
most lUiberal denunciation, we cannot forbear a burst of
unfeigned pleasure at fhe assertion of the honourable
Senator which follows. Mr. Clay insisted that, " Respon
sibility was as essential an ingredient of a free govern
ment, as the vital air which surrounds us was necessary
to animal life. Every officer was responsible to fhe peo
ple ; all were public servants." We should like to have
seen how the " responsible " Senators from New-Jersey,
Alabama, Mississippi and North Carolina looked at re-
ceiving such a lecture as this. It was a most unkind
cut thus to tell them to their faces that they had been ex
isting for so long a tirae without the " vital air," which
was " absolutely necessary for aniraal life," and fhat of
consequence fhey "smelt of mortality." If they, or any
one of them, except Mr. Frelinghuysen, ever forgive him,
they are better Christiana than we supposed.
In the midst of these scenes, which are calculated to
create a surmise that frequent disappointments, like too
much learning, are apt to make raen raad, we turn with
great pleasure to fhe raanly, consistent, and straight
forward course ofthe distinguished Senator frora Missouri,
Colonel Benton. Vigorous, intelligent and indefatigable ;
without fear and without reproach ; equally remarkable
for the sagacity and clearness of his intellect, and tho
unfaltering industry of his research ; always ready, al
ways profound, and always irresistible, he marches
straight forward, right into the trenches of his adversa
ries, and routs fhem frora every fancied strong-hold they
occupy. The Republic owes him much, and we trust
that it will not be found uuKratefuk

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 219

[From the Evening Post, March 6, 1835.]
AVe devote the entire reading portion of our paper to
day, together with sorae additional columns borrowed
from advertisements, to the proceedings of Congress on
the two last days of tho session. It wiU give our readers
great pleasure to perceive that the protracted discussion
in the House of Representatives on fhe subject of our
differences with France, at last terminated in the unani.
mous adoption of a resolution ihat the treaty icith France
ought io be maintained, and its execution insisted on. Mr.
CAMnRBLENG lias entitled himself to the greatest credit
for his able, conciliatory and truly American course on
this question. And of Mr. Adams we must say, also,
that though not entirely free from his old trick of "dodg
ing," he behaved on this question, on the last day ofthe
discussion, in a manner which, if it more frequently cha
racterized his conduct, would very materiafly increase his
claims to fhe respect of his countrymen.
That our readers may have before fhem the means of
ascertaining what has been done and what left undone
by Congress, we publish to-day a list of the bills which
have received fhe a.ssent of both branches of that body,
and now only require the signature of the President to
be laws of the land. A glance at this list will serve,
more forcibly than any thing we can say, to show how
shamefully fhe National Legislature have trifled away the
session. But few of the important measures which the
country looked for at their hands have been attended to.
The hour of their dissolution arrived without their hav
ing consummated a tenth part of the business for which
they convened. Never, since the adoption of the Consti
tution, was there a more utterly unprofitable session of

220 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
Congress. The Senate, governed to the last by its fac
tious spirit — its ruling passion of hostflitj' to the President
and fo fhe democracy of the country, strong even in death
— did all in its power to erabarrass the other House, and
defeat those raeasures which are iraperatively demanded
by fhe posture of our Foreign affairs.
It will be seen that in this venomous and spiteful tem
per fhat body voted against the appropriation of three
mfllions to put the country in a posture of defence, and
voted against it on the shallow pretence that such an ap
propriation was placing both fhe sword and purse in the
hands of the Executive ! A factious majority — among
which we are glad fo see the name of but one of those
who have hitherto supported the adrainistration, and sorry
that that one is Judge White — have dared to lake
upon theraselves tho responsibility of defeating a bill ab
solutely indispensable in fhe present eraergency fo the
safety of our country. We shall be mistaken, indeed, if
public sentiraent do not brand this proceeding with fhe
narae of infaray which it deserves. We look on each in
dividual who voted against fhat raost just and wise and
necessary appropriation, as guilty of lillie less than trea
son. We ask on this aubject, attention to fhe article
frora the Globe of yesterday, giving some accoimt of the
factious conduct of the Senalo.
The Judiciary bill, fhe prime object of which was to
defeat the nomination of Mr. Taney, as a Judge of the
Supreme Court, did not receive the concurrence of the
House of Representatives. The debate on this subject
will be found interesting. The National Intelligencer
remarks that the nomination of Mr. Taney was indefi-
nitely postponed by the Senate in Executive session, on
Tuesday evening.
We rejoice that the Insulting clause added by the Se
nate, on motion of Daniel Weustku, to the General Ap-

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 221
propriation bill, was indignantly rejected by the House.
Mr. Adam.i did himself groat credit by flic spirit which
he displayed on fliat occasion. We do not agree with
him iu the po.sition tlmt it is wifliin the constitutional
power of the President to fill the vacancy in the mission
to England without the advice and consent ofthe Senate,
but on the contrary we are at a loss to perceive how any
intelligent mind can find a shadow of authority for such
a proceeding in the language of the Constitution, which
to us seems most plainlyjto withhold the power of appoint
ment from the President, without the concurrence ofthe
Senate, except in a case which, as regards the embassy to
England, does not now exist. But whether the Presi
dent has or has not fhe constitutional right toappointa min
ister during fhe recess, fhe clause added to fhe appropria:
tion bUl vvas equally improper, and deserved fhe pointed
condemnation which it received from the House. If the
President has a right to appoint, the Senate have no busi
ness to lirait the exercise of his constitutional powers :
if he has not the right fo appoint, they have no business
to insert a clause of liraitation under the presurapfion that
he would exceed his constitutional powers.
Wc have left ourselves room barely to ask the affen.
tion of our readers fo the exposition made by the AVash
ington Globe of Tuesday respecting the unworthy con.
duct of the raajority in the Senate on the subject of Mr.
Benton's expunging resolution. This ignoble triumph,
obtained by legislative trickery, wfll be of short duration.
19*

222 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP

THE SENATE AND TIIE FRENCH QUESTION.
[From the Evening Post of March 9, 1835.]
All parties and aU raen in this country raust unite in
the opinion that fhe omission, on fhe part of Congress to
provide for fhe national defence, in the present posturo
of public affairs, is deeply censurable. Fall the blarae
where it may, this is an instance of remissness which all
must alike condemn. Difference of opinion raay exist
in alloting the censure, but there can be no diflerence as
to the fact of fhe censure being deserved. Our relations
with France are now in such a situation that it may be
considered an even chance whether we shall have peace
' or war. Some of our best informed citizens, who have
resided much abroad, and are intimately acquainted with
the sentiments and temper of many ofthe leading mem
bers of the French Government on the subject of fhe in
demnify due to this country, conaider war as more proba.
ble than we have stated. But whatever may be the de.
gree of probability, no one can shut his eyes to the fact
that our relations with France are such as imperatively
require that we should be prepared for hostilities. Our
rainister at Paris, In an official coraraunication to his
Governraent, has staled if as his deliberate opinion, that
if the French Chamber of Deputies should again reject
the bill of indemnify, if is highly probable that France
would anticipate our reprisals by the seizure of our vessels
in her "ports, and an attack on our ships in ihe Mediterra
nean with a superior force. Her hostile measures in
such an event would not be limited to these acts. We
might hourly expect to hear of a French fleet upon our
coast; and the first intelligence of their approach might
be the booming of their cannon, as they poured their
volleys into our unarmed fortresses ,and sweeping by them.

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 223
entered unresisted Into our very harbours. Where then
would be our forces to beat thera back ? Where would
be our navy, fo meet them midway on the seas, and guard
our shores from the ravages of the foe ? Where would
bo our coast defences, to bar the entrance of hostile
fleets? Shall sucha stale of things arrive, and find us
without an army ; with our ships of war disraantled at
the docks, and our fortresses delapidated and unmanned ?
Is the country fo be thus taken by surprise, unprepared
to strike a single blow for the raaintainance of ifs vaunted
freedom, and subject to be overrun and harried by an
insolent foe ? Aud wlij' must wc run tho hazard of this
incalculable evil ?
The obvious and only answer to this question is, be
cause the Senate of the United States did not choose to
trust the spending of three millions of dollars for the na
tional defence to fhe discretion of the Chief Magistrate of
the nation ! AVe see at the head of our Government a
man recently elected to that exalted station by an over
whelming majority of the free suffrages of fhe people ; a
raan of unequalled mUitary experience and sagacity ; a
raan who, since his first elevation fo the highest office of
the country. In all the difficult and frying questions on
which he has been called to act, has so borne hiraself as
to coraraand, raore and more, at each successive exhibi
tion of his character, the admiration, tho esteem and fhe
gratitude of the people. This is fhe man whom the Sen-
ate would not trust with the expenditure of three millions
of doUars, to put the country in an attitude of defence,
if events should occur before the next session of Con
gress to render defence necessary. This is fhe length
and the breadth and tho depth of the question. The
Senate have left fhe country defenceless, rather than
trust the ordering of its defence fo the wisdom and patri.
otism of a Chief Magistrate who possesses, and has nobly

224 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
earned, the people's unlimited confidence. Parfizan
newapapers and parfizan orators raay fume and vapour
as fhey please ; but this ia fhe naked simple fact. The
Senate have incurred this tremendous responsibility ; and
no art of sophistry, and no device of misrepresentation
can shift it frora their shoulders fo those of fhe other
branch of fhe national legislature.
The very eagerness of the National Intelligencer to
throw the blame of this most parrucidal conduct on a
distinguished member of the House of Representatives,
shows fhe prophetic consciousness of guilt on the part of
those Senators whose mouthpiece fhat unprincipled jour
nal Is, that the people will judge rightly where fhe cen.
sure belongs. It is all in vain to altera|)f to throw Iho
odium on Mr. Cambreleng. Throughout fhe whole of
this affair, that gentleman's conduct has been dictated
by the truest patriotism and the most enlightened policy.
From fhe first fo the last, he evinced fhe strongest desire
to raerge considerations of party in fhe higher considera.
tions of what was due to his entire country. Never did
he speak in a loftier, raore liberal, raore concUiatory tone.
He laboured earnestly, assiduously, successfully, to have
such raeasures adopted asmight properly speak fhe senti
ments of this great nation. To unite as many as possi.
ble in such measures, he voluntarily and cheerfuUy gave
up his resolution and adopted in place of it fhe language
of an opponent. When fhat opponent then cavilled at
his own terms, he modified fhem to obviate the new ob
jection. He seeraed not to care on whom the honour of
the proceeding should rest, so fhat the honour of the na.
tion was asserted. In the sarae spirit, he introduced the
proposition to appropriate three millions of dollars to pro.
vide for the national defence. This proposition was
carried hy an imraense majority, and among those who
voted for it (to their honour be it spoken) were several

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 225
prominent opponents of the administration. The Senate
rejected the appropriation — rejected it positively, entirely
— suggesting no amendment, proposing no alternative.
The House again considered if, and again, by an undi
minished mnjority, declared in favour of fhe measure.
Again the Senate, by a party ¦vote, rejected it ! — and still
that body offered no substitute, and intiraated no raidway
course. The House once raore took up the subject, and
after discussion, a third time decided, by a largo majority,
fo adhere fo tbe appropriation, nnd appointed a Cora.
mittee to confer with fhe Senate;. Before thaf Committee
and the Senate's Committee had como fo anj' agree.
ment on the question, the hour had passed on which fhe
functions of the twenty-third Congress expired, and
when the Committee of the House of Representatives
returned to the Representative Chamber, they found that
there was not a quorum present, and that several mera.
bers who were present refused to vote on any question on
the ground that their legislative functions had ceased.
This ia a brief stateraent of undeniable facts. Can there
be any difficulty, then, in deciding where the censure of
the people of the United States ought to fall ? By whose
act has their country been left in a defenceless situation
at a tirae when it is threatened with a foreign war, and
when even now, perhaps, a French fleet is on Its way to
our shores ? No man, who regards truth, and whose
mind is not darkened with the worst of prejudices, can
fail to ascribe our deplorable situation to the conduct of
the factious majority ofthe United States Senate. Thank
heaven, the reign of terror is over !

226 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP

UNCURRENT BANK NOTES.
[From the Evening Post, March, 10, 1835.]
We wish sorae public spirited man who has access lo
data that would afford a reasonable basis for a conjectural
calculation, would furnish us with an estimate ofthe ira
mense amount of money which ia annually lost in this
city, by the labouring claaaea, in the discount upon un
current bank notes in circulation. Do the mechanics
and the labourers know, that every dollar which is paid
in the discounting of uncurrent notes in Wall-street, ia
filched out of their pockets ? That such is the fact ia
susceptible of the clearest demonstration.
In the first place, the circulation of uncurrent bank
notes is chiefly kept up by a direct and infaraoua fraud
upon the working classes. It is a coraraon practise with
employers when they pay off their hands on Saturday,
to go into Wall-street and purchase of sorae broker for
the purpose, a lot of notes of depreciated value, varying
from half to one and a half per cent, below par. These
notes they palm off upon their workmen as money. If
a master raechanic has a thousand dollars a week to pay
to his hands, it is clear that he pockets every week by
this operation sorae ten or fifteen dollars ; and It can be
shown with equal clearness that those in his eraployraent
are defrauded out of this sum. If a man hesitates to take
this depreciated paper, he is told that it passes as cur
rently as sUver in payraent of any thing he raay wish to
purchase ; and so, in truth, it does. Yot he could not
exchange it for sUver, without paying the broker a dis
count, and let hira not imagine, though he may seera to
pass it away fo his grocer or his baker at par, fhat he
does not lose thia discount all the sarae. Nay, the me
chanic and labouring man whose employers are consci-

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 227
entious enough to pay thera their wages in real money,
bear their full proportion of fhe loss on the uncurrent
notes in circulation, equaUj' with those to whom the de-
prcchited paper is paid. The entire sumpaidfor ihe dis
count of depreciated hank paper falls on the mechanics and
labourers, and is wrung out of iheir sweat and toil. Nay
more . ihey not only lose ihe amount which is actually paid
for discount to ihe money changers, but ihey also pay a per
centage on thai amount equal io ihe average rate of profit
which merchants charge on their goods. We can raake
this plain to fhe dullest apprehension.
The labouring man, when he returns home of a Satur
day evening, with his week's wages in his pocket. In this
depreciated paper, stops at his grocer's, and pays hira the
amount of his weekly bill. The grocer in the course of
a few days pays this money away into the hands of the
wholesale merchant from whom he purchases his commo
dities. The merchant, when a certain araount of fhis
kind of paper has accuraulafed on his bands, sends it info
Wall-street, and sells it fo the brokers, and when his
clerk returns, an entry Is made in his books of fhe amount
paid for discount. The sum total paid in fhe course of a
year for the discount of depreciated paper forras an item
of expense which Is calculated as one of the elements in
the cost of his goods. To pay for his goods he is obliged
to buy biUs of exchange, or in other words, to remit specie
to Europe. Whatever this specie costs him, his goods
cost him ; and he therefore looks upon the amount he
had to pay to turn fhe uncurrent paper received from his
customers Info specie as a constituent part of the first
cost of his merchandize. Upon fhe whole sum of the cost,
thus ascertained, he puts a certain per centage profit, and
fixes his prices accordingly. The rctaU trader then
buying a lot of goods of him, pays hira not only a pro
portional part of the discount which fhe wholesale mer-

228 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
chant actually paid on his uncurrent paper, but a profit
thereon. Thia, however, raakes no difference to him, for
he has only to put his own profit on above all, and let the
loss fall on the labourer, when he comes for his tea and
sugar and pther little necessaries and comforts for his
faraUy. That this is a true, though homely exposition
of the case, any body must see who will only give himself
the trouble to think about it.
The whole araount of uncurrent notes which pass
through the broker's hands annually raay be stated at a
given sura, and the discount thereupon araounts, on an
average to a given per-cenfage. Thia aura, whatever It
is, (and it raust be iraraenso) ia a tax on the business of
the coraraunity, which each individual shufflea off his
own shoulders on flioso of the persons next beneath him,
and so it descends by gradation till it reaches the broad
backs and hard hands of the iiiechanics and labourers,
who produce all the wealth and bear all the burdens of
society. But the raechanlcs and labourers have it in their power
to rid themselves of this imposition. The task Is very
easy : it is only to learn the efficacy of the word COM
BINATION. There is a magic In that word, when
rightly understood and eraployed, which will force the
scrip nobility to do thera justice, and yield thera, without
drawback and without cheafery, fhe full fruits of their
toil. Let them inquire by what means it is that this
iramense araount of depreciated paper is kept in circula-
tion. They wfll find if is chiefly through fhe instru
mentality of master- workmen and others having me
chanics and labourers in their employment. They will
find that this wretched substitute for money is bought, for
the express purpose of palming it ofl' upon them as real
value, while their task-masters and the brokers share the
spoils between them. A mechanic dare not refuse to

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 229
take the wretched trash ; because, if he does, he will be
turned away to starve. But what a single raechanic
may not be able f o conipas.M alone, could be easily effected
by combination. AVill the mechanics ond labourers
wait for eighteen months, in the hope that the juggling
law now before the legislature will by that tirae go Into
operation, and rid them of the paper money curse ? Let
them not rest In any such belief. Let them know their
ovyn strength and resolve to be imposed on no longer.
Why are the producers of all the wealth of society the
poorest, most despised and most down-trodden class of
men ? Because they submit to be the dupes of fhe scrip
nobUify — because fhey are ignorant of their own strength.
Let thera combine together lo deraand whatever the plain
principles of justice warrant, and we shall see what power
there Is which can deny them.

THE LEGISLATION OF CONGRESS.
[From the Evening Post, March II, 1835.]
We have been at the pains to count the nuraber of acts
passed by Congress at its last session. If we have made
no mistake in our enumeration, they amount. In all, to
one hundred and fifteen. Of these no less than eighty-
four are of a private or local character, and in the re
maining thirty-one we do not perceive what there is of
so intricate or difficult a character as fo have required
Congress to continue its legislative functions several hours
beyond the period of its constitutional existence. Indeed,
we do not know but that body would havo continued
making laws, or rather raaking speeches, until this lime,
had not the indecency of any further violation ofthe con
stitution been prevented by the want of a quorura, which
at last forced it to adjourn.
Vol. I.— 20

230 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
We are not aware of any particular clause in the Con
stitution which ordains that Congress shall be the grand
political arena of fhe country ; yet it seems, by fhe cora
mon consent of all the members, to bc so considered,
and their whole conduct is squared accordingly. It
happens as one of the consequences of this construction,
that fhe legislative business of fhe nation is generally
put off to the latest period, and then huddled through
and "slubbered o'er in haste," in the last three or four
days of the session. This remark was particularly illus
trated by the last Congress. Every thing was crowded
into fhe last few hours, when, owing to the absolute ne
cessity of members attending fo their private arrange
ments, and to agencies committed to thera by their con-
stltuents. It was difficult to procure the attendance of a
quorura, and it continually occurred fhat, when questions
were taken, it was found necessary fomove a call ofthe
House, in order to muster the requisite number of members.
By examining the votes given on a large portion of
the questions, it wifl be found that they were decided by
a bare majority of fhe whole nuraber of the representa.
lives of fhe people, and consequently the constituency of
the United States was not properly represented on these
occasions. Indeed it has long been notorious that there
is great laxity on the part of menibers in their attendance
on Congressional debates, and it is only on great porfy
questions that they can be rallied. Hence, in raost ca
ses of a private nature — which It will be seen by our
statement constitute nearly fliroe-fourths of the whole —
the money of tbe people is disposed of without the con
sent or knowledge of their iintnediafe representatives.
Thus fhe great principle of representation is practically
frittered away to nothing, and the people are virtually
deprived of their voice and influence in fhe disposal of
their own money, and in flic assertion of their own rights.

WILLIAM LEGGETT- 231
The greater prirt of every session of Congress is
wasted in unprofitable debate. A few great party ques.
tions occupy nearly the whole time ; and when, at the
close of llin fonn, it bocoino.s indispensably necessary to
act, the hours, day.s, and weeks consumed in talking
without acting are redeemed by action without debate
or consideration. They fly frora one extremo to the
other. The favourite maxira of the Albany' Argus, in
medio tutissimus ibis, is no part of fhe wisdora of Con.
gress. Laws, involving iraportant principles and vast
expenditures, are hurried along on a torrent of irapetu-
ous legislation, with a precipitancy that defies reflection
or analysis, and finally passed, perhaps in the dead of
nighf, by a Rump Congress, consisting of a bare quorum
of raembers, worn out with fatigue, and some of them
probably half asleep.
The last days of a se.9sion are not the proper period for
iraportant acts of legislation, not only for fhe reasons'
already stated, but for others of equal weight and im
portance. The passions, engendered by months of argu.
ment, rivalry and contention, always break forth at that
period, and produce a state of mind utterly Incompafi.
ble with calm, temperate consideration. It is the last
round of a long fight, and each party summons all its
energies to give the decisive blow. In such a state of
things it may well happen — as It often has happened —
thaf measures ofthe greatest importance are debafed and
decided in a spirit whoUy at war with the interests and
honour of the nation. Scenes are exhibited calculated
to impair that respect which is indispensable to fhe ex
ercise of authority in a free governraent. Law-givers
become objects of contempt or derision, and the people '
at last lose that confidence in the representative system,
without which there Is no security for the permanency of

232 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
pur Governraent. That confidence once whoUy loat, and
they will be ready to throw theraselves into the arms of
despotism aa a refuge from doubt and despair.
Either the present number of representatives in Con
gress is necessary, or it is not. If the former, then a
regular and general attendance is demanded of the mem.
bers. If the latter, then it is an abuse to saddle the peo
ple with the expense of these supernumerary legislators,
who apend their time in gallanting the ladies about the
city of Washington, or flirting with them in the galleries
of the two Houses. If their wisdom is essential fo the
welfare of the people, then fhe people who pay them
have a right to ifs exercise : if it is not. It might better
be erayloyed on their own account at homo.
The close of every session of Congress, whether short
or long, invariably exhibits a vast mass of public business
•either not acted upon, or left unfinished, consisting not
unfrequently of questions of great and general iraportance
to the whole Union. This lamentable result may be
parfly owing to flie annu.il increase of private claims
not susceptible of judicial decision, and therefore brought
before Congress as the only resort. If so. It would seem
to be high time to make such a disposition of these mat
ters as may allow ample time fo the proper affairs of the
nation ; to those general laws which are of universal
concern, and fhe neglect of which is felt in every part of
the country.
The cause of this neglect of fnore important affairs, In
the first instance, and this precipitate legialation on fhem
afterwarda, will be diacovered In theunllraited indulgence
of the rage for speech making — the cacoethes loquendi,
which Is the prevailing epidemic In Congress — added to
that propensity to private, partial, and local legislation, ,
which is becoraing the curse of this country. Alraost
every member has his budget of matters of this sort, in

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 233
which the great mass of the nation has no concern what
ever, and which he cannot die In peace without thrusting
upon the attention of Congress, and urging w.^th a per
tinacity and verbosity precisely in proportion to their
insignificance. In fhis way fhe people are borne down
to the earth with public benefits and harrassed with
legislation, and there is some reason to fear thaf it will
be dLscovercd ere long that they cannot breathe without
a special act of Congros.s.
" Do NOT GOVERN TOO MUCH," IS a loaxim which should
be placed in large letters over the .speaker's chair in all
legislative bodies. The old proverb, " too rauch of a
good thing is good for nothing," is raost especially appli
cable fo the present time, when it would appear, from
the course of our legislation, that coraraon sense, cora
mon experience, and the instinct of self-preservation, are
utterly Insufficient for the ordinary purposes of life ; tha.t
the people ofthe United Stafes rre not only incapable of
self-government, but of faking cognizance of their indi
vidual affairs ; that industry requires protection, enter.
prize bounties, and that no man can possibly find his
way In broad day light without being tied to the apron-
string of a legislative dry-nurse. The present systera of
our legislation seeras founded on the total incapacity of
mankind fo fake care of themselves or to exist without
legislative enactment. Individual property must be
maintained by invasions of personal rights, and the
"general welfare" secured by monopolies and exclusive
privileges. The people ofthe United States wifl discover when
too late that fhey may be enslaved by laws as well as by
the arbitrary wiU of a despot ; that unnecessary re
straints arc the essence of tyranny ; and that there is no
more effectual Instrument of depriving thera of fhpir
liberties, than a legislative body, which is permitted to
20*

234 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
do anything it pleases under fhe broad raanfle of the
PUBLIC GOOD — a raanfle which, hke charity, covers a
multitude of sins, and like charity is too often practised
at the expense of other people.

WHO PAYS FOR UNCURRENT BILLS ?
' [From the Eoening Post, March 11, 1835.]
A RETAIL grocer receives frora his custoraers in tho
course of a weelt say a hundred dollars in uncurrent bills.
He cannot take up his promissory note in the bank with
out getting these uncurrent biUs exchanged. He fakes
them to a broker, and receives ninety-eight dollars in
bankable raoney for fhem. If this operation is repeated
every week, it amounts to say fifty dollars in flie course
of a j'ear. Ouf of whose pocket is fhis paper-money tax
paid ? Does fhe grocer Incur fhe loss ? Certainly not ;
he pays it in the first instance, but who indemnifies him?
It forras one ofthe items of his annual expenses, which
he is obliged to calculate in putting a profit on his goods.
Those who deal with him pay flic tax, and who arc they ?
The carpenter, the bricklayer, und Iho labourer, when
they buy a pound of lea, or cheese, or butter, or any
other article in his line, fo fake home to their famUies.
If the currency of the city were specie, or even paper
convertible info specie without a discount, fhe prices of
all commodities would undergo a sensible reduction.
Every article of consuraption is now charged from two fo
three per cent, higher than it ought to be, in consequence
of fhe depreciated currency in circulation. This tax
falls almost exclusively on the mechanics and labourers.
The profit goes into the pockets of the bankers and
brokers. Why should fhe mechanics and labourers be

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 235
burdened to support banks ? Are they in the habit of
getting discounts ? Do they live by bank-favours ? No,
quite the reverse. The men who live on bank credits
aro not labourers. " They toil not, neither do they
spin ; " or if fhey work at all, it is head-work, the end
and aira of which is to supply theraselves with luxuries
at other people's expense. Is it not a little hard that
they who receive none of fhe benefits dispensed by
banks, should bc saddled with all the burdens? If they
will sufler fhe scrip nobility to mount flicin, however, and
spur them, like horses, or we raight raore properly say
like asses, it is their own fault, since fhey have It in their
power fo throw thera off whenever fhey please. But if
they would rather have depreciated paper than real
raoney, though we may wonder at their choice, we shall
not quarrel with it. De gustibus non est disputandum.
Perhaps they prefer, as a matter of taste, a sraall loaf to
a large one. It raay be a thing of no consequence fo
them whether they have to paj' ten pence or only eight
pence a pound for beef ; and fo be caught now and then
with a few dollars of broken bank notes in their pockets
may be considered a capital joke. AA'^e should think their
relish of this joke vvould be keener, however, if fhey had
not purchased those notes bj' several days of hard foil.

THE BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.
[From the Evening Post, March 12, 1835.]
Most seriously and earnestly do we ask the attention
ofthe public to fhe subjoined abstract of the Report of
the United States Bank for the first of the present raonth.
In our view of flic subject, beyond all shadow of doubt,
fhat huge moneyed institution is acting on a deliberate and
settled design to make one last and desperate effort fo

238 POLITICAL wniTiNos or
perpetuate its existence by again shaking the foundations
of credit, and spreading a financial [lanic through the
land. They are fatally mistaken who imagine that the
Monster has received ifs death-blow ; It but recoiled for
a moment paralysed from the stroke, and is now spread
ing itself out for a more desperate struggle.
Examine, we beseech you, readers, the present condi
tion of that hateful money power, as exhibited in the
statement we subjoin. In the last four months the Bank
has extended its loans more than twelve millions of
DOLLARS ! What a warning this single fact speaka !
That institution, which, eight months ago, enormously cur-
tailed its business to the ruin of thousands of prosperous
citizens, and the disraay of fhe whole land, on the pretext
that it was corapelled lo prepare for fhe final dissolution
of its charter, now, when there are no extrrordinary occa
sions for money, swells itself ouf, of ifs own voluntary act,
to a greater degree of distension than it ever did before.
The Branch Bank in this city never at any period of ifs
existence had as much money loaned out as ut Ihis mo
ment. Its loans now exceed those ofthe mother bank in
Philadelphia, which was never the case before. Every
indication shows, not only that a pecuniary pressure and
panic Is in preparation, but that this city is fo be the chief
scene and centre of operations. Another desperate ef
fort will be raade fo break down our local institutions, and
spread disraay and financial devastation through the state.
And yet the local banks are extending themselves as confi-
dentiaUy if fhis slumbering volcano were not ready to ex
plode beneath them, and scatter their foundations to the
winds. It requires no extraordinary perspicacity fo perceive
that another panic, and more dreadful than fhe first, is
in preparation. The approach of the next session of
Congress is the season chosen for carrying this design in-

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 237
to execution. The forcing a rccharfer is the main ob
ject in view, and fhe secondary fo defeat the deraocracy
in the election of President. We beg raen capable of
reflection to ponder on this subject. AVe beg those having
influence to use their efforts to avert fhe evil. The local
banks, unwittingly, are lending themselves to the designs
of the great money power. They are discounting with
a freedora almost unparalleled. There never was before
such a constnnt and copious flood of smafl country bank
notes pouring info fhis clfj' as at the present moraent.
Shall nothing be done to avert fhis evil — to check and
roll back this tide of ruin?
Earnestly did we hope that the Legislature would do
what a regard to fhe public wishes, and a regard fo the
public interests without respect to their wishes, impera
tively required in relation fo the small note currency.
If all notes under five dollars bad been prohibited at once
(and the currency was never better able to sustain such a
measure) the calamitous state of things which we foresee
might at least be obviated in a degree. One important
part of fhe materials of panic would have been deficient.
These were fhe views which governed us in the Letter
which we addressed fo Governor Marcy through our
paper of the 24th of December last. For those views we
have been bitterly reviled. They who reproached us for
thera we live to sec how true were our predictions.
Corae what may, it is a satisfaction fo us to know
that It at least cannot be said that our warning voice
was not timely raised. If the statement which we sub
join do not rouse the people, they would slumber in apa
thetic indifference to the future, though one should rise
from fhe dead to put them on their guard. Have the
fearful lessons of experience taught thera by the events of
last winter been already forgotten ? Here Is something
then to freshen their recollections :

238 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF

ABSTRACT OF THE ,
EEPORT OF TIIE UNITED STATES BANK
For the first of March, 1835.
Loans on Personal Security  $31,152,368.22
do. on Bank Stock  662,560.12
Other Security  3,935,370.13
$35,956,304.47
Domestic Bills of Exchange  21,864,100.18
$57,814,404.65
In London and Paris  $2,754,244.65
Specie  16,567,893.36
Redemption of Public Debt  699,999.89
Treasury United States  690,704.37
Public Offices  1,192,723.02
Individual Depositors  8,903,807.35
Circulation  r '. . . 19,519,777.90
Due from other Banks  2,261,477.10
Due to . . do .  5,011,634.24
Notes of States Banks  2,173,925.41
Loans at New York Branch.
On Personal Security  $5,505, 365.05
On Bank Stock . . . ,  134,950.00
On other Security  483,574.07
Domestic Exchange  2,328,906.83
$8,452,797.95
At Boston  2,774,318.75
At Philadelphia  8,067,899.79
At Baltimore  1,634,155.80

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 239

THE AUCTION MONOPOLY.
[From the Evening Post, March, 13, 1835.]
The American of last evening does us the honor to ad
dress its leading article particularly to fhis journal ; and
we lay aside other matters of pressing importance to ex
tend to it fhe courtesy of an iraraediate reply. With re
gard to fhe law restraining the right to sell by auction,
we have no hesitation fo state, in the most explicit lan
guage, that we consider it unwise, unjust, at variance
with the fundamental principles of our government, and
constituting a monopoly, not merely in the popular, but
in the strict legal sense of fhat term. Our " incessant
assault upon monopolies," the American may have no
ticed, has been airaed rather against general principlea
than particular Inatlfuflons. When we have adverted to
particular institutions, it has been more with the view to
IUustrate fhe operation of general principles, than to give
a particular direction to public sentiment. The restrain
ing law in regard to auctions we consider quite as un
sound as the restraining law in regard fo banking ;
though the effect of restrictions on banking are more
deeply and extensively pernicious than those on auc
tions. We earnestly desire fhe repeal of both, but with
this difference : the first we would repeal imraediately^
while the latter wc would desire to see maintained, until
certain prelirainary measures should have guarded fhe
public against those evils vvhich would result from throw
ing banking open fo the whole community in fhe present
state of our currency.
This answer we trust the American will find sufficient
ly explicit, so fiir as tho auction law is concerned. But
we wifl go a step further, and advert to fhe fax which
the state imposes on auction sales. We look upon this

240 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
tax as unequal, unjust, and oppressive, and are not with-
out strong doubts that it is a positive, as It most assured
ly is a virtual, violation of the Constitution ofthe United
States. If we have not commented on this subject before,
it has not been because we had not reflected maturely on
it, and deliberately forraed those opinions which we now
express ; but because vve were unwflling to waive tho
discussion of general principles, for fhe sake of directing
our energies against a single and not the raost Important
branch of the subject of monopolies. AVe consider It a
nobler and more useful object to strive fo do away those
false notions on which the whole system of restrictions
and exclusive privileges rest, than to attack particular
abuses in detail. We have striven to lay the axe lo the
root of the tree, not fo cut off Ifs branches one by one.
If the trunk perishes, the boughs raust needs wither.
With regard to the complaints which the American
prefers in behalf of those individual auctioneers whose
commissions have not been renewed, we are likewise free
to state thaf if, as fhat journal avers, they have been re
fused a renewal of their comraisslons for no other reason
than " because they are not for Martin Van Buren as
President of the United States," Governor Marcy has act
ed towards thera in a most proscriptive, narrow, and
contemptible spirit, and his conduct deserves the scorn
of all honourable men. But as we have abundant rea
son to believe that Governor Marcy is controlled by no
such spirit, we must be excused from yielding entire cre
dit to the assertion of the American, while it remains
wholly unsupported by proof, particularly us it is wholly
at war with sorae facts which are within our own posi
tive knowledge. But it is not onlj' on the score of those
to whora coramisslons have been denied that the Ameri-
can finds grounds of complaint ; those on whom they
have been conferred afford equal ground of censure.

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 241
Again vve saj'. If the statement made by that journal is
correct, and these new auctioneers are indeed " wretched
political retainers and hacks — raen without credit, and
unworthy of it," Governor Marcy, by appointing them,
has entifled himself fo severer reprehension than the
American expresses. But vve must join issue on the fact.
It is again within our knowledge that the American is
incorrect. AVith some of the auctioneers newly appoint
ed we have a personal acquaintance, and others we know
weU through the representations of men in whom we
have the fullest confidence ; and we must take leave to
say, that the Araerican is misinformed as fo their charac
ters, and does those raen cruel Injustice. AVe assert with
the utmost posifiveuesa fhat in every moral and intellec
tual quality fhey are, io say the least, quite equal to those
whose places fhey have been appointed to fill ; that they
are as honest, respectable and capable, and we do not
doubt wiU discharge fhe duties of auctioneers quite as
much to the satisfaction of the public and the advantage
ofthe state.
The American, however, in bewailing the fate of the
superceded auctioneers, and pouring ifs acorn on the
heads of their successors, quite loses sight of the admir
able anti-monopoly principles with which It coramenced
ita article. That journal should recollect that it censur
ed the auction law as " a universal abridgcraont of a na
tural right " — " a raonopoly injurious and unjust ; " and
spoke of those appointed under it as " a privUeged class
created at once.'' To lirait their tenure then, and sub
ject thera to fhe operation of that principle of equal
rights which rc(|uires rotation in office, is certainly di
minishing the odiousncss of the monopoly. And if we
must have privfleged classes, wc ought fo thank Gover
nor Marcy for not recognizing their pretensions to bo
privileged for life; but by reiiuirlng them to return, after
Vol. I — 21

242 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
a certain term, to the level of the raaas of the people,
reduce the evil of aristocratic distinctions aa near to fhe
siraplicity of fhe republican aystem as possible. We
agree with the American that flic auction law creates an
odious monopoly ; and the American will surely agree
with us fhat to give "a favoured few" a perpetuity of
the " privileged and valuable offices " created by that law
would be to render the raonopoly more exclusive and
unquestionable, and add a still darker hue to ifs char
acter. There is another point of view in which the American
must permit ua to express our satisfaction at the course
pursued by Governor Marcy ; since we esteera ourselvea
indebted to it for the valuable assistance of that journal
against raonopolies. If fhe syrapathies of fhe American
had not been excited by fhe non-renewal of the " valuable
offices " of certain of its friends of fhe privileged class,
and its disgust provoked by those offices being filled with
men of a different political stamp. If Is Impossible to say
how long a time might have elapsed before fhat paper
would have discovered that the auction law is a monopo
ly and fhe auctioneers a privfleged order.
We might adduce other arguments in support ofthe
course Governor Marcy has pursued ; but unwilling fo
give our space to supcrerogafive disquisitions, we shall
take fhe liberty of referring the American to its own for
cible approval of the course of the present Whig Com
mon Council, In disraissing the deraocrats whom, on
their being elected, thej' found incumbents ofthe various
minor municipal offices.

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 243

FREE TRADE POST OFFICE.
[From ihe Evening Post, March 23, 1835.]
The party newspapers, both for and against the admi
nistration, contain, every now and then, stateraents ex
posing individual instances of gross abuse of the franking
privilege. There can be no doubt that the franking pri
vilege is a prolific source of raany of those evils in the
Post-office dcpartmcut vvhich are complained of on all
hands, and that a reformation of the laws on this subject
is verj' much needed.
It is but a few days since we had occasion to mention
a circumstance calculated to show in a strong light the
grievous burdens which are imposed on the mads by
those having the power fo send their comraunications free
of postage. This was the transralssion, frora Washing
ton to Connecticut, by a single individual, and in the
course of three days, of franked packages, weighing in
all nearly two hundred pounds ! These packages were
said to be made up of fhe majority report of the Post-of
fice committee of the United Stafes Senate, exposing the
aUeged corruptions of the Post-office Department, and
were doubtless sent Into Connecticut at fhis particular
time, and In such extraordinary nurabers, for the purpose
of being used for political effect, to influence the result
ofthe approaching election in fhat state.
Though this particular instance exhibits, perhaps, a
sorhewhat unusual excess in the use ofthe franking privi
lege, it is a fact perfectly notorious that siradar imposi
tions on fhe public mails aro daily practised, and proba
bly as much by the members of one party as of the oflier.
Post masters, as well as members of Congress, exorcise a
most unjustifiable latitude of construction in the use of
their franking privUege. Not only coraraunications on

244 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
the business of their office, and In relation to their own
private affairs, are sent free frora one exfreraity of the
country fo another, but in very raany cases they seem to
act as the general agents of their neighbourhood, and
eraploy their franking privilege, as charity does ita
mantle, to cover a multitude of sins. Many particular
agencies seem to be done almost entirely through the
country post-masters at the expense of the Governraent.
Nothing is more coraraon, for example, than their gratui.
tous agency between the subscribers of a newspaper and
its publishers. We believe we speak within bounds when
we assert that full one-half of the country subscribers to
the Evening Post are received through the franked let
ters of village post-masters. They forward to us both
the names of subscribers and the payment for the paper.
These facts abundantly show that a reform of fhe frank
ing system Is absolutely needed.
But at the hazard of giving a new occasion forthe
charge of ulfraism against fhis journal, we shall fake fhe
liberty to express an opinion, which we have long enter
tained, that the source of the evils in our Post-office sys.
tem lies far too deep to be reached by any regulation or
abridgement of the franking privilege, or even by its
total abolition. It lies too deep, in our opinion, also, to
be reached by any possible organization of the Post-of
fice Dopartraent which it is in the power ofthe General
Government to establish. There are five words in the
Constitution ofthe United States which we look upon aa
the grand primary source of all the evils of which the
people have so much just cause to coraplain In relation
to that particular dopartraent of the Government. Wo
allude to the clause which gives to Congress the power
" to establish posi-ofiices and post.roads."
These words. In our view of the subject, ought never
to have formed a part of the Constitution. They confer

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 245
a power on the General Government which ia liable, and
almost inevitably subject, to tho grossest political abuse.
The abuse is one which will necessarily increase, toO)
from year to year, as population Increases in nurabers
and spreads over a wider surface. The Post-office, con.
troled and directed by fhe General Governraent, will
alwaj's be conducted with a vast deal of unnecessary ex
pense, and, what Is a consideration of far raore serious
importance, will always be used, to a greater or less ex
tent, as a political machine.
It is not probable that the history of fhis Union, should
it stretch out for ages, will ever exhibit to fhe admiration
of m;:nkind an adrainistration under fhe guidance of a
more faithful, energetic, intrepid and patriotic spirit,
than that which happily now rules the executive councils
ofthe nation. Yet even under the adrainistration of a
raan whose integrity no arts can corrupt, whose firraness
no difficulties can appal, and whose vigflance no foils can
exhaust — even under the administration of such a man,
what a sickening scene docs the mismanagement of the
Post-office not present ! Reraove Mr. Barry and ap.
point another In his place, and you will not correct, and
most likely you will not even mitigate the evil. Abolish
the franking privilege, and the essential defects of fhe
system would stiU remain. Re-organize the whole de
partment, and introduce all fhe guards and checks which
legislative ingenuity can devise, and still you wfll not
wholly remove the imperfection. The Post-office will
stfll be a government machine, cumbrous, unwieldy, and
liable to fhe worst sorts of abuses.
The Post-dfllce is ratal)lish(Ml by tho Government for
the purpose of facilitating intercour.so by letter between
distant places. But personal intercourse between distant
places is as necessary as epistolary, though not, perhaps,
to the sarae degree. Why then should not the Govern-
21*

246 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
ment fake upon itself the support and regulation of faclh.
ties for carrying passengers as well as letters from place
to place ? Tho transmission of packages of meichan-
dlse from one part pf the country to another is no less
necessary, than intercourse by letter or person. Why
should not Government go a step further, and institute
transportation lines for the conveyance of our goods ?
But we shall be answered, that these objects may safely
be left fo fhe laws of trade, and that supply will keep pace
with deraand in these raatters as in of her commercial and
social wants of man. Might not fhe laws of trade, and
the power of demand to produce supply through fhe ac
tivity of private enterprise, be safely trusted to, also, for
the carriage of letters from place to place ?
If the mail establishment, as a branch of the United
States Government, should be abolished this hour, how
long would it be before private enterprise would institute
means to carry our letters and newspapers from city to
city, with as much regularity as they are now carried,
and far greater speed and economy ? But the objection
may be raised that inland places and thinly settled por
tions of the country would suffer by such an arrange
ment. There ia no place on the map of fhe United
Stafes which would not aoon be aupplied with mail faci.
lifiea by paying what they were worth, and if it geta
them for less now, it is only becauae fhe deficiency is le
vied frora the inhabitants of sorae Other place, which is
contrary lo the plainest principles of justice.
There are very many considerations which might be
urged In favour of a free trade view of ihis subject. The
curse of office hunting, which is an incident of our form
of Government, and is exerting every year, more and
more, a demoralizing influence on the people, would un
dergo a check and rebateraent by the suggested change.
But would you withdraw — some one may ask — fhe sti-

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 347
mulus which tho present post-office system furnishes to
emigration, by extending mail routes through the vvUder-
ncss, and thus presenting inducements for populafion to
gather together at points which would otherwise reraain
unimproved and uninhabited for years ? To this wc
answer, uncquivocallj', yes. AA'e would withdraw all
Government stimulants ; and let no man suppose that the
progress of improveraent would be retarded by such a
withdrawal. The country would grow from year to
year, notwithstanding, as rajiidly and more healthily than
now. It would onlj' bc changing the hot-bed system to
the system of nature and reason. It vvould be dlsconti-
nuing the force-pump method, by which we now seek to
make wafer flow up hill, and leaving if fo flow In Its own
natural channels. It would be removing the high-pres
sure application of Government facilities from enterprise
and capital, and permitting fhem fo expand themselves
in their own proper field. The boundaries of population
would still continually enlargo, circle beyond circle, like
spreading rings upon the water ; but they vvould not bo
forced fo enlarge this way and fhat way, shooting out
into strange and unnatural irregularities, as It might
please land speculators, through the agency of merabers
of Congress, to extend raail facflities into regions, which
perhaps God and nature raeant should remain uninhabit
ed for ages to corae.
There are various other points of view in which fhe
subject deserves to be considered. But we must reserve
these for another occasion.

248 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF

STOCK GAMBLING.
[From the Evening Post, March 25, 1835.]
In the bifl now before fhe legislature of this state to
regulate the sales of stocks and exchange, we behold an
other beautiful illustration of the benefits which fhe cora
raunity derive from our wretched system of special and
partial legislation. The professed object of this biU is to
prevent stock-gambling ; and stock-gambling, according
to our humble opinion. Is a species of speculation which
our law-givers, by fhe whole course of their legislation
for years past, have done all in their power to fusier and
promote. If fhey desire now, really and sincerely, fo do
away with tho evils of fhis desperate and iramui.d kind
of enterprise, vvhich daily displays itself to a frightful
extent in Wall-street, let them adopt a more effectual
method than fhat projiosed by the bill under their consi
deration. Let them address their efforts fo correct fhe
cause of the evil, and the effect wfll be sure to be remov
ed. Let thera apply fhe axe fo fhe roof of the tree, and
the branches will needs wither, when tho source from
which fhey derive their nourishment is destroyed.
The whole course of our legislation, in regard to finan
cial mafters, has had a direct tendency to excite a fever
ish and baneful thirst of gain — gain not by the regular
and legitimate operations of trade, but by sudden and
hazardous means. Every body has been converted into
a stock speculator by our laws. Every body is seeking
to obtain a charter of incorporation for sorae purpose or
other, in order that he may fake bis place among Iho
bulls and bears of the stock-inarkel, and play his hand in
the desperufc game of Wall-street brag. What is the
true nature of the spectacle which is presented lo fhe
contemplation of sober-minded men, every time any new

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 249
companj' of scrip gamblers is created ? Do wc not see
persons not worth a hundred dollars in fhe world, running
with all speed fo puf in thoir claims for a division of tho
stock — |)crson.« who are not able to raise even Ihc instal
ment on the amount of stock which fhey ask, and who,
in point of fact, arc the mere agents of brokers and other
speculators, selling the use of their names for a certain
rate of premium per share on the division of stock which
raay be awarded to thern ?
A garaing spirit has infected the whole community.
This spirit is fhe offspring — the deformed and bloated
offspring — of our wretched undemocratic system of ex
clusive and partial legislation. To destroy tho effect,
and leave the causo untouched, would be as easy a task
for our legislature, as to restrain an impetuous torrent
while you yet leave wide fhe flood-gates which presented
the only barrier to its course. The legislature might pass
a law coramanding the stream to keep within certain
limits ; but wc doubt if its waves would recede, notwith
standing the terrors of the law —
" They rolled not back when Canute gave command."
Itis tirae the legislature raade the discovery fhat there
are some things which cannot be done by law. They
cannot prevent the thunder from following the light
ning's flash, however carefully they may word their sta
tute, or whatever penalty they may affix lo its violation.
They cannot change fhe whole nature of man by any
enactment. We doubt very much whether even the
faraous Blue Laws wholly deterred men from kissing their
wives on occasions, particularly in fhe first part of their
raafrimonial connexion ; nor do we believe they prevent
ed beer frora working on Sundays during fhe season of
ferraenfation. As easy would it be, however, to effect
such objects by law, as to repress the yearnings of cupi-

250 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
dity arid avarice, or stay the adventurous spirit of wild
speculation which haa boen excited, by flie penalties of a
bill to regulate the aalea of stock and exchange. The
whole scope and tendency of all the rest of our legisla
tion is to inflame the feverish thirst of gain, which afflicts
the coraraunity ; and how vain, how worse than vain,
while our law-makers hold up the lure in every possible
form of attraction before the public, to bid thera, shut
their eyes, and not attempt fo grasp if !
As fo the particular project before the legislature, if
we understand its provisions, it is not only inadequate to
the end proposed, but unjust in its bearing, and impolitic
on various grounds. It proposes to destroy the use of
credit in the transactions of the stock-exchange, which
is much such a cure for fhe evil it aims to abolish as am
putation ofthe leg would be for a gouty toe. The gout
might attack fhe other foot, or the stomach, notwith
standing ; nor would its victim be more able to resist its
influences with a frarae weakened by the barbaroua and
uncalled for mutilation he had suffered. There is no
earthly reason why credit should not be used in the pur
chase and sale of stocks, as well as In any other species
of traffic. There ia no kind of business intercourse
which may not be made the means of gambling, and
were it even within the competency of the legislature fo
check fhe public propensity to traffic on speculative con
tingencies, so far as one particular species of business
is concerned, the ever active disposition would imme
diately Indulge itself in some other form of hazardous and
unreal enterprise. For fhe real bona fide transactions in
stock ond exchange, fhe euiployment of credit is as in
trinsically proper, as the employment of credit In foreign
commerce, In the purchase of real estate, or in any of
the various modes and objects pf human dealing. The
legislature might as well pass a law forbidding the citi-

WILLIAM L E n O E T T . 251
sen to deal or credit with his tailor, hatter, or shoemaker,
to run up a score with his milkmen or baker, or postpone
the pnj'inent for his newspaper, as to fordid a man to
emploj' his legitimate credit in fhe purchase and sale of
stocks. The raere business of dealing in stocks is as respecta
ble and useful as raost others : the crirae of garabling in
stocks is the inevitable result of fhe wild and speculative
spirit which springs froiri unsalutary legislation. When
we look info the statute books, and see that more than
two-thirds of all the laws passed in our state are for the
creation of specially incorporated joint-stock companies ;
when we learn that two-thirds of these joint-stock com
panies were created originally, not with strict reference
to their professed ultimate object, but for purposes of In
termediary speculation : we must perceive that the evil to
be remedied is in the legislature, not in the community ;
that the fountain Is turbid at ifs head, and that it will be
vain and foolish to attempt to purify It by straining the
waters of a distant branch through a clumsy, filtering
contrivance of the laws.
There is another view of this subject which It is Impor
tant to take. By abolishing fhe use of credit in stock
operations, you would not abolish stock-gambling, but
only confine it to the morc wealthy operators, and put
additional facilities of fortune into the hands already fa
voured overmuch. You make a concession to the spirit
of aristocracy. You lay another tribute at the feet of
riches. You join your voice in its exaltation. You ex
clude from the magic circle the poor man whose capital
consisted in his skill, industrj', and character for sagacity
and integrity, and you give it to the millionary to lord it
there alone, as if his gold were better than the poor man's
blood. That we are opposed to sfock-gafnbling and gambling.

252 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
in all Its forma, we need not say. But we are equally op
posed to those false notions of Government which so ex
tensively prevail in this country, and wliich seem to con
sider that every thing is lo be done by law, and nothing
by comraon sense and fhe inevitable operation ofthe laws
of trade. For garabling, public opinion is the great and
only salutary corrective. If it cannot be suppressed by
the force of the moral spnse of the community, it cannot
' be suppressed by afat utes and edicts, no matter how com
prehensive their terms, or how heavy their penalties.
We have our laws against garabling now, yet establish
ments fitly denominated hells are notoriously conducted
in different parts of the city, and there are various neigh
bourhoods where the dice-box and the roulette wheel rat
tle and clatter all night long. We have our laws against
lotteries, too, yet what do they avail? The history of a
recent instance of a man convicted of trafficking in the
forbidden pursuit must convince any mind that those
laws are a little inore than a dead letter. And such
would be the law to suppress stock operations on limp.
It would not do away with either the proper or improper
part of the business ; but it would diminish the respecta.
bUity of the honest and prudent dealer, and give a more
desperate character to the reckless adventurer.

REGISTRATION OF VOTERS.
[From the Eoening Post, April 3, 1835.]
The Veto of the Mayor of this city on fhe proceedlnga
of fhe Coraraon Council, relative to the proposed law
for the registering of voters, was confined, we under
stand, fo the constitutional objection, and did not object
to the measure on the ground that it was not competent
for the municipal legislature to take any steps fo procure

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 253
a statute at aU changing or modifying the basis of the
right of suffrage, as fixed by the State Convention. We
presume Mr. Lawrence restricted himself fo the consti-
tutional argument, and preferraitfed the other ground of
objection, because fhe first afforded abundant justification
of the course he pursued in declining his signature. Had
the constitution, however, presented no Impedlraent fo
the passing of such a law as fhe Coramon Council pro.
posed, it inif^ht slill bo a mal tor of gravo consideration
how far our city aulboritios oould, coiisistoully wilh their
Icgiliinato functions under the City Charter, take part
in procuring an important restriction on the right of suf.
frage. As the Mayor, however, has not touched on this
topic in his late message returning to the Common Coun
cil their resolution and other proceedings in relation tb
the registry law, we shall confine our attention, in fhe
following paragraphs, to a consideration of the constituJ
tional question, whether fhe legislature has or has not the
power to pass such a law.
In fhe Constitution of this state, as adopted by the
Convention in 1821, the first section of flie second article
established numerous qualifications for voters. The right
of suffrage, by that section, was extended to every raale
citizen of the age of twenty-onc, who should have been
an inhabitant of the state for twelve months, and of fhe
town or county where he offered his vote six months next
preceding the election ; provided, he had paid a fax, or
was by law exempted from taxation, or had performed mi
litary duty in fhe slate, or was by law exerapted from
mflitary duty, or had laboured on the highway, or paid
an equivalent for such labour, &c. &c. After stating
these various qualifications, two otber brief sections were
added, ono empowering the legislature to pass laws ex
cluding from the right of suffrage persons convicted of Infa
mous crimes ; and the other to pass laws " for ascertaining
Vol. I.— 22

254 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
by proper proofs, fhe citizens who shall be entitled to the
right of suffrage hereby established.''
It is under this last clause that tho power ia claimed
for the legislature fo pass a law requiring the inhabitants
of fhis city to register their names, before they can be
entifled fo vote in an election. Yet that the power con.
ferred by the clause is not so extensive, must be perfect.
ly apparent to all who will take the pains to examine tho
proceedings of the Convention which framed the Consti.
tution. It was intended to apply, probably, only fo the
qualifications as established by the first section of the
second article, which, as they were numerous and some
what complex, raight require fhe enactment of a law to
provide one uniforra mode of proof. If this was so, that
clause became a dead letter, when the qualifications wero
stricken out, aa they were by an amendment of fhe Con
stitution In 1826.
Be this as it may, flic Journal ofthe Convention contains
abundant proof that the section, empowering fhe legisla
ture to pass lawa for ascertaining, by proper proof, the
persons entitled to suffrage under the Constitution, never
conferred the power of passing a law requiring a registry
of voters. The section, as originally reported fo the
Convention, by " the Committee ajipoiiifed lo consider
the right of suffrage, and the qualifications of persons to
be elected," was in the following words :
" Laws ahall be made for ascertaining, by proper proofs,
the citizens who shall be entitled fo fhe right of suffrage,
hereby established. The legislature may provide by law,
that a register of all citizens entitled to the right of suf
frage, in every town and ward, shall be made al least
twenty days before any election ; and may provide, that no
person shall vote at any election, who shall not be registered
as a citizen qualified to vote at such election."
On the eighth of October, nearly a month afterwards,

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 255
and when the subject had probably received fhe mature
consideration of every meraber of the Convention, a mo
tion was offered by Mr. Roof, " to strike out the third
section, relating to a rrglitry of votes." This motion un-
dcrwent a long and animated discussion. It was finally
modified, with the consent ofthe mover, by excepting the
first sentence, and extending the motion to strike out
only to the residue of the sentence — namely, fo that part
which, in fhe above quotation, we have printed in italics.
But in permitting fhe first sentence to stand, it waa
clearly the intention of the Convention that the power
to require that the names of all voters should be register
ed should not bc conferred on fhe legislature. The mo-
tion, thus amended, passed by a vote of 60 to 48. If we
adopt the generally received maxim, which was eloquently
enforced by Mr. Madison on a memorable occasion, that
" in a controverted case, iho meaning of the parties io the
instrument, if to bc collected by reasonable evidence, should
be considered a proper guide," there can be no doubt or
hesitation as fo the propriety ofthe stand which fhe mayor
has taken on this question of fhe registry of voters. But
if we even turn our backs on the proceedings ofthe Con
vention, and insist on understanding the Constitution
without the help of any lights not furnished by its own
text, stIU, we think, an answerable arguraent raight be
maintained against the constitutionality of fhe power
which the coraraon council are desirous that the legisla
ture should exercise. We may embrace some other op
portunity to turn our attention to that branch of fhe dis-
cussion.

256 POLITICAL WBITINGS OF

WEIGIIMASTER GENERAL.
[From the Evening Post, Ai)ril 10, 1835.]
The report of the proceedings of the Legislature on
Wednesday, which ia copied into our paper of to-day,
shows to our readers that there was a decided majority
in the Assembly in favour of the bill providing for the ap
pointment of a Weighmaater General for thia city, with
power to narae his own dc[)utics. This raeasuro_^ was
passed by a strict party vote ; and for tho sake of creat
ing another office to be supported out of the means of fhis
overburdened community, those members of the legisla
ture who were elected by the democracy, and call them
selves democrats, have concurred in fastening another
shackle on the limbs of trade.
There is probably not one man in our legislature so to
tally destitute of all knowledge of that magnificeut sei-
ence which is revolutionizing the world, as not fo he
aware that the bill now before that body to regulate the
weighing of merchandise, is an indirect tax on the peo
ple, is a violation of the principle of equal rights, is an
other link In that chain which folly and cunning have
combined to fasten on the body politic, and by which tho
pupular action is already so much restrained, that, not
withstanding we enjoy universal suffrage, our elections,
for the most part, are rather a reflection of the wishes of
the banks and of the office-holders, than of the free, un
biassed will of the people. The effect of the present biU,
besides imposing an additional tax on the community,
and placing harmful checks and liniifatlons around trade,
wUI be to institute a band of placemen in the city, who
wfll doubtless endeavour fo show themselves worthy of
their hire by exerting their lungs in shouts and pseans
in praise of those to whom they owe their situations.

WILLIAM LEOOETT,

257

To a certain extent e-xertions of this kind guide the course
of public sentiment, and increase its force. Independent,
then, of the politico-economical objections to legislative
interference of the sort now under consideration, a moro
inoinentous objection exists in tho fact that such measures
arc direcfly calculated lo place government on a basis
other than that of the spontaneous sentiraents of the peo
ple, and draw a cordon of placeraen around it, more pow
erful than the licfors and pra3forIan cohorts which hedg
ed in the abuses and corruptions of the licentious rulers
of Rome.
Earnestly did we hope that our present legislature, in
stead of rivetting new fetters on fhe people, would have
brokeii and cast away a portion, at least, of those disgrace
ful bonds with which the craft and ignorance of their
predecessors had loaded us. But the fact is not fo be dis- -
guised that our legislature, though called democratic, and
elected by democrats, are in reality anything but true
friends to the equal rights of the people. They represent
banks, insurance companies, railroads, manufacturing es
tablishments, high-salaried officers, inspectors of raw
hides, sole-leather, beef, pork, tobacco, flour, rum, wood,
coal, and, In short, almost every necessary and corafort of
life. To state fhis raore briefly, they represent mono
polies and office-holders ; and no wonder, therefore, that
the whole course of their legislation is at the expense and
to the detriment of the people at large, as they on all
hands seem to be considered lawful prey.
22*

258 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP

WEIGIIMASTER GENERAL.
[From the Evening Post, April 16, 1835.]
It will be seen by the report of the proceedings of tho
legislature yesterday afternoon, fhat Governor Marcy
has returned fo the Senate the bUl providing for the ap
pointment of a Weighmaster General for this city, to
gether with his objections ; that fhe bill was subsequent
ly reconsidered and rejected, one person only dissenting,
and a new bill for fhe same purpose as the former, but
framed so as to avoid the objections atated by the Gov
ernor, was thereupon introduced by Mr. Macdonald.
We hope, against hope, that there wIU be good sense
enough in the legislature to defeat this new attempt to Im
pose additional fetters on the body politic. We perceive
with pleasure that Mr. Young, who has been absent for
some days past in consequence of a domestic affliction,
has resumed his seat in the Senate. AVe trust he may be
induced to exert his powerful mind in exposing the true
nature and utter folly of fhe proposed law.
The real motive of those vvho are pushing this raeasure
is as well understood in this city as in Albany. It is per-
fectly well known here that fhe object is lo create an office
for a young politician from this city, who, for several
years past, has been an active parfizan, and who, during
the past winter, has strenuously represented fhat it is time
he had his reward. We have not the slighest objection
,;that the individual alluded to should be provided with an
office ; for we believe he is quite as honest and capable
as nine-tenths of the office seekers, and have no doubt fhat
his exertions have been of service fo the democratic cause.
But we have objection that an oflice should be especially
created for his benefit, one for which there Is not the
slightest public need, which would operate as an indirect

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 259
tax on the community, and vvould present another and
strong impediment in flic way of that total emancipation
of trade from the restrictions and iiiipositiona which havo
been placed upon it by crafty and foolish legislation.
The weighing of merchandise is a matter with which
legislation has nothing fo do: fhe laws of trade would
arrange that business much raore to the satisfaction of
all parties concerned than fhe laws of the state can ever
do. AVhcn the Government has supplied its citizens with
a measure of value, of weight, of length, and of quantify,
it has done all in fhe woy of measuring which properly
belongs to Government. All your inspectors, your gua.
gers, and your weighers, after that, with their whole host
of depufiea and subalterns, are but adscititious contri
vances of political cunning, fo provide raeans for reward
ing those who assisted in its elevation, or to establish a
phalanx to guard it In flic height it has attained.
If was our hope fhat our present legislature— chosen
nnder so distinct an expression of the public sentiment
against all monopolies and oil infringements of the princi
ple of Equal Rights — would exert themselves fo do away
the restrictions on trade and the thousand subfle contri
vances for indirectly extorting taxes from fhe people to
support useless officers ; or at all events that fhey vvould
not add to fhe number of those Iraposltions. If we go on
for many years lo come, strengthening, and extending
the artificial and unequal system we have for years past
been building up, we shall af length find, perhaps too
late, fhat we have erected around us an enormous, unseem
ly, and overshadowing structure, frora which the privi
leged orders wiU have fhe encircled coraraunity wholly at
their control, and which we cannot hope to deraoliah
without bringing the whole fabric down vvith ruin on
<oar heads.

260 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP

DIRECT TAXATION.
[From the Evening Post of April 22, 1834.]
No reflecting mind can consider the mode of raising
revenue in this country for the support of the Govern
ment, in connexion with fhe great principle on which
" that Government is founded, without being struck with
the anomaly it presents. The fundamental principle of
our political institutiona is thaf fhe great body ofthe peo-
pie are honest and intelligent, and fuUy capable of self-
government. Yet so little confidence is really felf In
their virtue and intelligence, that we dare not put them
to the test of asking them, openly and boldly, to contri
bute, each according to his means, to defray the necessary
expenses of the Government ; but resort, instead, to
every apeciea of indirection and arbitrary restriction on
trade. This is true, not only of the General Govern.
ment, but of every State Government, and every muni
cipal corporation. The General Government raises ifa
revenue by a tax on foreign commerce, giving rise to
the necessity of a fleet of revenue vessels, and an army
of revenue officers. The State Governments raise
their funds by a tax on auction sales, bonuses on banks,
tolls on highways, licenses, excise, &c. The municipal
corporations descend a step in this prodigious scale of
legislative swindling, and derive their resources from im.
positions on grocers, from steamboat and stage-coach
licenses, and from a tax on beef, wood, coal, and nearly
every prime necessary of life. This whole complicated
system ia invented and persevered in for the purpose of
deriving the expenses of Government from a people
whose virtue and inteUigence constitute fhe avowed basis
of our Institutions I What an absurdity does not a mere
statement of the fact present ?

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 261
'H<is any citizen, rich or poor, the least idea of the
araount which he annually pays for the support of the
government ? The thing is impossible. No arithmeti
cian, not even Babbit with his calculating machine, could
compute the sum. He pays a fax on every article of
clothing he wears, on every morsel of food he eats, on
the fuel fhat warms him in winter, on the light which
cheers his homo in the evening, on fhe implements of
his industry, on the amu.somerits which recreate his
leisure. There is scarcely an article produced by hu
man labour or Ingenuity which does not bear a tax for
the support of one of the three governments under which
every individual lives.
We have heretofore expressed the hope, and raost cor
dially do we repeat it, that the day will yet corae when
we shall see the open and honest system of direct taxa
tion resorted to. It ia the only democratic system. It
is fhe only method of taxation by which the people can
know how much their government costs them. It is the
only method which does not give the lie to the great
principle on which we profess to have established all our
political institutiona. It ia the only method, raoreover,
in consonance with fhe doctrines of that magnificent
science, which, the twin-sister, as it were, of democracy,
is destined to make this country the pride and wonder of
the earth.
There are many evils which almost necessarily flow
from our complicated system of indirect taxation.
In the firat place, taxes fall on the people very unequally.
In the second place, it gives rise to the creation of a host
of useless officers, and there is no circumstance which
exercises such a vitiating and demoralizing influence on
politics, as the converting of elections into a strife of
opposite parties for place instead of principles. Another
had effect of the system is that it strengthens the govern.

262

POLITICAL WHITINGS OP

ment at the expense of the rights of the people, induces
it to extend ita powera to objects which were not con
templated in ifs original institution, and renders it every
year less and less subject to the popular will. The ten
dency of the system is to build up and foster monopolies
of various kinds, and to impose all sorts of restrictions
on those pursuits which should be left wholly lo the con
trol of the laws of trade. AVo are well satisfied, and
have long been so, that the only way lo preserve econo
my in government, to limit if to ifs legitimate purposes,
and to keep aroused the necessary degree of vigilance on
the part of the people, is by having that governraent
dependent for ifs subsistence on a direct fax on property.
If fhe fundamental principle of deraocracy is not a
cheat and a mockery, a raere phrase of flattery, invented
to gull the people — if it is really true that popular intelli
gence and virtue are the true source of all political power
and the true basis of Governraent — if these positions are
admitted, we can conceive no possible objection to a sys-
tem of direct taxation which at all counterbalances any
of the many important and grave considerations that raay
be urged in its favour.
For our own part, we profess ourselves to be deraocrats
in the fullest and largest aenae of the word. We are for
free trade and equal rights. AVe are for a strictly popu-
lar Governraent. Wo have none of those fears, which
sorae of our writers, copying the slang of the English
aristocrats, profess to entertain of an " unbalanced de
mocracy." We believe when governraent in this coun
try shall be a true reflection of public sentiment ; when
its duties shall be strictly confined to Its only legitimate
ends, the equal protection of the whole community in
life, person, and property ; when all restrictions on trade
ehaU be abolished, and when the funds necessary for the
support of the government and the defence of the country

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 263
are derived directly from taxation on property — we be
lieve when these objects are brought about, we shall then
present to the admiration of fhe world a nation founded
as the hills, free as the air, and prosperous as a fruitful
soil, a genial climate, and industry, enterprise, temperance
and intelligence can render us.

STATE PRISON MONOPOLY.
[From the Evening Post, April 28, 1835.]
Thk legislature. It will be seen, have at last taken up,
in good earnest, fhe state prison question. As this is a
subject which both parties have tried their utraost to turn
into a raere political gull-trap, it is not probable that any.
measure wfll be finally acted upon, before merabers have
baited fhe trap with a deal of mawkish oratory, and. In
so doing, expose, most thoroughlj', their ignorance of the
first principles of political economy.
This journal has never said rauch in relation to the
state prison raonopoly, as it is called, because a degree of
iraportance had been given to the subject entirely dispro-
portloned to its real merits, and demagogues had made it
the theme of their veheraent harangues, unf U an excite
ment was produced araong fhe mechanic classes so strong
and general, that it swallowed up almost every other
question, and pervaded almost every vocation. We are
as decidedly opposed to the principle of state prison la
bour as any person can be ; yet we believe fhat fhe
practical evil of the present system, on any branch of
productive industry, is exceedingly trifling, and indeed
alraost below computation, while the result to society at
large is decidedly beneficial. Nevertheless, as the funda
mental principle of the system is, in our view, totally

264 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
erroneous, we have never hesitated to oppose it when we
deeraed fhat the occasion called on us lo speak.
One of these occasions was furnished by the publication
of the report of the State Prison Commissioners, which waa
a weak, inaccurate, shuffling document, and was the more
calculated to provoke indignation, aa one of its authors
ia well known to hove ridden himself into office on the
hobby of fhe state prison raonopoly question. It seeraed
to us a barefaced piece of treachery for this person, after
having won the suffrages of the mechanics by the in
cessant apd superior loudness of his vociferation against
the employment of convict labour in competition with
honest Industry, to turn round and immediately present
to the legislature such a deceptive hocus-pocus report aa
that fo which his name was subscribed.
The auggeations of flic report made by the Comralaslon-
ers have been embodied in the bfll now before fhe Assem
bly. By fhis plan the prisoners are to be employed In
branches of Industry not yet introduced among our citi
zens, and among these the culture and manufacture of
sflk occupy a conspicuous place. We are surprised fhat
sensible men in the legislature should not perceive that
in principle. It is fhe same thing whether the convicts
are employed In callings in which free citizens are already
engaged, or are turned to others fo which free citizens
would naturally direct their attention in the course of a
short time.
The question of the state prison raonopoly, in our view,
reduces itself fo fhis : it is the exclusive eraployraent, by
Government, of a labour-saving raachine, in competition
with a certain portion of citizens who have no such ad
vantage. Has Government a right to set up a labour-
saving machine, and to enter into competition with any
class of its citizens in any pursuit of industry? Govern
ment, it will be admitted, is instituted for the equal pro-

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 265
tection of all, in person, life, and property. These are
its only legitiraate objects. Tho confinement of crimi
nals, so as to restrain thera frora perpetrating their outra
ges against society, is an object in which all are equally
interested. The support of them in confinement is a
contingent evil, and ought to be borne in the ratio of
benefit conferred — that is, equally. But when the crimi
nals are made fo earn their own support by manufactur
ing a class of articles vvhich a certain portion of citizens
also inanufacfure for their livelihood, it is obvious that a
fundamental principle of government is violated, since
equal protection is no longer extended fo all.
But the political economist may contend that the evil
in Ibis case is but temporary ; that the supply wUl soon
adjust itself to fhe demand ; that a certain nuraber of
citizens, driven from their occupation by tho introduc
tion of convict corapctition, wiU only bc obliged to turn
themselves to other branches of industry ; and that in a
short time, the matter equalizing itself through all the
callings of active life, a permanent benefit wifl accrue to
society, in the aggregate, by reason of the increased pro
duction and diminished price of all the articles created
by human labour.
If wo admit this statement fo be true, is it not at best
an argument in favour of the state prison sj'slem on the
ground fhat all is well that ends well ? or that it is right
to do evil in the first instance, that good may follow ? These
are principles which ought never fo be countenanced in
our system of political ethics. The cardinal object of
Government is fhe equal protection of all citizens. The
momont tho prisoner is sot (o work, and the products of
his labour sold, some free cilizon is unoqually and oppress-
ively burdened. If this citizen is induced lo forsake his
now overstocked calling, and engage in some other, fhe
competition in fhis new branch will operate injuriously
Vol. L— 23

266 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
to those already engaged in It ; and this wifl continue to
be the case, though in a gradually diminishing ratio,
through all the various pursuits of active industry, until
tho displaced particles of society, ao to speak, diffuse them
selves evenly over the entire surface.
The aggregate of products manufactured by convict
labour in the United States bears so small a proportion
to the sura of the products of free labour, fhat the practi
cal evfl of state prison corapetifion on any mechanic class
is, as we have already stated, exceedingly and almost in
calculably light. The final result of all labour-saving
machinery (and the operation of our penitentiary ays
tem is precisely analogous with that of such a machine)
ia beneficial to aociety. An individual citizen has a per
fect right to introduce labour-saving machinery, and
however hard may be the effect temporarily on any num
ber of citizens, the good of the greatest number is im
mediately promoted, and eventually the good of aU. But
when a stale government sets up such a labour-saving
machine, it oppresses temporarily a class of citizens, for
the immediate benefit of the rest, and though the whole
community will be eventually benefitted, the state has
obviously, to produce this result, violated the fundamental
principle of equal rights.

STATE PRISON LABOUR.
[From the Evening Post of April 29, 1835.]
The Albany Argus gives the following outline of the
bill on the subject of state prison labour which ia now un
der diacussion in fhe legislature of this slalo :
" The bill reported by Mr. Wilkinson from the majority
provides that the state prisons at Auburn and Mount

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 267
Pleasant shall each be under the direction of five Inspect
ors, three to be residents of those places respectively,
who shall have the appointment of assistant keepers and
all other powers now vested in fhem, except as otherwise
provided by the bill. After prescribing the duties, com
pensation, (kc, of the inspectors, chaplains, assistant
keepers, &c., the bill provides that no mechanical trade
shall hereafter be taught to convicts in the state prisons,
except for the making of those articles, the chief supply of
which for the consumption of tho country is iraported from
foreign countries — that the inspectors shall have power
to employ artizans frora abroad for the purpose of teaching
new branches of business in the prisons which are not
pursued in the state — fliat no contract for the services of
the convicts shaU be made for a longer period than six
months, without the sanction of the inspectors at a regu
lar meeting, that two months' notice of tho tune and place
of letting such contracts shall be published in fhe state
paper and such other papers (not exceeding four) as the
inspectors shall direct — the notice to specify fhe branch
of business in which the convicts are to be eraployed and
their nuraber applied for, the length of time for which the
contracts are to be made (which are not to exceed five
years); such convicts only to be employed in such
branches of business which chiefly supply domestic con-
sumption, as had learned that particular trade before
coming to the prison. Nothing in the act is fo prevent
the teaching of mechonical business in fhe prisons as far
as may be necessary to fulfilling existing contracts ; but
it is mode fhe duty ofthe inspectors and agents to avail
themselves, as fast as the interest of fhe prisons wiU per
mit, of every opportuiiity fo change fhe present contracts,
so as to make them conform to the principles ofthe act,
and they are authorized fo negotiate with fhe present
contractors, for the abandonment of their contracts, at

268 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
such times and on such terms as they may deem proper.
It is also raade their duty to , cause the manufacture of
silk goods, frora cocoons, to be introduced, as soon aa it
can be conveniently done, and for that purpose, to pur
chase as well cocoons raiaed in the country, aa the raw
material Imported, and to extend audi business as fast as
in their opinion, it can with a prospect of ultimate
profit. The inspectors and agents of Mount Pleasant
Prison are also directed as soon as practicable to cause so
rauch ofthe state farm at Sing Sing, as fhey may think
proper, fo be planted with and applied to the raising of
the white mulberry free, and other approved varieties, fo
be by thera gratuitously distributed or sold af moderate
prices, for fhe production of cocoons and fhe manufac
ture of silk. The agents of both prisons are also di
rected fo procure a supply of fhe white mulberry seed,
which shall be furnished gratuitously to the keepers and
superintendents of the several county poor houses, who
shall apply for It, with fhe view of raising mulberry frees
on the several poor house forms."
No mechanical trades, according to this bfll, are here
after lo be taught fhe prisoners In our state prisons, ex
cept for fhe making of such articles as ore chiefiy im
ported from other countries. The ground on which a
change in our penitentiary system is asked is, fhat It is
unjust and inconsistent with the principle of equal rights
that fhe State Government, which is established for the
equal protection of the whole people, should become the
corapet ifor of any portion of the people in their lawful
callings. The Governraent being established fir the
equal protection of all, it is proper that the necessary ex
penses of hat protection should be equally defrayed by
all, in the proportion of their several means. When tho
expenses are defrayed from the profits of prison Inbour,
the burden manifestly faUs most l;eavily on those whom

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 269
that labour compotes with in their lawful callings. This
would be true, if the State Government canio into tho
corapetifion only on equal terms ; since the excess of
the supply over fhe demand vvould necessarily, according
to the invariable operation of the laws of trade, occasion
a diminution of price, and consequently of profit to fhe
free citizen whose vocation was interfered with by this
degrading' rivalry. But it is true in a raore striking
manner when the State Government; entering into com
petition with any portion of its own citizens, employs
facilities of which it enjoj's fhe exclusive use. The state
prison turned into a mechanical institute is. In effect, a
labour-saving machine, for the labour costs nothing.
All beyond the cost of row materials is profit to
the slate. The state can therefore well afford to sell
articles of prison manufacture at a price which would not
supply the free mechanic with bread. A certain number
of free citizens are thus necessarily driven frora their
callings, and obliged to find employment in others, or to
depend on charity, public or private, for their support. ,
AVe have admitted fhat though this is a grievous tera
porary evil to a few persons, it operates as a benefit to
the community at large, and finally to fhe very calling
which wos at first interfered with. But fhe argument
is thaf this eventual good is obtained by the previous
violation of a fundamental principle of democratic govern
ment — the great principle of Equal Rights. The extent
of fhe evil, be it greater or less, does not change the
aspect of the question. If the equal rights of one citizen
are trampled on by our state prison system, there is
ground to require a reformation of it : if the profits of any
class of mechanics or tradesmen arc diminished, though
but in the proportion of a mUl on fhe dollar, or fhe hun
dred dollars, they have a right to deraand redress. Nay,
we go further : it not merely a right, but a duty ; for
23*

270 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
if you once admit the principle, who can fortcll for what
evils and abuses the " fatal precedent" may not plead ?
We are of the number of those who believe that tho
practical evils of our penitentiary system are very incon.
aiderable and restricted, and the practical benefits great
and widely diffused. Yet we are opposed to that system ;
because it Is founded on a violation of a fundamental
principle of our Government. We do not perceive that
the bill now before the legislature docs away this objec.
tion. It lessens the practical evil, but does not vary the
principle. If the prisoners are fo be turned to the pro-
duction of articles chiefly imported from foreign coun
tries ; yet as long as sorae portion of those articles is
made here, certain mechanic classes, however smaU,
would experience injurious corapotition from a Govern
ment which fhey have a right to look fo for protection,
not for opposition. The rights of a small class of mer
chanics are as dear to fhem as are those of the most nu-
merous class to ifs members. But there is another class
pf persons besides mechanics, whose equal rights the pro
posed measure wiU invade. Those citizens whose capi
tal and enterprise are engaged In foreign commerce, im
porters of the articles which the state prisons are here
after to be set fo work to manufacture, the retailers who
deal with them, and all subsidiary callings, are to be de
ranged, fo a greater or less degree, by the proposed biU.
Here still, fhe erroneous principle, which is the only
thing in the question worth contending about, is quite aa
manifest as ever.
There is one thing quite certain in regard fo Ihis mat
ter : naraely, that fhe bill now under discussion, cannot
becorae a law without a raajority of two-thirds of both
houses should vole in its favour. Governor Marcy will
veto it. On this point there is no room for doubt. We
have before us a stafemenf under his own hand tantamount

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 271
to such a declarnfion. In a letter addressed to Mr. Ru.
dolph Snyder, Chairman of fhe Corresponding Coraraittee
of the Convention of Mechanics wldch raet at Utica last
audimn, Governor Marcy says, " That flie labour of con
victs in our state prisons, as now conducted, is injurious
to several branches of mechanical business, is generally
conceded, and fhe only diversity of opinion on the sub
ject is as to the extent ofthe injury and the practicable
means of removing it. The evil being admitted, it is the
imperative duty of the legislature to apply a corrective, and
1 shall exert my infiuence, in whatever situation I may be,
in favour of all proper measures for the attainment of ihat
end. That any class of citizens who yield obedience to the
laws, and contribute to the support of government, should
be injured by the means used for the punishment of male
factors, is manifestly unjust ; a system of prison discipline
which necessarily produces such a result is clearly wrong ;
and a government which sustains it, jieglects one of its
obvious duties, the duty of protecting the equal righis of
dl." Those who are engaged in iraporfing the articles which
it is proposed that prison labour shall be eraployed In
making hereafter, are a " class of citizens who yield obe
dience to fhe laws and contribute to support the govern
ment ;" for the state to enter into competition with them
in their business and undersell thera, thus eiflier forcing
them to seek some other employment for their capital, or
to be content with diminished profits, would obviously be
" to injure them by the means used for the punishment
of malefactors ;" and as fhis is declared by Governor
Marcy fo be " manifestly unjust," it is plain that the bill
must receive his veto. He is publicly pledged lo this
course, and Governor Marcy is not a raan fo violate a
pledge or shrink frora a duty.

273 POLITICAL WBITINGS OP
. THE COURSE OF THE EVENING POST
[From ihe Evening Post, May 18, 1835.]
Saturday lust was the semi-annual dividend day of
this office. It is presumed that a majority of fhe sub
scribers of fhe Evening Post feel sufficient interest In its
prosperity fo justify our adverting, for a single raoraent,
and In fhe raost general terras, to fhe private offairs of
this office. It is vvith satisfaction, then, we hove it in
our power to stale, that the business of our establishment,
during the past six months, has been flourishing and pro
fitable, and was never raore thoroughly and soundly pros.
perous than al the present raoment. The number of sub
scribers to our journal is larger than at any previous pe
riod ; the amount received for advertising is undiminish
ed ; and the total receipts of the establishment greater
than they ever were before.
This result is exceedingly gratifying to us for consid-
erations of a higher kind than those which raerely relate
to fhe success of our private business. It furnishes ua
with an evidence of the public aentiment in relation to
thoae cardinal principlea of democratic governraent which
thia journal, for a long time past, has laboured zealously
to propagate and defend. That evidence is in our fa
vour, and animates us to fresh exertions. We start
afresh, then, from fhis resting-place On our editorial road,
invigorated with renewed confidence of ultimately at-
taining the goal for which we strive, the reward for which
we toil, the victory for which we struggle — fhe establish
ment of the great principle of Equal Rights as. In all
things, the perpetual guide and Invariable rule of legisla.
tion. It is now about two years since the Evening Post —
having at length seen successfully accomplished one of

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 273
the great objects for which it had long and persevorlngly
striven, namely, the principles of free-trade in respect of
our foreign commerce — turned ifs attention to a kinder.
ed subject, of equal magnitude, in our domestic policy,
and began fhe struggle which it has over since maintain
ed in favour of the principlesof economic science, as they
relate to the internal and local legislationof the country.
Wc had long soon with fhe deepest regret fhat fhe demo.
cracy, unmindful of fhe fundamental axiom of their po
litical faith, had adopted a syslem of laws, fhe inevitablo
tendency of which would be to build up privileged classes
and depress the great body of the communily. AVc saw
that trade, not left in the slightest respect fo fhe salutary
operation of its own laws, had been tied up and hamper
ed in every limb and muscle by arbitrary and unjust stat
utes ; that these restrictions furnished employment for an
almost innumerous array of office-holders ; and that the
phalanx of placeraen was yearly augmented by the raul
tiplication of unequal and oppressive restrictions and pro
hibitions on the bodj' politic. Wc could not help seeing,
also, that 'this multitude of unnecessary public offices, to
be disposed by the Government, was exercising a moat
vitiating influence on politics, and was consfanfly de
grading, more and more, what should be a conflict of un
biassed opinion, into an angry warfare of heated and sel
fish partisans, struggling for place.
But besides fhe various and alraost countless restric
tions on trade, for fhe support of a useless array of public
stipendiaries, we saw our State Governments vieing with
each other in dispensing to favoured knots of citizens
trading privileges and immunities which were withheld
from the great body of fhe coraraunity. And to such an
extent was this partial legislation carried, that in some
nstances, a Slate Government, not confent with giving
to a particular set of men valuable exclusive privfleges,

274 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
to endure for a long terra of years, also pledged the pro
perty ofthe whole people, as the security for funds which
it raised, to lend again, on casy terms, fo flio favoured
few il had already elevated into a. privileged order.
These things seemed fo us fo bo so palpable a violation
ofthe plainest principles of equal justice, that wc felt im
peratively called upon fo make thera objects of attack.
Of all the privileges which fhe States were lavishing on
sets of men, however, those seemed the raost dangerous
which conferred banking powera ; authorized fhem to
coin a worthless substitute for gold and silver ; to circu
late it as real money ; and thus enter into competition
with the General Government of the United States, in
one of the highest and most iraportant of its exclusive
functions. There was no end to fhe evfls and disorders
which this daring violation of flie fundamental principle
of democratic doctrine vvas continually occasioning. It
was placing the measure of value (the raost iraportant of
all measures) in the hands of speculators, to be extended
or contracted to ansvver their own selfish views or the
suggestions of their folly. It was subjecting the commu
nity fo continual fluctuations of prices, now raising every
article to the extremest height ofthe scale, and now de
pressing it to the bottom. It was unsettling fhe fiiunda-
tiona of private right, diversifying the time with seasons
of preternatural prosperity and severe distress, shaking
public faith, exciting a spirit of wild speculation, and
demoralizing and vitiating the whole tone of popular sen
timent and character. It was every day adding to the
wealth and power of the few by extortions wrung from
the hard hands of toil ; and every day increasing the
numbers and depressing the condition of the labouring
poor. •
This was the stale of things fo reform which, after the
corapletion of the tariff corapromise, seemed to us an ob-

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 275
ject that demanded our most strenuous efforts. We have
consequently sought to draw public attention to the fact
that the great principle on which our whole system of
government is founded, the principle of Equal Rights,
has been grossly departed from. AVo have sought to show
thera that aU legislative restrictions on trade operate as
unjust and unequal taxes on the people, place dangerous
powers in fhe hands of the Governraent, diminish the
efficiency of popular suffrage, and render it more diffi
cult for popular sentiment lo work salutary reforms. We
have sought to illustrafo the radical impropriety of all
legislative grants of exclusive or partial privileges, and
the peculiar impropriety and various evil consequences
of exclusive banking privileges. We have striven to
show fhat all the proper and legitimate ends of Govern
ment interference might easily bc accomplished by gen
eral laws, of equal operation on all. In doing this, we
necessarily aroused bitter and powerful hostUity. We
necessarily assailed fhe Interests of the privileged orders,
and endangered the scheraes of those vvho were seeking
privileges. We corabated long rooted prejudices, and
aroused selfish passions. In the raidst of the claraour
which our opinions provoked, and the misrepresentations
with which they have been met, to find that our journal
has not merely been sustained, but raised to a higher
pitch of prosperity, is certainly a result calculated to
afford us the liveliest pleasure, independent altogether of
considerations of private gain. We look on it as a man
ifestation that the great body of the democracy are true
to the fundamental principles of their political doctrine ;
that thoy are opposed toall legislation which violates the
equal rights ofthe community ; that they are enemies of
those aristocratic institutions which bestow privileges on
one portion of society that are withheld from the others,

278 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
and fend gradually but surely to change the whole struc-
ture of our systera of Governraent.
Animated anew by this gratifying ussiirunco that die
people approve the general cour.su of our journal, wc shall
pursue with ardor the line we have marked out, and trust
the day is not distant when the doctrines we maintain
will become the governing principles of our party.

CHARACTER OF ANDREW JACKSON
[From the Evening Post, May 21, 1834.]
The epithets. Usurper and Tyrant, have been freely
bestowed upon the President of the United Stafes, by
grave Senators, in the course of debate. If he is a usur
per and a tyrant, it is right fhe people should be inform
ed of it ; though it may be questioned whether the angry
use of these opprobrious terms in fhe Senate Chamber Is
the best method of coramunicating fhat information.
These charges are of flie most momentous import ; and
if they be true. It raust bo easy to cite fhe acts which
justify fhem. The history of the eventful life of Andrew
Jackson, from his boyhood upwards — from fhe time
when, at fourteen years of age, he was found battling
with the enemies of his country, fo the present hour,
which sees him engaged in a not less important struggle,
and with an equally dangerous foe — is known to his
countrymen. Hia course has not been run in secret.
His deeds have not been done by afealth. His acts, his
motives, his enda, are all known : which one ia it that
stamps him a usurper and tyrant ?
He has filled many important offices: he has been At
torney General of the south-western Territory  a mem
ber of the Convention fliat framed the Constitution of

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 277
Tennessee — a Representative of that state in Congress,
first in one house, and then in the other — a Judge on her
supreme bench — a leader of the array of his country —
and finally her Chief Magistrate, elected, and re-elected,
by a most overwhelming majority of tho free suffrages
of his fellow citizens. In which one of all these situations
have his acts proved him a usurper and a tyrant?
AVas he a usurper and tyrant when he fought the bat
tles of his country against the Indians on the south-west
ern frontier — that dark and perflous struggle, when, in
addition to the efforts of a ferocious and formidable foe,
he had fo contend with famine, sickness, mutiny, and
every iU than can beset a discontented and undisciplined
array, which he conducted notwithstanding, with an un
daunted spirit, to a glorious result ?
Was he a tyrant and usurper at Fort Strother, when,
deserted by his faraishing troops, he exclairaed, " If only
two men will reraain with rae, I wIU never abandon this
post !" Or afterwards, when his forces broke out into
open mutiny, and raoved off in a body towards their homes,
"he seized a muaket, and resting it on the neck of his
horse, (for he was disabled by a wound frora the use of
his left arra) he threw hiraself In front of fhe rautinous co-
lumn, and declared that he would shoot the first man
who should venture to advance ?"
Was he a tyrant and usurper at New Orleans, when his
mUitary achievements furnished the incidents of one of
the brightest pages in our history? and where his hon
ourable and courteous conduct is attested in worm terras
by his foes ?
Was he a tyrant and usurper when, dragged before a
court, and fined for those very acts which had secured
the safety of New Orleans, he bowed with proud submis
sion fo fhe decree, and interposed his own infiuence — fhe
only influence fhat could have availed — to repress the In-
Voi. I.— 24

278 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
dignaflon of his countryraen, and Induce thera to respect,
as he did, the decisions of a competent legal tribunal, how
ever arbitrary and unjust ?
Was he a tyrant and usurper in those acts of his ad
ministration which have resulted in such a successful
and advantageous termination of the long pending nego
tiations between our Government and foreign powers 1
Or, on his being chosen Chief Magistrate of the nation,
was rt tyranny and usurpation to recommend fhat the
constitution should be so altered as lo make any Presi
dent Ineligible for more than one terra, in order that there
might be greater security that the measures of the exe
cutive would always be devised wilh single reference to
the good of the People and his own permanent glory ?
Was he a tyrant and usurper in recomraending that
an amplo district of country in the for west should be
given to fhe poor Indians who were discontented with
their situation within flie limits of Georgia? Was he a
tyrant and usurper in the noble stand which he took In
preservation ofthe Union against fhe mad assaults of a
faction at fhe South ?
Was his refusal to sanction unconstitutional schemes
of internal improvement usurpation and tyranny ? or his
conciliatory recommendations with regard to the oppres
sive tariff ? What single act of General Jackson's, in
short, deserves so foul a name ?
Was the removal of Mr. Duane usurpation ? Surely
not, for no'one, at this tirae of day, will risk his reputa
tion by a.sserting that the President has not unlimited
constitutional power of removal. Was the removal of
the deposites by Mr. Duane's successor usurpation ?
Surely not, for the power was expressly reserved fo him
in the charter of the United States Bank. Where then,
again we ask, is the evidence of General Jackson's tyran
ny and usurpation ? If he is a usurper, he is the strangest.

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 279
the most anomalous one fhat ever drew the breath of
life. A usurper has hitherto been considered one who
seizes that to which he has no right ; but if the term is to
be applied to General Jackson, it raust undergo a wide
change of meaning, since all his usurpations are com
mitted within the liraits ofthe Constitution. AVe defy
any adversary of that noble and heroic patriot to cite a
single act of his administration that violates. In the
slightest degree, a single provision In the Constitution of
his country. He is a usurper then of the power with
which ho was already clothed by the unbought suffrages
of a nation of freemen — he seized what he already law
fuUy possessed — he is a tyrant, because he discharges
those duties which the people imposed upon hira when
they raised him to the Chief Magistracy — he is a despot
who shows his own indoraitable will by scrupulously
obeying the Constitution and fhe laws ! Well would It
have been for mankind if all tyrants and usurpers had
confined themselves within sirailar limits !
But let us look for a moment at the character of those
who lavish these hard epithets on General Jackson. IS
the Senate of the United States entirely above the liabi
lity to have these charges retorted upon itself? Was it
not a member of that body who declared that he never
would consent to an adjournment till a national bank was
established and fhe deposites restored ? And is there not
soraething that savours of tyranny and usurpation in this
coercive threat, intended fo control the action of a co
ordinate and independent deparfraent of fhe Govern
ment ? Was if not that body fhat rejected the nomina-
tion of certain persons as directors fo represent fhe gov
ernment in the board ofthe United States Bank, because,
in pursuance of what they deeraed thoir duty, they had
reported the mal-practlces and corruptions of fhat insti
tution to the Executive? And was there no tyranny

280 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
and usurpation in this ? Again, did not the Senate of
the United States, in defiance of the rights of fhe Chief
Magistrate as secured by the Constitution, in violation
of their own oaths to obey that instruraent, and in mani
fest infringement of those inalienable rights which belong
to every American citizen, condemn the President of the
United States of high crimes and misdemeanors, without
a trial, and without a hearing ? And when that aged
and venerable man, whose whole life has been spent In
the service of his country ; whose bosora is scarred with
the wounds he has received in its defence ; who stands
alone of all his faraily, having seen hia brothera shed
their lives for that freedora he has done so rauch to pre
serve, and his wife sink info the grave the raark of vile
political slanderers — when that aged and venerable raan,
thus unjustly sentenced, and stung fo fhe quick fhat his
conduct should be thus maligned, respectfuUy asked that
his soleran protest against the decision of fhe Senate
might be entered on their journal along with the condem
nation, vvas he not refused — refused with added insult ?
And was this conduct not usurpation and tyranny ?
VerUy, a factious Senate, fhe majority of which is com
posed of desperate political leaders, united by no common
tie but that of hate to the war-worn hero who jiresides at
the helm of state — governed by no comraon raotive but
indoraitable ambition — verily, such a body is a fit source
for such aspersions on the character of tho man who has
filled the measure of his country's glory.

WILLIAM LBGGETT 281

DESPOTISM OF ANDREW JACKSON.
[From the Evening Post, May 22, 1834.]
Hitherto despotism has a.ssuiedly been considered as
the concentration of all power in one man, or in a few
privUeged persons, and its appropriate exercise the op-
pression of the great majority of the people. But the
Presidential Bank candidates in fhe Senate ofthe United
States, and the bribed tools of the Bank who preside over
the Bank presses, hove lately discovered, or rather in
vented, on entire new species of despotism. They have
found out that pure republican despotism consists in ad
ministering fhe Constitution and laws with an express
reference fo, and entirely for, the benefit of the people at
large. If we examine the whole course of that extraordinary
despot, the President of the United States, it will be
found that the very essence of his usurpation consists in
interpreting the Constitution, and administering the laws,
for fhe benefit of the many instead of fhe few. This is
the true character of his despotism, and for this is he de
nounced by those who wish to free the people frora this
original and extraordinary fj'ranny, by reversing tbe
picture, and placing the rights and interest of the many
at fhe mercy ofthe few. In order more clearly to exem
plify the character of General Jackson's despotism, we
will pass in brief review the prominent acts of his ad
ministration. If we comprehend fhe nature and principles of a free
governiriont, it consists in the guaranty of Equal
Rights toall free citizens. We know of no othcp defi.
nition of liberty than fhis. Liberty is, in short, nothing
more than the total absence of all monopolies of aU
kinds, whether of rank, wealth, or privilege. When Gen^
24*

282 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
eral Jackson waa elected by a large majority of the peo
ple of fhe United Stafes to the first office in their gift,
he found in successful operation a system calculated, if
not intended, to sap fhe whole fabric of equal rights, be
cause it consisted of little else than monopolies, eithci
open and palpable, or in some flimsy disguise or other
calculated to cheat the people into a quiet acquiescence.
The first was an oppressive tariff, a syslem of bounties
in disguise, under the ojieration of which the consumers
of domestic manufactures were obliged fo pay frora twenty.
five to two hundred per cent, raore for certain indispen-
sa^ile articles of consuraption than he would have paid
had things been suffered to take their natural course.
The consumers of an article always constitute a much
greater number of the people than the manufacturers,
simply because one man can supply the wants of raany.
Hence this bounty was a device fo fax the many for the
benefit of the few. It operated exclusively In favour of
the smaller class, and exclusively against the most nu
merous. It was, therefore, not only destructive ofthe
principle of Euual Rights, but it was a sacrifice of the
rights of a great majority in behalf of a small rainority.
The first act of General Jackson waa fo set his face
against this anti-republican principle of protecting one
class of labour at the exi)ense of fhe others. He made
use of his personal and political influence lo bring down
the rate of duties on iraportaflons to their proper stand
ard, namely, the wanta of the government, in which all
were equaUy concerned; and that influence, aided by
the good sense of the people, was on the point of being
successful, when, by a juggle between Messrs. Clay and
Calhoun, the measure was transferred fo the Senate.
That body paaaed a bill similar to one on the eve of pass.
ing the House 'of Representatives, which was sent to the
latter as an amendment fo their own bill, and adopted

WILLIAM leggett. 283
with wonderful docility. The object of this most excel.
lent legerdemain was to give to Messrs. Clay and Cal
houn fhe credit of an adjustment of the tariff, which but
for General Jackson would have reraained a subject of
heart burning and contention, in all probability to this
day. By this notorious assuraption Mr. Clay sought to
gain credit for his disinterestedly sacrificing his friends
on the altar of Union, while Mr. Calhoun was delighted
with so capital an excuse for postponing his plan of
nullification to a more favourable opportunity. It was
a cunning manoeuvre ; but, cunning is not wisdom, any
morc than paper money is gold. Notwithstanding the
absurd pretensions of these two gentlemen to the honour
of adjusting the tariff, there is probably not a rational
man in the United States who is not satisfied that the
real pacificator was General Jackson, and that Mr. Clay
only assented fo what he could not prevent. He found
the current going strongly againat him, and was nothing
more than honest King Log, floating with fhe fide.
This was General Jackson's first act of despotism.
He interfered to relieve the many from those burthens
which had been imposed on thera for the benefit of the
few ; he restored, in this instance, fhe Equal Rights
of all, and for this he ia denounced a despot and usurper.
When General Jackson came into office he found
another system In operation, calculated not only to un
dermine and destroy the principles and independence of
the people, but to trench upon the sacred republican
doctrine of Equal Rights. We allude fo Mr. Clay'a
other grand lever by fhe aid of which he hoped fo roiae
his heavy momentum fo fhe height of his lofty ambition
— his system of national internal improvement. Besides
the constitutional difficulty arising from the necessary
interference with state jurisdictions, there were other
powerful objections to this system. It placed the whole

284 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
revenues of the people of the United Statea at the dispo
sal of Congress, for purposes of political influence. It
enabled ambitious politicians lo buy up u township wifli
a new bridge ; a district wilh a road, and u state with a
conal. It gave to the General Government an irresisti
ble power over the elections of the stales, and constituted
the very basis of consolidation. In addition to all this,
it was a direct and palpable encroachment on the equal
rights of the citizens. It was taxing one state for the
exclusive benefit of another ; nay, it was diverting money
contributed by one state to purposes injurious to the in
terests of that state. It, was appropriating the funds
contributed by New-York for fhe general benefit, lo the
Ohio and Chesapeake Canal, the successful completion
of which it was boasted would be highly injurious to her
own infernal navigation. In short, it was a system of
favouritism entirely destructive to Equal Rights, inas
much as it was entirely impossible fhat all should partake
equally in its benefits, while all were taxed equally for its
expenditures. To test the firraness of fhe old patriot, the great cham
pion of Equal Rights, a bill was concocted by the cora
bined ingenuity of the advocates of infernal iraprovement,
corabining such powerful teraptations, and ap[)ealiug to
so many sectional interests, that it was hoped General
Jackson either would not dare fo interpose his consfifu-
tional prerogative to arrest its passage, or that if he did,
the consequences would be fatal fo his popularity. But Ihe
old patriot was not to be frightened from his duty, and be
sides has a generous confidence in fhe intelligence and
integrity of his fellow-citizens. He knows by glorious
experience that the true way to fhe affections and confi-
.dence of a free and enlightened people, is fo stand forth
in defence ofthe Equal Rioirrs of all. He vetoed this
great bribery bill and the people honoured his firmness.

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 285
and sustained him in the great effort he had made in
their behalf. This is the second great usurpation of
General Jackson, and the second great example of his
despotism. lie interposed to protect the people from a
system which afforded a pretext for applying the means
of the many to the purposes of the few, and furnished
almost unbounded resources for corrupting the people
with their own money.
We shall continue the history of the despotism of An
drew Jackson in our paper of to-morrow.

DESPOTISM OF ANDREW JACKSON.
[From the Evening Post, May 23, 1834.]
The next text on which the Bank coalition have rung
the changes of " tyranny," " despot," and " usurper," is
the veto on Mr. Clay's bill for distributing fhe public
lands among the respective stafes. The people should
understand fhat these lands are their exclusive property.
They contribute a general source of revenue comraon
and equal to all. But the bill of Mr. Clay, no doubt for
the purpose of raising the popularity of that permanent
candidate for national honours in the west, established a
distinction in favour of certain states, of either twelve or
fifteen per cent. — we cannot just now be certain which —
on the plea that a large portion of these lands were within
their limits, although they were the property of the people
ofthe United Stafes.
General Jackson justly considered this preference of
certain stafes over others as not only unconstitutional,
but unjust, and for these and other cogent reasons, to
which fbo coalition has never been able to fabricate an
answer, declined fo sanction the bill. Here, as in overy
other act of his administration, he stood forward the

286 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
champion of the Equal Rights of the people, in opposing
an unequal distribution of their comnioii jiroperfy.. Yet
for fhis, among other acts equally in defence or vlndica-
tion of these rights It has been thundered forth to the people
that he is a tyrant and usurper.
But it ia in relation to his course with regard to the
Bank of the United States, that he appears most em
phatically as the charapion of the Constlfullon and the
Equal Rights of fhe people. Fully aware of the great
truth, that raonopolies, whether of rank or privilege,
whether possessed by virtue of hereditary descent or con
ferred by legislative folly or legislative corruption, were
the most sly and dangerous enemies to equal rights ever
devised by the cunning of avarice or the wiles of ambi
tion, he saw in the vast accumulation of power in that
institution, and ita evident disposition to exercise, as well
as perpetuate it, the elementa of deaf ruction f o the free-
dom of the people and the independence of their govern
ment. He, therefore, with the spirit and firmness be
coming his character and station as the ruler of a free
people, determined to exercise his constitutional preroga
tive in arresting its usurpations, and preventing their be
ing perpetuated.
The chUd, the charapion, and the representative ofthe
great democracy of the United Stafes, he felt himself
identified with their interests and feelings. He was one
of themselves, and as such had long seen and felt the
oppressions which a great concentrated money power,
extending ifs influence, nay, ifs control, over the cur
rency, and consequently the prosperity of the country
throughout every nook and corner of the land, had in
flicted or might inflict upon the people. He saw in the
nature, and In the acts, of this enormous monopoly, an
evident tendency, as well as intention, to subjugate the
states and their government to ita will ; and like himself,

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 287
and In conformity with the whole tenor of his life, he re
solved fo risk hia place, his popularity, his repose, in be
half of the Equal Rights of fhe people.
Ile saw, moreover, as every true democrat must see,
who interprets the Constitution upon ifs true principles,
that fhe creation of a Bank with the privilege of establish
ing ifs branches In every state, without their consent,
was not delegated by the states to the general govern
ment ; and he saw that by one of the first declaratory
amendments of the Constitution, that " The powers not
delegated to the United States by ihe Constitution, nor pro
hibited io it by the stafes, are reserved to the states respect
ively, or io ihe people."
But there is, unfortunately, a clause in the Constitu
tion, which Is somewhat of the consistency of India rub
ber, and by proper application can be stretched so as to
unite fhe opposite extremes of Irreconcfleable c ontradlc-
tions. It is somewhat like the old gentleman's will in the
Tale of a Tub, about which Lord Peter, Martin and Jack
disputed so learnedly, and which at one tirae was a loaf
of brown bread, at another a shoulder of rautton. It
adraits of a wonderful latitude of construction, and an In
genious man can find no great difficulty in interpreting
it to suit his own particular interests. We allude fo the
following, which will be found among the enumeration of
the powers of Congress :
" To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper
for carrying into execution fhe foregoing powers, and
all other powers vested in the government of the United
Stafes, or In any department or officer thereof."
The sticklers for state rights in the Convention which
adopted the Constitution, and in fhe State Conventions
to which it was referred for acceptance or rejection, did
not rauch relish this saving clause. They imagined fhey
saw in it a sort of Pandora's box, which, if once fairly

288 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
opened, would cast forth a legion of constructive powers
and conatructlve uaurpaflona. They thought they per
ceived in theae two little words " necessary and pro
per," a degree of elasticity which might be expanded so
as to comprehend almost any thing that a majority of
Congress might choose to ascribe to them. They were,
in our opinion, not much mistaken in their anticipations,
although probably they scarcely dreamed that the con
structive ingenuity of the times would find ihat to be in
dispensably " necessary" which the country was enabled
for many yeara to dispense with, during which tirae it
enjoyed a degree of prosperity which excited the envy and
admiration of the world !
However this may be, the people of the United Stafes
will do well to bear in mind, when they hear General
Jackson denounced as a tyrant and usurper for the course
he haa pursued in relation fo fhe Bank, that this institu
tion has no other legs in the Constitution lo stand upon
than those two little words " necessary and proper." If
it is necessary and proper, then it may be re-charlered un
der the Constitution ; but it has no right to demand a re-
charter. If it ia not necessary and proper, then it ought
never to have been chartered, and ought not to he con
tinued one moment longer than the faith of the nation is
pledged. As this is one of those points which rests on the nice
interpretation of words, it naturally depends for its de
cision on the general bias of the'two parlies in the con
troversy. The party attached by habit, education, inter
ests, or prejudice, to a consolidated or strong governraent,
will interpret " necessary and proper" one way, and the
party opposed lo any accuraulation of constructive pow
ers in the federal governraent, wiU interpret theni the
other way. General HaraUton, for example, considered
a Bank of the United States " necessary and proper,"

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 289
whfle Mr. Jefferson believed, and has repeatedly denoun
ced it, to be the most dangerous infraction of tho consti
tution ever attempted under the cloak of constructive
power. Such has always been the opinion ofthe great
leaders of the democracy of the United States, although
sorae of them have yielded to the voice of a majority of
Congress, mistaking it for that of the people.
AVe have premised thus much in order to show that
the course pursued by General Jackson, in regard to the
Bank of the United States, is in perfect consonance with
¦ the known principles of the democrocy, the people ofthe
United Sfofes. When fhe Democratic Party had the
ascendency, thoy took the first opportunity that offered
to put on end fo the first Bank of the United Stafes, and
now fhey avail themselves of a similar occasion to give a
like demonstration of their settled principlea and policy.
General Jackaon would not have been re-elected by tha
party, againat all the corruptions of the Bonk, combined
with fhe whole force of all fhe disjointed, incongruou|
elementa of opposition, after he had placed his Veto on
its re-charter, had he not acted in this instance in strict
conformity with fhe sentiments of a great majority of the
democracy of the United States. Here as in every other
act of his administration, they saw in him the great oppo-
nent of monopolies, the stern, inflexible champion of
Equal Rights.
With regard to the other alleged acts of despotism
charged upon this true unwavering patriot, such as the
removal of Mr. Duane from office, and the appointment
of one of the very ablest and purest men of this country
in hia stead ; the subsequent reraoval of the deposites
from the Bonk ofthe United States, and the protest
against the ex-parie condemnation of fhe " Independent
Aristocratic Body," raore has already been said in his
defence than such charges merited. We do not behove
Vol. I.— 25

290 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
the Senators making fhem believed one word fhey them
selves uttered on the subject, because, though tainted to
the core by personal antipathies and personal ambition,
they are men of too clear intellect, aerioualy to cheriah
such ideaa of the constitution as they have lately put
forth fo fhe people. These speeches and denunciations,
like those on the subject of universal distress and bank
ruptcy, were raerely mode for effect. They certainly
could not believe that what the constitution expressly
delegates was intended to be withheld ; that what was
¦expressly conceded by the charter of tbe Bank of fhe
United States was intended to be denied ; or that the
exercise of a privilege inherent in huraan nature, to wit,
that of self-defence, was an outrage on the privileges of
the Senate. Real honest error may sometimes be com-
bated successfully by argument ; but we know of no way
of convincing a man who only affects to be in the wrong
in order fo deceive others, and shall therefore spare our-
j^elves and our readers any further diacussion with oppo-
.nenta'who are not in earneat, but who have so high an
opinion of the sagacity of fhe people, that they think they
can make thera believe what they do not believe them.
selves. It will be perceived frora this brief analysis of the
leading measures of General Jackson's administration,
that all hia " tyranny" has consisted in successfuUy in
terposing the Constitution of the United States In de
fence of the Equal Rights of the people ; and that all
hia " usurpations" have been confined to checking those
of the advocates of conaolidotion, diaunion, monopolies,
and lastly a great consolidated moneyed aristocracy,
equally dangerous fo liberty from fhe power it legally
possesses, and those if has usurped. Yot fhis is the man
whom the usurpers themselves denounce as a usurper.
This is the man against whom fhe concentrated venom

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 291
of disap]>olntod ambition and baffled avarice is vainly
striving lo contend in the heads and hearts of the Amo-
rican people, and to bury under a mass of wilful calum
nies. Thia is the very man whose whole soul is wound
up to the groat and glorious task of restoring the Equal
Rights of his fellow-citizens, as they arc guarantied by
the letter and spirit ofthe constitution. May Providence
send us a succession of such usurpers as Andrevv Jack-
son, and spare the people from such charapions of liberty
as Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, Daniel AVebster,
George Poinde.xter, and Nicholas Biddle !

[Froin the Evening Post, May 26, 1835.]
THE
AMERICAN INDEMNITY BILL PASSED
By ihc French Chambers,
PRINCIPAL AND INTEREST.
The Bill of Indemnity is at lengtii passed, principal,
interest, and all, in exact compliance vvith the Treaty ;
but accompanied with a condition, which, if if be any
tiling more fluin mere French gasconading, puts the pros
pect of restitution to this country for the outrages long
since committed on our commerce further off than ever.
The President of the United States, it will be seen, is re
quired fo make an apology to Franco for the terms of hia
laat annual message, before we can be paid our just arid
too long deferred debt ! He is to offer a satisfactory ex
planation ! He is to refine away all that true republican
grit which it seems mode his communication to Congress
too rough for the delicate nerves of Frenchmen. He is
to emasculate his proposition of reprisals of all ifs virulity,
and to go on his kness and beg pardon for daring to in
timate that, if further insulted by France again refusing

292 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
to perform her violated promise, it would become the duty
of America to fake the redress of her grievances into
her own hands, and pay herself her admitted claim.
This is the ground on which the French Government de.
mands the explanation of the President of the United
Stafes, as the condition on vvhich she will pay her too
long deferred debt. If General Jackson complies with
this condition, we have rauch mistaken fhe character
and temper of that heroic raan. And we have much rais
taken the spirit ofthe Araerican people if they vvould not
cast hira off from their affections for so doing, deeply fix
ed as he is in the hearts of his countryraen. The very
proposition by France is an additional insult, and com
pliance wifli if would he degradation far greater, than
would have been, a year ago, fhe total remission of the
debt due from that country.
But there is not the slightest reason to apprehend that
this insolent deraand will in any degree be coraplied
with. If the President makes any communication at all
on the subject, it wUI be one which France may consider
an apology or explanation, if she pleases, but which wUl
reccivo a very contrary interpretation from all the rest of
the world. The trutii is no explanation ia expected.
The whole proposition is a mere last ineffectual splutter
to turn attention from the sorry attitude in which the
French Governraent has placed itself by ifs bad faith, and
by lending a too credulous ear fo fhe representations of
M. Serruricr and others, that fhe United States might bo
fobbed off, from time to time, as long as it suited the plea
sure of France fo temporise. The energetic message of
General Jackson rudely awakened that Government
frora its delusion. They suddenly found fhat they were
dealing with an Administration which would " ask no
thing that was not cleariy right, and subrait to nothing
that was wrong." They saw that this Administration

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 293
possessed the unbounded confidence of a vast majority of
the American people, and that its noble rule of action in
ifs foreign relations met with their cordial approval.
They saw that there was a fixed determination on the
part of this Governraent and this people to obtain our just
and acknowledged debt frora France, " peaceably if we
could, forcibly if we must." Seeing this, the tone of
France was at once wonderfully lowered, and fhe sUly
measures of bravado that Government has adopted to
hide iis real sonfimonts and inofivos of notion do but odd
to the hidicrousness of fhe unfortunate posturo in which
it h.as placed itself. The United States wiU get fhe in-
deranify, principal and interest In full, according to the
Treaty negotiated by Mr. Rives ; and France will get
no apology — nothing bearing even such a remote resem
blance to one, that It can be palmed off upon the world as
such by all the vaunting and gasconading of sputtering
Frenchmen. To such luckless straits a nation is reduc-
ed that has not sense enough of right to redeem its faith,
nor might enough to maintain ifs perfidy.
The BIU of Indemnify it wUl be seen was passed by a
vote of 289 to 137.

CORPORATION PROPERTY.
[From the Evening Post, June 3, 1835.]
The property belonging fo tho corporation of this
city is estimated, in the Message of the Mayor which we
had the pleasure of presenting to our readers a few days
since, at ten millions of dollars. Of the property which
is valued at this sura, a very sraall portion is actually
required for the purposes of government. A large part
of it consists of town lots, wholly unproductive. Another
part consists of lots and tenements leased or rented for a
25*

294 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
trifling consideration. That part which is in the actual
occupancy of the corporate authorities for public uses, is
comparatively small, and smaller slill fliat part which is
actually needed in the exercise of the legitimate func
tions ofthe government.
That our municipal governraent should possess no pro
perty, except what is really required for fhe perforraance
of its duties, seeras to us so plain a proposition as scarcely
to require an argument f o support If. AA'^e elect our city
authorities frora year to year to supervise tho affairs of
the body politic, pass needful municipal regulations, en-
force existing laws, and attend, generally, fo the preser
vation of public order. Adequately fo fulfil these trusts,
a building set apart for the meetinga of the city authori-
tiea is necessary. A place of detention for the city cri
minals is Hccessary, aud, under the present system, a
place for the city paupers. These, and a few other
buildings, occupying grounds of a suitable location and
extent, constitute all the real estate required for the due
administration of the functions of our municipal govern
ment. If our authorities, then, purchase more property
than this, they either waste fhe money of their constitu
ents, or buying it on credit, or paying for it with bor.
rowed funds, they waste the money of posterity.
The govcriimont of our city ia iiulhiiig moro nor less
than a certain number of persons chosen from your to
year, by the suflioges of a raajority of fhe citizens, to
attend to those affairs which belong to all in common, or,
in other words, the affairs of the community. They re-
present the aggregate will of the existing community in
relation fo those affairs ; and their functions, by the very
tenure of their offices, are confined within the circle ofthe
year. It is plain, then, viewing the subject on principles
of abstract right, thaf a government so constituted, ought
do nothing which would not be approved by those from

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 295
whom il derives ifs powers. The accumulation of unne
cessary property, to tho amount of mdlions of dollars, can
never hove boon intended by any considerable number of
voters of fhis citj', as a duty which tbe city government
ought fo perform ; and having accumulated il, to retain
it seeras equally averse to the plainest principles of sound
policy and right.
To whom doea this property belong ? Not to the au
thorities of the citj', surely, but to the citizens them
selves — to those who chose those authorities to manage
their affairs. If it belongs fo fhem, and governraent is
not a perraanent existence separate frora fhe will of the
people, but the mere breath of thoir nostrils, their mere
representative, renewed at their pleasure frora year to
year, it raust be obvious that there can be no good reason
for having that property retained in the possession of the
governraent. It would be much better in fhe possession
ofthe people themselves, since every body knows that as
a general and alraost invariable rule, raen attend to their
private affairs much better than agents attend to their
delegated trusts.
Let no reader be startled at the Idea we have here put
forth, and suppose he sees in it the ghost of agrarianism,
— that bugbear which has been conjured with for ages to
frighten grown-up children from asserting the dictates of
coramon sense in relation to the affairs of government.
We have no agrarian scheme in contemplation. We
are not about to propose a division of public property,
either according to the ratio of taxation, or equally by
fhe poll list, or In any other objectionable mode. But
our citizens arc every year called upon to pay taxes.
The last legislature passed a law authorizing our corpo
rate authorities lo levy a tax greatly increased since last
year. We have also our public debt, for which the pro
perly of our posterity is pledged, and this debt was lately

296 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
swelled one mUlion of doUars by money borrowed to be
paid in 1860. Now It strikes us as somewhat unreason
able to call upon the citizens to pay taxes to defray the
current expenses of the government, and to saddle poste
rity with an enormous debt, when the unnecessary and
disposable public property now in the hands of our muni
cipal government would wipe off the whole amount of
the debt which was contracted on tho credit of posterity,
and defray fhe current expensea of the city besides for
several years fo corae.
We would by no raeans dispose of our City Hall, or
our Park, or our Battery, any moro than wo would dispose
of Broadway or the Bowery. These are for the public
use, for their present, daily, and hourly use. In various re
spects. But in the public property which the Mayor
estimates at on aggregate of teu millions of dollars there
will be found much which is not necessary for the pur
poses of Government or the health and convenience of
the people. All such we would sell, and apply the pro
ceeds fo fhe liquidation of the public debt, and to the
payment of those expenses for which taxes are now
asaessed. Let not the argument be used that this pro
perty will he for more valuable In a few years, and may
then be disposed of fo much greater advantage. If we
adrait the validity of this argument, il ia one which may
be urged to postpone the sale for half a century, and of
what benefit would be the augmented amount, fifty years
hence, fo the present people, to whom the property in
truth belongs? Society is daily, hourly, moraentiy,
changing its constituent individuals. The particles
which compose the stream of lifo are continually passing
away, to be succeeded by other particles, and the transi
tion of these huraan atoms is nowhere so rapid as in the
whiripool of a great city. Many of those \vhosc votes
elevated the present municipal officers to their places,

WILLIAM LEGOETT. 297
will never cast a suffrage again — some have gone to other
states, some to distant lands, sorae to thot bourne from
whence no traveller returns. But others wUI push
into thoir places. The social tide will still rush on.
The young man will pass his probationary period and
acquire the rights of citizenship ; foreigners will be
adopted ; brethren from other portions ofthe confederacy
wfll fake up their abode among us. No mafter, there
fore, how rapidly increasing in value any portion of this
surperfluous public property raay be, we who own it now
and who next year may own it no longer, have a right
to demand that it should be disposed of for our benefit,
and td liquidate those debts which we have no right to
leave for posterity to pay.
But we deny that there is any validity in this argu
ment founded on the conjectural or probable rise of price.
If the property improves in price, we ask whether is it
better that the increase should be in the hands of the
government or of individual citizens ? Should fhe govern
ment continue lo hold this property for year.s, through
its annual successions, it is at last to be appropriated to
some public purpose. If the property hod been disposed
of, ifs increased value would necessarily have been in the
hands of citizens, whose capacity would in the same
measure have been increased to contribute to the public
expenses. The property of the citizens is at all times
abundantly able to sustain any leglllraafe expensea of
government, and all property, not required for such pur
poses, should remain in the people's own hands.
There is one species of public property to whicli we
have not adverted in this article, because it does not pro
bably enter Into fhe Mayor's estimate, but which we
could well wish were also disposed of by the public au
thorities, and suffered to go into the hands of private
Gifizens, AVe allude to the wharves, piers and public

293 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
doclis, with the exception of the slips at the end of streets.
Those in our view ought to be as free aa the streets
theraselves, and the rest ought to be left in private hands.
We cannot undertake to argue fhis subject to-day ; but
let those who are disposed fo differ , from us, reflect that
we only propose to put the wharves on fhe sarae footing
with houses and stores, and that fhe same competition,
the same laws of supply and deraand, which regulate tho
rent of the one description of properly, would equaUy re
gulate the wharfage of the other.

APOLOGY TO FRANCE.
[From the Evening Post, June 16, 1835.]
We copy with exceeding pleasure fhe following patri
otic reraarks on the French question from the Pcnnsyl-
vanian. They arc of a similar tenor with those which
we copied on Saturday from the Gloucester Democrat.
It gives us great satisfaction to perceive fhat the sound
democratic journala throughout fhe country are faking,
as with ono mind, the true American view of this subject.
For our own part we say, Millions for oefence, but
NOT ONE word in EXPLANATION.
If Mr. Livingston, as we do not doubt, left instructions
with Mr. Barton, fhe American Charge d' Affaires in
Paris, to follow him immediately to the United States,
in the event of the bill of indemnity being passed by the
Chamber of Peers as sent to that branch of the French
legislature by the other Chamber, he acted, in our view,
aa became the representative of this Government, and es
tablished an additional claim to the respect of his coun
trymen. We do not see how, araong men who have a
sincere regard for the honour and dignify of their coun
try, there can be any difference of opinion as to the ques-

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 299
tion of the demanded explanation. If the bUI should
finally becoind a low, fhe very demand is an insult to us,
of a far more aggravated character than fhe pecuniary
wrong of which wo before complained. AVo before de
manded payniciit of a debt withhold from us by a siraple
refusal to perform a treaty. The payraent was then
withheld on fhe ground that the legislative branch of the
French Government did not consider the amount claim.
ed to be due, and maintained that the treaty was not
binding until it should have received their sanction. But
by the present law flie araount claimed is acknowledged
to be due to us ; yet compliance with the treaty is posi.
tively forbidden unless the American Governraent shall
in the first [)laco make satisfactory explanations fo heal
the wounded honour of France. To state this In equiva
lent but briefer phrase, France refuses to pay us our
debt, unless we in the first place beg her pardon for hav-
ing dared to demand It.
If does not affect the question in fhe slightest degree,
according to our judgment, fo soy that this explanation
is a mere matter of form which two diplomatic agents
may arrange in a friendly interview, ond without fhe
slightest difficulty. If it Is reduced to a mere form, it is
stiU a forra degrading fo us. If the explanation shall be
acknowledged to lie in the bow with which the represen
tative of the American Government salutes the French
Minister on entering his apartraent, or in his shake of
the hand ; if it is recognised in any act, word, or look, it
ia a compliance neveriheless with an insolent law — it is
losing sight of our own honour to appease fhe wounded
pride of vain-glorious France. Never be if said in our
history, that fo obtain the paltry sum of five mfllions of
dollars, we consented to any stipulations inconsistent
with the dignity of a nation of freemen.
We have seen with lively regret, that some papers

800 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
which profess to be democratic, toke a contrary view of
thia aubject, and urge fhe propriety of some explanation
being mode by the President to soothe the ruffled feelings
of France, or in other words fo coax the Frenchmen info
good huraour. The Albany Argus, foUowed as usual by
ifs "gentle echo," but in fainter sounds of response than
heretofore, seems fo think that General Jackson raight
coraply with fhe deraand of France, by assuring her,
either by the repetition of a passage of his last Message, or
by words of equivalent iraport, that no threat or menace
was intended. It would be the first instance in our na
tional experience of the Chief Magistrate of this great
country having coraplied with the demond of a foreign
Government to make any explanation of any message,
which, in his Executive capacity, he had seen proper to
communicate" to a co-ordinate branch ofthe federal Gov
ernment. We fear it would not be the last. We fear
we should be doomed to hear many iterations of the sarae
insulting deraand. " What do you raean by this, sir ? "
and " What do you mean by that, sir ? " would be inter.
rogatories to which, under the penalty of war, the Prcsi.
dent ofthe United Stafes would have fo stand ever ready
to answer. To avoid such a disagreeable liability, In
stead of free, ingenuous, and unreserved communications
frora fhe head of our Government fo fhe national legisla.
ture, in which all subjects of general interest ore frankly
and fully discussed, and the opinions of the Chief Magis
trate candidly stated, we should soon see short, vague,
unsatisfactory addresses, like those of fhe King of Eng
land fo Parliament, in which the few words that are em
ployed seem used rather to conceal than express the wri
ter's meaning.
We may be wrong in the view wc take of this subject,
and if we are, we are very wrong, since it seems lo us
the question does not admit of doubt, It seems to us that

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 301
France has no right to ask, much less demand, an oxpla.
nation of the message, since it is o mere expression of
the views of one branch of the Government to another,
and not an act or cx|)rossi(iii of (ho GovormiKuit at all.
It seems to us that she has no need of an oxplaiulfion,
since the message, so far from being obscure, vvas so jilaiii
that he vvho runs might read it, and was as decorous and
temperate, in oil that related to France, as any document
which ever locountcd the wrongs which ono nation bad
cxporicncod (ioiii aiiofli(^r, or proposed any modo of final
redress. If we consider the case as between individuals
under analogous circumstances, we shall clearly see the
gross impropriety of yielding submission to the law of
France, and entering into degrading explanotions, in or
der that it moy please his High Mightiness, the King of
the French, to pay his debts. Let our readers suppose
that a subscriber of fhis journal hod put off our collector
for twenty years by various excuses ond evasions ; that
he had then entered into a solemn covenant fo pay us
our raoney by o given time ; hod subsequently violated
that obligation, and after several additional deloj'S, again
agreed to pay it, but only on condition that we should
first appease his wounded honour by making a sofisfac-
tory explanation — let our readers suppose such a case,
and each ansvver for hiinself what ought fo bo our reply.
To make the case more analogous, if should be supposed
that the debt, in this instance, hod not been incurred by
the mere accumulation of subscription dues, but had been
created originally by o forcible entry info our office, and
a wanton destruction or seizure of our property.
With the Pennsylvonian, we entertain fhe utraost con
fidence that fhe President of the United States will act
in the matter now about fo come before hira in fhe sarae
spirit of lofty patriotisra and independence which has
distinguished him ^11 his life long, and most conspicu.
Vol. I.— 20

302 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
ously and gloriously in his illustrious adrainistration of
the American Government. AVe enfertaiu no single
misgiving of fear that he wifl ever do an act to sully the
bright page which he has written in our country's his
tory. Age has not chilled Ida spirit, nor abated one jot
the ardour of his potriotisra. The honour of fliis people
in his handa ia safe, and will not he surrendered to fhe
audacious demand of France.
We have hopes, we confess, that the French Govern
ment will before this have come to their senses, and ex
punged the insolent condition from their law. Should it
be otherwise, however, rauch as we should regret hostile
measures on raany accounts, there are pararaounf reasons
why we should desire to sec them promptly resorted fo.
For our own port, we could wish that war, immediate
war, might be the alternative. We trust that we have
not been vainly boasting all this while, that while we
would ask nothing not clearly right, we would submit to
nothing that is wrong. We trust lliere Is spirit enough in
the country yet fo maintain our character, af whatever
expense of treasure or of blood. Our fathers went fo war
for a three-penny tax on tea. Thoir sons have suflered
a worse wrong. They have been smitten on fhe right
cheek : wIU Ihey turn the left also ?

OUT OF DEBT.
[Frotn the Evening Post, June 20, 1835.]
It is the peculiar boast of fhe people of fhe United
States that fhe nation Is now out of debt. We hear it
repeated every day with an exultation which would be
just, if the boast were true. But as it is not true, if raay
be worth while to apprise our fellow-citizens ofthe real
state ofthe case. The People ofthe United States are

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 303
not out of debt, and never will be, while the present
system of banking and borrowing continues to subsist.
Tbe General Government it is certain owes nothing.
Thanks fo the policy of General Jackson, it has redeemed
afl its obligations. But what shall we say of the States
individually ? Are they out of debt ? On the contrary,
arc they not, alraost without exception, every day plung.
ing deeper and deeper info the bottomless pit ofunre-
dccnicd aud irredeemable obligation ? Someare borrow-
iuir iiiillinn?! for public imprnvomonts ; others pledging
tho credit of flic Slates, or iu other words tho property of
the citizens, for millions ; and others are becoming sub.
scribers to banks, and canals, and railroads, fo the araount
of millions more. Under this system, fhe Individual
States at this moraent owe raore raoney than did the
United States, at the close of either of the wars of Inde
pendence. Yet we boast of being out of debt !
¦ AVho pay the piper for all this politlcol and speculating
dancing ? Who pay the Interest by the sweat of their
brow, and vvho raust pay the principal, by the sweat of
their brow, or transrait tho everlasting burden frora tho
bocks of one generation lo another? Tho sarae people who
boast of being out of debt. What difference, vve would
ask, is there between the debts we owe as citizens of the
United States and citizens of a State ? Must we not
equaUy labour and sweat under their weight ? Must we
not pay them at once, or we and our posterity pay them
ten times over in interest ? Unquestionably. Yet for
all this, faster, ton times faster, arc fhe legislatures of the
states plunging the people over head and ears in debt,
than fhe Federal Government is relieving fhem from
their burdens. There is not a legislative session held in
any state of the Union in which some new debt is not
contracted, some new weight laid on the backs of the
people and their posterity. The latter unhappily can

304 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
say nothing ogainst oil this ; but we wiU tell the former,
that if they do not say soiuefliing to fhe purpose, ond soy
it soon, never poor oss, not even the ass of all asses, old
England, was so laden with wealth, flie burden of which
he bears without sharing in the spoils, os will bo fhe la
bouring classes of fhis country. Instead of leaving free
dom and corapefency to their posterity, they will leave
thera nothing but their debts to pay, and receive in re
turn nothing but curses.
But the debts created by loans for public improveraents
and pledges of state credit, are not the only blessings to
be conferred on posterity, There are in the United
Stafes upwards of six hundred Banks at fhis moment
with an issue of paper probably amounting to two hundred
millions of paper money. Who pays the piper for this
mode of dancing? Who pays the expenses of banking
houses, salaries of officers and other contingencies ? Who
paid a million and a half for fhe marble palace in which
the great paper Mammon is worshipped in Philadelphia ?
And who will he obliged to pay aU these through all time
to come, so long as they exist and crush us to fhe earth ?
The people ; the labouring classes of fhe United States,
and their foredoomed posterity.
Let us go on. Who has paid the penalty of all the
millions which the failure of hundreds of paper banks left
unredeeracd ? The people ; the labouring classes of these
United States. And who is now actually responsible
for the two hundred millions of paper money now circula
ting in every house, and frora hand to hand in every nook
<ind corner of the land ? Out of whoso pockets, out of
the sweat of whose brow, come the dividends of those
banks ; and whence will be derived fhe means of re
deeming these two hundred millions, if they are ever
redeemed ? From the pockets of tho people ; frora the
sweat of the labouring classes. And who will pay both

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 305
interest and principal of these enorraous issues of paper
monej', resting on paper promises ? We answer again,
the labouring classes of the United Stafes. If fhis pa
per is ever redeemed it must bo by fhe profits of these
institutions squeezed out of Ihe People ; and if it is not,
the some People raust pay the penalty, by losing tho
whole amount in circulation. It will die on their hands.
Thus it will be seen, as clear as flie light of day, fhat
the.se two hundred mUlions of paper raoney operate os
actual debts on fhe People of the United States. They
pay the interest, and ihey must redeem the principal, if
it is ever redeemed. Happy people ! to be so out of
debt, and thrice happy posterity to inherit so many bless
ings !

EDWARD LIVINGSTON.
[From the Evening Posi, June 23, 1835.]
The Constitution has at length arrived. We bid Mr.
Livingston welcome back to that country, whose honour
he has shown hiraself so ready and so able to maintain
abroad. The attention of fhis community has been
-earnestly fixed upon Mr. Livingston through the whole
course of the difficult and unpleasant controversy with
France ; and the regard before entertained for him, os a
worthy son of New-York, as a man whose distinguished
talents had always been exerted fo advance fhe great
principles of democratic governraent, and whose whole
life Indeed had been passed In fhe discharge of various
important public trusts, has been increased and strength
ened by fhe firm yet moderate, and dignified yet concilia.
tory manner in which he has conducted himself through
the responsible and delicate circurastances in which ho
hds been placed. 25*

306 ¦ POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
Mr. Livingston seems truly to have adopted, aa hiS
rule of action, the noble sentiment of General Jackson,
to ask nothing that is not clearly right, and submit to
nothing that is wrong. He seems to have borne con
stantly in mind, too, that he was the representative of
his country, and to have merged, on raore than one
irritating occasion, the feelings ofthe man in those which
were proper to the nation. We have hence beheld him
acting with the most temperate and lofty forbearance, in
circumstances which were calculated fo stir ordinary
minds to violence, and by which there ore few men, even
of deliberate judgment, who would not have been urged
into sorae hasty measure or expression of asperity. But
Mr. Livingston kept his eyes steadily fixed on fhe real
interest and dignity of his countiy, deterrained not to
sacrifice, under fhe inffuoiice of any private motive, or by
yielding to any natural suggestion of personal resent
ment, fhe slightest portion of fhat weight which the
American cou.se possesses, os well by the moderation and
calmness with which it has been urged through every
stage ofthe protracted negotiation, as by the Intrinsic
justice ofthe original claim.
We are sure that we but speak the universal senti-
ment of the democracy of fhis communily and of the
country, when we express the warmest approbation of
the course pursued by Mr. Livingston, while the minister
ofthe American Government in France. lie may rest
assured that his countryraen have fully appreciated the
erabarrassing circumstances In whicli he has been placed ;
that fhey have keenly felt fhe sa icasms and contu
melious expressions which were aimed at him ; and have
admired the eqvianimify wilh which he withstood fhe petty
malice of gasconading assuflants, whoso dearest object
would have been achieved, could tbey have disturbed
that evenness and dignify which made their own velie-

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 307
inencc and bravado so contcmplible in the sight of na.
tions. "
That the sentiments wc have here expressed aro enter
tained by the domocruoy of this motropolis we havo good
reason to kiif)\v, and siiitobh^ lucasuioa wore already on
foot, before tho Constitution orrivcd, fo testify to Mr.
Livingston, in an unequivocal manner, the respect and
entire approbation vvhich his conduct abroad hos creoted.
New-York, though the commercial centre of this great
empire, and having consequently a deep stoke in the
preservofion of amity with foreign nations, will be prompt
to support the odmiiiisfration in anj' step proper to assert
the honour of the country. New-York insists upon a
strict, unconditional fulfilment of the French treaty, at
all hazards, and will never consent that the Republic
shall be degraded, through its Chief Magistrate, by yield.
ing any explanations in compliance with fhe Insolent de
mand of France.
The elevated and firm, yet calm and assuosive conduct
of Mr. Livingston at the French Court, with whatever
satisfaction it has been viewed by our fellow-citizens,
yet adds but one claim to the many he before possessed
on their liveliest regard. A native of the Erapire State ;
a man whose talents, from an early period of his life for
a long series of years, were constantly exerted to proraote
the best interest of fhis community ; who has served it,
and served it faithfully, in various official capacities ;
who has presided over this metropolis as its chief magis
trate, and represented it in Congress : such a man, re-
turning to his birth-place from a foreign mission, which
has been enibnrra.s.sod with unusual dillicultioa, and con
ducted with unusual ability and dignity, has an irresisti
ble title to fhe most cordial reception.
Tho names of few mon are recorded in our history
whose lives have been of morc real service to the re-

308 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
public than fhat of Mr. Livingston. Identified from his
youth upward wifli the party which professes the politi
cal ])rinciples of Jefferson, the whole tenor of his public
conduct has been to illustrato and advance those princi
ples. Early selected fo represent fhis city in Congress,
he was one of the sturdiest and ablest advocates of fhe
doctrine of democratic equality, at a time when the oppo-
site opinions were upheld by fhe most formidable array
of talent which bos ever contended, in this countiy, under
the banner of aristocracy. The looming of Mr. Livings
ton, the force of his eloquence, and the comprehensive
reach and unanswerable cogency of his writings, did
much to accomplish the ultimate triumph of democratic
principles, a result so auspicious to the cause of equal
freedom. His patriotic efforts did not stop here ; but in
the legislature of his adopted state, and in the celebrated
" Code," for which she is indebted to the vast erudition,
vigorous intellect, sound judgment, and fervent patriot
ism of fhat distinguished man, he still exerted all his pow
ers to promote the hajipiness of his countrymen and erect
a strong foundation for their lights. In consonance
with his whole career has been the course of Mr. Livings
ton as fhe diplomatic representative of his Government
in France. After experiencing the conf uinelies of inso
lent Frenchmen for calmly but strenuously asserting the
rights and honour of his country, he is once more among
us, on that soil where he drew his first breath, and araong
that people for whom he exerted his eorliest efforts. It
is for his countrymen to say what shall be hia reception.

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 309

TIIE O'CONNF.LL GUARDS.
[From the Evening Post, June 25, 1835.]
The Incendiary papers continue their efforts to Inflame
the minds of such native citizens aa they can Influence
against our citizens of Irish birth :
" The O'Connell Guards. — No greater insult waa
ever offered fhe Araerican People than the arrangeraents
now being made for raising in this city an Irish regiraent
to bc called the ' O'Connell Guards.' Such a corps
would soon atterapt fo enforce with the bayonet what too
many of the misguided and ignorant of the foreign voters
already boast of — the complete subjection of fhe Native
¦citizens to their dictation. AVe know Governor Marcy
too well to believe it possible that he will sanction such
an outrage upon society, notwithstanding its being got
up under the auspices of that creature Cambreleng and
his aasoclates ; and trust this infamous proceeding is des
tined to recoil upon the unprincipled Party which origin
ated if."
Tho first observation wc havo to make is to repeat, in
tho raost earnest manner, the hope we hove heretoforo
expressed thaf our fellow-citizens of Irish birth will con
tinue to exhibit. In the trying circurastances in which
they are placed, that raoderafion and forbearance which
distinguished their conduct when fhey were raade the
object of raob assaults in tho spring of 1834, and which
has no less distinguished fhem in the recent disorders.
Could fhey bc excited, by the inflammatory paragraphs
of those prints which are endeavouring to array the com-

310 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
munity against theni, to comrait ony oct of violence — to
becorae the aggressors in any tumultuary movement — a
leading object of their unprincipled opponents would be
accomplished ; and that single retaliatory act would be
used against them with all the zeal and industry of the
most bitter political hatred. Should fhey continue, on
the other hand, to rely upon the civil authorities for pro
tection in their rights, the inflammalory arts of their op
ponents must react upon themselves. It Is not possible
that any considerable nuraber of citizens can long be
misled by the wicked efforts of those unprincipled news
papers which, by the most unfounded calumnies, and the
most inflamraatory appeals lo the worst passions of their
readers, have provoked this teraporary ebullition of pop.
ular feeling against the Irish.
With regard to the pretended " insult offered to the
American people" in the proposition to raise a regiment
under the title ofthe O'Connell Guards, let any American
citizen, of whatever lineage, examine the subject dis
passionately for a momont, and he will plainly see that
the only insult offered to the community lies in the con
duct of fhe prints which have opposed the formation of
this regiment, not in that of the authors of the undertak
ing. Our institutions must be frail or rotten indeed, if
they stand in any danger from a militia regiraent corn-
posed of citizens, no raafter from what countiy fhey may
have sprung. A truly intelligent mind cau entertain no
apprehensions of any undue or untoward influence be.
ing exercised in this country by those who have come
araong us from foreign nations. Emigrants from every
quarter ofthe globe, landing upon our shores, are assimi
lated by the principles of liberty, and form a part of one
harraonious people, all equally interested in the preserva
tion of those institutions, which, like the dews of heaven,
shed equal benefits upon all. If it Is a qualify inherent

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 811
in the very nature of a free government thus to Incline
all hearts in ifs favour, with what double cordiality ond de-
votedness must fhe Irish emigrant feel enlisted in its
support, with whom a love for liberty hos been the main
principle of action from the crodle, and fo escape from
political oppmssion his Role motivo in abandoning the
land of lii.s birth, and making this the land of his adop
tion. The bayonets of Irish citizens will never bc raised
against the breasts of native Americans, unless, indeed,
pohfioal fiiuiillrisiii and pcr-^'oiilion — shall hove recourso
to arms to cllrrt their iinhallowod purposes, and render
an armed dofoncc noccs.sarj'.
It will be well for our citizens, when tbey read fhe ar
ticles inlonded to excite in their minds feelings of jea
lousy and unkindness towards the Irish, to remember that
there is no portion of our society more devotedly attach
ed fo fhe principles of human liberty than those ogainst
whom it is now sought to direct popular hostility. In
deed, the true and only motive of these attempts lies in
this very circumstance. Had a majority of the Irish
citizens supported the United Stales Bank in its auda
cious war upon the Government and the rights of flie peo
ple, fhe minions of the Bank, the purchased slaves who
conduct the Courier and the Star, would never have
sought to stir up the popular enmity against thera, and
make fhem tho victims of riot and violence.
That Mr. Cambrelong has had any fliing to do, direct
ly or indirectly, with fhe proposed regiraent of O'Connell
Guards, is wholly untrue — a malicious fabrication of a
print destitute of the principio of truth and of every sen.
timont of honour. If it wore otherwise, however, we do
not know that bo would bo ])articubuly obnoxious fo cen
sure ; for wo have not forgotton thai a rogimont of Irish
citizens, under fhe title of " the Irish Groen.s," long exist.
ed in this city, were noted for the exccUcncc of their dis-

312 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
cipline, and the propriety of their conduct, and when the
war with Great Britain broke out, volunteered their ser
vices fo go upon the frontier, and demeaned themselves
with the most distinguished gallantry, and the most ar
dent devotion to the best interests of their adopted coun
try.

A COLLECTION

POLITICAL AVRITINGS

WILLIAM LEGGETT,

SELECTED AND ARRANGED,
WIT II A PREFACE, Br
THEODORE SEDGAVICK. Jr.

IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.

N E W - V O R K :
TAYLOR & DODD.
I 840.

Entered, according to Act of Congrcsa, in the year 1839,
BY W. w. BRYANT,
In the Clerk's Office for tho Southern District of New-York,

H. LnDWlO, PRlHTKRi
72, Vesey-»trcet, N. Y.

A COLLECTION

POLITICAL WRITINGS

WILLIAM LEGGETT.

CHIEF JUSTICE MARSHALL.
[From ihe Evening Post, July 28, 1835.]
We perceive with pleasure that public and spontane.
ous demonstrations of respect for the character and talents
of flic late .Judge Marshall have taken place In every
port of the country whore the tidings of his death have
been received. These tributes to the meraory of departed
exceUence have a raost salutary effect on the living ; and
few men have existed in our republic who so entirely de.
served to be thus distinguished as examples, by a uni
versal expression of sorrow at their death, os he whose
loss the nation now laments. Possessed of a vast heredi-
tary fortune, he had none of the foolish ostentation or
arrogance which are the usual coraponions of wealth.
Occupying an office too potent — lifted too high above
the influence of popular wfll — there was no raan who
in his private intercourse and habits, exhibited a more

4 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
general and equal regord for flie people. He waa accesi-
blc to men of all degrees, and " famUiar, bnt by no means
vulgar" in his bearing, he was distinguished as much in
the retired walks of life by his unaffected simpUcity and
kindness, as in public by the exercise of his great talents
and acquirements.
Tho death of such a raan, of great wisdom ond worth,
whose whole life has been passed in tht public service,
and whoso history is interwoven with fluit of our country
in some of its brightest and most interesting possogcs,
furnishes a proper occasion for flic expression of general
respect and regret. In these sentiments we most fully
join ; but at the same tirae wo cannot so far lose sight
of those great principles of government which wc con
sider essential to the perraanent prosperity of mon, as to
neglect the occasion offered by the deoth of Judge Mar
shall fo express our satisfaction that the enormous powers
of the Supreme tribunal of tho country will no longer be
exercised by one whose cardinal maxim in politics incul.
cated distrust of popular intelligence and virtue, and
whoso constant object, in the decision of all constitutional
questions, was to strengthen government at the oxpenso
of the people's righis.
Tho hackneyed phrase, dc 7nortuis nil nisi bonum, must
bo of comprehensive meaning indeed, if it is intended
that the grave shall effectually shelter the theoretic opin.
ions and oflicial conduct of men from animadversion, as
well as tho foibles and offences of their private lives. In
thia sense at least vve do not understand the precept, and
if such were its obvious purport we should refuse fo make
it our law. I'araraount coiisideiations seemed to us to
demand that, in recording the death of Judge Marshall,
and joining ouv voice to that of general eulogy on his
clear aud venerable name, we should at the same fimo
record our roofed hostility to the political principles ho

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 5
maintained, and for the advancement of which he was
able to do so much in his great oflice.
Few things havo ever given us more disgust than tho
fawning, hypocritical and unqualified lamentations, which
are poured out by the public press on the demise of any
conspicuous political opponent. Of the raan whom the
day before it denounced in terms of the most unmeasured
bitterness, let him but shuflie off his mortal coil, and the
next day it is loud in undisoriminating, unlimited praise.
We would not have journalists wage their political dissen.
tions over the grave, and pour the ebullitions of party
hostility on the dull cold ear of death. Neither would
we have them stand aloof in dogged silence, refusing fo
join in the tribute to the memory of a great man who had
made his exit from this theatre of perpetual strife, be
cause, while he lived, they were found in the ranks of
his opponents. But If there Is any sincerity in the politi
cal doctrines they profess ; if they are not mere jugglers
in a game of cheafery and fraud ; if they are really con
tending, with their whole heart and soul, in behalf of
certain great principles, the success of which tliey
consider of vital importance to the best interests of,.
man : then not even the death of an opponent — and more
especially of one whose mind was so vigorous and en-
lightened, whose heart wos so benignant, and whose whole
life had been so pure and exeraplary as fhat of Judge
Marshall — not even fhe death of such an opponent, wo
say, should restrain theni frora accompanying their tri.
hute of respect with an expression of dissent from his
political opinions.
There is no journalist who entertained a truer respect
for the virtues of Judge Marshall than ourselves ; there
is none who believed raore fully in the ardour of his pa.
triofisra, or the sincerity of his political faith. But
according to our firm opinion, the articles of hia creed,
1*

O POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
if carried Info practise, would prove destructive of the
great principle of huraan liberty, and compel Uie many
fo yield obedience fo the fow. , The principles of govern
ment ontei-taincd by Marshall were the same os Ihose
l>rofesscd by Haiiiilfon, and not widely different from
those of the elder Adams. That both fliese illustrious
men, as well as MarshaU, were sincere lovers of their
country, and sought to effect, through the means of gov
ernment, the greatest proof icoble araount of human happi
ness and prosperity, we do not enterfoin, we never hove
entertained a doubt. Nor do we doubt that among those
who uphold the divine right of kings, and wish to see a
tified aristocracy and hierarchy established, there are
also very many solely animated by a desire fo have a
government established adequate to self-preservation and
the protection of the people. Yet if one holding a po-
lifical creed of this kind, and who, in the exercise of
high official functions, had done all in his power to
change the character of the government from popular to
monarchical, should be suddenly cut off by death, would
it be unjustifiable in those who deprecated his opinions
to allude to them and their tendency, while paying a just
tribute to his intellectual and moral worth ?
Should General Jackson descend into the grave to
morrow, with what propriety could thoy who denounce
him as a tyrant and usurper join their voices fo swell the
loud note of unmingled eulogium ? They might with
perfect propriety speak of his honesty of purpose, his
bravery and firmness ; but fhey could extend their praise
to oflier topics only by giving the lie to their previous
accusations. If they have been honest in representing
Jiiin OS violating fhe Constitution and trampling on the
laws ; if they really believe fhat he has siezed the sword and
purse, and has done all in his power to change the Govern-
ment info an autocracy; fhe paramount duties of patriot-

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 7
ism, rising superior to the mere suggestions of sympathy,
would seize the death of such a man as an occasion of
adverting to the true character of his principlesof action, .
and of rousing the people from the delusion into which
they had fallen.
Of Judge Marshall's spotless purity of life, of his many
estimable qualltiesof heart, and of the powers of his mind,
we record our hearty tribute of adrairation. But sin
cerely believing fhat fhe principles of democracy are iden
tical with tho principles of human liberty, we cannot
but experience joy that fhe chief place in the supreme
tribunal of the Union will no longer be filled by a man
whose political doctrines led him always to pronounce
such decision of Constitutional questions as was calcula-
ten to strengthen government at the expense of the peo
ple. We lament the death of a good and exemplary man,
but we cannot grieve that the cause of aristocracy has
lost one of its chief supports.

THE ABOLITIONISTS.
[From the Evening Post of August 8, 1835.]
In looking over the English papers received this morn
ing, we were struck with the following remarks in tho
London Courier of fhe 7tli ultirao :
" Our readers wfll undoubtedly recollect that within
these few years societies have existed in London and
lectures have been given for the purpose of attacking
Christianity. A genfleraan known by the narae of Ro
bert Taylor, who, we must charitably suppose, was out
of his senses, took fo himself tho name, we believe, ofthe
Devil's Chaplain, and in that character was accustomed
to address his audience. Some of his followers or friends,
or persons who embraced opinions similar to his, under-

8 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
took to lecture in the provinces on the same subject, and
tho Clergy of the English Church were, in several places,
and on sevurul occasions, both by him and thom, chal
lenged to meet and justify or defend the doctrines fhey
taught. Among aU reasonable people there waa but one
opinion as to the indecency of the proceedings of Messrs.
Taylor and Co., and there was, we believe, but one opin
ion as to the propriety of the conduct of the Clergy, who
took no notice of the challengers and their assertions.
The proper contempt thus exhibited by the Clergy and
the good sense of society, have completely put an end to
these proceedings. The public now never hear of Mr.
Robert Taylor and his friends, and seem not to care what
haa become of thera."
In the above paragraph we have the course pointed
out which ought to have been pursued in this country in
relation to fhe fanatical doctrines and proceedings ofthe
iraraediate abolitionists. It is our firra persuasion, as we
have often had occasion to stofe, that the rapid growth
ond greatly augmented ardour of tho association known
by that name are in a very largo degree oscribablo fo tho
unwise and unjuat measurea taken to suppress it. If they
had been suffered to pour out their zeal unopposed ; if
their wild doctrines had not been noticed, or, if noticed
at all, only with calm and temperate arguments, we feel
satisfied fhat at fhis day fhat sect of political fanatics
would have embraced much fewer persons that it now
numbers, and would have exhibited far less zeal than now
characterises its efforts. All history, all experience sup
ports the opinion we express.
We defy any man fo point to a single instance in
which fanaticism has been turned from its object by per
secution, or in which its ardour has not been inflamed
and Ita strength increased when opposed by arguments of
brute force. On the contrary, history contains many

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. SI
striking coses of fanatical enterprises languishing and
being abandoned, when those engaged in thera were suf
fered to take their own course, without any other hin
derance than such as was necessary to prevent their over
leaping the safeguards of society.
Fanaticism is a species of insanity and requires ana
logous treatment. In regard to both, the soothing sys
tem is proved by its results to be the most effectuol.
The mind slighflj' touched with lunacy, raay soon be ex
asperated into frenzy by opposition, or soon restored to
perfect sanity by gentle and assuaslve raeans. So, too,
the raind, excited to fanaticisra on any particular subject,
religious, political, or philanthropic, is but heated to more
dangerous fervour by violence, when It raight easily be
reduced to the temperature of health by the lenitives
which reason and moderation should apply.
The first groot impulse which the abolition cause re
ceived in this city wos, we are persuoded, the attempt to
suppress it bj' fhe means of mnhs ; and the greatest pro
moters of the abolition doctrines have heen, in our judg
ment, not Thorapson nor Garrison, but the Courier and
Enquirer, the Journal of Comraorcc and the Cotnraercial
Advertiser. AVe do not speak this In a spirit of crimi
nation ; for our desire is to assuage and conciliate, not
to inflame and exasperate. We express the opinion
morc with a view to its influence on future conduct, than
to reprehend that which is post ; and wo do hope that,
in view of fhe pernicious consequences which have flow
ed frora violent measures hitherto, a course more consist
ent with the meekness of Christianity, and with the sa
cred rights of free discussion, will be pursued henceforth.
While we believe, most fully that the abolitionists aro
justly chargeable wilh fanafici.?m, wc consider it worse
than folly to misrepresent their charocter in other res
pects. They are not knaves nor fools, but men of wealth.

10 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
education, respectabUity and inteUigence, misguided on
a single subject, but actuated by a sincere desire to pro
mote the welfare of their kind. This, it will hardly bo
denied, is a true description, of at least a large propor
tion of those termed abolitionists. Is it not apparent on
the face of the matter, that invective, denunciotions,
burnings In effigy, raob violence, ond fhe like proceed
ings, do not constitute the proper mode of chonging the
opinions or conduct of such men ? The true way ia,
either to point out their error by temperate argumenta, or
better afill leove them to discover it theraselves. The
fire, unsupplied with fuel, soon flickers ond goes out,
which stirred and fed, will rise to a fearful conflagration,
and destroy whatever falls within the reach of its fury.
With regard to the outrage lately comraitted in Charles
ton, we do not believe it constitutes any exception to
our remarka. The effecta of all auch proceedlnga must
be to increase the zeal of fanaticisra, which ahvays rises
in proportion to the violence of the opposition it encoun
ters. Sorae of the Charleston papers, we perceived,
spoke of the attack on fhe Post Office as premature, and
thought it ought not to have been made until the result
was received of an application which hod been forwarded
to the General Post Office for relief. Neither the Gen
eral Post Office, nor the General Government itself, pos
sesses any power to prohibit the transportation by moil
of obolltlon tracts. On the contrary it ia the bounden
duty of the Governraent to protect fhe abolitionists in
their constitutional right of free discussion ; and opposed,
sincerely and zealously as we are, to their doctrines and
practise, we should be still raore opposed to any infringe.
ment of their political or civil rights. If the Govern.
raent once begins fo dlscriiniiiofe os to what is orthodox
and what heterodox in opinion, what is safe and what is

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 11
unsafe in its tendency, farewell, a long farewell to our
freedom. The true course to be pursued, in order to protect the
South as far as practicable, and yet not violate the great
principle of equal freedora. Is fo revise fhe post.offico
laws, and establish the rates of postage on a more just
gradation — on some system more equal in its operation
and more consonant with fhe doctrines of economic
science. The pretext under which a large part ofthe
matters sent by mail are now sent free of postage — either
positively or comparatively — is wholly unsound. " To
encourage the diffusion of knowledge " ia a very good
object in itself; but Governraent has no right to extend
this encourageraent to one at the expense of another.
Newspapers, paraphlets, commercial and religious tracts,
and all sorts of printed documents, as well as letters,
ought to pay postage, and all ought to pay it according
to the graduation of some just and equal rule. If such a
systera were once established, raaking fhe postage in all
cases payable In advance, with duplicate postoge on
those letters and papers which should be returned, not
only the flood of abolition paraphlets would be stayed, but
the circulation of a vast deal of harraful trash at the pub
lic expense would be prevented, creating a vacuum
which would naturally be filled with matters of a better
stamp.

12 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF

MR. KENDALL'S LETTER.
[From the Evening Post, August 12, 1835.]
The following letter has been addressed by the Post
Moster General to fhe Post Master at Richmond, en
closing a copy of his letter to the Post Master at Charles.
ton. South Carohna. " Post Office Department,
5th August 1835.
Sir : My views in relation lo the subject of your letter
of the 3d inst. may be leornt from fhe enclosed copy of
a letter to the Post Master at Charleston, S. C, dated
4th Inst. Very respectfully,
Your obt. servant,
AMOS KENDALL.
Edm'd. Anderson,
Ass't. P. M. Richmond, Vo.
Post Office Deportment, J
August 4lh, 1835. \
P. M. Charieston, S. C.
Sir : In your letter of the 29th ult. just received, you
inform me that by the steamboat mail from New-York
your office had been filled wilh pamphlets and tracts
upon slavery : that the public mind was highly excited
upon the subject, that you doubted the safety of the
moil itself out of your possession : that you had deter
mined, as the wisest course, fo detain these papers : and
you now ask instructions from the Deportment.
Upon a careful cxominalion of the law, I oin satisfied
that the Postraastcr General has no legal authority lo
exclude newspapers from Iho moil, nor prohibit their
corrioge or delivery on occount of their character or ten.
dency, real or supposed. Probably it was not thought

WILLIAM LECGKTT. 13
safe to confer on tho head of an cxocutive department
a power over the press, which might be perverted and
abused. "Bull ara not prepared fo direct you fo forward or de-
liver the iiapors of which you spook. The Post Office
De()arliiicnt vvas created to .servo fhe people of each and
all of the United States, and not to be used as the iiistru.
raent of their destruction. None of the papers detained
have been forwarded to rae, and I cannot judge for my.
self of their character ond tendency ; but you inform me
that fhey are, in choiacter, " fhe most inflammatory and
incendiary — and insurrectionary in the highest degree."
By no act, or direction of mine, official or private,
could I be induced to aid, knowingly, in giving circula.
fion fo papers of this description, directly, or indirectly.
We owe on obligation fo fhe lows, but a higher one to
the communities in which we live, and If the former be
perverted fo destroy the latter. It is patriotism to disregard
them. Entertaining these views I cannot sanction, and
will not condemn the step you hove taken.
" Your justification raust be looked for in the character
ofthe papers detained, and fhe circumstances by which
you are surrounded."
In giving place fo the above letter, we cannot refrain
from accorapanying it with on expression of our surprise
and regret fliat Mr. Kendall, in on official coraraunicotion,
should have expres.sed such sentiments as fhis extroordi-
nory letter contains. If, according fo his ideas ofthe du
ties of patriotism, every postmaster, may constitute him
self a judge of the laws, and suspend their operation
whenever, in his supreme discretion, it shall seem proper,
we trust Mr. Kendall may bo permitted to retire from a
post where such opinions have extensive influence, and
enjoy his notions of patriotism in a private station. A
pretty thing it is to be sure, when the head officer of the
Vol. II.— 2

14 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
Poat Oflice establishraent of the United States, ond a
meraber, ex officio, of the Admiiiisfiafioii of flic Ceiicrol
Governmont, while he confosscs in one breath that ho
has no legal power lo |)rovoiit tho carriage or delivery
of any newspaper, whatever be the nature of lis con
tents, declares in the very next, that by no act of his wUl
he aid, directly or indirectly, in circulating publications
of an incendiary and inflammatory character. Who
givea bim a right fo judge of what is incendiary ond
inffammotory ? Was there any reservation of that sort in
his oath of office ?
Mr. Kendall has not met the question presented by
recent occurrences at the South, as boldly and manfully
aa we should have supposed he would. lie haa quailed
in the discharge of his duty. He has truckled to the
domineering pretensions of fhe slaye-liolders. In fhe tre
pidation occasioned by his embarrassing position, he has
loat alght of the noble maxim, fiat justitia ruat cmlum.
The course which, by neither sanctioning nor condemning
the unlawful conduct of the postmaster at Charleston,
he has virtually authorized him and the other postmasters
at tho South lo pursue, is neither more nor less than
practical nullification. It is worse thou Uiot : it is esta
blishing a censorship ofthe press, in its worst possible
form, by aUowing every fwo-peiiiiy po.slmastor through
tho country to bo judge of what specicy of iiitolligoiicu
it is proper to circulate, and what fo withhold from fhe
people. A less evil than this drew forth. In former days,
the Areopagitica from the master mind of Milton ; but
we little dreamed that new orguments in fovour of the
freedora of speech and of the press would ever become
necessary in our country.
We are sorry to say that this letter of Mr. Ke\idall has
materially dlrainished the very high respect we have

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 15
heretofore entertained for him. It shows a deficiency of
courage and indopondenco which we did not expect to
see hira betray.

TIIE POSTMASTER GENERAL.
[From the Evening Post, August 14, 1835.]
AVe publish the communication signed Justice, in re
lation to fhe late extraordinary letter of fhe Post Master
General, because we are friends of free discussion, and
not because wc by any raeans agree with the sentimenta
of the writer. The remarks with vvhich we accompanied
Mr. Kendall's letters were written after more reflection
on the nature and tendency of the views expressed in
that document, that we are fain to believe Mr. Kendall
himself bestowed on the subject on which he expressed
such strange opinions ; for the only extenuation we can
find for that individual is that he wrote in haste, under
the influence of trepidation or excited feeling. We wfll
not suppose that to curry favour with the south was any
part of his motive, for we have too high a respect for his
character willingly to admit the Idea that he would sacri
fice justice for the sake of popularity.
The position assumed by our correspondent that the
Postmaster General was obliged lo choose between two
evils is not tenable. He was not placed between fhe
horns of a dilemma. His duty was single, simple, and
positive, and ought to have been performed openly and
proraptly, without any paltering, shrinking, or evasion.
He was not required fo a.ssent to an interruption either
ofthe whole mail oro part. Iiis rofiisol to permit a
certain portion ofthe contents of fhe moil fo bo culled
out and detained or destioyed, might very possibly, ond
for the soke of the argument we are wiUing to say very

16 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
certainly, lead to fhe forcible inlcrruption of the whole ;
but for this he would be in no diigree accountable, (irovi-
ded all means which the hivv places at bis disposal had
been duly eraployed fo prevent such a result. Suppose
the post raaster at Charleston, or some other place, should
inforra the Post Master General that au organized baud
of robbers, of great numerical strength, had given notice
of their intention, unless certain letters containing money
were delivered up lo thera, lo woyloj' the raofl ond de.
etroy ifs whole contents : here would be " a strange alter.
native presented for Mr. Kendall's prompt selection,"
yet not stronger than the one which has occurred, ond
obviously not to be decided upon different principles.
Would our correspondent justify hira, in such o cose, for
choosing the lesser of two evils, and jiermiftlng fhe mo.
ney-leftors fo bo given up In order to save the rest of tho
mail? The difference between us, on the point in dis
puto, is, that Mr. Kendall was not called upon lo choose
between evfls, but was iraperatively called upon to do his
duty, and, as fiir as priicficablo, to soo that those under
bim dill theirs, l(;aviiig any violations of public law and
order which nught ensue to the investigation and puiiibh-
ment of the proper tribunals.
Our correspondent does not see, as we do, in the doc
trines of Mr. Kendall's letter, a justification of a raost
intolerable species of censoithip ofthe press. Il is true,
the authorizing of every village posfmosfer fo decide what
may, and what may not be circulated, by tho public
mail, through his district of country, does not prevent
any body from printing his .sentiments, on any subject,
just as if there were not fen thousand such self-constitut
ed siqiorvisors of the [ircss. But the publisher of a iiews-
])aper who finds liiinsolf denied the facilities of tho moil
is almost as much intcrJi.;lod frora the circulation of his
opinions, as if he were denied the use of presses or types.

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 17
The mail is tho great means of disseminating publico.
tions in the newspaper or pamphlet forra, and every citi.
zen has an equal right fo its facilities. Not a mail is
carried between any two given points on the whole raap
of our country vvhich does not convey matters to the eir.
culation of which, by theraselves, wc should be sorry to
contribute. Yet the individual who should refuse fo poy
his proportion of tho tax, even supposing it a specific one,
which constituted the means of defraying the post-office
expenses, on the ground of his hostility to fhe principles
avowed in any portion of the publications carried by
mail, would be guilty of nullification in its worst possible
form. Should Congrcsa undertake to discriminate, by law,
between the difibrent kinds of publications which may be
carried by raail, pcrraltting sorae to be circulated through
that raediura on the ground of their being sober and or.
derly, and prohibiting others as violent and inflamma.
tory — should Congress ever assert such powers and exer.
cise such legislation, and the public submit, not merely
wiU our liberties be destroyed, but the very principle of
freedom be extinct within us.
Our post-office system, as we hove before, on different
occasions, admitted, is very bad, and ought fo be amend.
ed. Indeed, we havo expressed fhe opinion, as doubtless
many of our rcodora iTcoUoct — on opinion which event
after event but serves to confirm more and more strongly
— fhat it would have been well for this country if fhe
powel- to establish post-offices and post-routes hod never
been given to the Governraent, but left entirely, os a mat
ter of trade, fo be regulated by the laws of trade — left to
the regulotion of the sarao principles which furnish us
with such admirable facilities for the tronsportation of
our persons and packages from place to ploce, ond would
2*

18 POLITICAL WRITINGS OT
have done no less for us In respect lo our letters, circu
lars, and newspapers.
But as this is a theoretical question, it may be out of
season to discuss it in tho present connexion. Yet, in
the reformation of the post-office deparfraent, it would be
well fo conform it as nearly os possible fo free-trade prin
ciples. Tho tax of postage, like all other taxes, ought to
fall equally on the comraunilj' ; not aa now, fhe seaboard
be made fo pay for fhe interior, and letter-writers for fhe
carriage of newspapers, handbills and pamphlets.
With these hasty remarks, we submit the views of our
correspondent fo our readers. Though we ourselves feel
constrained to take ground against the sentiraents of
Mr. Kendall's episfle, our correspondent raay console
himself wilh the assurance that our example is not likely
to be extensively imitated. The opposition papers iu
this quarter ore too anxious fo conciliate fhe good will of
the South, and turn the slave question into a weapon
against their political adversaries, fo find ony fault with
views which will be so highly relished as those of Mr.
Kendall In the slave slates. On our side, equaUy timid
and disingenuous sentiments wiU prevaU. The Times
dare not speak ouf for itself on the present, or any other
question requiring fhe least boldness of character ; and
the Albany Argus which came to hand this morning is
profuse in expressions of admiration of " the prompt,
liberal and just reply ofthe Poslniostor General," consid
ering his view of Ihe subject as " fhe only one that could
be token,'' ond avowing the utraost confidence thaf such
will be " the general opinion.'' Tray, Blanche and
Sweetheart, and fhe whole pack, will ycl]) responsive to
the bark of tbe leading hound, and a din will instantly
be raised in eulogy of the Postmaster General more than
sufficient fo drown our feeble voice.

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 19

TWO-PENNY POSTMASTERS.
[From the Evening Posi, August 15, 1835.]
AVe give below tho corrosiiondoncc of one ofthe " two
penny postraasters " who think with Mr. Kendall, that
they owe a higher obligation to the coraraunity in which
they live than lo the laws ; or, in other words, that if is of
raore consequence fo play araiable to fhe south and
truckle fo its arrogant prctension.s, than fo obey thoir oath
of office and perforra fhe solemn duties of their station.
AVe raoy expect lo see many patriots now, in quarters
which have not been suspected of abounding with patri
otism ; since, according to fhe doctrines ofthe Postmaster
Genera], all fhat is required to constitute one a Sydney
or o Hampden is to nullify the laws.
We were aware that nullification never had any terrors
for Mr. Gouverneur, and he has raade this obvious
enough now bj' the extraordinary eagerness he has raan
ifested to play fhe nullifier and foist hiraself before the
community in that character. We cannot, of course,
suspect so pure a man of any intention in fhis raatter of
creating a southern interest In his favour, and of obtain-
ing southern influence to strengthen the feeble tenure by
which ho is said to hold bis office. He is quite disinle.
rested in the course, no doubt! He pursues it solely be.
cause it Is pointed out by duty ; because it Is Incurabent
on patriotism fo disobey fhe lows. We raust pause here,
lest Mr. Gouverneur's patriotisra should next object to
our own journal, and cause him fo take fhe responsibility
of refusing fo forward it by moil. Should he do so, how-
ever, we proraise fo bring his patriotisra to fhe touchstone
ofthe lows, ond give hira on opportunity of ascertaining
whether a New-York jury approve this new species of
nuflification, which erects every hot-headed and intern-

20 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
perate postraastcr into a Censor of the Press, and autho
rises him to decide what newspapers may be circulated
and what not.
With these remarks we subiiiit the correspondonco
referred to.
POST OFFICE COREESPONDBNCE.
Copy of a letter addressed to the President and Direc
tors of the American Aiifi-Slavory Society, by S. L.
Gouverneur. "Gentleraen — I have received a letter frora fhe Post
master at Charleston, of which the enclosed is a copy.
I have transraitted another fo the Postmaster General.
" Entertaining full confidence that you will duly appre.
ciote ray sincere desire to reconcile a just discharge of
my official duties with all the delicate considerations
which are in the cose presented to me, I have respectfully
to projiosc to you that the transmission of the pajiers re
ferred to be suspended, until the views of the Postmaster
General shall have been received.
" With great respect, &c.
(Signed,) "SAM'L. L. GOUVERNEUR."

" Sam'l. L. Gouverneur, Esq.
" Sir — Your communication addressed fo ' fhe President
and Directors of the American Anti-Slavery Society,'
has been handed me by Mr. Bates, and shall bc laid be.
fore the Executive Comraitfee.
" I am, respectfully,
"Your obedient servant,
"ARTHUR TAPPAN,
"President A. A. S. Society."
" New-York, Aug. 7, 1835."

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 21

"Anti-Slavery Office, >
New-York, 8tli Aug. 1835. ]
" Sam'l. L. Gouverneur, Esq. P. M. New-York.
" Dear Sir — Your favour of yesterday, covering a letter
from the Postmaster of Charleston, in regard to the recent
violation of the United States moil in that place, and
proposing to us to suspend the transmission of our publi
cations until fhe views ofthe Post Master General shall
be received, has boen laid before fhe E.xecufive Comrait
fee of the American Anti-Slavery Society, and I am in
structed, vory respectfully, to transmit to you fhe follow.
Ing reply, viz :
" ' Resolved, That while we ore desirous fo relieve pub.
lie officers frora any unnecessory difficulties and respon.
aibilities, we cannot consent to surrender any of the rights
or privileges, which we possess in comraon with our fel.
low-citizens, in regard fo the use of the United Stated
moil.' " With much respect, your obedient servonf,
•'E. WRIGHT, Jr.
" Sec. Dom. Car. Am. A. S. Society."

"To fhe President and Directors ofthe American Anti-
Slavery Society.
" Gentlemen — I hove fhe honour fo acknowledge fhe re.
ceipt of your letter of yesterday, covering a copy of a
resolution of certain persons described as ' fhe Executive
Coramittee ofthe American Anti-Slavery Society.'
" Early on the raorning of fhe 7tli inst., I addressed a
coraraunication fo you, enclosing o copy of one which I
received frora the Postraastcr at Charleston. Rcferiing
you to the peculiarly delicate considerations which were
involved in the case he presented, I respectfully propos
ed lo you lo suspend tho transmission of your papers

23 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
uptll the views of the Postmaster General, before whom
the whole subject has been laid, could be received. This
communieofion having been delivered fo you by Mr.
Bates, Assistant Postmaster, I received a verbal assur
ance that you would cheerfully coraply with the proposi
tion I had made. In full assurance that this proposition
would not be changed, I gave the necessary instructions
to separate fhe papers referred to, in making up the mail
for fhat portion of the country, and retain Ihem at fhis
office. The resolution fo which I hove referred, gave mo
the first intimation ofthe change of your views; and
was received at this office about the time of closing Iho
mail. It was, therefore, loo late in fact, to cause a dif
ferent disposition to be made of fliese papers. They
were accordingly retained here in pursuance ofthe origi
nal understanding with you, nor will they be tranamitled
by mail until the instructions of the Postmaster General
shall have been received.
" Having thus placed you in possesalon of the facta, I
beg leave to refer more distinctly to the resolution of your
coraraittee. My views have been much mistaken, if it ia
intended to imply that I required relief at your handa
from 'any difficulty or resiionsibilily,' whatever, os 'a
public officer.' Had you declined, in the first instance,
the proposition I had offered, my determination would
have been prorapfly announced to you. Placed as I was,
in a peculiarly delicate position ; appealed to by an offi
cer ofthe same department at a distance, to lend ray aid
in preserving the public peace — securing the safe frona.
mission of tho important contents of that valuable branch
ofthe mail department — and arresting a course of oxcilo-
ment which could not fail lo lead to the most disastrous
results, I should not hove hesifofed to adopt thot course
which, in my judgment the highest obligations imposed,
had it even demanded in some degree a teraporary < aur-

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 23
render of the rights and privfleges ' you^claira to possess.
While raanifosting so openly your benevolence lo the
colored people, I thought I hod a right fo claira some
portion of your sj'mpothies for fhe white population of
that section of country — the peculiar situation of vvhich
3Ir. Huger so fully described. I would respectfully ask,
gentlemen, what injury could result from a momentary
suspension of your efforts, compared with that which
raight hove occurred, had they been pushed at all haz
ards 1
" I entertain for you, and all your rights, every senti
ment of respect which is due, and I deeply regret that a
departure from the original understanding, vvhich promis
ed to prevent all exciteraent and collision, has compelled
me to express myself so fully. I have reflected deeply
on the subject. The lows vvhich secure to you the rights
you claira, also impose fhe penalties on those who in.
fringe thera. I shall assurae the responsibflity in the
case you have raade with me, and to the law and ray
superiors wUl hold myself accountable.
"AVith greot respect, &c. &c.
"SAM'L. L. GOUVERNEUR-"
« New- York, Aug. 9,1835."
AVe trust no one wiU do this journal the gross injustice
to construe the censure wo have token leave to express
of the cxtroordinory and disorganising sentiments of the
Postmaster General, or of the unlawful conduct of Mr,
Gouverneur, as an approval, in the slightest degree, of
the course pursued by tho Abolition Association. We
consider fhe fanatical obstinacy of fhat Association, in
persevering to circulate their publications in the southern
atates, contrary to the unaniraous sentiment of the white
population, ond ot the obvious risk of stirring up insur
rections, which, once comraenced, no one can teU where

24 POLITICALWHITINGSOF
they wiU end, as reprehensible to a degree for which lan.
guage has no terras of adequate censure. Wc have ex.
pressed ourselves fully and frequently on this subject ;
and if any reraonstrances which we hove the power to
frame, or any appeals we could make to the reason or
humanity of the abolitionists, could avail to restrain
thera from prosecuting their designs in the mode which
has already led to so much excitement, and vvhich threat.
ens speedily fo lead fo consequences far more deplorable,
our readers raay be assured fhey should not be withheld.
But whfle we deprecate, as earnestly and sincerely aa
any person can, in the north or south, fhe conduct of the
abolitionists, we deprecate not less aU unlawful und tu-
mulluary raeans of preventing or counteracting their ef.
forts. We were taught long ago, hy the sage precept of
Jefferson, that " error may be safely tolerated, where
reason is left free to combat it ; " and the truth of this
maxim has been illustrated by a thousand notorious in
stances, under our free and tolerant institutions. We
believe ifs orthodoxy would have borne the fest of this ex
citing abolition question, and that if the tenets ond con
duct of the Anti-Slavery Association had been met only
in a teraperate and reasoning spirit, all that is really
dangerous in them, all that the soutli has any right to com
plain of, would long since have boon given up. AVe be
lieve that fanaticism might have boon subdiiod by sound
calra argument, whfle it has only been inflamed f o greater
desperation and extravagance by fhe violent assaults it
has encountered. We believe it might have been van
quished by Ifhuriel's spear, while Anta3us-like, it haa
gained new strength frora every blow of the herculean
club — fhe raob weapon which seeras to be fast superced
ing the assuosive exercise of truth and reason.
But whether we ore right or wrong in these opinions,
we hold fast, nevertheless, to the inviolability of the law,

W I L L I A M L E O G K T T . M
and exert our voice vvith all possiblo earnestness against
the strange principle and practice of the day, that a
more rainisterial servant of the public has power fo say
when the law shall be executed and when set at nought.
If the abolitionists cannot be restrained by reasoning and
constitutional low, let them not be restrained by any other
weapon. The liberty of speech and of the press are the
raain pillars in the great fabric of political liberty, and If
they ore shaken, the whole structure, reared at such cost,
and guarded with such sleepless vigilance, will fumble to
the dust. Can they be raore directly assailed than by
the recognition of a principle which puts it at fhe discre
tion of every rash and intriguing postraaster — .
to say what printed matter shall be circulated ond
what committed to fhe flames ? We trust tha laws con
cerning the Post Office may undergo early and very ex
tensive reforraation — a reformation which wfll throw
pecuniary difficulties in the woy ofthe grotuitous circula
tion of all sorts of political, philanthropical, and sectarian
trash. But while they remain as fhey now are, it is as
great an outrage against the equal rights of man, and as
audacious an Interference with the freedom of the press,
to intercept and destroy the pamphlets ofthe abolitionists,
as it would be those of the colonizationists, or any other
association, or individual, of whatever sect, party, or
name. We do not like the tone in vvhich our southern bre
thren speak of raatters connected with abolition. There
is a great deal, too much of the Ercles' vein in it. They
ore quite too much disposed to threaten ; ond should the
north rofaliato in flic same braggart style, ill blood raight
be stirrod botwoen us. There is one thing, wc, for a sin
gle journal, with all duo amenity of disposition, but in-
flexible firmness of temper, shall take leave to assure
Vol. IL— 3

26 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
our feUow-citizens south of Mason aud Dixon's line ;
namely, that we shall not permit our right to discuss the
question of slavery, or any other (luestion under heaven,
to be denied. Point ua the section or clause in the arti
cles of eonfederalion, or the obligation in any form or
any place, which prohibits us from expressing our free
opinions on that subject or any subject, and you may
prevail upon us fo bo silent ; but by threats of disunion
you never can. This ultima ratio of dissolving the fede
ral compact has got to be as familiar in the mouths of
the southerners as household words. It is held up as a
bugbear at everj' turn. Dissolve the Union, in welcome,
if the only tie to hold it together must be wrought out of
the sacred right of free discussion— if we must raix the
cement with the very heart's blood of freedora. Dissolve
the Union I and pray what would the south gain by that t
Would that put an end to discussion ? Would fhat pre
vent raen frorn speaking their thoughts on the subject of
slavery ? Would that put afar off the evil day which
the south is but hastening, with fearfiil rapidity, by the
very raethod — the ill-judged, fatal method^-which it
takes to retard it ?
We are as much opposed as the Richmond Enquirer,
whose menacing language has somewhat raoved us frora
our propriety, to such a discussion of fhe slave question
aa can at all interfere wilh the real prosperity of the
south. We are wholly, strongly, inveferately opposed to
the discussion of it in the raode adopted by the abolition.
ists, and deplore that fanatical course of conduct which
instead of bettering the condition of the slaves, necessa
rily subjects them to stricter vigilance and more severity
of discipline, which fills the bosoms ofthe white popula
tion with anxiety and alarra, which excites in their
minds tbe most unfriendly feelings fowarda their brethren
of the north, and fhe fruit of which eventually must bc

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 27
insurrection, murder, and the shedding of blood like wa
ter. Wc need not repeat fliat we aro opposed wholly,
warraly, to this course of discussion. Nay wo have
yielded, and might continue to yield we know not how
much longer, to the nervous foars of tho south, and totally
pretermit the discussion of the slave question in every
form and raanner, if this were asked of us as a raatter of
concession, and not deraanded, with accompanying
threats, as a right. But it is one thing to remain silent
through compassion and brotherly concern, and another
to be rudely and authoritatively hushed by a vaunting
command. But however displeasing the tone ofthe south is to us,
ifs vapouring is a matter utterly insignificant corapared
with the theoretical violation by Mr. Kendall, and the
practical violation by Mr. Gouverneur, of the equal
rights of all citizens to disseminate tlieir opinions through
the tnafl. This outrage upon tbe principles of freedom,
under the pretence of patriotism (fine patriotism, with a
vengeonce !) is one of a raost startling character. The
act ofthe New-York postraaster would give us little con
cern were it not authorised by the avowed principles of
his superior. As it is, where is this course of proceeding
to stop ? AVhose rights are safe ? We are all ot the
mercy of an army of postraasters, and raust satisfy the
discretion, of their high mightinesses that we raean no
treason, before our opinions can have passage free.
Thoy stop the abolition journals to-day : who will Insure
us that they will not stop ours to-raorrow ? Newspapers
are the present object of iraperial interdiction : who shall
answer that the sanctity of letters will not next be vio
lated, their contents inspected, and their secrets be
trayed ?
If the strange and starfling doctrines we have heard
promulgated within the past week are to prevail, we shall

28 POLITICAL WRITHIGBOP
wish that Mr. Barry, with all his reraissness, pliancy,
and inattention, were again at the head ofthe Post-office,
in the place of a man who considers it patriotism to dis-
obey the lawa.

TIIE EVENING POST AND MR. VAN BUREN.
[From the Evening Post of August 20, 1835.]
The Richmond AA'^hig lakea some notice of the re.
marks raade by this journal on tho leller of the Post
master General, and adds : " Now we are anxious to
know if In this matter, the Post, which we understand to
be the city organ of Mr. Van Buren, expresses his senti
ments?" We shaU fake fhe pains fo answer fhe Rich.
mond Whig fully and candidly, and trust to fhe sense of
honour and justice of fhat print to give a conspicuous in
sertion lo our reply.
The Evening Post is not the organ of Mr. Van Buren,
or of any other man or set of .raen whatever, save and ex
cept ifs editors, who ore olso its proprietors, and who
conduct their journal with exclusive reference to their
own sense of right and expediency.
They ore in no private cominunicotioii wilh Mr. Van
Buren, directly or indirectly ; they know his sentiraents
only through public channels ; and their attachment fo
him is altogether political, and founded on Iheir sincere
estimate of Mr. Van Buren's public services and private
virtues — their knowledge of his private virtues being an
unavoidable inference from the fact, that the virulence of
on opposition which does not hesitate to invade the do,
mestic sanctuary, and even violate the grave, has found
nothing in his private character to reprehend.
Mr. Van Buren has no raore lo do with die contents

WILLIAM LEGGETT 29
ofthe Evening Post than has the editor of the Richmond
AVIiig ; and he can answer for himself how much that Is.
Nay more, an article from Mr. Von Buren's pen, if
offered for insertion to-morrow, would bo judged of on
precisely the some rules that govern in relation to all
communications, ond would be accepted or rejected with
single reference to its sentiments aud style, just as
would be done in reference lo an anonymous contribu
tion. What Mr. Van Buren's sentiments are in regard to
Mr. Kendall's letter we do not know ; but we have con.
fidence from what vve do know of Mr. Van Buren's senti.
raents, thaf he cannot approve the disorganizing doctrines
of that letter.
AVhot Mr. Von Buren's sentiraents ore on fhe subject
of state rights in regard to negro slavery the Riohraond
AVhig raay eosUy osccrfoin from public and outhentie
sources ; and what they ore in regard to the expediency
of obolishing slavery in flic District of Colurabia, is
equally ascertainable frora sources as public and well au
thenticated. Finally, there is araple ground for fhe assertion, and
not any for a denial of It, fhat Mr. Van Buren has no
connexion. In any way or shape, with the doctrines or
raoveraents of the abolitionists, and thot the atterapt, on
the port of certain prints, to connect him with them is a
base party trick, justifiable only according to fhe tenets
of fhat school of raorals which affirms fhat "all is fair in
politics." 3*

30 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF

MR. VAN BUREN AND SLAVERY.
[Fro7n ihe Evening Posi, Augitst, 22, 1835.]
Tiiu Richmond Whig of tho ninctoontb instant, com-
mencea an article in relation fo certain opinions ex
pressed bj' this paper, by saying : " Mr. Von Buren's
organ in fhe city of New-York raost acrimoniously cen
sures Messrs. Kendall, Postraaster General, and Gouver
neur, Postmaster of the city of New-York, for their respec-
tive letters." In fhis sentence our readers raay aee the
progress of error. Falsehood seeras fo possess an inhe
rent, self-propelling power, and Ifs tendency is always to
move forward. Thus what one day the Richmond Whig
puts forth conjecf uroUy, as supposition, or matter of in
ference, is next day boldly asserted as matter of posilive
knowledge. On the ISth il understood this journal lo be
an organ of Mr. Van Buren, and on the 19th, without
any intermediate corroboration of its opinion, surmise
had grown into estabUshed fact. We are sorry that the
Richmond Whig Is thus increosing the difficult j- of cor
recting its unfounded stofement.
The object of connecting this journal, in icspcci lolls
opinions touching the question of slavery, wilh Mr. Von
Buren, is collaterally fo injure that individual by imputing
to hira sentiments unfriendly to southern rights and in
terests. We must beg of the Richmond Whig, however,
injustice lo both ourselves and Mr. Van Buren, not fo
consider us as his raouthpiece, since no iraputation can
be more unjust, nor fo censure him for our opinions, since
he never has the least knowledge of thom except through
the same medium that convoys fhem fo the Richmond
Whig, namely, flio columns of this newspaper.
The Richmond Whig knows perfectly well thot fhe
paragraphs which it has quoted from fhis paper, if might

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 31
hove taken from fhe Albany Evening Journal, info which
they were iminediofoly copied with expressions of entire
concurronoe ill the .'cntimonts thoy express, and with on
accorapanying article as strongly rcprohonding tho course
of Amos Kendall as did our own. But if fhe Richraond
AVhig had quoted from fhe Albany Evening Journal, it
could not have called it " Mr. Van Buren's organ ;" since
it Is notorious that there is not a print in the United
Stafes — not excepting oven fhe Richmond Whig — more
bitter against Mr. Van Buren than tbe paper in question.
Yet, if a few prints, including some in favour of Mr.
Van Buren and others opposed to him, concur in express
ing objections to Mr. Kendall's sentiments, and he great
majority of prints, without reference to their preferences
or prejudices on the question of fhe Presidencj', agree in
approval, either explicit or tacit, of those sentiments,
how can the Richmond Whig reconcile if fo its sense of
what honour requires, os well in politlcol worfiire as In a
contest of any other nature, lo single out a particular
paper, and by terming it an organ of Mr. Von Buren,
disingenuously atterapt to fasten upon him opinions with
which he has no more connexion than fhe Richmond
AVhig itself?
Let Mr. Van Buren stand or fall by his own merits.
Do not sock to destroy bim by imputing fo hira opinions
with wluch bc has nothing to do. .Judge of hira by his
own acts and sentiments, ond if these do not conderan
him, attempt not to bolster up o bod cause by resorting to
a species of political forgery.
It was modestly intimated In the Letter of Mr. Van
Buren, accepting the nomination tendered him by fhe
Baltimore Convention, that he owed his selection more to
his being pointed out to tho democracy by the persever
ing ottocks of his enemies, than to any positive merif of
his own. The merits of Mr. Van Buren may speak un-

82 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
bonneted to as proud a fortune as that fo vvhich he is about
to be elevated by fhe free suffrages of the people of the
United Stales ; ond It did not need fliat he should be
come the object of opposition rancour to endear bim to
the hearts of the democracy, who, in the services be has
done the state, in his even and consistent career, his uni
form support of popular rights, and his gener.il integrity
and worth in all the relations of life, public and private,
are furnished with an ample warrant for the esteem in
which tbey hold him. But this we will say : that if
there were no positive evidences of Mr. Van Buren's
claims fo approbation, wc yet could find, in the very
bitterest prints of flic aristocracy, the most abundant
negative testimony of his merits. Let the reader look
through fhe journals raost violently opposed fo fhat distin
guished man — ^journals which give daily proof of the
recklessness with which fhey overleap the domestic barri
ers and ronsock fhe secret places of private life. Let
him fasten on all he meets with relative fo Mr. Van Bu
ren, drag it out into day-light, sift it and exaraine if, and
what does it amount to ? Is there a single act alleged
against Mr. Van Buren for which he ought fo blush ? —
a single sentiment which he ought to retract ? — o single
expression vvhich does discredit to his hood or his
heart ? He, is called a magician ; yet not for the prac
tice of arts inhibited, for all his powers are those only of
a superior nature, patriotically exercised for the advan
tage of his country. He is colled an intriguer ; yet
notwithstanding all the mutations of parties, and all the
derelictions of friends which hove occurred In the long
period that fbo public gazo has been fixed upon him, llto
world is boldly challenged lo show a single liaoe of se
cret plotting. In the absence of fitter thoiues of censure,
his personal habits ore chosen as topics of ridicule and
reproach ; and the proud spirit of arislocrocy has de-

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 33
scendcd oven so pitifully low as to descant on the style
of his equipage and the fashion of his clothes !
The Richmond AA'hig, however, with a spirit of origi
nality which would be coininendoble, were it not a spirit
of dishonesty also, strikes out a path for itself, and dis
daining lo conimeiit on the workinonship of Mr. Von
Buren's wofch-choin or the trimmings of his coach,
attacks him on the more iraportant ground of hostility to
fhe rights and doraestic institutions of fhe south. It is
unfortunate for the object which the Richmond Whig
seeks to occomplish that it has no foundation for ifs re
marks. This does not derogate frora the boldness of ita
effort, but raaterially interferea with fhe prospect of suc
cess. Mr. Van Buren will hardly be deserted as un
friendly to the south, because the Evening Post has ex-
pressed disapprobation of fhe sentiraents of Mr. Kendall's
letter. But we have a word to say on our own score as regards
this subject of unfriendliness fo the south. There is not
a journal even in the trans- Potomack part ofthe Union
which feels a stionger interest in the real welfare of that
portion of the confederacy than is entertained by our
selves ; there is not one which hos a nicer regard for
their rights, or would make n greater effort to defend
them. We have watched the progress of the question
which is now agitating the southern states with the live
liest concern, and have witnessed the rapid increase of
abolition fanaticism with the deepest regret, nol un-
mingled with alarm. If aught had been in our power fo
arrest that frantic sect, we should not hove stood an in
active spectator of its progress. If any arguments urged
bv us could convince them of their fatal error, or if any
persuasion would turn them from their course, neither
reasoning nor exhortation should be withheld. Nay,
further, with all fhe influence we can possibly exert, we

34 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
shall support every proper and constitutional efibrt to
throw difficulties in the way of the abolitionists, and pro
tect fhe south from the subtle poison of their inflamma
tory and insurrectionary publications. Whatever con be
done to promote fhe security of our brothers of the south,
not inconsistenfly with the paramount obligations ofthe
Constitution, and with those sacred principles of liberty
on which the Constitution is founded, we shall do vvith
all our heart and soul and understanding. But the Rich-
mond AVhig must excuse us if wc pause at that line of
demarkation. Wc cannot trample on the charter of our
national freedora to assist the slave-holder in his warfare
with fanaticisra. We cannot subscribe fo those disorga
nizing sentiraents which would elevate ten thousand
postraasters obove the law, and constitute thera censors
of the press, however great out respect for the source
from whence they proceeded, or however sincere our re
gret for the particular occasion which elicited them.
Araong the raatters which our columns contain to-day
is the " Calm Appeal," so caUed, of the Richmond En
quirer fo fhe people ofthe north on fhe exciting subject
which now engrosses so much of public attention. We
need not ask of our readers fo give this address a careful
perusal, for the topic and the source will alike commend
it to their gravest consideration. But great as our es
teem is for fhe writer who thus appeals lo the citizens of
this section of the confederacy, and ardent as is our de
sire that the bitter cup, which he seeras to lliiiik we are
raising to flic lips of our southern brolhien, may pass
untasfed from tbem, we cannot permit his address fo go
forth, wifliouf accompanying it with an expression of
our disapprobation of much that it contains. Our time
will not permit us fo go into particular objections ; but
we may stale generally thot if claims quite too much in
denying the right of the north to discuss the question of

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 35
slavery, and addresses its arguments too much to our
feare. The grand alternative which the Richraond En
quirer seeins to have ever In ifa eye, a dissolution of the
Union, raight not prove a reraedy for all tho ills the soutli
is heir f o. Far off be the day when the ties which unite
our sisterhood of sovereignties shall be sundered ; but
come that event when it raay, there are none on whom
the ills of separation will more sorely press than on those
stafes which are ever so forward to " calculate the valua
ofthe Union,'' and to threaton its dissolution.

FANATICAL ANTI-ABOLITIONISTS.
[From ihe Evening Poet, August 2G, 1835.]
The call for a public meeting fo express fhe sense of
this community on the subject of the efforts of the anti-
slavery society is published in our paper this afternoon,
with all fhe signatures attached. We do not like fhe
phraseology of this call, and if the resolutions to be sub
mitted to the proposed meeting should be written in the
same spirit, we shall bc constrained fo withhold our ap
probation from them. It would be well for those who are
chiefly concerned in getting up the meeting fo remeraber
that there may be fanaticism as well among the anti-
abolitionists as the abolitionists, and fhat incendiary lan
guage is as unjustifiable on tho ono part as the other.
The call of a public meeting, and the proceedings of that
meeting when convened, should be calra and temperate,
suitable fo the gravity of the occasion, and fhe dignity of
the community. Such inffammotory phrases as " import
ed trovelling incendiaries," ond "misguided native fan
atics" smack too rauch of the Courier and Enquirer to
accord with the seriousness of the subject in regard to
which the people are called together to deliberate. It

36 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
would be a source of endless regret to all right-minded men
if this public gathering should degenerate info a mob, and
act over the scenes of the former abolition riot. Vet
those engaged in drawing up fhe resolutions, besides tbe
other considerations vvhich strongly recomraend raodera
fion in sentiraent and expression, would do well to bear
in raind that in fhe present excited state of public feeling,
a few inflammatory phrases might easily set men's minda
on fire, and give a furaultuous character fo on osserablage
which can only truly proraote fhe desired end by acting
with the raost irapressive seriousness and decorum.

REWARD FOR ARTHUR TAPPAN.
[From the Evening Post, August 2G, 1835.]
The southern presses teem with evidences that fona-
ticism of as wild a character as fhat which fhey depre
cate exists among themselves. How else could such a
paper as the Charleston Patriot advert with tacit appro
val fo the stateraent, that a purse of twenty thousand dol
lars has been raade up in New-Orleans as a reward for
the audacious raiscreant who should dare to kidnap Arthur
Tappan, and deliver hira on the Levee in that city. Re.
' yoking to right reason as such o proposition is, we find
it repealed with obvious gust and approbation by prints
conducted by enlightened and liberal minds — by minds
thot ordinarily toke just views of subjects, ochleve their
ends by reosoning and persuasion, and exert all their In
ffuonce to check fhe popular tendency to tumult. Is the
Charleston Patriot so blinded by the peculiar circumstan
ces in which fhe south is placed as not fo perceive that
the proposed abduction of Arthur Tappan, even if con-
'summated by his raurder, as doubtless is fhe object, would
necessarUy have a widely different effect from thot of sup.

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 37
pressing the Abolition Association, or in anywise dimin
ishing its zeal and ordour ? Does it not perceive, on tho
contrary, fhat such an outrage would but inflame tho
minds of that fraternity to raore fanatical fervour, and
stimulate thom fo more strenuous exertions, while it
would add vast numbers to their ranks though the influ
ence of those feelings which persecution never falls to
arouse. But indopondont of the effect of the proposed outrage
on tho abolitionists thonisolvcs, what, lot us ask, would
bc the sentiments it would create in the entire com-
munity? Has the violence of the south, its arrogant
pretensions and menacing tone so overcrowded our spir
its, fhat vve would tomely submit to see our citizens
snatched from the sanctuary of their horaes, and carried
offby midnight ruffians, to be burned at a stake, gibbeted
on a tree, or butchered In some public place, without the
slightest form of trial, and without even the allegation of
crirae ? Are our laws so inert, are our rights so ill-guard.
ed, that we raust bear such outrages without repining or
coraplaint? Is our Governor a wooden Image, that he
would look on such unheord of audacity and raake no ef
fort to avenge the insult ? These ore questions which It
wfll be well for the south to ponder seriously before it of
fers rewords to ruffians for kidnopping citizens of New-
York. If the south wishes to retoin ifs slaves in bondage,
let it not insult the whole population of this great free
state by threatening to tear any citizen from fhe protec
tion of our laws and give him up fo the tender mercies of
a mob actuated by the most franfio fanaticism. Such a
proceeding would make abolitionists of our whole two
miUions of inhabitants.
Vol. IL— 4

38 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
Mr. KENDALL'S LETTER.
\ [From the Evening Posi, August 29, 1835.]
If the letter of Mr. Keudull to the postmaster ol Charles-
ton deserved the animadversions which have been pass
ed upon it, thot fo Mr. Gouverneur, which was publish
ed In this poper yesterday, requires stricture in a rauch
greater degree ; and It was a source of regret to us that
circurastances corapelled us to place if before our reoders
unaccorapanied by a full expression of dissent frora the
extraordinary positions it maintains. We hasten to sup
ply the omission by raaking it the chief subject of curat-
tention to-day.
The letter of Mr. Kendall, after a passing remark
about the " fatuity" of the abolitionists, which raust be
considered as the expression of a raere personal opinion,
and therefore out of place In an official communication,
proceeds to acknowledge, in the clearest terms, that, after
the fullest consideration of fhe subject, he is satisfied that
the Postraaster General has no authority fo exclude any
species of newspapers or paraphlets frora the moila, and
adds that such a power, as it would be fearfully danger
ous, has been properly withheld. But in fhe very face
and teeth of this adraission, Mr. Kendall goes on to say,
that nothing but the want of power deters him from giv
ing a sweeping order to exclude the whole series of aboli.
tion publications from the southern mafls. How strik
ing a proof he affords of the truth of his own remark, that
such a power of censorship or inferdicllon vested in the
head of the post-office department " would be fearfully
dangerous, and has been properly withheld I" Ay, raost
properly ! Yet though fhis fearfully dangerous power has
been withheld from fhe Postmaster Generol, fhat func-
tionary ia in favour of ifs exercise by hia subordinates.

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 39
and instead of reprehending Mr. Gouverneur for his law
less conduct, he pats him on the back, and tells him in
plain phrase, "if I were situated as you are, I would do
as you have done !" We confess that, had not Mr.
Kendall's previous letter taken off the edge of our aston
ishment, this sentiment would have occasioned a keener
surprise than we are well able to express in words.
Let ua look at the reason of this thing calmly. The
Government has 'carefully withheld frora the post-office
department a certain power, because it was too fearfully
dangerous in Its nature to be trusted to the discretion of
even the chief officer, under any limitations, however
guarded, or responsibilities for its abuse, however heavy.
Yet this very power, so jealously and scrupulously with
held from the chief officer, that officer, in the sarae breath
that he acknowledges his lack of if, and commends the
wisdom that refused to confer it upon him, applauds his
subordinate for usurping, and assures him of the concur
rent applause of his country and mankind ! Was ever
contradiction more manifest ? Was ever folly, or " fatu
ity," if the Postraaster General prefers the word, more
palpable ?
Postmasters, the letter goes on to say, may, in all
cases, lawfully know the contents of newspapers, because
the law provides that they shall be so put up as to admit of
their being examined. The thirtieth section of the post-
office law of 1825 does certainly require " that all news
papers conveyed in the mail shall be under cover, open at
one end." And it also ordains that " if any person shall
enclose or conceal a letter, or other thing, or any meraoran-
dura in writing, in a ncw.spapcr, paraphlet, or raogazine,
or In any package of paraphlets, newspapers, or raaga-
zines, or make any writing or memorandum thereon,
which ho shall hove delivered info ony post-office, or to
any person for that purpose. In order that the same may

40 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
be carried hy post, free of letter postage, he shall forfeit
the sum of five dollars for every such offence.'' Now,
here the purpose is distinctly seen why fhe law requires
that the covers of newspapers should be open at one end.
It is not that the postmasters may make themselves ac
quainted with the contents of newspapers. In order to
judge whether or not " they are inflararaatory, incendiary,
and insurrectionary in fhe highest degree," and to exer
cise their supremo discretion whether fhey ought to bo
forwarded or lotaincd ; but it is simply that fhey may
ascertain whether they conceal any such attempt to de
fraud the Department of postage as is pointed out and
made penal by the clouse quoted obove. If the covers of
newspapers are directed to be left open at one end for
any other purpose than fhis, where is that purpose stated 1
If it is that postraasters may moke theraselves acquainted
with the contents, there surely ahould exist sorae word of
direction or intimation to that effect. To Infer that
they may lawfully set themselves down and peruse all the
publications which are sent to be circulated through the
mail, because those publications are left accessible for an
express and very different purpose, is about as wise as to
infer that because a pastry-cook leaves his shop-door open
for the accommodation of his custoraers, a street beggar
may enter and consume all his pies and tarts without fee
or reward.
But fortunately, after the saraple we have had ofthe dis
cretion of postraasters and postmaster generals, this thing is
not left fo inference. The low is so perfecfly explicit that
Mr. Kendall's sophistry, ingenious as it is, stands but little
chance before it ; and ho will be driven back, perforce,
to his former position, and compelled to derive his au
thority for this general perusal of newspapers on the part
of his subordinates, in their search after incendiary mat
ter, to that obligation which he alleges we owe lo the

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 41
communities in which we live above the laws by which
those communities arc governed. In the very section
that directs that one end of newspaper covers shall be
left open, if is ordained that " if any person, employed in
any deparfraent of Uic post-office, shall improperly detain,
delay, embezzle, or destroy any newspaper, or shall per
mit any other person fo do the like, or shall open any
raail or packet of newspapers not directed to the office
where he Is employed, such offender shall, on conviction
thereof,, forfeit a sum, not exceeding fifty dollars, for
every such offence." AVe fancy it is not from this
clause that the Postmaster General gets his authority
for saying that « postmasters may lawfully know, in all
cases, the contents of newspapers." Let us state
briefly the tenour of sorae other clauses, that the reader
raay single out the one frora which this alleged right is
derived. The law provides that any raaster of a steam
boat carrying the raail vvho shoU fail fo deliver to fhe post
master, within a specified time, any packet with which
ho may have boon entrusted, shall forfeit thirty dollars for
every failure : that if any person shall wUfully obstruct
or retard the raail, he shall be fined a hundred dollars :
and that if any person eraployed in the post-office shall
detain, open, or destroy any letter or packet of letters, he
shafl be fined not exceeding three hundred dollars, or ira-
prlsoned not exceeding six raonths. In none of these
clauses, we presurae, does Mr. Kendall discover his au
thority for the postraasters reading all the newspapers
and paraphlets which pass through their hands. Indeed
we ore driven to the conclusion that the warrant for do
ing so exists only in that profound raoxira which makes
their duty to the community paramount to that which
they have solemnly sworn to yield to the laws. Incen
diary articles may set whole communities on fire ; news
papers and pamphlets may contain incendiary articles j

42 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
ergo, it is proved syfloglstlcally, that flieir duty to flio
coraraunity obliges fliefu to read all the newspapers and
pamphlets which corae into flieir hands, the law to the
contrary notwithstanding.
• And now that fhis stumbling-block is removed from
the path of the argument, and it is established that the
postmasters, heaven defend them ! ought to read the con
tents of all packages " open at one end," let us see what
is the next position we arrive at. Why, neither more
nor less, than that, if they discover tho said contents to
be inflamraatory, " it cannot be doubted that it is their
duty to detain thera, if not even to hand fhem over to the
civil authorities." This we deny ; unless fhe Postraaster
General Is going again for his oufliority to his paramount
obligation to the community, and means to thrust the des
pised law aside as something beneath his notice. If the
postmaster's duty Is derived from fhe law : if If Is circum
scribed by those solemn words, " I do swear that I will
faithfully perforin all the duties required of rae, and ab
stain frora every thing forbidden, by the laws in relation
to the establishraent of the post-offices and post-roads
within the United States ;" it seeras to us perfecfly plain,
that his detention of publications, because he deeraed
them inflammatory, would be flat perjury. Congress haa
not trusted fo the Postmaster Generol thot " feorfully
dangerous power'' of excluding any apeciea of newspapers
from the mafls ; and it has not trusted it to the post
masters under him : where then the authority which, in
the case supposed, or in any supposable case, would make
it their duty to detain publications of fhe kind referred lo,
or of any kind whatever ?
But while the Postmaster General thus proclaims what
he considers as beyond a doubt fhe duty of fhe postmas
ters under him in a given case, he is careful to repeat
several tiraes that he haa no authority to direct them to

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 43
do so ; that " they act on their own responsibility, and if
they improperly detain or use papers sent to their offices,
for transmission or delivery. It is at their own peril, and
on their heads falls the punishment.'' Tlio meaning of
the phrase, "improperly drlnin " as used in tho Post-
office law, is fixed by the stipulations of that low as to
what is proper lo be dono. AU unnecessary delay, all vo
luntary delay, in executing the injunctions of the low is
improper delaj' ; but delay arising from unavoidable ca
sualties or unforeseen hinderances of any kind, does not
corae under that head. Thus, if an unusual nuraber of
publications should be poured into the post-office on any
occasion, and the means of conveyance should be inade
quate to the imraediate transmission of fhem all, fhe delay
which might occur in forwarding a portion would be a
necessary and not improper delay. Thus also the deloy
occosioned by freshets, broken bridges, and o hundred
other casualties of the roads, is not improper delay in the
meaning of fhe law. Biif delay occosioned by posfmos-
ters keeping packages back in order fo peruse their con
tents, or having perused thera, because fhey consider
thera " inflararaatory, incendiary, and insurrectionary in
the highest degree," is clearlj', within the moaning ofthe
law, improper delay. It is iraproper, because it is no
part of the postmaster's duty to peruse printed comrauni
cations through his office, any more than written ones,
but on the conf rory he his directly forbidden to do so un
der a penalty ; and further, because. If he violates this
part of his duty, and peruses them in defiance of the law,
the " fearfuUy dangerous power" is neither entrusted to
hira nor to his superior, nor indeed is it possessed by the
General Government itself, to authorize their detention,
on account of flieir tendency, real or supposed, whether
in a religious or raoral, a political or social respect. '
But whfle the Postraaster General is so anxious fo shift

44 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
from his own head all responsibility for this discretionary
e.xercise of unauthorized and " fearfully dangerous" power,
he takes care that the load of responsibility shafl not re^t
very heavy on the heads of hia auboidinafoa. He talks,
indeed, of the " porU" and " punishment" which they wiU
incur if thoy iraproperly exercise their unauthorized dis
cretion ; but in thia raost raonsfioua and flagrant in-
stonce, in which o Postraosfer hos audaciously exercised
" fearfully dangerous'' powers not only not conferred up-
on him, but expressly interdicted under heavy penalties,
his superior, at whose hands he must be punished if he
has incurred punishment, smUes graciously upon him,
and tells him, " if I were situated as you are, I would do
as you havo done," and " you will, I have no doubt, stand
juatlfiedin that step before your coun try and all mankind !"
More monstrous, more anarchical doctrines, we never
heard promulgated. Wilh what face after this, can Mr.
Kendall punish a postmaster for any exercise ofthe fear
fully dangerous power of stopping and destroying ony por
tion of tho mods ? He has hut to soy, I considered the
contents of that portion "inflammatory, incendiary, and
insurrectionary In the highest degree," and Mr. KendaU
ia bound in consistency fo reply to him that, in his jdace,
he would hove done the sarae, and that his country and
raankind wfll applaud the procoeding.
The case which fhe Postmaster General puts, of the
discretionary power vvhich it would bo jiropor for a jiosf-
master to exercise in (he event of a war, is not analoaous.
The abolitionists do not deserve to be considered on the
sarae footing with a foreign eneray, nor their publications
as the secret despatches of a spy. They are Amcrlean
citizens, in the exercise ofthe undoubted rights of citizen-
ship, and however erroneous their views, however fanotic
their conduct, while fhey act within the limits of the law
what official functionary, be he merely a subordinate

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 45
postmaster, or the head of the post-office department,
shall dare fo abridge fhem of their rights of citizenship,
or deny fhem access fo those facilities of intercourse
which were instituted for the equal accoraraodation of
all ? If the Americon people will subrait to fhis, let us ex
punge all written codes, and resolve society into ifs ori
ginal elements, where the might of the strong is better
than the right of the weak.
The Poatmnstor General affects to conaider the course
pursued by ftir. Gouverneur " a measure of great public
necessity ;" and he enters into a very rhetorical descrip
tion of the consequences which will result frora throwing
firebrands info magazines of combustibles. We shall
leave Mr. Kendall's figures of rhetoric to fake care of them
selvea, and shall onlj' give our attention lo his arguments
stripped of their showy integuments. It is by no
means clear, then, that the deplorable effects which it Is
considered would inevitably flow from the circulation of
the abolition paraphlets are correctly stated. Mr. Ken
dall hiraself does not profess to be personally acquainted
with fhe character of those productions, and the "concur
rent testiraony" which he oUudes to is somewhat too
vague and declamatory to be altogether trusted. The
abolitionists, many, if not the most of whom, say what
we may of their opinions and conduct on fhe question of
slavery, are respectable, intelligent, religious men, and
mean well, whatever moy bo fhe effect of their efforts —
the abolitionists, wc say, have peremptorily denied, in of
ficial publications, a large part of the matters charged
against thera. They have denied, for exaraple, fhat their
publications have been addressed to any but respectable
citizens, or were intended to circulate among any others.
They have denied that they were addressed, direcfly or
Indlrecllj', to the passions of the slave, but wholly to the
reason and conscience of the master. The sfatemonts

46 POLITICAL WRITING^ OF
of the southern postmasters themselves, aa far aa fhey go
corroborate this assertion. Hero then one important
port ofthe " concurrent testiraony" ou which Mr. Ken
dall relies is scon fo bo defective.
But let ua adnut that the pamphlets and newspapers
of the Anti-Slavery Society are os incendiary os aUeg
ed, and that they are intended for fhe perusal of slaves
even more than of masters, stUl we raaintain that a much
more effectual, and certainly much more legal means of
defeating the object of the abolitionists was, in the power
ofthe southern people than disobedience of the law, and
violation of their oaths on the part of the public officera
of the United States. We are frequenfly fold, with vori-
ous degrees of vauiiling, thot on this question of abolition,
the south is as one man — that It presents an undivided
front — that there is no dissenting voice. By the raeans
then, of quiet and efficient organization, by vigilfince
comraittees, and the other measures of internal police
which the nature of the evil would naturally suggest to
them, they might raore certainly prevent the circulation
ofthe dreaded publications, than by any forcible seizure
of the post-office, or any violation of his sworn duty by
the postmaster in their behalf. If they secure fhe post-
office, either by their own violence, or the treachery of
its guardian, they block up but one channel ofthe stream
of free opinion. By the peaceoble moons which we have
suggested fhey would dam them all. The necessity of
vigilance would still press upon fhem as to other sources
of danger, if all feara of fhe post-office were lulled to rest ;
so that a little added watchfulness for the few months
that must elapse before Congress can revise the post-
office lows is not an evil of so greivous a character as to
justify Mr. Kendall'sdenominoting the proceeding of Mr.
Gouverneur "a measure of great public necessity."
But the most important, the most startling port of Mr.

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 47
KendoU's letter we have not yet at all considered. He
wishes to throw the question on the popular ground of
state rights, and expresses a strong doubt whether the
abolitionists have a right to make use of the public mails
in distributing their papers through the southern states.
The question here arises, who are the abolitionists !
The Courier and Enquirer, a print which soys more, and
therefore ought fo know more on the subject than any
other in the United States, calls this journal an abolition
print. The Albany Argus, has intimated the same thing,
and fhe Lynchburg Virginian, with some foul-mouthed per-
.soualties about "the cashiered midshipman," repeats tho
slander. The American, also, for opposing this new and
"fearfully dangerous" species of censorship ofthe press
which the Postmaster Genei-al labours so hard fo estab
lish, and in which he is so reodily seconded by the prac-
ticol efforts of 3Ir. Gouverneur — the Americon, also, has
been styled an abolition newspaper. Now, we ask, who
is f o decide what journals are abolition and what not 1
Is Samuel L. Gouverneur to sit in judgment over the
Araerican and fhe Evening Post, and decide whether
fhey shall be perraitted to pass to their southern subscri
bers ? whether there is not some law, in some slave state,
which would include our sheets within its ban, for daring
to exercise the right of free discussion, on a momentous
question, under fhe worrant of that provision in the Con
stitution, of fhe United Stafes, repeated in alraost every
state Constitution which guarantees to every citizen the
freedom of speech and of the press ?
But let us pass over this difficulty which lies at the
threshold, and 'fake a'; full view of Mr. Kendall's new
state rights doctrine as applicable to the post office.
When the southern states, he says, became independent,
' ' they acquired a right to prohibit abolition papers within

48 POLITICAL WHITINOa OF
their territories ; and the power over the subject of slave
ry and all ifs incidents was in no degree diminished by
the adoption of the federal constitution." He further
statea that, under this sovereign power, some states have
made the circulation of abolition papers a capital crime,
and others a felony ; and concludes by asking whether
the people have a right fo do by the raail carriers and
Postmasters, what if done by themselves or agents would
subject fhem to the most degrading punishraent. It is a
great raistake to soy that the power of the southern statea
over slavery and all its incidents was in no degree dlrai
nished by the adoption of the federal constitution. One of
the " incidents, '' fhe power of iraporfing slaves, was cer.
tainly laken away. But every other " incident" of slavery,
with which any single provision of the federal constitution
conflicts was necessarily diminished. The Constitution,
no raatter what were the previous laws of the state, be
came, on Its adoption, the aupreme fundaraental law of
the confederacy. So far from the incidents of slavery
being in no wise Impaired, many of the sagest men in
the Virginia Convention, among them Governor Ran
dolph, Mason, and Patrick Henry, were decidedly of
opinion that fhe Constitution gave the General Govern.
ment fhe power of abolishing slavery altogether, in varl-
oua waya, either by fhe operation of inordinate taxes, or
by requiring fhe slaves to do military service, and eman
cipating them as the reward. One of the firat things, it
is true, which tho Congress did under the existing Con
stitution, was to disavow any right on the part of the
General Government to interfere with the subject of slave
ry. But a resolution of Congress haa not fhe force of
Conafitutional law. Passed_^at one session it may be
rescinded at another, and even expunged from fhe jour
nals, as we trust will soon be corroborated by a conspicu.
ous instance.

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 49
When fhe several states odoptod a Constitution which
gave to the federal governmont the power to establish
the post office, and the power also to raake all laws neces
sary and proper to carry fliat clause into effect, they gave
up all right of extending their local penal enactments, as
to fhe circulation of prohibited publications of any kind,
so as to include those oflicers of fhe General Govern
raent who were merely carrying into effect fhe provisions
of a constitutional law, clearly sheltered under fhe
ceded power above referred to. A constitutional doubt of
this kind, when it touches fhe question of slavery, is of a
more e.xciting character, than when it embraces other
raatters ; but it rests precisely on the sarae foundation
as many other doubts which have been started and .set-
tied, and raust have the sarae disposition raade of It. The
question ofthe Sunday raail is one of precisely analagoua
character. Many persons, as fanatical with regard to
violations of the Sabbath as the abolitionists ore on the
subject of slavery, were of opinion that tbe sovereign
power of the states extended over the subject of religion
so far as to authorize the stopping of fhe mails on Sun
day. The question was fried, and the result proved
otherwise. Yet if the power " to establish post-oflSces and post-
roads " includes, as a necessary incident, fhe poVver to
run mails every day and hour, through every state in the
confederacy, it must also include fhe power to preserve
those mails inviolable until their contents are safely dellv-
ered info the hands to which they ore addressed. If the
Governraent possesses the one power it necessarily does
the other. If it possesses neither, the post office clause
in the Constitution is o raere raockery — the shadow of a
shade. Our article has run out to such an unexpected lengtii
that we must now cut it short, though there are still sev-
VoL. II.— 5

50 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
eral topics on which wc wished lo express our views.
Mr. Kendall's ingenious, but most heterodox and nullify
ing letter concludes with fhe expression of a hope, that
Mr. Gouverneur and the other postmasters who have as
sumed fhe responsibility of stopping the publications of
the Anti-Slavery Society, " will see fhe necessity of
performing their duty in transmitting and delivering ordi
nary newspapers, magazines, and pamphlets, with per
fect punctuality." Verily we have fallen on evil limes
when such a request or injunction from a high officer of
the General Go\ ernment lo his subordinates isnecessary.
Does not that very sentence include within itself a whole
volurae of coramenlary ?

TROUBLE IN HAVERHILL.
[From the Evening Posi, September 3, 1835.]
"Last evening, (Sunday,) Mr. May, the abolitionist
lecturer, attempted to hold fortli in Haverhill, Mass. At
the hour of assembling, fhe meeting-house was filled
with numbers of both sexes, and the lecturer comraenced
his discourse, when a volley of stones and lighted fire-
crackers were showerd through fhe windows into the
pulpit and upon fhe congregation, who inimediofely dis
persed. A piece of ordnance was brought u()oii Ihe spot,
probably lo frighten tho congrcgoiion."
So says Brigg's Boston Bulletin. The rights of free
discussion are forsooth marvellously well respected in
this land of liberty I Forraerly, in frontier settlements,
beyond the regular operation of law, and in cases
where the off'ences of criminals were too clear to admit of
doubt and too base to descive fhe blightcst lenity. Judge
Lynch, so called, was content with administering o spe
cies of codex robuslvs, vdiicli the criminal himself did not

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 51
more dread to encounter, than the thongs and whipping
post to which a raore authentic judicial tribunal would
have condemned him.
But this Judge Lynch, with the proneness to usurpa
tion whioh characterises all po.'^scssois of ill-dofinod power,
has lately e.xtendod most fearfully the proscriptive boun
daries of his authority. All places ore now within the
limits of his jurisdiction, and all sorts of crimes, real or
imputed, and whether known as such in the statute books
or not, are provided for in his unwritten law. The raan
who — thinking fhat clause in the Constitution raeans
something which guarantees to every citizen ofthe Unit
ed States freedom of speech ond of the press — ascends
the pulpit, now-a-days, lo deliver his sentiments on an
interesting subject, may count himself fortunate indeed
if he ever descends from it olive ; as the probabUity is he
will be hung by the neck fo the very horns of the altar
bj' sorae summarj' decision under the authority of Lynch
law, which, it seems, is entirely paramount to the Consti
tution and the natural rights of raau.
In the cose which we copy obove, it is raatter of mar
vel fhat the piece of ordnance, loaded with round shot
and grope, was not discharged ot the broadside of the
moeting-house, the more cffocfually " fo frighten the
congregation," which end would have been still more
certainly consummated if a few men, women and children
had been killed on the spot. It is a thousand pities Judge
Lynch, usually inexorable, was so weakly merciful in this
instance, since it is now quite possible that fhe abolition.
ist he has suffered fo escape may attempt again fo ex
ercise his freedom of speech, and the same mi.sguidod
persons may vontiiro to listen to hira; whicli manifoatly
could not hove happened if they had boon killed outright.
There is one little doubt which sometimes obtrudes
itself Into our minds to prevent us from being wholly

62 POLITICAL WRI TINGS OF
proselyted ,to the faith of Lynchism ; namely, whether,
after all, the best mode of correcting error of opinion Isto
destroy flie freedom of speech. A. little stream, which,
if left alone, would soon lose itself in marshes and sedgy
places, is soraetiraes, by being dammed up, swelled to a
mighty volume, giving propulsive force to engines of
enormous power. It may be so with regard lo the abo
litionists. It is true, if a man utters dangerous doctrines,
ho ia effectually silenced by cutting his throat, and as
dead men tell no tales, so neither do they preach imme
diate abolition. Yet it isa question, which history does
not answer altogether to suit the practise of Judge
Lynch ond his myrmidons, whether the blood so shed
sinks into the barren earth, or whether, like fhat which
trickled from Medusa's severed head, it wifl not engender
a brood of serpents which shall entwine themselves
around the monster slavery, and crush it in their sinewy
folds.

THE ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY.
[From the Evening Post, Sept. 4, 1835.]
The annexed address fo fhe public has been sent to us
inclosed in a note from an officer of the Anti-Slavery
Society, lequosting us, in " behalf of the society whoso
document it is, and in justice to the public who have a
right lo the information it contains," to publish it in our
colurans this offernoon. We most cheerfully comply
with fhis request ; and furthermore invite the attention
of our readers to this address, as not only one which it is
incumbent on them in fairness fo peruse, but as one, the
sentiments of which, with a single exception, deserve, in
our judgment, their approval.
It is quite time, since fhe South seems deterrnined that

WILLIAMLEGGBTT- 53
we shall discuss the question of slovery, whether wc wifl
or no, that we remeraber fhe maxim which lies at fhe
foundation of justice. Hear the other side. We hove lis
tened very credulously to the one side. We have with
greedy ears devoured up all sorts of passionate invectives
against the abolitionists, ond received as gospel, without
evidence, fhe most inflammatory and incendiary tirades
against thera. While appropriating to fhem exclusively
the eplthofs of incendiaries and Insurrectionists, vve have
ourselves liccn indu.striously kindling tho flames of domes
tic discord, and stirring up the wild spirit of tumult. It ia
high time lo pause, and ask ourselves what warrant vve
hove for these jiroceodings ? It is tirae fo balance the
account current of inflammatory charges, and soc which
side preponderates, whether that ofthe incendiaries of the
north or of the south.
AVe have here, in the subjoined official address, signed
with the names of raen whom we believe too upright to
lie, and vvho certainly have shown that they ore not
afrnid lo spook the truth, an exposition ofthe creed and
practise ofthe Anti-Slavery Society. AVe have already
said that, in our judgraent, fhe mafters contained in this
docuraent, with a single exception, deserve cordial appro-
val. This expression we wish token with o qualification.
We do not approve of perseverance in sending pamphlets
to the south on the subject of slavery in direct opposition
to the unanimous sentiments ofthe slaveholders ; but vve
do approve of the strenuous assertion of fhe right of free
discussion, and raoreover we admire the heroism which
cannot be driven from its ground by the maniac and
unsparing opposition which the abolitionists have encoun.
fered . ,
The particular portion of the subjoined document
which we except from our approval is that wherein it is
asserted as the duty of Congress to abolish slavery in the
5*

54 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
District of Columbia. That Congress has the consfifu.
tional power so to do, we have not the slightest doubt.
But high considerations of expediency, in the largest
sense of the word, should bo well weighed before on exer
cise of Ihat power is attomptcd. A spirit of conciliation
and compromise should govern in the matter, as it did in
the forraation of our sacred Magna Charta. Every
state in the confederacy should be considered as having
an equal interest in the seat of the Notional Government,
and fhe legislation for it should be of that neutral lint,
which results from the mixture of contrary hues of opin.
ion, and is in strong opposition to none. If fhe free
states have a majority in Congress, yet pararaounf con
siderations of brotherhood and national amity should pre
vent them frora stirring the question of slavery, by in.
troducing it in any collateral or insidious forra. When
ever that question once fully comes info general discus
sion it is destined to shake pur erapire fo the centre. Let
the coraraotion be then avoided in regard to a spot of
ground which is not a pin's point on the map, and in the
government of which, more than in alraost ony other
question, the sentiments ofthe rainority ought lo be re.
spected. We ore not sure thot the Harry Percys of the South,
are not by their hot menaces and inconsiderate vaunts
precipitating a discussion which must be entered into
sooner or later, and raay, perhaps, as well be undertoken
at once. Bc that as it may, their high and boastful lan
guage shall never defer fhis print from expressing its
opinion that slavery is an opprobrium and a curse, a mon
strous and crying evil, in whatever light it is viewed ;
and that we shall hail, us tbe second most auspicious day
that ever srailed on our republic, that which shall break
fhe fetters of the bondman, and give his enfiaiichised

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 56
spirit leave to roam abroad on the illimitable plain of
equal liberty.
We have no right to interfere legislatively vvith fhe sub
ject of slavery in our sister states, and never have arro
gated any. AVo have no moral right to stir fbo question
in such a waj' as lo endanger tho lives of our fellow
human beings, white or black, or expose fhe citizens of
the north, attending fo their occasions in the south, to
the horrors of Lj'nch law. Nay, we repeat, what we
have often asserted with as sincere earnestness as any
loud-mouthed anti-abolitionist, that we deeply dep'o o all
interapcrato moveraents on this inoinenlous subject, in
view of the dreadful wrecks which the raeeting fides of
contrary fanaticisra raust spread around their borders.
But while we truly entertain these sentiraents, we know
no reason that renders it incumbent on us to conceal how
far our views are really opposed to slavery ; and while
we disclaim any constitutional right to legislate on the
subject, we assert, without hesitation, thot, if we pos-
sessed the right, we should not scruple to exercise it for
the speedy and utter onnihUofion of servitude and chains.
The impression raade in boyhood by the glorious excla
mation of Cato, that
A day, an hour of virtuous liberty.
Is worth a whole eternity of bondage,
has been worn deeper, not effaced, by time ; and we
eagerly and ardenfly trust fhat the 'day will yet arrive
when the clank of the bondman's fetters will form no
port of the multitudinous sounds which our country con
tinually sends up to heaven, mingling, as it were, into a
song of praise for our national prosperity. We yearn
with strong desiro for the day when Freedora shall no
longer wave " Her fustian flag in mockery over slaves."

56 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP

POST-OFFICE PATRONAGE.
[From ihe Evening Posi, Sept. 5, 1835.]
Those persons who have been in the habit of looking
info this paper, ot sfofod periods, hitherto, fo sec the
post-office list of uncalled for letters, and who may bc
disappointed at not finding it in our colurans any more,
are referred fo the New-York Times, lo which journal
that portion of the " government patronage " has been
tronsferred. The object of this change is, we suppose,
to punish fhe Evening Post for maintaining the supre
macy of fhe Constitution and fhe inviolobility of the law.
In opposition to the seditious doctrines of the Postmaster
General, and fhe oudacious conduct of his deputy, Mr.
Gouverneur, the postmastor of this city. Such raodes of
punishraent, however, hove been tried ou us before wilh-
out effect. We once expressed dislike, we remeraber, of
the undignified tone of one of Mr. Woodbury's official
letters, as Secretary of the Treosury, lo Nicholas Bid.
die ; and flie Tioasury advertisements were fhenccfor,
ward withhekl. Tho Secretary of the Navy having
acted with gross partiality in regord too matter recently
tried by o naval court-martial, we had the feraerily to
censure his conduct ; and of course we could look for no
further countenance from fhat quarter. The Navy Com
missioners, being Post-Captains, may naturally be sup
posed to hove token in high dudgeon our Inquiry info
fhe oppression and tyranny praclised by their order ; and
"stop our advertisements!" is the word of command es-
tablished in such case.'^. When the Evening Post expos
ed the duplicity of Samuel Swortwout, the Collector of
this Port, it at once lost ail further support frora the Cus
tom House. And now, having censured the doctrines

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 57
of Mr. Kendall and the practice of Mr. Gouverneur, the
Post-office advertising is wiflidrawn, of course.
About all this we wish our readers to understand that
we do not utter a single coraplaint ; for as we never,
direcfly nor indirectly, solicited any man or institution
to fake our paper, or give us custom in any shape, so we
never shall remonstrate against Its being discontinued,
at the pleasure of those who bestow if. We merely state
the fact for the information of all whom it may concern,
and shall fake fhe liberty of adding the assurance, for the
accuracy of which the post, indeed, furnishes some
vouchers, that the course of this journal cannot be influ
enced, a hair's breadth, by that species of reasoning
which may be termed the argumentum ad loculum. The
quality of independence would be worth but little If It
could stand no sacrifices : ours, at all events is not of so
sickly a kind ; and any losses we may incur in fearlessly
maintaining the right of free discussion and \\v supre-
macy of the laws, and In earnestly and undeviatingly
pursuing, on all subjects, that path which honesty and
honour point out, will always be cheerfully sustained.
The taking away of the post-office " patronage " (exe.
erable word I) has not made Mr. Kendall's letter and Mr.
Gouverneur's conduct appear a whit more heterodox and
dangerous than they did before ; and the restoration of
it to-morrow would not render them a jot more sound
and harmless in our view. Our opinions on the subject
presented by the letters of those two functionaries were
forraed from a perusal ofthe letters theraselves, not from
a consideration of our subscripfion-book and leger. We
never regulate our course by such low and uncertain
standards, but endeavour, without extraneous bias, to de.
terminc all questions by the irarautable principles of truth
and reason, and to act accordingly with boldness and
sjeal, leaving consequences in the hands of Ihe commu.

58 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
nity. AVe ought to add fliat our experience, so for, has
corroboroted the good old maxira, thot honesty is the best
policy. There is n > ('anger thot the withdrawal ofthe
post-office advertisements will render our minds at aU
doubtful of tbe truth of the saying, or of its iuvorioble
excellence as a guide of conduct.

ABOLITIONISTS.
[From the Eoening Post, September 7, 1835.]
There is a class of newspaper writers who seem fo
think that epithets are more powerful than arguraents, and
who therefore continually bestow ou their opponents
odious appellations, instead of counteracting the tendency
of their views by temperate expositions of their fallacy.
To call names certainly requires less effort of mind than
to reason logically, and fo persona of certain tastes ond
powers moy therefore be the raost congenial mode of dis
putation. But we are not aware that the highest de
gree of proficiency in this species of dialectics eve threw
much light on the world, or sensibly advanced tho cause
of truth ; and it may be doubted if even the fisherwomeu
of Billingsgate, who wc believe stand unrivalled in vilu-
perotive eloquence, can be considered as ranking among
the most edifying controversialists.
There are those, however, who widely differ from us in
this opinion. If vve raay judge by their practise ; who
deera a harsh epithet more conclusive than a syllogism,
and a personal allusion ns comprising in itself subject,
predicate, and copula. By this class of roasoners it has
been our fortune to have many of our views opposed, and
it is arausing to see the air of triumph with which they
utter their opprobrious ferm.s, as if each one levelled fo

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 69
the earth a whole file of arguments. Thus the fallacy
of our views on banking vvas unanswerably demonstrated
by calling us a lunotic ; the folly of our opposition to mo
nopolies was made manifest by likening us to Jack Cade;
and all roa.soning in siipport of tho equal rights of man
was ."Jummarily overthrown by the Ironiondoua epithet of
agrarian. The views which wc have felt it our duty fo
urge on various other subjects were irrevocably scattered
by a volley of small shot, among which fhe phrases " sai-
lor actor editor," and " chanting cherubs of the Post,"
did the most fatal execution. And now, again, our exer
tions in support of the sacred right of free discussion, and
in defence of the supremacy of the laws, are answered by
a single word — by denouncing us as abolitionists.
There are persons who might be frighfenedinto silence
by the terrors of this formidable epithet; but we have
something ofthe same spirit in us that animates those to
whora it raore truly applies, and do not choose to be
driven back by fhe raere vulgar exclamations of men who
wield no weapon but abuse, and vvho do not even know
the meaning of the words they so liberally employ. The
foundation of our political creed is unbounded confidence
in the InteUigence and Integrity of the great raass of
raankind ; and fhis confidence sustains and emboldens
us in oUr course on every public question which arises.
We are led by it, not to inquire into individual prejudices
or opinions ; not to an anxious examination of the popu
lar pulse on every particulor subject ; but to an inquiry,
simply, into the abstract merits of the question, and an
exaraination of it by the fests of truth and reoson, rely.
ing on the popular wisdora and honesty fo sustain fhe
line of conduct vvhich such scrutiny suggests. It is so
in the present case. There is no terror in the term abo
litionist for us ; for we trust to our readers to discrimi
nate between words and things, and to judge of us by our

60 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
sentiments, not by fhe appeUations which foul-mouthed
opponents bestow. The course we are pursuing is one
which we entered upon after mature deliberation, and wc
are not to be turned from it by a species of opposition, the
inefficacy of which we have seen displayed in so many
forraer instancea. It ia Philip Van Artavelde who says —
All my life long,
I have beheld with most respect the man
Who knew himself^ and knew tlie ways bcforo him.
And from amongst them cliose conoidcrutcly.
With a clear foresight, not a blindfold courage ; ' ""
And having chosen, with a steadfast mind
Pursued his purposes.
This is the aort of character we emulate.
If lo believe slavery a deplorable evil and a curse, in
whatever light it is viewed ; if to yearn for the day
which shall break the fetters of three mfllions of huraan
beings, and restore to them their birth-right of equal free.
dom ; if to be willing, in season and out of season, to do
all in our power lo proraote so desirable a result, by all
means not inconsistent with higher duly : if these senti
ments constitute us abolitionists, then are we such, and
glory in the name. But while we mourn over fhe servi
tude which fetfera a large portion of the Araerican peo.
pie, and freely proclaira that, did the control of the sub.
ject belong fo us, we would speedily enfranchise them all,
yet we defy the most vigUant opponent of this journal to
point his finger to a word or syllable that looks like hos.
tility to the political rights of the south, or conceals any
latent desire to violate the federal compact, in letter or
spirit. The obligotions of the federol compact, however, are
greotly misrepresented by those who contend thot it
places a ban on all discussion of the question of slavery.
It places an interdiction on the discussion of no subject

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 01
whatever ; but on the contrary secures, by an especial
guarantee, that no prohibition or limitation of freedom of
opinion and speech, in its widest latitude, shall ever be
instituted. The federal governraent cannot directly in
terfere vvith the question of slavery, simply because the
power of such interference is not included araong those
conferred upon it ; and " all powers not delegated to
the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by
it to the states, are reserved to the states re.spectively, or
to the people." The truth is, flic only restraint on fhe
discussion of slavery is that which exists in the good
sense and good feeling of the people, in their sentimenta
of brotherhood, and in the desire which all rational minds
raust entertain of accoraplishing worthy ends by raeans
every way proportioned to the object. Whoever suppo
ses that the question is guarded by any raore positive obli
gation than this, has very imperfectly studied both the
Constitution itself, and those docuraents which illustrate
its history, and the sentiments, motives and policy of its
founders. The Journal of the Convention which fraraed
the Constitution, and those ofthe several State Conven
tions are happily extant. If it is true that the people of
the United States are forbidden to apeak their sentiraents
on one of the most momentous subjects which ever en
gaged their thoughts ; if they are so bound in fetters of
the mind that they mult not aUude to the less galling
fetters which bind the lirabs of the southern slave ; let
the prohibitory passage, we pray, be quickly pointed out ;
let us be convinced at once that we are not freemen, as
we have heretofore fondly believed ; let us know fhe
worst, that we may seek fo accomraodafo our minds and
break down our rebellious spirits to the restricted limits
in which alone they are permitted fo expatiate.
But how false is the imputed acuteness for which the
American people are faraed. If they have overlooked fhis
Vol. IL— 6

62 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
principle In their institutions, so deadly hostfle to liberty^
until now that the assertion of their supposed freedom of
discussion has called for the ap|)lication of it ! Burke, long
ago, speaking of America, observed, that "in other coun.
trios, the people, moro siiiqile and of loss iiieicurial cast,
judge of an ill principle in government only by an actual
grievance; here they anticipate the evil, and judge ofthe
pressure of the grievance by fhe badness of the principle.
They augur misgovernment at a distance; and snuff the
approach of tyranny in every fointed breeze." Little ia
thia corapliraenf deaerved at the preaent day, whatever
may have been the case at the period when it was uttered,
if we are now for fhe firat time to discover that we have
blindly entered Info a compact which excludes us from
an expression of our sentiments on a subjeci, not only of
vast intrinsic interest fo every freeraan, but one that
hangs like o portenlious cloud over the destiny of our
country, fraught with direst and hourly accumulating
mischief, and threatening to break, sooner or later, in a
fearful and desolating tempest. The approach of tyranny,
if his is so, was not snuffed afar off, but if closed around
us, folding us in ita strong embrace, and poisoning the
atmosphere with ifs corrupfion, before we were aware of
our danger.
Strange to say, even they who fraraed fhe Constitution,
and the sages who deliberated upfon it in fhe several State
Conventions, overlooked the startling interdiction of free
discussion which it is now said to enjoin. In Virginia,
frora whence we hear so menacing a voice, no pretence
was set up, when the Constitution was adopted, that the
federal compact prohibited freedom of speech on any sub
ject whatever. Nay, it was even thought, ond openly
expressed, by many of her wisest sons, that Congress
itself had the power, in various indirect ways, fo snap the
shackles of the slave and give hira freedom. George

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 63
Mason complained in the Convention that there was ho
clause in the Constitution securing to the southern statea
their slave property, and contended thot Congress raight
lay such a tax on slaves as vvould araount to manumission.
Patrick Henry confendod that there vvas nothing to " pre.
vent Congress from laying a grievous and enormous tax
on slaves, so as fo compel owners to emancipate them
rather than pay the tax." In another speech he argued
that Congress would possess the power of abolishing
slavery under the clause empowering it to provide for the
general defence — that It might pronounce all slaves free,
and had araple warrant for so doing. Various other
opinions of like iraport were confidently expressed and
eloquently nslsted upon.
We refer to these passages in fhe debates of the Vir.
ginia Convention, not as concurring in the views they
take ofthe powers of Congress under the federal compact,
but to show that it was not always considered, even in
Virginia, which now speaks so authoritatively and hotly
on the subject, that the " domestic relations of the south,"
as it softly phrases the relations between master and slave,
were a matter entirely fenced round from all interference
beyond the boundaries of the slave states. That there is
any rightful power of legislative interference in fhe gen
eral governraent, direct or indirect, or in the govern
ments of the states, we distinctly deny. But at the sarae
time we as distinctly assert the clear unalienable right of
every .citizen of the United Slates f o discuss the general
subject, and for our own part shall fearlessly and fully
exercise that right whenever we are not restrained by
paramount considerations of amity or duty. The sense.
less cry of abolitionist at least shall never deter us, nor
the raore senseless ottempt of so puny o print as the New.
York Times to show that we have deserted the demo.
cratic party. The often quoted and beautiful saying of

64 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
the Latin historian, homo sum — humani nihil a me alienum
puto, we apply to the poor bondman as well aa to his maa-
ter, and shall endeavour to fulfil towards both the obliga
tions of an equal humanity.

SLAVERY NO EVIL.
[From the Evening Post, September 9, 1835.]
Nothing, in these daya of starfling doctrines and
outrageous conduct, has occurred to occasion us more
surprise than the sentiments openly expressed by the
southern newspapers, that slavery is not an evil, and that
to indulge a hope that the poor bondman may be eventu
ally enfranchised ia not less heinous than to desire his
imraediate emancipation. We could hardly have be
lieved, if we had not seen theae sentiments expressed
in fhe southern newspapers, that such opinions are en
tertained by any class of people in this country. But
that they arc both entertained and loudly promulgated,
the extracts from Charleston papers which our columns
contain this afternoon afford abundant and sorrowful
proof. These extracts are from journals which speak the
feelinga and oplnlona of a whole coraraunity ; journala
conducted with abUity, by men who weigh their worda
before they give thera breoth, ond seldora utter senti
ments, particularly on momentous queations, which are
not fully responded to by a wide circle of readers. We
have made our quotations from the Charleston Courier
and Charlealon Patriot ; but we might greatly extend
thern, did not our sickened feelings forbid, by similar
passages from various other newspapers, published in
various parts of fhe south.
Slavery no evil I Haa it corae to thia, that the foulest
stigma on our national escutcheon, which no true-hearted

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 65
freeman could ever contemplate without sorrow in his
heart and a blush upon his cheek, has got fo be viewed
by the people of the soutli as no stain on the American
character ? Have their ears become so accustomed to
the clonk of the poor bondman's fetters that it no longer
grates upon them os a discordant sound? Hove his
groans ceased to speak the language of misery? Has
his servile condition lost any of its degradation ? Can
the husband be torn from his wife, and fhe child from its
parent, and sold like cattle at the shambles, and yet free,
intelligent raen, whose own rights are founded on the
declaration of fhe unalienable freedom and equality of
all mankind, stand up in fhe face of heaven and their
fellow raen, and assert without a blush that there Is no
evil in servitude ? We could not have believed fhat the
raadness of fhe south had reached so dreadful a cliraax.
Not only are we told that slavery is no evU, but that it
is criminal towards the south, and a violation of the spirit
of the federal compact, to indulge even a hope that the
chains of fhe captive raay some day or other, no raatter
how remote the time, be broken. Ultimate abolitionists
are not less enemies of the south, we are fold, than those
who seek to accomplish immediate enfranchisement.
Nay, the threat is holdup to us, that unless we speedUy
pass laws to prohibit all expression of opinion on the
dreadful topic of slavery, fhe southern states will meet in
Convention, separate themselves from Iho north, and esta
blish a separate empire for themselves. The next claira
we shall hear from tho arrogant south will bo a call upon
us to pass edicts forbidding men to think on the subject
of slavery, on fhe ground that even meditation on fhat
topic is interdicted by Iho spirit of fhe federal compact.
What a mysterious thing this federal compact raust be,
which enjoins so much by its spirit that is wholly omitted
. in. ita language — nay not only omitted, but which ia di.
6*

66 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
recfly contrary to sorae of ifs expresa provisions ! And
they who framed that compact, how sadly ignorant thoy
must have been of fhe iraport of the instrument they were
giving to the world ! They did not hesitate fo spook of
slovery, not only os on evil, but os the direst curse inflicted
upon our country. They did not rofroin from indulging
a hope thot the stoin might one day or other be wiped
out, and the poor bondman restored to the condition of
equal freedom for which God and nature designed him.
But the sentiments which Jefferson, and Madison, and
Patrick Henry freely expressed are treasonable now,
according fo fhe new reading of fhe federal compact.
To deplore the doom vvhich binds three mfllions of human
belrigs in chains, and to hope fhat by sorae just and grad
ual raeasures of philanthropy, their fetters, one by one,
may be unlocked frora their galled lirabs, tiU at last,
through all our borders, no bondman's groan shall raix
with the voices of fhe free, and forra a horrid discord in
their rejoicings for national freedora — to enterfoin such
sentiments ia treated as opprobrious wrong done to the
south, and we are called upon to lock each other's mouths
with penal statutes, under fhe threat that the south will
else separate from the confederacy, and resolve itself into
a seporate empire.
This threat, frora iteration, has lost rauch of its terror.
We have not a doubt, that to produce a disrupture of the
Union, and join the slave states together in a southern
league, has been the darling object, constantly and ossidu-
ously pursued for o long time past, of certain bad revolt
ing spirits, who, like the arch-angel ruined, think fhat
" to reign is worth ambition, Ihough in hell." For this
purpose all the arts and intrigues of Calhoun and his
followers and myrmidons have been zealously and inde-
fatigably exerted. For the achievement of this object
various leading prints have long toiled without interrais-

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 67
sion, seeking to exosperato the southern people by daily
efforts of inflammatory eloquence. For the accomplish
ment of this object fhey hove traduced the north, misre
presented its sentiments, falsified its language, ond given
o sinister interpretation to every act. For the accom
plishment of fhis object fhey hove stirred up the present
exciteraent on the slove question, and constantly do oil
in their power fo oggrovate the feeling of hostility to fhe
north which their hellish arts have engendered. We see
the raeans with which they work, and know the end at
which fhey aim. But we trust their feU designs are not
destined to be accomplished.
If, however, the political union of these stafes is only
fo be preserved by yielding fo the claims set up by the
south; if the tie of confederation is of such a kind that
the breath of free discussion will inevitably dissolve it ; ,
if vve can hope to maintain our fraternal connexion with .
our brothers of the south only by dismissing aU hope of
ultimate freedom to the slave ; let fhe compact be dis
solved, rather than submit to such dishonourable, such
inhuman terms for ifs preservation. Dear as the Union
is fo us, and fervently as we desire that tirae, while it
crurables fhe false foundofions of other governraents, may
add stability to that of our happy confederation, yet ra
ther, far rather would we see it resolve into its original
eleraenta to-raorrow, than that ita duration should be
effected by any raeaaures so fatal to the principles of
freedom as those Insisted upon by the south.
These are the sentiments of at least one northern jour
nal ; and these sentiments we shaU intermit no occasion
of urging with all the earnestness of our nature and all
the ability wc possess. It is duo to ourselves, and it ia no
less due to the south, that the north should speak out
plainly on the questions which the demands of the for
mer preaent for our decision. On this subject boldness

68 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
and trufh are required. Temporizing, like oU upon the
wafers, may smooth the bUlows for a moraent, but can
not disperse the storm. Reasonable men and lovers of
truth wfll not be offended with those who speak with bold
ness what reason and truth conspire fo dictate. " As
for fhe druraraers and trumpeters of faction," to use the
language of Lord Bolingbroke, " who are hired fo drowa
the voice of truth in one perpetual din of claraour, and
would endeavour to drown, in the sarae manner, even the
dying groans of their country, they deserve no ansvver but
the most conferaptuous sUence.

REGULATION OF COAL.
[Fro7n the Evening Post, Sept. 10, 1835.]
A COPY ofthe petition ofthe Corporation of this city,
on fhe subject ofthe law regulating the sale of anthracite
coal, has been laid before us, ond is worthy of a reraark.
The petition desires thaf such an alteration of the exist
ing law raay be raade as shall perrait the purchaser to
choose for hiraself whether he wiU have his coal weighed
by an appointed weigher or not. Nothing con be raore
indisputably reasonable than this. Those vvho claim that
municipal authorities ought to exercise tbeir powers for
the regulation of trade, and establish inspectors, guagers,
weighers and supervisors, of various kinds, to see that
tradespeople do not cheat their customers in qualify,
strength, weight, or quantity, yet cannot, we should
suppose, bc so utterly blind to the natural rights of the
citizen, os to roipiiro that ho jsbould not bo iiermiffed to
cheat himself, if ho prefers fo do so.
For our own part, as our readers well know, wc are
opposed fo fhe whole systera of legislative interference
with trade, which wc wish fo sec left to its own laws, un-

I L>PjI.A U

LBGGETT. 69

fettered by any of the clogs and hinderances invented by
political fraud and cunning, to extract indirect taxes from
the coraraunity, and contrive offices with which to reward
the selfish exertions of sraall-beer politicians. We should
be glad to see fhe whole tree, root and branch, destroyed.
We should be glad if the whole oppressive and aristocratic
scherae of inspection and guaging, whether existing un
der the General Governraent, or that of the state, or of
the city, were utterly abrogated. We should be glad to
see the custora-house swept off info the sea, and the whole
array of collectors, surveyors, tide-wallers, and lick-spit
tles, of various denominations, swept off with if — or at
least corapelled to resort fo sorae other method of obtain
ing a livelihood. We should be glad if the Inspectors of
beef, flour, pork, cotton, tobacco, wood, charcoal and an
thracite, and all their brother Inspectors, too numerous to
mention, were made fo fake up the line of raarch, and
foUow their file leadera info aome more democratic species
of avocation. The land, freed frora this array of incu.
buses, and from the bad laws which give them being,
would then blossom as the roae under fhe genial influence
office frado ; and then It would bc found, wo do not doubt,
frora the alacrity with which the people would bear direct
taxation for all the necessary purposes of governinent,
that there was never any reason for fhe anomaly we have
presented in resorting to indirect means for obtaining
the public resourcea, as if the popular virtue and intelli
gence, on which our institutions are professedly founded,
existed but in narae, and the necessary expenses of gov
ernraent could only be obtained from fhe people by sorae
method which prevented fhem from seeing what they paid.
But puffing those ultra views, as somo may consider
them, entirely out of sight, there cannot be two opiniona,
one would think, as to the entire propriety of the request
now made to the city legislature by the petition to which

70 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
we hove oUuded. There are many persons who have
greater confidence in the cool dealers thon in the public
weighers, and we know of no just reason why tbey should
be prohibited by law from indulging their preference.

[From the Evening Posi, September 19, 1835.]
EXTREMES UNITE.
From the Washington Globe, of yesterday.
" The Evening Post has, on various occasions, shown
a disposition to fly off from the democratic party, by
running Into extremes. Upon fhe Tariff it knew no
raediura. It was free trode, without a reference to the
policy of other nations. In regard f o Banks no account
to be taken of the actual condition of things in the
country, but a universal and iraraediate annihUafion waa
the tendency of afl fhe Post's arguments. The spirit
of agrarianism was perceivable in all the political views
ofthe editor, and it seemed as If he was inclined fo legis
late altogether upon abstractions, and oilow the busi
ness of tbe world ond the state of society to have noth
ing fo do wilh it. This Eutopian temper in the Post
was perpetually running tho Editor's head against a post
— some established land-mark set up by fhe experience
and good sense ofthe people to designate the different in.
terests among us and the principles by which they were
to be protected. In ifs warfare upon fhe settled princi
ples of Deraocracy, the Post has ever and onon found
itself at loggerheads with the orgons which hove long
been accustoraed fo reflect the public sentiment. The
Richmond Enquirer — the Albany Argus, and other
standard republican prints, have been successively the

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 71
object of its attack. Finally, the Post, as if eager to breok
wilh the party to which it has assuraed to be devoted, has
assailed the Secretory of the Treasurj', fhe Secretary of
the Navy, and tho Postmaster General. AU fhis raight
poSsiblj' be set down to individual caprice — u sort of in
nocent ostentation, by way of displaying the independence
ofthe editor. But helms at last (and vve are glad of it)
taken a stand which must forever separate him frora the
deraocrotlc party. His journal now openly and sysle-
maticallj' encourages fhe Abolitionists. In this, he
attacks the compromise which vvas the foundation ofthe
Union, and commits outrage upon the most devotedly
cherished feelings ofthe whole democracy of fhe Union.
The abolition conspiracy is worse than nullification.
The latter only contemplates a dissolution of the Union.
The scheme of the Abolitionists involves the destruction
of the Confeaeracy, and brings with If also, as a foretaste,
fhe horrors of a servile and civil war. As this is fhe
tendency of the Post's present course, it must be content,
hereafter, lo be numbered among those journals with
which Ifs extravagance has ossociated it. The abolition
faction is the natural ally of the NuUificafion and Hart
ford Convention factions ; ond while the Post, os a jour
nal, acts with the former, fhe Deraocracy will class if with
the Telegraphs, tho Telescopes, the royal Araericans,
the Stone ond Dwlght Advertisers of the day."
AVe lose no tiino in plocing the foregoing article con
spicuously before our readers, and shall willingly part
from such as fall off from us in consequence of the ex
coraraunication pronounced by the AVashington Globe.
But they who shall stand by us through the evil report, as
fliey have stood by us fliroiigh the good report of that
paper, and as they stood by us long before that jiopor hod
existence, shall have ample occasion to acknowledge that
our democracy ia of too steadfast a kind to be driven off

72 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
even by the revilinga of those who profess the some po
litical creed with ourselves and act as accrodited organs
of our party. The principles which govern us in rolalloii
to all political questions are such as insure our permanent
continuance with fhe real democracy of the land ; and
aa the reputation of this journal was in no degree the re
sult of any asaiatance which it ever derived from the
Washington Globe, ao we may be permitted to hope that
ifa surcease will not be occasioned by the countenance of
that print being withdrawn.
There are certain leading principles in politics which
constitute the cynosure by which the course of this jour
nal is guided. The universal political equality of man
kind, fhe intelligence and integrity of the great raass of
the people, and the absolute right of a raajority to govern,
are the fundamental articles of our belief. These actuate
us in every movement now, and we trust will continue to
actuate us to the last moraent of our lives. The pollfi-
cal theories which rest on those principles as their basis,
though they may sometiraes ascend beyond the line of
prudence, can never overtop the altitude of truth, but in
their most airy elevation will securely lean against that
steadfast and eternal support.
We very much regret that the Globe has taken upon
itself to denounce this journal, and to give all who believe
in its infallibiUfy to understand that fhey must hereafter
consider and treat the Evening Post as belonging to the
comraon herd of the eneraies of the democracy. We re
gret it, both because ofthe two-fold motive from which the
anathema proceeds, and from a consideration ofthe con-
sequence which it is likely to occasion. But we by no
means look upon It as the worst evil which could befall ua,
and while we reraain true to fhe great interests of demo
cratic freedom, we have little fear either that our own
prosperity, or our just influence on public sentiment, will

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 73
be materiaUy diminished by fhe proscriiition or denuncia
tion of a pnrty journal which, in no quality that ought to
distinguish the |)ublic press, rises much above tbe level
of ordinary party papers, and which derives all its su
periority from the mere accident of its semi-official cha
racter. AVe have alluded to the two-fold motive which has led
the Globe to pronounce our exclusion from its list of demo
cratic newspapers. AVhat it says about our tendency
to run into extremes is for fhe purpose of giving a colour
able pretext for the course which undivulged motives of
secret policy have prompted it to pursue. Our views on
the subject of fhe tariff never before elicited o syllable of
disapprobation frora that journal. Throughout the great
struggle, which involved such extensive interests, excited
such angry feelings, and threatened, at one tirae, fo sun
der fhe Union, the Globe, indeed, pursued a cautious
sUent policy, or, when it ventured to express itself at all,
did so in equivocal terms, liable fo a double construction,
and played to perfection fhe part of a political Janus,
turning one face to the South ond fhe other to the North.
The course of this poper on the subject of banks is
wholly and we believe wilfully misrepresented by the
Washington Globe, and, at any rote, this is the first time
that a word of disapprobation on that subject has been
expressed. It is utterly untrue, and every reader of this
journal knows it is so, that wo hove desired a reformofion
ofthe bonk system " regardless ofthe actual condition of
things," and have insisted upon " universal and immedi
ate annihilation" of the systera. The course which we
have pursued in regard to banks is the sarae which tho
Globe itself, though with much less earnestness, haa pur
sued ; it is the same course that has been over and over
again recommended by Andrew Jackson, Thomas H.
Benton, ChurchiU C. Cambreleng, and many others of
Vol, II — 7

74 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
the most prominent and soundest democrats in the land.
It is the only course consistent with democratic princi
plea, and we defy the Globe to point out one sentiraent in
our anti-monopoly warfare in the slightest degree at va
riance with the doctrines of deraocracy as taught by
Jefferson and illustrated by Jackson.
As fo the conteraptible slang about Agrarianism and
Utopianism, to which the Globe descends for the lack of
valid objections against this journal, we deem It whoUy
unworthy of reply. The assertion that we have warred
against " the settled principles of democracy,'' is an un
mitigated falsehood, for which not a tittle or shadow of
proof can be adduced. It ia falso, also, that the Rich
mond Enquirer hos been attacked by us, or that we have
assailed the Secretary of the Treasury any further than
by mentioning the discontinuance of Treasury advertise
ments in this paper, with the presumed cause. The
Secretary ofthe Navy we have indeed assaUed, for grossly
impartial and improper conduct in the case of Captain
Read ; and the assault, unluckily for him, was fully justi
fied by the facts which occasioned it. We have also
assailed the Postmaster Generol, for the official promul
gation of doctrines which strike at the root of govern
ment and public order. What We have done in relation
to these two functionaries we should do again, were the
same cause (which heaven forbid !) again presented ;
and we know of no aegis which ought to protect their
misconduct, any more than fhat of the humblest raember
of the democratic party, from fhe reprehension of the
press. But the real two-fold raotive of the Globe is perfectly
understood. As far aa that motivo ia connected wilh a
desiro fo punish us for having opposed the nullifying doc
trines of Araos Kendall, we do not doera if worthy of ani-
madversion, and are quite content to let matters take

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 75
their own course in that respect. As far aa it springs
frora a disposition to appease the south, and thus proraote
the interests of ftir. Von Buren In that quarter of the
confederocy, we certainly do not disapprove the end,
however rauch we may naturally shrink from the honours
of martyrdom for that purpose. It has been a source of
much regret to us that the discussion which has arisen
between the north and south would necessarily tend to
alienate in some degree, the minds of southern men from a
northern candidate for the office of President ; ond we have
not doubted that, to produce fhis very result, fhe discussion
was promoted, and the angriest and most imflammatory
mode of disputation resorted to, by sorae of those en
gaged in if. Yet because dishonest politicians were
endeavouring to wrest a great question to their own sin
ister purposes, we did not feel ourselves of liberty fo shrink
frora on eornest support of what we consider the cause of
truth ; much less did we feel it incumbent on us to yield
to the arrogant demand of the south, that we vvould not
only abstain from all discussion of tbe question of slavery,
but even prohibit its discussion " by the strong arm of
the law." Our duty as deraocrats ond as freemen
seemed to us f o require that we should earnestly oppose this
arrogont demand, the more especially as vve saw but to<j
plain denotements, in fhis quarter of the Union, of a dis
position to truckle fo the South, for the purpose of pro
moting objects wholly inferior in importance to the great
principle of free discussion.
In a sincere desire that Martin Van Buren may be
elected President of the United Stofes, we are not sur
passed by the Washington Globe or any other journal in
this or any other part of fhe Union. Not for our own
behoof, in any way or shape, do we desire this, nor be
cause of any disposition favourable to our private inter
ests or feelings fhat It would make In either the public

76 PpilTIOAL WRITINGS OP
offices or emoluments. We desire the success of Mr.
Van Buren simply because of his Intrinsic fitness for fhe
high office of President, and for the sake of the demo-
cratic principles involved in the contest. Whatever we
can do to promote his election, not inconsistent with the
eternal obligations of truth ond justice, shall be freely and
strenuously done ; and let the Washington Globe, and
such of the democracy as follow its bidding, class fhe
Evening Post wilh what journals they please, and despite.
fully use us to any extent that their malignity prompts,
we shall be found, nevertheless, always in the thickest of
the fray, doing battle with oil our soul and strength ond
understanding, under the democratic banner first unfurled
by our fathers on the fourth of July 1776, the glorious
motto of which is The Equal Rights of Mankind I

THE COMMITTEE AND THE EVENING POST.
[From ihe Evening Posi, Oct. 10, 1835.]
The General Corarailfeo have at last fired off their
big gun which fhey have heen a long time past engaged in
loading. We are not utterly extcrminatod by it, fhat is
certain. We live and breathe and hove our being, not
withstanding this brutumfidmcn has been launched at us.
Let us pick up the spent bolt, and exhibit it fo our reo.
ders. Here it Is :
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN GENERAL COM-
MITTEE.
" At o regular meeting of fhe Deraocratic Republican
General Coraraittee, held at Taramany Hall, on Friday
evening, the 9th day of October, 1835, the following
preamble and resolulion were adoped !

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 77
"Wliereas, The course of the Evening Post, in continu
ing to discuss the Abolition question, in our opinion, meets
the decided disapprobation of the Democrocy of the City
and County of New- York, and of an overwhelming raa
jority of the people ofthe North, and is decidedly contrary
to tho expressed opinion and views of this Coramittee ;
and whereas, the manner as well as the matter of ifs pub
lications upon thaf question, are in our opinion danger
ous to the peace and safety of the good people of the
South, our brethren in the faraily of this great Republic : —
Therefore, " Resolved, That the proceedings of the Deraocratic
Republican General Committee be no longer published
in fhe Evening Post, and thot this Resolution be signed
by fhe Chairman ond Secretary, and published in the
Times, Truth Teller, Jeffersonian, and the Gerraan pa
per, fhe New-York Gazette. " DAVID BRYSON, Chairraan."
" Edward Sanford, Secretary."
Circumstances prevent us to-day from occupying any
considerable space with comments on the foregoing ex-
froordinory proceedings. It is not necessary that we
should do so. The preamble and resolution carry on
their foce, stamped in characters which he who runs may
read, and he who reads must despise, full evidence of the
most cringing and dishonest spirit which has dictated
this proceeding. This paper is proscribed — for what ?
For having deserted democratic principles ? No. For
any act of Infidelity fo the great cause of the people ?
No. For having slackened in Its zeal or industry to
promote the difliisloii of Iho doctrines langlit and illus-
- tratcd by Jeflcrson and Jucksou ? No. It is proscribed
for being free, and for persevering in its undoubted right
of free discussion. It is proscribed for considering the
7*

78 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
poor negro a man and a brother ; for deploring the hard
fate which binds nearly three miUions of native Ameri
cans in galling, endless, hopeless servitude ; for deploring
this parfly on account of fhe unhappy and degraded
wretches theraselves, but more on account of those who
hold thera in bonds ; for deploring it on account of the
prejudicial influence which slavery exercises on the raor
als of a people, for the manifold vices which it fosters,
and for the paralysing effect which it has on enterprise
and industry in every walk of life. This ia the reaaon
why we are proacribed.
But ia not the quealion of abolition a party queatlon ?
No. Ia it not one over which the General Coramittee
have legitimate cognizance ? No. If is a question too
wide to be infolded In the narrow span of party : it is one
which they whom the Committee represent never thought
of submitting fo their action. As weU might that com
raitfee designate the religious creed of the deraocratic
newspapers, and withdraw their countenance frora all
such as believed more or less than should be established
as the true measure of piety by their standard, as fo pro
scribe a newspaper, because, on a question of universal
philanthropy, it takes a side different from that which a
majority of the coraraunity have espoused.
But though the question of obolltlon is not a party
question, yet the discussion of the subject, it is thought,
may exercise an unfavourable Influence on the interests
of Mr. Van Buren at the South. It hence becomes the
policy of shorf-aighted and knavish partizans, who are
ever ready to sacrifice the right to the expedient, not
knowing that in the eyes of true philosophy they are
identical, to hush up a discussion which may disaffect
the slaveholder froni a northern candidate for tho office
of President. Not being able to hush fhe Evening Post,
which decides for Itself, wholly independent of dictation

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 79
or control from any quarter, or on any subject, what to
speak, and when to speak, and when to hold its peace,
the next best thing to be achieved is fo excoramunicate it
from tho pole ofthe democratic party, and thus show the
slaveholders that no advocate for universal emancipation
— no journal which has a real veneration for the glorious
declaration that all men are born with certain unaliena.
ble rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness, — is counted, at fhe north, as belonging to the
democratic party !
The day will come, nor is it far off, when those who
compose the majority of the present General Committee
wiU blush for their proceeding of last night. Let Mr.
Van Buren be elected tlirough fhe base, paltry, truckling
policy which his friends are exhibiting ; and before his
administration terminates he wUl have reason fo laraent
that his northern supporters had not raore strictly guided
theraselves by the only true rule of action. In politics as
well as in ordinary affairs of life, ihat honesty is the best
policy. Should Mr. A'^on Buren succeed by keeping down
the slavery discussion for a while, it wdl only break forth
with renewed violence after he is elected, and make his
whole terra of office one scene of rude coraraotion and
perplexity. The question must sooner or later be raet,
and met boldly. No northern president con ever guide
the affairs of this great nation in peace while slavery
exists. The discussion at fhe south has been got up at
the present time, in some measure, no doubt, by nullifiers
and heated opponents of Mr. Van Buren, for the purpose
of defeating his election. But the question, whenever
raised, and for whatever object, should ol woys be promptly
and boldly met by the presses ond fhe people of the north.
Such, ot all events, being our opinion, vve shall con
tinue to discuss the momentous topic, notwithstanding

80 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
the proscription of the General Committee, and with zeal
neither inflamed nor abated by that extraordinary pro
ceeding.

FREE FERRIES AND AN AGRARIAN LAW.
[From the Evening Post, Oct. 10, 1835.]
The Araerican, some few days since, in an editorial
article, expressed itself in favour of the establishment of
free ferries at the public expense. A correspondent of
that paper, a day or two afterwards, proposed fhe esta
blishment, at fhe public expense, of free carriages to carry
people about the city. Both propositions were serious,
not ironical. We have not the papera at hand in which
they were contained, but believe we do not miatoko the
purport of the two articles. Now it seems to us Ihof, the
epithet agrarian, which the American has sometimes
applied to this journal, was never so much deserved by
any political theory we have advonced, as it is by that
paper for the projects referred to. Let us confine our
selves, however, fo fhat which was editorially asserted,
naraely, the one relative to free ferries, for which we
may justly hold the Araerican responsible. This, we cer
tainly think can be deraonstraled lo bo agrarian, accord
ing fo fhe sense in which that term is employed by poli
ticians ofthe present day.
The ograrian law of Rorae was a law to provide for
the equitable division of conquered lands among those who
conquered them. If was not olfogelher unlike our lows
for the distribution of prize money ; though far more just
than they, according to our recollections of its provisions.
But the charge of agrarianism, os ap[)lied reproachfully
at the present day fo the radical democracy, imputes to
them a desire fo throw down fhe boundaries of private

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 81
right, and make a new and arbitrary division of property.
This charge. so far as relates to this journal, and so for,
OS we sincerely believe, as it relates to any considerable
number of individuols, of any name or sect, in our coun-
try, has no foundation in truth. Of our own political
doctrines we can truly say that they are in every feature
the very opposite of agrarianism. They rest, indeed,
on fhe basis of inviolable respect for private right. We
would not have even the legislature fake private property,
except forthe public good, directly, not incidentally ; and
then only in tbe clearest coses, and by rendering the
most equitoble compensation. We would never have It
delegate that power to any private corporation, on the
ground that the public good would be incidentaUy promo
ted by the doings of such a body.
But the American, in becoming the advocate of free
ferries, leans to agrarianism, in the popular and justly
odious sense of the word. It takes the property of A.
and gives it fo B, It proposes to bestow a valuable gra
tuity on such poisons as have occasion to use the ferry,
and pay for this gratuity, for the most part, with money
filched from, fhe pockets of those who never step foot in a
ferry-boat. Is this not clearly unjust ? Is it not to somo
extent, an agrarian scherae ?
The Araerican may answer us that it is but an extension
of the same power, the rightfulness of which nobody ever
calls in question, which is exercised by all municipal cor
porations in constructing streets at the public expense,
for the gratuitous accoraraodation of all who choose fo
use thera. Even this power in ifs nature Is agrarian,
and is subraitted to by universal assent, not because it is
right in principle, but because its conveniences overba-
lance the theoretic objections. But there is a point
where the objections equal the conveniences, and to in
sist on any scheme which lies beyond that point, is to

82 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
run the risk of being called, with justice, agrarian. Every
body has raore or less occasion to use fhe afreets ; and
therefore every body ought fo contribute towards the ex
pense of making and preserving tbem. This expense is
taken out of the general fund derived from taxes. The
burden of taxes falls, directly or indirecfly, on every body,
and if not in the precise proportion of relative advantage
from the uae of the streets, still the difference is too slight
to awaken complaint. But the cose is widely different
with regord to ferries. Thousonds of citizens never use
them at all j yet according to the agrarian scheme of
the American, they would be required to pay as rauch
for supporting theni as those who cross the river a dozen
times every day. They would find their advantage, the
American might argue. In the greater cheapness of mar
ket commodities, the Increased nuraber of custoraers fo
the city traders, and fhe general improvement ofthe city.
But this advantage would not be diffused equally, and
whatever is done by legislation should tend to the equal
benefit of aU.
But where would the American stop ? If free ferries
are of advantage, why would not free markets be also ?
And free warehouses ? And free dwelling houses ? And
free packet ships? And in short free from every thing?
The argumenta by which alone the American can aupport
ita theory of free ferries, are equally pertinent and cogent
in defence of a literal commonwealth. Who would have
thought to see the American turn so ultra an agrarian 1
Now, our theory with respect to ferries Is liable to no
such objections. It Is precisely the same as our theory
with respect to bonks, with reapect lo railroada, and wilh
respect to every other branch of trade and enterprise.
Our theory is the free trade theory. It is simply fo leave
trade alone f o govern itself by its own laws. Ferries are aa
much a matter of trade, as Broadway stages, or Broad-

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 83
way shopkeeping. Leave tho subject open to unrestricted
competition. Leave men to run boats where they please,
when Ihey please, and how they please, with no other re
straint upon fhem than such municipal regulations as raay
be requisite for the preservation of public order — sorae
simple rules, such as " turn f o the right, os fhe low directs.''
AVhcn this course is pursued, vve shall have ferry boots
where fhey arc wonted, ond as many os aro wanted, and
no more. People wUl not run more boats than yield a
fair profit on investment, and where competition is free
there will certalnlj' be as raany. The ferries, then, be-
tween New-York and Long Island, and between New-
York and New-Jersey, will be as well conducted, and as
well supplied with boats, as are the ferries now between
New -York and Albany.
This is our scheme : how does the American like it ?
The difference between us Is that we are for leaving
ferries to fhe regulation of the lawa of trade ; the Ameri
can Is for controlling them by Agrarian law.*

FANCY CITIES.
[Fro7n the Evening Post, Sept. 14, 183^.]
A TRAVELLER, ouco, in Indiana, on sotting out early
one morning from the place where ho had passed the
night, consulted his raap of the country, and finding fhat
a very considerable town called Venice, or Verona, or
Vienna, or by fhe name of some other European city, be
ginning with a V, occupied a point on his road but somo
* It may be proper to state again here what has been already
noticed in the Preface, that Mr. Leggett was attacked by a very
severe and protracted illness in October 1835. Ho did not return
to the paper till the fall of the next year.

84 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
twelve or fifteen railes off, concluded to journey as far
as that place before breakfast. Another equally exten
sive town, beoring os sounding a narae, was laid down
at a convenient distance for his afternoon stage ; and
there he proposed halting for the night. He continued
to travel at a good round pace until the sun had attained
a great height in heaven, and until he coraputed thaf he
had accomplished raore than twice or thrice the distance
which he proposed to hiraself in the outset. His sto
mach had long since warned him that it was time to holt,
and his horse gave indications which plainly showed that
he was ofthe sarae opinion. Still he sow no town be
fore hira, even of the humblest kind, much less such a
magnificent one as his raap hod prepared him to look for.
At length, meeting a solitary wood-chopper emerging
from the forest, he accosted him, and inquired how far it
waa to Vienna. " Vienna I" exclairaed fhe man, " why
you passed it five and twenty miles bock : did you not
notice a stick of hewn timber and a blazed tree beside
the road? That was Vienna." The dismayed traveller
then inquired how far It was to the other place, at which
he designed passing fhe nighf. " Why you are right on
that place now," returned the man ; " it begins just the
other side of yon ravine, and runs down fo a clump of
girdled trees which you will see about a mile further on
the road." " And are there no houses built ?" faltered
out the traveller, who began to suspect that, as the song
says — " The heath this night must be his bed."
" Oh, no houses whatsomever,'' returned fhe woodraan ;
« they hewed and hauled the logs for a blocksrailh'a shop,
but before fhey raised it fhe town lots were all disposed
of in the eastern stafes, and every thing has been left just
as you now see it ever since."

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 85
It is pretty much in the same way that things ore left,
at the present time, in this portion of the country. If
any one should raake a raap of the lands lying within the
compass of some thirty or fortj' miles from this city, and
embrace in it all the improveraents, projected as well as
actually existing, the spectotor, who does not know fhe
true condition of fhe country, would be astonished at the
appearance of dense population which It would present.
Cities, towns and villages vvould be represented as lying
scattered around hira at every step. The infermediato
slips of unoccupied ground would soom hardly large
enough even to furnish posturo for the stray cattle of the
surrounding towns, rauch less lo supply their inhabitants
with all the necessary products of agricultural consurap
tion. AVe hear no more, now-a-days, of a form being
sold, as a farm, in the vicinity ofthe city. The land is
all divided into lots of a hundred feet by twenfy-five ; and
it would seem as if, in the visions of speculators, a dense
city must soon extend from the Atlantic ocean to the
lakes, and frora the Hudson river to fhe borders of Con
necticut. One of the raost curious circurastances connected with
the universal rage for speculation Is the exceeding gulli-
bUity of the people. No scherae seems to be too vast to
stagger their credulity. The most Impracticable plans
are received as easy of accoraplishraent, and the most stu
pendous projects are entered upon with undoubfing con
fidence, as if they were " trifles light as air." The
thought obtrudes Itself, apparently, Into no man's mind,
that there Is a stopping place where all this rapid raotion
must cease— fhat Uie machine, urged fo too great velocity,
will ut last fall to pieces. No ono sooins to onficlpofo
that fliere must corae a tirae wheu the towering fabric
which speculation is building up, grown too huge for its
foundation, will topple on fhe heads of ifs projectors, and
Vol. II.— 8

86 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
bury fhem in ifs ruins. Every one octs as if there were
no fear that the explosion vvould take place while he is
in danger. Each ono stretches out his hand lo grasp his
share of the gambler's spods, without any idea that, like
fairy money, it may turn fo worthless rubbish in his
hands. A general infatuation has siezed the minds of
the community, and each one grows wilder in his lunacy
frora listening to the ravings of those around hira.
In the raeanwhfle the speculators would indeed seera
to have discovered the Midas art. Their touch turns
every thing to gold. They are all getting rich. One
buys the refusal of a form for a vast deal raore than it Is
intrinsically worth. He sells it to another for a large
advance, before fhe term of payment has arrived. The
second sells It to a third, the third to a fourth ; and in
this way it probably passes through a dozen hands, be
fore fhe first Instalment of the original price Is paid.
Each successive purchaser fancies himself rich, and the
one Into whose possession fhe property falls last haa
magnificent plans in prospect, and thinks thaf he is richest
of all. But pay day raust corae, and come ere long, we
fear, fo many an unprepared speculator, and rudely wake
him frora his dreara of fancied wealth.
The vast and sudden increase which the paper money
circulation of this country has undergone within the last
eighteen months is the cause of the feverish thirst of
riches which the community now exhibits ; and whatever
shall check that circulation, and turn it back upon the
banks, will arrest the disease, but arrest it with a violence
that to many wUl prove fatal, and give a fearful shock to
all. Paper money is, to the people of this country, the
insane root that takea fhe reason prisoner ; and they con
be restored to sanity only by withholding such stimula
ting and dangerous aliment. As It now Is, their appetite
grows by what it feeds on. The demand for money in.

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 87
creaaes with each succeeding day ; and every new loan
of bank credit but gives rise fo new projects of specula
tion, each wilder and raore chiraerical than the last.
The effect of this pervading spirit of speculation (or
spirit of garabling, os it might with more propriety be
called, for it is gambling, and gambling ofthe most despe
rate kind) on the raorals of tho community is dreadful.
Its direct and manifest tendency is fo blunt men's raoral
perceptions, and accustom them by degrees to arts and
devices of traffic which an honest, unsophisticated mind
would shrink from with horror as frauds of fhe most fla
gitious dye. It creates a distaste for the ordinary pur
suits of industry ; If disinclines the mind frora gradual
accumulation in some regular vocation, and kindles on in
tense desire, like thot expressed In tho proyer of Ortogal
of Basro, " Let me grow suddenly rich !" To fhis gara
bling spirit of fhe age we may directly trace the raost of
those prodigious frauds the discovery of which has re
cently startled the public mind. " Startled the public
nilud," did wc say? Tbo phrase is wrong. The public
were not startled. They heard the stories with fhe most
stoical indifference ; and if any exclamations were ut
tered, they conveyed rather o sentiment of coramisera-
tion for the criminals, than one of detestation for their
stupendous crimes.
But the day ofthe madness of speculation is drawing
to a close. The time must come, nor can if be remote,
when some financial or commercial revulsion will throw
back the stream of paper circulation to its source, and
many a goodly vessel, which hod ventured too boldly on
the current, wfll be left by the reflux stranded on Its
shores. Circumstances may yet defer the evil day for
awhile, but if cannot be far off. A failure of the cotton
crop, a slight reduction of prices in Europe, or any one
of the thousand contingencies to which trade is perpetu-

88 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
ally liable, wUI give a fhock to fhe widely expanded cur
rency ofthe country, which \vUI be felt with ruinous force
through every vein and artery of business. Wo unto
them iu fhat day who do not now take timely caution.
Their cities and towns and villages, which they are now
so fertile in planning, as if they thought men might be
multiplied as rapidly aa paper money, will remain un
tenanted and dcaolate raem ii ia s of their madness, and
the voice of sorrow and mouinlnL'', instead of the din of
present unreal prosperity, will be heard through the land.

COPY RIGHT LAW NO MONOPOLY.
[From the Evening Post of Sept. 27, 1836.]
Some ofthe newspapers, we percove, are treating the
subject of a copy-right law, as if such lows were grants
of monopolies, and rested on precisely the same princi
ples with enactments conferring exclusive trading privi
leges, as banks, Insurance companies, and the like.
This is a very erroneous view of the matter. A copy
right law instead of being a monopoly, is fhe very re-
verae. A monopoly is a legislative grant, fo an indivi
dual or association, of exclusive or peculiar privileges or
immunities denied to the rest of the coraraunity. A
copy-right law, on fhe other hand, confers no new privi.
lege or iramunity, but absolutely lakes oway a portion of
an author's right of property in a work of his own crea
tion, and renders no equivalent, except fhe mere guard.
ing the remainder with .s( me special provisions.
It would be far more proper fo coll the lows securing
to raen their rights of property in land inonopollos, than
those which protect authors and inventors in the produc
tions of their intellectual industry and ingenuity. The
rights of property in land aie not natural rights. By

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 89
nature, we are all heirs In comraon of the earth, as well
as of the air and ocean. The origin of individual rights
of territory may all be traced, either fo the lawless rapa.
city of iiukIiI, or the arbitrary enactments of incompc.
lent legislative autboriflcia. Tho lettcr.H patent of nn ig
norant monarch hove granted owoy o whole continent
to the discoverers, though that continent was already
in the occupation of numerous tribes of human beings.
Such gr.ints moy with some propriety be colled monopo
lies. But an author's right of property in his productions
rests on a juster basis. In oil ages and aU nations ofthe
world, the right of an individual fo fhe creations of his
own labour or skill have always been considered sacred.
Even the Indians, who hold their hunting grounds in
comraon, and adrait of no arbitrary divisions or appropri-
ations of territory among fhe merabers of their tribes, re
spect each other's exclusive claira to the creations of
their own efforts, to that species of property which owes
its value to Individual lobour and skill. Thus fhe red
hunter, who rouges free over fhe foce of fhe earth, who
would spurn the idea of being shut in by fences, and mock
the claims of personal possession ; yet respects fhe rights
of his fellows in their bows and arrows, which they shape
from the reeds and saplings ; in their wigwams, which
they construct of the trees of the forest ; and in fhe wam
pura and raoccasins, which are woven by their own in
genuity. On the same basis rests an author's right of
property In the book which he draws from the resources
of his raind, and prepares with labour both of the hand
and the head. On the same basis, also, rests the right
of the inventor to the productions of his ingenuity.
These are natural rights, not rights created by law ; not
rights growing out of kingly grants, or the preponderance
of might over justice.
8*

90 POLITICAL WBITINGS OF
But society, to promote the benefit of the moss, de
prives the individual of this inherent natural and per
petual right, after a limited period of time ; and the im-
ly consideration which it renders in return for the usur
pation, is to guard him in the exclusive possession and
advantages of his property for fhe short space he is per
mitted lo retain it. In doing this, however, it does no
raore for the author, than it is its dulj' lo do for the pos
sessor of every species of property, the grand object for
which all governraent is framed, being fo protect men in
the peacful enjoyraent of life, limb and property. To
the author and inventor, then, the law grants no exclu
sive privilege but curtails thera of a natural right — limits
them fo a few years in tho possession of property whol
ly created by themselves, fo which, without such limita
tion, their claim would be of the aame enduring charac
ter, as the mechanic's is lo fhe results of his skill, or the
farmer's to the products of his industry. Such being fhe
facts, is it not manifestly absurd to call the copy-right
law or the patent-law a monopoly ?

THE FIRE DEPARTftlENT.
[From the Evening Post, Sept. 28, 1836.]
Our paper, yesterday afternoon, contained grotifying
evidence of such prompt ond active public spirit, on the
part of a portion of our foUow-citizens, in relation to the
condition in which the community are placed by the re
cent unworthy conduct of o great nuraber ofthe fiieraen,
as affords strong assurance that, in the event ol a confla
gration, adequate efforts will be mode to oxtinguiah if.
Volunteer companies, by the pof neous and energetic
action of the highly respectable men composing thera,
have been already foi med lo fake charge of the engines

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. ' 91
dererfed by their former crews. These now companies
including among them citlzcna whose heads are blanched
Wl h years, come forward wif i n honourable pledge, that
they will unite cordially with the Fire Department, ren
dering oil fhe assistance in their power fo extinguish
whatever fir s mnj' occur, and discharging the duties
which raay be assigned to them with olocrify ond subor-
dinatio i.
Among tho.sc who havo distinguished themse'vea in
this raanner, ond earned the thanks of their fellow-citi
zens, we notice the proceedings of a raeei ing in fhe fourth
ward, coraposed, in port, of old firemen, exempt from fur
ther duty by reason of their having perforraed the terra of
service required by law. At the heod of these is Mr.
D.inlel Berrion, who officiated as Chairman of t e meet
ing. Mr. Berrion is on old and respectable inhubi'ant
of the fourth ward, a man in ofUuent circurasta ces, and
considerably advanced in years. Yef, after a life of use
ful tod, he does not hesitate fo come forward in his old
age, to resume fhe arduous duties of a fireman, from
which he long since exera I'd himse f by a fidl and ac
tive discharge of all the required services, and to rebuke,
by his example, the concerted rebellion of those vvho, from
dissatisfaction with the Common Council, whether well
or Ul founded, did not heriti.fo to leave, as they thought
an I hoped, the city dofoiiccloss against ifs most danger
ous scourge. Such conduct as Mr. Berrlan and his as
sociates display, richly deserves fhe approbation of tho
community, and .stands in noble contrast with that of the
recusant firemen.
We see if stated In sorae of flie newspapers that a por
tion of the fireraen who have abandoned their places as
serabled at fhe fire yesterday, at fhe corner of Anthony
and Centre-streets, and not content with hoving |vvith.
drawn their own aid frora the Fire Deparfraent, atterapted

92 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
to frustrate the exertions of others, who were not dispos
ed to see the city again desolated by a conflagration.
Some ofthe ringleaders in this most wicked riot were ap
prehended, and aro now in close custody. We trust that
no mistaken views of policy or false sympathy moy lead
to tlieir enlargement till they have been made tho subject
of exeraplary punishment. Let not those lows, which
the tribunols ore reody enough to enforce ogolnst a com-
' bination of poor journeymen tailors, who had no worse
object In view than to coerce their employers info the
payraent of increased wages, now lie a dead letter, when
a raore forraidable corabination is coinniilting outrages
which lend directly to fhe overthrow of aU security both
of property and life.
It is most earnestly to be hoped that the opportunity
presented by existing circumstances, in relation lo the
means possessed by tho city for tbo extinguishing of fires,
will be turned to its best use in tho total revision and re-
forraation ofthe system which has heretofore been in use.
The public attention Is now directed with strong inter
est to tho subject, ond the public sense demands the adop
tion of some plan which will not subject fhe city to be ex
posed a prey to unresisted conflagration, whenever a ca
pricious body of volunteers shall find or fancy cause of
offence in tho proceedings of tho municipal outhoritics.
There is no reason, that wo ore aware of, why the fire-
men should not be o regularly organized corps of paid
men, enlisted 'oy fhe City Government for a fixed period,
and subject to coercive leKulolions. Tho protection of
the lives and property ofthe citizens against conflagra
tion is OS Icgltiraote an office of government, as their
protection against the midnight robber and murderer, or
against any of those disorders for which the police ia in
stituted. Aa weU raight our marshals and constables, or
the watchmen who guard our streets ot night, or any

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 93
other class of men who render a laborious public service
bo composed of persons doing volunteer duty, as the fire
men. And as well might they,' for rendering such ser
vice, be exempted, like the firemen, from the list of
jurors. It might then happen that the Common Coun
cil, by some appointment or reraoval, or some other oct,
performed with a single view to the public good, should
give offence, simultaneously, to a leading or popular
watchman, fireman, and police officer. In what condi
tion vvould the city be left, if, in consequence of a rebel
lious combination, if should at once ba siript of all its de
fences against fire, robbery, tumult and secret crime ?
If the duty of the Fire Department were entrusted to a
duly organized corps of men, compensated for their ser
vices wilh a sufficient stipend, and subject to frequent
drills and trainings, and all the proper measures of dis-
cipline, we should have, in fhe place of a riotous and
licentious body, one that would act with both celerity
and decorum, and, in discharging their duties, no further
interrupt fhe quiet of the city than would be inevitable
from fhe nature of fhe service they perforra. The
shrieks and shouts and hoarse bellowings, frora a hundred
claraorous throats, which now occomp n y every engine,
and scare sleep from the lids of the startled inhabitants far
around, would then be heard no more ; and nothing but the
raffling of fhe wheels, and the necessary words of comraand
frora duly appointed officers, would br.ak in upon the
stillness of the night.
Th;;re is one consideration conected with this subject
to wliich we briefly olluded a few days ago, and which,
JVC think, deserves the attention ofthe piiblif authorities :
the iraproper character of Ibo iraraunity extended to the
firemen in exempting thera from duty as jurors. What
ever diralnithe- the list of respec able persons laMe to
render that important service fo the coraraunity, irapairs,

94 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
in some degree or other, the validity of the great bul
wark of our rights — fhe trial by a jury of twelve peers,
token promiscuously from the whole body of citizens. In
a now organizatlou of fbo Firo Department, it is to bo
hoped no such privilege will bo admitted.

WOOD INSPECTION.
[From the Evening Post, October G, 1836.]
A GENTLEMAN of fliis clty, nof long since, having occa
sion to cut down the trees upon a piece of woodland
which he owned at a short distance in the countrj', con
cluded lo send them to his town-house, in his own farm
waggon, and deposit them in his collar for hia winter fuel.
He waa met on the way by ono of fhat army of municipal
officers, colled wood-Inspocfois, who forbade him to pro
ceed until the loads wore inspected, the iiumbor of cords
ascertained, and the amount of the inspection-fees paid.
It was in vain thaf he reraonstrated, telling the man that
tho wood was from his own farm, for his own use, and
conveyed to the city in his own vehicle. The inexorable
inspector turned o deaf oar to all his arguments, and only
reiterated, " my fees I ray foos ! " And it vvas only on
paying the foes, and having his wood duly raeasured, that
the genfleraan was permitted fo proceed on his way.
This is only one of nnracrous illustrations we might give
of fhe beauties of thaf system of toxation which forces
people fo poy enormous duties on the jiriine necessaries
of life for the support of an idle and useless herd of oflice-
holders. There never was o raore gratuitous and tyrannical ira
position on the community than those municipal lows
which make it obligatory on every citizen to employ a
public officer fo measure his wood ond weigh his coal.

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 95
We have no objection that there should be public weigh
ers and measurers for those who choose to employ fhem,
for those who have not confidence enough in the persons
with whom they deal to trust fo their honesty, or who
arc too indolent or too busy lo attend to their own busi
ness. These moy moke use of inspectors in welcome,
and paj' them their fees, or what sum they think proper,
for their services. But we do contend against fhat prin
ciple of legislation, which, for fhe accommodation of theae
distrustful or indolent people, imposes on the whole pub
lic the obligation to pay an equol sura for services they
would rauch rother dispense with. We ourselves, for
e.xample, stand in no need, of any such intermediary
agency. We can trust the dealer from whom we pur
chase our coal and wood, or otherwise we con stand and
see that due weight and measuroracnt ore given, and do
not thank any corporation officer fo meddle wifli our af
fairs, and demand a fee for bis interference.
The aggregate amount of this unjust tax in fhis city is
very great, and fhe burden falls very heavily on some
classes of the community. AVhy should it not be at once
repealed ? Can any one give any good reason why our
wood and coal inspection laws should not be effaced from
the statute book ? Is there a single class of persons, save
only the office-holders themselves, who fatten on these
spoils of a rifled community, fhat would have the least
reason to complain of such an abrogation ? AV ould not
the citizens at large, rich and poor, be benefited by the
rescinding of those absurd enactments? There can be
but one answer to these questions. Would that the Cora- '
mon Council could bc induced to act according to the
purport of that rcjily.

96 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF

CAUSES OF FINANCIAL DISTRESS.
[From Hie Evening Post, October 2i, 1836.]
The financial storm longsijice predicted by this jour
nal has at last commenced in good earnest, and bo; ins
now fo be severely felt. For a considerable tirae past
a pressure for money haa been experienced In this me
tropolis, and within a few daya it haa increaaed to a de
gree which haa made it the subject of general conversa
tion and complaint. Men now perceive that their pro
jects, sustained on the airy basis of too widely extended
credit, are in danger of sudden ruin. A sense of general
insecurity is awakened, and alarm and consternation are
taking the place of fhat fool-hardy spirit of speculation,
which, but a litlle while ago, kept hurrying on from ono
mad scheme to another, as if itpossessed the fabled art of
turning all it touched into gold. A commercial revulr
sion has coramenced, and we fear will not terrainate, tUl
it has swept like a tornado over the land, and marked ifs
progresa by the wrecks scattered in its path.
It ia alwaya to be expected in this country, when any
thing occurs to create extensive dissatisfaction, Ihat
newspaper writers, on one side or the olher, will strive fo
turn it to the uses of party ; and we accordingly find, in
the present instance, that the opposition journala seize the
subject ofthe financial difficulfies as a theme for decla
mation against the government, and ascribe all our pecu
niary erabarrassraents to the raol-odmlnistrotlon of pub
lic affairs. Some, with singular conterapt for the under
standing of their readers, deal in raere generalities, and,
in all the worn out comraon places of the political slang
vocobulory, denounce the odministration as composed of
a set of ignorant " tinkers ofthe currency," or fraudulent
apeculatora, who interfere with the financlol arrangeraents

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 97
ofthe country, for the purposes of private gain, perfectly
regardless of the wide-spread ruin they may occasion.
In the sarae spirit they call upon fhe nierchants lo close
their stores and counting-rooms, and go out into the streets
as political missionaries, devoting themselves exclusively,
for the next twenty days, to the business of electioneering,
with a view of putting down a corrupt admlnisfratioD,
which is forever trying high-handed experiments with the
currency, and obstructing fhe sources of coramercial
prosperity. The day has been when the mercantile raen
of this community suffered themselves to be inflamed by
such appeals, and acted in pursuance of such advice.
But we trust that day is past, never to return.
Another portion of fhe opposition papers, with more
respect for the intelligence of their reoders, endeavour to
fortify their charges against the administration by ex
plaining the mode In which fhey conceive it fo be the au
thor of the present difficulties. By sorae of these, all fhe
embarrassments of the money market ore traced to the
order of the Treasury Deparfraent, requiring payment
for public lands to be made in specie. This raay do
very well as a reason to be urged by those wise journalists
who are ever ready to shape their political economy to
the exigencies of party ; but will hardly satisfy read^s
of so much inteUigence as lo demand that the cause shall
be adequate fo fhe effect. Any one who will give the
slightest attention to the statistics of fhe land sales, and
who wUl reflect what a vast amount of purchase an in
considerable sum in specie will pay, in its necessarily
constant and rapid circulation from the land office to the
neighbouring bank, and from tbe bank back fo fhe land
office, must be perfectly satisfied that the regulation in
question cannot have had any perceptible effect in pro-
ducintr the general financial pressure now experienced.
There Is a third class of opposition writers who, like
Vol. IL— 9

98 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
the others, imputing oil fhe difficulties fo the administra
tion, yet find out on entirely diff'eront and much more
adequate cause. These impute if entiroly to the Trea
sury orders, issued to various bonks in difl'erent parls of
the Union against Iho public funds collected on dopositc
in fhe banks of this city. By the natural course of trade,
New- York is fhe great money market ond storehouse of
bullion for the entire confoderocy. At this port, four-
fifths of the whole revenue of the country ore collocted,
and would here accumulate, affording a s.ubst.'iiitial basis
of credit ond reciprocal accommodation to those who
poy it, were it not for fhat " tinkering with the currency"
which subverts fhe natural order of things. To this ex
tent we sincerely go with Ihose who ore declaiming
against fhe government. We agree with them that fhe
condition of affairs, as established by the laws of trade, ia
deranged by governraent interference, and that the trea
sury orders, which have the effect to cause a sudden dis
persion of the public funds accuraulafed in this city, and
to drain fhe specie frora the vaults of our banks, sending
it hither and thither, and for a time, entirely destroying
its use, aa a foundation of commercial credit, ore fhe
immediate cause of the prevailing distress. So far, the
opposition writers have our concurrence ; but not ono
step beyond, because, further than fhis, fhey arc not
supported by truth. Let us look calmly at fhe facts, and
see where justice niust attach fhe blarae.
The complaint is, fhat Mr. Woodbury, directed perhaps
by the Executive, issues Treosury Orders to banks at va
rious distant points, which they present to tho banks in
this city, in many cases demonding specie, thus compel
ling those institutions suddenly fo retrench, and spreading
consternation and ruin among the merchants. The banks
theraselves, it is further aflirmed, if payraent of these
orders should continue fo be demanded in specie, will
soon be exhausted of every metalic doUar, and oblltred

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 99
to suspend fhe redemption of their notes. We very much
fear that there is no exaggeration in all this. But where
lies fhe blame ? We are not content to stop at Mr.
AVoodbury, and shower undeserved obloquy upon hira.
We cannot charge it fo General Jackson ; for we have
no warrant for believing ho would assume such a fearful
responsibility. AVe go further than this : we go lo the
laws of the lost Congress : wo go to those enactments
which raake it obligatory on the Treosury Department
to act OS it is acting ; which leave it no discretion ;
which compel it to derange the currency, to break up the
foundations of cominerciol credit in this great city, ond
create oil the wide-spread distress vvhich, in the end, raust
result frora tho proceeding. Ono step further will show
us the Origin of those lows ; and there vve behold the very
men who are now the loudest and angriest declaimers
against these consequences : fhe very party which is
endeavouring to convert them into a fatal vveopon ogainst
their opponents. To the act regulating the deposites of
public money, and more particularly, to the supplementary
act, passed, on ihe last legislature day of the session, we
impute all ihe mischief.
Both these acts were conceived, and matured, and
carried into effect by the opposition, aided by such ad
ministration merabers as they could deceive with fhe illu
sory promises of advantage which the measures held out ¦
to fhe spirit of sectional rapacity. They considered their
carrying them a great party triumph. They had public
rejoicings on the occasion, with discharges of artillery,
bonfires, and all fhe etceteras of such electioneering pa
geants. They now behold tho result, or rather ihe com
mencement of the end. The fruit is of the tree of their
planting; if it is bitter, they have themselves to thank.
Bad as it is, we fear that worse — much worse is yet to
oome.

100 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
We assert that the Secretary of the Treasury cannot
possibly act otherwise than ho is now acting. He doubt
less sees, and knows, and laments, the consequences of
the orders issued from his department ; but he haa no
power to withhold them. Tho President of the United
Statea haa no power to forbid their being issued. It is
done in plain pursuance of the positive proviHions of the
Deposite Law and its supplementary rider — laws devised
by the aristocracy, carried by the aristocracy, rejoiced at
by the arisfocrrfcy. Fain would the President hove in
terposed hia Veto, but fhey were raade to assurae such a
shape as obviated the constitutional objection, and, in the
delusion of fhe moment, too many ofthe democratic party
had joined their opponents to render such a step of any
avafl. The bills were signed — signed with a strong pre
sentiment, or rather a clear foresight of the evils they
would occasion ; and the event affords another forcible
iUustration of fhe sagacity of that great man whom the
people, in happy hour, selected to guide fhe affairs of
state. Other warning voices foretold the ruin that would
ensue. The views of Mr. Van Buren were well known
at the time, and were immediately after very clearly ex
pressed. In the House of Representatives Mr. Cambre
leng raised his admonitory voice, and predicted fhe very
state of things which now exists. But all in vain. Tho
opposition drowned remonstrances with clamour. They
won fo their sido sectional politicians by the hopes vvhich
they excited of local advantages. They carried the
measure ; and now they experience its effects. Not
they only, unfortunately ; but those who opposed, as
well aa those who supported the mad, corrupting
scheme. The whole people feel the effects, and aro
doomed to feel them with far greater intensity before
raany months are past.
The suppleraenlary law lo which we have alluded ren.

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 101
ders it the duty of the Secretary ofthe Treasury to make
" transfers from bonks in ono State or Territory fo banks
in another Stole or Territory, whenever such transfers
may be required, in order to prevent large and inconve
nient accumulations in particular places, or in order io
produce a due equality and just proportion, according io
the provisions of said actf' — namely, the Deposite Act.
The " due proportion ond just equality" required Ly the
provisions of that act, is a division, on the first of January
noxl,of tho surplus revenue among tho slates in proportion
lo their respective representation in the Senote and
House of Representatives of the United States ; and, in
the meanwhile, fhe Secretary of fhe Treasury is directed
to raake transfers from state fo state, according to that
scale of distribution, and not to suffer fo remain in any
one deposite bank an araount exceeding fhree-fourths of
its capital. Thus fhis wise low obliges hira fo stand in
a posture ofperpefuol vigUance, and keep carting the
public raoney about from bank to bank, the raoraent the
course of business places in any institution a single dollar
beyond the liraitation of the law. The evil, then, springs
frora fhe low and those vvho made fhe law, and not from
the Secretary of the Treasury.
Aa for the fact fhat specie is demanded of the banks
in New-York in payraent of the Treasury orders, the
opposition have again only their own party to thank.
It is a notorious fact that a raajority of the several di
rectors of nine-tenths ofthe bonks in the United States
are raerabers ofthe opposition. The Treasury orders are
issued in the usual form, and it is left entirely discre
tionary with the bonks in whose favour they ore issued to
moke such orrangoinents with the banks on which the
orders ore drawn as shall be most for fhe convenience
and interest of oil portios concerned. This is a matter
with which the Secretary of the Treasury has, of right,
9*

1 02 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
nothing fo do. He is bound to act according to the in
variable usage of the Department ; and if the opposition
directors of a distant bank choose to demand specie of a
New-York bank, for the purpose of embarrassing the in
stitution, crippling its means of accomraodating its cus
toraers, and thus spread confusion and panic through the
coraraunity, we know of no way in which Mr. Woodbury
can interfere to prevent tho result. He but obeys fhe
provisions of a law which clearly prescribes the mode in
which he is to act. That he has every disposition so to
discharge his iraperotive duties as to mitigate oa much
as possible the hardship of their necessarj' efl'ect on
the mercantile coraraunity, no man can entertain a rea
sonable doubt. He has expressed hiraself, as we see ata
ted in fhe Journal of Commerce of this morning, ready
fo arrange the distribution of the surplus revenue In any
manner, consistent with the law, which shall best sub
serve the interests of trade, and promote stability in the
raoney market. That paper says, " no more drafts will
be issued at present, and sorae olready issued and trans
mitted to distant places, will be countermanded. It
devolves on the deposite bonks here, to point out to the
Secretory fhe manner by which, in their opinion, the
objects of the law can be raost conveniently accorapUsh
ed." But the immediate cause of the financial embar
rassments is in fhe low itself, and fhe Secretary of flie
Treasury, execute its provisions in what mode he maj',
cannot prevent coramerciol distress. In the meanwhile,
the condition info which the community ore thrown by
a few drafts upon our bonks for specie, is a forcible illus
tration, added to the many which hod been previously
afforded, of the beauties of that banking system of exclu
sive privileges by which the peojile have so long suffered
themselves to be oppressed.
But the first, greot, and all important cause of the pe-

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 103
cuniary distress lies much deeper than any which fhe
opposition papers assign. It is neither fhe Treasury
order in relation to the public lands, nor the Treasury
orders on deposite banks. These last have, at the very
worst, but precipitated an evU, which, had no such orders
been issued, or no transfers in any way made, could by
no possibility havo been long averted. It would have
come next winter, and with a pressure greatly augmented
by fhe delay. It would have fallen, like an avalanche,
of the very season when revulsion is more fatal, because
then fhe largest omounts of payraents ore fo be mode.
The distribution law takes effect in Jonuarj', and had not
the necessity of complying with the conditions of the
supplementary bill given fhe present harsh, but salutary
check fo spoculation, the amount of credil, now so prodi
giously inflaled, would hove been still further extended,
and the shock of o sudden explosion would have been far
raore feorful and disastrous.
Without the distribution bill, even, a dreadful commer
cial revulsion could nof long have been avoided. AVe
were rushing on madly at a rate which could not long be
continued. The first obstacle must have thrown us from
our course, and dashed us to pieces. Look af the pre-
sent state of the country. When did it ever before pre
sent such o spectacle of prodigiously distended credit?
When did such a fever of speculation madden the brains
of whole communities? When did all sorts of commo
dities bear such enormous prices ? And when, at the
some tirae, was there over such vast consumption — such
prodigality, wastefulness, and unflilnking profusion ? Is
the treasury order the cause of this ? Alas, it is one of
ifs remote consoquoncos. What filled j'our treasury to
such overflowing, that somo cunning politician was
prompted by a consideration ofthe exuberance fo dcviso
the scheme of distribution ? Speculation. What excited

104 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
that spirit of speculation ? The sudden and enormous
increase of bank capital, and the corresponding inflation
of bank currency. In the last eighteen raonths alone
nearly one hundred millions of bank capital have been
added to the previous amount. Examine the following
bank statistics, derived from sources believed to be
accurate, and soe how prodigiously and rapidly our sys
tem of bonk credit has been swollen : .
Aggregate capital of the Banks in ihe United States.
In the year 1811 the, total araount was $52,600,000
1315 82,200,000
1816 89,800,000
1820 102,100,000
1830 110,200,000
1835 196,250,000
1836 (August) 291,250,000
Increase in nine years preceding 1820 $49,500,000
Do. ten years 1830 8,100,000
Do. six years 1836 181,050,000
Who con look at Ihis statement, and not feel con
vinced that the cause of the present financial distress lies
deeper than treasury orders, whothor in relation to public
lands or public deposites? This enormous increase of
bank capital in the last six years has been accompanied
by a corresponding expansion of bank issues, and by a
commensurate extension of private credits. The busi
ness of the country has been sliinulofed info most un
wholesome and fatal activity. Circurastances, unlocked
for, have occurred fo aggravate the epidemic frenzy.
The governraent has obtained the payment of long de
layed indemnitios from foroigii powers ; and now formed
corporations have contiacted largo loans abroad. These
sums, odded fo the product of our staples, have been ex
hausted by fhe excessive importations. Domestic specu
lation — speculation in fhe products of home consumption,

WILLIAM LEGGETT. ' 105
in land, in town lots, in houses, in stock enterprises, in
every thing, has kept pace, .slop for stop, with the inordl-
note increase of foreign trade. What is to pay all this
vast accumulation of debt ? Il must como at lost out of
labour. It raust come from Iho products of industry.
AVe hove been borrowing largely of the future, and have
at last arrived at the point where we raust pause, and
wait for fhe farraer, the mechanic, and patient hewer of
wood and drawer of water to relieve ua from our diffi
culfies. Reader, take home fo your bosom this truth, and pon
der well upon it. It is the bank systera of this country,
our wretched, unequal, undemocratic sj'stem of special
privileges, which occasions fhe difficulty we now begin
to feel. It is not pretended that under the free trade sys
tem of credil, or under any system, comraercial revulsions
would nof soraetiraes, and fo sorae extent, fake place.
They are incident fo the nature of raan. Prosperity be
gets confidence ; confidence leads to rashness ; the ex
ample of one is imitated by another ; ond fhe delusion
spreods until it Is suddenly dissipated by sorae of those
rude collisions, which ore the unavoidable penalties of a
violation ofthe laws of trade. But such fearful and fa
tal revulsions as mork the eras of the coramercial history
of fhis country, would not, could not, take place under a
free trade system of bonking.
It is when ignorant legislalors pretend to define bylaw
fhe limits of credit and shaking at one time with unne
cessary trepidation refuse fo enlarge them to the wants
of trade, while at another fhey extend them far beyond
all reosonablc scope — it is when such " taraporers vvith
tbe curioiicy" atterapt fo control what is in its nature un
controllable, and should bo free as air, that revulsion,
panic, and commercial pro.str.atiou iiecossarily ensue.
AVhilc we have restraining lows and specially chartered

106 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
banks, we shall have periodical distress in fhe money
market, more or less severe, as the period has been
hastened or delayed by accidental ciniscy. Party writers
m.iy at ono fimo lay every disorder to tbo removal of the
deposites, and at another to a treasury order ; but what
ever orders the Treasury may issue, fhe alternate infla
tions and coiitractions of tho paper currency incident to
such a pernicious system as ours will continue to produce
their inevitable consequence, unwholesome activity of
business, followed by prostration, .Midden and disastrous.
AVe hove exhausted our space for the present ; but
shall have more to say on this subject another day. There
are some prophetic passages in fhe speech of Mr. Cam
breleng on the distribution bill last winter, fo which we
shall fake an early occasion to ask the attention of our
readers.

In the month of October or November, 1836, Mr. Leggett's
connection with the Evening Post ceased, and with his usual activi
ty he immediately undertook the establishment of the Plaindealer,
which appeared in December ofthe same year. My remaining
selections are made from the last named work. — Ed.

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 1 07

THE POLITICAL PLAINDEALER.

PREFATORY REMARKS.
[From the Plniiiilcnler, Dccctnhcr 3, 1836.]
The first number of the Plaindealer was to be is
sued so soon after tho announcement of an intention to
publish such o journal, that it was not thought necessory
to precede it with o very elaborate prospectus ; the raore
particularly as th-e editor's connexion with the Evening
Post for eight years previous, during a conslderoble por
tion of which time that paper was under his sole direc
tion, had made fhe public very generally acquainted vvith
his views on all the leading questions of politics and po
litical economy, and with his raode of freoting those sub
jects. Instead of fhe swelling promises which usually
herald a publication of this kind, it was therefore deemed
better to let the work speak for Itself, and to depend for
its success, from the first, as wo eventually must, on the
intrinsic qualities by which it should be distinguished.
The .sarae reasons which obviated the necessity of a par-
ticular prospectus, suggest the propriety of indulging in
but a brief prolinilnary address. Tho Plalvdiialeh is
now before tho reader, and must spook for itself. There
are always circumstances to be encountered at the outset
of an undertaking like this which diminish tho raerits of
a firat number, and which therefore authorize us to express,
with some confidence, a hope that future numbers may
be better. We think vve can at least safely proraise fhat
equal claims shall be maintained.

108 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
The title chosen for this publication expresses the cha
racter which it is intended it shall maintain. In poli
tics, in literature, and in relation to all subjects which
may come under ifa notice. It is meant that it shall be a
Plaindealer. .But plainness, aa itis hoped this journal
will illuafrale, ia not incompatible with strict decorum,
and a nice regard for the inviolability of private charac
ter. It ia not poasible, in all cases, to treat questions of
public interest in so abstract a manner as to avoid giving
offence to Individuals ; since few men possess the happy
art which Sheridan aacribea to his Governor in fhe Critic,
and are able epfirely fo separate their personal feelings
from what relates lo their public or official conduct and
characters. It ia doubtful, too, if it were even practica
ble ao to conduct fhe investigationa, and ao to temper the
aniraadversions of the press, as, in every instance, " to
find the fault and let fhe actor go," whether the interests
of truth would, by such a course, be best promoted. The
journalist who should ao raanage his disquisitions, would
indeed exercise but the " cypher of a function." Hia
cenaurea would be likely to awaken but little attention
in the reader, and effect but little reformation in their
object. People do not peruse the columns of a newspa
per for theoretic essays, and elaborate examinations of
abstract questions ; but for strictures and discussions,
occasional in their nature, and applicable to existing
persons and events. There is no reason, however, why
the vulgar appetite for abuse and scandal should be grati
fied, or why, in raointaining the cause of truth, the rules
of good breeding should be violated. Ploindeollng re
quires no such sacrifice. Truth, though it is usual fo
array it in a garb of repulsive bluntness, bas no natural
aversion to araenity ; and flie raind distinguished for
openness and sincerity raay at the sarae time be charac
terized by a high degree of urbanity and gentleness. It

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 109
will be one of the aims of fhe Plaindealer to prove, by
its example, that there is ot leost nothing utterly contra-
riousand irreconcUable in these traits.
In politics, the Plaindealer will be thoroughly demo-
cratic. It will be democratic not merely to the extent
of the political maxim, fhat the majority have the right to
govern ; but to the extent of the moral maxira, that it ia
the duty of the majority so to govern os to preserve invi
olate fhe equal rights of oil. In this lorge sense, demo
cracy includes all the raain principles of political econo
my : that noble science which is silently and surely
revolutionizing the world ; which is changing the policy
of nations frora one of strife to one of friendly eraula-
tion ; and cultivating the arts of peace on the soil hith
erto desolated by the rovoges of war. Democracy and
political economy both assert the true dignity of man.
They ore both the natural charapions of freedom, and the
enemies of all restraints on the many for the benefit of
the few. Thoy both consider tho people the only proper
source of government, and their equal protection its only
proper end ; and both would confine the interference of
legislation to the fewest possiblo objects, compatible with
the preservation of social order. They are twin-sisters,
pursuing paraUel paths, for the accoraplishraent of cog
nate objects. They are soraetimes found divided, but
always in a languishing condition ; and they can only
truly flourish where thoy exist in companionship, ond,
hand in hand,'achieve their kindred purposes.
The Plaindealer claims to belong to tho great domo^
cratic party of fhis country ; but it wUI never de.serve
to be considered a party paper in tho degrading sense in
which that phrase Is commonly understood. The pre-
vailinf; error of political journals is fo act as if tbey
deemed it more iraportant to preserve tbo organization
of party, than to promote the principles on which it is
Vol. il— 10

110 political whitings op
founded. They substitute flie moons for the end, and pay
that fealty to men which is due only to truth. This fo-
tal error it will be a constant aim of the Plaindealer to
avoid. It will espouse the cause of the democratic party
only to the extent that the democratic party raerits its
appellation and is foithfid lo the tenets of its political
creed. It will contend on Its side while it octs in con
formity with its fundaraental doctrines, and will be found
warring against if whenever it violates those doctrines in
any essential respect. Of the importance and even
dignity of party corabination, no journal can entertain a
higher and raore respectful sense. They furnish the
only certain raeana of carrying political principlea into
effect. When men agree In their theory of Govern
ment, they must also agree to act in concert, or no prac
tical advantage can result from their accordance. " For
my part," says Burke, " I find it impossible to conceive
that any one believes in his own politics, or thinks llicm
to be of any weight, who refuses to adopt the means of
having them reduced lo practice."
From what has boen already remarked, it is matter
of obvious inference that fhe Plaindealer will steadily
and earnestly oppose all partial and special legislation,
and all grunts of exclusive or peculiar privileges. It will,
in a particular nianner, oppose, wilh its utmost energy,
the extension of fhe pernicious bank system with which
this country is cursed ; ond will zeolously contend, in
season and ouf of season, for the repeal of those tyrannous
prohibitory lows, which give to the chortered inoney-
chongers their chief power of evil. To fhe very princi
ple of special incorporation wo here, on the threshold of
our undertaking, declaro interminablo lioslility. It is a
principle uttedy at war with the priuciples of democrocy.
It is the opposite of that which asserts the equal rights
of raan, and liraits the offices of government to his equal

WILLIAM LEGGETT. Ill
protection. It is, in its nature, an aristocratic principle ;
and if permitted to exist among us much longer, and to
to be acted upon by our legislators, will leove us nothing
of equal liberty but the name. Thanks fo the Ulustrious
raan vvho was called in o happy hour to preside over our
country ! the attention ofthe people has been thoroughly
awakened fo fhe insidious nature and fatal influences of
chartered jirivileges. The popular voice, already, in va
rious quarters, denounces thom. In vain do those who
possess, and tlio.se who seek to obtain grants of raonopo
lies, endeavour fo stifle the rising murmur. It swells
louder ond louder ; it grows more and raore distinct ; ond
Is spreading for and wide. Tho days of the charter-
mongers are numbered. Tho era of equal privileges is
at bond.
There is ono other subject on which it is proper to touch
in these opening remarks, and on vvhich we desire that
there should exist tho most perfect understanding with
our readers. We claim fhe right, and shall exercise it
too, on all proper occasions, of absolute freedom of dis
cussion. We hold thot there is no subject whotever in
terdicted from investigation and coraraent ; and that we
are under no obligation, political or otherwise, to refrain
frora a full and candid expression of opinion as to the
raanifold evils, and deep disgrace, inflicted on our coun
try by the institution of slavery. Nay more, it will be
one of fhe occasionol but earnest objects of this paper to
show by statistical calculations and temperate arguments,
enforced by every variety of illustration thot con pro
perly be employed, the impolicy of slavery, as weU os its
enormous wickedness : to show ifs pernicious influence
on all the dearest interests of the south ; on ifs raorol
character, its social relations, and its ogriculturol, com.
mercial and political prosperity. No man can deny tho
momentous importance of this subject, nor that it is ono

112 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
of deep interest fo every Americon citizen. It is tho
duty, then, of a public journolist to discuss it; ond
frora the obligations of duty wo trust fhe Plaindealer wifl
never shrink. AVe establish this poper, expecting fo de
rive frora it a livelihood ; and if an honest and industri
ous exercise of such talents as we have can achieve that
object, we shaU not fofl. But we cannot, for the
soke of a livelihood, trira our sails to suit the vorying
breeze of popular prejudice. We should prefer, with old
Andrew Morvell, lo scrape o blade bone of cold mutton,
to faring more sumjifuously on viands obtained by a sur
render of principle.* If a paper, which mokes the right,
nof fhe expedient, its cordinal object, will not yield ifs
* The story to which allusion is here made cannot too often ba
repeated. Wo copy it from a life of Marvcll, by Jolm Dove. It
is as follows : Tlie borough of Hull, in the reign of Charles II.
chose Andrew Marvell, a young gentleman of little or no for
tune, and maintained him in London for the service ofthe public.
His understanding, integrity, and spirit, were dreadful to the then
infamous administration. Persuaded that he would be theirs for
properly asking, they sent his old school-fellow, the Lord Trea-
BUKUR Danbv, to renew acquaintance with him in liis garret. At
parting, the Lord Treasurer, out oipurc affection, slipped into his
hand an order upon the Treasury for 1,000Z., and then went to his
chariot. Marvcll looking at tlie paper, calls after the Treasurer
" My Lord, I request another moment." They went up again to
the garret, and Jack, tho servant boy, was called. " Jack, child,
what had I for dinner yesterday ?" " Don't you romomber, sir ?
you had the little shoulder of mutton that you ordered mo to bring
from a woman in the market." " Vei'y right, child. What have
I for dinner to day ?" " Don't you know, sir, that you bid me lay
by the blade-bone to broil?" '"Tis so, very right, child, go
away. My Lord, do you hear that ? Andrew MarvcU's dinner is
provided ; there's your piece of paper. I want it not. I know
the sort of kindness you intended. I livo here to servo iny con
stituents ; the Ministry may souk men for their purpose ; I am
not one."

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 113
conductor a support, there are honest vocations fhat will ;
and better the humblest of thom, than fo bo seated at the
head of an innuouflal press, if it.s influence is not exerted
fo prom.ofe the cause of fruUi.

THANKSGIVING DAY.
[Fromthe Plaindealer, December 3, 1836.]
TiiirRsDAY, the fifteenth of tho present month, has
been designated by Governor ftlorcj', in bis annual pro-
cloinafion, os o day of general thanksgiving throughout
this state. This Is done in conformity with o long esta-
blished usage, which has been so generally and so scru
pulously observed, thatwe doubt whether it has ever been
pretermitted, for a .single year, by the Chief Mogistrote
of ony state ih the Confederacy. The people, too, on
these occasions, have always responded with such cordi.
ality and unanimity to the recommendation of the Go.
vernors, that not even the Sabbath, a day which the
scriptures command fo bc kept holy, is more religiously
observed, In most places, than fhe day sef opart as one of
thanksgiving and prayer by gubernaloriol appointment.
There is something e.xceedingly Impressive In the specta
cle which a whole people presents, in thus voluntarily
witlidiawing fhomselvcs on .some particular day, from all
secular eraployraent, and uniting in a tribute of praise
for the blessings they enjoy. Against a custora so vene
rable for ifs age, and so reverenfly observed. It raay
seem presurapfuous to suggest an objection ; yef there is
one which we confess seems to us of weight, and we trust
we shall not be thought governed by an irreligious spirit,
if we take the liberty to urge it.
In framing oiir political institutions, the great men to
whom that iraportant trust was confided, taught, by the
10*

114 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
example of other countries, the evUs which result from
mingling civil and ecclesiastical affairs, were particularly
careful fo keep tliora entirely distinct. Thus the Con
stitution of tbe United Sjafes raentions Iho subject of
religion at aU, only fo declare that " no religious test
shall ever be required as o quolificotion fo ony office or
public trust in fhe United States." The Constitution of
our own state specifies that " the free exercise and en
joyment of religious professions and worship, without
discrimination or preference, shall forever bc allowed in
this state fo all mankind ;" and so fearful were the
framers of that instrument of the dongors to be appre
hended from a union of political and religious con
cerns, that thoy insortod a clause of positive interdiction
against miiiisfcrs of the gospel, declaring fhciii forever
ineligible to any civil or milifory office or place within
the state. In this lost step we think the jealousy of re
ligious interference proceeded too far. We see no good
reason why preachers of fhe gospel should be partially
disfranchised, any raore than preachers against it, or any
more than men devoted to any other profession or pur
suit. This curious proscriptive article of our Constitu
tion presents the startling anomaly, that while an infidel,
who delivers stated Sunday lectures in a tavern, ogainst
all religion, raay be elected fo the highest executive or
legislative trust, the most liberal and enlightened divino
is exchidcd. In our view ofthe subjeci neither of them
should be proscribed. Tbey should both be left lo slond
on the brood bosis of equal political rights, and the in
telligence ond virtue of fhe people should be trusted to
moke a selection from on unbounded field. This is the
true democratic theory ; but this is a subject apart from
that which it Is our present purpose to consider.
No one can pay the most cursory attention lo the state
of religion in the United States, without being satisfied

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 115
that ifs true interests have been greafly promoted by di
vorcing It from all connexion with political affairs. In
no other country ofthe world are the institutions of reli
gion so generally respected, and in no other is so large a
proportion of tho poiiulation included among the commu-
nicants of the diflcrent christian churches. The number
of clirlstlaii cburcbos or congregations in the United
States is esliniofcd, iu a carefully prepared article of re
ligious statistics in the American Almanac of the present
year, ot upwards of sixteen thousand, and the number of
coniinimicanls at nearly two radlions, or one-tenth of the
entire population. In this city alone the nuraber of
churches is one hundred and fiftj', and their aggregate
capacity Is nearly equal to the occoramodation of fhe
whole number of inhabitants. It is impossible to conjec
ture, from any data within our reach, the amount of the
sura annually paid by the American people, of their own
free will, for the support of the ministry, and the vari
ous expenses of thoir religious institutions : but it will
readily be admitted that it must be enormous. These,
then, aro the auspicious results of perfect free trade in re
ligion — of leaving it to manage its own concerns, in its
own way, without government protection, regulation, ot
interference, of any kinder degree whotever.
The only instance of intermeddling, on the part ofthe
civil authoritie.'?, with matlors wluch, being of a religious
character, properly belong fo the religious guides of the
people, is fhe proclamation which it is the custora for the
Governor of each state annually to issue, appointing a day
of general thanksgiving, or a day of general fasting ond
prayer. We regret fhat even fhis single exception should
exist to that rule of entire separation of the affairs
of state from those of the church, the observance of
which in all other respects has been followed by the
happiest results. It is to the source of the proclamation.

116 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
not to its purpose, that we chiefly object. The recom
mending a day of thanksgiving is not properly any port
of the duty of a iiolllical (/hi(d' Miiglslralo : it boloiigs,
in its nature, lo tho heads of tbo church, not lo tbo bead
of the state.
It may very well happen, ond, indeed, if has happened,
in moro instances than ono, that the chief executive offi
cer of a state has been a person, who, if not absolutely
an infidel or sceptic in religious rnoUers, has at least, in
his private sentiraents and conduct, been notoriously dis-
regardful of religion. What mockery for such o person
to call upon the people to sef apart a day for returning
acknowledgments to Alraighty God for the bounties and
blessings bestowed upon thein ! But even when the con
trary is the case, and it is well known that the Governor is
a stricfly religious raan, he departs vory widely froni the
duties of his oflice, in procloiralng, in his gubernotoriol
capacity, and under the seal of the state, that he has
appointed a particular day as a day of general Ihanlis-
giving. This Is no part of his official business, os pre
scribed in tbe Constitution. It is not one of the purpo-
ses for which he wos elected. If it were o new question,
ond a Governor should fake upon himself to issue such a
proclamation fur the first time, the proceeding could
scarcely foil to arouse the raost sturdy oppcsition froin
flic people. Religious and irrcligiods would unite in
condemning if : fhe latter as o gross de|)artuie from the
specified duties for the discharge of which olone the Go
vernor wos chosen ; and the former os on unworronfo-
ble interference ofthe civil aufliority wilh ccclcsiosficol
affairs, and a usurpation of the functions of their own duly
appointed rainisters and church oflicers. We recollect
very distincfly what an excitement arose in fhis commu
nity a few years ago, when our Common Council, foUow
ing the example of the Governor, undertook to interfere

WILLIAM LHCGETT. 117
in a matter which belonged wholly to the clerical func
tionaries, and passed a resolution recomraending to the
various ministers of the gospel fhe subject of their next
Sunday discourse. The Governor's proclamation would
itsolf provoke equal opposition, if men's eyes had not been
sealed by custom to its inherent impropriety.
If such a proceeding would be wrong, instituted now
for the first tirae, can it be right, because it has existed
for a long period? Does age change the nature of prin
ciples, and give sanctify fo error ? Are truth and false
hood of such mutable and shifting qualities, that though,
in their originial characters, os opposite os the poles, the
lapse of a litfle time may reduce thera tp a perfect simUi
tude, and render thom entirely convertible ? If oge has
in it such power as to render veneroble what is nof so in
Ifs intrinsic noture, then is pogonisra raore veneroble than
Christianity, since it has existed frora o much more remote
antiquity. But whot is wrong in principle raust continue
to be wrong to fhe end of tirae, however sanctioned by
custom. It is in this light we consider the gubernoforial
recommendation of a day of thonksgiving ; and because
it is wrong in principle, and npt because of any particu
lar harra which the custom has yet been the means of
introducing, we should be pleased to see it abrogated.
We think it can hordlj' be doubted that, if the duty of
setting apart a day for a general expression of thankfulness
for the blessings enjoyed by the coraraunity were subrait
ted whoUy to the proper representatives of the different
religious sects fhey would find no difl^culty in uniting on
the subject, and acting in concert in such a manner as
should give greater solemnity and weight fo their pro
ceeding, than can ever attach to the proclomofion of a
political governor, stopping out ofthe sphere of hia con
stitutional duties, and faking upon hiraself to direct the
religious exercises of fhe people. We cannot too jealously

118 POLITldAL WRITINGS OP
confine our political functionaries within the limita of
their prescribed duties. We cannot bc too careful to
keep entirely separate the things which belong fo govern
ment from those which belong lo religion. The political
and the religious interests of the people will both flourish
the more prosperously for being wholly distinct. The
condition of religious affairs in this country fully proves
the truth ofthe position; and we are satisfied it would
receive stfll further corroboration, if the practice fo which
we object were reformed.

PILOTS.
[From the Plaindealer, December 3, 1836.]
The loss of the Briafol, somo account of wliich melon.
choly and fotol shipwreck will be found under the appro-
priafe head, has hod the good effect of drawing public
attention very strongly lo the defects of that bod system
of laws in regard to piloting, f o which the dreadful casu-
alty is, beyond all question, attributable, and to create a
very general and deep conviction of the necessity of ini.
mediote reform. The defects of the pilot lows hove often
before been adverted fo in severol of fhe leodlng public
journals, and they have been fhe theme also, of particu
lar animadversion in the legislature ; but oil atterapts to
iraprove thera have hitherto failed. Their evil tendency
haa now received an illustration, however, which forces
the subject on public attention, and occasions so general
and earnest a demand for a thorough revision ond remo-
dification of the system, that thoae interested in preserv
ing the present abuses will hardly have iiifluenco enough
effectually to resist Uie desired reforra. The fiindncsa
for monopoly which, in regard fo so many raatters, has
distinguished the legislation of this state, is shown in no

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 119
instance more signally flion in the laws relating topUots.
If the legislalors had been all ingenious men, (which we
believe has seldom happened to be the case,) and if it
had been their express object to frarae a set of lows on
that subject vvhich should most completely defeat their
ostensible object, they could hardly hove devised a system
more suited fo such o purpose thon thot which they have
instituted nominolly for fhe protection of the vast and
valuable commerce of this port. The reraedy for a ays-
tem, the natural fruit of which is seen in the dreadful
shipwreck which has recently occurred at the very en
trance of our harbour, is perfectly simple. The evil re.
suits frora raonopoly, and free-trade supplies the obvious
and infiilliblo reraedy. A systera of unbounded competi.
tion ; a systera which should allow any person to be pilot,
who submitted to a competent tribunal, the proper evi
dences of skill, and gave proper security for a faithful
exercise of his functions, would be certain fo supply the
harbour of New-York vvith a numerous class of as hardy,
intelligent, and enterprising pilots, as are to be met with
In any port in the world. Instead of the sleepy and in
temperate leeches, who now fatten on our coraraerce,
without rendering it any real assistance, and who vigi-
lonfly discharge no part of their caUing but that of col
lecting their uneorned fees, we should have a set of men
who, ill storm and sunshine, would be constontly upon
the ocean, venturing for out, and furthest under the raost
threatening sky. We should hove raen who would not
suffer o noble ship, offer hoving triumphonlly encounter
ed the storms of tho Aflantic, to be wrecked, and scores
of human beings to perish with her, for want of a pilot,
in the very mouth of our harbour. We should hove men,
OS the Evening Post forcibly expresses it, " almost am
phibious, and caring as litfle for the storm as the sea-
guU."

120 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP

BREAD LAW.
[From the Plaindealer, December 3, 1836.]
Wb were hugely disappointed lost Monday evening,
that the Coraraon Council did not coraplete their action
on the subject of bread. Some weeks ago, Alderraan
HoUy introduced a resolution, which was adopted, in fa
vour of appointing a committee to consider the propriety
of re-establishing fhe old law relative fo on assize of
bread. If the committee which was opiioinfed under
this resolution had acted with half as much celerity as
they usually do when eatables or drinkables are fhe sub
ject of their deliberations, vve should probably by thia
time have had breod of respectable size, instead of the
diminutive things — scarcely a mouthful for a hungry
Alderman — which the bakers have now the audacity to
serve to their customers as shilling and sixpenny loaves.
There are some people so ignorant of the laws of poll-
ticol econoray os to pretend that the size of bread ought
to be governed by the ffuctuations in the price of flour,
and to he largo when flour is cheap, and small when if is
dear. It is strange how such on absurd notion, so utter
ly opposed to fhe principles of our enliro system of legis
lation, could ever get into the heads of sensible raen.
What can the poor raan, who buys his shilling loaf of
bread of the grocer, be supposed fo know concerning
the price of flour ? He cannot be running about the
town fo ascertain the variations of tho flour market.
His time is money, and he cannot offord to spend it in
so prodigol a manner. No : it is necessary to protect
hira from the frauds of dishonest bakers : it is necessary
to establish a. uniform weight, and fo oiisuie compliance
with it by appointing a Bread AVeiglimostcr General,
with an ample retinue of Deputies. Is not this the prin-

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 121
ciple which pervades our legislation ? Have we not a
AVeighraastcr General of raerchandise ? Have we not
an Inspector of Tobacco ? and of Flour? and of Beef ?
and of Pork ? And .shall brood, the staff of lifo, bo neg
lected ? "Tell it not in Gath!,"
Wc trust Alderman Holly will take on early opportu
nity fo make his report, and vve hope he will recomraend
a good stout loaf at once, and urge its adoption with all
that eloquence and learning for which we understand he
is disfin-guished. Tho measure may operate rather hard
upon the bakers, but will it not be a benefit to the com
munity at largo ? And why should tho profits of a few
extortionate bakers stand in the way of a great good to
thousands and fens of thousands of people ? If the bakers
have any patriotism they will themselves not object.
But the hardship wUl be one of only teraporary duration.
Flour cannot always remain at fourteen dollars a barrel,
and wood at three dollars o load. A reaction, by and^by,
will reduce prices as much below a medium point as they
now ore above it ; and then will come the harvest of the
bakers. They wdl then find the truth of Lord Byron's
line, (if fhey ever read Lord Byron,) fhat
Time at last makes all things even.
The wise men who frame our laws hove been fully
aware of this truth. Hence fhe usance of raoney is fixed
at seven per cent., not that it is olvvays worth seven per
cent, and no more, as there were some long-faced gentry
in WoU-street, this very doj', who could hove te.'^fified ;
but because it is sometimes as much above that rote, os
at other limes below it, and so the legislature strike on
average, for the soke of uniformity, and lo protect the
community. In fhe some woy they lirait the number
of pilots fo sixty, though there are fimes when raore might
Vol. II.— 11

122 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
find employment. But lake one time with another, that
number is sufficient, and it is therefore fixed at that, for
the sake of uniforraity, and fo protect the community —
an end well accomplished, as a certain recent event has
fully proved !
In the same wise spirit which devised the usury law,
Alderman Holly now proposes to poss a law, fixing a uni
forra standard of bread ; and we hear it whispered fhat he
next intenda to establish a uniform standard for coafa
and pantaloons, and lo iuqiosc a heavy fine on every
tailor who shall dare lo make them larger or smaller
than the prescribed dimensiona. Very large people and
very sraall people may, it ia true, experience some incon
venience from being obliged to wear garments of the
medium standard; but there is a great benefit In unifor
mity, and the community ought fo be protected by law
against the frauds of tailors, who are somewhat noted for
cabbaging. We advise Alderraan Holly to persevere,
nor pause in hia wise undertaking, ffll he has fixed a
standard for every thing by law. Do we not boast of
being a people of laws ? If it is a thing to boast of, let
ua then have law enough.

THE STREET OF TIIE PALACES.
[From the Plaindealer, December 10, 1836.]
There is, in fhe city of Genoa, a very elegant street,
comraonly called. The Street of the Palaces. Il is broad
and regular, and is flanked, on each side, with rows of
spacious and superb palaces, whose marble fronts, of the
most costly and imposing architecture, give an air of ex
ceeding grandeur to the place. Here reside the princl-
pol aristocrocy of Genoa ; the famflies of Balbi, Doria,
and many others of those who possess patents of nobility

WILLIAM LEGGETT- 123
and exclusive privileges. The lower orders of the peo
ple, when they posa before these proud edifices, and cast
their eyes over fhe striking evidences which the lordly
exteriors exhibit of the vast wealth and power of the
titled possessors, may naturally be supposed ' to think of
their own humble dwellings and slender possessions, ond
to curse in their heorts those institutions of their coun
try which divide society into such extremes of condition,
forcing the many to toil and sweat for the pampered and
privileged few. AVrefched indeed are fhe serfs and vas
sals of those misgoverned lands, where a hondful of raen
corapose the privUeged orders, monopolising political
power, diverting to their peculiar advantage the sources
of pecuniary emolument, and feasting, in luxurious idle
ness, on the fruits of the hard earnings of the poor.
But Is this condition of things confined to Genoa, or to
European countries? Is there no porollel for it in our
own ? Hove we not, in this very city, our " Street ofthe
Palaces," adorned with structures as superb as tho.se of
Genoa in exterior magnificence, and containing within
them vaster treasures ofweolth? Hove we nof, too,
our privileged orders ? our scrip nobility ? aristocrats,
clothed with special immunities, who control, indirectly,
but certainly, fhe political power of the state, monopolise
fhe most copious sources of pecuniary profit, and wring
the very crust frora the hard bond of toil ? Hove we not,
in short, like fhe wretched serfs of Europe, our lordly
mosters, " Who make us slaves, and tell us 'tis their charter ? "
If any man doubts how those questions should be an
swered, lot him walk through Wall-street. He will there
see a street of palaces, whoso stately marble walls rivol
those of Balbi and Doria. If ho inquires to whom thoso
cosfly fabrics belong, he will be told to the exclusively

124 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
privileged of ihis land of equal laws ! " If he asks con
cerning fhe political power of the owners, he will ascer
tain that three-fourths of the legislators of the state are
of their own order, and deeply interestod in iireserviiig
and extending tho privileges they enjoy. If ho inveati-
gatea fhe sources of their prodigious wealth, he will dis
cover that it is extorted, under various delusive names,
and by a deceptive process, from the pockets of the un-
privileged and unprotected poor. These are the raasters
in this land of freedom. These are our aristocracy, our
scrip nobUity, our privileged order of charter-mongers
and raoney-changers I Serfs of free America ! bow
your necks submissively fo fhe yoke, for these exchequer
barons have you fully in their power, and resistance now
would but make the burden more galling. Do they not
boast fhat fhey will be represented in the halls of legisla.
tion, and that the people cannot help themselves? Do
not their servile newspaper mouth-pieces prate of the im
policy of giving an Inch to the people, lest they should
deraand an ell ? Do they not threaten, that unless the
[.¦eople restrict their requests within the narrowest cora
pass, they will absolutely grant them nothing ? — fhat they
wUI not relox their fetters at all, lest they should next
strive fo snap thera entirely asunder?
These ore not figures of b|)eecli. Alas ! wc feel in no
raood to be rhetorical. Tropes and figures ore the lan
guage of the free, and we are slaves ! — slaves to most Ig.
noble raasters, to a low-minded, ignorant, and rapacious
order of raoney-cbongcrs. We spook, therefore, not in
figures, but in the simplest and soberest phrase. Wc
speak ]ilain truths in plain words, and only give utter
ance to sentiments that involuntarily rose in our mind
aa we glided this raorning through the Street of the Pa
laces, beneath the frowning walls of itsraarble structures
fearing that our very thoughts raight be construed into a

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 125
breach of privilege. But thank heaven ! the day has not
yet come — though perhaps it is at bond — when our pa
per money patricians deny their serfs and vassals the right
fo think and speak. AVe may still give utterance to our
opinions, and still walk with a confident step through the
Street ofthe Palaces of ihe Charter. mongers.

ASSOCIiVTED EFFORT.
[From ihe Plaindealer, December 10, 1836.]
Some days ago, we observed in one ofthe newspapers,
a paragraph stating fhat a meeting of mechanics and la
bourers was about fo be held in this city for fhe purpose
of adopting raeasures of concerted or corabined action
against tho practice, which we have reason fo believe
exists to a very great extent, of paying thera in the un.
current notes of distant or suspected banks. No such
meeting, however, as far os we can learn, has yef been
held. We hope it soon will be ; for the object is a good
one, and there is no other way of resisting the rapiacious
and extortionate custom of employers paying tbeir jour
neymen ondlaborers in depreciated paper, half so effectual
as combination.
There ore some journalists who affect fo entertain
great horror of combinations, considering them as utterly
adverse to the principles of free trade ; and it is frequently
recomraended to raoke them penal by low. Our notions
office trode wore acquired in a diflcrent school, and dis.
pose us to leave men entirely af liberty to effect a proper
object cither by concerted or Individual action. The
character of combinations, in our view, depends cnlirely
upon the intrinsic character of tbo end which is aimed
at. In the .subject under consideration, the end proposed
is good beyond oil poasIbUlify of question. There is high
11*

126 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
warrant for saying that the labourer is worthy of his hire ;
but the employer, who takos advantage of his necessities
and defencelessness to pay him in a depreciated substi
tute for money, does not give him his hire ; he does not
perforra his engagement with hira ; he filches from the
poor raan a part of his hard-earned wages, and ia guilty
of a miserable froud. Who sholl say thot fhis sneaking
species of extortion ought not fo be prevented ? AVho
will say that separate Individual action is adequate to
fhat end ? There is no one who will make so rash an
assertion. The only effectual mode of doing away the evU is by
attacking it with the great instrument of the rights ofthe
poor — associated effort. There Is but one bulwark behind
which mechanics and labourers may safely rally to op
pose a coramon eneray, who, if they ventured singly in
to the field against hira, would cut Ihcra to pieces : that
bulwark ia the Principle of Combination. We would
advise them fo take refuge behind it only in extreme
cases, because in their collisiona with their employera, aa
in thoae between nationa, the manifold evila of a siege
are experienced, more or less, by both parties, and are
therefore to be incurred only in extreme emergencies.
But the evil of being habituoUy poid in a deprecloted sub-
sfitute for money ; of being doily cheated out of a por.
tion of the just fruits of honest toil ; of having a slice
continually clipped from the hard-earned crust ; is one of
great moment, and is worthy of such an effort as we
propose.

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 127

PRIVILEGED ORDERS IN DANGER.
[Frotn the Plaindealer, December 10, 1836.]
A DOCUMENT is published in the Washington Globe of
last Monday, which vve have read with fhe profoundest
attention and the liveliest pleasure, and which we regret
that fhe occupied state of our coluinns'prevents us from
taking as full a notice of as tho importance ofthe subject
and the ability with which it is treated deserve. This
document is a letter from Charles J. Ingersoll, of Phila
delphia, in answer fo one oddressed to hira by a nuraber
of the raerabers elect ofthe Pennsylvania legislature, ask
ing him, as he had been chosen a member of the Conven
tion to propose amendraents to the Constitution of that
state, to express, for publication, the views he entertains
in regard fo the general powers of the Convention, parti
cularly with reference to the United Stafes Bank, and
fhe question of vested rights. Mr. Ingersoll goes very
fuUy Info an exposition of the subjects indicated by these
inquiries. At the very outset of his reply, he explicitly
declares, as his own deliberate and raature conviction,
that bank-charters may be repealed by act of Assembly,
'without a Convention, and thai such act will not be contra
ry io the Constitution of the United States. Mr. Inger.
soU shows that such also was the opinion, fifty years ago,
of the eoily democrots of Pennsylvonio, not declared
merely, but proctlsed, in the repeal ofthe charter ofthe
Bank of North America, in 1785. This repeal was ef
fected on the broad democratic ground, not that it had
violated fhe conditions of its exclusive privileges, but fhat
such an institution was aristocratic in its nature, danger
ous to liberty both in its intrinsic character and as a pre
cedent of evil, and utterly inconsistent with the funda
mental principle avowed in fhe Pennsylvania Bill of

128 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
Rights, that governraent was to be adrainistered for tho
equal advantage of raen, and not for the peculiar eraolu-
ment of any raan, famfly, or sef of men. Mr. Ingersoll
also shows that the doctrino of therevocabilify of chartera
has-been strenuously maintained by sorae ofthe greatest
British statesmen; araong thera by Fox and Burke, on
tho bill for revoking the charter of the East India Com
pany ; and he givea a long and pertinent extract from
the raeraorable speech of the latter on that subject. Mr.
Ingersoll contends that a bank charter is not a contract
within fhe raeaning of tho clause of the Constitution of
the United Stafes, prohibiting any stale from passing a
law impairing the obligation of contracts, and he shows
that the authorised exponents of the other side of fhe
question, so far as fhe repeal of the charter of the Penn
sylvonio United States Bank is in debate, havo them.
selves expressly odmitted that thoir engagement with the
stofe lacks an essential principle lo constitute it a con
tract. The letter of Mr. Ingersoll closes with an admir
able passage,, descriptive of fhe present condition of
affairs in this country, brought about by exclusively pri
vileged stock-jobbers and money-changers ; and contrasts
it with tho c'onditlon in which thoy would soon be placed,
on the occomplishing of fhat great reformation which
shall " restore to the people their equality, to tbe states
their sovereignty, and fo the Union its supremacy over
coin and currency."

THE COAL QUESTION.
[From the Plaindealer, December 10, 1836.]
TiiKHB socins to be no doubt enlortainod, among thoso
who hove investigated the subject, that there is o corabi
nation araong the dealers in coal, in this city, not to sell

WILLIAM LEGGBTT- 129
under certain stipulated prices. We do not know whe
ther fhis is so or not ; but let us take it for granted that
if is, and the question then arises, AVhat are we fo do fo
reraedy the evil ? The Albanj' Argus would suggest that
" it raight be well to inquire whether combinations fo
raise the price of coal, pork, flour, and other necessaries
of life, are not offences against society," which require
to be made punishable by law. The Journal of Cora.
merce (a free-trade paper !) would respond affirmatively
to the question, and soy, " if dealers in the above articles
have combined to raise prices, let the law walk info
thern ! "
For our own port, we would neither raoke a new law
to punish the combiners, nor toke advantage of Chief
Justice Savage's and Judge Edwards's decisions, to inflict
upon them fhe penalty of any existing statute, or of any
breach of the common law of England. AVith all defer.
ence to fhe Journal of Coraraerce, we raust fake the liberty
to say, fhat we consider Ifs example better than its pre
cept ; and that is by no means a usual occurrence in these
days of rauch profession and litfle practice. That print
inforras us that its conductors, " not being disposed to
subrait fo the extortion of the coal combination, took the
liberty lo order a sraall cargo from Philodolphio, which
cost there, .at Ibis late season of the year, $8 50 tho long
ton of 2240 lbs. broken and screened. The freight will
increase the price fo obout $11 25 the long ton, which
is equal to $10 for such tons as are sold by the combina-
tionisfs. Duraped at the door, fhe cost wfll not exceed
$11." This, tbe Journol of Commerce odds, is better
than paying thirteen or fourteen dollars, the price
charged hero, ond shows what kind of profits the coal
dealers make. Let us add that it is bolter, olso, than
making a law, or raking up on old one frora the undis.
. turbed dust of antiquity, to punish a corabination, (if per.

130 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
adventure any corabination exists) which Is so very easily
circumvented and set at nought.
The Journal of Commerce and the Albany Argus may
both rest assured that the lawa of trade are a much bet
ter defence againat improper combinations, than any lows
which the legislature at Albany can make, judging by fhe
specimens to be found in, the statute hooka. When a set
of dealers corabine to raise the price of a coramodity
above its natural value, Ihey will be sure to provoke com
petition that will very soon let fhem down from their fan
cied elevation. It seeras, according to the Journal of
Commerce's own statement, that the coal dealers are sell
ing coal by retail in thia city at an advance of from
eighteen to twenty-seven per cent, upon the net cost of
the article delivered here. This ia making no allow-
ancea for fhe diminution of weight fhe coal may undergo
during tronsportation ; nor for the fees of the inspectors
of coal, which are to be charged upon it as an item ofthe
cost ; nor for fhe rent of the coal-yard ; nor for wogea of
labour in shovelling it to, ond fro. When oil these parti-
culars are added together, and deducted frora the price
asked, it will be found, we think, to leave but a moderate
profit for the coal dealers, notwithstanding the many and
loud complaints of their extortion. Truth is truth, and
though fhe price of fuel is enormously high, we ought not
to impute all the blarae to those of our citizens who deal
in the coinniodity, when our own figures prove thot fhey
do nof moke very exfrovogont profits after all.
But if the blame does not lie with fhe coal dealers,
where does it lie ? AVe think there is no great difficulty
in correctly answering Ibis qiiestiou. According to our
view it lies, then, in tho first place, with Ihc logislaturos
of two or three states, which have given the privileges of
a monopoly to certain coal companies, enobling thera fo
fix prices by combination at the fountain head. It lies.

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 131
in the second place, with those same legislatures. In giv
ing fhe piivilegea of a monopoly fo certain raUroad and
canal companies, enabling thera to fix the rotes of toll
and freightage. It lies, in the third place, with Congress,
which has placed so heavy a duty on foreign coal as al
most to shut it out from competition with fhe domestic.
And it lies, in the fourth place, with our municipal autho
rities, who increase the burden by appointing measurers
of foreign coal, weighers of domestic coal, and inspectors
of wood, aU of whora are allowed, bylaw, enormous fees
for a duty which they do not half perform, and which, if
they perforraed it ever so thoroughly, would be altogether
superfluous. There is still one other cause which ought not to be
oraitfed from the calculation ; and that is, the diminished
quantity of coal mined, In consequence of speculation
having withdrawn labour from that eraployraent, during
the past summer, to work on raflroads, to dig canals, to
level hills, and fill up valleys, and, perform the various
tether services which were necessary to carry out the
schemes projected by the garabling spirit ofthe times.
Hence the supply is not morc than adequate, ot the most,
to the demand ; and hence those who have a monopoly of
the article at fountain head ask the present enormous
prices, secure that the citizens must either give them or
freeze. There is one branch of this subject in which we raost
cordioUy concur with the Journal of Commerce. Thot
paper suggests the propriety of the institution of benevo
lent ossociations, for the purpose of procuring a large
supply of coal when itis cheapest, and disposing of it, by
retail, at the prirae cost and charges, to fhe poorer classes
of citizens, whose raeans do not enable fhem fo buy much
In odvance. Such an association might do a vast amount
of good, without ever expending a single dollar. Sup-

132 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
pose, for exoraple, a hundred citizens, of well known
respectabUity, and sufficient pecuniary responsibility,
should enter info an association for flie purpose named,
and should purchase a given amount of coal af six months
credit, each member ofthe association being joinfly and
severally responsible for the indebtedness of the whole.
The cool might then be put of such a price as, when all
was sold, would yield the net cost and chorgcs ; and be
fore the obligations of the company should fall due, the
raoney would be in hand to discharge thera. This would
be o cheop chorify on the part of those who engaged in
it, and a raost valuable one to those classes of citizens
for whose benefit it would be intended.

A FINE VOLLEY OF WORDS.
From the Plaindealer of December 17, 1836.
It is related, in one of those instructive fables which
we have all read in our scbool-boy days, that the shep
herd, who indulged himself in the innocent pastime of
crying wolf, when no wolf was near, for fhe mere purpose
of seeing what effect the startling exclamation would
have on the neighbouring herdsmen, found, uiifortunofoly,
when the boasts of prey actually descended upon his
flock, and wero committing unreslstod havoc, that the
alarm-word, which hod boon wont to bring Insfaiil suc
cour, hod whoUy lost its solulary efficacy. The moral of
this story is susceptible of extensive application. They
who invoke aid when none is required, will bc doomed at
laat fo have their prayera unheeded, however urgent raay
be the occasion which then prompts the appeal ; and
they, too, whose objurgatory temper leads thom to in
dulge in habitual threats, when no cause of offence is in
tended, wiU find, in the end, their fiercest denunciations

WILLIAM LEOOETT. 133
disregarded, without reference to fhe circurastances by
which they may bo elicited. Persons vvho reside near
the Falls of Niagara grow fomiliar with the din, and be
come, in tirae, wholly unconscious of the perpetual thun
der of the cataract ; ond it is said fhat tho keepers and
medical attendants in a mad-house get so accustomed to
the shrieks and yells ofthe franflc inmates, as to be able
to pursue their avocations with as rauch tranquillity as if
the silence was not broken by such horrid sounds.
These truths do not seem to have been present in the
mind of Mr. McDuffie, when he prepared his recent mes-
sngo to the legislature of South Carolina. lie has shot
off, in thot docuraent, " a fine volley of words," to use a
phrase frora Shokspeore ; but he seeras fo have forgotten
that the northern people hove become so accustoraed fo
such volleys, that they hove lost the terror which origi
nally belonged to fhem. There was a time when a threat
of disunion, frora a much more insignificant source than
the chief magistrate of a great stofe, in his official com.
munication with the legislature, vvould have excited a
thriU of alarm in fhe bosom of every true lover of hia
country, throughout the whole extent of this vast confe.
deracy. There was a time, when every heart sincerely
responded to the farewell admonition of Washington,
fliat as union is the main pillar in the edifice of our real
independence, we should " cherish a cordial, habitual,
and immoveable oltachment to it ; watching for ifs pre
servation with jealous anxiety ; discountenancing what
ever may suggest even a suspicion fhat it can, In any
event, be abandoned ; and indignantly frowning on the
first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of
our country from tho rest." There vvas a lime, when
the sacrilegious flilof, who stools the consecrated chalico
from tho altar, would not bo looked upon, by religious
men, with half the horror fhat a whole people would
Vol. II.— 12

134 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
have regarded fhe daring wretch who should Hap a re
commendation to dissolve the federal compact. But that
time is long since past. The bound which restrained,
as within a magic circle, the controversies of political
disputants, has been overleaped. Southern statesraen
(what an abuse of the word !) long ago eraployed their
arlthraefic to calculate the value of the Union ; and now
nothing is more coraraon than the threat of its dissolution.
Is it proposed to admit a territory into the Confederacy
under such qualifications aa shall promote the cause of
freedom, and extend and strengthen the basis of human
rights 1 Dissolve the Union ! is the cry which at once
assails our ears frora the south. Is it recommended, by
those whose interests are involved In manufactures, to
continue, for a while longer, the restrictions on com
merce, under which doraestic raanufacfures were first fos
tered into existence ? Dissolve the Union ! exclaira the
patriots of fhe south. Is it suggested that it is the duty
of Congress fo abolish slavery in a district over which
the Constitution gives it exclusive jurisdiction ? Dis
solve the Union ! is the frantic shout which ia again
pealed forth frora the south. To dissolve the Union
seeras to be the ready reraedy for every grievance, real
or supposed. It is the nostrum which, in the true spirit
of reckless and desperate quackery, the politicians of flie
southern states, and particularly of South Carolina,
would administer for every ill. It is the panacea which
they appear lo consider of universal efficacy. It is fhe
cure which will alike restore fhe patient fo health, whe-
ther he suffers from an external hurt or from internal
decay ; whether his malady be serious or trivial, chronic
or acute. Amputation seems to be the only remedial
measure known in the political chirurgery of the
south. But Governor McDuffie goes a step further than any

WILLIAM LEGGBTT, 135
former practitioner. He is for using the knife, not when
disease attacks a limb, but the moraent it is apprehend
ed. He is for dissolving the Union, not when any raea
sure, railitating against "tbo domestic institutions of fhe
south," is effected ; but whenever it is proposed. He
would proceed to fhat extremity, not when the abolition
of slavery, in any shape or degree, is accomplished ; but
the moment the question is discussed. To say that slave
ry is an evil. Is, in his view, a violation of the federal
compact; and for Congress to receive a petition on the
subject, is, according to his exposition of constitutional
law, equivalent to a declaration of war against the states
in which slavery exists.

TIIE CORPORATION QUESTION.
[From the, Plaindealer, December 24, 1836.]
One of fhe newspapers which has done us the honour
to notice this journal, animadverts, with considerable as
perity, upon our declaration of interminable hostility to
the principle of special incorporation, and points our
attention to certain incorporated institutions, vvhich,
according to fhe universal sense of mankind, are esta-
blished with the purest raotives, and effect fhe most ex
cellent objects. The ready and obvious answer to the
strictures we have provoked is, that it is the, raeans, not
the end, which furnishes the subject of our condemnation.
An act of special incorporation may frequenfly afford the
persons associated under it facdities of occoraplishing
much public good ; but if thoso facdities can only be
given at the expense of rights of paramount importance,
thoy ought to bc denied by nil whoso political morality re-
jects the odious raaxim fhat the end justifies the means.
It would be a very strained and unwarrantable inference

136 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
from any remarks we have made, to say that we are an
eneray lo churches, public libraries, or charitable associ-
ationa, because we express hostUity to special legi.slolioii.
It would be on unwarranted inference to soy that we are
even opposed to fhe principio of incorporation ; since it
is only to the principle of special incorporation that we
have expressed hostflity. We aro opposed, not to the
object, but to fhe raode by which fhe object is effected.
We are opposed, not to corporation partnerships, but to the
right of forraing such partnerships being specially granted
to the few, and wholly denied to fhe many. We are
opposed, in short, fo unequal legislation, whatever form
it raay assurae, or whatever object it may ostensibly seek
to accomplish. It has been beautifully and trulj'said, by fhe illustrious
man vvho presides over fhe affairs of our Confederacy,
that " there ore no necessary evils in government. Ita
evils exist only in its abuses. If it would confine itself
to equal protection, aud, as heaven docs its rains, shower
ifs favours alike on the high ond tho low, fhe rich ond
the poor, if vvould be on unqualified blessing." But it
departs from its legitimate oflice, It widely departs from
fhe cardinol principle of government in this country, fhe
equol political rights of all, when it confers privileges on
one sef of men, no mafter for what purpose, which aro
withheld from the rest. It is in this light we look upon
all special octs of incorporation. They convey privile
ges not previously enjoyed, and limit the use of them to
those on whom fhey are bestowed. [ That special char
ters are, in many instances, given for objects of intrinsic
excellence ond importance, is frcoly admitted ; nor do
we desire to wiflihold our unqualified acknowledgment
that fhey have been fhe means of effecting many improve.
ments of great value to fhe community at large. Let
it be clearly understood, then, that we do not war against

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 1,37
the good achieved ; but seek only fo illustrate the inhe.
rent evil of the means. A special charter ia a. powerful
weapon ; but it is one which should have no place in the
armory of the deraocracy. It is on instruraent which
may hew down forests, and open fountains of wealth in
barren places ; but these advantages ore purchased at
too dear a rate, if we give for fhem one jot or tittle of our
equal freedom. As a generol rule, too, corporotions act
for themselves, not for the coraraunity. . If they cultivate
fhe wilderness, it ia to monopolize its fruits. If they
delve the mine, it is fo enrich theraselves with ifs treasures.
If fhey dig new channels for fhe strearas of industry, it
is that they may gather the golden sands for themselvea,
as those of Pactolus wero galliored fo swell the hoards of
Croesus. Even if the benefits, which we are willing to admit
have been effected by companies acting under special
corporote privileges ond immunities, could not hove been
achieved without the assistance of such powers, belter
would it have been, in our opinion, far better, that the
community should have foregone fhe good, than purchase
if by the surrender, in any Instance or particular, of a
principle vvhich lies at the foundation of human liberty.
No one can foretell tho evil consequences which may
flow from one such error of legislation. " Next day the fa.
tal precedent will plead." The way once open, ambi
tion, selfishness, cupidity, rush in, each widening the
breach, and rendering access easier to its successor.
Tho monuments of enterprise erected through the aid of
special privileges and Immunities 'are numerous and stu-
pendens ; but we may yet be sadly admonished
 " how wide the limits stand.
Between a splendid and a happy land."
But, fortunately, we are not driven to the alternative
12*

138 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
of either foregoing for the future such magnificent pro
jects as have heretofiire been effected by special legisla
tion, or for the sake of accoraplishing them, continuing
to grant unequal privileges. It is a propitious omen of
success in the greot struggle in vvhich tbe real democrocy
of this country ore engaged, thot monopolies, (and we in
clude in the term all special corporate rights) are aa
hostile fo fhe principles of sound econoray, as they are
to fhe fundamental maxims of our political creed. The
good which they effect might raore siraply and more cer
tainly be achieved without their aid. They are fetters
which restrain fhe action of the body politic, not raotories
which increase its speed. They are jesses which hold It
to earth, not wings thaf help if to soor. Our country
has prospered, not because of them, but in spite of fhem.
This young and vigorous republic has bounded rapidly
forward, in despite of the burdens which partial legisla-
tion hangs upon its neck, and the clogs it fastens lo its
heel. But swifter would have been its progress, sounder
its health, more prosperous its general condition, had our
law-makers kept constantly in view fhat their imperative
duty requires fhem fo exercise their functions for the
good of fhe whole coraraunity, nof for a handful of ob
trusive and grosping individuols, who, under the pretext
of proraoting the public welfore, ore only eager fo od
vance their private interests, at fhe expense ofthe equal
rights of their fellow-men.
Every special act of incorporation is, in a certain
sense, o gront of a monopoly. Every special act of in-
corporation is a charter of privileges fo a faw, nof en
joyed by fhe community of largo. Thero is no single
object con be named, for which, consistently with a sin
cere respect for the equal rights of mon, a special charter
of incorporation can be bestowed. It should not be
given to establish a bank, nor to erect a manufactory ;

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 139
to open a road, nor to build a bridge. Neither trust
companies nor insurance companies should be invested
with oxobisive rights. Nay, acting in strict accordance
with the true principles both of democracy and politlcol
economy, no legislature vvould, by special act, incorpo-
rafe even o college or o church. Lot il not bo supposed,
however, that vve would withhold from such institutions
the intrinsic advantages of a charter. We would only
substitute general, for partial legislation, and extend to
all, the privileges proper to be bestowed upon any. The
spirit of true wisdom, in human affairs, as in divine,
" Acts not by partial, but by general laws."
Nothing can be more ufterlj' absurd than fo suppose fhat
the advococy of these sentiments implies opposition to
any of the great undertakings for which special legisla
tive authority and immunities ore usually sought. We
are opposed only fo a violation of the great democratic
principle of our governraent ; fhat principle vvhich stonds
ot the head of the Declorofion of Independence ; ond
fhat which most of the states hove repcoted, with equal
explicitness, in their separate constitutions. A general
partnership law, raaking tho peculiar advantages of a
corporation ovalloblo to ony set of men who might choose
to ossociote, for ony lawful purpose whatever, would
wholly obviate the objections which we urge. Such a
law would confer no exclusive or special privileges ; such
a law would bo in strict accordance vvith the greot raoxira
of raan's political equality ; such o low would embrace
the whole community in its bound, leoving capital fo flow
in its natural channels, and enterprise to regulate its own
pursuits. Stock bubbles, as fragile as the unsubstantial
globules which children amuse themselves with blowing,
might not float so numerous In the air ; but all scheraes
of real utility, which presented a reasonable prospect of

140 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
profit, vvould be as readily undertaken aa now. That
active spirit of enterprise, which, in o few months, hos
erected a new city on flic field lately desolated by the
direst eonflogrotlon our history records ; that spiritof en
terprise, which every year odds whole squodrons to the in-
numerous fleet of stately vessels that transport our com
merce to the remotest harbours ofthe world ; that spirit
of enterprise which seeks its object alike through the
freezing atraosphere of the polar regions, ond beneath
the fervour ofthe torrid zone, displaying the stara and
stripes of our country to every notion of the earth ; that
active spirit would not flinch frora undertaking whatever
works of internal iraprovement raight be needed by the
community, without the aid of exclusive righta and pri-
¦vilegea. The merchant, who equips his noble vessel, freights
her with fhe richest products of nature and art, and sends
her on her diafant voyage across the terapestuous sea, osks
no act of incorporation. The trader, who adventures
hia whole resources in fhe coraraodities of his traffic, so
licits no exclusive privilege. The humble raechanic,
who exhausts fhe fruit of raany a day and night of toil
In supplying his workshop wilh the iraplements of his
craft, desires no charter. These are oil willing to encoun
ter unlimited corapetifion. They ore confent to stand on
the broad basis of equal rights. They trust with honoura
ble confidence, to their own talents, exercised with in
dustry, not fo special iraraunifies, for success. Why
should the speculators, who throng the lobbies of our le
gislature, be more favoured than they? AVhy should the
banker, the insurer, the bridge builder, the canal digger,
be distinguished by peculiar privileges ? AVhy should
they bc made a chartorod order, and raised above tho
generol level of their foUow-inen ?
It is curious to trace the history of corporations, and

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 141
observe how, in the lapse of time, they have como fo be
instruments that threaten the overthrow of thaf liberty,
which tbey were, of first, effectual olds in establishing.
When tho feudal sj'stcm prevailed over Europe, and fhe
great moss of tho people wore held in vilest and most ab
ject bondage bj' the lords, to whom fhey owed strict obe
dience, knowing no law but their commands, the power
of the nobles, by reason of the number of their retain
ers and tho extent of their possessions, was greater than
that of tho monarch, who frequently was a mere puppet in
their hands. The borons, norainally vas.'?als ofthe crown,
holding their fief on condition of faithful service, were,
in reality, and at oil times, on any question which com
bined a few ofthe more powerful, absolute masters. They
raade kings and deposed thera at pleosure. The history
of all the stafes of Europe is fidl of their exploits in fhis
way ; but the narrative of the red and white rose of
England, ofthe contending houses of York and Lancas
ter, is all that need be referred to for our present pur
pose. Corporotions were the means at last happUy hit
upon of establishing a power to counterbalance fhat so
tyrannously and rapaciously exercised by the borons.
For certain services rendered, or a certain price paid,
men wero released from fhe conditions whioh bound them
to their feudal lord.s, and nil so cnfianchisod wero com
bined in a corporate body, under a royal charter of privi
leges and immunities, and wore termed " freemen of the
corporation." In process of time, these bodies, by gro-
duol and almost irapercepfible additions, grew to suffi
cient size fo afford a countercheck to the power of the
nobles, ond were ot last the instruments, nof in England
only, but throughout Europe, of overthrowing tho feudal
system, emancipating their foUow-racn from degrading
bondage, and estoblishing a government somewhat more
in accordance with the rights of humanity.

142 POLITICAL WRITINGa OP
But in thia country, founded, in theory and practice,
on an acknowledgment, in the broadest sense, of the
universal right of equal freedora, fhe grant of special cor
porote privileges ia an act againat libertj', not in favour
of it. It is not enfranchiaing the few, but enalaving the
many. The aarae process which, when the people were
debased, elevated them to their proper level, now, when
the people are elevated, and occupy the lofty place of
equal political rights, debases them to comparative servi
tude. The condition of things in free America is widely
different frora that which existed in Europe during the
feudal ages. How absurd then, lo continue a systera of
grants, for which all actual occasion long since ceased,
and which are now at utter and palpable variance with
the great political maxira that all alike profess! Itis
our desire, however, In treating this subject, fo use no
language which may erabiffer the feelings of those who
entertain contrary views. We wi^h to win our way by
the genlle process of reason ; not by the boisterous raeans
which angry disputants adopt. It has, in all times, been
one of the characteristic errors of political reforraers, and
we might say. Indeed, of religious reformers, too, that
they have threatened, rather than persuaded ; fhat they
have sought fo drive men, rather than allure. Happy is
he " whose blood and judgment is so well commingled,"
that he can blend determined hostility to public errors
and abuses, with sufficient tolerance of the differences of
private opinion and prejudice, never to relinquish cour
tesy, fhat sweetener of social life and efficient friend of
truth. In a small way, we seek fo be a reformer of cer
tain false principles which have crept into our legisla
tion ; but OS we con lay no claim to the transcendent
powers of fhe Miltons, Harringtons and Flefchera of
political hiatory, so we have no excuse for indulging in
their fierceness of invective, or bitterness of reproach.

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 143

THE TRUE THEORY OF TAXATION.
[From the Plaindealer, December 24, 1836.]
The Evening Post, in one of its recent excellent arti
cles on fhe protective system, speaking with particular re
ference to tho Impost on coal, expresses the opinion that it
is the duty of our rulers to lighten the burdens of the
people as much os possible, " especiolly when they fall on
articles of first rate necessity ; and it is easy,'' the
Evening Post adds, " to distinguish between those that
do, nnd llioao Ihat do not."
AVe ore verj' willing to see the protective system
attacked, either in gross or in detofl. If we find that
we cannot procure the immediate reduction of all duties
to the exact revenue standard, as graduated on an equal
ad valorem scale, we must be confent to concentrate our
forces upon particular articles or classes of articles, and
thus atterapt to accomplish the overthrow of the tariff,
somewhat after the manner fhat fhe redoubtable Bobadll
proposed to overthrow an array. We are afraid, however,
that thia mode of operation, in our case, as in his, will
fail of effecting any very important result. But while
we are wUling to join the Evening Post in bringing about
a reduction of the tariff, either by piecemeal or wholesale,
we cannot quite agree with fhe sentiment it expresses,
as an abstract proposition, that it is the especial duty of
rulers to reduce faxes on necessaries, and to discrirainate
between those which are so, and those which are not.
It seeras fo us, on fhe contrary, thot fhe true theory of
taxation, whether direct or indirect, wheflier levied upon
coraraerce, or assessed, wifliout any interracdiory agency
or subterfuge, upon tho properly of the people, is that
which falls with equal proportional weight upon every
variety of comraodity. WhUe we should contend, with

144 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
the utmost earnestness against fhe imposition of a tax, the
effect of which would be to burden the poor man and let
the rich go free ; wc should oppose as posllivolj', if not
aa zealously, a contrary system, which tended to place the
load, in any undue degree, upon fhe shoulders of the rich.
We are for equal rights ; for the rights of fhe affluent
and fhe needy alike ; and we would not admit, in any
case, or to any extent whatever, fhe principle of either
laying or repealing duties for the special advantage of fhe
one class or the other. We have had loo much already
of discriminating duties.
If we must raise the revenues of our federal govern
raent from imposts on coramerce, the true theory to con
tend for, in our view ofthe subject, is on equol ad valorem
duty, erabrocing every commodity of traffic. The ira-
porter of foreign coal will fell you a pathetic story ofthe
hardships and sufferings of the poor at fhis inclement
season ofthe year. He will borrow perhaps the eloquent
language of the Evening Post, to describe the shivering
inmates of garrets and cellars, and the poor lone woman
who buys her cool by the peck. He wUI draw you fo
her wretched abode, and show her surrounded by her
tattered offspring, expanding their defenceless limbs
over a few expiring embers that mock fheiii with inoflbc-
tuol heat. When he has raised your sympathy fo the
proper pitch, he wiU then call on you fo exert your influ
ence to procure the repeal of a duty which places beyond
the reach of thousands of shuddering wretches one ofthe
prime necessaries of life, and leaves fhem to all the
horrors of unmitigated winter, as it visits the unfed sides
and looped ond windowed roggedness of the poor. The
deoler In foreign groin will hove o similar tale lo relate.
He wfll expatiate on the sufferings of the Indigent frora
the high price of bread, and osk you to exempt breodstuffs
frora taxation. The importers of books and charta, ond of

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 145
mathcraafical instruments, will talk of the advantages of
a wide diffusion of llterolurc and science, and ask for a
repeal of duties ou thoso articles in which their trade
consists. Colleges will lopresonf that fhe cause of educa-
tion requires their libraries and laborofories should come
duty free. Railroad corporotions will point out *he
many political and comraercial benefits that raust accrue
to fhe country from facUitafed Intercourse between ifs
distant parts, and osk that their engines and other oppll-
ances be released from the burden of faxes. All these
applications, and many others of a like kind, have some
thing specious to recoraraend them to a favourable con.
sideration, and some have been listened fo and granted.
The prayers of corporate bodies have been offirmotively
answered, while a deaf cor has been turned to thoso of
tbe ill-fed oud unprlvilogcd poor. In our sense, how.
ever, they ought oil fo bo treated alike, and all fo be re-
jected. The only legitiraate purpose of a tariff is that
expressed by the Constitution, " fo pay the debts and
provide for the general welfare ;" and the debts should
be paid and the general welfare provided for, in strict
accordance with the great distinguishing principle of our
governraent — fhe equal rights of fhe people. This never
can be entirely accorapUshed while iraposfs on foreign
coraraerce furnish the means of revenue ; but it is the
obvious duty of legislators to do nothing fo increase the
unovoidable inequality ofthe burden.
The true system of raising revenue, fhe only demo
cratic sj'stem, and the one which we trust fhe people of
thia Confederacy will some day insist upon adopting, is
that of direct taxation. We hope the day wifl come,
(and wo think wo see the evidences of its approach)
when not o CuhIoiii House will exist in the land ; when
tidewaitcrs and giiagor.s, niipraisors nnd iusiicctors, will
be unknown ; and when commerce, fhat most efficient
Vol. II.— 13

146 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
friend ofthe best Interests of man, ond brightener ofthe
links of internotional amity, wfll be os free to go ond
come, as fhe breeze that fills her sails, or the wove that
bears hor froightod stores. Tho system from which we
now derive fhe resources of our government is in utter
opposition to the maxim on which our governmont ia
founded. We build up our institutions professing the
utraost confidence in the intelligence and integrity of the
people ; but our very first act betrays distrust both of
their sagacity and virtue. We fear they have neither
sense enough to see that the expenses of government
must be defrayed, nor honesty enough to pay thera if di-
rectly applied fo for that purpose ; and hence we set
about, by various modes of indirection, to filch the money
from their pockets, that they raay neither know how
much they contribute, nor the precise purpose to which
it is applied. Could a systera be devised better calcu.
lated to encourage lavish expenditure, and introduce
variety of corruption ? To preserve the governraent sira
ple and pure, the people should know what they pay, and
for what object. Thia would excite men to that degree
of vigilance which is necessary to the preservation of
their rights ; it would restiain their political agents
from neglecting or exceeding their trusts ; and it would
prevent government from that otherwise inevitable, how-
ever gradual, enlargement of its powers and offices, which,
in the end, raust prove destructive of the liberties ofthe
people. A system of indirect taxation tends, with steady
and constant force, to undermine the basis of popular
rights. If is, in ifs very nature, an oiistocrof ic systera, and
bears upon its front the evidence of distrust of popular
capacity and virtue. A system of direct taxation, on
the contraiy, is a candid ond democrotic system. If ia
buUt on the presumption that the moss of men hove suffi.
cient intelligence to know in what good government

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 147
consists, and sufficient integrity to pay what is requ'ired
to maintain their rights. It is, in short, the only true
theory of taxation ; oud tho day will be on auspicious
one for tho great cause of huraan liberty when it ia odopt
od by the American people.

"YOUR NAPKIN IS TOO LITTLE."
[From the Plaindealer, December 21, 1836.]
AVhbn the generous Othello was wrought upon by the
arts of his false friend to suspect tho fidelity of his wife,
I' fhe agony of his ingenuous mind, unable fo dissemble, be
trayed itself at once In his countenance ; and Desdemona
seeing him troubled, and wholly unconscious of the cause,
but supposing sorae raere physical ill afflicted him, offer.
ed fo bind up his aching temples with her handkerchief.
None who have had the good fortune to see the text of
Shakspeare illustrated by the acting of Kean or Forrest,
can ever forget the deep pathos, and wonderful fulness
of mooning, of Othello's brief reply, " Your napkin Is too
little !"
AVe take the liberty to uso fhis phrase in reference to
the conduct of those political journalists who, on one side
OS well as the other, seek fo fie up the abolition question
within the liraits of party, ond treat It as if it were a sub,
ject on which men ore divided by the sorae lines that di.
vide thom on the ordinary political topics of the tiraes,
These efforts do not deceive the people, cither at the north
or south, but only expose the dishonesty of those who
make them. The American Sentinel, for example, as
sures its southern readers that the views expressed in
Governor Rit ner's message, on the subject of slavery, are
those peculiarly entertained by the whig party, as it Is
styled, and that the deraocracy of Pennsylvania, after the

148 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
next annual election, will be represented by a majority
in both branches of the legislature, when the abolitionists
wifl no longer have it in thoir power to do any injury to
southern interests. But in making this statement, it de.
parls so widely from what is the notorious fact, fhat it
cannot have the effect to deceive a single mind. The
slaveholders know full well, and fhe American Sentinel
also knows fuU well, while it publishes a contrary intima.
tion, that the opposition lo slavery, the desire to see it
abolished, and the determination fo discuss fhe subject,
are nof confined either to ono party or fhe otlier in Penn
sylvonio ; but thot they arc entertained and expressed
by multitudes of men, without the slightest reference lo
party lines, as drawn by other political questions. The
Philadelphia Sentinel knows, too, that if the slavery
question is to be considered a political question at all,
it is so in the highest and most important meaning of the
phrase ; and that if has no affinity or connection with
other questions fhat come under fhat designation. In
the soothing words wliich il addresses to the south on
this subject it manifests a desire, it is true, fo bind up
the tlirobbing temples of the slaveholders ; but its nap
kin is too litlle.
Thero are numerous party journals. In different quar
ters of the countiy, which are playing this despicable
garao of retaliation and mutual criminofion on the sub
ject of slavery. In one place, some accidental or irrele
vant circumstance is seized hold of and distorted, to con
vince the soutli that the abolitionists belong fo the demo
cratic party ; and, in another, the direct contrary is ea-
toblishod by somo equally cogent process of orguiiicnf or
proof. The trutii is, and tho soutli sees it, notwithstand
ing the puling of such prints as tho Richmond Enquirer
about " the whig legislature of Vermont,'' and " the vvhig
Governor of Pennsylvania," that this question is not con-

WILLIAM LEOOETT. 149
fined within the bounds of party ; that it Is not a question
of whig and democrat, or one that is affected by the
ordinary principles and divisions of political antagonism;
but that it includes men of overy variety of political be
lief, and extends through every portion of the Confede
racy, where the moral Icprosj' of slavery does not exist.
If o desire to abolish slovery, and o deep and earnest ob-
horrence of it, in oil Its aspects, ore choracteristic of one
party more than tho olher, we hositafe not fo say that it
is of the democratic parly ; since the institution is in
more positive and utter violation of the fundamental ar
ticle of fhe creed of democracy, which acknowledges the
political equalitj', ond unalienable right of freedom of oil
mankind. But let the south not vainly Iraagine fhat detestation o(
slavery is confined to either of the political divisions of
the coraraunity, or that it can ever hush the question up
no matter vvhat party or faction may be in the ascenden
cy. The right of free discussion is a right which we of
the north will never relinquish ; and that set of public
servants who should be so base and so audacious, so lost
to all sense of true patriotism, and so ignorant of the
temper ofthe people, as to attempt fo fetter opinion by
any legislative restraints on its free e.xercise, would be
hurled from their ploces, by such an instant and over
whelming storm of unlvorsol scorn and indignation, as
hos no [irocodcnt in oil the political convulsions of our
history. Thero was a time, perhaps, a fow years since,
when a mfld and conciliatory course, on fhe part of south
ern writers and speakers, might have delayed, tliough it
could not have stopped, the discussion of the question of
negro slavery. But the 'Ercles vein was preferred, ond
the stole threat of a dissolution of tho Union was resort
ed to. What has been fhe consequence ? Where there
was one abolitionist thon, there are hundreds now ; and
18*

150 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
instead of a feeble and occasional mention of the subject
In a few newspapers, it is now, everywhere, openly, bold
ly, thoroughly discussed. Tho day is past, if it over wos,
when o porly complexion could be given to that great
and momentous question, and when politicians, on either
side, could be thus detoired from meddling with if, lest
it should exercise on untoward influence on mere party
objects. The Richmond AAHiig and the Richraond En
quirer, which seera governed by o sjiirif of iiiiituol emula
tion in their efforts to throw fhe odium ofthe slavery dis
cussion, each on the opposite party, will yet find that
this ia an ineffectual woy of treating the subject ; they
will yet find fhat their napkin is too little.

BEAUTIES OF TIIE EXCLUSIVE SYSTEM.
[From the Plaindealer, December 24, 1836.]
Tub Independent Republican, published at Goshen, in
this state, points ouf, in the following paragraph, one of
fhe mony violations of the equol rights of fhe people, to
which the system of grouting special charters of incorpora.
tion has led.
"Among fhe thousand discriminations on our stofufo
books in favour of associated wealth, there is none raore
unjust than that vvhich gives to Railroad Coiiipaiilos the
privilege of importing their won free of duly, while every
ounce used for ogriculturol or raechonical purposes is bur
dened with on impost of 25 per cent. If, however, the
omount of duty wero the only injury fo individuol indus
try resulting from this odious distinction, its evils would
be comparatively light. But the exclusive privilege Uius
granted to incorporated companies, has induced orders
to such on extent for roflroad Iron, thaf the manufactu
rers in England have gone almost universally into ifs fa-

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 151
brlcafion ; tliua causing a limited supply for other purpo
ses, and Inducing an advance of price equal fo ot leost
50 per cent. It is thus that through o mistoken course
of Icgislotion Incorporoted wealth draws around itself
additional iramunities, whUe individual enterprise is
craraped by legal disobUIfies, or burdened by unjust exoc-
tious. But the doy of exclusive privUeges, we trust, ia
at on end ; and among fhe first octs of Congress we hope
to see on obolishmonf of that unjust discrimination which
now gives to mammoth associations a privilege sedulous
ly withheld from the community at large."
Tho injustice of this oxemplion of railroad corporations
from a duty which all citizens have to paj', and of its In
direct operation fo increase fhe prices of all articles of
foreign manufacture in iron, other than irona for railroad
tracks. Is too obvious fo require any illustration. It is
too obvioua to admit the supposition thot Congress, In
excepting raUroad iron frora duty, did not perceive the
unequal and unjust effect which the measure would ne
cessarily have. AVhat a view, then, does nof fhis circum
stance present of the enormous power which chartered
associations already possess, when thoy can thus openly
procure immunities from Congress, at the expense of an
imposition of additional taxes ond burdens on the people
at large — on all not included within the pale of exclusive
corporate privileges !

POLITICAL PROSPECTS.
[Fro7n the Plaindenlnr, December 31, 1836.]
This number of our paper is issued fo its readers on
the eve of a now year. Standing of ifs threshold, let
us pause, for a moment, to consider the political charac
ter by which it is likely to be distinguished.

152 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
" Coming events cost their shodows before ; " and an
attentive observer may already |)erceivc various pregnant
indications of tho question relied upon, by the loading
spirits of the aristocracy, to keep up the division of par
ties, and shake the administration of ftir. Von Buren.
It moy already be seen that the question of a federol bank
; is to be fhe great rallying point of the adversaries of de.
mocracy. The forces, so signally routed and dispersed
by the energy and determination of General Jackson, are
gathering again for a new assault, and recombining the
elements of their strength. The letters of Mr. Biddle,
and the motions and speeches already made, in both
houses of Congress, in regard to the imputed couses of
the financial pressure experienced by fhe community,
the derangement of the currency, the enormous rates of
domestic exchange, and the consequent inforruption of
many extensive and valuable branches of traffic, are all
denotements fhat point, raore or less significantly, to one
ultlmote object, the re-esfoblishraenf of o federal banking
institution. In whot precise form this proposition will
come up, and whot previous measures will be pursued to
convince the people that it presents their only hope of
relief frora the various evils of a depreciated and discre
dited currency, are not yet clearly denoted by any of the
preliminary steps. It is not probable that fhe scheme
wiU be openly promulgated during the present session of
Congress. It is in embryo, and it will not fairly break
the shell, until ftlortln Van Buren ossuinos the presiden
tial office.
In fhe raeonwhile, the raost sedulous ond constant
atterapts will be mode, fo excite alarra and distrust ; to
diffuse the idea that off the evils resulting from overtra
ding and a fronuc spirit of speculation ore to bo wholly
ascribed to the financial mismanagement of the govern
ment ; and that pecuniary derangement and distress, aa

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 153
it coramenced with the prostration of the United States
Bank, so it will not terrainate till that institution is re
stored to ita original powers and functions. « We raust
have a notional bonk I " is the exclomofion we already
hear in many quarters ; and every possible effort, in
Congress and out, will be made to strengthen and spread
the opinion that a bank, established under federal autho
rity, is the only source to which the community can look
for permanent and adequate relief. Wo have great con
fidence, however, that the deraocracy of fhe country can-'
not be deceived on fhis subject. It is hardly possible, in
the nature of things, that they can be again exposed to
such a wide and desolating financiol fcrapest os thot of
1834, when fhe Bonk of the United Stofes, as its last
resort,, having tried the arts of bribery and cajolery fo a
prodigious extent, and in vain, poured out its fiercest
wrath upon the country, with fhe view of coercing the
people Into its raeasures. They who withstood unshaken
the wicked atterapts of that period, will hardly be over-
corae by the efforts which ore ogoln obout fo be exerted
against thera.
In fhe engrossing topic presented by the new crusade
which fhe leaders ofthe various factions ofthe opposition
are devising, afl seem fo have lost sight of the great man,
who was but recently held up fo fhe people as a fit person
to fill fhe chief office of the Confederacy. What hos be
corae of General Harrison ? Poor raon, he hos run hia
course. Ho has onswcrod, better thon could hove been
expected, the purpose for which he wos cruelly drogged
from retirement ; and having served hia little day, aa fhe
object " of empty sfarers and of loud huzzas," he is per
mitted to slink bock info congenial obscurity, where thero
are " none so poor as do him reverence." AVe could not
but pity tho weak old man, when wc sow him carried
round the country, "as our rarer monsters are," by a

154 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
set of designing individuals, who, profusely zealous in dis
honest homage, cared not a rush for him fhey pretended
to honour, further than the profit they hoped to make by
the exhibition.

¦ The statesman of tho day,

A pompous and slow moving man, he came.
Some shouted, and some hung u])on his car.
To gaze in 's eyes, and bless liim. Maidens waved
Their kerchiefs, and old women wept for joy ;
While others, not so satisfied, unhorsed
Tho gilded equipage, and turning loose
His steeds, usurped a place they well deserved.
Why ? what thus charmed thera ? Had he saved the state ?
No. Did he purpose its salvation ? No.
 But the wane has come,
And his own cattle must suffice him now.
The bank Is the question now, and the popular ear will
be dinned no longer wifli fhe exploits of the hero of Tip
pecanoe. Requiescat in pace !
It is a happy thing for the cause of true democracy,
that fhe man whom the people hove chosen, to preside
over the Confederation Is voluntarily pledged, with Iho
utraost posifiveness and solemnity, to oppose, by all the
means in his power, the re-establishment of a federal
bank, in any shape, or with any limitations thot can pos
sibly be devised. We do not think it ia possible for lan
guage to furnish the moterials of a more absolute and com
prehensive engagement, than thot which Martin Van
Buren, of his own raotion, solemnly entered into with the
people of the United States, as the groat condition on
which he was willing to accept the office of Chief ftla.
gistrate. In his celebrofed letter fo Sherrod Willioras,
speaking on the subject of a United Stofes Bank, he says,
" My objection is thai the Constitution does not give Con
gress the power to erect corporations within the states, Il

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 155
is an objection which nothing short of an amendment of the
Constitution can remove. It is a historical fact, thai the
Convention refused to confer that power on Congress, and
I am opposed to its assu/nplioii hy it on any pretence what.
ever. Iam not only wilUng, but desirous, thai ihe people of
the United States should be fully imformed of ihe precise
ground I occupy on this subject."
In fhe face of this oraple ond explicit pledge, there are
persons who believe, or affect fo believe, that Martin Van
Buren will encourage, not openly, but secretly, the Views
of those who seek to establish another federal bank ; and
that he wfll finally sign a bill to that effect, under the
pretext of yielding to the public voice. AVhat measure
of hia whole life, we would ask, stamps hira such a knave
and renegade, as fo afford countenance to the belief ?
What act of treachery has he coraraitted of so black a die
as furnishes ground for the opinion ? AVhat single event
is recorded In his history that gives fo fhe slanderous
conjecture the leost shodow of probobillty ? There is
nonq. ftlortln Von Buron, " wore dorancd beneath oil
depth ofheU," to use the strong longuage of Shakspeare,
if he had furnished the sUghtest reason for this wild and
most erroneous surmise. He would not only expose him
self, by such a course to fhe scorn and hisses of mankind
while he lives, but his memory would stink in the nose of
succeeding ages, and his name would be mentionod here-
after only as that of a very paragon of political treachery
and falsehood. But the idea is absurd on its face, and is
too raonstrous even for credulity itself to believe.
The opposition have no hopes of gaining Martin Van
Buren over to their purposes. Their object is not to pro
selyte hira, but to destroy him. Their aim is to over
throw the democratic ascendancy and erect a federal
bank on its ruins. To this end, they wUl cost every pos- ,
sible embarrassment in the way of his administration.

156 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
They will creote all the finonclol confusion in their
power, and exaggerate all thaf occurs, no matter from
what cause, ascribing every difficulty to the want of a
great fiscal institution, like fhat which the veto of Gen-
eral Jackson destroyed. By these constant efforts fhey
hope fo effect a gradual change in public opinion, and at
last prepare the popular mind to receive o bonk created
by a two-thirds vote in Congress. AVe see the beginning
of these raeaaures alreody ; but wc see if without olorra.
They who, like us, entertain o sincere belief in the fun.
danientul maxim of democracy, wliich, in recogniaing
the right of a raajority to govern, acknowlodgoa the capa
city and virtue of the people, raay conteinjdate, without
apprehension, these renewed exertions of the leaders of a
baffled corabination of factiona. It ia the old struggle
of the antagonist principles of our government. It is a
recommencement of that contest between the aristocra
cy and the democracy, which has been often waged be
fore, and in which Iho cause of populor liberty has al
ways triumphed. There is lessground of fear now, than
in any previous conflict, that victory will desert those on
whora it so long has smiled ; since fhe people more tliO'
roughly understand, than at any former period, the insi-
dious and dangerous nature of all gigantic moneyed insti
tutions, and the enormous power of evil they exercise,
when brought into fhe field fo control the politlcol ele
ments of fhe country.
Thot the bonk question wifl furnish the line of party
division, and the object of party strife, through the coming
year, we have not o doubt. The confest will probably
be carried on with rauch excitement ond onimatlon, and,
in the commorciol distriols cspoeiolly, will bc marked
with that deplorable bitterness ond rancour of mutual cri
mination and refort, wliich arc naturally created by dis
cussions that affect the pecuniary interests of men. But,

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 157
without claiming the gift of prophecy, we think we can
see through the clouds which lower on the political pros-
pect, and discern that the yeor wdl terminote auspi
ciously for tho groat principles of human freedom, and in
the discomfiture of those who desire fo restiain tho un
biassed expression of the popular voice.

AftlERICAN NOBILITY.
[i^iom the Plaindealer, December 31, 1836.]
A WRiTr.R, of uncommon eloquence and Ingenuity, hos
appealed, in the columns of the Evening Post, under the
signature of Anti-PrivH.ege, and has undertaken to prove
the unconstitutionahty of the restraining law, on the
ground that it is a violation of that clause of the federal
constitution which declares that no slate shall grant any
title of nobility. It is obvious, from the whole tenor of
the article, that this is not undertaken as o mere exercise
of ingenuity; but that, "just in his views or not, the
writer is in earnest." AVe have read his reraarks with
attention, and profess ourselves fo be of the opinion he so
cogently raalnfains, that the restrolning law is, in effect,
if not in letter, a grant of titles of nobility fo those whom
its provisions protect in their special privileges and ira
raunifies. We cannot better appropriate a portion of
our space, than by inserting an extract frora this able
essoy. " It is not merely titles of nobflity, os they ore defined
in England, or Fronce, or Germony, or Spain, thot are
prohibited by the Constitution, but titles of nobUity in
the broad and coraprehensive import of fhe term. Now
what is it that constitutes nobility ? Not noble descent.
In this oil nations and all writers are agreed. Not the
possession of large domains. Not hereditable honours.
Vol. IL— 14

158 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
Not the exercise of high political authority. Not worth,
nor wealth, nor talent, nor strength, nor beauty. It is
neither of these things. By the unanimous testimony of
those who have gathered the true meaning of fhe word,
from the various senses in vvhich it has been used, it sig
nifies a quolify, which by virtue of some document put
forth by due authority, places fhe subject of it in the en-
joyment of civil rights denied lo the moss ofthe commu
nity. A noble is defined by English writers to mean
•a person who has a privilege which raises him above a
commoner or peasant.' On the continent the word
noble is less restricted thon in England. The French
Academy thus define the word : ' Qui par droit de nais-
sance ou par letlres du prince, fait partie, d' une classe dis-
tinguce dans V cial.' ' One who by right of birth, or by
patent from fhe prince, raakes part of a distinguished
class in fhe state.' In every part of Europe, it is civil
privilege which constilutos the noblemon ; and since the
progress of intelligence has stripped many of this order
of the immunities they once enjoyed, the title of nobility,
in nuraerous instances, is understood to be one of custom
and of courtesy only, possessing no validity, becouse con
ferring no distinction. Now what is fhe quolify which a
charter confers upon fhe citizens who can obtoiii it by
their merits, their iraportunities, or their bribes? Civil
^niJtZe^e— gainful, enviable civil privilege. Privilege
denied to thoir uncbarleied brethren. Privilogc more
valuable by far than fhe iramunities of a German Baron,
a French Duke, a Spanish Grandee, or an Italian Prince.
Loying polificol authority aside, there is not in all Eu
rope, (the assertion is deliberately made,) a nobleman
among them all, that posses.ses peculiar privileges as
much worth having, as the special civil powers of the
Bank Directions of America. Even the banking ayatem
of Europe is infinitely more democrotic than our owu.

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 159
Among the moneyed men of tho old world, whatever
license one has, all hove ; whatever restriction falls on
one. Is mode to fall on all. But how Is it with us ?
" Fow of our charter-holders have reflected much upon
the nature of the privileges fhey enjoy, and fewer still
have felt corapunction at the thought that what they are
thus enjoying has been denied to the rest of fhe corarau
nity. But known to fhem or not, it is nevertheless true.
Tho want of consciousness of their advantage relieves
them from the charge of dollberote exclusiveness. Still
the fact is not the less a fact, that the Chartered Bonk
ers of America enjoy favours without a parallel in nobi-
lify-rldden Europe. To be an American bank director
is to be raised high above the heads of the unchartered
miUion. To be an American bank director is fo exer
cise a prerogative, vost at all tiraes, but at fhis moment
alraost princely. It is fo wield a power fhat, if it pleases,
may subdue the proud to the raost humiliating sacrifices,
buy over by timely largesses the venal and the weak, and
terrify into submission the gentle and fhe good. It is to
hold fhe purse-strings of a boundless commerce, with an
exclusive right fo sell, drop by drop, the natural nutri
ment of trade. To bo on Americon bank director is to
be an Araerican nobleraan without fhe publicity and the
disadvantage of the visible decoration. Let me hear the
answers to this allegation. It will perhaps be soid thot
a charter is not a title of nobility, because it does not
come by right of birth, or by patent from the prince.
Was this the meaning of the Constitution when it so
lemnly decreed that no slate shall grout a title of nobility X
Most surely not. It contemplated noble privileges, ema-
noting from the legislative power. It may be urged fhat
a bank charter is not a title of nobility, because it only
grants exclusive powers and not distinctive appellation.
A state, we shall be gravely told, may grant nobility but

160 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
not titles ofnobilily. It may, for due considerations, lay
in fhe lap of sorae great family the monopoly of gram,
the re^je of colton or tobacco, Uio special privilege of
dealing in exchange, or the imperial i'lanchise of printing
the acknowledgments of its debts. But it raay nol dock
it with a sounding adjective. It may not designate it
" IUustrious," or " Serene." It raay grant lo the mean
est citizen all fhe prerogof ives fhat make a prince ; it
niay give oway for ever the very essence of its sove
reignty, but a sonorous epithet it shall nof give. It raoy
make a man a monarch, but it shall nof label him a lord.
Need I ansvver an assumption so unspeakably absurd ? "
'The outhor of fhe obove new view of a very important
subject has promised to continue his speculations, and we
hope, for the sake of the public good which such investi
gations are calculated lo oflecl, that he will redeem his
pledge. Wo have been in flie habit for a longtime, of
speaking very freely on the subject of the exclusive pri
vileges of our chartered aristocracy, ond hove frequently,
for fhe purpose of bringing the system into disrepute,
termed those whp are enjoying its advantages, the scrip
nobility, and the noble order of the raoney-changers.
The peculiar privileges which they exercise (and exercise
very tyrannously at tiinos,) we really considered, in point
of fact, fully equal to those of any order of European
nobility, aud, in their tendency to undermine our demo
cratic institutions, highly insidious ond dongorous. But
we hove not before been led to reflect thot the oct which
constitutes the exclusiveness of these rights and irarauni
fies is a grant of titles of nobUitj', in positive contraven
tion of an express provision of the Constitution of the
United Stafes. AVe fender fo Anti-Privilege our cordial
thanks for the flood of new and useful light he has shed
upon this subject.
We have heretofore looked on the restraining low as

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 161
an unequal, unnecessary, and unjust restraint on the na
tural freedora of capital and industry. We shall here
after look upon it with augmented abhorrence os a posi
tive violation ofthe Constitution ofthe United Stofes, in
a respect which was meant lo guard the Araerican peo
ple from the opproaches of aristocracy. We hove here
tofore looked upon banking incorporations, which fhat
law encircles and protects, as possessed of privileges in-
compotible with fhe principle of equal rights, a principle
which constitutes tho vory foundation of huraan freedom.
We shall hereafter look upon thom with increased aver
sion, OS the possessors of actual titles of nobility, distin
guished by more objectionable features than the pofenfs
of the European oristocrocy ; ond we sholl labour with
renewed zeal to enfronchise fhe community frora their
degrading subjection to the noble order of the money
changers.

THE INEQUALITY OF HUMAN CONDITION.
From the Plaindealer, December 31, 1836.
The venerable Sir Thomas More, in a work wherein
he has availed himself of tbe convenient latitude of fiction
to utter many important political maxiras ond opinions,
which raight not have been tolerated, in his days, had
they been put forth in the sober guise of literal trufh,
has expressed numerous sentiments in regard to the errors
and abuses of governraent, which apply with as rauch
force and accuracy to our times and country, as to his.
« Is nof that government both unjust and ungrateful," he
asks, " that Is prodigal of its favours to those who ore
goldsmiths and bankers, and such others as are idle, and
live either by flattery, or by contriving fhe arts of vai n
pleasure ; and, on the other hand, takes no care of those
14*

162 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
of a meaner sort, such as ploughmen, colliers, and smiths,
without whom it could nol subbist ? After the public has
reaped all the advantage of their service, ond they como
to be oppressed with ago, sickness, ond wont, all their
labours, and fhe good they have done, is forgotten ; and
all fhe recorapense given thera is that they are left fo die
in great ralsery. The richer sort ore often endcovour-
ing fo bring the hire of labourers lower, not only by their
froudulent proctices, but by the laws vvhich fhey procure
to be raade fo thot effect ; so that, though it is a thing
most unjust in itself fo give such small rewards to those
who deserve so well of the public, yet they have given
those hardships the name and colour of justice, by pro.
curing laws fo be made fur regulating them."
Who, thot knows anything of our legislation, can read
this passage, without perceiving that it applies as strong
ly to the condition of things among ourselves, as if if hud
been written purposely to describe thom, and not those
which existed in England three centuries ogo ? Our
governinent, like thot ogoinst which fhe coraploint wos
urged. Is prodigal of favours fo bankers and others, who
choose to live in idleness by their wits rather than earn
an honest livelihood by the useful eraploy mont of their
faculties ; and like that, it makes no laws conferring pri
vileges and immunities on the "common people," who
look to their indhstry for their support. The farmers,
the labourers, the mechanics, and the shopkeepers, have
no chartera bestowed upon thera ; but the only notice
they receive from fhe law is to forbid fhem, under heavy
penalties, from interfering with the exclusive rights
granted fo the privileged few.
A very casual and imperfect survey of society, in re
gard to the vast disparity of condition it presents, must
satisfy any reflecting mind that there is some great and
pervading error in our system. If fhe inequalities of ar-

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 103
tificial condition bore any relation to those of noture ; if
they were determined by fhe comparative degreea of
men's wisdom and strength, or of their providence and
frugality, there would be no cause fo complain. But the
direct contrary is, to o very groat extent, the truth.
Folly receives the homage which should belong only to
wisdom ; prodigality riots in the abundance which pru
dence has not heen able fo accumulate, with all his
pains ; and idleness enjoys the fruits which were planted
and cultivated by industry. It is not necessary fo state
these facts in figurative language, in order to render them
worthy of serious and attentive consideration. Look
through society, and toll us who and what are our most
affluent men? Did they derive their vast estates from
inheritance? There aro scarcely a dozen weolthy fami
lies in fhis motropolis whoso property descended fo them
by bequest. Did thoy accumulate it by patient industry?
There are few fo whom an affirmative answer will apply.
Was it the reward of superior wisdom ? Alas, that is a
quality which has not been asserted as a charocferistic
of our rich. AVhcnce, thon, have so many derived the
princely fortunes, of which fhey display the evldencea in
their apacloua ond elegant dwellings, in their costly ban
quets, their glittering equipages, and oil the luxurious
appliances of wealth ? The answer is plain. They
owe fhem to speclol privileges ; to thot system of legis-
lofion which grants peculiar facilities to fhe opulent, and
forbids fhe use of thera to the poor ; fo that pernicious
code of laws which considers the rights of property as
an object of greater moment than the rights of man.
Cast yet another glance on society, in the aspect it pre
sents when surveying those of opposite condition. What
is the reason that such vast numbers of mon groan and
sweat under a weory life, spending their existence in
incessant tofl, and yet accumulating nothing around

164 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
them, to give thera hope of respite, and a prospect of
corafort in old age ? Has nature been leaa prodigal to
them, than to thoae who enjoy such superior fortune 7
Are their rainds guided by less intelligence, or their bo
dies nerved with less vigour? Are their raorals less
pure, or their industry less assiduous ? In all these re
spects they are at least the equals of those who ore so far
above them in prosperity. The disparitj' of condition, in
a vast multitude of instances, may be traced directly to
the errors of our legislation ; lo that wretched system, at
war with the fundamental maxim of our government,
which, iusteod of regarding fhe equality of liuniou rights,
and leaving all to the full enjoyment of natural liberty in
every respect not inconsistent with public order, bestows
privileges on one, and denies them fo another, and com
pels fbo many fo pay tribute ond render homage fo tho
few. Take a hundred ploughmen promiscuously from
Iheir fields, and a, hundred merchants from their desks,
and what raan, regarding the true dignity of his nature,
could hesitate to give the award of superior excellence,
in every main intellectual, physical, ond raorol respect,
fo the band of hardy rustics, over that of the lank ond
sallow accountants, worn out with the sordid anxieties
of traffic and fhe calculations of gain ? Yet the mer
chant shall grow rich frora participation in the unequal
privileges which a false systera of legislation has created,
whUe the ploughraan, unprotected by the laws, and de
pendent wholly on himself, shall barely earn a frugal
livelihood by continued toil.
In as for as Inequality of human condition is the result
of natural causes it aflbrds no just topic of complaint;
but in as far as it is brought about by the intermeddling
of legislation, araong o people who proclaira, as the found
ation raaxim of all their political institutions, the equolify
of fhe righta of man, it furnishes a merited reprehension.

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 165
That fhis Is fhe case with us, to a verj' great extent, no
man of candour nnd intolligonco can look over our sta-
tiili! books and deny. AVo have not ontitlod oursolves lo
bc excepted from the condemnation which Sir Thomas
More pronounces on other governraents. " They are
a conspiracj' of the rich, who, on pretence of managing
fhe public, only pursue their private ends, and devise all
the ways and arts they can find out, first, that they may,
without danger, preserve all thot they have so acquired,
and then that thej' may engage the poor fo foil and la
bour for them, at as low rotes os possible, ond oppress
them OS much as they please."

[Fro7n the Plaindealer, December 31, 1836.]
A MORNING print in fhis city, contained a long article,
on Wednesday, In which it was maintained, that the
right of a free discussion ofthe question of negro slavery
ought to be put down by popular clamour and violence.
The writer adraits that there is " no remedy at low," and
" no constitutional safeguard," against a free discussion
ofthe subject ; and therefore recoraraends to the people,
in open ond express terms, fo silence tho opponents of
slavery by tumult. The following is fhe passage :
" Let thera crush and overpower their ravings, by
noises still louder, and hiss thom from the community.
AVe allow the remedy is extreme, but so is fhe disease.
We know that we shall be denounced as tho advocate of
mobs, just as the popular leaders of the revolution, in fhis
city and elsewhere, were stigmatized as demagogues, be
cause Ihey a|)pealod to the people, when those who made
and administored the laws, had not the power, or lacked
the potriotism to protect them against their enemies. Be

166 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
it so: we shall not the less continue io cull upon the peo
ple, and invoke the popular feeling to rise in self-defence
and In defence of their peace and their Union."
" Juat OS fhe popular loaders of fhe revolution were
stigmatized as demagogues !" The seditioua print de-
sirea to place itself in a noble category ; but we are glad
it admits that the measure proposed is revolutionary, and
we trust there is strength enough in the lawa, and energy
enough in their miniatera, fo teach the leader in theatri
cal brawla, that he is now laying violent bonds on some
thing too sacred to admit of furlber forbearance. Tho
leadera of flic revolution were " popular," because fhey
sought to overthrow a governraent which denied raen
" the blessings of liberty ;" the leadera of a revolution
who seek to overthrow " the blessings of liberty," and
estoblish the worst of tyronny instead, that dreadful des
potism which denies the freedom of apecch, will, we
think, hardly find fheraaelvea on the popular side.
" We know we shall be denounced as fhe advocate of
mobs !" Prophetic journal ! It sees fhe sentence that
awaita it, as clearly as the felon foresaw hia doora when
the e.xecutioner's cart waa carrying him ^o Tyburn.
What a pity to denounce, as the inciter of mobs, the
print that only calls upon the people to break lumultu-
ously into fhe bolls where men of worth ond intelligence
are quietly engaged in grave and lawful deliberations,
and drown their proceedings with senseless and frantic
claraour! But It advises no violence. Oh no ! Tar and
feather Ihem a litfle, tweak their noses, spit upon them,
and bestow o few gentle kicks perhaps ; but nol a jot of
violence. Strange, that such inodorato counsels should
expose one to be denounced " as the advocate of mobs !'"

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 167
FRANKING PRIVILEGE.
[Fro7n ihe Plaindealer, December 31, 1836.]
AVe hove received o letter from Washington, from a
private individual, on his own private business, enclosed
in an envelope, franked by a Member of Congress.
These frauds upon the government, we hove reason to be
lieve, are very common ; but as we do not choose fo be
on occomplice, even offer tha fact, in a piece of swind
ling, we shall expose every such instance of cheafery in
which it is attempted to make us a participant.

LEADING PUBLIC OPINION.
[From the Plaindealer, January 21, 1837.]
There aro several public journals in this country
which, owing to circurastances of position, deserve and
receive a good deal of attention from the newspaper press
generally, fo which very little respect would be due on
account of any intrinsic qualities they pos.scss.
What is leading public opinion ? Public opinion we
fake to be coraposed of the opinions of individuals.
When fhe sentiments of a majority of fhe thinking raen
ofo coraraunity concur, on any given subject, their opin
ions ore the public opinion. Any person who, whether
by fhe raere influence of his chorocter, or by orguraent,
seeks to change, to any extent, the provoiling opinion,
or the views of any individual of the prevailing nuraber,
may be said. In a certain sense, to assume the character
of a leader of public opinion. Every man's exomple is,
in a greater or loss degree, a loading iiifluenco ; and it is
not merely the undoubted right, but it is fhe iraperotive
duty of a good citizen, to do all within the corapass of

168 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
his opportunitiea, to leod the public opinion aright ; fo lead
it in the direction which he conceives will most effectually
promote general prosperity and social order and happiness.
If this is the duty ofo private individual, it becomes,
in a much stronger point of view, fhat of the conductor
of a newspaper press. His vocation is emphatically that
of a public leader. Ita obligations are very irapcrfcctly
and irapotently discharged, if he confines hiraself to the
mere drudgery of chronicling events. It requires hira lo
maintain principles, investigate measures, expose tho
evil motives ond effects of erroneous public conduct, tear
off the veil in which sophistry conceals ifs object, and
assist the cousc of truth with every orguraent that reason
can furnish, and every cnibcllisbiiient that fancy affords.
To discharge fully the duties of o public journalist would
be to elevate fhe vocation lo the loftiest summit of human
dignity and usefulness. A public journalist, aniraated
with a due sense of the obligations of his responsible
l?usf, and gifted with the faculties, intellectual and physi-
cal, for their adequate perforraonce, would well deserve
to be a public leader in a more extended signification of
the phrase thon that in which we desire it should be un
derstood, lie should have a mind filled vvith a great
variety of human learning, and a ready command of all
its stores. lie should have o hood cool, clear, and sago-
clous ; o heart worm ond benevolent ; a nice sense of
justice ; an inflexible regard for truth ; honesly that no
temptation could corrupt ; intrepidily fhat no danger
could intimidate ; and Independence superior fo every
consideration of mere interest, ennjity, or friendship.
He should possess fhe power of diligent application, and
be capable of enduring great fatigue. He should have a
temperoment so happily mingled, that while he easily
kindled at public error or injustice, his indignation should
never transgress fhe bounds of judgment, but, in Ua

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 169
strongest expression, show that sraoothness and amenity
whleh the language of choler always lacks. He should,
in short, be such a man as a contoraporory writer describ.
ed thot sturdy democrat, old Andrew Fletcher, of Sal-
toun — "a gentleman steady in his principles; of nice
honour; abundance of learning; brave as the sword ho
wears, and bold as a lion ; a sure friend, and Irreconcila-
ble enemy; who would lose his life readily fo serve his
country, and would not do a base thing to save it.'' This
is the beau ideal of the chorocter ofo conductor ofo politi
cal now.sp.opcr.
AVhcn Imloc, in Rassclas, was in the full torrent of
his enthusiastic description of the various qualifications
necessary to constituto o poet, ho was suddeidy inter.
rupted by the Prince with the exclamation, " Enough I
thou host convinced me that no huraan being can be a
poet. Proceed with fhy narration." In the same woy,
tho reader may be disposed lo interrupt us here, and tell
us that we are drawing an outline of an editor which no
human being con fill. It is nevertiieless the model which
all who undertake the vocation should propose lo them
selves, ond according to fhe degree in which their emu
lation succeeds is the opprobalion they deserve. When
Cowper described the character of Paul as the object of
clerical imifofion, it was with no hope that the raost de
vout and diligent ofthe priesthood could over fully emu
late the excellence ofthe apostle's character ; and it was
certainly with no intention of imputing fo even fhe
humblest of thaf class a spirit of arrogance In undertaking
the functions of fhe holy office. In fhe same way, it
seems to us, the charge of orrogonce is misapplied, when
aimed at those who, like ourselves, have neither the na-f
tural nor ocquired talents necessory to fhe raost perfect
dischorge of editoriol functions. Circumstances thrust
one mon into one vocation, ond another info another ;
Vol. II.— 15

170 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
and all that can justly be required of him, is that ha
should exercise vvith diligence and fidelity such talents
and skill as ho has, to promote Iho iiitereata of truth uud
of his I'ellow-iiiiiii. Every physician cannot bo a Boer-
haave or a Rush ; every lawyer a Coke or a Hamilton ;
nor every newspaper editor an Ames or a Bryant. But
it is in the power of every one to be an honest man, and
to exert his powers, with constant ossiduity and integrity,
for the promotion of sound principlea of public govern
ment, or, in otber words, to lead tho public opinion aright.
The conductor of the humblest newspaper occupies the
centre of a circle of larger influence, than more commond-
ing intellects, if shut out frora access to fhe press ; and
the duty to obey punctually, but censure freely, which
Jereray Bonthani sets down as o maxira for the govern
ment of every good ^citizen, should be considered espe
cially incumbent upon him.

TIIE MASSACHUSETTS MADMAN.
Though this be madness, yet there's method in it. — Hamlet.
[Fro7n ihe Plaindealer, January 21, 1837,]
The phrase which we moke use of aa a title for this
article ia furnished by fhe Albany Argus.
" It wUI be seen, by the congressional report, fhat Mr.
Adoms, ond the obolitlon members of Congress, have
started the old game of agitation in the House of Repre-
aentatives. No doubt the design is to waste as much aa
possible of the public tirae, at this short session, upon a
question not less fruitless than mischievous. How dis
creditable ia it to the country, that the Massachusetts
madman is permitted, not only to outrage all order and
decorum in the house, but fo scatter incendiary evil and
exciteraent throughout fhe country !"

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 171
What an exquisite sense of " order and decorum" the
Albany Argus displays I Whot dignity, what respect for
the character which should distinguish the state paper,
and what deference for a raan wno has filled tho highest
office in our republic, this raode.sfly worded paragraph
evinces I There is something In fhe circurastance of Mr.
Adaras being permitted fo raoke a raotion in the House
of Representatives, which, we must confess, deserves
strong rebuke ; and our only wonder Is fhat the Albany
Argtis could so admirably comraand its temper, as fo con
fine itself to so gontle a reprimand. " The ftlassochuseffa
ftladmon" raerits harsher treatment. He should have
been denounced. In the bitterest forms, as a bald-headed
and paralytic dotard, for the unparalleled oudacity he has
been guflty of. In presenting a petition of his constitu
ents to the House of Representatives, ond osking that It
might be oppropriotoly referred. Such atrocious conduct
could proceed only from the weakest head and the worst
heart ; and we are surprised that the Albany Argus lets
hira off so easily. We cannot refrain, however, frora in.
vlting fhe attention of our readers fo its paragraph, as a
model of newspaper suovity and decorum.
That Mr. Adams is a raodraon there is medical au-
thority for asserting. A physician being called on as a
witness, not long since, in this city, in the cose of a trial
before one of our courts, in which on attempt was made to
prove one ofthe parties insone, defined madness to consist
in conduct or opinions differing from those of fhe moss of
mankind. Mr. Adams differs very widely, alas ! from
the moss of mankind, both in conduct and opinions, if
we are fo take fhe House of Representatives as a fair
criterion of public sentiment. He strangely believes
that slavery is on evil ; that Congress has constitutional
jurisdiction. In all respects, over fhe District of Colum.
bia ; that the right of petition is guaranteed fo all citi-

172 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
zens by the federal corapoct ; ond that the right of
speech justifies him in expressing his sentiments, oven on
the tabooed question of abolishing involuntary servitude.
To these crozy opinions, he odds the crazy conduct of
persisting in expressing fhem ; and thus comes doubly
within the category of madraon. To express unpopular
opinions, now-a-days. Is not only deemed madness, but
madness of that aggravated kind which calls for the
harshest treatraent of bedlara. The soothing ayatem ia
out of place here. That is proper to be applied only in
the milder forms of lunacy. But the man who is so utterly
frantic os to express unpopular opinions, should be dealt
with somewhat after the fashion that keepers of Insane
hospitals deal vvith their raving and delirious patients.
Instead of ordinary habUiments, his lirabs should be
swathed In a species of straight waistcoat — an unguen-
tous integument, composed of molasses and boiling far ;
he should be placed on a diet of rotten eggs ; and for
exercise, ridden o few miles, at o sharp trot, on o wooden
rail. This is the mode of treatment which the iiiodiiess
of uttering unpopular opinions is considered as calling for,
and wo faithfully copy the proscriiition from the latest
edition ofthe Political PliarinacoiiOBia, a chapter of which
was transcribed frora the Westchester Spy in tho last
number of our paper.
It has been discovered, we believe, of late years, in
Great Britain, that a free uso of the halter is not the best
possible raode of preventing petty crimes ;' and there are
some who wiU probably question whether tar and feathers
are a sovereign specific for the disease of abolitionism.
Insanity, of the kind which the Massachusetts Madman
displays, is certainly wonderfully on the increase. It
has got to be an epidemic in the land ; and what is most
surprising, coses of the most aggravated description, and
in the greatest numbers, occur in those neighbourhoods

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 173
wherq the remedial raeasures have been most energeti-
cally applied. We have our doubts even, if sorae patri
otic practitioner, should adrainister o dose of tor and
molasses fo Mr. Adams, whether the result would not be,
not to effect a euro, but to spread fhe disease. The ope.
ration seeraa to be somewhat like that of the raeans
adopted by the Brifiah Governraent fo plont the Episco
pal Church in Ireland, which, according fo the London
Examiner, have done more to advance the cau.se of Pope
ry, than could have been effected by a hundred Col.
leges de Propaganda. A hundred thousand undisturbed
lecturers on abolition, at all events, could not have dono
half so rauth to spread their doctrines, as has been effect.
ed by the violence of those who sought fo suppress them.
They have but pricked the sides of their intent. They
have but spurred them to more rapid progress. Their
opposition has but inflamed the spirit which It could not
vanquish. Like tho matadoros and picadores of the
Spanish national game, their darts and javelins torture,
but do not kill, and only exacerbate the spirit of those
baited men, who needed no additional impulse fo sting
them info activity.
The abolitionist, while fastened with galling ligatures
to the stoke, with his limbs shrinking and shrivelling un.
der a flood of seething tar, if, in fhat moment of nature's
extremest agony, his mind con rise superior to physical
torture, has this glorious source of consolation before
him : that the pangs he suffers wiU not be lost, but wUl
awaken, in a thousand bosoms, such sympathy for his
sufferings, and such indignation against his persecutors,
as wUl do more than volumes of orguraent fo drow atten
tion to the evils of slavery, and proraote the great and
holy cause of universal eraancipotion. Mr. Adams, too,
may patiently bear the abuse poured upon him, when he
reflects that the feelinga it is calculated to arouse in the
15*

174 POLITICAL WBITINGS OP
minds of afl honourable men wiU have a salutary influ
ence in preparing them for a due consideration of those
important truths, of which he has shown himself such a
fearless charapion. The Albany Argus has done a ser
vice to the cause of freedora, by terming fhat venerable
statesman the Massachusetts 3Iad7nan.

RIGHTS OF AUTHORS.
[From the Plaindealer, January 21, 1837.]
AVe welcome, thrice welcorae, the estimable Veto to the
columns ofthe Plaindealer, albeit he makes his first ap
pearance as the opponent of views we have but recently
and earnestly expressed. But truth is the spark struck
out by the collision of opposite opinions ; and as it is truth
alone which wo desire to elicit, our correspondent is not
leaa welcome than if he appeared on the same aide of the
arguraent with ourselves. His corarnunicafion has cora
raanded our aflentive perusal ; and it deserves thot of our
readers. It proceeds from a mind animated with tho
raost liberal motives, capable of comprehending the larg
est subjecta, habituated fo logical Invostigofiona, and
poasessing fhat power of lucid and perspicuous exposition,
which usually distinguishes those who think with accu-
racy and order. We have read hia essay, however, with
out being convinced of the soundness of ifs views ; and
shall embrace this occasion of adverting to the subject,
to state a few reasons for our difference of opinion.
The whole question of the propriety of an internation
al copyright law, or a copyright law at all, resolves itself,
we think, into the enr]uiry whether such a regulation
would promote the greatest good of the greotest nuraber.
This is the principle which vve conceive constitutes the

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 175
basis of flic most important rights of property. They
are artificial rights, not rights of nature. They are
created by lows, nof merely confirmed by tliora. Thia is
obviously the case with regard to that species of proper
ty which the political institutions of all civilized countries
regard wilh iioculiar deference, and secure with particu
lar care, and to which the distinctive appellation of real
estate is given. The right of property in land, like the
right to breathe the vitol air of heaven, is, by nature, cora
mon to all mankind ; and the only just foundation of indi
vidual and peculiar rights is furnished bythe laws of the
land. Locke, who goes as far ns any writer in tracing
the right of property fo inherent causes existing anteri
or to political institutions, does not maintain that any
thing gives to on individual a distinct and exclusive right
to land, except in as far as by occupying it and mixing
hia labour with it, it becoinea his own in such a sense
that you cannot lake it away without also taking the
fruits of his labour, which, he contends, are his own by
nature. Paley, on fhe contrary, in his book on Relative
Duties, considers the low of the land the only real founda
tion of territorial property.
But let us, in conformity with the opinions of Locke
and other accredited writers, concede that men have a
natural right of property in the productions of their own
industry and skill ; that the mechanic, for exaraple, has
an exclusive right fo the article ho manufactures; the
fisherman to the fish he catches ; and the fowler fo
the birds he shoots. To the same extent the author has
an exclusive natural right of property in fhe hook he com
poses ; that is, he has a natural right fo fhe manuscript,
80 long OS ho chooses fo rolain it to hiraself. The pro
cess by which the mechanic fabricates a particular arti
cle is his property, so long as he keeps it secret. The
peculiar arts of the fisherman and fowler are their proper-

176 POLITICAL WBITINGS OP
ty, in fhe same way, until they coraraunicate thera. And
the thoughts of the author are his property, equally, until
he publishes thera to the world. In all these cases, alike,
so far OS natural rights are concerned, fhey then become
comraon property. Every body is at liberty to imitate
the article manufactured by the mechanic ; to practice
the artifices of the fisher and fowler ; and fo copy the
book of the author. Any further exclusive or peculior
property in them has no other foundation than the law.
The right of exclusive property, of flie exclusive use
and benefit ofthe fruits of one's own labour, ia Ihe great
and sccuro foundation of social order and happiiiosa.
Without it, man would never rise above a soini-barbaroua
condition ; and in those coramunities where it is most
securely guarded, we invariably find fhe highest degree
of moral and InteUectual refinement, the greatest general
prosperity, and the most advanced condition of all the
arts which sustain and embellish life. But we would
have it understood, in passing, that this important and
fundaraental right is violated as fatally by unequal laws,
by laws which give peculiar facilities for fhe acquisition
'of wealth fo the few, and deny them fo the raany, as by
thoae raore obviously arbitrary edicta, which directly and
openly deprive fhe labourer of hia reward. The true
aecurity of fhe right of property conaists in equal legisla
tion. If we are correct in fhe position assuraed, that the ex
clusive natural right of an author fo his production, like
that of a raechanic to the fashion or device of his table or
chair, extends no further than to his iraraediate copy,
the question for society thon fo dotormiiio is, whether it
ia proper to creote and guard this right by legal ciiocf-
menta ; and fhe decision of if, in our view of fhe subject,
should rest solely on the conaideration of the effect it
would have on tho Interests of the great mass of man-

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 177
kind, or, to repeat Bentham's phrase, it should be decid
ed according to the principle of " the greatest good of the
greatest number." It is entirely within the competency
ofthe low to make o literary production property, either
obsolutely and in perpetuity, or in a quolified sense, and,
for a liraited period of time. If government should choose
to do neither, but leave the published book as free fo be
copied, as a now device in cutlery, a new style In dress,
fhe author would be without reasonable ground of com
plaint, since he entered info the vocation without the
prospect of any other advantage, than what necessarUy
and inalienably belongs to the opportunity of the first
use of fhe fruits of his labours. %
But if the low undertakes to establish a certain kind of
property in fhe productions of authorship, " in the fruits
of intellectual exertion," to use fhe language of our cor
respondent, it must fix the limit somewhere ; ond those
intellectual labourers excluded frora the vineyard, (and
there would necessarily be raany such) would then have
sorae reason fo complain of partial legislation. The far
mer who, by a long and careful study of fhe processes of
nature, discovers an iraproved raethod of tillage and cul
ture, by which he can raake his field yield a horvest of
twofold obundance, ought surely not to be excluded from
the category of those who benefit mankind by the fruits
of intellectual exertion ; yet the neighbouring farraer,
who ploughs the odjoining field, copies his mode of tillage,
and no one ever thinks of instituting a law to give the
first a right of property, and secure to hira fhe exclusive
advantages of his discovery. The artist who spends
days and nights of patient intellectual toil in devising
tasteful and syraraetricol pottorns for the loce worker
and silk weaver, sees the fruits of his intellectual labour
copied oa soon as they are exhibited ; and doea not dream
of asking the security and advantage of any peculiar

178 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
legal righta. The natural advantage of the inventor, that
he ia first in the market, presents a suflScicnt stimulus
to exertion, and secures, in most casea, an adequate re
ward. If the principle of copyright were wholly done away,
the businesa of authorship, we are inclined to think,
would readily accommodate itself to the change ofclrcum-
efances, and would be more extensively pursued, and with
more advantage to aU concerned than Is the case at pre
sent. It is very rauch the fashion of the day to deride
and decry cheap publications. We are not of tho number
who can join in fhe cenaure. The great good which the
invention of printing originaUy effected, waa to diffuae
literature, and make books accessible to myriads, who
were precluded from them before, by reason of the enor
mous prices at which manuscript copies were sold.
What the firat rude efforts of the printing-press were, in
comparison with the slow and painful manipulations of
the cloistered scribe, the art of cheap printing of the
present day Is to that art as it was practised by our fa
thers. It ia spreading literature over the entire land.
It is penetrating with it into every nook and corner of
society. It is offering its golden fruits, ay, richer than
gold, to the poor and ignorant, os well os to the rich ond
educated. It is awakening milliona of human beinga lo a
sense of their birthright ; lo acknowlodgo fhat tboj' aro
God's creatures, and not beasts that perish. We are
the friend of cheap literature, for it ia the friend of hu
manity, and ia exercising an important influence in the
iUustration of the most interesting problem of morals, the
infinite perfectibility of man. If there were no copy
right laws, all literature would take a cheap form, and all
men would becorae readers. If would fake a cheap form
to preclude competition ; audit would be widely diffused
because of its cheapness. Instead of an edition of two,

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 179
or three, or five thousand copies, which never constitute,
as a general rule, fhe raaximum of a popular author's suc
cess, twenty, thirty, and perhaps a hundred thousand
would be readily disposed of. Let us withdraw our atten
tion, for an instant, frora a conteraplation of the interests
of authors, to consider thoso of mankind at large. Who
can fail to see how vastly fhe general benefit would be
proraoted ? AVhat a noble spectacle an entire nation of
readers would present ! With what intelligence and or
der would not its afl'airs be conducted I And if knowledge
ia power, what a vast influence it would exorcise in the
counsels of nations, and in directing the destinies of man
kind !
But there is no need fhat we should throw fhe interest
of outhors out of sight in this consideration. On the
controry, we believe the benefit to themselves would be
in on equol ratio with that to the coraraunity at large.
If they were left without the protection of a copyright,
their business would assurae new forras. Thoy would
connect themselves, in schemes of extensive publication,
with those whose facilities would put competition at de
fiance. The advantage of a first copy is in Itself incal
culable. With publishers of large capital, whose mea
surea are wisely taken, it is worth more than ordinary
copyrights. The Harpers, if vve are correctly Inforraed,
pay British writers, for a duplicate copy in advance of
publicotion In London, os rauch as some of fhe copyrights
of some of the most fovoured outhors ot horae will com
mand. Nobody atterapts to reprint fhe Penny ftlagozine
and Penny Cyclopoedio upon Jackson ; siraply because,
having by arrongeraent with fhe British publishers, the
benefit of a first copy, he puts it in so cheap a forra, and
prepares so vast an edition, that competition is intimidat
ed, OS It hos everything to lo.so and but little to gain.
The advantages of a first sale, when the preparatory

180 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
steps are duly and diacreetly taken, are prodigious.
They conatifute the author's naturol and inalienable
right ; and we repeat our strong conviction that if ho
were left alone, the interest of both author and public
would be moat efl'ecfually proraoted.
If we are right in the view we have taken of this sub
ject ; if it can be shown that the present system is wrong
in itself, as tried by the greatest good principle ; the
argument in favour of the extenaion of the copyright law,
so as to embrace the authors of other countries, falls to the
ground. It is the same argument which we conslantly
hear used in fovour of extending the grants of speclol
charters. But if on evfl exists in our system, it is the
duty of good citizens to endeavour to abolish if, not to
make it an excuse for instituting other evils. Our cor
respondent says truly and eloquently, that there is no
ground on which our Congress can be bound to act oc-
cordlng fo a decision of the House of Lords, nor on which
they are not at hberty, setting authority and precedent
aside, fo revert to the first principles of justice and expe
diency. Our institutions are founded on a maxim widely
different frora the fundamental principle of other govern
ments ; and it ia proper that our legislation should be
morked by on equally distinctive character. It is for
this young and vigorous republic to set an exaraple to
the nations of the old world ; and after those glorious
principlea of equal liberty which constitute fhe basis of
our political fabric, we hardly know a measure which
would tend in a larger degree to promote the best inter
ests of mankind, than fhe enfranchisement of the press
from the exclusive privileges of authorship.

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 181
OUT, DAMNED SPOT !
[From the Flaindcahr, January 2?. 1S37.]
This blot, lliat iJioy object nijnin.'!! vour house,
^^hnIl bc Wjj-cd out in the ncil Parliament Shaksfeajie.
AVe expressed, in a very brief paragraph in our last
number, our sincere satisfaction that the blot which had
been too long suffi?red to stain the journal of the United
States Senate, hod at length been expunged, throuch the
persevering and praiseworthy efforts of Mr. Benton.
We thank him. from the bottora of our heart, for the con
stancy he has exhibited in this good cause, and we re
joice most sincerely in the success by which he is at last
rewarded. The resolution upon which the brand of Infamy and
the sentence of expurgation is now passed, was adopted
at a period of unprecedented party excitement. Of those
who voted in favour of it. there is probably hardly an in-
divlduil, who, were the matter to do over, would afuin
record his vote in the affirmative. The j'ldcrment ofraen
was blinaeu at the time by passion. .Alidness ruled the
hour. The questions at issue were of the vastest moment ;
and they were, besides, precisely of that kind which most
effectually appeal to the passions and prejudices of our
nature, and most completelj- drown che still small voice
of reason. Never, since fhe forraation of our Confe
deracy, had any contest arisen, in which the two oreat
antajonist principles t'lat each jielded a grudj^ing as-
sent to the federal compromise, were again broucrht so
t'nerouirhly into active opposition, as in that strucjiile.
The qicstinn that called tbem into strife, too, was a
nionej' qucsliou — it was one that dircctlv and dccplv
otrec ted fhe pec 1 niary interests of the communitv. On
Vol. II. — 16

182 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
both sides, and araong all classes of people, the war was
corried on with the most ruthless fury. In the epidemic
frenzy of the period, orguraent vvas fhrqwii wholly aside
aa a useless weapon, ond abuse ond decloraofion wore
greedily snotched up in its stead. The press did all it
could to exocerbate the delirium, and fhe halls of Con.
gress echoed and re-echoed with criminatory and vitupe
rative language, rauch fitter for fhe stews than for the
council chambers of a great republic. It was during
that period of political madness that Iho resolution was
passed, pronouncing the President guilty of having vio
lated the Constitution ; and we repeat our firra conviction
that, were the act yet to do, under the altered and hap
pier teraper ofthe present tirae, hardly one who voted for
fhe measure would be willing now fo occupy the same
ground. That tho resolution condemning the President was
unconstitutionol, that if was nof nierely without the
warrant of constitutional law, but in direct and palpable
violation ofthe express provisions ofthe federal charter,
seems to us a matter too clear for argument. We
should alraost as soon think of proving fhe axioms of geo
metry, the self-evident propositions of Euclid. It was a
violotlon, moreover, not merely daring ond flagitious in
its immediote character ond object, but, as a precedent,
fraught with the direst mischief. If we even admit that
to expunge this resolution is also a violation of fhe Con
stitution, we think there are few who wdl deny that, at
worst. It is an offence of o for more veniol ond innocuous
kind. One might infer, however, from the solemn and
lugubrious protest which Mr. Webster has thought pro
per to deliver on the occasion, that this expunging pro
cess wos on act fatal to the liberty ofthe country. We
hove seldom raet with anything more supreraely ridicu
lous than fhe stilted, mock-tragedy stylo of this speech.

W I L L I A JI L B O G K T T . 183
considered in reference fo the occasion vvhich elicited it.
It commences in tho following manner :
" ftir. President : Upon the trufh ond justice of the
original resolution of the Senate, and upon the authority
of the Senate to poss that resolution, I had an opportu
nity lo express my opinions ofo subsequent period, when
the President's protest was before us. Those opinions
remain altogether unchanged.
" And now, had the Constitution secured fhe privilege
of entering a protest on fhe journal, I should not say one
word on this occasion ; although, if what is now proposed
shall be occomplished, I know not what would have been
the value of such a provision, however formaUy or care
fully it raight have been inserted In tbe body of that in
struraent. " But, as there is no such constitutional privilege, I can
only eff'ect my purpose by thus addressing the Senate ;
and I rise, therefore, to make that protest in fhis manner,
in the foce of tho Senate, and in the face of the country,
which I cannot present in any other form.
" I speak in ray own behalf, and in behalf of my col
league ; we both speak as senators from the state of Mas,
sochiisetts, and, os such, we solemnly profest against fhis
whole proceeding.
"AVe deny that senators from other states have any
power or authority lo expunge any vote or votes which
we have given here, and whioh vve havo recorded, agree
ably to the express provision ofthe Constitution.
« We have a high personal interest, and the state
whose representatives we are, has olso o high interest
in fhe entire preservation of every act ond parcel ofthe
record of our conduct, as merabers ofthe Senate.
" Thia record the Conatitufion soleranly declares shall
he kept; but the resolution before fhe Senate declares
that this record shall bo expunged.

184 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
" Whether subterfuge and evasion, and, as it appears
to us, the degrading mockery of drawing block lines upon
the journol, shall or slioll not leave our names and our
votes legible, when thia violation ofthe record shall have
been completed, still fhe terma ' to expunge ' and the
terma ' lo keep,' when applied fo a record, import idcaa
exactly contradictory ; aa much so os fhe terras ' fo pre
serve ' and fhe forms ' fo destroy.'
" A record which Is expunged, is not a record which is
kept, any raore thou a record which is destroyed can bo a
record which is preserved. The port expunged is no
longer o port of the record ; it hos no longer o legal exist
ence. It cannot be certified as a part of the proceed
ings ofthe Senate for any purpose of proof or evidence."
The play on the words kept and expunged ia worthy of
the occasion. As there were no solid reasons fo offer
against the course which Mr. Benton's resolution pro
posed, this jingle of antithetical expressions was resorted
to as a melancholy substitute for arguraent, and with
most arausing and lackadaisical gravity does ftir. Web-
ster tink|e and clink these two harniloss words together,
producing all possible dissonance frora fhe clashing of
their unsonorous syllables. To expunge is not to keep,
and to keep is nof fo expunge ; that which is expunged
is nof kept, and that which is kept is not expunged : this
is the burden of his diatribe. Like Dicky Suetl, " ho
trolls on the stock of those two worda, richer than the
cuckoo." Wo agree with Mr. Webster, fhat fhe part of the jour
nal expunged, no raafter what tho modo in vvhich the oct
of expunging is perforraed, or, iu a moro literal sense,
how coraplete or incomplete the process, is no longer any
port of tho record ; that it has no longer a legal exist
ence. If not a single letter be effaced or obliterated by
the lines which circuramure in disgraceful imprisonment

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 185
tho audacious resolution, thus penned up in perpetual in
faray, it nevertheless ceases, in, a legal sense, fo be any
portion ofthe record, os much os If the page vvhich con."
tains it were torn out and consumed in the fire. But in
admitting this, Mr. AA^obstor admits somewhat too rauch
for his argument. lie adraits the constitutionality of
the proceeding, and thus his sounding protest, uttered
with such "awful stofe," falls to Iho ground, the only prop
on which it stood being torn away by the some hand,
that took so much pains to build it up. If the majority
ofthe Senate, in passing fhe expunging resolution, have
transcended their constitutional warrant, tho journal is
not expunged, but merely blotted ; it is no more expung.
ed in a legal sense, than if tho Clerk of the Senate hod
occidenfolly spattered a little ink upon tho page. It can
still be certified, for anj' purpose of proof or evidence, as
a part ofthe proceeding of the Senate; and should it be
objected to os having been expunged, fbo onswer obvi- .
ously would be, that certain unauthorised persons, avaU.
ing themselves of their right of access to the Senate
chamber, had audaciously embraced fhe opportunity to
disfigure the journal of Its proceedings. If ftir. Benton
and those' who acted with him were without constitu.
tional warrant, vvhat thoy have done is of no great effect
in impairing tho legal validity of tbo resolution expunged,
than if the same thing bad boon ofroctcd by some mis
chievous boy ill the lumber gorrel of the csipitol. The
resolution is either constitutionally expunged, or it is not
expunged at all.
But vve maintain that it is expunged, and we rejoice at
it. We raaintain that it is expunged, because vve think
it is suscoptlblo of fhe clearest proof that the act was
fully within the constitutional power ofthe Senate. We
rejoice ot it, becouse fhe original resolution was a mani
fest and shameful usurpation of power, expressly prolii-
10*

166 POLITICAL WRITI,Nas DP
bifed to the Senate by the most imperative terms of the
federal charter; and as such ought to bo distinguished
from aU other proceedings, and made conspicuously odi
ous, by such marks of deliberate reprobation os those
which now encircle it and are inscribed upon its front.
Mr. Webster can find but one raeaning to fhe word keep,
and that os synonymous with preserve. To keop a diary,
however, ia not to preserve a diary ; lo keep a set of
ibooks is nof to preaorve flicin ; and to keep o journal is
nof to jM-esorve it. The meaning of the word, as used in
connexion with a written record of any kind, is clearly
established by all usage, not as synonymous with preserve,
but as synonymous with write, or record. Thus, you say
of your clerk, ho keeps your accounts ; though his duty
may raerely be to write or record your accounts in a
book, of which you retain the custody yourself. Your
book-keeper is the recorder of your accounts, not the
preserver of your books, which, aa a totally aeparato and
distinct office, he may or raay not perform. If it had
been the intention of the constitution to enjoin the pre
servation of the journal, and to forbid all subsequent alte
ration of any portion ofthe record, the phraseology ofthe
clause would doubflesa hove been less ambiguous. As it
now stands, it presents, according to Mr. AVebsfor's read
ing, the anomaly of usir;g ono word in a double sense.
" Eoch house shall kecjj a journal of its proceedings ; "
that is, "each sholl M)!-i«e a journal of Us proceedings,"
and " each house shall preserve a journal of its [uocecd-
ings." This would truly be on instance of singular eco
nomy in language, if the framers of fhe constitution
were so solicitous, os Mr. Webster seems lo think, to
have the clause understood in its twofold iraport.
We quote another passage frora ftir. Websfer'a " Pro-
, test." " We have seen, with deep and sincere pain, the legis-

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 187
latures of respocloblc states instructing tho senators of
those stafes to vote for and support fhis violation of tho
journal ofthe Senate; and this pain is infinitely increas
ed by our full belief, and entire conviction, that most, if
not oil, these proceedings of stales hod their origin in
promptings from AVa.shinglon ; thot they hove been ur
gently requested ond insisted on as being necessary to
fhe accomplishment ofthe intended jiurp.jse ; and that it
is nothing else but the influence and power ofthe execu-
five branch of fhe Government which has brought the
legislatures of so mony of the free states of this Union to
quit the splicrc of thoir ordinary duties for the purpose of
co-operating to accomplish a measure, in our judgment,
so unconstitutional, so derogatory fo the character of
the Senate, and marked with so brood on impression of
compliance vvith power.
It would have been edifying if ftir. Webster had conde
scended to explain, in fhis connexion, fhe Influences
which were emploj'ed to procure fhe passing of fhe reso
lution which has now happily been expunged for ever
from the record. If we wore to admit that fhe "legisla
tures of respectable stafes" have been operated upon in
fhe manner alleged by him, we should still raaintain that
it was for less sharaeful to be moved by the influence and
power of the President of tho United States, than to stond
at fhe beck and nod of fhe nimble-tongued money
changer, whose largesses and bribes caused so raany sen
ators to crouch at his feet, ond subraissively avow their
readiness to perform his behests.
Mr. Webster's speech, as it draws near its conclusion,
waxes iiioro and inoro solrinti.
" Wo inako up our iniiidM lo behold the spectacle vvhich
is to ensue. Wo coIIimU ourselves lo look on, in Hilencc,
while a scone is oxblblled which, if wo did not regard it
as ruthless violation of a sacred Instruraent, would appear

188 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
to US to be little elevated above fhe character of a con
temptible force."
Ilo prepares lo dio with dignity ; lo iiiufUo up his foco
in his senatorial niuntlo, and fall at tbe foot of the mur
dered constitution, which all the while runa blood. But
hia courage faUa him in the frying raoraent. The con
spirators advance — tbe secretary raises the fufol pen —
the imprisoned resolution is shut up in its elornol walls
of black — the Constitution is violated — ond where is
Daniel Webster ? Ho had made up his raind to behold
the spectacle ; his heart was as brave os a lion ; but hia
legs were cowardly, and had ran away with hira.
Upon fhe whole, we are fiee fo say that Mr. Webster
made out, in the unpleaaant circumstances in which he
was placed, quite as well as could have been expected.
It was an awkward business he hod fo perform at best,
and the character of a stickler for the Constitution was
one in which he was making his first ap[>earance. If he
had begun his practice in the port in 1834, he would hove
avoided altogether fhe occasion of fhis lost and mortify-
ing display.
As for ftir. Benton, he has redeemed his pledge nobly.
He promised, almost in the words we have placed as a
motto at the head of fhis orticlo, that he would pursue
that wicked resolulion, which condemned the President,
without a trial and without u hearing, until it should bo
effaced from fhe journal ofthe Senate. The oath which
he took over the violoted Constitution wos chorocferized
by all the fervour of that of Junius Brutus over the viola
ted body of Lucrotia, ond fuithl'uUy has he kept his vow.
He hos redeemed the cbaractor of the Senate ; he has
effaced the disgraceful record ; he has wiped out the
" damned spot."

WILLIAM LEGGETT, 189

AVORDS ARE THINGS.
[Fro7n fhe Plaindealer, Jaiinary 28, 1837.]
" It is understood that General Santo Anna hod an in
terview, with the President of the United States, of fhe
Poloce, on Thursday, and wos kindly ond courteously
received by him. They raet again, it is aaid, a second
time, yesterday. Tho subject of this conference moy bo
inferred probobly from fhe tenor of the official papers, of
which copies were sent to fhe Senate on Thursday lost."
Wc copy the above jioragraph from the National In
telligencer, of lost Saturday, for the purpose of animad
verting on its phraseology. " Words are things," and by
acquiring a habit of using familiarly terms which belong
appropriately fo a state of things tho opposite of those
which exist under our institutions, the raind raaj' be gra.
dually led to regard the things themselves with loss dis
like. The obove porograph is meant as o serious ond
plain announcement of a fact in which it was thought
the public would take an interest. The word palace,
therefore, as applied to the President's house, Is entirely
out of place. A paloce is a royal residence, the abode of
a prince. AA'o hove no palaces in this country, as wo
hove no princes. Tbe nomenclature of raonarchies and
aristocracies is wholly inapplicable to the institutions of
a federal democrocj'. The word palace has but two sig.
nifications ; the one literal, a royal residence ; and the
other figurative, a house pre-eminenfly splendid. In
neither signification is it truly applicable fo the Presi.
dent's house, vvhich is simply the abode of a feUow-citi-
zen, having no princely righis or immunities, but merely
filling o delegated trust, of llmilod powers, and foro limit.
ed duration of time ; and which is besides very for infe
rior In splendour fo the residences of raany private citi-

190 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
zens. This abuse of words would hardly have elicited
attention, and certainly would nof hove provoked o com
raent, hod we raet with it in a newspaper which habitually
indulges in the conf dialect of party. We do not know
that we should have noticed if hod it oppeored in one of
the vulgar paragraphs of tho Globe ; but in a journal
usually so accurate and circumspect as to raanner, as
well as matter, in all stateraents of facts, as the National
Intelligencer, we own it occasioned us somo surprise. If
the Piosldeiif's house is to be seriously spoken of as the
Palace, the President himself wUI next be designated by
some appeUation of royalty. The term palace, in thia
application grates harshly enough on the ear, \yhen it is
used in fhe derisive or ironicol language of party oxospe-
rotion ; but in o calm ond decorous stateraent, such aa
that of fhe Nalionol Intelligencer wos doubtless raeont fo
be, ofo raere circuraslonce of personal news, in which It
was thought the public would feel on interest, without
the slightest reference to party divisions, it seeras to us
singularly out of ploce and improjjer.

FREE-TRADE POST OFFICE.
[Fro7n ihe Plaindealer, February 4, 1837.]
A HILL, it will bo seen, is now before Congress, re
ported by the Post Office Committee, the object of which
is to carry into effect the recommendalion in the Post
master General's last annual report, on fhe subject of
epistolary communication between the inhabitants of this
country and Great Britain. That report, it will be ro-
collected, contained fhe following passage :
" The attention of the undersigned has been urgently
caUed by the deputy postmaster general of the British
North American Provinces to the Insecurity of corres-

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 191
pondcnce carried on through the pocket ships between
Canada and the United States on the one' sido, and tho
British isles on the other. Valuable letters ond pocketa
sent from Canada through the port of New-York, and
from various parts of the United States, never reach
their destination. The only effectual remedy Which
suggests Itself, is, o regular mod across the ocean, and a
direct connexion between the post oflices of the two
countries. By a reciprocal orrangoment, moils might be
interchanged between the post offices in New- York ond
Liverpool, or any other foreign port, to be conveyed by
the packets, or other vessels under contract. The number
of letters now crossing the ocean is so greot, fliof o moder^
ate postage on them would pay the cost of their tronspor-'
tation. There is scarcely a doubt that such an arrange
ment raay be effected. If Congress shall think It expedient
to grant the necessary power."
This power, we presume, will be granted by Congress,
and it is not improbable that fhe bill will havo boen
pa.=;sod into a law bcforo thoso remarks ore presented to
our readers. It is therefore with no expectation of
arresting or changing, in the slightest degree, fhe course
of action on tho subject, that we choose it as the theme
for our speculations in the present article; but raerely
because it may answer a useful purpose to invite the
reader's mind to o consideration of what constitute the
proper fiinclions of political govormncnt, and how for the
principle of unrestricted competition raay be safely left to
form its own laws and supply the wonts of society.
Everybody must admit that the Post Office, as a branch
of fhe Government, is an institution obviously and in.
evitably liable to tho most prodigious abuses. Under
the present system, there are sorae twelve or fifteen thou
sand postraasters, holding their appointraents dlrticfly
from one man, and removable at his mere wiU. Nearly

192 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
all this numerous army of postmasters, at loaat a full
myriad of thom, have subordinates under their control ;
and if we include in the ostiiiiatc the contractors, drivers,
carriers, and tho various other persons more or less do-
pendent for support on the enormous system, it wfll pro
bably yield an aggregato of not much less than half a
miUion of persons under the iraraediate direction, to somo
extent, of a single individual, seated at the head of the
federal government. Can any one be so blind as not to
perceive, at a glance, that this is a monstrous power, at
all tiraes susceptible of being exerted, with tho most dan
gerous effect, for the advanceraent of objects hostile to
the true interests of the people? AVe do not ask the
question with reference to the present, or the past, or
any future adrainistration, or with particular reference
to any event whicli has occurred oris likely to occur;
but simply in reference to the subject in fhe abstract, and
to the aspect it presents under all the changes ond fluctu
ations of party affaira.
It ia not only the vast means of undue influence which
the present system gives to a single federal officer, in
enabling hira, fo sorae extent, directly fo control the
sufl'ragcs of a numerous body of organized dependents ;
but the facilities it furnishes for fhe rapid ond siraultonc-
ous diilusion of political intelligence which it may be de
sired to circulate, for the obstruction of that ofo controry
tenor, and for the exorcise of all fhe arts of political
espionage, also render the Post Office, as a branch of
government, a dangerous Institution. If this iso danger
not necessary to be incurred ; if the duties which il per
forms are a matter of trade which might safely be lott to
the laws of trade ; and if the fronsniisslon of our letters
and newspapers, from place to place, might be subiiiifted,
with sahilary results, lo tiieu|)craliuii of tho same princi
ples which now socure the carrying of our mcrchaudizo

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 193
and our persons, there are raany who will reodUy admit
that the free trade system, as tending to simplify the
offices of governraent and restraining its powers, would be
better than one of political rogulotlon. We are ourselves
strongly inclined to tbo belief, that if the clause in tho
federal chorter which gives to Congress the control of the
Post Office hod never boon inserted, a better system
would hove grown up under fhe raere laws of trade. The
present system, let it be conducted as it may, can never,
in the nature of things, be whollj' free from political
abuses, and is olwoys in danger of being converted info a
mere political machine. The abuses which ore its in
evitable incidents, will necessarily increase from year to
year, as the population swells in numbers, and spreads
over a wider surface. It raust olwoys, raaiioged by po
lificol intermediaries and ropacious subordinates, be
attondod vvith a vast amount of unnecessary expense ;
and this expense raust be drawn frora the people by a
raethod of taxation in utter violation of their equal rights.
Should the history of fhis Confederacy stretch out for
ages. It will probably never exhibit to the world the spec-
tacleof a chief raagistrate corabining raore exalted quali
fies than distinguish him who now occupies that lofty sfa-
tion. Sincerer patriotism and raore unbending integrity
no man can ever possess. Sagacity, firmness, restless octi-
vily, and unceosing vigilance, ore also among his cha
racteristics. Yet even under his adrainistration, what
nuraerous and not unfounded complaints hove vexed the
the ears of the people of the errors and misraanagement
ofthe Post Offices ! Much of the claraour, beyond afl
question, arose out of party motives, and had no rea
sonable foundation ; but much, on the other hand, was
prorapted by real delinquency, and waa little exaggerated
beyond fhe warrant of truth. If these abuses have ex
isted during the administration of Andrevv Jackson, it
Vol. IL— 17

194 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
is not probable that they will not recur under future
Presidents. They are inseparable from the system. It
is a government machine, cumbrous, expensive, and un-
wieldly, and liable to be perverted to the worst of uses.
On what principio ia the line drawn which separates
the raatters which are left to fhe laws of trade, from those
which are deemed to require political regulation ? The
Post Oifice ia eatabllahed for the purpoae of facilita
ting intercourse by letter between difl'erent placea. But
personal intercourse, though loss frciiuontly necessary, is
not less positively so, than communication by corrcspon-
dence. The intertronsmlssion of raerchondize ia aa ne-
cessary os either. Why should the govornnient confine
its mediot ion to fhe mere carrying of our lotlers ? Why
not also transport our persona and our goods ? These
objects, it will be answered, are readily accomplished by
tho laws of trade, and raoy therefore properly bo left to
individual enterprise. But what constitutes this tho pre
cise point where the laws of trade become irapotent, and
where individual enterprise needs to bo substituted by
political control ?
If the clause ofthe Constitution under which Ihc Post
Oflice establishment exists were struck frorn the in
strument to-morrow. Is any ono weak enough fo suppose
that the activity of coraraerce would not soon supply
a system of its own ? ftlodes of conveyance would bc
instituted af once ; they would speedily bo iraproved by
the rival efforta of corapetltlon; and would keep pace,
step by afcp, with the public deraand. It raay bo said that
places far inland and thinly inhabited would sufl'er by the
arrangement. Tho solitary aquatter in the wilderneHS
might not, it ia true, hear the forest echoes daily awaken
ed by the posfraoii's horn, ond his annual letter might
reach him charged with a greater expense than ho ia now
required fo pay. Bul there ia no place on the map

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 195
which would not be supplied vvith mail facflities by paj'-
ing a just equivalent ; and if they are now supplied for
less, it is because the burden of post office ta.xafion is im
posed with disproportional weight on the populous sec
tions of fhe land. But thero is no reason why the esist
should pay fhe expense of threading with the mail the
thick wildernesses of the west, or of wading with it
through fhe swamps and morasses of. fhe south. This is
a violation ofthe plainest principles of equal rights.
Tiic subject of a free trade Post Office presents many
considerations which it would bc tedious to the reader to
pursue to the end in all their ramifications. It is enough
for the present that we lay before him a theme of me
ditation, which will exercise his ingenuity, and afford a
not unprofitable incentive to thought. We open the
mine, and leave hira to trace its various veins of ore.
Some of these lay obvious to view. The curse of office-
hunting, for e.xaraple, an inseparable incident of popular
govemment, every year exercises, and in a ratio of pro
digious increase, a pernicious influence on the political
morals of the country. Under a free trade sj'stem of
post office business this epidemic evil would necessarily
be abated in a vast degree. But would you withdraw, it
may be asked, fhe stimulus which our post office system,
by extending mail routes through the wilderness, fur-
nishes to emigration ; which provokes a spirit of enter
prise to explore the wdds of the west, and to plant colo
nies in the interminable woods and on the boundless
prairies; which causes towns and villages fo spring up
where the wolf howled and the panther screamed but the
week licforc ; and covers with tho activity ofsocial lifo
and industry tho desert which, but for the impulse fur
nished by the government, would continue desolate and
solitary for ages ?
We have no hesitation to answer in fhe most direct

196 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
and unequivocal affirmative. All government bounties,
of every shape and narae, are as rauch opposed to our no
tions of the proper freedom of trade, as government re-
straints and penalties. We would withdraw oil govern.
ment stimulants, for they ore bad things at best. But
let no man suppose the progress of improveraent would
be thus retarded. Its direction raight be changed, but
its advance would bo unobstructed. The country would
continue to grow, from year to year, not less rapidly and
more healthfully than now. Instead of fhe forcing aya
tem, which exhausts the sofl, and brings forth only sickly
and iraraature productions, we should raerely adopt one
of nature and of reaaon. We should merely leave water
to flow in its proper channels, instead of endeovouring to
compel its current, without reference to the laws of
gravitation. The boundaries of populafion would still
continue to enlarge, like ripples on o sheet of wofer,
circle beyond circle ; but tbey would not be forced into
unnatural irregulorities, ond to shoot out this way and
that, according to the schemes of politicians and specu
lators, who, through interested agents in the halls of Con-
gress, should choose to open roads and penetrate with the
maUs into places which, if left to the naturol course of
things, would sloop for centuries in the unbroken solitude
of nature.
The project nov,' before Congress, to vvhich we ad
verted in the outset of this article, is liable to no objection,
in our view, except that it adds new complication, and
givea greater extent and firmness to the post office sys
tem under its political orgonizotion, thus rendering more
distant and feeble our present slight prospect of economic
reform.

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 197

TIIE NEWSPAPER PRESS.
[Fro7n the Plaindealer, February 4, 1837,]
By tliec, religion, liberty, and laws.
Exert their influence, and advance their cause ;
By thee, worse plagues th.in Pharaoh's land befell.
Diffused, make earth the vestibule of hell ;
Tliou fountain, at which drink the good and wise, "
Thou ever bubbling spring of endless lies ! CovvrER,
Not long since, we enriched our columns with a liberal
extract from a pamphlet by Dr. Channing, on fhe sub
ject of abolition.
The sentiments expressed in fhis extract ore those of a
calm and philosophical mind, elevated high above the
mists of passion and prejudice, and looking down on the
strife and turinoU with a benignant spirit, desirous only
that fhe struggle may result in promoting the perma
nent interests of truth and virtue. The importance of
the newspaper press fo effect fhis object are not overrated ;
and fhe difficulties which erabarrass its action, and ren-
der It less efficient for good, than it is capable of being
rendered, aro stated with accuracy, clearness, and force.
The power of fhe newspaper press in this country, and
more porficulorly of fhe diurnal press, is prodigious ; and
every man, touched af all vvith fhe divine enthusiasm of
philanthropy, must join in the wish expressed by Dr.
Channing, fhat it might be placed, fo a greater extent
than it is, in the hands of men of superior ability and
stern indopondenco, who would toko truth and public
utility OS their solo guides of conduct. That this is not
the case, is the fault, not so much of thoso iraraediately
connected with the press, who, generally, are absolutely
dependent on the fruits of their labours for support, and
17*

198 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
whose necessities therefore compel thera to consult the
very prejudices of fhe public, as if is of those affiuent men
of intelligence, integrity, and independence, sprinkled
through every coraraunity, who, by ossociotlon, have it
perfecfly in their power, without any sacrifice of raeans,
to establish newspapers on such a basis os would enoble
thera to stond, unshaken, assaults of prejudice, now fatal
to thera in the unassisted hands of single and corapara.
tively indigent individuals.
They manage this important branch of public business
much better in England than we do here. The princi
pal newspapers there are joint-stock property, raany of
thera having hundreds, and sorae of them, we believe,
even thousands of owners, whose interests are attended
to by a committee of directors of their own selection.
The editors and editorial subordinates ore employed at
liberal salaries, and are rendered wholly independent of
the proprietors, within a wide lirait of general principles.
Men of superior intellectual and moral characters are
selected to fill those stations ; and the consequence ofthe
system Is, that the London newspapers, notwithstanding
all the restrictions on fhe press which there exist, are con
ducted with a rauch higher degree of intelligence and in
dependence, than characterize the journals In any of fhe
principal cities on this side of fhe ocean. If fhe limits
to which we ore obliged to confine ourselves permitted,
we might illustrate our remark by instonces on all fhe
main questions vvhich have occupied fhe public raind of
Great Britain for ten years past. On this very question
of slavery, which has drawn forth Dr. Channing's re
marks, the English press generally exhibited a degree of
fearlessness and true independence, fhat have hut few
parallels araong fhe journals of our own country. The
influence they exercised on public sentiment, and on
legislative action, was immense; and it' was an in-

WILLIAM LBOCBTT. 199
fluonce for good, not for evU, as is proved by the auspi
cious result.
Araong us, the newspapers are the property of single
individuals ; and as it is found that administering to the
depraved tastes ond oppetites of the community, consult
ing fhe passions and caprice of the hour, and guiding
their course by the variable breath of the multitude, is a
more profitable, as well as an easier task, than steering
undeviatingly by fixed principles, referring all subjects to
fhe touchstone of truth, and addressing themselves with
inffexible constancy to the judgments of mon, it Is not to
be wondered af, however much it is to be deplored, that
they adopt tho readiest and most lucrative raode of dis
charging their functions, and forego tbe glorious opporfu-
nity their vocation affords, of effectually advancing the
great interests of mankind.
The censure falls with greoter weight on the cominu-
nitj', than on newspaper conductors. They " who live
to please, raust please to livo." Their business, their
very being, is held by a tenure too frail, tc) allow of their
sferaming tho rough current of populor opinion. There
is o deficient raorol sense in fhe public which lies ot the
bottora of the evil. He who strives lo be a reformer, and
to discharge his high trust with strict and single refer
ence to the responsibUities of his vocation, will be sadly
admonished by his dwindled receipts that he has not cho
sen the path of profit, however much he may be consoled
by knowing it is that of honour. We might point to the
daily newspaper press of this citj', morning and evening,
for exeraplifications of our remark. The journal, of both
classes, which hoa notoriously the lorgest and most pro
fitable support, is not that which is conducted with the
highest intelligence or the purest morality. It Is os true
now, and In reference to this particular subject, as it was

200 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
«
in the doys of Juvcnol, and iu the more general applica
tion ofthe poet, that,
'  Probitas laudatur et ulget :

C7'i7ninibus debent horius, prtviuria, mensas,
ArgeniU7n vetus, et stantmn, extra pocula caprum.
 Worth is praised and starves :
While vice, with gardens, villas, costly boards.
Rare plate, and cups embossed, the world rewards.
How is fhe evil lo be rcniedied ? How is the newspa
per press to be rendered what it con and should be ? Are
there not a hundred readers of this journol, in whoso
minds fhe question awakens a ready response 1 How
mony men of moderote affluence vvould it require fo form
a joint-stock association, with a capital of fifty or a hun
dred thousand dollars ? For any ordinary purpose of
trode, which held out a reosonablc prospect of reward, a
larger sum would be subscribed in a moment. But such
a newspoper os such a sum, judiciously expended, might
establish, would be sure to yield a fair return In money,
and oh ! what a largo return in public good !

DIVINE ORIGIN OF SLAVERY ;
OH MH. Calhoun's version op the DECREEa or provi.
DENCB.
[Fro7n the Plaindealer, February 4, 1837.]
Is there — as you sometimes tell us —
Is there One who dwells on high ?
Has he bid you buy and sell us,
Speaking from his tlirone, the sky ?
Hark ! ho anwers ; wild tornadoes,
Strewing yonder coast with wrecks,
Wasting towns, plantations, meadows,
Are the voice with which he speaks.

WILLIAM LROOBTT. 201
Oui! renders will soe, in o\ir summary of fhe proceed-
ings of Cont^res.s, that when the petition of certain in-
luiliitanl,-) of the District of Columbia was bcforo tho
Soiiato last week, asking for on act of incorporation for
the l>islri<i (\ilonizalion Society, ftlr. Calhoun assumed
fb(> ground that slavery has boon brought about, in this
country, by llie special inlerposilion of heaven, and that
to endeavour to emancipate the negroes is rebellion
against the will of God. " A mysterious Piovidcncc,"
ho said, " had brought tho two races of raen together
into this country from different ports of the earth ; the
European to bc tho raaster, and the African the slave.
Thesp relations could not be overthrown ; and every so
ciety founded on the principle of separating thera acted
on tbe basi.'i of error,"
According to this version ofthe origin of negro slavery
in America, the free states hove committed a grievous
sin iu breaking the fetters of tho poor negro, and they
inigbl beller make nil b.Tsle, if they would avoid the
rolribniivo wralli of hoavcu for their wlckodness. to re-
place him in bondage. Tbe men who carried on the
slave trade, too, instead of having been fhe inhuman
wretches the world has generally accounted them, were
ministers of divino Providence, comraissioned to bring
together, in tho now world, the European and African
race, to fill their pre-ordained capacities, the one as
masters, the other as slaves. AVlien those fierce kid
nappers stole the poor untutored black man, as, uncon
scious of danger, he reclined, in the cool ofthe evening,
bcnoatb bis native palm tree, inhaling the night breeze
from Ibe ocean, and listening lo fhe refreshing rausic of
the waves breaking on the shore, they committed no
net of trcncherj' or cruelly, but executed a holy office, by
the especial appointment of liod, whose canon, "thou
elualt not steal," and whose precept, " love thy neighbour

202 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
as thyself," were suspended lo permit the deed. When
they crowded the poor negroes info the suffocating holds
of their ships, loaded their gaUed lirabs with felters,
fastened them down to tho deck, and hushed their cries
of agonj' and despair wilh sharp instruraenta of torture
forced between their distended jaws, they were still agenta
of mercy, in a rough disguise, andstUl faithfully perform
ing their allotted part in the myslorioua deaigns of Provi
dence. The relafionahip into which the wretched Afri
cans wero brought by Ihcso niooiis with the European
race in America, waa not for a day, nor a year, nor a
century, os we ore assured by Mr. Calhoun, but for all
time ; and they who undertake, bj' any means, to over
throw it — to aunder theae heaven-wove ties — are guilty
of attempting to violate the clear Intentions of Omnipo
tence. Strange as this doctrine may sound to some of our read
ers, it ia not original with ftir. Calhoun. It was pro
claimed with equal energy in Great Britain, mony years
ago, when certain incendioriea and lunotics set about the
wicked project of abolishing the African slave trade.
They were warned, almost in the language which Mr.
Calhoun now uses, of the iniquity of their attempt.
They were assured that its flagitlousncss was only
equalled by ifs impracticability ; that, like fhe worfore of
the fallen angels against the hosts of heaven, it would re
sult in displaying at once the enormity and the utter im-
potence of the effort ; and thot, in the end, they would be
hurled With hideous ruin and combustion, down
To bottomless perdition.
We hove a volurae fhis moment lying before us, (Bos-
well's Life of Johnson) in which, on this very subject, the
following passage meets our eye ;

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 203
" I beg leave to enter my most solemn protest againat
his (Dr. Johnson's) general doctrine with respect to the
slave frodo. For I will resolutely say, that his unfiivour-
oblo notion of it was owing to prejudice, and imperfect or
fol.so iuformation. 'J"hc wild and dangerous uttoinpt
which has for soiiio time boon persisted in to obtain an
act of our legislature, to abolish so very impoitant and ne
cessary a branch of coinmcrcial interest, must have been
crushed at once, hod not the inslgnificonce of the zealots,
who vainly took tho lead in it, made the vast body of
planters, merchants, and others, whose immense proper
ties are involved In that trade, reasonably enough suppose
thot there could be no danger. Tho encouragement
which tho ottempt hos received excites my wonder and
indignation ; and though some men of superior abilities
have supported It, whether from a love of temporary po-
pularity when prosperous, or a love of general mischief
when desperate, my opinion is unshaken. To abolish a
status, which in all ages God has sanctioned, and man has
continued, would not only be robbery to an innumerable
class of our feUowsubjects, but it would be extreme cruel
ty to African savages, a portion of whom it saves from
massacre, or intolerable bondage in their own country,
and introduces into a much happier state of lifo ; espe-
cially now when their passage to the West Indies, ond
their treatment there, is humanely regulated. To obol-
ish thot trode would be to
•  shut the gates of mercy on mankind.'
" AVbofever may have passed elsewhere concerning it, ]
the House of Lords is wise and independent :
• Intaminatis fulget honoribus ;
Nec sumit aut poiiii secures ^
Arbitrio popularis auria:.'

204 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
For the benefit of the unclaaalcal reader, we will thus
tranalate fliia scrap of Latin, which, by the way, in
the original, (one of the odes of Horace,) ia said of
virtue, a rauch fitter application of the sentiraent, than to
the House of Lords, in its aspect aa the protector and
charapion of fhe slave trade.
' In stainless honours bright it shines.
The axe nor seizes nor declines.
At the vain rabble's breath.'
But the House of Lords, notwithstanding this clossicol
compliment, did yield at last, if not to the variable popu
lar breeze, to the steady and strong tempest of indigna
tion which the horrors of the slave trade provoked
throughout the kingdom of Great Britoin. It was no
shifting and transitory wind of doctrine ; but if had all
the force and constancy of truth. It blows yet, freshly
and steadUy, from the sarae quarter, and will not subside
into a calm, until it has swept every vestige of slavery
frora the civilized world. This is no popularis aura, no
transient huraour, no temporary excitement, no evanes
cent flame, rising suddenly into great volume, aa audden-
ly to sink and smoulder in the thin ashes of unsubstantial
fuel. It ia a wind and a fire of a different description.
It comes from the land of the tornado and hurricane.
 Mugiat Africis
Malus procellis.
It cracks the most of tho labouring bark with an Afii-
can storra. The gale is laden with the groans of slavery
and the shrieks of despair. Are these the sounds in
which Mr. Calhoun distinguishes the raysterious decrees
of Providence that he construes os injunctions to hold
his wretched feUow-beings " guUty of a skin not colour
ed like his own,'' in perpetual aud irremediable bondoge ?

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 205
Do these furnish the warrant to buy and sell his brother
man,'liko cattle. In the shambles? He will yet learn
that fhe voice of fhis moral whirlwind, like that of fhe
natural one described by Cowper, is susceptible of a dif
ferent interpretation. Ho wfll learn that it was no part
of Providence to creote one race of men as bondmen for
another ; and that ere long, unless the chains vvhich bind
the slave ore cost off, goaded at last to madness, in a de
spairing eifort, he will rend thera asunder. Who shall
answer for his modcroflon in the first drunkenness of
sudden freedora ? AVell for fhe master will it be if in
that hour he become not tho victim.

TREASON AGAINST THE STATE.
Fro7n the Plaindealer of Feb. 4, 1837.
The reader who noticed that Mr. Sliepard had intro
duced a bill into the Asserably of this state, on the sub
ject of slavery, which that body refused to entertain at
all, or even order lo be printed, raay very naturally have
concluded that it contained sorae revolting and mon-
atroua proposition. It is not at all likely, however, that
his mind can have fully conceived tbe unparaUeled airo-
city of Mr. Shepard's design. It was no less than fo
abolish slavery in the state of New-York I Here is tho
diobolicol document in his own words : —
"No person sholl hereafter be hold fo service or lobour,
as a slave, or os tho child of a slave, within this stofe ;
every person now held to such service or labour, within
this state, Is hereby discharged therefrom, and is hence
forth free. Every person born, or vvho shall hereafter be
born within this state, is, and shall be free; and every
person held to service or labour as a slave, or as the
child of a slave, who shall be imported, introduced, or
Vol. II.— 18

206 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
brought into this state under any pretence whatever,
shall be free. So much of fhe revised stotutcs of this
state, as is inconsistent with the intent and meaning of
the preceding section, is hereby repealed."
This is the naked proposition of Mr. Shepard in oil its
wickedness. He has been guilty of an effort lo raake
this slate really and thoroughly free ; to diff'use tho spirit
of freedom through its very atmosphere, and impart to ifs
soil a quality of corrosion that should eat Info fhe fetters
of the slave, and cause thera to drop frora his enfranchised
limbs. He would do for this state what the spirit of lib
erty has done for England.
" Slaves cannot breathe in Kngland ; if their lungs
Receive our air, that moment they are free ;
They touch our country and their shackles fall."
This is the unhappy condition to wliich ftir. Shepard
desired fo reduce this state, in utter disregard of the " do
mestic institutions " of fhe southern slaveholder, when,
with his negroes at his heels, he chooses lo honour us
with his presence ; and in utter disregard of the myste-
rious providence of God, In foreordaining, as we are as
sured by ftir. Calhoun, the European and African races
to raeet upon this continent, and become indissolubly
united in the fonder and endearing relations of master
and slave. It was probably in reference fo this latter
view of the subject thot the Assembly so promptly refused
to hove anything to do with ftir. Shepard's bill. " What
God joins together let not man put osunder." In the
true spirit of liberty, not less than of religion, they ex
tend this injunction beyond fhe matriraonial connexion,
to tha' which exists between fhe slaveholder and the
poor negro, ond frown indignantly on every attempt to
sunder or weaken the heoven-appointed union. AVhat
" true friend of the constitution," or jealous defender of

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 207
the "blessings of liberty," can regard the atterapt of Mr.
Shepard as better than high treason against the state ?

TIIE RIGHTS OF AUTIIORS.
[From the Plaindealer, February 11, 1837.]
Ahlb pens are wielded against us on tho subject of lite
rary property. But as we have no end to answer which
is not equally thot of trufh, we insert the orguraents of
our antagonists vvith as much reodlnoss os our own,
certain that the idtlinato result of discu.ssion, in this, as
in regard to every topic within the embrace of humon
reason, must be the establishment of sound principles.
AVe should shrink dismayed from the correspondent
whose communication deservedly fills a largo spoce in our
present number, if we were not doing batfle on what we
yet esteem, notwithstanding his powerful and perspicu
ous reasoning, the right side ofthe question. If fhe reader
knew the estimable source of that article, the knowledge
would add unneeded influence to the intrinsic weight of
its opinions, and extort a sraile, perhaps, af oiir temerity
in di.sputing the field with such an opponent.
The American Monthly Magazine, loo, in its last num
ber, assails our opinions on the copyright question, in an
article written with characteristic eloquence and gener
ous zeal.
It Is true fhat too many of those whose genius has ren
dered thera imraortol, hove eraployed their noblest efforts
to erabellish the solid structure which tyranny erects on
the prostrate libertiea of mon. The two divinest bards,
that ever addressed their strains of undying hormony to
the enroptured cars of mortols, were fhe flatterers ond up.
holders of oristocrafic pride, and the scoffers ofthe rights
of the people. Homer and Shakspeare " licked absurd

208 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
pomp," and taught men to regard os o superior order of
beings those whose only claims to pro-eminenco were
founded in rapine und outrage. But when wo look back
through the bright list of names which English lileroturo
presents, we do not find this censure to he of general ap.
plication. He from whora the remark is derived, os to
the potent influence of those who frarae a nation's ballads
in forming fhe national character — sturdy old Andrew
Fletcher of Saltoun — did not address himielf fo a caste ;
he addressed himself to the people, and stood forward
ever the eager and intrepid champion of their rights.
Mflton did nof address himself to a caste, but to raankind ;
and Marvell ond Ilorrington were aniraated in their wri.
tings by the single and exalted motive of improving the
political condition of their race.
But we need not contest the sentiraent to which we
have off'ered fhis brief reply, since it does not touch our
argument. It is for tho very purpo.se that " tbe Ropiib-
lic of Lettera" maybe upheld by ihe people, and that it
may be coraposed qf fhe people, Ibat we desire to see the
principle of literary property abrogated. We do not
wish lo deny to British authors a right'; but we desire
thot a legal privilege, which we contend has no founda
tion In natural right, ond is prejudicial lo " the greatest
good ofthe greatest nuraber," should be wholly annulled,
in relation to all authors, of every narae and country.
Our position is, that authors have no natural right of pro.
perty in their published works, and that lows to create
and guard such a right are adverse to fhe true interests
of society. We concede at once, and in tho fullest raan
ner, that if fhe propriety of establishing a right of proper.
ty in literary productions con be shown, the principle
ought to be of universal applicalion ; Ihot if ought not to
be limited to ony sect, or creed, or lond, but ocknow-
ledged, like the jdalnest rights of property, wherever civi.

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 209
lizaf Ion has extended its Inffuence. An author either has
a naturol ond just right of property in his production, or
he has not. If he has, it is one nof fo be bounded by
space, or liraited in duration, but, like that of fhe Indian
to the bow and arrow he bos shaped frora the sapling and
reeda of the unappropriated wilderness, his own exclu.
sively and forever.
With regard fo fhe influence which British literature
exorcises in forraing the popular mind and character in
this country, we see no cause to fear unfavourable re.
suits, if Araerican literature, to which we natui-ollj- look
to counteroct the evil tendencies ofthe forraer, is not e.x.
eluded, by reason of the incumbrance of copyright, from
an equallj- extensive circulation. Leave error free to flow
where it listeth, so that truth is not shut out from the
some channels. Give both an equal opportunity, and
who can doubt to whora will belong the victory ? " AVho
knows not," says John Milton, " that truth is strong,
next to the Almightj- ? She needs no policies, nor stra.
tagems, nor licensings, to make her rictorious. Those
are the shifts and the defences that error uses against
her power." If was under fhe Influence of British lite
rature exclusively, and in many instances of education
obtained in British colleges, that our national indepen
dence was asserted and achieved ; and it would be
strange, indeed, if we should be rendered now unmindful
of its value, by the tawdry and sickening aristocracy
which bedizens the pages of British novels and roraonces.
" The men who write the ballads " are not those whom a
copyright stimulates into fhe exercise of their powers ;
and If they were, the Americans, thjink heaven ! are not
the people whom baUads move with irresistible influence.
We go to our political affairs, as mathematicians go to
their abstruse labours ; with their intellectual energies
18''

210 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
screwed to too high o pitch, to be shaken from their pur
poae by the sounding of broaa or the tinkling of cymbals.
We turn now lo a consideration of the article of our
correspondent, who has ingeniously erected his structure
of logical arguments on a foundation furnished by our
selves. Our position that an author has an exclusivo
natural right of property in his mouuscripf, was meant
to be understood only in the sumo soiiso that a mechanic
has on exclusive natural right of property in tho results
of his labour. The mental process by which he contrived
Ihose results ore nol, and cannot properly be rendered,
exclusive property; since tho right ofo froo exercise of
our thinking faculties is given by naturo fo all raankind,
and the mere fact that a given raode of doing a thing has
been thought of by one, does not prevent thq same ideas
presenting themselves to the raind of another and should
nof prevent him frora a perfect liberty of acting upon
Ihein. Tho right vvhich wo concede to tbe author is Iho
right lo the results of hia manual labour. The right
which ia claimed for him ia tho right to flic ideas which
enter into his raind, and fo which he gives a ]ierraauent
and comraunlcoblo forra by writing thom down upon paper.
But when we pass from corporeal to incorporeal pro-
perty, we immediately enter into o region beset with in
nuraerable difficulties. The question first naturally
arises, where does this exclusivo right of property in
ideas coraraence ? The linilta of corporeal property aro
exact, definite, and alwaya aacertoinable. Those of in
corporeal property are vague and indefinite, and subject
to continual disputo. Tho righta of corporeal properly
moy be asserted, without tho possibility of infiinging any
other individual's rights. Those of incorporeal luopcrly
may obviously give rise to conflicting claims, all equally
well founded. If you cotcli a fish In tho sea, or shoot a
bird in the forest, it is yours, the reward of your potience,

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 211
toil, or skill ; and no other huraan being can set up on
adverse claira. But if you assert an exclusive right fo
a particular idea, you cannot bc sure that the very same
idea did not ot the same moment enter some other mind.
This is obviou.sly and frequenfly true with respect fo
single thoughts, and it will readily be conceived that it
may hoppen with respect to o series. Language is the
comraon property of all mankind, and the power of
thought is thoir common attribute. Shall you then say
fo a person who has expressed certain ideas in certain
words, J'OU shall hove on exclusive right of property in
those ideas so expressed, and no other huraan being shall
ever use the same sentiments, without incurring a pe
nalty for his Ires.spass?
If the author has o noturol right of property in fhe
ideas of his raind, once coraraitted to paper, if is a right
which ought to be universally acknowledged, and he
should be allowed fo enjoy exclusively the profit of tho
use of his property in every civilized nation ofthe world.
But where does this right commence ? How raany ideas
must be joined together before they constitute a pro
perty ? If a man construct an edifice, every brick or
board of the entire fabric is bis. He may sell if, or lend
if, or convert it to what use he wiU ; but no one can take
it against his consent without committing a robbery. Is
the oiifhor'a edifice of ideas equally his, in ifs component
materials, OS well os In their aggregato combination?
Every sentence, perbops, contains an idea, so natural
fhat if is likely fo occur fo many rainds, and expressed in
such obvious language, that the some terms substontiolly
would probably suggest themselves to all. His work Is
made up of such sentences. In what then consists his
right of property ? Is each particular sentence o proper
ty ? Or do they not become property untfl joined toge
ther?

212 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
But the subjects of books are various. Some aro
flights of imagination ; some are records of facts. In
one, history relates her sober details ; in onothor, science
demonstrotes his obtruse propositions. In oil these, in
tellectual labour is exerted ; but is the fruit of that intel-
lecfuol labour property in all coses olike ? Are fhe medi-
totions of fhe poet property in tho sorae sense with the
calculations of fhe mafheraaf Iclan ; and has each an ex
clusive right to the results of his lobour? Before you
answer fhis in fhe affirmative, you should reflect that llie
processes of matlieraaticul calculation are the sarao
throughout the world, and that the end aimed at by thom
is olso identical. A book of niothemotics is o book of
calculations, conducted according fo certain Invariable
and universally acknowledged principles ; and Ihough to
compose it requires perhaps intense intellectual exertion,
yet it colls for no original ideas or discoveries. Two ma-
theraatlcians, one in France, for instance, and the other
here, raay easily be supposed toiling through the sarae
processes at the sarae inoinenf, ond accomplish results
exactly the sarae. Which has the exclusive right of pro
perty in his production ? Which shall be perraitted to
publish his book, and proclaira to the olher, and to all
the world, I alone ara invested with fhe rights of author.
ship? Many of the raost interesting and valuable works are
mere records of discoveries in experiraental science.
But two philosophers may at the same tirae be engaged,
in different parts of the worid, in fhe same series of ex
periments, and may both hit on the same result. The
discovery, as mere property, is only valuable perhaps
through tbe medium of publication ; yot sholl the right
of publishing be restricted to one, and if the other pre
sume to fell the some philosophical facts, shall ho bo con
sidered a species of felon ? The law of patents rests con-

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 213
fessedly on the same principio as the low of copyright.
They both pretend fo hove natural and obvious justice
for their foundation. The inventor of a new application
of fbo principles of mechanics claims o right of exclusivo
properly in the fruit of his intellectual labour, not less
than the writer of a poem or a play. Yet some of the
most valuable luventions which have ever been given to
mankind have been produced simultaneously, by differ
ent minds, in different parts of the world. It is uncer
tain to this day to whom raen are indebted for the appli
cation of tho magnetic needle to navigation ; and the
honour ofthe discovery of fhe art of printing is yet a
matter of dispute. While Franklin was pursuing his
electrical experiments in Philadelphia, the philosophers
of Paris were engaged in similar investigations, and with
similar success. Rittenhouse, when he planned bis cora-
pllcafed and ingenious Orrery, knew not that such an
instrLuiicnf bad already been completed, wlii«"h was rles-
tined fo perpetuate the narae of its inventor. Newton
and Leibnitz each clairaed the exclusive honour of their
method of fluxions ; and raany more instances raight bo
adduced, if we had leisure fo pursue fhe subject, of such
jarring and Incompatible claims fo exclusive property in
the fruits of intellectual labour. The cases we have
stated will sufficiently show that there cannot be. In the
nature of things, o positive and absolute right of exclu
sive property in processes of thought, which different
minds raay bo engaged in at the same moment offline.
Two authors, without concert or intercoraraunion, raay
describe the same incidents, in language so nearly iden
tical fhat the two books, for all purposes of sole, shall be
the some. Yot ono writer raay moke a free gift of his
production fo tbo public, may throw it open in coramon ;
and then what becomes of tho other's right of properly 1
The reraarks which we have thus far offered go merely

214 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
toaasafl the position ofthe natural right of property in
ideaa, as existing anterior fo law, or independent of it. It
is essential fo the establishmeat of such a natural right,
that it should be shown to be distinct property, which
absolutely and whoUy belonga to sorae ono individual,
and can belong to no other than he. The labour of
your hands belonga to you ; for no other individual in
the world performed that labour, or achieved ifs particu
lar resulfa. But the labour of your raind con produce
only ideoa, which may be comraon to many minds, and
which aro not suacopliblo of being distinguished by marks
of peculiar property. Another person faUing, under
simflar circumstances, into the same mood of cogitation,
may produce ideas — not merely similar — not another set
of perfect resemblance to the first — not a copy — but
identically the same. There is an inherent difficulty in
fixing limita to incorporeallty. The reglona of thought,
like tbose of the air, are Ihe connnon propfi'y of all
earth'a creaturea.
We do not offer the crude obaervat iona which we have
here made aa a full anawer fo our correspondent's argu-
ment ; for we mean to reserve the question for a more
deliberate and careful discussion In another number. But
we raerely put them forth as sorae of the reasona which
lead us to deny that the author and inventor hove any
property in the fruits of their infellecluol labour, beyond
that degree in which it Is incorporated with their physi
cal labour.

WILLIAM LEBGETT. 215

A VIOLENT STORftI AT AVASHINGTON.
[Fro7n the Plaindealer, February II, 1837.]
Blow wind and crack your cheek ! rage ! blow !
You cataracts and hurricanoea, spout
Till yoa have drench'd our steeples, drown'd the cocks !
You sulphurous and thought-executing fires.
Vaunt couriers to oak-eleaving thunderbolts.
Singe my white head ! Here I stand
A poor, infirm, weak, and despised old man :
But yet I call you, servile ministers ! Shaksfeake.
Both houses of Congress, on ftlondoy last, exhibited
a stormy scene. In both, fhe question of the abolition of
slavery was fhe cause of commotion, and it carae up in
both on the presentation of memorials : thus showing how
utterly absurd is the ottempt of the southern raerabers,
and of those recreant men of the north who colleague
with them, fo stave off discussion, and stifle the freedom
of speech. In the Senate, Mr. Calhoun put hiraself promi
nently forward again, as the champion of slavery. This
statesman has raany properties which , force the mind
continually to draw an analogy between him and fhe
chief of the foUen angels, as described by Milton. " Bad
ambition" Is his prevailing characteristic, and his desire
to rule engrosses every .sentiment and motive of action.
In regard fo slavery, he unscrupulously stands forward
OS the asserter of the most raonstrous and sfarfliiig para-
doxes. He Is not confent to speak of slavery as on in
curable iU, entailed upon the southern states by a former
race of men, which thoy ore now obliged to endure, as
there is no modo of remedy that is not worse than fhe
disease ; but he avows, in the raost positive ond outhorl-
totive monner, fhat slavery Is not an evil ; that it is a

216. POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
heaven-appointed institution ; that it is a condition
attended with the happiest and most benign results to
both masters and slaves, to both the European and Afri
can race ; and that he who woilld put an end to it ia
not only an enemy to fhe south, but to the groat cause
of human happiness. Such was fhe tenor of Mr. Cal
houn's remorks lost Mondoy ; and Rlr. Rives, by ad
mitting slovery to be an evil, drew down upon hiraself
frora the dictatorial Senator a rebuke so sharp as to sound
almost like a malediction. Mr. Calhoun was not con
tent with eulogizing the hoppy and Arcadian condition
of the alaves of fhe south, but he must needs lounch de
risive and scornful epithets at those whora he was pleased
to conaider as the white slaves of the north, namely, the
honest and free lobourers, who corn their livelihood by
voluntary and requited toil, working when they please,
and for whom they please, and when they please resting
from their labours. Mr. Calhoun must know very little
of human nature. If he ia not aware that remarks of this
kind oggravate, rather than check, the zeal of those en-
gaged in the cause of obolltlon. Ho raust know stUl
less of human nature, if he supposes that the insolence
and indignity with which the prayera of thousands
of rcspcctablo petitioners arc treated, ore calcula
ted to abate Iheir zeal iu Ibo cause in which they
have engaged. Violence and conlunioly are not the
weajions by which enthusiasm is turned aside frora its
object. They who madly stamp upon a fire, but anger
ifs sparks lo fly into their own faces. " Obstructing vlo-
lence" (such is fhe language ofthe Areopagitica) " meets,
for the raost part, with an event utterly opposite fo fhe
end which it drives at. Instead of suppressing sects and
schiaraa, it raises them and invests them with reputation."
Mr. Calhoun's course in regard to abolition is strongly
calculated to have this effect.

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 217
The tempest raged rauch raore furiously in fhe House
of Roprosentatives than in the Senate, and ftlr. Adoms,
the Massachusetts ftI.vT)M.\N, ns the Albany Argus
terms him, was the chief object of its fury. This gentle
man hod the .audacity to ask the Speaker if a petition
which he held in his hands, purporting fo como from cer
tain slaves, was to be considered as erabraced in the reso
lution adopted on the 10th of last month, fo fhe effect that
all petitions and meraorials, relating to fhe subject of
slavery, directly or indirecfly, should be laid on the ta
ble without discussion. AVe are free to admit that we
do not entirely approve tbe courae token by Mr. Adoma
on this subject. Slaves hove no absolute constitutional
right of petition; ond to offer a petition from such per
sons, therefore, or bring it in any way fo fhe attention
of the house, was calcidated to excite angry feelings,
without the warrant of that clear and indisputable right
on which ftlr. Adaras has stood secure In all his previous
proceedings. He hod o most undoubted right lo osk the
question of the admissibility of fhe petition, however ;
and the violence which fhe simple inquiry gave rise to
is a strong Ulustration of the unhappy tempar ofthe south,
in relation to o question vvhich must ond will be discussed,
and which every attempt to put off by violence but causes
to be pressed upon thera with raore earnestness and zeal.
It Is strange that they should be infatuated to such a
degree of blindness on this subject as not to perceive that
the very raeasure they were on the eve of perpetrating —
the expulsion of Mr. Adams from the House of Repre
sentatives for the exercise of freedom of speech, not only
within the bounds of the Constitution, but even within the
rules of parliamentary practice — vvould havo done more
fo odvonce fbo abolition of slavery, than oil his legisla
tive efforts, if listened to without interruption, and an.
swered with temper and decorum, could possibly effect in
Vol. II,— 19

218 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
a much longer period than probably yet reraoins to him
to exercise his heroic zeol and firmness in the great
cause of human emancipation.
Nothing can be more preposterous than the ground
taken by Mr. Bynum, " thot on attempt fo present a me
morial from a slave or a free negro is a contempt of fhe
House." That a slave has no express constilulional
right to petition is readUy conceded ; but it is certainly
within the constitutional competency of a member to
ask if it be the pleasure of the house to listen to a petition
from a slave. Aa for the free negro, the act which eman
cipates him makes him a citizen, and invests hirn with
an inalienable right of petition — a right equal to that of
Mr. Bynum, or of any other citizen whatever. The
Constitution makes no distinctions as fo creed or colour,
but secures to "the people," be they white or black,
" the right peaceably to asserable, and petition the Gov
ernment for a redress of grievances." If the resolution,
therefore, had been passed, in any of the forms in which
it waa proposed, and Mr. Adams had been called fo fhe
bar to receive the censure of the House, Congress would
have been guilty of such a gross and palpable violation
of the Constitution, and such an outrage on one of the
trusted and honoured representatives of the free citizens
of a great state, as would have raised a storm of indigna
tion, to which the hubbub among the slaveholders In the
House of Representatives would be but as fhe comrao.
tion of a turbulent pool compared with the angry heavings
of the ocean in a tempest.

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 219

MEEK AND GENTLE WITH THESE
BUTCHERS.
[Fr07n the Plaindealer, February 18, 1837,]
It will be seen, by our paragraph under the proper
head, that Mr. Brady introduced a proposition into the
Board of Aldermen last Wednesday evening, the object
of which is graciously to perrait all butchers to sell meat
in their own shops, provided fhey take out a license, at
nn expense of fifty dollara, and enter into some sort of
security that they will open only a single shop. This
proposition ia not to be considered as containing the
views of its raover as to the degree of freedom which the
citizen should be perraitted to enjoy In the business of
dealing in raeat; for that individual has distinguished
hiraself, for a good whUe past, as the earnest opponent
of the unjust and arbitrary restraints and liraifations
which are iraposed on thaf branch of traffic, giving a
monopoly to a few, and forcing the citizen to poy a price
much greater thon would be asked, if corapefltion were
left free to regulate the supply fo the demand. But the
resolution of Mr. Brady was probably framed with re
ference fo his prospect of success in any measure tend
ing towards an enlargement of the bounds of the butchers'
monopoly; and in that view of it he is entitled to thanks
for the measure. But what a sorry picture does not
this proceeding exhibit fo us of the ignorance and tyran
ny of our municipal legislators I It is solicited, as a
measure of freedom, fhat a free citizen, as free and in
telligent as any meraber of the Coraraon CouncU, may
be permitted to follow a respectable and useful calling,
provided he brings proof that he faithfully served the full
term of approntioeship to fhat branch of business, gives
bonds that he wiU pursue It only within a specified limit.

220 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
and pays info fhe public treasury a large sum of money
for fhe gracioua permission which the fathers of Ihe city
vouchsafe to him I Can any thing be a greater outrage
of comraon sense than these stipulations ? Can any thing
be in more palpable and direct violotlon of tho most ob
vious nofural rights ? Can any thing, even under fhe
despotic governraent of Czars, Autocrats, and Grand
Seignors, be more arbitrary, unequal, oppressive, and un
just? The prohibitions and restrictions within which
butchers are circurascribed, may, with equal warrant of
propriety, be drawn round other callings. Thero is as
much reason why the Common Council should lake up
on themselvea to regulate your private affairs, reader, or
our own. They may, with equal grace, ordoiii that no
carpenter, or tailor, or hotter, or shoemoker, sholl open a
shop, except he served a regular apprenticeship lo tho
business, gives bonds that he will open bul one, ond poys
a large bonus into the general coffers for " tbe blessings
of liberty," in that case extended to him. Doctors, law
yers, merchants, and ministers ofthe gospel, are not less
liable than butchers to this municipal supervision and
control ; and there is quite as much reason, in relation
to every one of those vocations, why it should be limited
and regulated by the Common Council, as there is in the
case of butchers. We hope that among those who have
undertaken fhis business on free trade principles, there
are sorae citizens spirited enough to resist the present or
dinances, and defy the inquisitorial power which at
tempts lo tyrannize over thera. We should like to see
the question tried whether we are, in fact, mere serfs and
vassals, holding our dearest privileges but by the suffer
ance of our municipal servants, or whether we are in
truth freemen, possessed of certain inolicnoble rights,
among which is that of pursuing, unmolested, and in our
own way, ony calling which does not interfere with the

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 221
I
rights of others, subject only to tho impositions of an
equal lax.

THE WAY TO CHEAPEN FLOUR.
[F/otn the Plaindealer, February 18, 1837.]
Our paper contains, under fhe appropriote head, an
account of the daring ond causeless outroge which dis-
groced our city last Monday evening. There never was
a riot, in anj' place, on any previous occasion, for which
there existed loss pretence. There is no circumstance
to extenuate it, in any ofthe aspects In which if can be
viewed. The only alleged excuse is the high price of
flour, and a suspicion which it seems was entertained,
that the price was in part occasioned by a corabination
among the dealers. But this suspicion has not only no
foundation in fact, but if if were well founded, if it were an
established truth too notorious for contradiction. It would
afford no sort of justification or shadow of excuse to any
portion ofthe community to comrait acts of violence, and
much less to that portion which wos chiefly concerned In
this disgraceful tumult.
The chief actors in the riot of Monday evening were,
beyond question, members of some of the numerous asso
ciations of artisans and lobourers affiliofed under the gen
eral name of the Trades Union. What, lot ua ask, is
the very first and cardinol object of fhe Trades Union ?
To enoble labour, hy fhe means of combination, and of
extensive mutual countenance and co-operation, to com.
mand its own price. And is not labour as much a ne
cessary of life Ks flour! Is it nof, in fact, more indis
pensable ? Ia it not the chief, the prirae, fhe Very first
necessary of man, in his social organization ? What
would this city do for a week, nay, for a single day, if
19*

223 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
labour, in aU ita vorieties of form and application, should
wholly ond obstinately refuse to perform its offices ? It
does nof require any greot fertility of imogination fo pic-
fure the social anarchy, the chaotic confusion, into which
the whole frame of things would be thrown. Yet it is to
enable it, on occasion, to do this, or, as the only alterna
tive, fo compe\ capital to pay whatever price it chooses to
exact, thaf fhe combination of different mechanic and
operative crafts ond callings has been formed. And
these very people, thus corabining lo create, in effect, a
monopoly of the chief necessary of lifo, ore so enraged by
the mere suspicion that the dealers in flour — a commodi
ty for which there ore mony substitutes, ond not india-
pensohle if there were none — hove followed their e.xaraple
that fhey assault the doors and windows of their store.
houses with stones, crowbars, and levers, break down all
barriers, scatter their property to the winds, and even
tear, info irrevocable fragraents, their most valuable
books and accounts I
Was there ever a raore causeless and disgraceful out
rage ? It is disgraceful to the city, fhat a sufficient por
tion of ita inhabitanta fo commit such causeless destruc
tion should be animated by such o fiendish spirit. It is
more disgroceful, that its municipal outhorities, those to
whom fhe preservation of the public peace is entrusted,
should sleep so soundly on thoir posts, when the loud roar
of riot is on the gale, and the work of ruthless violence i^
going on, deliberately and without interruption, in brood
day, and in one of the raost frequented and populous
parls of the iiictropolls. If over tho raunici|)al history of
Iho Ainoricuii cities sbull bo written, that portion which
relates lo New-York should bo inscribed on a page of
black. Nothing can provoke our dull and comatose po
lice lo the show of a little timely vigilance. At one
tirae, stirred up by o seditious print of the most profligate

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 223
character, an incendiary spirit breaks out in the commu
nity, first brutally attacking the poor negro in the street,
then rushing to assault the dwellings of those distinguish
ed ns the negro's friends ; and finally breaking^fumulfu-
ously into the churches dedicated to tbe worship of God ;
and it is not fill the lost moment, fill fhe very altars are
desecrated, that the police awake from their slumbers,
and, rubbing their drowsy eyes, inquire what oil the fu-
rault is obout ? At another tirae, fhe some inflammatory
journal colls upon the people, amidst fhe exciteraent of a
most angry political contest, "to arra and strike a blow
for liberty," ond to " kill tho dorancd Irish ! " — and ogoin
the police dozo in unstortled security, until the pove-
ments ore actually stained with human blood ! On a
third occasion fhis same ruffian leader of tumult and sedi
tion gives open and audacious warning to fhe raagistrates
that he raeans to leod a mob to fhe theatre, and drive an
unoffending actor from the stage. " To be foreworned is
to be forearmed," according to fhe old saying ; but it
does not apply to the municipal authorities of this citj'.
They ,take no steps to prevent the premeditated out
rage. Thoy hove no force stationed fo incef the ruffian
at the threshold, and hurl him back frorn his bad design.
He is permitted to go on without interruption ; and it is
only when the work of malice Is accomplished, that the
police awake, and osk what is tbe raatter ? In regord to
fills latest outrage, o foreknowledge of the intentions of
those who instigated tbe disorder seeras to havo been
equally without effect, unless it wos fhe effect fo throw
thera into a raore perfect opothy. It will be seen by tho
statement which we have copied, that a previous intima
tion of the meditated outrage fell info the hands of tho
municipal authorities, by an accident which almost looks
like providential interposition. But if fhe dead should
rise from the grave to warn fhem, it is doubtful whether

224 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
the aupernatural visitation would rouse our mogistrotes
into timely octivity.
With regard to the question of combination we wish to
be distincfly understood. If the dealers of flour had com
bined to monopolize llie article, and to fix o high prico
upon it, we would hold tbem answerable for their conduct
neither to the civil law nor to raob law, but fo the inevi
table penalties of a violation of the lows of trode. In
the sarae way, when labourers corabine to fix the price
of labour, we would hold Ihem responsible only to those
natural and irarautable principles of trade which wfll in
fallibly teach thera their error, If they do nof graduate tho
price according to fhe relationa of demand and supply.
We are for leaving trade free ; and fhe right to combine
is an indispensable attribute of its freedom.
That the price of flour is not the result of corabination,
but of causes which lie much deeper, we fully believe.
One of thoso causes is a deficient crop ; but the chief
couse of the enhancement in price, not of that article
alone, but of every variety of commodity, is the vast In
flation which the paper currency has undergone In the
laat two yeara. It ia not that exchangeable coramodities
have riaen In value, but money, or that substitute for
money which the specially privileged banka issue, hos de
preciated. The fluctuations in the currency must ne
cessarily occasion equal ffuctuations in raoney prices ;
and those fluctuations must necessarily bo exceedingly
oppressive to mony, since all coraraodities do not instant
ly rise. and fafl in exact relative proportion, but require,
sorae a longer, and sorae a shorter time, to be adjusted to
new standards. The clergyman and the accountant on
stated salaries, the tradesman who sells his articles accord
ing to a price fixed by ancient custom, and very raany
others, cannot iraraediately increase their demands os
the price of other thinga Increaae ; and auch are affected

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 225
most injuriously by the continual augmentation of paper
money, resulting from the Incorporation, every year, of
whole herds of specially privileged bankers.
Tbo true way to make flour cheap, and beef cheap,
and all fhe necessaries of life cheap, is, nof fo attack fhe
dealers in those articles, and strew their commodities in
the streets, but to exercise, through fhe ballot boxes, the
legitimate influence which every citizen possesses fo put
an end, at once and forever, to a system of moneyed mo
nopolies, which impoverish the poor to enrich the rich ;
which, building up a class of lordly orisfocrofs on tho one
hand, and degrading the mass into wretched serfs on fhe
other ; and which has already exercised a vast and most
pernicious inffuence in demoralizing both fhe educofed
and fhe ignorant classes of society — both thoae who fat-
fen on fhe spoils of fhe poper-predafory system, and
those from whose very blood the spoils are wrung.

RIGHT OF PROPERTY IN THE FRUITS OF
INTELLECTUAL LABOUR.
[From ihe Plaindealer, February 25, 1837.]
Wb have provoked such odds against us, in the con
fest on fhe subject ofthe righta of property In intellectual
productions, that we do not know but that it would be
" the better part of valour" fo quit the field incontinently.
To eraulate fhe conduct of the bold knight whose deter
mined heroisra isrecorded in Chevy C/tase, and vvho, when
his legs were off, " still fought upon his sturaps," might
seem, in such o dispute as we aro engaged in, rather con.
surable obstinacy, than praiseworthy couroge. Or if it
provoked a sraile, it would probably bo ono, not of appro-
bation, but of that kind which we bestovv on the logical

226 POLITICAL writings of
prowess of Goldsmith's Schoolmaster, who could argue
after he was vanquished, aa Bombastes Furioso continues
to fight after he ia killed.
There is ono motive, however, which might not bo
without somo weight with ua to persist in tho contro
versy, even after being convinced we had espoused the
wrong side. If our doing so would continue to draw
such writers info the field aa we have heretofore had to
contend with, we should not be without excuse ; aa their
forcible reasoning and perspicuous style would far more
than counterpoise the influence of our erroneous opin
ions, exert whfit ingenuity we might to estabUsh them.
But we choose to deal ingenuously with our readers.
We took up arma to battle for the truth, and shall lay
them down the moment we find we have Inadvertently
engaged on fhe side of her adversaries. That we are
shaken in the opiniona we have heretofore expressed, we
freely admit. The idiosyncraclos of style, to use the
term aptly employed in fhe eloquent coraraunication an
nexed, are raarked with auch diatinctness, that a bare
phrase of three or four words, from a writer of admitted
genius, is often so characteristic and peculiar, aa to in-
dicate ita source at once, even to those who hove no recol
lection of ifs origin, but who judge of it as a connoisseur
does of a painting.
How for this peculior raode of expression can be con
sidered property on the principles of natural justice, the
question In dispute. AVe are not entirely convinced thot
we have taken wrong ground on this subject; yet we by
no raeana feel so confident ofthe correctness of our opin-
lonsos we did when we put thera forth. One thing seeraa
to ua, and hoa all along aeeraed, very clear : if the author
haa a nofural right of property In fhe producta of hia in
teUectual labour, if ought to be ocknowledged os exten
sively aa the copitalist'a right of property in hia raoney, or

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 227
the merchant's in his goods. It is a coramon law right,
not a right by statute, niaugre all decisions to the con
trary. If, on the other hand, his right is derived frora a
low founded on views of expediency, instead of the prin
ciples of natural justice, wc revert to our first position,
thot the greatest good of the greatest nuraber would be
more effectually promoted by the total abrogation of
copyright property.
Let the claim of natural right be established, and we
should be among the last to invade it ; but concede that
the question rests on any other basis, and we think we
should have no great difficulty In showing that the gene
ral welfare would be advanced by abolishing fhe principle
of exclusive property in written compositions, as it Is
never asserted in those which are raerely spoken.

THE BLESSINGS OF SLAVERY.
[From the Plaindealer, February 25, 1837.]
An extraordinary colloquy took place in the United
States Senate, sorae short tirae since, between Mr. Rives
and Mr. Calhoun, on the subject of slavery, in which the
latter senator maintained, with rauch veheraence, that
slavery is not an evfl, but " a good, a great good," and
reproached Mr. Rives, in sharp terms, for admitting the
contrary. As his reraarks were reported by fhe steno
graphers, at the tirae, they contained sorae very insulting
allusions to the free labourers of the northern states, whom
Mr. Calhoun spoke of in fhe most contemptuous terms as
serfs and vassals, far beneath fhe negro bondmen of fhe
soutli in moral dogrodofion, A n elaborate report Was somo
days afterwards published In fhe Washington papers,
which probably had undergone the revision of fhe seve-

228 POLITICAL WRITINGa OP
ral speakers ; and from thot fhe offensive expressions
relative to the free citizens of the north were wholly
omitted. What is left of Mr. Calhoun's remarks contains only
the sentiments which, it is presumed, he stands ready,
after leisure for careful meditation, to maintain before the
worid ; and we shall therelbre use only that report for
comment. The holding thaf slavery is not an evil, " but a good,
a great good," is not '• in the slightest degree inconsist
ent with the highest principlea of freedom I " Not at oil ;
no more thon holding thot despotism is better than a re
presentative governraent ia inconsistent with the princi
ples of democracy ; that tumult and sedition are better
than social order is inconsistent with those principlea
which constitute the foundation of society ; or thaf athe
ism and blasphemy are inconsistent with fhe principles
of pure religion. Mr. Calhoun'a proposition is a
truism in the same degree that it would be to say,
that a part Is greater than the whole, or that two and
two are nothing.
But we raust not continue in fhis strain. We are not
of the opinion with the dramatist described by Sheridan,
who had discovered that fhe follies and foiblea of society
are subjects unworthy of the comic muse, which he con
tended should be faught to stoop only at the greater vices
and blacker criraea of humanity. Such monstroua sentl-j
ments aa are avowed by Mr. Calhoun do not seem fo us
to afford a suitable flierae for irony. They require fobe
treated in a tone of strong indignation. They call for
tho severest aniraadversion. They deraand the most
serious and earnest strictures from every journalist who
is reoUy animated by fhe principles of freedom, and de
sires to render the newspaper press sueh a paUadium of
liberty as it is susceptible of being made.

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 229
AVe have ftlr. Calhoun's own warrant for attacking his
positions, with all tho fervour which a high sense of
duty con give ; for we do hold from fhe bottom of our
soul, that slavery is on evil, a deep, dotcstable, domnoblo
evil ; on evil in oil its aspects ; on evil lo tho blacks, and
a greater evil to the whites; on evil, moral, social, and
political ; on evil which shows itself In the longuishing
condition of ogriculture ot the south. In ifs paralyzed
coraraerce, and in the prostration of the raechanic arts ;
an evil that stares j'ou in the face from uncultivated
fields, and howls in your oars through fhe fangled recesses
of the southern swamps and morasses. Slavery is such
an evil thaf it withers vvhat it touches. Whore it is
onco securely established, tbo land becomes desolate, os
the tree inevitably perishes which the sea-hawk chooses
for its nest ; while freedom, on the contrary, flourishes
like the tannen,* " on the loftiest and least sheltered
rocks," ond clothes with its refreshing verdure whot,
without it, would frown iu naked ond incurable sterility.
If any ono desires an illustration of the opposite in
fluences of slavery and_^ freedom, lof him look at the two
sister stales of Kentucky and Ohio. Alike in soil and cli
raate, ond divided only by a river, whose translucent wa
ters reveal, through nearly the whole breadth, the sondy
bottom over which they sparkle, how different are fhey in
all the respects over which man has control I On the
ono hand, the air is vocal with tho mingled tumult of a
vast and prosperous population. Every hill side smiles
with on abundant harvest ; every valley shelters a thriving
village; the click ofobusj' mill drowns the prottlo of every
rivulet, and all the multitudinous sounds of business denote
hoppy octivity in every branch of social occupation.
This is the state which, but o few yeors ogo, slept in
the unbroken solitude of nature. The forest spread on
*The Alpine fir tree. See Cliilde Harold, canto IV. 20th stanza.
Vol. II.— ao

230 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
interminable canopy of shade over the dork soil, on which
the fot ond useless vegetation rotted at ease, and through
the dusky vistas ofthe wood only savage boasts and more
savage men prowled in quest of prey. The whole land
now blossoms like a garden. The foU and interlacing
trees hove unlocked their hold, and bowed before the
woodman's oxe. The aoU is disencurabcred of the raossy
trunks which hod reposed upon it for ages. The rivers
flash in the sunlight, and the fields sraile wilh waving
harvests. This is Ohio, and this is what freedom has
done for it.
Now lot us turn to Kentucky, and note the opposite
influences of slavery. A norrow and unfrequented path
through fhe close and sultry canebrake conducts us to a
wretched hovel. It stands in the midst of an unweeded
field, whose dUapldofed enclosure scarcely protects it from
the lowing and hungry kine. Children half-clad and
squalid, and destitute of the buoyancy natural to their
age, lounge in fhe sunshine, while their parent saunters
apart to watch his languid slaves drive the ill-appointed
team a-field. This is not a fancy picture. It is o true
copy of one of the features which raoke up the aspect of
tho state — and of every state where the moral leprosy of
slavery covers the people with its noisome scales. A
deadening lefbarjiy benumbs the lirabs of the body poli
tic. A stupor settles on the oris of life. Agriculture
reluctontly drogs the plough ond harrow to the field, only
when scourged by necessity. The axe drops from the
woodman's nerveless hand the raoraent his fire is scantily
supplied with fuel ; and the fen, undrained, sends up its
noxious exhalations, to rock with cramps and agues the
frame already too much enervoted hy o morol epidemic,
to creep beyond the sphere of the raotorlal miasm.
Heaven knows wo hove no disposition fo oxaggoiofe
the deleterious influences of slavery. We would rather

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 231
pause far wlfliin the truth, than transgress it ever so
little. There are evfls which it invoriably generates a
thousand times raore pernicious than those we have
faintly touched. There aro evfls which affect fhe raoral
charoctor, oud poison the .social relations, of those who
broothe the atmosphere of slavery, more fo be deplored
than its porolyzing influence on their physical con
dition. AA'hence comes fhe hot and imperious teraper of south
ern statesraen, but from tbeir unlimited domination over
their feUow-men? AVhence comes it that "the church-
going boll," so seldom fills the air with ifs pleasant rausic,
inviting the population to religious worship ? Whence
coraes it that Sabbafli schools diffuse fo so sraall a num
ber of their children fhe Ineslimable benefits of educa
tion ? AVhence comes it fhat the knife and the pistol
are so readUy resorted to for the adjustment of private
quarrel ?
The ansvver to these and raany kindred questions, wfll
suflicienfly show that slovery is indeed on evil of the
most hideous ond destructive kind; ond It therefore be
comes the duty of every wise and virtuous raan to exert
hiraself to put it down.
Tho proof which ftlr. Calhoun adduces of the blessings
of slavery, so far ns the .slaves themselves ore concerned,
that they double in numbers in tbe some lofio with the
whites, is, olas ! susceptible of o very contrary interpre
tation. Do we not know that propagation Is encouraged
among thera without reference to the liraifations of mo
rality ? That promiscuous Intercourse, without respect
even'tothe barriers of consanguinity, is nof merely permit
ted, but approved ? That the slaveholders say, in effect,
" to 't luxury, pell-mell, for we lack soldiers ?" The insti.
tution of marriage among the slaves is treated os an idle
ceremony, and the restraints on sexual intercourse as of

232 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
no raore obligotion thon upon the birds of the air, or the
beasts of the field. This is a flierae on which we are
not desirous to expatiate ; but it is a truth which ought
to be told ; and more particularly ought it fo be hurled
back into fhe teeth of the southern champion of the.
blessings of slovery, when he adduces fhe fecundity of
the slovesasa proof of the happiness of their condition.

TIIE POWER OF CONGRESS OVIOR SLAVERY
IN TIIE DISTRICT OF COLUftlBIA.
[Fro7n the Plaindealer, February 25, 1837.]
In our lost number, wc briefly alluded to a question
subraitted to us by a correspondent, under the signoture
of " Citizen." Thot question was, whether, in our opin.
ion. Congress possesses the power to abolish slovery in
the District of Colurabia, and if so, what article or clause
of the Constitution confers that power. We have since
received another coraraunication frora fhe same source,
renewing fhe question in a modified form : namely,
whether Congress possesses the [lower to abolish slavery
in the District of Colurabia, without paying io the owners
of the slaves an equivalent in money.
In our opinion, the power of immediate ond uncondi-
tionol obolltlon Is as clear as any other power conferred
on the federal governraent. We consider it given by the
sixteenth section of the oightli clause of the Constitution,
which bestows on Congress the power " to exercise ex-
elusive legislofion, in all cases whatsoever,'' over that
District. Nor do we look upon the final clouse of the
fifth orticle of the araendments, which provides that pri
vate property shall not be token for public use, without a
just compensation, os at all abridging or defining tho

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 233
original substantive power, so far as this question ia con-
cerned. Congress, in the case supposed, would not take
property for the public use.
If we divide tbo ]ilirase, take property for public use,
into throo several ports, each part will siisfoln on orgu
iiicnf to boor out our position. Congress does not " take"
anything ; it is not "' property" which is taken ; and It
is not taken "for ihe public 'use."
In the first place. Congress takes nothing, in the Con-
stitutionol sense. >It merely amends or repeals a law or
institution, under which persons, held to service under a
peculiar tenure, are said to possess a peculiar value as
property. In a limited signification of the terra. Tho
property is tho labour of the slave, and it Is not held
absolutelj', but under certain conditions, imperative on the
masters. Congress, in abolishing slavery, merely changes
those conditions, but takes nothing. It has an unquestion
able constitutional power, in the sarae way, to abolish, in
stantly and wholly, the systera of protective duties. You
raay contend that the hasty exercise of this power would
be a breach of public faith ; and all sudden and violent
changes of legislation, under which capital has been
largely invested, or industry drawn into particulor chan
nels, undoubtedly ore so, to a greater or less extent, ac
cording to the circurastances. But this does not touch
the question of power. You could not contend, with any
show of reason, that such o repeal would bo a violation
of constitutional law. The Suprerae Court would not
set it aside on that ground. Yet, in such a case. Con
gress would take privote property in the sorae sense thot
it would by obolishing the system of involuntory servi
tude In the District of Columbia. It would not, in either
hypothesis, take perperty in the consfitutionol raeaning
of the word. It is within fhe indisputable compe
tency of Congress to abolish the Post Office system, by
20*

234 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
which act a myriad of citizens would be suddenly de
prived of their meana of livelihood. Yet it would take
nothing in the aense of the provision that enjoins tho
rendering a just compeiisolioii. It might change tho
soot of government, by which the luoporty of tho citizens
of Washington ond its neighbourhood would undergo a
vost depreciation, ond, in aome coaea, obsolute annihi-
lolion. Yet still it would take nothing demanding com
pensation. Again, the next branch ofthe phra.so, " projierly," sup
plies the foundation for an equally cogent argument.
The Constitution does not recognize slaves.as property,
in an absolute sense. It does not recognize thera aa
properly, in any sense, in tho District of Columbia. It
recognizes certain rights of masters, in the several states,
in regard to " persons held fo service or labour" under
the laws of such states; but it nowhere gives any coun-
tenonce to the idea that slaves are considered property
in the meaning ofthe term as it is used in the fifth arti
cle of the amendments. The legislative power of Con
gress over the District of Colurabia, " in all coses what
soever," will be readUy adraitted fo be os great as that of
any state legislature over such state. Yet the condi
tions on which slaves are held fo labour, in fhe slove
stofes, is always, both in theory and practice, admitted
to be a matter of legislative regulation. The legislative
authority of every state makes regulations concernino-
the slaves, oil of which have sorae tendency, raore or less,
to Increose or dirainish their volue as mere property.
But the principle that the stofe is bound fo moke com
pensation for any diminished value which may result
frora such rules has never been asserted. Thus, for ex
araple, the number of hours thot o slave shall bo required
to labour is raafter of regulation, in the discretion ofthe
legislature. And if it decrees thot he sholl be compelled

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 235
to labour but six hours where he was before obliged to
labour ten, it obviouslj' dirainishes his value as property.
Yet the right to set up a claim, on this ground, for cora-
pensofion, " for private property taken for public use,"
has never boon asserted. If the legislature may dimin
ish the hours of slave labour to six, it may diminish thera
to three, or two, or one, or nothing. And Congress cer
tainly possesses as great latitude of legislative power
over the ten miles squore which hove been rendered up
to its exclusivo control, " in oil cases whatsoever."
The third division of the phrase, "for public use,"
furnishes as broad o bosis for arguraent. If the slaves
were taken frora their raasters in the District of Colum
bia, to work in the dock-yard, or the arsenal, or on board
the governraent vessels, or in any other way from which
the public would derive tho advantage of their labour,
there might be room fo demand compensation " for pri
vate property taken for public use.'' But if we admit
that they are taken, and fhat they are property, we shall
still deny that they ore taken for public use. They are
not taken, but enfranchised ; and not for the public use,
but for their own; or rother, not for use ot oil, but in
corapliance with on exolted sense of the inollenable rights
of huraanitj'. But again : with regard fo the condition of "just com-
pen.sation." Hero, if driven to tho lost outpost, wc have
still the raoons of making a successful stand. Congress
connot, in the nature of things, abolish slavery in the
District of Columbia, without rendering coinpensotion ;
ond that it would be a full equivalent the slaveholders are
themselves ready enough fo raaintain, when the arguraent
answers thoir purpose. AVhilo slaves ore held to service,
raostcrs aro bound to support thom. They ore bound to
support thom in health and sickness alike, in infancy and
age, in fhe vigour of their strength, and in the feebleness

236 POLITICAL w;ritings op
of decrepitude. This, as we often hear boastfuUy averred,
is raore than adequate corapensation for their services.
Southern orators are fond of expatiating on the orcodian
condition of their blacks, whose lives ore past under a
patriarchol systera, whose wonts are supplied without any
solicitude on their part, to whom the vicissitudes of the
seasons and the storras of state bring no anxiety, and
whose hearts, free from corroding cares, may be yielded
wholly up to happiness. The laws impose afl the du
ties of protection and maintenance on the masters,
who, in that form, aUcge that they pay, for the services
they receive, more than could be earned by any other
mode of requiting them. If this is true — and if ia on ar
guraent which is in every slaveholder's mouth, urged with
all the fervour of conviction — then Congress, by abolish
ing the relation which now exists, would, in releasing
masters frora their obligations, yield more than " a just
compensation for private properly taken for public use."
Thus, in whatever light we view fhis question, aa
limited by the laat inquiry of our correspondent, we
corae to an affirraaflve conclusion with respect to fhe
power of Congress over the subject of slavery in the
District of Columbia. We are of opinion, notwithstand
ing, aa we before atated, that a careful considerofion of
expediency, in the most exalted meaning of the word,
would restrain Ihof body frora fhe iraraediate exercise of
its powers, in the respect in question. As this, however,
is a branch of fhe subject not erabraced In flie Interroga
tory of our querist, we shall not pursue it at the present
time.

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 237

TIIE RETIREMENT OF ANDREW JACKSON.
[From the Plaindealer, March 4, 1837.]
This day the administration of Andrevv Jackson ex
pires. This day completes a period that will shine in
American history with raore inherent and undying lustre,
than anj' other which fhe chronicler has yet recorded, or
which perhaps will ever form a portion of our country's
annals. How fuU of great events, greatly met, and conducted
to great issues, hove been the eight litfle years which
have now elapsed since Andrevv Jackson wos suraraoned
to the helm of state ! Equal fo every exigency ; animat
ed by a single and strong desire fo proraote the true inte
rests of his country and of mankind ; possessed of firra
ness which no danger could shake, and sagacity which
no artifice could delude, how admirably bo has discharg
ed his momentous trust ! The inflexible honesty, the In
trepid heroisra, ond tho ardent love of country, which
distinguish his character, have been erainently displayed
in all the various and difficult events of his loftv career.
That career Is now drawing fo a close, and he retires to
spend the brief reraainder of his existence in tho seclu
sion of private lifo. Ho is accompanied by the benisons
of a grateful people, and the plaudits of an admiring
world. For a little while longer, the clouds of prejudice, which
forever brood over the field of party conffict, raay obscure
frora the vision of sorae, stUl battling beneath thera, fhe
transcendent lustre of this heroic raan's character ; but
the day is at hand when his farae, composed in an extra
ordinary degree of all the best eleraents of greatness, will
be acknowledged by every tongue, ond wake emotions
of gratitude in eyery heart. The charapion of equal

238 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
liberty, how constant, how earnest, how successful, have
been his efforts In that high object of political achieve
ment ! By him have been established landmarks of po
pular rights which will stand as guides for the legislation
of ages. By him, the tide of aristocratic innovation,
which was sflenfly washing away the basis of our politi
cal fabric, has been turned back to its source, and stayed
by on impassable barrier. Schemes of legislation, which,
under delusive names wore slowly and surely changing flie
character of our govornmciit, hove by him been over-
thrown. Improvident and corrupting expenditures have
been arrested. An institution, which had struck its
poisonous shoots into every state of the Confederacy,
and was fast consolidating our system of sovereignties
into an unmingled mass of erapire, to become the prey of
unbridled ambition, has been lopped from the republic,
and cast prone upon the earth.
In retiring from public life, Andrew Jackson leaves
his government at a pinnacle of democratic greatness
which renders it the gaze and wonder of the world. He
found it involved in debt ; he leaves it with a redundant
treasury. He found it engaged in complicated negotia
tions with foreign powers ; he leaves it with all conflict
ing clairas adjusted, all entangled questions dlainfricofod,
and all long protracted obligations fulfilled. Steadily
adhering fo fhat simple and sublime rule of national con
duct, which he proclaimed at the outset, to ask nothing
that is not clearly right, and submit fo nothing that is
wrong, the direct and manly character of Araerican
diplomacy, stamped with his own impress, has won the
undisguised respect of all the cabinets of Europe.
Already do those who survey our country from a point
of distance fhat gives to their judgraent something of the
calraness and impartiahty which will distinguish that of
posterity, assign to Andrew Jackson a high place among

WILLIAMLEGGBTT. 239
those who stand highest on fhe records of fame. To that
list which comprises the naraes of thoso few most
illustrious of men, whom all raankind admire for their
obllitics and revere for their virtues, who attract regard
by tho splendour of their acbiovemoiits and rivet il by tbo
exalted purity of their motives and conduct ; to that list,
when fhe voice of both porly detraction and praise, and
the last echo of political or personal enmity or friendship
shall long have passed away will the future historian odd
the norae of Andrew Jackson. Whfle intrepid bravery,
earnest patriotism, keen sagacity, nice honour, inexora
ble honesty, and invincible firmness, are qualifies to
attract regard, so long wUl posterity treasure that name,
and repeat if fo their children, to woken emulation in their
youthful rainds.
The time is post when eulogy could be stigmotlzed as
fhe fulsorae cloraour of disiembling selfishness; audit
has just begun, when the voice of sincere praise, no
longer hushed by fhe dread of ungenerous imputation,
wdl speak out, louder and louder, tlU it swells into one
universal and enduring acclaim, constituting " the ap
plause of ages."

DIGNITY OF THE PRESS.
[From the Plaindealer, March 4, 183ff.]
" Your paper should toke a more dignified stand ;
and not condescend to notice the assaults ofthe degraded
penny press. The price of your journal is such that it
is taken only by reoders of the more intelligent classes ;
readers who despise the vulgority of the penny newspa
pers, and who have cause to feel themselves affronted
when you give so large a space, or any space, indeed, to

240 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
a refutation of their absurdities. It seems to mc, that
a proper respect for your own dignity, as weU as o proper
respect for those into whose hands your lucubrations
chloffy full, ought lo rostrain you from giving additional
circulation to the liasli of the rainor prints, which oro
suited only fo the taste and capacities of fhe lower classes
of people." — Extract from a letter to ihe Editor ofthe
Plaindealer. The adraonitions of our correspondent seem lo us to
proceed frora a very narrow and incorrect view of the
subject on, which ho touches. The real dignity of a pub
lic journal is fo consult the dignity of truth ; and its
proper object to exercise whatever influence it may
possess to advance the cause of public morals. The pen
ny newapapers, with a single exception, will bear a very
favourable comparison with those of higher prices ; and
surely the mere circumstance of cheapness ought not to ex
clude them from fhe pole of honouroble controversy. The
small sum ot vvhich Ihey are afforded doea not diminiah
their dignity, but increases it ; hecause it enlarges the
sphere of their circulation, and, in the same proportion,
augments their opportunity of usefulness. There are
but few vocations, indeed, of superior elevation ond
importonce, to that of the conductor of a penny print. If
animated with o due sense of fhe responsibility of hia
office, ond poasessed of sufficient intelligence, integrity,
ond firmness, for the adequate discharge of its functions.
It is not true fhat his labours are confined to " the lower
classes,'' and it is no arguraent against them If they were.
Persons in oU the grodotions of society rood those news
papers. You will find them on the merchant's desk ond
the lawyer's fable, on the tradesman's counter and fhe
mechanic's shopboard. They penetrate into the library
pf the divine, and the closet of the retired student. Go
where you may, you will discover that they have pre-

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 241
ceded you. You meet them in the manalona of the rich,
and the hovela of the Indigent. You encounter them
in stages and on board of steamboats ; they salute you
at the landing-places, and you find tbem in every tavern
sprinkled along the rood. One of the penny popera, we
observe, clairas a doily circulation of thirty thousand
copies. If vve ollow that there are frora three to four
readers to every copy, which is a moderate estimate, we
find, then, that fhe conductor of that print daily addresses
himself fo tho minds, and, if he conducts his vocation with
tolerable ability and integrity, exercises a large influence
in forming the opinions and guiding the conduct, of a
hundred thouaand fellow-beings ! Ia thia a vocation with-
out dignity ?
But it does not need that we should revert to the state
ments ofthe penny papers with regard to the prodigious
extent of their circulation, when the proofs of it obtrude
themselves upon our attention at every step. And we
are not of those who repine at this, but rejoice at it.
We are not of those, either, who sneer at the penny
press ; but are disposed to meet it on equal terms, and,
by answering ita arguments with fhe same courtesy, and
by detecting and exposing what may seem to ua its falla-
eics, with the sarao moderation and core, thot we should
exercise towards any of tho larger papers, or towards
Qhy, other antagonist, do what belongs fo us fo raise
and refine the character of a means of public intelli
gence, the importance of whichcan hardly be over
rated. We consider the establishment of the penny
newspaper press as forming a new era in , the history
of civilization ; and we anticipate from it vast benefits to
mankind. If it were true that the readers of the penny newspa
pers are chiefly confined to what our correspondent
chooses to term the " lower classes," it would be a argu-
Voi. II.— 21

242 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
raent, not against thera, but in their favour. Those who
come within the embroce of thot exotic phrase are an
imraense raajority of fhe American people. It includes
all the honest and labouring poor. It includes those
whose suffrages decide the principles of our government ;
on whose conduct rests the reputation of our country ;
and whose mere breath Is fhe tenure by which vve hold
all our dearest political, religious, and social rights.
How ineffably important it is, then, that the intelligence
of these "lower classes" should be cultivated; that their
moral sense should be quickened ; and thot they should
have the raeans within their reach of learning the cur
rent history of the tiraes, of observing the measures of
their public servants, and of becoming prepared to exer
cise vvith wisdora the most momentous privilege of free
men. Th s great desideratum the penny press supplies,
not as well and thoroughly, perhapa, aa the philanthro
pist could wish, but fo auch a degree as to be necessarily
productive of imraense benefit to aociety. It communi
cates knowledge to thoae who had no meana of acquiring
it. It calls into exercise minda that before rusted un
used. It elevates vast nurabers of raen from the abject-
nesa of mere animal condition, to the nobler station of
intelligent beings. If usefulness constitutes the true
measure of dignity, the penny press deserves pre-emi
nence, as well on account ofthe character of its readers,
as the extent of its circulation. He who addresses him
self fo inteUigent and cultivated minds, has a critic in
each reader, and the influence of his opinions must ne
cessarily be circumscribed. But he who addresses him
self to the maaa of fhe people, haa readers whose opin
ions are yet fo be formed ; whose minds are ductile and
open to new impressions, and whose iutellectuol charac
ters he, in some measure, raoulds. He becomes the
thinker, in fact, for a vast number of his fellow-beings.

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 243
His mind tranfuses itself through many bodies. His
Btation render^ him, not an individual, but a host ; not
one, but legion. Is this not a vocation of inherent dig
nity ? — to address, daily, myriads of men, not in words
that fall on cold and inoffentive ears, ond are scarce
heard, to be Immediately forgotton ; but in language
clothed with all that undefinable influence which typo
graphy possesses over oral communication, and claiming
attention, not in the hurry of business, or admidat the
distractions of a crowded assemblage, but when the
thoughts hove leisure to concentrate themselves upon if,
and follow the writer in all the windings of his argu
ment. If fhe censures were well founded which are lavished
on " the vile penny press," as some of the larger papers
are prone to term their cheaper rivals, they should but
provoke miuds governed by right principles to a raore
earnest endeavour lo reform fhe character of an instru
ment, which must be powerful, either for evil or for
good. That they are so vile we do not admit We
have found, ourselvea, honourable and courteous antago
nists among them ; and if thoso who apply to thera the
harshest epithets, would treat them instead, with respect
ful consideration, copying from their columns as readily
as from those of other journals, when intrinsic circum
stances presented no particular motive of preference, and
contesting their errors of opinion on terras of equal con
troversy, they would do far more towards raising the
character and increasing tho usefulness of that important
branch of popular literature, than general and sweeping
conderanation can possibly do to degrade it. For our
selves, professing that our raain object is fo promote
the cause of truth in politica and morals, we should con
sider ourselves acting with palpable Inconsistency, if
we were governed, in any degree, by so narrow a princi.

^44 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
pie of exclusion as that which our correspondent recom
mends. That newspaper best consults its real dignity
which never loses sight of Ihe dignify of truth, nor ovoids
any opportunity of extending ifs influence.

LEGISLATIVE INDEMNITY FOR LOSSES
FROM MOBS.
[Fro7n the Plaindealer, March 4, 1837.]
The late disgrfvceful riot in this city has been followed
by its natural consequence : impaired confidence in tho
security of private right in this coraraunity. Persons at
a distance, having commercial relations with ua, are
fearful of fruating their property within the reach of men,
who have shown themselves so regardless of the first
principles of social order, and so little apprehensive of
municipal opposition. The owners of flour and grain,
in particular, ond of other artlclea of audi universal daily
consumption aa to be claased among the neceaaarics of
life, hesitate to send them to a city where they may be
seized, on their arrival, by an infuriated mob, and scat
tered to the winds of heaven. The result of this raust
inevitably be an exacerbation of the misery which the
poor now experience. Prices, exorbitant as Ihey are,
must rise to a still higher pitch, as the supply, receiving
no augmentations from abroad, becomes less and less
adequate to the demand. And those miserable creatures,
who, in their delusion, thought to overthrow the immu
table laws of trade, and effect, by a sudden outbreak of
tumultuary violence, what no force of compulsion, how
ever organised and obstinate, could possibly accoraplish,
will be araong the very first to reap the fruit of their
folly : for, as fhey are araong the very poorest merabera
ofthe coraraunity, any additional advance in the price of

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 245
flour must put it wholly beyond their meons. Thus even
bonded juatice coraraends to their own lips the chalice
they had drugged for others.
One of the evidences of the consternation which the
recent tumult has occasioned in fhe minds of persons
having commercial dealings with this city, particularly
in articles of necessary food, is shown in the terms of a
memorial which the manufacturers of flour in Rochester
have addressed to the Legislature, praying for the enact
ment of a law to protect their property in New- York
from the destroying fury of mobs.
It is signed by eighteen flour manufacturing firms of
Rochester. The trepidation and anxiety which it be
trays on the part of all concerned in the flour trade of
that city, may servo to show what must be the general
feeling throughout tho country, and what must be ifs ne
cessary consequence in withholding from us a further
supply of flour, thus inevitably increasing the burden of
which we now coraplain. But while we copy this me
morial, for the lesson it furnishes to those who seek to re
form legislative abuses, or to relieve themselves from op.
pressive burdens, by tumultuary violence, we raust not suf
fer it to be inferred that we approve the object of its
prayer. The power which the legislature is asked to exercise
seems fo us to lie beyond the proper province of govern.
ment. The legitimate functions of a deraocratic govern.
ment are siraply to protect the citizens in life and pro
perty, not to provide indemnification for the losa of either.
The government Is the mere representative or agent of
the coraraunity, appointed to guard the rights of each
individual, by protecting him from the oggreaaions of
others. This duty includes the defending of him from
aggression, in the first place, and the punishing of those
who commit it, in tho second. But it does not extend to
21*

246 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
the punishment of an entire coraraunity for the offences
committed by an inconsiderable portion, which is the po
sition ossumcd by the Rochester pctltionera. It is one of
the first ond most obvious duties of society, in the outset
of its political organization, to raake provision for the de
fence of the rights of Ita raembera, in whatever form of
violence they may be assailed. The legisktive agenta of
each community, in the discharge of this duty, make
auch proviaiona, aa the general circumatancea ofthe timea,
and the particular circumatances which lie within their
own jurisdiction, moy seem to require. Thus, while in
thinly inhobited townahlps a few guardians of the peace,
clothed with the simplest powera, are sufficient, in cities
an extensive and complicated system of defence ia found
to be necesaary. Guardians ofthe nighf, and guardiana
of the day, on organized force to protect property from
conflagration, and an armed force fo protect both life and
property from riot and insurrection, are necessary in
every populous town, requiring to be extended and modi
fied, according to fhe increase of numbers, or the deterio
ration of morals. The principle of self-preservation
gives rise to these precautionary ond defensive measures,
in the first ploce, and fhe same principle, ever active,
demands that they shall bp enlarged and improved, from
time to time, aa new exigenciea arise. If anything oc
curs to show that the municipal authorities of any com
munity are deficient in requisite vigilance, energy, or
power, their deficiency is a proper subject of complaint ;
and all who are aggrieved, whose rights are in any way
invaded or jeoparded through such remissness, have un
questionable ground of petition or remonstrance to a
higher legislative tribunal. But no tribunal in fliis coun
try, under fhe maxims which we acknowledge aa the
foundotion of our political edifice, has the power to inffict
the penalties Incurred by a few ruffians, concerned in a

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 247
violation of private right, on those who not only had no
share in fhe offence, but who perhaps exerted theraselves
to the utmost to prevent it. This would be in dereliction
ofthe plainest principles of natural justice.
Let us suppose a case. A person, residing at the Bat
tery, by some unguarded speech or action, gives offence
to a particular class of persons living in his immediate
neighbourhood. The cause of umbrage is reported from
one to another, with the natural exaggerations of anger.
Bad possions are aroused, and some inffamraatory deraa-
gogue seizes the occasion — perhapa for the gratification
of private malice, or perhapa for the opportunity of plun
der — to excite the irritated multitude to acts of violence.
They rush to the house of the unconscious offender.
Their numbers ore rapidly augmented by additions from
the crowd of such persons aa are ever ready to take part
in tumult. Theu ahouls and cries, echoed frora one to
another, are as fuel to fire, and increase the fury of their
.exasperation. They attack the property of him who is
the object of their ire, demolish his store-house or dwel-
Ung, break its contents into fragments, and scatter theni
in the streets, or consume them in flames. In the mean.
while the public authorities, informed of the tumult,
hasten to the scene. They are joined by numerous
bodies of good citizens, desirous to aid them in the Sup
pression of disorder ; and, in a little while, but not before
the work of destruction is corapleted, the riot is auppresa-
ed, and the chief actora in it apprehended, and commit
ted to safe custody for trial and punishraent. But thia
whole event, from first to last, has occurred, before the
tidings can reach other extremes of the metropolis. The
citizen at Bloomingdale or Harlem is quiefly pursuing his
vocation, unconscious of the disorders which disturb the
coraraunity at another point of the city. Yet the legis
lation asked for by the petitioners of Rochester would

248 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
make him responsible for flie crimes of others, with which
he not only had no participation, but which, could he
have known they were meditated, he would have exerted
himself with the utmost zeal and dUigence to prevent.
He would have done so, not only frora o sentiment of phi
lanthropy, but from a raotive of self-preservation ; aa
one whose Individual rights were exposed to simflar haz
ard ; as a portion ofthe body politic, which must always
suffer, when it shows itself incompetent to protect ita in
dividual members from outrage.
The principle involved in thia Rochester memorial
might, with equal propriety, be extended fo embrace in
demnity for losses sustained in consequence of individual
outrages. It is no less the duty of a community to pro
tect the property of citizens from fhe attacks of single
ruffians, than from those of ruflians in numbers. If the
flour manufacturers of Rochester had visited thia city to
receive payment from their agent whose store-house was
attacked, and If the wretch, who dincted the attention
of an excited multitude to that store-house, had, instead,
chosen to waylay those manufacturers singly, and, assail
ing them wilh a bludgeon, forced them to surrender the
proceeds of their merchandise, it seeraa to us that they
would have equal ground for a petition to the legislature,
asking for a law to compel the city of New-York to in-
deranify them for the amount of which they had been
robbed. The principle of indemnity ia not included in
the principle of protection. Protection ison obvious duty
of huraanity, as well as an obvious measure of self-pre
servation ; but the claim for indemnification as obviously
rests on the unjust and arbitrary principle that the good
should be punished for fhe crimes of the bad, and the
weak for the outrages of the strong. Is there any reason,
in natural juatice, that the lone widow, frugally living, in
some obscure corner of this city, on the slender meana

WILLIAM LBGGBTT, 249
picked up by perpetual Industry, ahould be burdened with
a tax to compensate the flour merchant of Rochester for
his losses from an outrage of which she could have had
no knowledge, and over which she could exercise no con
trol ? Is there any reason why any person in this city,
not implicated in the transaction, should be punished in
the way proposed, that does not apply as strongly to
every inhabitant of the stato ? If this community, in
its corporate capacity did not exercise due vigilance and
energy to prevent the riot in question, and protect the
property destroyed, it may be that there is good ground
for an action for damages ; but there ia surely none for
a law to punish the entire community in all cases, whe
ther the outrage was within or beyond municipal control.
The principles which should guide legislation are
always reducible to the simplest eleraents of natural
justice. The code for the government of a community
of throe hundred thouaand persons ahould stand on the
same baaia of clear undeniable right, with that which
would be inatltuted for a community of only three. If
A, B, and C, enter info a social compact, A is clearly
bound to assist B, against any violation of hia rights
attempted by C. But if before A can render assistance,
or in spite of it, C succeeds in rifling the property of B,
and escapes with it, or destroys it, any claim which might
then be aet up by B, for inderanity from A, would be so
clearly without foundation in justice, as to shock the
natural moral sense of all the rest of the alphabet, sup
posing them living by themselves, in aii entirely distinct
community. The Journal of Commerce, we perceive, expresses ap,
probation ofthe object ofthe memorial we have copied.
It pronounces the plan "a good one," and thinks "it
should be made general, applying to all property, and to
all the cities and towns in the state." We cannot think

250 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
the Journal of Commerce has given Its usual attention to
this subject ; though this is not the first time it has
shown a willingnesa to strengthen government at the ex
pense of men's equal and inalienable rights.

COMMENCEMENT OF THE ADMINISTRATION
OF MARTIN VAN BUREN.
[Fro7n the Plaindealer, March 11, 1837.]
The inougurofion of Martin Van Buren, as President
of the United Stafes took place at the Capitol, in Wash
ington, on Saturday last, at noon. The day was serene
and temperate, and tbe simple and august ceremonial was
performed in the presence of assembled thousands. Mr.
Van Buren delivered an Inaugural Address on the occasion,
which, probably, most ofour readers have already perused,
but which, as a portion of the history of the times we in
sert in our paper. It is longer than the Inaugural Ad
dress of his Imraediate predecessor, bul doea not contain a
tithe part of ita pith. It professes to be an avowal of the
principles by vvhich the new President intenda to bo guid
ed in his adrainistration of the government ; but with the
single exception ofthe principle of opposition to the abo
lition of slavery in the Distriot of Columbia, which it ex.
presses with raost uncalled for and unbecoming haafe and
posifiveness, he raight, wilh as much propriety, have sung
Yankee Doodle or Hail Columbia, and called it " an avow
al of his principles." With the exception of that Inde.
corous announcement of a predetermination to exercise
his veto against any measure of abolition which Congress
may possibly think proper to adopt during the next four
years, the address contains no expression of political prin
ciples whatever. It gives a correct and pleasing account
of the formation of the federal compact, and expatiates

WILLIAM LBOCBTT. 251
with conslderoble fervour ond eloquence on the value and
importance of preserving fhe Union. It concludes with
a slotcmenf, in general terms, that Mr. Van Bui-en in
tends to adhere strictly to fhe letter and spirit of of the Con-
Bfitution ; but as fhis is a duty imposed upon him, in tho
most explicit raanner, by fhe terms of his oath of office, it
cannot be considered of any weight as a separate avowal
of the principles by which he will be guided. The ad
dress, therefore, os an avowol of guiding principles — save
only the principle of extreme opposition, under aU pos
sible circumstances, fo the abolition bf slavery — is little
better than a nonentity, ftlr. Van Buron commences his
administration as a man of a single principle.
One ofthe administration journals of this city, the Even
ing Post, excuses the vagueness of Mr. Van Buren's ad
dress, on the ground fhat an inaugural speech does not
present an occasion for the proposal and discussion of par
ticular measures which, it thinks, are more properly re
served for an annual message to Congress. We ahould
acquiesce in the justice of this remark, if Mr. Van Buren
had not himself put this address before his countrymen as
" an avowal of his principles ;" but having done so, we are
compelled to try It by the standard he has furnished. Tha
Evening Post further says, that for aught it can see, Mr.
Van Buren " has laid down the general rules by which he
intends to be guided with as much particularity and dis
tinctness aa any of his predecessors." We are afraid fhe
Evening Post, at the tirae of making this remark, had nei
ther the inaugural speech of Jefferson nor that of Jack-
eon within the sphere of its vision.
But it is not so much for what it has omitted to say,
as for what it says, that we feel disaatisfactlon with this
inaugural addreas. We dislike exceedingly both the tone
and spirit of ita remarka on the subject of slavery. On

352 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
that one topic, there is, indeed, no want but a supera
bundance of " particularity and distinctness." Mr. Van
Buren ia the first President ofthe United States who. In
assuming that office, has held up hia veto power, in terro
rem, fo the world, and announced a fixed predetermina
tion fo exercise jt on a particular subject, no matter what
changes might take place in public opinion, or what events
may occur to modify the question on which hia imperial
will ia thua dictafoiially announced.
Nothing but tho clearest warrant of constitutional obli
gation could excuse this precipitafe expression of a deter
mination to exercise a power lodged in the executive, not
for the purpose of holding it up to Intimidate a co-ordi
nate branch of the government, and restrain it from the
freest exercise of its functions ; but for the better purpose
of being discreetly used, in the last event, after a subject
had undergone all the Investigation and discussion that
might be deeraed necessary as preparatory to legislative
action, uninfluenced by any preraonitiun or threat from
the executive department of government. For Mr. Van
Buren, standing on the threshold of his administration,
to announce to the world that he will veto any bill which
Congress may pass on a particular subject, is as gross a
breach of public decorum, and aa violent a atretch of his
proper duties, as it would be for the Supreme Court to pass
a solemn resolution, declaring that if Congress enacted
such or such a law, they would pronounce it unconstitution
al, and set it aside accordingly, the moment any question
under it should come before them for adjudication. The
illustrious man who haa juat retired from the office of Chief
Magistrate has not hesitated fo exercise his constitutional
negative, whenever called to do so by a sense of duty ; but,
dictator as he haa been freely termed by hia opponenta, he
never so far transcended the obvious bounds of political

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 253
propriety, as to announce to the people, in advance, that
he raeont to uae that power in a supposititloua cose.
Nothing, wo repeot, but the cleoreat warrant of conati-
tufional obligation could possibly excuse the step which
Mr. Van Buren haa thought proper to adopt. Is any such
warrant alleged? Does the address state any clear con
stitutional interdiction of a legislative power in Congress
over slavery in the District of Colurabia ? Does Mr. Van
Buren venture lo affirm that such a law aa he declares
his intention of vetoing would be o violation of any arti
cle or clause in the federal compact ? No ! he believes
thot such a course will be " in accordance with the spirit
which actuated the venerated fathers of fhe republic," but
does not pretend that such a spirit hos made itself palpa
ble and unequivocal In any ofthe written provisions ofthe
instrument which he has sworn to maintain. If this early
announcement of his intentions with regard to one sub
ject which, if raised, he is determined to exorcise with the
spell ofthe veto, is justifiable, why not carry out fhe new
scheme of governraent, and favour the world with a full list
of topics, on which Congress must not act without the fear
of the President's negative before thoir eyes 7 It raight
save much fruitleaa legislation to have the predetermina
tion ofthe executive formally raade known on all questions
of legialation ; but without such an avowal of fhem, con
jecture may go vvidely astray, since there is no other
very certain mode of ascertaining whot is not, in Mr. Von
Buren's belief, according fo " fhe spirit which actuated the
venerated fathers of the republic."
When a President announces that fhe letter of the Con.
stitution ahall be hia guide of public conduct'; when he
takes as his rule of action o strict construction ofthe ex-
press provisions of that instrument, we may forra sorae to.
ierable notion of what wUI be hia course. But when he
undertakes to steer by the uncertain light ofthe spirit, we
Vol. IL— 22

254 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
are tossed about on a soa of vague conjecture, and left to
the raercy of winds and waves. Homilton was guided
by the spirit in proposing the first federol bank ; but Jef
ferson adhered to the letter in hia arguraent against that
evil scherae. The high tariff systera clairas for its pater
nity the spirit of the Constitution ; but the advocates
of a plan of equal taxation, adjusted to the actual wants
of the government, find their warrant in the letter. The
infernal improvement system, the comproraise system, the
distribution system, and every other unequal and aristo
cratic system which has been adopted In our country, all
claim to spring frora the spirit of the Constitution ; but
Andrew Jackson found in the letter of that instruraent his
rule of conduct, and it was fondly hoped that his succes
sor meant to emulate hia example. Appearancea now
authorize a fear of the contrary. The first step is cer
tainly a deviation from fhe path.
Mr. Van Buren's indecent haste to avow hia predeter-
minations on the aubject of slavery has not even the merit
of boldness. It is made in a cringing spirit of propitia
tion to the south, and in the certainty that a mojority at
the north accord with his views. His sentiments on the
subject of slavery, so for as it can become a question for
federal legislation, were well understood before. They
had been distincfly expressed, and he had been supported
with a cleor knowledge of his opinions on that topic, and
a clear apprehension of what would in all probability be
his course, should executive action becorae necessary.
There was not the slightest proper occasion, therefore, for
anything, beyond a calm repetition of his previously ex
pressed sentiments. The Veto Pledge ia fhe peace-offer
ing of an ignoble spirit to appease the exasperated slave
holders af the south. What a raockery it would now be,
if. In the course of fhe next four years, such a change
should take place in fhe public mind (and such a clionge

WILLIAM LKOGETT. 255
is clearly within the scope of possibility) as that a large
majority ofthe people should demand the abolitionof slave.
ry at the seat of the federal government, and Congress,
in compliance with the deraand, should pass a bill lo that
effect — what a mockery, we say, it would be, to present
the measure to fhe President for hia approval. He would
answer, " I am pledged to use my veto." But the ojiin.
ions of men have changed since that pledge waa given.
" No matter : it was unconditional, and must be fulfilled."
But the facts elicited in the discussion ofthe subject prove
incontestibly that the measure is demanded by a regard
for the prosperity of the country. " No matter : I am
pledged." But the free states have soleranly resolved
that they will no longer be bound in union with the slave
statea, if fhe condition ofthe league requires fhe perpetu.
ation of slavery in fhe ten mfles square placed under fhe
executive control of the federal governraent, and therfore
this measure is necessary for the preservation ofthe union.
" No matter : I am pledged. I am pursuing a course in
accordance with the spirit which actuated the venerated
fathers of the republic, and I cannot be raoved from my
fixed and predetermined purpose. I told fhe people
in the outset of my adrainistration what I meant to do.
They had oraple warning, and ought not to have changed
their minds, for, being soleranly pledged to veto any bill
for the abolition of slovery in the District of Columbia, I
cannot now recede."
There Is a single phrase In the anfl-obolition portion of
Mr. Van Buren's address upon which we shall make one
additional comment, and then dismiss the subject. Allu
ding to the pro-slavery mobs and riots which have taken
place in various parts of fhe country, he says, " a reck.
less disregard of the consequences of their conduct has
exposed individuols to populor indignofion." This Is an
adrairable version of the matter. The issuing of a tem-

256 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
perate and decorous newapaper, in which a question of
great public moraent was gravely discussed, showed, be.
yond oil question, a most " reckless disregard of conse
quences," deserving tho harshest rebuke ; and the con
duct of Ibe mob that broke up the press, demolished the
house vvhich contained it, and shockingly moltreofed the
person of the editor, was merely a natural and justifiable
expression of" popular indignation." They who thought
the Conslifufion vouchsafed lo them the freedom of speech
and of the press, were criminal fo act under that singu
lar delusion ; whfle they who dragged these atrocious men
from fhe sanctuaries of God, from their firesides and frora
the pulpit, pelted them with stones, tore their garments
from their limbs, steeped them in seething lar, and heap
ed all raanner of injuries on their defenceless heads — these
men were " true friends ofthe Constitution," and anima
ted by " the spirit which actuated the venerated fathers
of the republic." Mr. Van Buren does not say so in ex
press terms ; but he alludes fo their atrocities in language
ao soft and sugary, as to sound alraost like positive appro.
val. On the whole, we consider this Inaugural Address as
constituting a page of Mr. Van Buren's history which
will reflect no credit upon him in after limes.

TIIE THEATRE.
[Fro7n ihe Plaindealer, March 11, 1837.]
A CORRESPONDENT, for whoso motivos and Intelligence
we have great respect, has addressed a letter to us on
the subject of theatres, from which we make the annexed
extracts. " I wish the expression of your opinion in regard to our

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 257
present theatrical establishments. In alluding to thera,
however, I trust I shall not be misunderstood. Although,
as a professed christian minister, my opinions of the
stage may be supposed to be weighed, like the purchases
of old, by the unalterable shekcia of the sanctuary, yet I
solemnly assure you that I am not moved by the im
pulses of jealousy or revenge. Somo years of my early
life were spent in connexion with the stage, but though
I saw thinga behind the scenes which led me, in ray bet
ter moraents, to think raore and raore of the truth thot
practice ond precept do not olwoys go bond In bond to
gether, j'ct I con conscientiously say, if the theatre, as
now conducted, is capable of doing good, heaven grant
it may ! I wish your ansvver to these few questions.
" 1. Hos nof the fheotre been originofed, and generally
sustained, by the bad passions of mankind ?
" 2. Have not nine out of fen of the stars in the firma-
ment of the stage been persons of questionable moral
character ?
"3. Have not the pleasures afforded by fhe play-house
been raore than counterbalanced by the evils of late hours
and intense nervous exciteraent ?
" 4. Have not many of the popular fumults,in all ages,
been engendered in the heat and unthinking enthusiasm
of a theatrical audience ?
" 5. Have not the idleness and expense attending the
theatre been ever a source of unpleasant reflection to ita
more thoughtful devotees ?
"6. ftllght not the redeeming spirits of the stage, such
as Forrest, and others, accomplish more for fhe benefit
and rational amusement of mankind in methods of action
less exceptionable than the theatre ?
" 7. Is it nof better, therefore, for real iiafriofs to en
courage the theatre, as it is, to a smaller extent, and use
ful lectures and publications more ?
22*

258

POLITICAL WRITINGS OP

" I am aware that these questiona may seem to yoil
crude and common-place ; but I write under the pressure
of extensive pastoral engagements. My only object ia
truth. I respect genius every whore, nof tho less bccau.40
it ' walks ill beauty' on the boards of tho theatre, pro
viding it ia serving the great end of society — 'the great
est good of the greatest number.' "
To reply to the Interrogatories of our querist with that
fulness of discussion to which we feel invited by the na-
ture of the subject, and the wide scope embraced in hia
queations, would require greater space than is left at our
disposal by the other mafters which crowd the colurans of
our present number. We shall therefore make our ira
medlate anawer as brief as possible, and reserve a more
ample consideration of fhe subject for a season when
legislative proceedings, and the various topics they fur
nish for comment, shall no longer press their paramount
claims upon our attention.
The nature and tendency of theatrical exhibitions are
subjects on which we had mofurely reflected, before we
resolved to devote one of the departments of this paper
exclusively to the drama. That there are some very
great and deplorable evils connected with the theatre, ia
a fact ofthe utmoat notoriety ; but these we consider, not
inherent, but extrinsic ; while the good that belongs to
it is essential, and, in our view, even as now conducted,
far more than counterbalances the bad. But if we admit
that the preponderance lies the other way, if would still
seem to us the province of true wiadom, rather to seek to
defecate the theatre ofthe irapurifies which have collected
there, and reraove the unwholesorae excrescences which
licentious custora has engrafted upon it, than to apply
the axe to the root, and ovefthrow utterly what, in ifs
original and inherent nature, contains abundanUy the
elements of goodly fruit.

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 259
The mere fact of the exiatence of adventifloua abuses
never furnishes a cogent argument for the abandonment
of objects worthy in themselves, unless it can be shown
that tho supervenient evil has become so closely and
thoroughly incorporated with them, as to be inseparable,
without greater cost of effort than is justified by the na
ture of the end to be achieved. That thia is not so with
regard to the theatres ia a position too plain to need that
it should be very elaborately enforced. No writer and
no combination of writers, no matter how highly gifted
with talent, and how strongly animated with enthusiasm
in the undertaking, could hope to overthrow them utterly.
They might possibly succeed in casting so much tempo
rary odium upon them, as to deter the better portion of
society frora partaking the arausements they afford ; but
in so doing they would but remove a check that now
counteracts the downward tendency which the theatre
partakes with all human institutions, and thus increase
the evil of histrionic exhibitions fo that portion of the
coraraunity on whose minds and conduct the acted ex
araples of the stage exercise fhe strongest inffuence, and
for whose sake It is raost desirable that the theatre should
be a school of morals, as well as a place of mere Innocent
dissipation. To reform the theatre ; to oblige managers fo exclude
from the audience those who come unblushingly in the
open character of prostitution, and to expel frora tho
scene those lascivious and indecent spectacles, for which
the great moral lessons of Shakspeare are often thrust
aside : these are objects perfecfly within the reach of
public opinion ; and fo fhe accoraplishraent of these,
therefore, it becomes a duty of the press fo exert ifs en
ergies. Such, at least, are the general views which we
entertained and expressed in the outset of the Plain-
dealer ; and we have met with nothing since fo show us

260 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
they are incorrect. If we have been remiss in the exe
cution of that branch of our duty, the deficiency must
be imputed to broken health, which for tho most part
disinclinea ua to mix with crowds ond broothe the close
atmosphere they create. Rightly conducted, there is no
deportment of this journal which we could hope might
prove to be the instrument of more good, than that in
which we offer these remarks ; for we think so well of tho
moral sense of this community, as f o believe fhat It raight
be (fficiently aroused against the more prominent evfls
connected wilh tho theatres, even by so feeble an advo
cate aa ouraelvea. The subject raight easUy be pre
sented to the attention of fathers and mothers, and of
husbands and brothers, in such a way, as to awaken in
them a spirit which would not be satisfied, short of the
total expulsion of lascivious dancers from the stage, and
painted strumpets, in the undisguised chorocter of hor-
lotry, from the boxes. Our confidence in the moral sense
ofthe coraraunity, as it relates to theatres, is strengthened
by the ill success which has attended a late experiraent
upon Its depravity. That audacity of licentiousness
which the raanagers of the National Theatre displayed,
In throwing open the best part of their house to the
filthiest followers and cullies of debauchery, thus seeking
to allure, with the raeretricious attractions of the stews,
those who could not be won by their wretched stage
perforraances, has raet wilh such a significant rebuke from
the outraged public, in fhe shape of erapty benches, that
they have been obliged to resign the theatre into the
handa of a person, who being hiraself a man of respecta
bUity and honour, better knows what is due to public
morals and decorum, and will promptly reform the abuses
which, beyond question, led fo the ill success of the Na
tional Theatre under ita previoua conductors.

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 261
AVe now turn to the specific questions of our corre
spondent, and shall give to each a brief reply.
1. The origin of theatres we conceive to have been,
in all times and countries, the mere love of amusement ;
a perfectly innocent passion, in itself, and susceptible of
being turned to the promotion of incalculable good. Dr.
Johnson has sold that he who enlarges the boundaries of
innocent amuseraent, deserves to be ranked araong the
benefactors of mankind. Th6 theatre. In its Intrinsic
nature, is not raerely a source of innocent entertainraent,
but of refined inatruction. The opening Unes of Pope's
celebrated prologue describe, with aa much justice as elo
quence, the real purposes and tendency of scenic exhi
bitions. 2. AVhat proportion of players have been persons of
loose morals is more than we can answer ; though from a
very limited personal knowledge of those ofour own time
and city, we are clearly of opinion that the interrogatory
ofour querist Is founded on an exceedingly incorrect esti
mate. There are circumstances incident fo the profesalon
of an actor, which naturally lead to dissipation In sorae
respects ; and one of these circumstances, which the
more tolerant and enlightened spirit of the present age
ia daily dirainiahing, ia that prejudice which has made
them, in some measure, a proscribed class. But fhe pri
vate moral character of individual performers no more
affects the question of the propriety of encouraging the
atrical representations, than the" dissoluteness of taUors
does the question of the propriety of wearing coafa. Dr.
Johnson's occasional excess in wine does not diminish
the pleasure or instruction we derive from the perusal of
the Rambler ; the wild and dissipated character of Ben-
venufo Cellini does not irapair the satisfaction with
which we survey the productions of his genius ; nor the
lax morality of Sir Thomas Lawrence abate the delight

262 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
with which we contemplate his speaking portraits. If
we go to the theatre to see Hamlet, it is no concern of
ours that the actor, when he has shuffled off the integu
ments of the phflosophic Done, recruits hiraself from his
exhaustion in a neighbouring cellar, over a pint of porter
or a glass of punch.
3. If we answer this question in the affirmative, it
makes nothing for the arguraent of our querist. But the
question does not admit of either a general affirmative
or general negative reply. It is one for every individual
to answer for hiraself; aa every one must answer for
himself whether the pleasure of his cup of coffee or cigar
Is not purchased at too great a cost of nervous excitement.
Excitement, in great cities, is a necessary of life, and
that which is produced through the instrumentality of
such agents aa make up the sum of theatrical exhibitions
is less harraful than the exciteraent which would pro
bably supply the place if theatres were abolished.
4. The popular tumults which have been stirred up
by scenic represenlationa, have been the inaurrecfions
of oppreaaed mon, rising up against their oppreaaors.
The atage has been the friend of liberty ; and hence the
institution, under govcrnraenla of unequol lows, where
the policy of the rulers was to keep the people down, of
licensers, to see that no dangerous lessons of freedom
should be taught in the acted examples of the stage.
The argument implied in fhe question might be cogent,
in the mouth of a conservative, and an oppressive govern
ment ; but it has no application to things as they exist
in this country.
5. Desipere in loco. No one can be always busy ; and
all amuseraents cost something. He who cannot afford
the amusement of fhe theatre, yet indulges in it, errs ;
but the error ia his own, not tho theatre's.
6. Possibly they might ; but circumstances, not choice.

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 263
decide most men's professions, and he who " acts well his
part" ia generally considered aa fulfiUing the just claims
of society. The combination of talents which fit a man
to be a groat actor, would probably not render hira as
great in any other pursuit. The saying poeta nascitur,
as far as it is true at all, is true in a much wider applica
tion than raerely fo poets. The question of our corres
pondent runs against the grain of nature. If Sterne had
eschewed humourous writing, and raade fhe grave elo
quence of Jeremy Taylor's sermons hia model, he might
have accomplished more good, but more probably ho
might hove failed in the atterapt, and accorapUshed no
good at all. If Shakspeare had turned field preacher in
stead of play writer, he might have been considerd as de
voting himself to the more exalted calling, but we doubt
whether he would aa usefully have eraployed his godlike
faculties. Our correspondent might perhaps more use
fully have eraployed the tirae which it cost hira fo address
his communication to us ; but if, instead of obeying the
laudable impulse, he had paused to meditate how he might
most profitably spend the period, and to compare the
relative merits of different raodes of occupation, fhe season
for action raight have passed oway without anything being
dono. He generally proves to be the most useful mera
ber of society, who goes to work earnestly at that which
is before him. Circumstonccs placed the stage before
Mr. Forrest as his field of action. He went fo work
upon it earnestly, and he has achieved such progress oa ,
to stand now, at the age of thirty, far in advance before
all competitors. That he is doing good, much good, and
in various ways, wo do not doubt ; while wc think it
questionable whether, in any other pursuit, he could
achieve equal eminence, and exert an equal influence in
promoting the ends of society. But why ask the player
to doff the buskin and don the cowl or stole ? AVhy re-

264 POLITICAL WBITINGS OP
quire fhe painter to throw by fhe pencil, and seize the
pen ; or the poet to turn frora the muaea, and devote him
self lo the ausferer worship of Minerva ? Non omnia
possumus omnes, lo use the line from Virgil which honest
Partridge in Tom Jones, was fond of quoting. Many men
are qualified for excellence in sorae one thing, but few in
more. Let each, then, follow the bent of his genius, or
yield to the force of circumstances, and strive to do well
what it falls to hia lot to do.
7. We como now to tho last question, which wo sus
pect of having a particular reference lo ourselves. Wo
have aheady answered it, in part, in fhe general remarks
with which we commenced our reply. The mind is so
constituted that it requires variety of occupation and va
riety of amusement. The broadest grimace of the thea
tre aoraetlraea diverta a weary spirit, that could not be
won. by attractions of a more elevated kind. Lectures
are good thinga, and so are booka good thinga — very :
good ; but one doea not desire alwaya to hear lecfurea
nor always to read books. Partridges are good things,
capital thinga, in their proper place and season ; but our
correspondent doubtless remembers fhe pathetic exclama
tion of the sated monk, who was obliged to dine on them
every day in the year — toujours perdrix! excloiraed the
melancholy ecclesiastic, toujours perdrix ! The theatre,
too, is a good thing in its ploco and season ; and being
an amusement fhat attracts vast numbers of people, it
becomes a proper aubject for tho comments of the press,
for a double reason. In the first place, judicious com
ments, approving what is really good, and condemning
what is bad, must haye a continual tendency to raise the
character of stage performances, and refine the morals
of the theatre. Such notices, in the second place, in
crease the attraction of a newspaper to a large class of
readers, and thus extend the field of ita uaefuliicss in re-

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 266
gard fo other subjects of comment and discussion. The
subscribers to a newspaper are made up of persons of a
great variety of tastes aud pursuits. Some ore chiefly
attracted bj' ifs political articles ; others by its llterory
notices ; and a third class, perhaps, by its theatrical
strictures. But whatever the prevailing motive, raost
readers, particularlj' of o weekly journal like our own,
do not lay it aside, till they have perused, raore or less
thoroughlj', all its leading topics. They ore thus led to
the consideration of subjects which, presented separately,
vvould not hove won their attention, and thus the great
ends of a newspaper aro promoted by fhat very diversity,
which is a blemish in the eyes of some, who would hove
it confine Itself fo matters of fhe gravest character and
the directest utility. For our own part, it is a source of
regret to us fhat circumstances have prevented our
" making the theatrical department of our paper raore wor
thy of the perusal of those of our readers who take a
lively Interest in what relates fo the draraa. Against the
abuses of the theatre we stand ever ready to speak in
earnest reprehension ; but hia censure is most effectual
who, discriminating between good and evU, Indulges, not
in sweeping condemnation.s, but while he sharply animad
verts upon what calls for rebuke, is] equally prompt to
applaud what merits praise.

GENERAL BANKING LAW.
[Fiom ihe Plaindealer, March 11, 1837.]
The bill which has been introduced into the legislature,
under this narae, proposes a very great enlargeraent ofthe
present narrow bounds, in which craft and folly have
combined to shut up the business of banking; but it ia
Vol. IL— 23

266 POLl'riCAL WRITINGS OP
by no meana strictly cnlitlcd lo the appollation it claims.
It is a mitigation of legislative restrictions, but not o re-
peol of fliem. We hove nof spoce for particular comment,
but must express, in general terms, fhe satisfaction
which the introduction of this measure affords of the rapid
progress that free trade principlea are raaking in the
minds of the people at large. Two or three yeara ago,
such a proposition as that now brought forward by Mr.
Robinson would havo caused its mover to be hooted ot
and derided in the most contemptuous and derogatory
terms. A charge of lunacy and Jacobinism has been
frequently preferred against some of tliose who made the
earliest stand in defence of free trade and equal rights,
for recommending measures much less adverse to the pre
sent monopoly syslem, than that now introduced into the
legislature by ftlr. Robinson. But those who were then
ever foremost to shout Jack Cade and Agrarian! now
show, by a decent sUence, or faint approval, their con.
sciousness that a vost change has taken place in the
minds of the people, and that the universal sentiment ia
setting strongly against fhe curse of monopoly legisla
tion and exclusive chartered privileges. We copy an
abstract of Mr. Robinson's bill, which we consider only
as a precursor of a more perfect reform. " Revolutions
never go bockwords ;" and a 'revolution, fraught with
the vastest conscquonces fo the hoppiness of mankind,
is now taking ])laco, the end of which will bc the donio
lition of oil restraints and impediments in the way of
coraplete political and coraraercial freedom and equality.

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 267

RECEPTION OF ftlR. WEBSTKR.
[Fi-O/n the Plaindealer, March 18, 1837.]
The dullness of these piping limes of pcoco wos some.
whot enlivened on AVodnosdoy lost, by the arrival of
ftlr. Webster in this city, and the public ceremonies of
his reception. Arrangements had been mode on a pret
ty large scale, some fimo previous, by a number of the
political friends oud partisans of that gtatesmaii, to give
him a grand reception, and the noto of preparation hod
been constantly sounding, fi>r a week or moro in their
leading newspapers. The day was bright ond terape-
rofe, and it is natural to presume that the concourse as
serabled on the occasion was very large. Those who
had to borrow money at three per cent, a month, and
those who had money to lend af that rote, probably pre
ferred WoU-street to the Bottory; but no doubt the lat
ter place was crowded vvith raany of those happy creatures,
who, having neither money to lend, for want of raeans,
nor money to borrow, for want of credit, can yet gene.
rally coraraand abundance of leisure fo run about offer
shows and spectacles.
Aa we did not ourselves witness the reception of Mr.
Webster, and as we wish fo corae as near fhe truth aa
possible in our account of it, vve copy the stateraents of
two leading newspapers, of opposite sides in politics, but
about of equal character for varacity and general respec.
tabdity. We have placed these accounts side by sido, that the
reader, whoso curiosity moves him in tho raotter, raoy
tho raore easily corapare their conflicting statements, ond
draw his own conclusions from thera. Tho political
newspapers of this city, with two or three honourable ex-

268 POLITICAL WBITINGS OP
ceptions, are valuable rather os enabling one fo conjoc-
, fure the truth, thon to osccrtoin it ; as o bod watch some
times enables onO' fo guess tho bour, by making a large
allowance for the irregularity of ifs movements.
The same disparity which Iho two foregoing occounts
display in regard fo a simple matter of fact, of which
the version of eoch journal [iiofesses to be that of an eye
witness, pervades, more or less, all the party statements
ofthe newspaper press. It is o mortifying foot, but it is
an undeniable one. So fow newspapers are conducted
with o spirit of strict voracifj', that fhe reader, unless he
be one of the most credulous and gullible of raortals, sel
dora yields full fiiith to their assertions in regard to ony
matier which has the slightest party relotion or beoring.
He waits to compare contrary stotements, and fo gather
oral testimony, before he surrenders his belief. One of
the two papers from which we have copied the state
ments of Mr, Webster's reception tolls a wilful falsehood,
probably both. But whatever was the exact truth, it
was not matter of opinion, or matter of feeling, fo such o
degree as fo allow us to believe that both fhe narratives
could have been written in a spirit of sinceritj' and truth.
One writer fried to swell the reception into sometliing very
magnificent, the other to sink il into something very
mean. For their reword, neither of thera will be believed,
but every reader wUl make a large allowance for the
magnifying grandiloquence of the one, and the lessening
and diminuent sneers and sarcasms ofthe other.
We hove no doubt that Mr. Webster was very warm
ly received by several thousand pr.ople ; for ho is a leod-
ing raan of a partj', under bettor organization at the
present tirae than it has been for many years before, ond
aU the usual means of party preparation were adopted to
give effect ond eclat to the ceremonial. Iijdependenf of
this Mr. Webster is a great man, and is very sincerely

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 269
and warmly admired by multitudes of people. AVe are
not, ourselves, among those who admire his political prin
ciples, and there have been some things in his politlcol
conduct which vve cannot approve, oven judging it by the
scale of his own principles. But we admire his talents,
and con very reodily conceive how those who accord
with him in his fundamental politlcol doctrines, may cosily
be warmed into enthusiasm, on an occasion liko fhat
which his public reception has presented.
We ore well pleased with the recent movement on
several accounts. In the first place it never displeases
us to see tho whigs make the raost of their great raen ;
for entertoining on abiding and unfaltering confidence
in that great fundaraental article of democratic faith
which recognizes fhe intelligence and integrity of the
people, we have no fear that these mere cavalcades and
triumphs can turn the public mind from a contemplation
of cardinal principles, or dazzle it so as lo render it un-
able to distinguish between trutii and error. This ova.
tion to Mr. AVebster has been got up avowedly on the
ground of his great services and sacrifices In the cause
ofthe Constitution; but the moss of tho people, enter.
taining a different theory of constitutional obligation
from that of Mr. AVebster and his followers, turn their
eyes fo the white headed veteran now slowly journeying
across the solitudes of the Alleganics to his secluded
home in the for west, and to him — to him against whom
Mr. Webster's political life, for the last eight years, has
been one perpetual and violent struggle — their hearts poy
the involuntary honioge of gratitude, as the great cham
pion of fhe Constitution and of freedom.
But vve are pleased with these public honours to Mr.
Webster, inasmuch as thoy afford somo evidence that
the opposition porty of this quarter of the country ore
determined fo roily oround him as their foremost man-,
23*

• 270 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
They are, no doubt, aahamed of having been led fo aban
don a atatesman of real talents, to moke shift wilh so
poor and feeble an "available'' as General Horrison, wilh
nothing In the wide world to recomraend him but a raili
tary title, and we believe a blaraeless and inoffensive pri
vate life. They corae back to Mr. Webster with the
usual force of retroaction, when the forward raoveraent
has been against the bent of nature. This pleases us,
and we hope they will keep it up. AVe sholl be delight
ed to hove Mr. Webster put before the country In reol
earnest as tho whig condidale for President. We ore
tired of contending against "ovoUobles," men of no fixed
political character, but readj' lo mould themselves to any
new opinion and suit their doctrines to the varj'ing hour.
It is contemptible ofthe whig party lo seek refuge under
the petticoat of General Harrison. Let them stand out
before the world in their true colours, and select o condi-
dote of a known creed, that people may divide themselves
according to opinion on antagonist questions, and nof be
influenced by mere personal preferences or dislikes. If
Mr. AVebster were the candidate for the chief oifice of
fhe government, the people would hove bcforo them an
eminent and learned follower of Ibo school of Hamilton,
a man whora they could ni>t but respect for his folonla
and acquircraents, and admire for bis bold nnd manly
eloquence. We should contend ugainst bim wilh oil the
zeal of a sincere conviction Ibat his political creed is ad
verse to the principles of liberty — we should contend
against hira early and late, in season and oui of sea.son —
but our efforts would always ho tempered vvith that re-
spect vvhich such qualities as ftlr. AVebster possesses
must nalurnliy conuimiul. It «"idd be a strife of aula-
gonist political principles, and would serve much belter to
test the relative strength of Iheir adheronls, than a con-

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 271
test involving complicated motives of policy and expedi-
encj', but carefully reraoved frora the true ground of war
fare, as defined by the ultimate aims of the two great
parties of this countrj', tho democracy and the aristo
cracy, the friends of a strong government and the friends
of a strong people.
ftlr. AA''obstor, on AVednesday evening, addressed a
numerous audience in o long speech ot NIblo's Soloon,
and ou Thursday received tho salutations of such as
chose to pay him o visit of honour or curiosity at tho
City Hall.

THE DESPOTISM OF THE MAJORITY.
[From ihe Plai7tdeahr, March 25, 1837.]
AVoRDS undergo voriations in their meoning to accom
modate fhem to the varying usages of men. Despotisra,
though originally confined, according fo its derivation,
lo the government of a single ruler, and considered a
term of honour, rather than reproach, is now employed
to signify unlimited tyranny, wheflier exercised hy one
or legion, whether bj' a single autocrat, wielding oil the
power of fhe state, or by the majority of a community,
combined under strict party orgonlzaflon, and ruling the
minority with dictatorial and imperious .sway. The
two most prominent instances which the world now pre
sents of these different classes of despotism, is thai of a
single tyrant in Russio, ond that of a raultitudiiious ty.
rant in America ; ond it is a question which some seem
to think not easily answered which is the worse, thot of
an autocracy, of thot ofo majority. ,
The intolerance, tho bitter, persecuting Infoloronce,
often disployed by a majority in fhis country, on questions

272 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
of stirring polificol interest, toworda fhe righta and feel
inga of the minority, haa come to be a aubject of comraent
by enlightened minds in Europe, that are eagerly watch-
ing the results of our groat democratic experiment, and
drawing arguments in fit vour of aristocratic govern ment
from every iraperfection we exhibit. Thus, in the elo
quent speech recenfly delivered by Sir Robert Pool, at
Glasgow, Ibere ore some ollusions to the intolerance of
dorainont porties in fhis country, which no candid person
can peruse without admitting they contain enough of
truth to give great point ond shorpness to their
sarcosms. We cannot be suspected of any sympafliy with Sir
Robert Peel in the purpose with which he mode this re
ference to Araerica. Our love for the democratic prin
ciple is too sincere and unbounded, to aUow us fo have a
feeling in common with those who desire fo conserve
aristocratic institutions. The doinocratic principle is
the only principle which promises equal liberty, and equol
prosperity fo mankind. AVe yearn wilh intense long
ing for the arrival of that ouspicious day In fhe history
ofthe human race, when it shall everywhere take the
place ofthe aristocratic principle, ond knit all the fomi-
lies of monkind together in the bonds of equal brother
hood. Then shall the worn out nations sit down ot lost
in obiding peace, and tho old oarlh, which has so long
drunk the blood of encountering raillions, grow young
again In a millenial holiday.
No Araerican, having sense and soul to feel and ap
preciate the ineffable blessings of equal liberty, would on
swer Sir Robert Peel's interrogotory os he supposes.
The effeminote popinjays, whom tho land, overcloyed
with their insipid sweetness, yearly sends abroad fo for
eign travel, and who prefer the glitter of courtly pomp
to the wideljr diffused and substontial blessings of free-

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 273
dom, raight utter such a dlssiiiision against the adoption
of doinocratic principles. But no honest and manly
American, worthy of that norae, with intelligence enough
lo know, and heart enough to feel, thot the best and loftiest
aim of governinent is, not to promote e.xcessive and luxu
rious refinement araong a few, but tho general good of
all — " the greatest good of the greatest number" — would
ever lis|) a syllabic to dissuade England from odopfing
the glorious democrotic principle of equol political rights.
But while we thus differ from Sir Robert Peel in the
tenor and purpose of the romorks we have quoted, wo
arc forced lo admit that thoro is but too much truth in
the charge of despotism ogainst the majority in our poli
tical divisions. The right of the majority to rule, isa
maxim which lies at the bottom of democrotic govern
ment ; but a maxim of still higher obligation makes it
their duty So to rule, as to preserve Inviolote the equol
rights of aU. This rule of paramopnt authority is not
always obeyed. We have seen nuraerous and frightful
instances of ifs violation, in those outbrcoks of" popular
indignation," which men have drawn upon themselves
by the fatal tcmcrilj' of expressing their views on a sub
ject of deep intorest fo every American, on which their
sentiments differed from those ofthe majority. The wfld
excesses of riot ore not chorgeoble olone to the raodness
and brutality of those who toko port in fhem, but to the
approval of others, who sef on fhe human buU-dogs to bait
the abolitionists, by calling the latter oil sorts of oppro
brious names; ond encoiiroging tho forraer by bestow
ing loudafory appellations on their ferocity. They are
" true friends of the Constiliition," they aro men "who
appreciate the blessings of liberty,'' thoy are "champions
of union," thoy ore potriofs and heroes ; while those
against whom their drunken rage is directed are point.

274 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
ed out as fanatics, ofthe raost diabolical temper ; as in
cendiaries, ready to burn to the ground the temple of
freedom ; as murderers, ready to incite the negro against
his moster, ond incarnadine the whole south with the
blood of promiscuous and discriminate slaughter.
* But to descend from the terrible instances of despot
ism, vvhich the conduct of the majority on the slave ques
tion displays, we see fhe consequences of fhe sarae ty
ranny in a thousand matters of loss startling moraent.
Does not our newspaper press show morks of the iron
rule of despotism, as exercised by a raajority ? Whence
coraes its subserviency.'' AVhence coraes it that each
journal goes with its party in all things, and to all lengths
apiiroving what the party opprovos, whether raen or
meosures, ond conderaning whot it conderans ? Why is
It that no journalist dares, in the exercise of true inde
pendence, fo act vvith his party in what he deeras con
forraable with its political tenets, and censure Its course
when it varies from tneiu ? Why is it that if, forgetting
for a raoraent that he is not o freemon, he honestly
blames sorae erroneous stop, or fails to approve it, his re
proach, or his very silence, is made fhe occasion of per
secution, and he finds himself suddenly stripped of sup
port ? Whence coraes this we ask, but from the despot
ism of a majority, from that bitter intolerance of tbo moss,
which now supplies on orguraent to the monarchists and
aristocrats of the old world, against the adoption of the
principles of popular governmont ?
The book press of our country is not less overcrowed
by the despotism of the raajority than the newspapers.
The very work from which Sir Robert Peel mokes his
quotation affords us a ready illustration. Thousands are
burning to read fhe production of De TocqueviUe, and a
hundred publishers are anxious fo gratify the desire.
But they dare not. The writer has not hesitated fo ex-

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 275
jircss his opinions of slavery ; and such is the despotism
of a majority, that it vvill not suffer men to rood nor
spook upon that subject ; and it would hinder thom, if it
could, even from the oxorclso of thought.
Thero aro some bold spirits yet iu the land, who are
determined lo balllc agoinsl this spirit of dcspotisra, ond to
assert and defend their rights of equal freedora, lot fhe
struggle cost what it may. They will speak with a
voice that fhe roar of tumult cannot drown, and main
tain their ground with a firmness that opposition counot
move ; and if forced at last to surrender, it wIU be their
lives, not their liberty, they wUI yield, considering it
better to die freeraen, than live slaves to the most cruel
of all despots — a despotic raajority

OMNIPOTENCE OF THE LEGISLATURE.
[From the Plaindealer, April 1, 1837.]
In one of George Colman's metricol oddities, thot
writer odvances the bold opinion thot,
 What's impossible can't be.

And never, never comes to pass.
This seems, however, to be a great mistake. The
wisdora of modern legislation is continually performing
impossIbiUties. The laws of physics and raefaphysics,
of mind and mafter, are every day abrogated by the lawa
of man and the march of improvement is so ropid, that
it would scarcely be surprising if the whole system of
things should shortly be taken wholly under the control
of our lawgivers.
Judge Soule, ofour stole legislature, has lately made a
great step towards fliot consumraation. He has intro
duced a bill to fix the value of money, under every vari-

276 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
ety of finonclal circumstances, at precisely seven per
cent, a year, and he has framed its provisions with such
profound sagacity, that money lenders and money bor
rowers will never atterapt lo evade them. This will be
glad news to those who ore of present paying three per
cent, a month.
The notable project of Judge Soule provides that bonds,
bills, notes, assurances, all other contracts or securities
whatsoever, and uU deposites of goods or otber things
whatsoever, whereupon or whereby there shall bo receiv
ed or token, or secured or agreed to be reserved or token,
any greater sum, or greater value, lor fhe loan or forbear
ance of any raoney, goods or other things in action, than
the legal rate of seven per cent, per annura, shall be
void ; and any bond, bill, note, assurance, pledge, con
veyance, contract, and all evidences of debt whatsoever,
which may have been sold, transferred, assigned or in
dorsed upon, for or upon which any greater interest, dis
count or considerofion moy hove been reserved, obtained
or token thon is provided in fhe first section of the said
tide shall be absolutely null and void ; and no part of any
such contract, security or evidence of debt, shall be col
lectable in any court of low or equity. It also declares
every violation of the provisioiia of the act lo be a mis
demeanor, subjecting tho person ofl'onding fo fine or ira
prisonraent, or both.
There was a certain philosopher vvho spent his life in
bottling raoonbeams. Judge Soule seems to belong fo
the sarae school.
The Astronomer in Rasselas, by a long and attentive
study of the heavenly bodies, ot length discovered the
secret of their governments, ond qualified himself to
direct their courses, and regulate the seasons. " I have
possessed for five years," said he to Iiidac, " the regu
lation of the weother and tho distribution of the seasons :

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 277
the sun has listened lo ray didates, and passed from
tropic to tropic by my direction ; the clouds, of my coU,
have poured their waters, and the Nile has overflowed
at my coramand ; I have restrained tho rogo of the dog-
star and raitigotod Ihe fervours of die crab. I hove ad
ministered this great office with exact justice, and raade
the different nations ofthe earth an impartial dividend
of rain and sunshine. What must have been the misery
of half the globe, if I had limited the clouds fo particu
lar regions, or confined the sun to either side of the
equator I "
Judge Soule has now taken upon hiraself an office not
less important in the financial system, than fhat of fhe
learned astronomer in the planetary. He is for dividing
the rain and sunshine of the money-market with an Im
partial hand, and giving equal portions fo borrower and
lender. In doing thia he perhapa may be thought to
carry the principle of equality to an undue extent, since
it places all borrowers on a level, whatever the difference
in the nature of the security they offer, or In the preca-
riousness of fhe objects to which the loan is f o be applied.
But Judge Soule Is too much of a phUosopher to regard
such slight circurastances of difference. He looks down
on the raoney-raarkot frora such a height os reduces both
bulls and bears fo uniformity of stature.
The Astronomer, in Rasselas, confessed fhat thero was
one thing, in the system of nature, over which he hod
not been able fo obtain coraplete control. " The winds
alone," said he, " of aU the elemental powers, have hith
erto refused my authority, and multitudes have perished
by equinoctial tempests, which I found rayaolf unable to
prohibit or restrain." We are afraid fhat the astrono
mer's worthy prototype in our legislature will also find
there is likewise one thing which Is beyond his authority.
Judge Soule will yet discover, we iraagine, that the in.
Vol. IL— 24

278 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
terest on raoney is os variable as the winds, and that as
the latter soraetimes whisper in zephyrs and sometimea
rave in tempests, so tho former, in spite of all his eff'orfs
will sink down and almost die oway, and at others swell
and rage to the tune of three per cent, a raonth.
It is a raafter of astonishment fo us that any raan,
having sense enough to recommend hira to his constitu
ents for a seat in the legislature, can be so blind as not
lo see that usury laws are essenllally and necessarily un
just and arbitrary. The value of raoney depends on a
thousand very varying contingeiicios, as much so as the
value of any other coraraodify . A fodure of our chief
articles of export, either aa to quantify or price, irarae
diately increases fhe deraand for money, and at the .same
time decreases fhe security of the borrower. An abun
dant crop and large prices have, as certainly, the opposite
result. Thia ia a diff'erence which affects whole com-
munitiea. The differences which distinguish individual
borrowers are not less obvious. One has ample security
to offer ; another has none. One needs money to aid
him in a pursuit which promises certain profit ; another
needs it fo prosecute an enterprise of exceeding hazard,
which, if successful, promises a large return, but if unsuc
cessful, leaves no hope of re-pay raent. One borrower, has
health, activity and prudence ; another Is Infirm, indolent
and rash. Judge Soule is for making up a Procrustean
bed for all alike, without reference to fhe variety of form
and stature. We recommend him to the muse of Croaker,
aa a fit subject for poetic honours, and in the meanwhile
apply fo him a stanzo addressed by that writer fo a great
leveller in another lino :
Come, star-eyed maid. Equality !
In thine adorer's praise I revel.
Who brings, so fierce his love to thee.
All forms and faces to a level.

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 279

THE ftlUNICIPAL ELECTION.
[From the Plai7>dealcr, April 8, 1837.]
On Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday next, the
election for raunicipal officers is to be held. On those
days the people of this city are to decide by their
suffrages who Is to be Mayor for the next year.
" There be three Rlchmonds in the field." In the firat
place, there is John I. Morgan, nominated by the demo
cratic party at Tammany Hall : next we have Moses
Jaoues, nominated by the equal righta porty in the
Pork ; and thirdly and to conclude, there is Aaron
Clark, the ci-devant lottery dealer, nominated by "pla
toons, squadrons, battalions, and regiments " of whigs in
ftlasonic HaU, together with the resigned firemen in their
strength, with Gullck at their head.
We must confess tiiere are some very serious objections
urged against the first naraed candidate. It is chorged,
and haa not been denied, that he wears ^^flannel next to
his skin. There Is grave authority for this accusation.
It has been asserted by neariy all fhe whig popera, and
the American of Thursday evening repeals the charge,
in a modified form. It does not. Indeed, positively aver
that Mr. Morgan wears flannel next to his skin ! — this
degree of atrocity Is not alleged. But that he wears flannel
is roundly affirmed. What democrot con vote for Mr.
Morgan, unless this imputation on his character is
clearly proved to be a slander ?
But it is not merely the sin of wearlng'flannel that is
preferred against him. The American further chorges
thot ho ia " addicted to umbrellas ! " Prodigious wick
edness ! " Addicted fo umbrellas ! '' — what a blot on his
escutcheon. Is there any citizen so lost fo patriotism.

280 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
so lost to manhood and to virtue, as to vote for a man
who ia " addicted lo umbrellas ? " We pause for a
reply. Mosea Joquea ia not rauch better than Mr. Morgan.
He ia atrongly suspected of wearing flannel likewise,
though some affirm that it is only buckskin. But we
believe jt raust be odniitted thot he is a good deal
" oddlcled to umbreUoa." He is addicted lo one or two
other things not less heinous in the eyes of the aristoc
racy. He is addicted to the opinon that all men poaaess
equal political rights ; and hence he is denominated an
agrarian. lie is addicted to the opinion Ihat no citizen
can be lawfully arrested, even by so potential a body as
the New-York legislature, except on a warrant, for proba
ble cause, supported by oath or affirmation ; and hence
he is considered a leveller. These things, together with
flannel shirts and silk umbrellas, put his election out of
the question.
The third candidate is Aaron Claik. It is iiol affirm
ed, on any hand, that Mr. Clark wears flannel shirts, or
is " addicted to urabrellas." He may, or may not, bo
guilty of these offences against society, but no charge to
that effect is brought against him. On the other bund,
the virtues of Mr. Clark ore great and various. He ia
" fortune'a favourite." He once kept a lucky lottery-
office, and sold vast numbers of tickets fopoor people for
ready money, sorae of which drew prizes. The busines's
of keeping a loftery-office was one of great dignity and
honour. It placed an opportunity within the reach of
men of very small raeana to becorae suddenly affluent.
The keeping a lottery-office was a calling " fo which "
(we quote the American) "reverend divines appealed to
aid churches, fo vvhich raen of letters and high moral
standing appealed to endow colleges and promote educa
tion." This was the calling of Aaron Clark, and henco

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 281
he is called upon to be a candidate for Mayor, and hence
the people are called upon to give him their support.
Can they resist the invitation ?
In view of the fact fhat ftlr. Morgan wears flannel,
and is addicted to umbrellas, the American triumphantly
asks, " what control could such a person exercise over
the fierceness of tho democracy in an uproar ? " Though
put in an interrogative form, this is an argument that set
tles the question. No man who wears flannel and is
" addicted to umbrellas " could quell a riot, no matter
how many flanncl-shirfcd constables and watchmen ho
hod at his heels, Tho thing is iinposslblc.
As for ftlr. Joques, he is himself ono of the fierce de
mocrocy, and a chief rioter, since he presides over meet.
inga of the " populace" and " common people" in the
Park. What business have the " coraraon people" to
hold meetings ?
Aaron Clark, then, is the raan for the money ? Buy
your ticket at Clark's. He pursued a calling tolerated
by the laws, and reverend divines and heads of colleges
were glad to get a share of the money he paid for hia
license, as they no doubt would be glad to get a share of
the city funds, if they were derived, in part, frora licensed
stews and garabling houses.
If we elect Aaron Clark for Mayor, who knows but he
may get up some " splendid scheme," and insure " a
grand prize '' to every man who assisted in making him
manager of the municipal lottery. Huzza for Clark,
Fortune's Favourite !

24*

283 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
MISS TREE.
[Fro7n ihe Plaindealer, April 8, 1837.]
AVe have seen Beatrice — we wifl not call it Sliak-
speare's Beatrice, or Miss Tree's Beatrice, but Beatrice
herself. AVe hove seen the identical Sicflian lady, the
high-born, beautiful, witty, gay-hearted and volatile, yet
loving and constant woraan of Messina ; whom Shak
speare imagined, but whora Miss Tree is. Other ac-
tresaoa have given ua particular troita of her character
wilh liveliness and effect ; but Miss Tree infuses life and
soul into thera all, and combines them info one with ini
mitable harraony and grace.
What wonderful Individuality there ia in the charac
ters of Shakspeare ! No two of them are alike. They
moy belong to the some class, but the shodea of difference
are not less obvious, than the features of resemblance they
possess in coramon. It ia not merely that they are
placed in different circumatancea, but fhey are easentlally
different. Other dramatists have sometimes copied from
themselves, but Shakspeare olwoys copied from nature,
and his works are distinguished by fhe same endless di
versity. " Custom could not stale his infinite variety."
If this reraark is true of his characters generally, it is
more strikingly so of his feraales. Frora Miranda to
Lady Macbeth, frora Ophelia to Constance, there is a
whole world of interval, filled up with women of every
gradation and combination of raoral and InteUectual qual
ities. Who, for exaraple, is like Beatrice ?
The character of Beatrice we do not think has usually
been correctly appreciated on the stage. She is spirit
ed, witty, ond talkative, and the mere words of her rail
lery, if we consider separate phrases by Ihemselves, hovo
sometimes a shorpness nof olfogelher consistent with fhe
general idea of amiableness In woman. But if we exam-

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 283
ine her charocter more thoroughly, we sholl find that her
keenest strokes of satire, her sharpest repartees nnd live-
liest jests, are but tbe artillery wilh which a proud
woraan guards the secret of unrequited love. It seems to
us the clue to Beatrice's character is, that she is conscious
of a secret attachment to Benedick, and believing her pas
sion unreturned by the determined bachelor, she makes
him the object of constant raillery, that she may thua
more effectually hide her true feelings from observation.
She talks of Benedick, and to Benedick, because Bene
dick fills her heart, and " out of the abundance of
the heart the mouth speaketh," but she talks rairthfuUy
and scornfully, that none, and least of 'all hiraself, may
suspect the sentiment which is hid beneath her sparkling
repartees. The first words Beatrice utters are an in
quiry concerning Benedick ; yet with the ready tact of
woraan, ahe asks after hira by a name that implies a
taunt, fhat the real anxiety which prorapted the question,
raight not be seen. The sarae feeling, direcfly after,
urges her to inquire who is his companion, and the motive
of concealment induces her lightly to add, " Ho hath
every month a new sworn brother." '
The reader of the play Is prepored. In the very first
scene, to set down Benedick and Beatrice as intended for
each other. Leonato informs us that they ore perpetuaUy
waging a kind of merry war, and that "fhey never meet,
but there is a skirmish of wit between thera." We soon
perceive this very skirraishing is the result of mutual at
tachraent, but with a difference : for Benedick is uncon
scious of the nature of his feelings for Beatrice, and
really supposes himself proof against all the shafts of blind
Cupid, while Beatrice is aware of her love, but resolves in
the true spirit of maidenly propriety, fo hide if deep in
her heart, until it shall be called forth in requital for the
proffered [owe of Benedick. She is not ofthe disposition,

284 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
however, to "let concealment, like a worm i'th'bud, feed
on her damask cheek.'; She is too proud, too gay, too
volatile by nature, to be easily dejected. She is of the
sanguine, not the melancholic temperaraent, and looks on
men and things in their iuniiiest aspects.
Leonato tells us " there is little of the melacholy ele
ment in her ; " and she herself says, she waa ," born to
speak all mirth, and no matter." Beatrice is not a crea
ture of Iraagination, but of strong inteUect, and strong
feeling. Her volatflify relates only to her spirita, not to
her affectiona ; she is distinguished by gaiety ond airi
ness of teraper, not fickleness of hcort. That she is
constant in friendship, her fidelity to her cousin Hero
proves, for when the breath of slander blackens hercharac-
ter, and all, even her own father, believes the tale of guUt,
Beatrice alone stands up, the asserter of Hero's inno
cence, and indignantly exclaims, " O, on my soul, my
cousin ia belied I "
But the firmneas of her attachment does not ahow
itself only In words. Her lover had just been led to a
discovery of fhe true character of hia feelinga towards
her, and had declared his attachment ; and ahe demands
from him, aa the firat proof of his love, that he should
challenge his friend Claudio, who had renounced Hero
at the altar, and traduced her, " with public accusation,
uncovered slander, unmitigated rancour." It is no proof
of a want of love for Benedick, that she is thus willing
to risk his life to avenge the wrong done to her cousin ;
but it only provea fhat her sense of female honour, and of
what is due to it, outweighs love.
She is of that temper that she might well have used
the linea of the old English Earl : —
" I could not love thee, love, so much.
Loved I not honour more."

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 285
She sets Benedick to do only what she herself would
gladly have done, could she have exchanged sexes with
him. " Oh, God ! that I were a man ! " she exclaims,
in the intenseness of her indignation, " I would cat his
heart in the market-place ! '' The thought that Benedick
could be foiled In the enterprise, and that he might fall
beneoth the sword of Claudio, never once entered her
mind. The spirit of the age, and the spirit of the wo
man, alike repelled the idea. Right and might were
deemed fo go hand in hand together in such contests.
She could think only of the slanderer being punished,
and her cousin avenged. Her imagination presented
her lover returning triumphant, the champion of injured
female innocence; it refused to paint him lying pros
trate and bleeding beneath the sword ofthe calumniator.
That Beatrice loves Benedick, and levels her raillery at
him only ',to turn attention from her secret, is borne out
by tho effect ofthe pleasant stratagem played off upon
her, when she is decoyed —
-into the pleached bower.

Where honey-suckles, ripened by the sun,
Forbid the sun to enter."
that ahe may overhear the discourse of Ursula and her
cousin, concerning the pretended love of Benedick..
Her exclamation, aa she emerges frora her hiding-place,
ia, " Contempt farewell, and maiden pride, adieu ! "
These are the disguises she has worn hitherto, but she
now casts them off, on finding fhat she is beloved by
Benedick. She at once fully acknowledges his worth — .
" Others say thou dost deserve — and I
Believe it better than reportingly."

236

POLITICAL WRITINGS OP

Her heart had long before felt the truth of such com
mendations, and now that sho is assured those feelings are
returned, she permits her tongue fo join in the praise of
Benedick. The ideas we have here imperfectly expressed of the
character of Beatrice seera fobe the foundation of Miss
Tree's perforraance. She gives us a living portraiture
of a fine, spirited, intellectual, and highly cultivated wo
man of the world, of a happy temper, and gay and volu
ble aa a singing bird. But while she bears in mind
that the quicknesa and brilliancy of Beatrice's wit and
repartee constitute a chief eleraent in her character ; she
does not forget, and does not suffer her audience to for
get, that there are other elements necessary to compose
the perfect whole, and present, faithfully erabodied, the
Beatrice which Shakspeare drew.
Ferainine delicacy ia one of the attributea of woman's
character, which Miaa Tree ia not willing to dispense
with ; and while other actrosses give the utmost sharp
ness and acerbity to every sarcasm and jest that Beatrice
utters, we find ftliss Tree occasionally delivering a repor-
tee with a downcast air and softened tone, that show her
innate sense of the propriety of Shakspeare's admonition,
"not to overstep the modesty of nature."
Much of Beatrice's share In the brIUIanf dialogue be
tween herself and Benedick, depends, for its character, on
the style of the speaker — it is modest, if modestly spoken,
and the reverse, if uttered only with a view to give it the
greatest possible degree of point. But fhey who adopt
the latter raethod, represent Beatrice as a vixen and ter-
mogonf, whose reody wit and vivacity may excite admi
ration, but who has no counterbalancing qualify fo attract
esteem. We are araused by her sallies, because they are
not directed towards ourselves, for we feel that fhey raust
wound as well as dazzle ; and we are disposed to com
miserate Benedick, not to congratulate him, when he is

WILLIAM LBOOETT. 287
caught in the trap set for him by the Prince, and be
comes entangled in the toils of matrimony. We dismiss
him to his nuptials as one who is about to realize the
truth of bis own jeers against marriage, and with a cer
tainty that if tho drama were continued through ano
ther act, wc should soe him arrayed in tho livery he hod
foretold for the husband of Beatrice, " a predestinate
scratched face."
But very different are the emotions created by fhe
Beatrice of Miss Tree. The softness of woman's tender
est tone, and the witchery of woman's kindest and most
feminine smile, qualify fhe meaning of her words. The
arrows of her voluble wit are shot off with a playful air
that shows they arc aimed only in sport ; and her
most scornful jests are delivered in a voice sUvery and
gentle, and accompanied by such a mirthful glance of
the eye, that we see there is no league between her heart
and her tongue. If is all " rairth, and no matter." We
enjoy the encounter of her nimble wit with that of Bene
dick, because his character as a professed contemner of fhe
power of love renders him a fair mark for such shafts as
she airas at hira ; and we are pleased fo see him foiled by
so fair an antagonist. In a contest which he had himself
provoked. We accompany them to the altar with a sense of groti- ^
ficofion that two such congenial spirits ore to be united
in wedlock ; and when the curtain falls upon the drama,
our imagination completes the story, by allotting such
happiness to the married pair, as young persons of rau
tual intelligence and good humour, with mutual attach
ment founded on the basis of esteem, raay reasonably
count upon enjoying.
The Benedick of Mr. Mason would hove elicited higher
coramcndotion, if that of Charles Kemble hod not dis
qualified us from appreciating moderate excellence in

288 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
the part. The latter was fhe perfection of acting ; and
other Benedicks tried by the standard thus furnished,
must always be pronounced wanting. This comparative
criticisra is not fair, when it is avoidable ; but ftlr. Kem
ble has not left us a free agent on the subject, and wo
shall never again see Benedick personated, or read a line
ofthe part, without thinking of him.
The Claudio of Mr. Fredericks, and the Don Pedro of
Mr. Richlngs, were both creditable performances. There
was not as much of " the May of youth and bloom of
lustyhood ',' in the appearance of the former, as a strict
regard to the text would have required ; and a more
melancholy bearing in the scene where he is sought by
Benedick, that he may challenge him for the wrong done
to Hero, would have been more In consonance with trutii
and nature.
The Hero of Mrs. Gurner waa a delicate and grace
ful personation.
An air of premeditation and design on the part of Dog
berry, in the delivery of his blunders, irapaired their coraic
effect. They did not fall from his tongue aa if he enter
tained no doubt of the perfect accuracy and eloquence of
his language.
The characters, generaUy, we're well sustained ; and
the music of Balthazar and his companions in the second
act, deserves this praise, at least — that it answered ex
acfly the description given of it in the text, when Bene
dick says, "An he had been a dog that should have
howled thus, they would have hanged hira." The audi
ence seeraed very much of the same opinion.

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 289
THE QUESTION OF SLAVERY NARROWED
TO A POINT.
Fro7n the Plaindealer of April 15, 1837.
 '  Farewell remorse !

Evil be thou my good ! By thee, at least,
 1 more than half, perhaps, will reign.

Milton.

Tub temperate and well-considered sentiments of Mr.
Rives on the subject of slavery, as expressed in the Senate
last winter, when certain petitions against slavery in the
District of Columbia were under consideration, do not
meet with much approval in the southern states. But
the violent language of Mr. Calhoun is applauded to the
echo. Mr. Rives, it will be reraerabered, adraitted, in the
most explicit raanner, that " slovery is an evil, raoral,
social, and political ;" whde ftlr. Calhoun, on the other
hand, raaintained fhat " it is a good — a great good."
We have a paragraph lying before us, frora the New-
Orleans True American, in which the sentiments of Mr.
Calhoun are responded fo with great ardour, and fhe ad
mission that slavery is an evil is resisted as giving up the
whole question in dispute. The writer aays :
" If fhe principle be once acknowledged, that slavery
is an evil, the success of the fonotics is certain. We are
with Mr. Calhoun on this point. He insists that slavery
is a positive good in our present social relations — that no
power in the Union can touch the construction of south
ern society, without actual violation of oil guaronfeed and
unalienated rights. This is the threshold of our libertiea.
If once passed, the tower must fall."
Reoder, confemplote the picture presented to you In
thia figurative languoge : fhe tower of liberty erected on
Vol. IL— 25

290 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
the prostrate bodies of three railliona of slaves. Worthy
foundation of such an edifice! And appropriately is the
journal which displays such anxiety for its stability form
ed tho True American.
" Evil, be thou ray good," ia the exclamation of Mr.
Calhoun, and myriads of true Americans join in worship
of the divinity thus aet up. But truth haa always been
a great iconoclast, anil we think this Idol of the slave
holders would fare little better in her handa than the
imagea of pagan idolatry.
If the question of the abolition of slavery ia to be nar
rowed down to the single point whether slavery is an evil
or not, it wfll not toke long to dispose of it. Yet It would
perhapa not be an pasy thing to prove that slavery ia an
evil, for fhe aame reason thot itwould not be eosy to prove
that one and one ore two ; because the proposition is so
elementary and self-evident, that it would itself be taken
for a logical axiom aa readily os ony position by which
we might seek to estoblish it. The great fundamental
maxira of deraocratic faith is the natural equality of
rights of all mankind. This is one of those truths which,
in our Declaration of Independence, fhe BIU of Rights of
this Confederacy, we claim to be self-evident. Those
who maintain that slavery is not an evil must repudiate
this raoxira. They muat be content to denounce the at
terapts to abolish slovery on fhe sorae ground thot Gib
bon* denounced the petitions lo the British Parliaraent
against the slave trade, because there was " a leaven of
deraocratical principles In thera, wild ideas of the rights
and natural equality of ftian," and they raust join that
full-faced aristocrat in execrating " the fatal consequences
of deraocratical principles, which lead by a path of flow
ers to the abyss of hell." If they adrait raan's natural
* See his letter to Lord Sheffield, Miscellaneous Works, vol, 1,
p, 349.

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 291
equalitj', they at once adrait slavery to be an evil. " In a
future day," says Dyraond, in his admirable work on mo
rals, " it will probably become a subject of wonder how It
could have happened fhat, on such a subject as slavery,
men could have inquired and examined and debafed, year
after j'ear ; and that many years could have passed be
fore the minds of a nation were so fully convinced of its
enormity, and of their consequent duty to abolish it, as to
suppress it to the utmost of their power. This wfll proba
bly be a subject of wonder, because the question is so
simple, that he who siraply applies the requisitions ofthe
moral law finds no time for reasoning or for doubt. The
question as soon as it is proposed is decided."
But if we shut our eyes upon the moral law, and de
cide whether slaverj' is a good or an evil with sole refer
ence to the fest of utility ; if wo consider it merely a ques
tion of political economy, ond one in which the interests
of humonify and the rights of nature, os they affect the
slave, are not to be taken into account, but the raere ad
vantage of the raasters alone regarded, we shall still come
to the same conclusion. The relative condition of any
two states of this Confederacy, taking one where slavery
exists, and one where it does not, illustrates the truth of
this reraark. But it would not be difficult to prove, by a
process of statistical arguments, that slave labour is far
more costly than free, wretchedly os tho wonts and com
forts of the slaves are provided for in most ofthe south
ern states. So that, limiting the inquiry to the mere
question of pecuniary profit, it could be demonstrofed that
slavery is an evfl. But this ia a view of fhe subject infi
nitely less important than its malign influence in social
and political respects, still regarding the prosperity of
the whites as alone deserving consideration. When the
social and political effects on three miUions of black raen

292 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
are superadded as proper subjects of inquiry, the evil be-
comea greatly increased.
But fo enter seriously info an argument fo prove that
slavery ia an evil would be a great waste of time. They
who asaert the contrary do so under the influence of
such feelinga aa ore evinced by the ruined orchangel, in
the worda from Mflton which we have quoted at the
head of these remarka. They do so in a tone of malig
nant defiance, and their own hearts, as fhey raake the
declaration, throb with a degrading consciousness of ita
falaehood. The position that no power in the Union can touch
the construction of southern society without violating
guaranteed righis, will no more bear the fest of examina
tion, than the assertion that slavery Is not an evil. There
is no power, we concede, in the federal government to
abolish slavery in any state, and none in any state lo abol
ish it except within its own limits. But in aa far aa a
free and full discussion of slavery, in all its characteristics
and tendencies, may be considered as touching the con.
struction of southern society, the right belongs to every
citizen ; and it is by this mode of touching it that it is
hoped eventually to do away entirely wilh the deplorable
evil. It cannot alwaya exist against the constant attri
tion of public opinion.
The right to discuss slavery exists in various forms. It
is clairaed, in the first place, that Congress has absolute
authority over that subject, so far as it relates to the Dis
trict of Columbia. Every state, also, has authority over
it within its own limits. And the people of the United
States have absolute authority over it, ao far as it pre
sents a question to be considered in reference to any pro-
posed araendment of the federal constitution. Suppose,
for example, it should be desired by ony portion ofthe peo
ple, to change the basis of southern representation In Con-

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 293
gress, on the ground that slaves, being allowed fo have no
political rights, but being considered mere property, ought
not to be enumerated in the political census, any more
than the cattle and sheep of northern groziera and wool-
growers. The Constitution Is amenable in this, as in
every other respect, with the single exception of the
equal representation of every state in the federal Senate ;
and it is consequently a legitimate subject of discussion.
Yet the diacussion of this subject involves, nofurally and
necessarilj', a consideration of slavery in all its relotions
and influences. Suppose, agoin, ony portion of tho citi
zens of a state where negroes are not held fo bondage,
but are not admitted to equal suffrage, as in this state,
should desire those distinctive limitations lo be removed.
This is a legitimate question to he discussed, and fhe dis
cussion of fhis brings up the whole subject of slavery.
Or suppose, thirdly, that any persons in a free state should
desire to re-instate negro slavery. The south would
scarcely quarrel with thera for seeking fo carry their
wishes into effect ; yet they could only hope to do so
through the raeans of a discussion which would legiti
mately embrace every topic connected with slavery, nearly
or remotely.
It is by discussion alone that those who are opposed to
slavery seek to effect a reconstruction of southern socie
ty ; and the means, we think, if there ia any virtue In
truth, will yef be found adequate to the end. If alavery
ia ready no evfl, the more it ia discussed, the greater will
be the number of its advocates ; but if it is " an evil,
moral, social and political," as Mr. Rives has had the
manliness to adrait, in the very teeth of Mr. Calhoun's
bravado, it will gradually give way before the force of
sound opinion. 25*'

294 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
THE POWER OF TIIE FEDERAL GOVERN.
MENT OVER THE DISTRICT OF COLUM
BIA.
[From the Plaindealer, April 15, 1837.]
Wb copied, a fortnight ago, the resolution adopted in
the lower branch of the Massachusetts Legislature, on
the subject ofthe right of petition and the right of abolish
ing slavery in the District of Colurabia. Since that tirae
the Senate of Massachusetts has adopted the following
resolutions, the first by a unanimous vote, and the second
with but one dissenting voice.
" Resolved, That Congress having exclusive legisla
tion in the District of Columbia, possesses the right to
abolish slavery and tbe slave trade therein ; and that the
early exercise of such right Is deraanded by the enlight
ened sentiment of the civilized world, by fhe principles
of the revolution, and by humanity.
" Resolved, That slavery, being an admitted morol and
political evil, whose continuance, wherever it exists, is
vindicated mainly on fhe ground of necessity, it should be
circumscribed within fhe limits of the states where it has
been already established ; and that no new state should
hereafter be admitted into the Union whose constitution
of governraent shaU sanction or permit the existence of
domestic slavery."
The resolutions were not concurred in by the other
branch of the legislature, upon which the Senate receded
from thera, and adopted the resolutions of fhe popular
branch, as heretofore given in this paper.
The proceedings of the Legisloture of Massachusetts
hove elicited much and various comment. Some jour
nals, with fhat contemptible desire of twisting every cir-
cura.stance lo the uses of party, which distinguishea the
newspaper press of this country, treat these resolutions

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 295
as a whig measure, while others are equally anxious to
charge thera upon the democrats. The Washington
Globe, the Richmond Enquirer, the Albany Argus, and
the American of this city, arc the leading prints that seek
to give a party complexion to the proceeding. The Na
tional Litelligencer takes higher ground, and speoks of
the resolutions occording to its opinion of their intrinsic
character and tcndcncj', without rushing In the face of
notorious facts fo Impute them fo either ofthe parties info
which raen are divided on other questions of politics.
" The right of the people peaceably to assemble, and
to petition the government for a redress of grievances,"
is declared in fhe first article of the amendments to tho
Constitution, and Congress is expressly forbidden fo make
any law abridging that right. The question which
arises on the terms of the article is whether fhe right ex
tends no further than to the mere offering of a petition,
or whether it includes an obligation upon the govern
ment to receive it, ond to moke such disposition of it as
may seera proper under the circurastances. It seeraa fo
us, clearly, that a law of Congress, refusing to receive pe
titions on any particular class of subjects, would be a vio
lation of the ploin intent and raeaning of the Article.
A resolution of either house of Congress, to the sarae
effect, does the work of a law, and seems to us equally a
violation of the constitutional provision. But as the
Intelligencer woves this point os a mafter of arguraent,
and confines itself to a siraple expression of opinion, we
shall also content ourselves, for the present, with stating
in these general terma our contrary view of the duty of
Congress in regard to petitions.
The alleged power of Congress to abolish slavery and
the traffic In slaves in the District of Columbia, presents
a topic which the Intelligencer deems worthy of more
particular notice. It pronounces it a " despotic power,"

296 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
and enters ifa "solemn profest" against the doctrine.
Despotic power is a phrase somewhat revolting to demo
cratic ears, because people are accustoraed to associate
the idea of despotism with thot of the unlimited and
' arbitrory rule of a single tyrant ; but despotic power Is
neither more nor less than absolute power, whether exer
cised by one or many, by on oufocrof at the irapulse of
his raere wiU and pleasure, or by the representatives of
a people, according fo the written provisions of a consti-
tutioiiul chortor us their own creation. l)os|)otic power
is neither more nor less, lo use Iho constittitional phrase,
than the power " to exercise exclusive legislation, in all
cases whatsoever," over the district given up to such legis
lation. The power of Congress over fhe District of
Columbia is in very truth despotic power ; that is, it is
absolute power ; that is, it is the power of exclusivo
legislation in all cases whatsoever.
The statea of Virginia and Maryland, when they ceded
the territory to the federal government which now con
stitutes the District of Columbia, surrendered it fo this
power of exclusive legislation. The federal government
could receive It upon no other condition than that speci
fied In the Constitution, fhat it should possess the right
to exercise over It absolute rule in every possible respect
not expressly interdicted by the Constitution. They
who then resided or owned property in that limit, if fhey
were dissatisfied with the surrender could remove or dis
pose of their possessions. The being puf to fhat incon.
venience and possible loss consliluted a fair subject of
petition for indemnity to the sovereign power of thoir own
state. If they chose to remain and suffer themselves
and their possessions to be transferred frora state to fed-
eral authority, they did so with a full knowledge fhat
their righta of personal property then came under the
" exclusive legislation of Congress in all cases whatso-

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 297
ever," with no limits whatever upon its power, but those
expressed in the provisions of the Constitution. The
foundation ofthe right of property in every country is the
law of the land. The foundation ofthe right of property
in A''irginia and Maryland Is the law of Virginia and
Marjdand. When Virginia and Maryland surrender a
portion of their territory to another governraent, relin
quishing to that other governraent exclusive right of
legislation in all cases whatsoever, fhe foundation ofthe
right of property in the territory so relinquished then rests
in the legislative power to which the surrender ia made.
The ownera of property hold their possessions subject to
the control of a despotism. This is the case with the
inhabitants of the District of Columbia, and so much for
the legal right of Congress to obolish slavery there. The
moral right, or what flic Intelligencer terms the expediency
of the measure, constitutes another question which we
do not feel called upon to discuss at the present tirae.

A FEAV WORDS TO THE ABOLITIONISTS.
[From the Plaindealer, April 22, 1837.]
The temper in which some of fhe newspapers, devoted
to the abolition of slavery, treat that momentous subject
is exceedingly reprehensible — hardly less so, indeed, than
that opposite spirit of fanaticisra and persecution againat
which we have so repeatedly and earnestly exerted our
voice. The emancipation of three millions of human be
ings from degrading servitude is a great and noble object,
and the means should partake ofthe same character. Ex
citing and opprobrious language, insulting jeers, angry
denunciations, and uncalled for imputations of unworthy
motives, should be scrupulously avoided. They who are

298 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
governed by the right spirit in endeavouring to accom
plish the enfranchisement of the blacks, aim to achieve a
great good to the,maater, as well aa fo the slave. They
aim to do away an evil, moral, social and polillcul, and ono
that exorcises a pernicioHs influcnco on all classes of men
where it exists. A motive of so much benevolence and phi
lanthropy is best and most eflectually shown, in its true
character, by kind and assuasive means. But such aro
not the means resorted to by several of the leading abo-
lition papers. Their language is acrimonious ; their con
demnation of flie slaveholders is sweeping and malignant ;
their jibes and taunts are full of sharpness and asperity ;
and the grossest imputations are uttered in hold assertions,
without being supported by a syllable of proof. All this
is bad, very bad, and tends lo retard the good work, which
they profess Ihemselves desirous to promote.
It is difficult, we readily concede, for we hove experien
ced it to bo so on more than one occasion, to temper with
becoming moderation the expressions which indignation
naturally prompts on perusing the accounts of those out
rages which the negroes and their defenders constontly
suffer. We do not know.thaf it is even desirable fhat, on
such occasions, a writer should strive lo give vent to his
emotions of abhorrence and reprobalion in a rill of soft
ond miiaical worda. Let hira pour out his sentimenta in
a torrent of manly eloquence ; let him express himself
freely and warmly ; let his pen obey the dictates of his
heart; let him " cry aloud and spare not," But while we
do not condemn, but rather commend, such fervour aa ho
nourable, when provoked by the immediate spectacle of
wrong and outrage, we would not alwoya come to the con
sideration of the question of slavery in such an "excited
temper. It is a question for calm diacuasion. It is a
question of facta and arguments. It is a question which
involves vast interests. It is fraught with momentous

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 299
consequencea. It concerns the peace, happiness, and pros
perity of millions of fellow-beings. It is inseparably
connected with political considerations ofthe gravest and
holiest kind. It is, in short, a question, more than any other
which can arise in our Confederacy, that iraperatively caUs
for caution, teraperance, and kindness, in the discussion
of it. We should not approach it with malevolence in
our hearts, either towards fhe master or slave. We ahould
not approach it as partisans or sectarians. We should
come to it only aa friends of freedom and humanity, as
champions of equal rights, solely desirous of accomplish
ing that noble end of democratic effort — the greatest
good ofthe greatest number ofour fellow men.
This Is not the spirit vvhich sorae of the abolition
prints display. The following article, for example, from
a recent nuraber ofthe Boston Liberator will not atand
the test ofthe rule we have laid down. It is acrimonious,
vindictive, intolerant, and unjust, and unworthy, in every
respect, of the cause In which that newspaper is engaged.
The article referred to, after alluding to certain reli
gious anniversaries which are about to be held in this
city, Phfladelphia and Boston, continuea in the following
wise :
" It is expected that many slaveholding ministers and
christians from the south will be in the above nomed
cities in ftlay. They are coming on to pray and raake
speeches at our anniversaries.
" Bullet our coloured citizens beware of these southern
ministers and christians. They may have another ob
ject in attending our anniversaries, besides praying and
making speeches. Thia object very nearly concerns
our coloured citizens. These slaveholders think all co
loured people ought to be slaves. They look upon you
as property, and when they see you and your wives and

300 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
children walking through the streeta, instead of thinking
how to do good and save your souls, they think how much
you would bring in tho market, if they could get you to
Baltimore, Washington, Richraond, or New-Orleans.
" So after having made a long prayer und a good
apeech at an anniversary, perhaps you wifl find them at
night lurking about your houses, to catch you and carry
you off to the south. As you come out of your doors, it
may be they will spring upon you, knock you down, gag
you, chain and fetter you, give you a good cowhiding to
keep you still ; and then take you to some ship in the har
bour and send you to the south.
" Especially, if there has been a contribution af fhe an
niversary, and they have given any thing, then it espe
cially stands you In hand to beware. You may expect
that they will indemnify theraselves by stealing your
wives and children. They know our city authorities will
not protect you. They know the ministers and chris
tians of New-York arid Boston wiU think just as well of
thera if they do kIdno[i a goodly number of our citizens.
" I warn you to keep in doors. Lock, bolt and bar
your doors. Close your shutters. Be careful how you
appear at the anniversaries. How do you know but while
the slaveholder is making a speech, ho may mark you out
for his prey ? I tell you, slaveholding ministers are oc-
customed to steal raen, women and children every day.
It is the first great object of their lives. The next is
praying and preaching.
'• Up, watch, look out for slaveholding ministers and
christians, or your wives and children may be torn from
your embrace, and dragged away to weep, to pine and
die In the land of tears and blood.''
Can anything be in a worse teraper than this ? It is
such articles, and such conduct as naturally and alraost
necessarily flows from the circulation of such articles.

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 301
that cause tho opponents of slavery to be denounced os
fanatics ond incendlories. There ia certainly both a
fanatical and incendiary spirit and tendency in tho re
marks wo have copied. The obolitioulsts may rely upon
it that they do not advance flieir object by obuUItions so
intolerant and denunciatory. Tbeir natural olfoct is lo
exosperato opponents and abate fhe zeol of friends.

CONNECTION OF STATE WITH BANKING.
[From ihe Plaindealer, May 6, 1837.]
A PARAGRAPH from o recent number of this poper, un-
der the hood of Political Meddling wilh Finance, is copied
bythe Richmond Whig, ond comraented upon as a con
cession that the " exporiraont " ofthe last adrainistration,
with regard to tbo currency, has faded. That journal
holds the following language :
" The following article from the Plaindealer, fhe ablest
and most honest Van Buren paper with which we are
ocqualnted, makes tho important concession that the
great ' Eoq>erimc7ii ' of the hero has failed. This con
veys no information to our minds, for we have never for
one moment been so far deluded as to boliovo that the
result of the tinkiMing of the ciirroncy would bo other
wise than it is. Apart from the concession of the fail
ure of the ' Experiment,' the reason assigned for that
failure is worthy of notice. - Instead of dissolving all
connexion between the government and the banks, that
connexion has boon rendered more complicate,' soys fhe
writer, by the new system. Of course it has. That the
government might hove indisputoblo control of the
banks, and employ them as partison engines, was the
consideration which prompted the ' Experiment.' All who
Vol. II.— 20

302 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
were honest, and had any acquaintance with finance
and coraraerce, foresaw and foretold that the prostitution
of the currency of the country lo party would bring
ruin." We thank fhe Richmond Whig for the coraplimentary
terms in which It speaka of us ; though, without any affec
tation of modesty, we raust disclaim the justice of ita
praise, whfle an administration newspaper, published in
fhis very city, comes daily under our notice, conducted
not only with strict integrity, but in the most enlighfonod
and philosophical spirit of political discussion, and show
ing, in almost every leading article, raro scholarship,
great copiousness of logical resources, felicitous com-
mand of languoge, earnest patriotism, large views of pub
lic econoray, and firm devotion lo the cause of truth,
joined with such kindness of teiii|)er ua strips controversy
of its bitterness, and leaves the decision of questions lo
the unclouded judgment of its readers. It vvould be a
happy thing for fhe people, if there were more newspa
pers, on both sides of fhe dividing line of parties, direct
ed by a spirit of so much purity and intelligence. We
need not add fhat we allude fo the Evening Post.
There is another point in the commendation of the
Richmond Whig which requires to be set right. This is
not a Van Buren paper. Tho great purpose ofour jour
nal is to advance tho cause of political truth. AVo do
not adopt, as our maxim, tbo stale and deceptive cont of
principia non homines, which is usuolly the motto of those
whose purposes are utterly selfish and base. We con
tend for men, as well as principles ; but for the former
OS the moans, and tho latter as tbe object. For this reo
son, we are friendly lo ftlr. Van Buron, considering liiiii
OS the iuslrumeiit chosen hy the democracy of the coun
try to carry into effect deraocratic principles in the
administrofion of the federal governraent. So far as he

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 303
Is true to that great trust, ho eholl assuredly have our
zealous support ; but we shall support him in no devia
tion, however slight, from flie straight ond obvious path
of democratic duty, ond sliould he, in any instance, stray
widely from i(, he will assuredly encounter our decided
opposition. Of this we hovo olreody given an eornest,
in our condemnation ofthe strange and startling avowal
with which he commenced his executive career — his
precedaneous exercise of the veto power. It is on un-
warrantable uso of iiollticol metonymy, then, fo coll the
Plaindealer a Voii Buren journal. It is a democratic
journal, and is ambitious of no higher iioinc.
AVith regard to tho iraputed concession mode by this
paper, we only ask that our language should not be
strained to larger uses than its obvious purport justifies.
We do not consider that the " experiment" has faded, iC
by that party catchword is meant the measures of the
last adrainistration in regard to fhe United Stales Bank.
We approved then, and approve now, the veto of the bill
to recharter that institution. We approved then, and ap
prove now, the removal of the federal revenues frora its
custody. And vve should consider the reinstitutlon of
a bank. In the popular sense of that word, by the federal
authorif J', as one of the very worst evils which could be
faU our country. What we disapprove now, and what wc
have alwaj's dlsapiuovcd, is that the government should
connect itself, in any way, or to any extent, with the
business of banking. When it removed its money from
the federal bank, it should not have deposited It with fhe
bonks which exist under stote outhority. If should hove
stood wholly oloof from such institutions. The only
legitimote use which it has for its funds is, in our
view, to pay its necessary expenses ; and the only legiti
mate keeper of fhem in fhe meanwhde Is itself. The
treasures ofthe United States are raised by taxation, in

304 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
specified modes, for the purpose of paying the debts and
providing for fhe common defence and general welfare of
the country. The Constitution recognizes nothing as
money but gold ond silver coin ; and tbe government
should theroforo receive its revenues in nothing else. It
recognizes, in strictness, nothing os an object to which
those revenues are to bc applied but the necessary ex
penses incurred in conducting the general political ofl'oirs
of tho Confederacy. Tho safe keeping of the iiioiioy,
then, is tbo only object to be ofl'ocled, between tho collec
tion and the disbursoiiioiit of il. For this purpose Iho
government is itself fully competent. It hos but to eslob-
llsh a place of deposit, under proper guardians, in the
commercial focus of fhe country, and pay the various
branches of public service with checks or drafts on that
depositary. It has, properly, nothing to do with the ex
changes of the country. They are an offiilr of trade,
which should be left to the lows of trode. It hos, pro
perly, nothing to do with the currency, which is also an
afl'oir of trade, and perfectly within the competency of ifs
own natural laws to govern. Let the governraent con
fine itself fo its plain ond obvious political duties. Let
it 'have nothing to do with a " credit syslem." Let it
connect itself neither with corporations nor individuals.
Let it keep its own money, taking caro that it is money,
and not promises; and let it leave it to unfettered sagacity
and enterprise fo devise and carry into eflect whatever
system of exchange and credit may be found most udvoii-
logeous fo the commorciol interests of society.
The first objection which will probobly suggest itself lo
these views is, that they conteraplale the keeping of a
vast fund of the precious metals hoarded up from use,
which might be profitably eraployed as the basis of cora
mercial credit. But is it not necessary that the fund
should be vast ? and, on the contrary, it ia admitted by

WILLIAM leggett. 305
politicians both of the democratic and aristocratic secta,
the former on general political principle, and fhe latter
frora aversion fo the dorain.ant party, or distrust of Its In
tegrity, that the revenue should be adjusted to the scale
of expenditure. The keeping of the surplus safely lock
ed up iu the shape of money, would afford on additional
motive fo both parties to increase their efforts fo reduce
the revenue to the minimum araount. Again, as fo thia
money being susceptible of being usefully employed as a
basis of credit. Credit to whom ? The government does
not need it ; for it has no business lo transact on credit.
The people collectively do not need it ; for it is as rauch
a part ofthe substantial wealth ofthe country under the
lock and key ofthe federal treasury, os it would be under
that of any bonk or individual. And no bonk or Individ- '
ual needs it ; for the credit of every bonk and of every
person is sufficiently extended when it covers the basis
of their own real weoltli. If extended beyond this, on
the bosis of a loan or deposit frora fhe government, it Is
obvious such bonk or individuol would be deriving an ad
vantage by jeoparding the money of the government ;
that is, of tho people ; that is, the rights of Ihe many
would bc endangered for the benefit of the few.
Another objection to our theory may be urged, fhat if
the government gathered its revenue for safe keeping ot
any one point, its checks on that fund, in some quarters
where payments would be necessary, would be below par,
and tho receiver of them would thus be defrauded of a
portion of his dues. This would not bo so, in fact,
in .any port of onr country, if the commercial focus *
of the Confederacy were .selected as tho place for the
federal dciiosilary. Should it happen, however, in rela.
tion to any branch ofthe public service, soy, for example,
sorae mUitory outpost, tho government would but bo un
der the necessity of fronsporfing fhe requisite omount of
26*

; 306 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
funds to such outposts ; and fhe cost of doing so would be
as much the legitiraate expense to be defrayed out of fhe
general fund, as any other expense incurred in the con
ducting of our political affairs. The some remark will
hold good of the cost of conveying the revenues from the
various points where coUected, to the place of general
deposit. These are, in brief, our views aa fo the duty of the
federal governinent, in regard to flie collection and dia-
bursenient of ifs revenues. Tho great object which wo
desire to see accorapUshed, and lo the accoraplishraent of
which, we think, the course of things is obviously tend-
ing, is the utter and coraplete divorcement of politics from
the business of banking. We desire to see banking di
vorced not only from federal legislation, but from state
legislation. Nothing but evil, either in this countiy or
others, has arisen frora their union. The regulation of
fhe currency, and fhe regulation of credit, ore both offoirs
of trade, ftlen want no laws on the subject, except for the
punishment of frauds. They want no laws except such
aa are necessary for the protection of their equal rights.
If the government deposites Ifs money with a corporation,
a voluntary association, or an individual, it does so either
on the condition of sorae return being londered, or none.
' If none, an advantage, which is the luoperty of tbe whole
people, is given fo one or a few, in manifest violation of
of the people's equal rights. If il receives o return, that
return is either on equivalent or not. But no corpora
tion, association, or individual would render an exact
equivalent, since only tho profit of the fru.st vvould present
o motive for assuming it. If the return is not on equiva
lent, it is still manifest that one or a few are benefited at
the expense of fhe mony.
AVe ore no enemy lo banking. It is o highly useful
branch of trade. It is capable of accomplishing raany

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 307
imporfont results, the odvonfages of which, without legis
lative control or irapodimont, would naturally diffuse
theraselves over the whole surface of society. Banking
is on important wheel in the groat machine of commerce ;
and commerce, not confining tho word to merchants, who
are more intermediaries and factors, but using it to ex-
press fhe stupendous aggregate of thot vost reciprocal in
tercourse which embraces alike fhe products of ngricul-
furo and ort, science and literature — coraraerce is the
cfliclont instruniont of civilization ond promoter of oil
that improves and elevates mankind. Wo connot there
fore be an eiiomj' of any essential port in so beneficent a
whole. Our hostility is not directed agoinst bonking,
but ogainst that legislative interraeddling, by which it ia
withdrawn from the harmonious operation of Its own laws,
and subjected to laws Imposed by ignorance, selfishness,
ambitien ond ropocitj-.
Tho' " experiment" of the lost adrainistration, so far as
it was an experiraent intended to separate the govern
ment from connexion with bonks, and to bring obout the
repudiation of every thing but real money In ifs dealings
with the citizens, has our warmest opprobotion. The spe
cie circular, for the some reason, is on " experiment "
which we wholly approved, and Mr. Yon Buren haa
strengthened our good opinion of him by his firmness in
adhering to fhat measure, against the clamour of which it
has been mode o prolific theme. Glad should we be, ifa
law, ofo tenor corresponding with thaf order, were enacted
in relation to fhe payments at the customs. AVe should be
rejoiced if fhe federal government should set so noble an
example to the monopoly-loving legislatures of the stales,
and loach Ibein Ibat tho money of the Constitution Is tho
only money which should bo known fo fhe lows. They
who ascribe the pre,sent embarrassments of trade fo the
" experiments" of Andrew Jackson are not wholly In the

308 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
wrong, ftlucli of fhe present evil, we do not question,
might have been avoided, had the United Stafes Bank
been quiefly re-chartered, without opposition, and wllhout
curtailment of ita powers. It would then have had no
motivo for its ultcrnato contractions and expansions, be
yond the mere desire of pecuninry gain, unless, indeed,
it hod chosen to ploy fhe port of " king-maker," ond dic
tate to the , people whora they should elect to fiU their
chief political trusts. But not being quietly re-chartered,
it undertook fo coerce tbe administration to do what it
was not disposed lo do of Its own free will, ond hence was
tried, in fhe first place, the efficacy of a sudden pressure,
and afterwards of a sudden expansion. It was this course
which gave the original impulse fo the spirit of wild spe
culation, and led fo the creation of such a lorge number
of bonking institutions by the several states. The re
sult, probably, wos not wholly unforeseen by the lofe Pre-
sident, when he refused his signature fo the act renewing
the charter of the United States Bank. The pafli of
duty, however, lay plain before him ; and/fo turn aside
from it would hove been as inexcusable, as would be the
conduct of that judge who should pardon an atrocious
criminal frora the feor thot, if executed, his confederates
might embrace tho occasion to excilo a liimult, uud throw
the conimunity into temporary disorder. The course of
justice ought not to be stayed by such o considerofion in
fhe one case more than in the olher.
If the community desire a banking Inslilufion, capable
of regulating the currency and the exchanges, and pos
sessed of oil tho power for good vvhich distinguished the
United Stofes Bonk, without thot enormous power of evil
by which it was more distinguished, let fhem, through fhe
ballot-boxes, Insist on the abolition of all restraints on the
freedom of trade. Enterprise and conqielition, if they
were free lo act, would soon build up a better bank than

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 309
it is in the power of Congress to create, putting out of
sight the constitutional objection ; and they would regu
late its issues, ensure its solvency, and confine it within
the proper field of bonk operations, for more effcctiioUy
than could the most cunningly devised checks <lnd condi
tions which legislotive wisdom ever froraed. This is the
great " experiraent " which hos yet to be fried ; ond It
requires no spirit of prophecy fo foresee thot one of the
greot dividing questions of politics for some years fo come
will resolve itself into a deraand, on the one hand, for a
federal bonk, ond, on tho other, for fhe total separation
of bank and state. AVo havo provided with great care
agoinst tbe union of politics and religion ; but In our
judgment o hierorchicol mixture In our government is not
more to be deprecated thon on oUionce between legisla
tion ond banking. Church and State, hos an evU sound ;
but Ba/ik and State grates raore horshly on our ears.

THE CRISIS.
•' Laissez nous fane."
[Fro7n the Plaindealer, May 13, 1837.]
The community is now experiencing o beauflful illus
tration of the exceUonee of flie monopoly system. All
the banks in this city suspended payment on Wednesdoy
lost, ond it is fo be presumed the exoraple wUl be follow
ed far ond wide. Here, then, is on end of the sofety
fund bubble, the best system of bonks and currency ever
devised by human ingenuity, if we may believe fhe Alba
ny Argus, and ifa followers of the raonopoly school, and
one of the worst that ever fraud imposed upon credulity,
if we wIU but exaraine it by the lights of wisdom and
experience.

310 POLITICAL WBITINGS OF
We say here Is an end of the safety fund bubble ; but
this position ia conditional on the people's asserting their
equal rights, and demanding fhe absolute divorcement
of legislation flora the businesa of banking, and from all
supervisory connection with trade and credit, further
thon the mere enforcement ofthe obligations of contracts,
and the punishraent of frauds. If the present condition
of things does not irapel them fo do this, they are sunk in
a depth of fatuity beyond all hope of redemption. It is
as palpable to the raind, as tbe universal light of day fo the
senses, that tho present anarchical and chaotic condition
of financial affairs is the result, fhe direct and inevitable
result, of the unholy alliance between politics and banking.
The union of bank and state in this country is crushing
the people under the weight of a despotism as grievous
as was ever irajiosed upon mankind by the union of church
and state. Better, far bettor, fo bc under the domi
nion of a hierarchy, than under tho galling and iguoblo
rule of legislation money-chongers.
Whot a world of wisdora there is in the brief phrase
we have placed as a raotto to this article ! Society, re
covering from the delirium excited by the stimulus of
special legislation, begins fo see that true wisdora con
sists, not in regulating trade by a system of artificial
checks ond balances, perpetually liable to be thrown into
disorder, which fhe very complication of the contrivance
then renders almost irreraediable, but simply in letting
trade alone. There are obundont Indications around us
that we shall not long stand unaided In the views we
have frequenfly expressed of tbo utter folly and inevita
ble evil of aU legislative intermeddling with the natural
laws of trade. Banking is a good thing enough in its
intrinsic nature ; but government should have no connec-

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 811
tion with It, and should recognize nothing as money but
silver and gold.
AVe are not on eneraj' to a paper representative of rao
ney, any more than wo lue to confidence between man
and raan in any otber shape It may naturally assume, for
mutual convenience, in the transaction of necessary deal
ings. AVe are not an enemy to banking, any more than
we are to any other branch of traffic instrumental In
corrying on fhe great commercial Intercourse of society.
AVe ore on enemy only to o raixture of politics with
banking ; fo the vain atterapts lo regulate the channels
in which trade shall run ; fo that legislative intermeddling
which withdraws credit from fhe harmonious operation
of its own laws, disturbs its equal flow, and leoves tho
community to be at one time deluged with a cataclysra
of paper raoney, and at onother exposed fo oil fhe horrors
of financial drought.
It would be a happy thing for this country, if the
doubtful power under which banks are created had been
positively withheld. It would be a happy thing if all
right of interference vvith trade, either by iramunities or
prohibitions, by restraining laws or special charters, had
been soleranly interdicted. More misery, raore iramo-
rollfj', more degradation of the many for the undue ele-
vation ofthe few, than con even bo conjectured, have re
sulted from the vain attempts to regulate the currency.
Lot commerce, ond lot tho currency, which is but an
appendage and accident of commerce, regulate them
selves ; and let the government confine its attention
strictly to the purposes which constitute the sole legiti
raate ends of political orgonizalion, the mere protection
of person and property. We should then soon present to
the world the spectacle of a people more free, more equal
ly prosperous, and more happy, than has ever yet fur
nished a subject fo flic historian. The history of tho

312 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
past is but a Newgate Calender on on extensive scale ;
tho history of the future would be a work of a sublimor
character. lu the raidst of fbo financial desolation which has
been brought upon us by the inevitablo operation of
raonopoly legislation^ — by fhe wretched cboriatanry which
seeks to prop up on artificial systera of credit with special
stotutcs, and hedge it round with penalties and prohibl-
tiona — the coraraunity haa on araple opportunity lo cou-
teraplofe the consequencea of that folly which would sub-
sfitute the lows of man for those of nature, and wholly
change the irreversiblo order of causes and effects. Can
ony man vvho hos eyes fo see, or ears fo hear, or under
standing to conceive, survey fhe deplorable wrecks of
commerce and credit strewn on every aide, fhe broken
columna and arches ofthe great fabric of trade, or lisfon
to the groans of an agonized coraraunity lying prostrate
beneafli the ruins, without tbe conviction rushing into
his mind, fhat the melancholy result must be ascribed
to those, who, clothed in brief legislative authority, inter
pose their fantastic expedients in place of that natural
systera which constitutes the eternal fitness of things.
Each frograehtof our shattered coraraerce bears, stain[)-
ed in characters which he vvho runs may read, the force
ful inscription — " Tins is the fkuit of MONoroi.y le
gislation." AVo were forewarned, timely forewarned, and by one
whose counsel we hod reason to respect, of tho em
barrassments in which special legislation would involve
us. The messages of Andrew Jackson ore roiilele with
lessons of admonitory vvlsdoiu. But Iho passion ofovoricu
hod seized upon our hearts, and flio desire of sudden riches
outweighed the suggestions of roosoii. AVo behold now
the consequences of our infatuation. Wo ore now ad
monished by thot sternest of teachers, experience. But

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 313
the lesson, though rude, will lead only fo good. If wo
have tho sense fo pause, and read it aright.
The banks are broken, and, without legislative inter
vention, will soon forfeit their chorters. We have been
sorrowfully taught the miserable impotence of legislation ;
it is tho fountain from vvhich tho waters of bitternosa have
flowed ; let us not then ogoin unseol it, that it raay ef
fuse another desolating flood. AVhat can legislation do ?
Insult the community, by confirming fhe special privi
leges of money changers, after their own acts hove de-
clored their utter worlhlessness ? Enable a band of pa
per-money depredators to prey more voraciously than
before on the vitals of the people ? Authorize thera to
pour out a fresh torrent of their promises, now really of
no more value than the paper on which they are writ ?
AVIU the coraraunity tolerate such an enormous fraud ?
Let the Banks perish I Let the monopolists be swept
from the board ! Let fhe whole brood of privileged mo
ney-changers give place fo the hardy offsprings of com
mercial freedom, vvho ask for no protection but equal laws,
and no exemption from the shocks of boundless corape
tifion. We coramisserate the innocent who sufl'er by fhe
downfall ofthe banks ; but we cannot consent that a mi
tigation of their troubles shall be purchased by the perpe
tuation of a system fraught with so rauch evil to the
entire community. Now is the time for the completo
emancipation of trade from legislative thraldoin. If thi.>ii
propitious moment is suffered lo pass by unimproved, the
fetter, now riven almost asunder, will be rivetted anew,
and hold us in slavery forever. The choice is presented to
ua of freedora or perpetual bondage. Let us demand, then,
as with one voice, the reintegration of our natural righta ;
let us protest against tho renovation of that curabrous
fabric of legislative froud ond fo'ly, which has foUon of
its own weight, and, if raised again, vvill again topple
Vol. il— 27

314 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF
before the firat comraercial revulaion, to bury other myri
ads in ifa ruina.
If we knew any form of speech which would arrest
the attention ofour reader, or any raode of arguraent
which would satisfy his reason, that we have not again
and again used, we would employ It now, wilh all the
earnestness of a sincere conviction of the importance of
the subject, to persuade hira that the only true ground of
hope for the enduring prosperity of pur commerce, in all
its vast and coraplicotod relations, consists in giving free
dom fo trade. Free banking is the system pursued in
Scotland, and that country escapes revulsions, while
England and America are exposed to continual parox
ysms and collapaions, to expansions that unsettle all the
foundations of property, and contractions that reduce
whole communities to wretchednesa and want. England,
with all the monarchical and ariatocratic potentiality of ita
government, haa never yef been able to regulate the cur
rency, with Its stupendoua machinery of finance. But
Scotland, without any separate governraent, and without
any legislative machinery of finance, has enjoyed a sta
ple and uniforra currency, becouse it haa wisely been
left to the natural laws of trade.
If the wants of the community require a great banking
institution, capable of regulating the currency and ex
changes, set trade free, and it will aupply.such an inatilution
of its own accord. AVe need not go as humble petitioners
either to our state or federal government, and beseech
it fo bestow special privileges on a few, that they
may regulate the affairs of the many : we have only to
adopt the franker and manlier course of deraanding back
those natural rights, of which we have been defrauded
by dishonest and ignorant legislators. We need seek
no Immunity, but only claim our own. We need ask for
the iraposition of no new statute on the overburlhened
people, but only for the abrogation of lawa which now

WILLIAM LEOGETT. 315
weigh them to the earth. We desire nothing but the
common privilege of pursuing our own business, in our
own way, without a legislative taakraaster to say how
much we shall do, what equivalent we shall have for our
toU. The same enterprise which freights the ocean with
our products, which breaks our rivers info a thousand
eddies with the revolving wheels of stearaboats, which
perraeotea the land with canals, and binds stofe to state
in the iron embrace of railroads, would be abundantly
able to perform the hurable functions of banker, without
the aid of legislative favour, or protection. Enterprise
would build up, and corapetifion would regulate, a better
system of banks than legislation ever can devise. We
have tried, to our cost, the competency of the latter,
and we are now tasting the bitter consequences of our
credulity. Let us now test the experiraent of freedom. It cannot
place us in a worse condition than that to which we
have been hurled by the terrible avulsion of the monopoly
systera.

THE SAFETY FUND BUBBLE.
[From the Plaindealer, May 20, 1837.]
 Help mo, Cassius, or I sink !
SuAKSrEARE.
Tub prayer of the insolvent Banka has been granted
by our monopoly legislature, and tbey are perraitted, in
the teeth of their own confession of Inability to perform
their contracts, to continuo fo issue theu worthless
and lying promises, which the community are virtually
obliged to receive as real money. Was there ever a piece

316 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
of grosser legislative fraud than this ? Here havo been
merchants failing by scores for months past. Many of
fliem show, to the entire satisfaction of their creditors!,
that their properly far overbalances their debts. Tho
difliculty of obtaining ready money has obliged Ihem to
suspend their payraents ; but it is rendered manifest, by
a full exposition of their affairs, that not a dollar wifl
ultimately be lost by those having clairas upon thera.
The iraraediate cause which corapelled theae persons to
suspend their business was the impossibility of obtaining
money on any kind of securities. But that impossibility
was itself the effect of another cause : and if we traco
the connexion of cause and effect lo the beginning, we
shall find that the whole evil grew out of the raonstrous
expansion of bank credit, which provoked a raost inordi
nate thirst of speculation, and stiraulated men to under
take fhe wUdest enterprises. These enterprises were of a
nature to require a continually increasing expansion of
bank credit. But there was a limit which the banka did
not dare to overpass. When that limit was reached, the
demand for money to sustain fhe mad projects which had
been undertaken led to the freely giving of the raost
exorbitant rates of intorest to privote raoney deolers.
Those rotoa of inlerest soon consumed tho actual meana
of speculators, and they wore forced lo sacrifice their
property to meet the further demands upon fhem. Capi
talists, seeing that the financial revulsion had comraenced,
withdrew from the field in alarm. The banks, fearful of
a deraand for specie, began to retrench as rapidly as they
had expanded ; and the merchant, in the meanwhile, who
had pursued the even tenor of his way, neither enlarging
nor diminishing hia buaineas, but keeping within those
bounds which all forraer experience told him were com
patible with safety, now began to experience the bitter
consequences of folly in which he had had no share. In

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 317
vain he offered triple and quadruple securities for the
sums necessary for the transaction of his business. The
extravagance and rapacity of tbe banks had produced, as
their natural fruit, a general prostration of commercial
confidence. Individuals wore afraid to lend; for in the
midst of the fictitious values which speculation had given
to every thing, they could not decide whether the prof
fered security waa real or illusory, whether substantial or
a mere phantom of property, which would melt fo noth
ing in their grasp. The banka could not lend, for they
were involved in the meshes of their own wide-spread
net ; and to extricate themselves, as the result has shown,
was a task beyond their strength. They had been po
tent Instruraents in producing fhe general derangement,
but were utterly powerless to reraedy it. The conae
quence was, that many a sound and solvent merchant
wos arrested by inevitable necessity, in the midst of a
prosperous career, and obliged to trust his affairs entirely
to the mercy of his creditors, and to the sport of accident.
AVhile these deplorable bankrupteies were taking place,
we heard of no proposition of relief from our legislature ;
but the Instant that the banks, those prolific fountains
from which the streams of mischief flowed, became in
solvent, aU other businesa of the state was laid aside,
and the sole question deeraed viorfhy of consideration
was what means should be devised for propping up the
worthless monopoly institutions. As the result of legisla
tive wisdom, employed on this commendable object, we
have the foUowing law.
* *****
To discuss the particular provisions of the law which
we have submitted to our readers would be a waste of
their time and our own. It is enough that is the law.
The measure, vvhich the exigency of fhe fimes could not
but suggest to every mind at aU imbued with the true
27*

318 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
principles of economic freedom, has not been accomplish
ed ; but in its stead, a raeasure has been adopted, by an
overwhelming majority, to continue the privUegea of an
affiliated league of raonopoliea, after the condition on which
those privileges were originally granted has been viola
ted, and the object they were designed to effect has utterly
failed. The chartered banks should have been left to
their fate. If they are aolvent, no loas could occur to
any connected with them, nearly or remotely, by such a
course ; and if they ore insolvent, on what prinsiplo of
justice are thoy permitted to continuo thoir deprodations
on the coraraunity 1 The repeal of all the restraints on
the trade iu money would open the field of banking to
universal enterprise and competition ; and enterprise and
corapelition, in that branch of business, as in every other,
would lead to the happiest results.
It waa once feared that religion could not flourish, if
separated frora the supervision of governraent ; but the
success of the voluntary principle in this country has
refufed fhe theories of hierarchisfa.- The success ofthe
voluntary principle in banking would be not less exem
plary. The day is coraing, we are convinced, when men
wiU universaUy deprecate all connexion between Bank
and State, with as much abhorrent earnestness as they
now deprecate a connexion between Church and State.
'. We have no established reUgion ; why need we have an
established bank ? One of two things ia absolutely cer
tain : either we muat utterly dissolve the affaira of poli
tics from those of trade ; or we must go back to the sj's-
,tera of federal auperviaion. We muat either have no
chartered bank, or we must have a national bank. We
must either leave trade wholly free, or place it under
effectual control. Bad as is the scherae of a federal bank,
worse evUs are fo be dreaded frora the fraud and folly of
state monopolies. The only true systera — the system
which has been proved f o be good in every thing f o which

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 319
its principles havo boon applied — the system in entire
accordance with the fundamental maxiras of liberty — is
to confine politics to the affairs of government, and leave
trade fo its own laws. When our federal Government
and our State governments separate themselves entirely
from banking and credit, recognizing nothing as raoney
but raoney, keeping their own revenues In their own cus
tody, and leaving men to form their own system of cur
rency and credit, without intervention, further than to en
force the obligation of contracts, or exact the penalty of
violating them — then, and not till then, shall we be a
happy and a prosperous people. »

NEWSPAPER NOMINATIONS.
[From ihe Plaindealer, May 20, 1837.]
In our lost number, when commenting on the " no par
tisan" professions of the whig travelling coraraittee, we
stated that the proceedings of that veracious body had a
direct reference to an intended noraination, at no distant
day, of Mr. Webster, as a candidate for the office of
President. Circumstances have forced thia nomination
to be mode, in an inforraal manner, at an earlier day than
waa anticipated. The Evening Star, of Thursday last,
having intimated, in pretty positive terms, that Mr. Clay
is entitled to the support of the aristocracy, as their next
candidate for the chief executive office of the Confed
eracy, the Commercial Advertiser and the American of
the following evening eagerly reprehended fhe raoveraent
of their contemporary, and protested fhat Daniel Webster
was their man. We are sorry fo observe any signs of
division In the ranks ofour adversaries. We should be
much better pleased to see them all unite, with one mind

320 POLITICAL WHITINGS OF
and heart, on a single individual ; and we should be still
better pleased if that individual were Mr. AVebster. This
would bring the strife on the true ground of antagonist
political principles. It would call upon the people to
array theraselves under the standard eilher of democracy
or aristocracy. It would show conclusively whether the
intelligence of this country acknowledges the maxim that
" Property is the test op merit," or whether it still
holds to tfio oppoaife raaxim, " The equality of human
BIGHTS." The aristocratic party ought to select Mr. Webster
for their candidate. They acted scurvily towards hina
in the laat contest. To thrust him aside from the field,
that fhey might array themselvea under the petticoat
banner of so poor an "available," such a mere effigy of
a leader, as General Harrison, was, to say the least,
mortifying treatment. They owe Mr. Webster repara
tion. They owe it to themselvea, too, to pursue a raore
dignified course. Their political projects, heretofore,
have been palpable confessions of inferiority. They havo
sought to disguise the true issue. They have seized
hold of teraporary and local questions. They have selected
candidates, not with reference to their capacity or prin
ciples, but solely with reference to their supposed power
of healing divisions, and uniting separate interests. It ia
time they should come out in their true cliarocfera, and
avow the real objecta for which they contend. Let them
declare, then, their rooted distrust of the Intelligence
and integrity of the mass of the people ; their belief that
property is the test of raerit, and should be the basis of
suffrage ; their opinion that the duty of governraent is
to take care of the rich, leaving it to the rich fo take caro
ofthe poor ; and their desire, for the furtherance of these
objects, to establish a federal bank, wifli sufficient capital
to buy up raen and presses, like cattle in the market. At

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 331
the end of such a confession of faith, nothing could be in
better keeping than the nomination of Daniel Webster
for fbo office of President.
ftlr. Webster is certainly a great man. We ahould
oppose him, whollj', heartily, and with all the zeol of a
firm conviction that his principles are hostile fo liberty.
But we do not hesitate to call him a great raan ; a man
of strong and capacious mind, much information, vigor
ous powers of reasoning, and an uncommon flow of stern
nnd majestic eloquence. He is greater as a lawyer than
as a statesman ; but in both characters ho stands in the
foreraost rank. VA'^e adraire fhe energy of his faculties.
When passages of his speeches corae before us, separate
from a consideration of the questions which elicited then),
we always peruse them vvith delight. The pleasure fhey
afford U8 is but the involuntary homage which fhe mind
pays fo a superior intellect ; but It changes, by a na
tural transition, to an opposite feeling, when we are led
to reflect upon the nature of the objects for which he is
exerting his abilities. Not to assist in enfranchising his
fellow-man ; not to hasten that glorious day-spring of
equal liberty, which is beginning to dawn upon the world ;
not to spread wider and wider fhe principles of democratic
freedom, and break down the artificial and aristocratic
distinctions, which diversify the surface of society with
such hideous inequalities, does Mr. Webster raise his
voice In the Senate-house. The dogmas of his politi-
cal creed, like the dogmas of an Intolerant religion,
would confine fhe blessings of government, as the latter
would those of heaven, to an exclusive feWj leaving all
the other myriads of raen to toil and sweat in a state of
iraraitigable degradation. This is the true end and aim
of the aristocratic creed. This Is the true and inevitable
tendency of their measures who contend for a notional
bank. This is their open profession when they proclaim

322 POLITICAL WRITINGS OF ,
that property is the proof of raerit, and, by the unovoida
ble converse, that poverty ia the proof of unworthiness.
For those who acknowledge such sentiraents and motives,
Mr. Webster is fhe proper candidate. He bas talents
and acquirements that must command respect ; his per
sonal character is unimpeached ; and he has toiled long
and strenuously in their service. We are glad fhat they
are about to do all in their power to render a grateful re
turn. The deraocracy wiU now have soraething to con
tend against, as well as something to contend for. There
will be glory in overthrowing auch an antagonist, as
weU as great gain in preserving the supremacy of their
principles. With such an opponent as Harrison, we en
ter languidly into the contest, aa a taak of raere duty;
with such a one as Webster, we shall rush into it eagerly,
aa a matter of pride aa well aa patriotism.

THE MORALS OF POLITICS.
[From the Plaindealer, June 3, 1837.]
Public morallafa have long noticed with regret, that
the political conteats of this country are conducted with
intemperance wholly unsuited to conflicts of reason, and
decided, in a great measure, by the efforts of the worst
class of people. We apply this phrase, not to those
whora fhe aristocracy designate aa tho '' lower orders ; "
but to thoae only, whether weU or iU dreaaed, and whe
ther rich or poor, who enter info the struggle without
regard for the inherent dignity of politics, ond without
reference to the permanent interests of their country and
of mankind ; but animated by selfish objects, by personal
preferences or prejudices, the desire of office, or the
hope of accomplishing private ends through the Influ-

WILLIAM LBGGETT. 823
ence of party. Elections are coramonly looked upon as
mere game, on which depends the division of party
spoils, the distribution of chartered privileges, and the
allotment of pecuniary rewards. The antagonist princi
ples of government, which should constitute fhe sole
ground of controversy, ore lost sight of in fhe eagerness
of sordid motives ; and the struggle, which should be one
of pure reason, with no aim but the achievement of po
litical truth, and the promotion of the greatest good of
fhe greatest number, sinks into a mero brawl, in which
passion, avarice, and profligacy, are the prominent
actors. If the questions of government could be submitted to
the people in the naked dignity of abstract propositions,
men would reason upon them calmly, and frame their
opinions according fo fhe preponderance of truth. There
is nothing In the intrinsic nature of politica that appeals
to the passions of the multitude. It ia an important
branch of raorals, and its principles, like those of private
ethics, address themselves to fhe sober judgment of raen.
A strange spectacle would be presented, should we see
mathematicians kindle into wrath In fhe discussion of a
problem, and call on their hearers, in the angry terras of
demagogues, to decide on the relative merits of opposite
modes of demonstration.
The some temperance and moderation which charac
terize the investigation of truth in the exact sciences,
belong not less fo the inherent nature of politics, when
confined within the proper field.
The object of all politicians. In fhe strict sense of the
expression, is happiness — fhe happiness of o stote — the
greotest possible sum of happiness of which the sociol
condition adraits to those individuols who live together
under the sorae polificol organization.
It raay be asserted, as an undeniable proposition, that

324 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
it is the duty of every intelligent raan to be a politician.
This ia particularly true of a country, the institutions of
which admit every raan to the exercise of equal suff'rage.
AU the dutiea of lifo aro embraced under Iho three hoada
of religion, politics, and morals. The aim of religion is
to regulate the conduct of man wilh reference to happi
ness in a future state of being ; of politics, to regulate
his conduct with reference to the happiness of communi
ties ; and of morals, to regulate his conduct with refer
ence to individual happiness.
Happinesa, then. Is the end and aim of these three
great and coraprehensive branchea of duty < and no man
perfectly discharges the obligations imposed by either,
who neglecla those which fhe othera enjoin. The right
ordering of a state affects, for weal or wo, the interests of
multitudes of human beings ; and every individuol of
those multitudes hos a direct interest, therefore, in its
being ordered aright.
"I am a man," says Terence, in a phrase as beautiful
for the harmony of its language, os the benevolence ond
universal trufh of ita sentiment, " and nothing can be in
different to me which affects humonify."
The sole legitiraate object of politics, then, is fhe
happiness of coraraunltles. They who call theraselves
politicians, having other objects, arc nol politicians, but
demagogues. But is it in the nature of things, that the
sincere and single desire fo proraote such a systera of
governraent aa would most effectually secure fhe greatest
amount of general happiness, con draw info oction such
violent passions, prorapt such fierce declaraotion, outho-
rize such angry crirainations, and occasion such strong
appeals lo the worst motivea ofthe venal and base, as we
constantly see and hear in every conflict of the antago
nist parties of our country ? Or does not this efl'ect
arise frora causes iraproperly mixed with politics, and

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 325
with which fhey have no intrinsic affinity ? Does it not
arise frora the fact, that governraent, instead of seeking
to proraote the greatest happiness of the coraraunity, by
confining itself rigidly within its true field of action, haa
extended itsolf to embrace o thousand objects which
should bo left to the regulation of social inorols, and
unrestrained corapelition, one man with another, without
political assistance or check? Aro our elections, in
truth, a means of deciding mere questions of govern
ment, or does not the decision of numerous questions
affecting private interests, schemes of selfishness, ra
pacity, and cunning, depend upon them, even more than
cardinal principles of politics ?
It is to this fact, we are persuaded, fhat the Irarao-
rality and licentiousness of party contests ore fo be
ascribed. If governraent were restricted to the few and
simple objects contemplated in the democrotic creed, fhe
mere protection of person, life, ond property; if its func
tions were limited to the mere guardianship of the equal
rights of men, and its action, in all cases, were Influ
enced, not by the paltry suggestions of present expedi
ency, but the eternal principles of justice ; we should
find reason to congratulate ourselvea on the change, ih
the improved tone of public morala, aa well os in the in
creased prosperity of trade.
The religious raan, then, ns well as the political and
social raoralist, should exert his influence to bring about
the auspicious reforraation. Nothing can be more self-
evident thon the demoralizing influence of special legis
lation. It degrades politics into a mere scramble for
rewards obtained by a violation of tbo equal rights of
tho people ; it perverts the holy sentiment of iiatriot-
ism • induces a feverish avidity for sudden wealth ;
fosters a spirit of wild ond dishonest speculation ; vviih-
draws industry frora its accustoraed channels of useful
Vol. II.— 28

326 POLITICAL WHITINGS OP
occupation ; confounds the established distinctions be
tween virtue and vice, honour and shame, respecta
bility and degradation ; pampers luxury ; and leads to
intemperance, dissipation, and profligacy, in a thousand
forras. The remedy is easy. It is to confine government
within fhe narrowest limits of necessary dutiea. Ilia to
disconnect bonk ond stole. It is to give freedora to
trade, and leave enterprise, corapelition, and a just public
sense of right to accomplish by their natural energies,
what the artificial system of loglsloflve checks andbalances
has so signally failed in accoraplishing. The federal
governraent has nothing to do, but lo hold itself entirely
aloof frora banking, having no more connexion with It,
than if banks did not exist. It should receive Ita
revenues in nothing not recognized as money by the
Constitution, and pay nothing else to those employed in
ita service. The state governments should repeal their
laws imposing restraints on fhe free exercise of capital
and credit. They should avoid, for fhe future, all legis
lation nof in fhe fullest accordance with fhe letter and
spirit of that glorious raaxim of democratic doctrine,
which acknowledges fhe equality of raan's political rights.
These are the easy steps by which we might arrive at the
consummation devoutly to be wished.
The steps are easj' ; but passion, ignorance, and
selfishness, are gathered round tbem, and oppose our as
cent. Agrarian, leveller, and visionary, are the epithets,
more powerful than orguments, with which they resist
us. Shall we yield, discouraged, and submit fo be al
ways governed by tbe worst jiossions of the worst portions
of raankind ; or by one bold effort, shaU we regenerate
our institutions, and raake government, indeed, not the
dispenser of privUeges to a few for their efforts in sub
verting the rights of the raany, but the beneficent pro
moter of fhe equal happiness of all ? The monopolists

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 327
nro prostrated by the explosion of their overcharged
system; they aro wrecked by the regurgitation of their
own flood of mischief; they ore burled beneath the
ruina of the baseless fabric they bad presuraptuously
reared to such a lowering holglif.
Now is the firao for the friends of freedom fo bestir
themselves. Let us accept the invitation of thia glorioua
opportunity to establish, on on enduring foundation, the
true principles of politlcol and economic freedom.
AVe may be encountered vvith clamorous revilinga ;
but thoy only betray the evil temper which ever distin
guishes wilful error ond baflled selfishness. We may
be denounced vvith opprobrious epithets ; but fhey only
show the want of cogent arguments. The worst of
these is only the stale charge of ultraism, which is not
worthy of our regard. To bo ultra is not necessarily to
bo wrong. Extremo opiniona ore justly censurable only
when Ihey are erroneous ; but who can be reprehended
for going too far towards the right ?
" If the two extremes," says Milton, in ansvver to fhe
same poor objection, " be vice and virtue, falsehood and
truth, the greater e.xfremlty of virtue and superlotivc truth
we run into, fhe more virtuous and the more wise we be
come ; and he fhat, flying frora degenerote corrupfion,
fears to shoot himself too far into the meeting embraces
of p. divinely warranted reformofion, might better not have
run at aU."

"ABOLITION INSOLENCE."
[Fro7n the Plaindealer, July 29, 1837.]
Under this head, the Washington Globe copies, from
a Boafon newspaper, the following parograph :
" The insolence of some of the reckless agitators who

328 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
attempt to excite fhe people by their mad practices, is
insufferable. On the fourth, the American flag — the flag
of tho Union — fhe national banner — wos suspended from
a cord extended from Concert IIoll to fhe Illuminator
'affice neorly opposite. In scondalous derision of thia glo
rioua emblem, every star and stripe of which is as dear to
every true American citizen as ' the apple of his eye,' a
plocord emonoting, os we learn, from the Illuminator of
fice, was suspended by tbo side of the flog, bearing in
large letters, on one side, ' Slavery's Cloak,' and on the
other 'Sacred to oppression.' It remoined only till it
was noticed, when it was soon torn down. It ia credita
ble to fhe assembled citizens who saw fhe scandalous
scroll, that their insulted feelinga were not urged to vio
lent exasperation against the jierpetrators of the outrage,
and fhat the deed was treated with fhe contempt it de
served." The insolence of the abolitionists, in the case here ad
duced, owed its insufferableness fo its truth. While the
people are told that the spirit of the federal compact for
bids every attempt to promote the emancipation of three
mUliona of fellow-beinga, held in abject and cruel bondage,
and fhat even fhe free diacussion of the question of slove
ry is a sin against the Union, a " reckle.ss disregard of
consequences " deserving the fiercest punishraent which
" popular indignation" con suggest, we ore forced fo con
sider the erablera ofour federal union a cloak for slavery
and a banner devoted to the cause of the most hateful op
pression. The oppression which our fathers suffered from
Greot Britoin wos nothing in coraparison with that which
the negroes experience at the bonds of the sloveholders.
It raoy be " abolition insolence" to say these things ; but
as they are truths which justice and huraanity authorize
usjo speak, we shaU not be too dolnty fo repeat them
whenever a fifting occasion Is presented. Every Araeri
can' who. In any way, authorizes or countenances slavery,

WILLIAM LBGGBTT. 329
is derelict to his duty os a christian, a patriot, and a man.
Every one does countenance and authorize if, who suf.
fers any opportunity of expressing his deep abhorrence of
its raanifold nborainafions fo jinss by unimproved. If tho
freemen of tho north and west oulil but spook out on
this subject in such terms os their consciences prorapt,
we should soon hovo to rejoice in the coraplete enfran-
chlseracnt of our negro brethren of the south.
If an extensive and weU-orronged insurrection of the
blocks should occur in ony of the slave stafes, we should
probably see the freemen of this quarter of the country
rallying around that " glorious emblem" which is so mag-
nlloquenfly spoken of in fhe foregoing extract, and raarch
ing beneath its folds to take sides vvith the slaveholders,
and reduce the poor negroes, struggling for liberty, to hea
vier bondage than fhey endured before. It may be " abo
lition Insolence" fo call fhis "glorious emblem" the
standard of oppression, but, at all events, it is unanswera
ble truth. For our part, we call it so in a spirit, not of
insolence, not of pride speaking in terms of petulent con
tempt, but of deep humility and abasement. AVe con
fess, wilh the keenest mortification and chagrin, fhat the
banner of our country is the emblem, not of justice and
freedom, but of oppression ; that it is tho symbol ofo cora
poct which recognizes, in palpable and outrageous contra
diction of fhe great principio of liberty, tho right of one
man to hold another as property ; and that we are liable
at ony raoraent to he required, under all our obligotions
of citizenship, to orray ourselves beneath if, and wage a
war, of extermination if necessarj', against tbe slave, fo'
no crime but assorting his right of equal humanity — the
self-evident truth that all men are created equol, and hove
an unalienable right of life, liberty, and Iho pursuit of
happiness. Would we comply wilh such a requisition ?
No ! rather would we see our right arm lopped from our
28»

330 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
body, and the rautilated trunk itself gored with mortal
wounds, thon roise a finger in opposition to men strug
gling in the holy causo of freedom. The obligations of
citizenship are strong, but those of justice, humanity and
religion stronger. We earnestly trust that fhe great con
test of opinion which is now going on in this country may
terminate in the enfranchisement of the slaves, without
recourse to the strife of blood; but should the oppressed
bondmen, impatient of the tardy progress of truth urged
only in discussion, ultcuipt fo burst their chains by a more
violent and shorter process, they should never encounter
our arm, nor hear our voice, in the ranks of their oppo
nenta. We ahould stand a sad spectator of flie conffict ;
and whatever conimlseration we raight feel for the dls-
corafiture of fhe oppressors, we should pray fhat the bat
tle might end in giving freedom to fhe oppressed.

THE NATURAL SYSTEM.
[From the Plaindealer, August 19, 1837.] ''
The opposition party and fhe raonopoly deraocrats are
alike the friends of an exclusive bonking systera, but
differ widely, as fo the aufliority on which such a system
should rest. The one side odvocotea the monarchical
principle of a groat central bank established by federal
authority, and tho other is equally strenuous in fovour of
the oristocrolic princi])le of stole institutions. They
both agree in the raost exfravogont eulogiuras of " fhe
credit system," and consider il the source of all the
blessings ond advantages which wc enjoy. They alike
disclaim, with seeming enthusiasm, on the resources of
wealth which our country conlolns, on the octivity of its
industry, the boldness of its enterprise, ond the fertility
of its invention, ever on the stretch for new ond speedier
modes of gain ; and fhey alike deraand, wifli an air of

WILLIAM LEGGBTT. 331
triumph, what has caused these resources of wealth to be
explored, what has given energy to industry, confidence,
and enterprise, ond quickness to the inventive facUitles
ofour countrymen, but the happy inffuence of" the credit
system ?" It is fhis, they tell us which had dug our ca
nals, constructed our railroads, filled the forest, ond coused
the wilderness fo smile with waving horvests. Every
good which bas happened to our country fhey oscribe to
the credit sj'stcra, ond every evil which now afflicts it
they allege may be effectuaUy rcraediod by ifs old. But
thoy differ widely as to the raodo of remedy ; a cordon
of state monopolies being tbe object airaed at on fhe one
side, and a great central raoney power the darling pro
ject of the other.
For our own part, we are free to acknowledge that if
we were confined to a choice of these evils we should
not hesitote fo decide in fovour of fhe central bank.
We are not olone in this sentiraent. There are myri
ads and tens of myriads of true-hearted democrats in the
land who, if the unhappy alternative were alone presented
to fhem of a federal bank or a perpefuofion of the system
of exclusively privileged state monopolies, would decide
promptly and earnestly in favour of the forraer. Better
a single despot, however galling his rule, than more gall-
ingtyranny of a contempliblo oligarchy. While a federal
bank is not more dangerous to the jirinciples of political
liberty, its influence would be less extensively pernicious
to public raorals. They who livo in tho purlieus of a
monarch's court mny draw out but a sickly existence ;
but fhe moral health of a whole country suffers, when it
is under the domination of a league of petty tyrants who
fix their residences in every town, and faint the univer
sal atmosphere with the contogion of luxurious exoraple;
Bod OS Is the monorcblcal principle of a federal bank,
the aristocratic principle, which would distribiifo the
some tremendous power among o thousand institutions

332 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
scoffered throughout the confederacy, is worse. Man
kind suffered heavier oppression under the rule of the
feudal borons, than they had ever bcforo sufl'erod when
tho political power was centered in tbo throno. But thoy
orrived not at the rich blessings of freedom, until mo
narchical and feudal tyronny were both overthrown, and
the doctrine of divine right and exclusive privilege gave
way before fhat of universal equality.
He who compares fhe financial history of Europe with
ifs political, vvill be surprised to find how perfect Is the
analogy between thera. Her ingenious and philosophi
cal raind would be well employed in running the paraUel.
It would be found that political revulsions, as well as
comraercial, are the inevitable result, sooner or later, of
conferring exclusively on the few privileges fhat belong,
by nature, in comraon to all ; and that all violations of
the holy principle of equol rights, while in politics, fhey
produce turaults, insurrections, ond civil wor, in econoray,
exercise a corresponding influence, and ore followed by
panic, revulsion, ond a coraplete overthrow of all the
established coramercial relations of society.
The fundamental maxim of deraocracy and of politi
cal econoray is the same. They both acknowledge the
equal righis of all mankind, and they both coiifemplafe
the inatltution of " a wise ond frugal governraent, which
sholl restrain men from injuring one another, slioU leave
thera otherwise free to regulote their own pursuits of in
dustry ond iraprovement, ond sholl not take from fhe
mouth of labour fhe breod it has earned." The pre
servation of raan's equal rights is the be-all and the end-
oll of the naturol systera of governmont. The great
raaxira which acknowledges huraan equality is, in fhe
political world, what gravitation is in the physical — a
reguloting principle, which, left to itself, harinoniously
arranges the various ports of the stupendous whole,

WILLIAM LEGGETT. 333
equalizes their movements, ond reduces all things to the
most perfect organization, ftlonarchy, aristocracy, and
aU other forms of governraent, are founded on principles
which deny tho equal rights of raankind, ond they oil
attempt to substitute on artificial system for that of
nature. Tho effect is sometiraes to produce a secraing
increase of prosperity for a tirae ; but nature avenges
her violated lows sooner or later, ond overthrows fhe un-
subsfonfiol fobric of presumption ond pride.
The greot end which is alone worthy of the efforts of
the champions of democratic and econoraic truth, is to
institute the natural sj'stem in all matters both of politics
and polificol economy. Let tbem oira fo simplify govern
ment, and confine it fo the fewest purposes compatible
with social order, the mere protection of men from
mutuol aggression. We need but few laws fo accom
plish this object. AVe need particularly few in regard
to trade. AVhat Is fhe whole essence and mystery of
trade, but an exchange of equivalents to promote the con^
venience of the parties fo the barter ? Leave the terms,
then, to be settled by men's own notions of mutual con-
venience and advantage. There is no need of political
interference. Extrerae siraplicity is usually considered as the con
dition of barbarism, before man has raised himself by
science and art frora the degradation of raere aniraal na
ture. But the saying thaf extreraes meet ia aa true in
pohtics as in any of its applications. Simplicity may be
the goal, as weU os the starting-point, ofsocial effort. Is
it not a fact verified by the observation of every man of
culllvafcd mind, that in religion, in liforofuic, in art, and
in fhe conventional manners of a community, simplicity
and refinement go hand in bond ? As society advances
it throws off its curabrous forras and ceremonies ; it fol.
lows more and more the simple order of nature, which

334 POLITICAL WRITINGS OP
does nothing In vain, but carries on Its stupendoua opera-
tiona by tho directest processes, linking cause oud effect,
without superfluous complicofion, and adapting Its means
with fhe utmost exactness to the end. Corapare the no
tions of the eorth, and see if simplicity and refinement
ore not olwoys found togeflier, in whatever respect the
comporison is instituted. In orclilteclure, why are the
gorgeous edifices of Constantinople, glittering with "bar-
boric pomp ond gold," deeraed inferior lo the plainer
Btrucfures of the cities ill western Europe? In literature,
why are poeras crowded with orioutol splendour of
imagery, and heaped with elaborate ornaments of diction,
thrown aside by fhe reader of taste for those which
breathe the unstudied sweetness of naturo? In manners,
why do those seem fhe most refined which seem most
truly to flow from the promptings of notive omonity and ¦
elegance of soul ? It is because that ia most excellent
which cornea neareat to fhe simplicity of nature. Na
ture does nothing in vain.
Simplicity in government is not less a proper object of
those who wish to raise ond refine the political condition
of mankind. Look at those govorniucnts which are the
the most complex, and you vvill find thai thoy who live
under Ihem are the most wretched. Aa governments
approach simplicity, fhe people rise In dignify and hap.
piness ; and all experience aa well as oil sound reosoning
on tho certain data of induction, bears us ouf in the con-
elusion, that when they conform most nearly to the sim.
plicity of nature, then will mankind havo re.ached the
utmost bound of political jirosperity. Then will the
curabrous artificial ond orbitrory coutrivonce of " tho
credit systera," be obondoned, for tho hormoiiioua and
beneficial operation of natural, spontaneous credit, the
free exercise of confidence between man and man.

335
My selections from IVIr. I.eggett'8 published works here close. I had hoped
lO be able to add to tliis CoIIcciion eoine extracts from his correspondence. But
Wont of ppnco prevonla it. 1 connot rrslst, liowevcr, the temptation of cloBlnn
tlirsc A-oliinirs witli llio follnwinp bnautidil expreseloii of Ills free oml proud
spirit. Anolher occnsion mny lierrartcr oifor of laying befoie tlic public further
ppccimciis of his epistolary style. TIic annexed letter refers to the ConBrcftaionol
election of 1838, Avhen Mr. L. was candidate in the nominating committee..

Copy of a Letter from Wm. Leggett, io ¦

AvLEMERE, New Rochelle, October 24th, 1S38.
Mr Deaii Sm — Your kind letter of last Sunday came duly to my hands,
as I trust this will to yours. The sanguine terms in whicli you express
yourself, and in which you are not alone, do not inspire me with equal
confidence of the result you anticipate. I have but faint expectations that
the nomination of  can be set aside, and another name substi
tuted in place of his. 7^hc same influences Avhich carried him through the
committee will force him down the throats of tho people. The retainers
and myrmidons ofthe office-holders are a numerous, active, and discipHned
band, and their leaders have possession ofthe secret passes of our camp.
The great meeting can be packed, as well as the nominating committee.
And when you add to the number of thoso whom vena! motives will directly
actuate, the smaller, bul not contemptible numbers, who will ignorantiy,
but honestly, approve the ticket as it stands, from fear of creating division
in our party, should they do otherwise ; and another number, smaller than
either, perhaps, (so at least my self-love whispers me,) who are opposed
to me, because they deem me rash, impetuous, and inexperienced, or that
1 would weaken a ticket to its undoing, otherwise strong enough to be car
ried — when you add these several elements of opposition to me together/
you will find, I tliink, that they make a sum tola! much greater than the
aggregate of those who regard me in that favourable light m which I am
happy to be esteemed by you.
But though we cannot very confidently hope to effect our object entirely,
I consider it fully in our power to teach the democracy a good lesson. We
may teach them to distrust nominating committees, and all that worse than
worthless machinery of party which places the selection of men, and, con
sequently, the decision of great measures, so far from the direct control of
the popular will. Tiicy who are loudest and most incessant in th^ advo
cacy of regular nomination and cslabli.shed usages, know well what jiower-
fiil weapons such nominations, and such usages, place in the hands of
craft and chicanery. '
What I am most afraid of is, iliat some of my friends, in their too earnest
zeal, will place mc in a false position before the public on>the slavery
subject. I am an abolitionist. I hate slavery in all its forms, degrees, and
influences ; and I deem myself bound by the highest moral and pohtical
obligations, not to let that sentiment of hate he dormant and smouldering in
m.-' own breast, but to give it free vent, and let it blaze forth that it may
kindle equal aidour throufih the whole sphere of my influence. I would
not have this fact di.=!gui'=''fl or mystified, for any oflice the pcoph; have it in
their ])ower to give. Italher, a IhouRand \\uwr rnthor, would I again
meet the dentrnciiirKUiq of 'J'liiiininny Ilrill, nnd bo stiginalized wilh all tho
foul epithets with whii'h the an(i-Dl>nlition vocabulary abounds, than recant,
or deny one tittle of my creed. Abolition is, in my sense, a necessary and
a Morious part of democracy ; and I hold the right and tlieduty to discuss tho .
sirbject of slavery, and to expose its hideous evils in all its bearings, moral,
social, and political, as of infinitely higher moment than to carry fifty sub-
treasury bills. That I should discnarge this duly tempei ately, and should
not let it come in collision with oUicr dutiea J that I should not let

336
4-
hatred of slavery transcend the express ohligations of the Constitution.
or violate its clear spirit, I hope and trust you think suflkiently well
of me to believe. But what I fear is, (not from you, however,) that
some of my, advocates and champions will seek to recommend iiie to popu
lar support, by representing that I am not an aboUtionisl, which ia false. AU
,,ft that I havo written gives tho lio to it. All I shall write will give the lie to
iu * J V
And let me here add, (apart from any consideration already adverted to,)
that, aa a matter of mure policy, 1 would not^ ifl could, have my name dis
joined from abohtionism. To be an abolitionist, is to bo an incendiary now,
as, three years ago, to be an anti-monopolist, was to be a leveller, and a Jack
Cade. See what those three short years have done in effecting the anti-
monopoly reform; and depend upon it, that the next three years — or, if not
three, say three times three, if you please, will work a greater revolution
on tho slavery question. The stream of public opinion now seta against
us J but it is about to turn, and the regurgitation will be tremendous.
Proud in that day may well he 'tho man who can float in triumph ou tho first
refluent wave, swept onward by the deluge which he, himself, in advance of
hia fellows, had largely shared in occasioning. Such ho my futo 1 and,
Uving or dead, it will, in some measure, bumine. I liave written my namo
in ineffaceable letters on the abolition record ; and whether the reward
ultimately come in the shape of honours lo the living man, or a tribute to
the memory of a departed one, I would not forfeit my right to it, for as
mauy offices as  has in his giff, if eacH of them was gi eater than his
own. What has led me into all this idle, and perhaps you may think, vain
glorious prate, is an apprehension created in my mind by the article in the
New Era, prefacing an abridged copy of my letter to  , That ar
ticle — written, unquestionably, in the kindest spirit, speaks of my letter
as showing that I am not an abolitionist. It shows no such thing ; and if
I had thought it liable to such a construction, it should never have loft my
bands.  ^- abridged and altered my communication, on his own
responsibility,^ and as soon as I heard from nim, that he intended to do so,
I wrote to him, admonishing him not to place me in a falso position.
But I stand by what ¦¦ ••^- •• has dono. He has changed my language
slightly, and qpade some omissions : but the leLLcr, as publistied, represcuts
me truly, as far as it goes.
The Now Era, however, goes much further, and jumps to a conclusion
wide. Heaven knows, ofthe truth. As yet, I do not perceive that there is
any absolute need of iny interfering in the matter , but let me solicit of your
friendship, to have a [lersonal eye, as fai as you can, to the doings of Lncso
gentry. Their next ste|» may possibly be, to [dace me hefore the commu-
ty, as a pro-slavery champion. Keep them, for God's sake, from commit
ting any such foolery, fur the sake of getting nie into Congress. Let 
and ' and others of lilic kidney, twist iheiusclvea into what shapes
they please, lo gratify the present taste ofthe ])eoplc, but as for rne, I am
not formed of such pliant materials, and choose to retain, undisturbed, the
image of my God,
Excuse me for scribbling all this farrago to you ; hut I am really anxious
not to be placed before the juiblio in a lalso and discoloured light. I do
not wish to cheat Ihe people oi thoir votes. I would not get their supjiort,
any more than their money, under false pretences, I am, uhiil I am ! and
if that doea not suit lhi;m, I am eonicnt In -stay at home, piaying Gud, iu
tho meantime, to nieml their ta.-iie, which prifi;rM a " mounhL and a
mought," not demociat, to one who is, at leaat, honeiit and zealous in
their cause. Yours' truly,
WM. LEGGETT.

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