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A LETTER

ADDRESSED TO

THE EARL OF ABERDEEIN,

SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFF.MRa.

BY

HENRY GALLY KNIGHT, ESQ.

SECOND EDITION.

LONDON:
JAMES RIDGWAY, PICCADILLY.

MDCCCXXIX.

LONDON:
SON 4^¦D PALMETl, PRINTERS, SAVOV STREET, STP.AXD,

A LETTER, &c.

My Lord, In addressing the following pages to
your Lordship at the present moment, I beg
you to believe that I am actuated by any but a
hostile spirit to an administration of which the
Duke of Wellington is the head. The great
claim which he has so recently acquired to
public gratitude — the double benefits which he
has conferred on his country, either of which
would immortalize his name — both of which are
perhaps more than ever an individual achieved
before — these are strong holds on our admira
tion and respect. I should consider him to be
a bad Englishman who could forget either
Waterloo or the Catholic Question — or the con
summate firmness and ability, the combination
of all the higher qualities of mind, which were
equally required, and equally displayed, in the
civil as in the military triumph.

G
Entertaining these sentiments, I cannot be
supposed to be influenced by any motives but
those of an ardent love for my country, an
anxious wish to behold her at all times adopting
that course which is most consistent with her
character and honour. Though I write from a
foreign land, I am conscious of none but tho
roughly English feelings. I have neither adopted
the sentiments of the discontented of the coun
try in which I happen to be, nor do I intend to
echo the diatribes of their journals.* The ob
servations which I am about to oiFer for your
Lordship's consideration, arise from a far an
terior source and a wider circuit. It is the
general alteration of opinion which I have found
to exist on the Continent with regard to Eng
land, that has made the fire burn within me,
and at last I speak, because I cannot help it
when the good name of my country is at stake.
¦* It is lamentable that any set of men should, for a party
purpose, endeavour to revive national jealousies, in direct
opposition to the real interests of the countries concerned.
One of the most remarkable changes in European politics is,
that, since the general peace, the real interests of England
and France are, in fact, identified, and both countries would
do well to forget their ancient enmities. But there is, unfor
tunately, a party in France who are still dreaming of the
vain glitter of fresh conquests, and are aware that England
would inevitably oppose their designs. How much more
essentially would these men serve their country by directing
all their attention tothe consolidation of her new Constitution,
and the improvement of her internal regulations.

Two years ago the Continent looked up to
England as a protector and a friend. Her praise
was in every mouth, and all nations seemed to
desire that the influence of England might per
vade the world.
During the last and the present year I have
again visited various parts of the Continent,
but the pride and the pleasure which I had
before experienced, were changed into other
emotions. England was no longer the object
of universal approbation. She was no longer
considered as the enlightened advocate of liberal
principles abroad ; she was accused of having
joined the party which is opposed to the cause
of freedom, and this at the very time when her
home policy was conducted in a manner which
deserved, and received, the highest praise.
Was it possible for an Englishman to witness
so reraarkable a change in the estimation in
which his country was held, without feelings of
the deepest mortification ?
Your Lordship will perhaps express the most
unfeigned surprise on being informed, that any
disapprobation exists ofthe conduct of England.
You will revert to all the assurances you have
received of the perfect confidence of all the
well-regulated governments. Never was there
a moment when a better understanding pre
vailed amongst the Cabinets of Europe ! And
this would be an answer in full, if public opi-

nion were but an empty name ; if governments
were every thing, and nations — nothing.
But public opinion is often in the wrong, and
foreign censures have frequently no better foun
dation than national jealousies. I should be
glad to think that the general change of senti
ment to which I have alluded were indeed an
idle and groundless clamour, the weak invention
of the enemy ; but I am obliged to acknowledge
that a different spirit has of late appeared to
guide our foreign policy, and I can only attri
bute the change of opinion abroad to the change
of system at home ; an alteration for which we
were by no means prepared by the professions
of the present Administration when they came
into office.
Your Lordship may perhaps have better rea
sons for adopting a new line of policy than
those with which the Public is acquainted.
The arcana of the Cabinet are necessarily con
cealed from the eye of day, and the dissatisfac
tion of the crowd is frequently the offspring of
ignorance ; but, in order to ascertain whether
the altered dispositions of the Continent are
founded on reasonable grounds, let me endea
vour to state by what general rules other na
tions, as it appears to me, have a right to ex
pect that the conduct of England should be
governed ; what, in fact, is her paramount duty
to the otlier nations of the world ; what depart^

y
ment is alone worthy of the eminence on which
she is placed.
England, in spite of her financial embarrass
ments, occupies an envied station, and pos
sesses great and peculiar advantages. Your
Lordship will not deny that those advantages
principally arise from her free institutions.
To these institutions England owes resources
cheerfully yielded, almost inexhaustible in the
hour of need, and men ready to execute what
ever the country requires. Those who are less
free than ourselves may be governed with less
trouble, but Austria and Spain might have
learnt by experience, that the subjects of des
potism are a less efficient support in difficult
times. The institutions of England are useful
to the world at large, not only as offering an
approved model for imitation, but also as re
straints on tyranny in general. So long as the
British senate exists, so long will there be a
tribunal, in this world, before which the tyrants
ofthe earth must appear, there to be inevitably
held up, whatever their rank or their power, to
the hatred and contempt of mankind. Nothing
they can do can be done in secret ; the British
senate proclaims it to the world. The recol
lection of this benefit, which is essential to the
whole of Europe, might alone induce other
nations to forgive the superiority of England.
But this indirect assistance is not all that

10
other nations have a right to expect. In a
situation so exalted, in possession of such ad
vantages, what, let me ask, should be the dis
positions of England with regard to other coun
tries? what becomes her duty whenever she
exerts her influence, or rouses herself into ac
tion ? Free herself, should she not behold with
complacency the approaches of others to her
own happy condition ? Should she not rejoice
in the extension of enlightened principles, and
wise institutions ? Should she not, at all times,
rather lend her weight to assist those who seek
to improve the condition of their country, than
to support the enemies of all progress ? Her
duty, her imperative duty, is clear — and, by
fulfilling it, she could not fail to range all the
vigour and intellect of Europe on her side ; by
a contrary course she necessarily incurs the
hatred of all that is enlightened, and links her
self to the cause of all that is decrepid and de
spised. Would not the performance of her duty lead
to the promotion of her welfare ? Would not
England advance her own interests whilst she
encouraged the prosperity of others ? In pro
portion as nations become civilized and rich, do
they not prove better customers ? In propor
tion as governments became enlightened, would
they not perceive the advantage of unrestrained
commerce, and permit those reciprocities which

11
they at present deny ? Would not the general
goodwill, arising from a community of feeling,
offer as many facilities as aversion presents ob
stacles ? Is there not a diff"erence between
universal hatred and universal esteem ?
But to these obvious truths, your Lordship,
I am persuaded, will off"er no objections. On
the contrary, you will readily allow, that such
dispositions towards other nations would be
consistent with the character and the honour of
England. Yet, amongst those who willingly accede to
general propositions, there are many (in the
number of whom I am far from meaning to in
clude your Lordship) who, whilst they acknow
ledge that such things are right, take refuge in
the alleged untowardness of the present mo
ment. Under other circumstances, such a line
of conduct would be laudable ; but in the pre
sent situ'dtion of Europe it would be dangerous
in the extreme.
Can they forget that the experiment has been
tried, and apparently with success ?
Let us, however, examine the grounds of the
opinions of those, who are held back by appre
hensions which I will admit to be honest?
It is better to avow, for it would be vain to
deny, that the French Revolution has divided
Europe into two parties, and given birth to two
systems — the friends of the old, and the friends

12
of the new—the liberal, and the repressive,
system. The friends of the past are not only of opi
nion that nothing can be right that differs from
what existed before the French Revolution took
place, but they see the recurrence to revolu
tionary movements in every attempt at innova
tion. Do you not perceive, they exclaim, that
the evil principle is constantly at work ? — that
all the restlessness, and all the struggles, are
nothing but the incessant machinations of the
enemies of the altar and the throne? — that to
countenance the progress of freedom, would be
to promote the views of a combination of atheists
and republicans ? — that to escape the impend
ing storm, it is necessary to support all that is
old, from the danger that is mixed up with the
tendencies of all that is new ?
Without for a moment imputing to your Lord
ship an entire similarity of opinion, I cannot
but infer from the nature of the foreign policy
which has guided the councils of England since
your Lordship's accession to power, that your
mind is not altogether free from au apprehen
sion of those dangers which, if true, could not
be guarded against with too much caution.
I will not deny that the French Revolution,
and the events of the last thirty years, have left
traces behind them ; any attempt entirely to
efface those traces, and restore every thing to its

13
former position, if such an attempt were right or
expedient, would, nevertheless, be vain. What
diligence, what power, could collect together
the scattered atoms of the past, and assemble
them in their original form? All things are
changed. New states have arisen; old states
have advanced, retrograded, or disappeared.
The old balance of Europe is become like an
old map, rather a curiosity, than of useful refe
rence. The new arrangement of things has
given birth to new interests, which have led to
new combinations.
The French Revolution was not an event
which could be concluded, like the former wars
of Europe, with a treaty, and every n:an go
back, a little the better, or a little the worse, to
his accustomed home ; but a convulsion entail
ing consequences which will long continue in
operation, — equally affecting the minds of men,
and the places of their habitation — a moral
shock, as powerful as the Crusades or the Re
formation. The moral effects are those which deserve
the most serious attention. A new, a wakeful
spirit, undoubtedly exists; and that spirit is
the Spirit of the Age. But before we hastily
condemn it, or give way to our alarms, let us
enquire what is the real nature of this spirit,
and whether its objects are criminal in them
selves, or dangerous to others.

14
Mankind, in all ages, have off"ered their ho
mage to those whom they conceived to be their
most efficient protectors. In those unhappy
times, when modern Europe was rising out of
anarchy and confusion, homage was paid to the
Church, because the Church was, at that time,
the only power that could moderate the vio
lence of armed barbarians.
In the next age homage was paid to kings.
Princes undertook the protection of those who
were under them, and laid the foundation of
their own ascendancy on the basis of the public
good. Power, however, when confirmed, no
longer wanted the aids which were requisite at
an earlier period, and original compacts were,
by degrees, forgotten.
The third age, the age in which we live, is
that in which men have transferred their ho
mage to institutions ; and this change must in
time have taken place, had no French Revolu
tion ever arrived. The progress of information
must have gradually revealed to the whole
European family those truths upon which our
English forefathers had acted so long before.
It would have been impossible long to have
kept the remainder of Europe in entire igno
rance of what was known to a part, or to have
long prevented the desire of acquiring that of
which some were already in possession. But
the French Revolution, and the stirring times

15
that ensued, undoubtedly quickened the march
of events.
Did this desire of institutions, which I ad
mit to be the prevalent feeling, involve, or bring
with it an equalizing and destructive fana
ticism, I should be the last person to defend
the Spirit of the Age. From reflection and ob
servation, I have derived a firm conviction, that
no form of government is so excellent as that
of a limited monarchy, and should therefore be
little disposed to advocate a cause which was
likely to endanger the monarchical principle.
Under a limited monarchy there exists the tru
est, the most universal freedom. Freedom is nei
ther real nor universal, where the people over
awe the government, any more than where the
people are trodden under foot. The true freedom
is where the thoughts, words, and actions of the
lowest and of the highest are only restrained
by the just execution of laws enacted for the
good of all : and that this degree of freedom can
exist under a limited monarchy is practically
and daily illustrated by the happy condition of
our own country.
But I contend that the desire of institu
tions contains in itself nothing hostile to the
monarchical principle, nothing alarming to the
interests of society. Bloodshed and confisca
tion are not its means, nor republics its ends ;
but reforms peaceably effected, and concessions
received as a boon from the hands ofthe prince.

16
The wishes of Europe extend to nothing more
than a share of that freedom which England
has long enjoyed ; to nothing more than insti
tutions which at once secure the people from
the personal character of the sovereign, and
the sovereign from the violence of the people,
whilst, at the same time, they provide him
with subjects capable of defending his throne.
This desire undoubtedly exists ; and, though
it may be suppressed for a time, will never be
extinguished till it shall finally have attained
the objects which it has in view.
Such is the real state of the case — the true
picture of Europe in the nineteenth century ;
and is it possible for your Lordship to behold
in this so much cause for apprehension as to
compel the adoption of a system which nothing
but necessity could justify ? For England her
self no fears can be entertained ; we already
possess all that others desire. If changes took
place in other countries, they would not affect
our own, where the whole work is complete ;
and if those changes aim at nothing but the
attainment of that which we allow to be the
true source of national prosperity, if our own
example is alone proposed as the object of
imitation, with what consistency can England
declare such designs to be criminal ? With
what truth can she pretend that a spirit is
abroad which it is her duty to restrain ? What

17
excuse can she offer for becoming a member
of the repressive system ?
Let me recall to your Lordship's recollec
tion the origin and object of that system, the
time and manner of its formation, the exploits
which it has achieved, with the consequences
of those exploits ; and then let me ask, whe
ther England does well in lending it her sup
port ?
In order to effect the overthrow of that ex
traordinary man, whose restless ambition tor
mented the world, Europe was aroused in the
name of independence and freedom. The
people of every nation answered to the cry,
with one great and simultaneous effort de
stroyed the power of the despot, and restored
the legitimate princes to their thrones. It was
to escape from tyranny, to shake off" the yoke,
to break their chains, that the nations were
invited to rise. They were promised brighter
days, and the blessings of freedom.
In what raanner were those promises
kept? When the object was accomplished for
which the people had been gathered together,
for which they had laboured, and bled, and
died ; those who had profited by their exer
tions, relieved from the fear of their ancient
enemy, now became only solicitous to stifle
c

18
the spirit they had raised, and to avoid all
concessions. At that very Congress which was to set the
seal of peace to the charter of emancipation,
which professed to be the festival of Europe on
the subversion of tyranny, the principles of
repression were formed into a regular system ;
and, at the moment when rewards were ex
pected, the Holy Alliance was proclaimed !
This monstrous invention was a perfect no
velty in the annals of the world. Kingdoms
had before been invaded, and nations trodden
under foot ; but this was the first time that the
great ones of the earth had deliberately united
their strength to exercise a perpetual and
armed superintendence over the whole of con
tinental Europe. So arrogant an abuse of
power had never been dreamt of before. It
was nothing less than an absolute conspiracy
against the rights and liberties of mankind —
nothing less than a declaration that, from that
time forward, no nation of Europe should be
allowed to ameliorate its condition.
Such was the freedom obtained by the over
throw of tyranny ; such was the system adopt
ed to counteract the spirit of the age, and to
preserve the repose of the world. The nations
have indeed been reduced to tranquillity ; but
if there is quiet on the surface, there is not the

19
less agitation within. The sovereigns of the
Continent have established their thrones on
the crust of a volcano.
To the Holy Alliance, God be thanked !
England was no party. No British statesman,
however enamoured of the facilities of despo
tism, would ever have set his signature to so
unrighteous a compact.
The treaty was no idle declaration. From
henceforth it became the constant guide of the
policy of the Continent. In compliance with
its enactments, Austria marched to Naples,
and France made her second invasion of Spain.
These were political persecutions, to which we
can only find a parallel in the religious persecu
tions of the darkest ages. They were improve
ments on the crusade against the Albigenses.
The second invasion of Spain by France was
more unwarrantable than the first, especially
in a government which professed to off'er the
contrast of peace and justice to the glories and
aggressions of a military reign. That any fo
reign power should presume to dictate to a
great and independent country what should be
its internal regulations ; and that the nation
thus assailed, and thus insulted, the same na
tion which had so recently and so generously re
sisted, should be persuaded by priests to wel
come the intruders as friends, were events
more astounding and revolting than had before
been exhibited on the theatre of the world. c 2

20
The indifference of the people was held forth
as a justification; but every well-informed
Spaniard, every real lover of his country — the
whole of that class which was the most deserv
ing of consideration, and which was alone capa
ble of forming an opinion on matters of govern
ment — to a man espoused the new constitu
tion. And what have been the results of the
French invasion? Absolutism is enthroned,
and superstition triumphant; but the treasury is
empty, the nation paralyzed, and public pros
perity withered at the root. The best men of
Spain have either perished on the scaffold, or
languish in bondage or exile. The Conde
d'Espagna flourishes in their stead, and, in the
sixth year of the restoration, continues his
arrestations and executions. For how much
human misery, for the eff'usion of how much
blood, has France made herself responsible by
that act of unjustifiable interference !
Such have been the achievements of the re
pressive system ; and the consequences can
not be witnessed without a series of sad re
flections, wounded feelings, and prophetic
fears. In how many places does the travel
ler find improvement at a stand, justice pol
luted at its source, the real patriots hiding
themselves in the shade, and mourning over
the destinies of their respective countries " in
helpless, hopeless, brokenness of heart!"

21
Let an Englishman consider for a moment
the situation of a Neapolitan or a Spanish pa
triot, who, aware of the abuses which thwarted
the prosperity of his country, had attempted
to introduce those changes which he knew were
for the public good — who beheld an army of
strangers sweep away all he had eff'ected; be
held his country reduced to even a worse than
her former condition ; and, either in exile or
in chains, laments what he cannot prevent.
Is it possible to conceive an object more wor
thy of compassion ? Who would wish to be the
cause of such unmerited distress ?
And is it thus that the successors of Napo
leon seek to recommend their governments ?
Is it thus that legitimacy makes itself known,
that absolute power thinks to be secure ? Oh !
that monarchs would at last perceive that the
aff'ections of the people are an infinitely surer
safeguard than all the superincumbent pres
sure of physical force !
But your Lordship will observe, that in
these terrible instances of interference, Eng
land took no part ; that, in fact, we employed
every means short of hostilities to prevent the
aggression upon Spain. The acts were, how
ever, committed by our most intimate allies.
To the world we appeared in the light of a
consenting party. Our conduct, on other oc
casions, can alone clear us of suspected acqui-

22
escence ; and, if we entertain such a sense of
the acts of the repressive system as to vindi
cate ourselves indignantly from the charge of
collusion — is not this of itself a proof that
England can never lend that system her sup
port, or act in the same spirit, with any regard
to her own character ?
How much more consistent did England ap
pear, when, for a time, she declared herself
openly against the enemies of improvement !
A statesman, now no more, had then the guid
ance of aff"airs : and I should be wanting in
sincerity if I did not freely confess my admira
tion of the man, and the manner in which he
conducted the foreign policy of England. It
was one of his chief and distinguishing merits,
that he exactly understood the spirit of the age
in which he lived, that he had penetration and
courage enough not to fear it, and that he re
solved to place England at its head. He had
sufficient confidence in himself to know that,
far from being obliged to follow, he should be
able to controul and to guide, to prevent what
was dangerous, to obtain what was just, and,
whilst he led on the way to rational freedom,
to become the arbiter of the destinies of Eu
rope. Certain of the support and good wishes
of all the vigorous and the enlightened of every
nation on the surface of the globe, he was con
scious of a power which nothing could with-

23
stand, and, only intent on wielding that power
for the honour of his own country, the discom
fiture of prejudice, and the promotion of truth,
he did not scruple to exert it. If he were partly
influenced in the course he adopted by his de
termination to maintain the political ascen
dancy of England, he cannot be said to have
sought that end at the expense of other na
tions ; least of all can Englishmen object this
determination as a fault to a British minister.
How glorious was the position of England
during his short career ! Whilst the interests
of England were consulted, the prosperity and
the liberties of other nations were advanced
and protected. The enemies of improvement
were checked ; the friends of freedom encou
raged. Foreign jealousies were lost in admi
ration; the British name was re-echoed with
applause from one extremity of Europe to the
other ; England held her exalted station with
the approbation of mankind.
Too soon was he cut off" to complete what he
had begun.
Ostendunt terris hunc tantum fata, neque ultra
Esse sinunt.
but the " ingens luctus suorum," and the la
mentations of the generous and the wise of
every nation, testified the sense which was
entertained of his virtues, and the importance
which was attached to his loss.

24
The administration, of which your Lordship
forms a part, undertook to prosecute the mea
sures which Mr. Canning had begun ; but the
manner in which those measures have in fact
been prosecuted is, I fear, the cause of the
alteration of the sentiments of Europe. In
spite of early professions, there appeared to
be a retrograde movement in the feelings of
the British Cabinet — a falling back from the
liberal system, and an adoption of the spirit, at
least, of its opponent.
In what other light could Europe view the
second stage of the proceedings in Portugal ?
What was the position of things ? Portugal
could not be designated as a case in which
changes, dangerous to monarchy and society,
had taken place through the means of insurrec
tion ; and this was, perhaps, the very reason
which induced the enemies of liberty to regard
the new institutions of Portugal with peculiar
aversion. Portugal had accepted a constitu
tion which was the voluntary gift of her lawful
sovereign, and a British force was conceded to
the request of our most ancient ally, to forbid
interference from the side of Spain. The inter
ference which the British force was sent to re
sist, menaced the new institutions. Did not
England, then, appear to take those institu
tions under her especial care ?
It is idle to say that those who supported

25
the new constitution of Portugal, did not con
sider themselves as acting under the protection
of England. The British force was sent to
protect them.
Under these circumstances Don Miguel came
to England, and frora thence went to assume
the Regency of Portugal. His assumption of
the Regency was only agreed to on certain
conditions. England, and the Emperor ofthe
Brazils, equally stipulated that the existing
institutions should be preserved. Don Miguel
engaged to observe these conditions by all the
obligations which are binding upon the honour
of a Prince, or the conscience of a man ;
and then returned to Portugal, escorted by
British vessels, and received, on his landing,
by British troops.
When, therefore, that misguided Prince de
parted from all his engagements, he broke his
faith at once with his sovereign, his country,
and with England. The violation of the con
ditions into which he had entered was not only
a breach of faith, but a direct insult to the
country frora whence he came. The honour of
England was implicated as well as the fate of
Portugal, and it became our imperative duty
at once to show that we could not be mocked
with impunity, at the hazard of enforcing the
fulfilment of those conditions which we had
declared to be indispensable.

26
Embarrassed as we are in our finances, we
do not yet pretend to be reduced so low as to
be unable to make an exertion whenever the
real interests of the country demand it; and
did not the real interests of England demand
it when our character, our honour, and the
welfare of Portugal were at stake ?
And what was the course which England
adopted ? We recalled our ambassador ! We
did just enough to confess to the world our
sense of Don Miguel's conduct, and there our
exertions ended. We recalled our ambassador ;
but we permitted the overthrow of institutions
which we had received Don Miguel's promise
to maintain ; we abandoned the friends of
limited monarchy to the fate which awaited
them ; and we went so far as to show a ner
vous apprehension of in any way displeasing
the blood-stained usurper.
This, my Lord, was a line of policy which
was any thing but a prosecution of the Portu
guese question in the spirit in which it was
commenced ; a mode of proceeding which would
have more consistently emanated from the
cabinet of Vienna, than from that of Great
Britain ; a mode of proceeding which altered
the sentiments of Europe, and changed the
position of England.
In justification of the course we had pursued,
the defenders of Government, (at the same

27
time that they fully assented to the enormity of
Don Miguel's conduct,) brought forward the
excellent maxim of non-interference. I say
excellent, because I am entirely of opinion that
England could have no better rule of conduct
were it invariably observed. It would be good
for ourselves and not prejudicial to others; for,
could our neutrality be relied upon, the patriots
of other lands would know that they had no
thing to fear from British hostility, and nothing
to rely upon except their own exertions, which
they would always find to be the best and most
enduring source of national independence and
welfare. But, unfortunately, we have usually departed
from this rule, except when those who had
made the most generous exertions were left to
their fate ; and, in the eye of Portugal, we had
already interfered. On this account we could
no longer, either honourably or logically, shel
ter ourselves under the old maxim. The actual
interference of England was an important fea
ture in the position of Portugal. Trusting to
the British shield, the friends of the Constitu
tion took no precautionary measures. When,
therefore, perfidy took advantage of the inaction
of confidence, it became our duty to continue
the interference we had begun, till we had
given sufficient proof that confidence in Eng
land could never be misplaced.

28
It is said that the Portuguese people are in
dift'erent to a free Constitution. But the friends
of order seldom inquire into the sentiments of
the people, unless it is when ancient prejudices
excite a popular cry in favour of ancient abuses.
When the more enlightened class have endea
voured to break their chains, and reform these
abuses, then, forsooth ! the people become the
oracles of wisdom, the only fit judges of ques
tions of state. But the more bigoted and ig
norant are the people of Portugal, the more do
they require the assistance of better institu
tions ; and if they are not as advanced as other
nations, is this an honest excuse for delay ?
Or can the ignorance of the multitude be
brought forward by England as a reason, and
an excuse, for deserting the ten righteous men,
whose virtue should have saved the city.''
A slight eff"ort on the part of England would
have preserved the lives of those who have
perished, and continued to Portugal the safe
guard of those institutions which the personal
character of her ruler shows to be so desirable ;
and, in a more interested point of view, have
we, let me ask, pursued the course from which
we are likely to derive the most advantage ?
Can we expect to be so much considered as
heretofore by a country in which we have given
satisfaction to neither party ? Will the Abso
lutists ever forget our long disavowal of their

29
favourite, or the friends of the Constitution our
entire desertion ? Can we expect that the old
attachment of Portugal to England will remain
unimpaired ?
The moment of interference is unfortunately
past, but the usurper remains unacknowledged,
nor should his assumed title ever be allowed,
unless he gives a certain pledge of amended in
tentions, by concessions and reparations of a
more durable nature than the mere change of
measures and counsellors. Yet, as we have
admitted the right of the Eraperor of the Bra
zils to dispose of the crown of Portugal, should
the emperor, at any tirae, be persuaded, un
conditionally to recognize Don Miguel as king,
the governments of other countries will find
theraselves placed in a very embarrassing situa
tion. Let us, however, hope that the example of
Terceira will not be lost upon the mother coun
try ; and that the Portuguese nation will, by
exertions of its own, effiect such alterations as
shall at once decide the question of recognition.
Ifthe conduct of the British Cabinet, in the
aff"airs of Portugal, ranked us again amongst the
allies of the repressive system, let rae proceed
to enquire whether, in the prosecution of the
Greek question, the present governraent evinced
the same dispositions which had animated their

30
predecessors, or again betrayed a repressive
spirit. The Greek question (which has acquired un
expected importance from collateral events)
was originally classed with those which be
longed to the spirit of the age ; and the bitter
ness of Austria against the Greek nation, arose
from her hatred of all progressive movements.
But the attempt of the Greeks was distinguish
ed frora revolutionary insurrections by this re
raarkable diff"erence ; the Greeks had been,
either directly or indirectly, excited to rise by
one of the old powers of Europe — indeed by a
member of the Holy Alliance. Honour and
humanity equally forbade that, after these in
stigations, the Greeks should be abandoned
to that indiscriminate raassacre which would
inevitably have been their doora had they been
permitted again to fall into the power of the
Turks. This is the real basis of the Greek question.
Had the Greeks not been excited, neither the
severity of the Turkish yoke, nor the memory
ofAristides and Pericles, would have justified
an interference in their behalf. The laws of
nations must not be violated even in the name
of liberty. But, as the Greeks were excited,
and, in consequence, exposed to irarainent dan
ger, neither, on the other hand, were the faults

31
of their character, (even if justly imputed,) to
be brought forward as a reason for abandoning
them to their fate. Their character is the con
sequence of their misfortunes ; the necessary
result of as heavy a yoke as ever bowed a na
tion to the earth. But the Greeks have within
them all the best capacities ; and possess a de
gree of intellect which, under less disadvanta
geous circumstances, would produce the most
precious fruits.
Russia was the power, bound by every obli
gation, to preserve the Greeks from destruction.
England and France, lest Russia should go
farther than was thought expedient, requested
to share the enterprise. They agreed to do
soraething, that more might not be attempted.
But if these powers, for any reasons of their
own, volunteered to embark in the cause, they
were bound to see that the cause was brought
to a prosperous issue.
To expect to extort any concessions from the
Turks by words alone, was to betray an igno
rance of the Turkish character. Subsequent
events have afforded a remarkable proof of the
truth of this assertion. The battle of Navarino
was the only way of forwarding the negocia-
tions ; and, as the object was, at that time, as
much to save the Turks from Russia, as the
Greeks frora the Turks, whatever tended to
induce or corapel the Turks to concur in the

32
conditions required, was, in fact, any thing but
unkindness to our ancient ally. Had the com
bined fleet been ordered up to Constantinople
when the terror of Navarino was fresh in the
minds of the Turks, the Divan would have
yielded, the independence of Greece would
have been secured, and the Turkish empire
saved. But instead of vigorously pursuing the sys
tem which was adopted, we betrayed a fatal
indecision ; expressed an unmeaning regret at
having won a brilliant victory, confirmed the
Turks in their obstinacy, and afforded Russia
the opportunity of comraencing her separate
operations. Frora the moment of the change of adminis
tration in England, the Greek question seemed
to be odious. France was reluctantly allowed
to clear the Morea of the enemy, but was pre
vented from undertaking any thing more. The
Morea, it was said, would prove a noble arena,
on which the Greek nation would have an op
portunity of showing what they would do for
themselves. There was more of mockery than
friendship in this expression, and it betrayed
the intention of reducing our demands in favour
of the Greeks to the lowest scale possible, and
of abandoning their cause as soon as we de
cently could.
If the Greeks were to be eff"ectually assisted.

33
(and to afford them effiectual assistance became
the duty of England when once she had es
poused their cause,) it could only be done by
giving them a country which was defensible
and worth defending ; a home in which it
might be hoped that they would again become
a nation. With this view the narrowest boun
dary that could be assigned them was the line
from Arta to Volo, including the island of
Euboea. With a territory of such an extent,
and so bounded, it would be possible for the
Greeks to maintain their independence, whilst
the recollections attached to the scenes of their
fathers' fame, might nourish them into a nation
again. But to limit the new state to the Mo
rea alone, was to suff"er it to remain an assailable
speck which might at any time be re-conquer
ed, and to leave Athens in the hands of the
Turks, was still to leave the Greeks in a state
of humiliation, and to withhold the raoral in
fluence which was likely to regenerate their
minds. Nor was this all ; at the very time that your
lordship spoke of the clearance of the Morea as
the consumraation of all things, we raised the
blockade of Candia, and only expressed the
hope that the Egyptians (whose expulsion
frora the Morea was the theme of your boast,
and who were now expected to compensate
themselves with the seizure of Candia) would

34
treat that island with their accustomed lenity.
Most agreeable neighbours were we thus pro
viding for the infant state of the Morea ! This
was indeed a master-stroke of protection !
In this state of feeling with regard to the
Greeks, and having qualified the terms to suit
the Turkish palate, the British cabinet became
irapatient to bring the question to a conclusion ;
and, since negociation had hitherto been unable
to raove the proud barbarian, we resolved to
hurable ourselves before his footstool. The
embassy had exactly the result which might
have been expected — England and France
pleaded in vain. The obstinacy of the Turks
was confirraed : and if the Greek cause is even
tually triumphant, we have so conducted our
share of the business, that the Greeks will only
be indebted to the sword ofthe Russian.
For the sake of Greece I rejoice that Russia
has repaired the faults of her last carapaign, by
a splendid succession of victories ; and, for the
sake of civilization, I should rejoice in any suc
cess that might attend her arras in her warfare
against the Turks.
Much has been said of late in favour of the
Turkish character : their courage, their hospis
tality, their fidelity to all engagements, have
been trumpeted forth by their partizans as all-
redeeming virtues. But if the Turks are worthy
of praise in their transactions with strangers,

35
if they can soften down into good subjects when
they have no longer the upper hand — they are
intolerable masters. To all those who are
within their power, they have neither shown
mercy nor faith. Their yoke has not only
weighed heavily on the Greeks, — the Arabs of
Egypt, who are of the sarae religion as them
selves, the Syrian peasant, the peaceable oc
cupiers of every soil which the Turks have
conquered, have been equally oppressed. The
state of the countries over which the Ottoman
sway extends, is a sufficient indication of the
character of the rulers. Uncultivated tracts,
depopulated districts, ruined cities, in a part of
the world where nature offiers her choicest gifts,
mark the revolting surface of the Turkish em
pire, and abundantly prove how necessary is its
duration to the welfare of mankind.
By conquest alone did the Turks obtain their
erapire — by aggression for which no excuse was
pleaded, except the right of the sword, and
tlie duty of suppressing the Christian religion.
Their expulsion would only be retribution.
Inferior as the forms of the Russian govern
ment are to those of our own, the domination of
Russia would still be redemption to those who
have groaned beneath the Turkish sway. Peace
and tranquillity would take the place of daily
insults and daily fears. Civilization would
change an half-cultivated waste into a smiling
D 2

36
land, and rejoicing millions would bless the
hand which released them frora bondage and
affliction. The voice of huraanity loudly calls forth upon
England not to exert her influence to win back
victims for oppression.
From all obligations of honour to our Turkish
allies, we are absolutely and entirely released,
by their own conduct. We have gone further
than became the dignity of England, in our
attempts to shake the obstinacy of the Ottoman
government, and if they rejected every off'er till
it was too late, the fault only lies with them
selves. It remains to be considered in what way the
progress of Russia would aff'ect the interests of
Europe in general, and of England in parti
cular. That which has hitherto been an inert mass,
would be called into active life. A new state
would be added to Christendom : this state
would be Russian, and would open the gates
of the Mediterranean to the Russian empire.
But would it add a degree of strength to
Russia which would be dangerous to the rest
of Europe, or would it only provide an improved
market for every commercial nation?
The imraense extent of the Russian empire
is rather a source of weakness than of strength,
and a fresh addition of territory would rather

37
increase the difficulties of the government, than
add to its power of injuring other nations. An
empire composed of so raany discordant parts,
with disaff"ection and hostility on its flanks, and
discontent in its interior, could not wish to pro
voke fresh enraities, or seek to undertake dis
tant expeditions.
The occupation, defence, and re-organization
of what is now Turkey in Europe, would alone
eraploy no small portion of the force, and the
treasure of Russia. We must reraeraber, that
Russia would not step in to a flourishing es
tablishment with all things in readiness ; but
would find a ruinous and unfurnished house,
every part of which would have to undergo a
thorough repair. The expense of such a resto
ration might drain the resources of an empire,
and half a century must elapse before the new
possession could be set in order.
The re-organization of the Greek nation
would furnish long and ample employment, and
would of itself be enough to engross the atten
tion of a powerful state. Far from considering
it an advantage that the Greeks should be left
to themselves in the Morea, I am persuaded,
that the best thing which could happen to the
Greek nation, would be, for some time, to be
governed by a kind, but a vigorous hand. The
Greek when in power, plays fantastic tricks.
A sudden transition from absolute slavery to

'38
the plenitude of freedom, is more than human
nature can bear. The transition must be gra
dual to be beneficial, and whatever power had
the task of superintending the regeneration of
the Greeks, would be too fully engaged to
dream of other undertakings.
Nor would Russia have the advantage of
carrying on the work of renovation in perfect
tranquillity. The Turks, though expelled frora
Europe, would still occupy a long line of Asiatic
coast, and, if no longer formidable enemies,
would still be harassing neighbours. Asia
Minor, Syria and Egypt, would still acknow
ledge the authority of the Sultan ; and would
not these countries afford a sufficiently exten
sive empire for barbarism and ignorance to rule
over? Were Turkey in Europe to become a part of
the Russian empire, the probability is, that,
before Russia could make use of her new pos
sessions to the detriment of other nations, the
empire itself would experience a change ; and
if Russia would declare that, in the succeeding
generation, the sarae person should not occupy
the thrones both of St. Petersburg and Con
stantinople, she would at once consult her own
real interests, and give a sufficient guarantee for
the tranquillity of Europe. In what way has
Europe ever suff"ered from the family alliance of
the French and the Spanish Bourbons ?

39
The opening of the gates of the Mediterra
nean, would form the most important feature of
the change of masters in Turkey in Europe ;
but would the fleets of England and France
have reason to be alarmed ? Can we doubt of
their power to command the free passage of
the seas, in spite of every exertion which
Russia, with all her increased advantages,
would be able to make ? — and would the com
mand of the entrance of the Black Sea be of
so much importance, when Odessa was ad
vanced to Constantinople ?
In a commercial point of view, England
would, eventually, be greatly the gainer. The
trade of the Levant, once important, has, of
late, been inconsiderable. The progress of
civilization, in a country which is now half
educated and half inhabited, would produce an
annually increasing demand, and open sources
of trade that would lead to incalculable results.
For these reasons, I should entertain no ap
prehensions were the Turks at this time ex
pelled frora Europe. If there is nothing to
dread, there would be every reason to rejoice;
and the raore the powers of Europe interfere to re
tard the accomplishment of that which will one
day arrive, the raore will they be acting in op
position to the progress of improvement. Every
inch of ground which is wrested back from the
Russians, and restored to the Turks, will be so
much lost to civilization.

40
Not that I for a moment suspect that your
Lordship has any intention of having recourse,
on the present occasion, to arguments more
powerful than negociation. If you thought it
necessary to abstain from stretching out a hand
to save Portugal, you would hardly judge it
expedient to plunge England into a war for the
sake of the Turks ; and a general crusade, in
favour of infidels and against the Christians,
may be preached at Vienna, but will hardly
find partizans in the rest of Europe.
The less we do the better. If the maxim of
non-interference were brought forward in the
case of Portugal, when it sealed the doom of
freedom, let it be abided by on the present oc
casion, when it would hasten the fall of bar
barism. In the foregoing pages, I have attempted to
lay before your Lordship's consideration the
real state of the present feelings of the Conti
nent with regard to England, the true character
and views of the two great parties into which I
acknowledge Europe to be divided, and the oc
casions on which public opinion has referred
the foreign policy of England to the influence
of the repressive system. If cannot be sur
prising, that the suspicion of such an alteration
in the dispositions of the British government
should have had the most powerful eff"ect on
the nations of the Continent, especially when

41
the esteem of Europe had so recently been
won by the adoption of a diametrically opposite
course. I have also attempted to show, that the views
of the liberal party are not of such a nature as
to make it the duty of England to assist in
measures of restraint. The preservation of
peace, especially in the present circumstances
of England, is, I freely allow, the raost important
object. Neither am I calling upon England to
burst open the doors of the prison-house, or to
disturb tranquil lands with proff"ers of regene
ration. All I raaintain is, that if England does
enter the field, it should always be on the side
of liberal principles, never on the side of re
pression ; and that, if she does undertake a
cause, it should be followed up with generosity.
The greatest lovers of peace must allow that
there are occasions on which the risk of war
must be run. Portugal, as it appears to me,
was one of those occasions, and forbearance
was, in that instance, the less imperative, as a
slight eff'ort would have sufficed, without in
curring the least danger of exciting a general
war. Let us remember the attitude which Eng
land preserved during the whole length of a
twenty years' war. During that momentous
period, she fought the cause of independence
against that of exorbitant power; and, in the
E

MR. CANNING.

In the Press, and nearly ready for Publication,
A SECOND EDITION OF
THE SPEECHES OF THE RIGHT HON.
GEORGE CANNING,
Corrected and revised by himself.
WITH MEMOIRS OF HIS LIFE,
By R. THERRY, Esq. of Gray's Inn,
Barrister at Law.
Illustrated by a fine Portrait, Fac-.Similes ofhis Hand Writing,
&c. &c. 6 vols. 8vo. 3l. 12s.

" This excellent and valuable edition of JWr. Canning's Speeches,
by Mr. Therry, contains, among other things, a remarkable mstance
of the application of the new process of typolithography. There is,
in the nrst volume, a fac-simile of the proofs of the celebrated
Speech on the affairs of Portugal, with all the corrections made by
Mr. Canning. Every mark which he made in the letter-press, every
reference, and every word written on the margin, is represented as
it appeared in his hand-writing in the proofs. The types and manu
script corrections are printed together, at one impression, from
stone. This is the first accurate representation of a proof with the
corrections of the author on it, in his own hand-writing ; for such a
representation could only be perfectly executed by typolithography.
 The arrangement and publication of Mr. Canning's Orations,
(which form at once the best monument of his fame, and the most
indisputable record of his opinions,) was a task of much arduous-
ness, as well as importance ; and it seems to be extremely well per
formed." — ^TlMES.
" A Biographical Memoir of the most illustrious Statesman and
accomplished Orator of our age, prefixed to the only authentic edi
tion ofhis Speeches, has far superior claims to notice and credit
over any of those ephemeral and hurried Sketches of his Life,
which, without authority, and for mere abject purposes of lucre,
have been thickly palmed upon the public attention. The preten
sions ofthe Memoir before us, with which Mr. Therry has intro
duced this valuable publication, are stated with candour and mo
desty : his object, that Gentleman declares, has simply been to con
nect, in a brief narrative, the leading events ofthe political career of
Mr. Canning, to mark the period of his progressive advancement in
public life, and to collect such facts and circumstances as might
render his labours altogether a faithful record of the principles of
that illustrious Statesman, and of the eloquence with which those
principles are enforced. In the biographical part of this undertak
ing, he has evidently not been left witnout some genuine informa
tion and useful assistance.  It embraces the essence and substance
of all the truth that (except it should be through the affectionate
and venerating zeal of personal friends, or kindred) will probably
ever be told of the life of George Canning." — Monthly Review.
" We recommend this edition of Mr. Canning's brilliant, splen
did, and statesmanlike Speeches, as the noblest literary memorial
that can be preserved of him." — Liter,ap.y Gazette.

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