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A SKETCH

OF THE

JFfrsit SftlUfWfUl

OF THE

SEVERAL TOVTNS ON LONG-ISLAND

WITH THEIR

rOLZT£6A£ COMBITIOKT,

TO THE

END OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

BY SILAS WOOD. I"

A NEW EDITION.

BRQOKLrX, JV. F.
rniKTED BY ALDEN SrOOKER, FULTOK-SI'RBET.

1828.

ADVERTISEMENT.
The object of the republication of this work, is to supply some de. -
ciencies, particularly in relation to the colony government, and the sketch
of General V\oodhull ; the materials lor whicb, vvere obtained Irom the
Secretary's otfice.
A brief statement ofthe inferior courts on Long-Island has been added
in the appendix, to illustrate the changes of the law relative to thera,
with the names of the judges and clerks, to which I have also added the
names of the members of Assembly from the several counties on Long-
Island, from 1691 to 1776
I have also given a sketch ofthe biography of Col. William Smith, and
William NicoUs, Esqrs. which is identified with the history of that pe
riod. I embrace this occasion to express my acknowledgments to the Secre
tary and Deputy Secretary, the Clerk of the Supreme Court at New-
York, to the Clerks ofthe several counties and towns on Long-Islind for
free access to their offices, and to all those gentlemen who have aided
me by their researches, or have cohtributed to tbe facts contained in this
work.

A SKETCH
OP THE
FIRST SETTLEMENT OF LONG-ISLAND, kc.

The state of the Country.
AT the time of the first settlement of f<oiig-Island, it ap
pears that tiie western part of it, if not the whole, was in a
great measure bare of timber.
The Indians here, as every where else where they were
settled, annually burnt ovt-r the woods, in order to clear the
land, to provide food for the deer and other game.
There are numerous facts to prove that, at the time of the
first settlement of the Island, the woods wert- destitute of un
derbrush, and that the large trees were so scarce that it was
deeraed necessary to take measures for their preservation.
The first settlers in every town comraenced their improve
ments without any previous clearing. They generally en
closed large tracts of land by a common fence, for planting,
and also for pasturing such part of their stock as they did not
wish to run at large. In 1646 the people of the town of
Gravesend, by a vote at the first town meeting, held in the
town, ordered every inhabitant to make twenty poles offence,
to enclose a common field for corn; and in 1648, voted in
like manner to make a common pasture for their calves
Similar regulations vvere maiie in Newtown, in Hempstead,
in Huntington, and probably iu most, if not all the towns on
the Island. In 1654 tiie town of -outhold passed a resolu
tion, that no person should cut trees or sell wood from their
common lands, for pipe staves, or heading, or other purposes,
to an}' person not being a townsman, '' without the town's lib
erty." In 1659 the town of Huntington, by a vote of town
meeting, resolved that no timber should be cut for sale within
three mile3 of the settlement, under the penalty of five shillings
for every tree. In 1660 they raade an exception of oak tim
ber for pipe staves ; but in 1668 the magistrates, after stating
their apprehensions that the town was in danger of being ruin
ed by the destruction of its timber, ordered that no tiraber
should be cut, for transportation, within three miles ofthe set-

tiement, under the penalty of five shillings for every tree }
and forlDid strangers cutting any timber, vvithin the limits of
the town, under the like penalty.
In 1660 the town of Oysterbay passed a similar resolution.
In 1664 the town of Southampton voted that no timber
should be made into pipe slaves, to be carried outpf the town,
under the penalty of twenty shillings a tree.
In 1668 the town of Newtown voted that no one should
carry any timber to the water side fbr transportation, under
the penalty of ten shillings a load.
The trees in the woods were so thin and sparse, tbat they
abounded with feed, and the settlers depended on them for
pasture for such cattle as were not needed for domestic pur
poses. In 1658 the town of Hempstead employed a herdsman to
attend their cattle. There are various resolutions of this town
for a series of years, to the same effect. They drove their
cattle as far as Cow-Neck to pasture, and it is supposed to
have taken its name frora that circumstance.*
In 1665 the town of Huntington, by a vote of town meet
ing, ordered that all the young and dry cattle belonging to
the town, shonld be driven to Horse-Neck, to pasture, after
the second day of June ensuing.
In 1666 the town of Gravesend employed a herdsman to
attend their cattle, that run at large, during the summer season.
By neglecting the Indian practice of annual burnings, in a
few years young timber and underbrush increased so as to
ifijure the feed in the woods.
Jn 1668 the town of Huntington, at town meeting, voted
that every male over sixteen, should assemble when warned
by the men who were appointed for that purpose, to cut down
brush or underwood, when it should be thought a fit time to
destroy it, under the penalty of five shillings a day for ne
glect. 7th October, 1672. The Governor and court of assize, by
an order, after stating that the feed for horses and cattle in the
woods on Long-Island, had decayed by the increase of brush
and underwood, directed the inhabitants from sixteen to sixty,
to turn out four days in every year, under the direction of tlic
* The openness ofthe country was very favorable to the increase of stock, and the
great plain around the town of Hempstead is peculiarly so, and their cattle becanie
quite numerous within a few years after the settlement of the town.
In 1658, the people of Hempstead had 84 cows, which brought them 82 calves that
year. I a 1659, the town consisted of 62 families, and it appears from the accounts of their
herdsmen for that year, tiiat they had 6i!9 head of cattle of all sorts.

5
town oflicers, to cut out the brush and underwood, under the
penalty of five shillings for every day's neglect.
In 1674, the tovvn of Jamaica, by a vote of town meeting, re
solved that every male upwards of sixteen, should go out two
days in the year, at the titne appointed for that purpose, to
cut down brush about the tovvn, under the penalty of five
shillings for every day's neglect.
By similar evidence, it appears that the pine plains were
also at the time of the first settlement of the Island, in a great
measure unincumbered with underbrush.
This state of the country was of immense advantage to the
first settlers. Had they been obliged to encounter thick fo
rests of large tiraber, and to wait the tardy returns of heavy
clearings, thejfirst emigrants would probably have perished
by famine. The openness of the country — the quantity of
land left unoccupied by the sparseness of the Indian popula
tion and the rapid growth and nutritive quality of the corn
found among the Indians, contributed essentially to the pre
servation, growth, and prosperity of the first settlers on Long-
Island. Ofthe interfering claims of the English and the Dutch to
Long-Island.
The English and the Dutch both claimed Long-Island, on
^he ground of prior discovery.
On the discovery of America, it seems to have been adopt-
ted by the maritime nations of Europe, as a part ofthe conven
tional law of nations, that new discoveries should enure to the
nation under whose authority they were made.*
North America from 30 to 58 degrees of north latitude, was
discovered in 1497, by Sebastian Cabot in the service of the
English, and various voyages were made to difierent parts of
the coast by English navigators previous to the year 1606.
In 1606, King James by letters patent, granted all that part
* The Pope gave Spain and Portugal all the countries inhabited by infidels which
they should discover. Tlie other nations of Europe claimed the enjoyment of the
sarae privilege, and for a lon^ lime the naked discovery of a country without occupa
tion or settlement, furnished the ground of an exclusive claim to an indefinite portion
ofthe discovered country. The inconvenience and injustice ofthis doctrine by degrees
lessened its force, till it has, by common consent, fallen into oblivion. ln'l7G0, when
tlie Spaniards, in pursuance of ttie old doctrine, had seized the ships of Great; Britain at
Ifootka Sound, the ministry proposed an immediate resort to force for redress Mr.
Fox, in support of tbe proposed measure, observed, " That in the present enlightened
age, the absolute claims of tferritoi-y, by a grant from the Pope, is done away, as is the
right -of territory by discovery with- nt absolute settlement. The talcing possession by
fixing up a cross, or any such mjrk of ceremony, is by the good sense of the present
time not admitted, and that the only ground of right is absolute occupancy."
If this doctrine had prevailed io 166-1, it might have altered the destiny of the
Dutch pro'/ince of Kcw-Netherland.

6
of the continent which lay between 34 and 45 degrees of north
latitude, lo Sir Thomas Gates and others, with permission to
divide themselves into two companies, the first to be called the
London company, and the second the Plymouth company.
In 1607, The London company commenced a settlement in
Virginia. In 1609, the King granted a separate patent to the first
company, extending from Point Comfort two hundred miles
each way, and in length from sea to sea.
In 1620, The same King granted a separate patent to the
second corapany by the nan\e of " the council established at
Plymouth in thccomty of Devon forthe planting, ruling, and
governing of New England in America," for all that part of
the continent lying between 40 and 48 degrees of north lati
tude, and extending fro o sea to sea. In virtue of this charter
which is usually called the New England patent, the council
of Plymouth issued all the subordinate patents ofthe several
colonies which were granted before it vvas surrendered to the
crown, to wit, the Plymouth patent in 1623, that of Massa
chusetts in 1623, and that of Connecticut, 1631.*
The same compan}', by order of Charles the first, on the
22d of April, in the 1 1th year of his reign, issued letters pa
tent to William, Earl of Stirling, " Secretary ofthe Kingdom
of Scotland," forthe whole of Long-Island.
April 20, in the 12th year of harles I, the Earl of Stirling
executed a power of attorney to James i arret, to sell and dis
pose of lands on the Island, and the earliest piirrhases made by
the English on the Island, were made or coiifii med by authority
derived irom hira. f A certified copy of this p^wer of attor
ney, taken from the record of Massachusetts, is araong the
papers in the office ofthe clerk ofthe town of Southampton.
* In June, 1635, the Plymouth company surr<-ndered tlieii' ch ut'T to the Crown,
and recommended that the whole country embraced b^ it should be divided into a
number of provinces, each lo be under tlipgovernmpiilof some Lord and the whole to
be under a Governor (Jener,\l. to be appoiotHd by the crown But tlie plan was not
adopted. Shortly after the dissolutiou of ihe company, tiie King -appointed the Arch
bishop of Canterbury, and some of the gi eat officers of llie crown, a board of Commis-
sioneis lo regul-ite the affairs of the colonies ; il does not appi-ar that the board ever
proceeded to execute their trust, and the different pai-ts of the country that had not
been patented by the Plymouth company, were after that period granted by letters
patent ofthe King or his Governors.
f William Alexander was born in Scotland in 1,530, was knighted by .lames the 6th,
of Scotland, ahd 1st of England 1614, obtained letters patent for Nova Scotia in 1621,
was made secretary of the Kingdom of Scotland in 1626, Peer of Stiotlasidin 1630, and
vvas created Earl of Stirling in 1633. He obtained a grant for Long-Island in ('J35,
and died in 1640 He was succeeded by his grand-son, who died a few months after
him, who was succeeded by his uncle Henry, who i-elinquished the grant ol' tiOng-Island
to the crown or to the Duke of Vork, before the patent to liim in 166J, in ivhicli it was
inserted. The grant o- Long-Ishnd to Lord Stirling, and the relinqnisliment of it to
the crown or to the Duke of V ork by his lieirs, is recognized in rhe patent of Gov.
KicoU to Constant Svlvester and Nathaniel Sylvester, for Shelter-Island, 31st May,
166B.

In 1609, Henry Hudson, an Englishman in the service of
the Dutch,' visited and explored the harbor of New-York, and
the river which has since been called by his name.*
In 1611, the merchnnts of Amsterdam sent out some ships
with goods, and opened a trade with thi^- natives.
In 1613 tlie Dutch were visited by the English from Vir
ginia, and submitted to pay an acknowledgment to the crown
of England.
In 1614, They received a reinforcement frora Europe,
erected a fort and refused to subniii to the English. The
English in America, did not think proper, or were not in a
condition to renew their effiirts to reduce or restrain the Dutch.
In 1615, they sailed up th ¦ North River and erected a fort
on a small island, a short distance below Albany, and. in a
short time afterwards erected Fort Orange at Albany, on the
spot as is supposed, where the mansion house of Simeon De
Witt, the Surveyor General ofthe state of N. York now stands.
In 1621, the States General granted the Dutch West India
Company an exclusive right to trade to America for twenty-
four years, with various other privileges.
The Dutch seem at their first arrival, and for many years
afterwards, to have had no other views in visiting the country
than to engross the trade with the natives. It does not appear
that they had then adopted any plan for the settlement and
improvement of the country. No serious attempt at coloni
zation appears to have been made till the latter part of Vah
Twiller's administration, who arrived in 1629, and was suc
ceeded by Kieftin 1638.
'The first purchase of the Indians on Long-Island that has
been discovered, was in 1635, and the earliest deed for land to
individuals, is a patent from Governor Van Twiller to Andries
Hedden and Wolphert Garritsen, for a tract of land in Amers-
fort orFlatlands, bearing date of 6th June 1636.
In 1643. Governor Kieft states that the Dutch settlements
at that time, only extended 10 miles east and west, and seven
miles north and south.
The first mention made of cattle, is a distribution made by
Van Twiller in 1638.f Before this period the Dutch establish-
* According to De Laet, Adrian Block, in 1614, sailed from New Amsterdam, now
New-York, through the Sound to Cape Cod, aud visited the intermediate coast and
Islands. If so, he was the first .,w"ho ascertained that Long-Island was separated from
the raain. In 1619, Thomas Dermer in sailing from New England to Virginia, passed
through the Sound and confirmed the discovery of Adrian Block. In his journal he
states " we found a most dangerous cataract amongst small rockey Islands, occasion
ed by two unequal tides, the one ebbing and flowing two hours before the others."
•f June 4th, 1638, Governor Van Twiller let George Rapelje . have two Cows for
four years, then to be returned with half their increase, with the exception of a heifer
which he consented should be retained as a present to one ofthe daughters of Rapelje.
Thia seeras to have hsea a common mode of furnishing the settlers with sto,ct.

8
ments seem to havebeen principally, if not purely commercial,
and were probably under the superintendence of a factor or
commercial agent.
It seems that the claims of th? Dutch were not limited to
anv definite portion of the country, and that they extended
their cl^im with their purchases and settlements.
In 1661, Governor Siuyvesant complains to the directors
ofthe West India Company, that they were m ithout a patent to
support their claim. The Dutch in order to extend their
claims to as much ofthe country as possible, at an early period
made a purchase on the Delaware, and in 1633 on Connecti
cut river, and claimed the whole country between those two
rivers. The English a kw months afterwards, also made a purchase
on Connecticut river, and erected a house a few miles above
Fort Hope, which had shortly before been erected by the
Dutch. The English commenced a setdement at Saybrook
in 1635, at Hartford in 1636, and at New-Haven in 1638,
and continued to extend their settlements westward until they
met the Dutch in Stamford in 1640.
Ofthe settlement ofthe Island.
Both powers endeavoured to strengthen their respective
claims to the Island by extending their settlements there.
The two extremities of the Island were first settled ; the west
end under the Dutch and the east end under the English.
The several settlements under the two powers were nearly
cotemporary, and were all commenced within the compass of
forty years.
Both the Dutch and I nglish territories on Long-Island,
were settled by villages or towns, nor was there any combina
tion of these into counties before the conquest of the English
in 1664.
The extent of the towns in the English territory, and of the
English towns in the Dutch territory, was regulated by the
extent of their Indian purchases. The extent of the Dutch
Towns was probably regulated by the extent of their grants
from the Governor.
In the Dutch towns it seems that the lands were generally
purchased by the Governor, and were by him granted to in
dividuals. In the Eiiglish towns in the Dutch territory, the
lands were generally purchased of the natives by the settlers,
Avith the consent of the Dutch Governor; and in the Towns
under the English, the lands were purchased of the natives

by the settlers, originally with the consent of the agent of the
Earl of Stirling ; and after his death, the purchases ofthe In
dians were made by the people of the several towns for their
common benefit.*
In cases of grants to companies by the Dutch Governor, the
lands were divided by lot; and in all cases of purchase, the
riglits of individuals we're deemed to be in proportion to their
contribution to the purchase, or to the patent by which it was
confirmed. A single family of French protestants seeras to have settled
on the Island in the vicinity of New-York as early as 1625.
In a famil\ record in the hands of Gt-ii. Johnson of Brooklyn,
it is Slated that the first child of George Jansen De Rapalje,
was born at the Wallahoght that year; and it is a tradition
among the Dutch, that this was the first white child that was
born on the Island.
This family and perhaps a few others, raa_y have thus early
located themselves on the shores ofthe Island opposite New-
York, but it is supposed that very few emigrants had yet ar
rived, in the Dutch territories, whose object was the cultivation

* The Brsi purchase of Southold was made under the authority of New-Haven, and
the purcliase of Ea tLampton was made by the Governor of New-Haven and Hartford,
and the lands Wf re afterwards conveyed to the respective settlers of the two towns.
Lyon Gardiner was the sole propriei or of Gardiner's Island. Shelter Island was
¦purchased hy James Farrett. and after some intermediate conveyances in 1666, became
vested in Natu iniel Sylvester, Constant Sylvester, and Thomas Middleton. Constant
Sylvester resided in Barbadoes, and Thomas Middleton in England. During the
periodof the Dutch power, on the reconquest of the colony, the Dutch Governor on
the^Stb -April, 16'(4, by a formal act confiscated the rights of those two gentleman aa
public enemies, and on the 2iitb of August sold the same, to Nathaniel Sylvester for
l5Qi), for which he gave his tioud. When it was ascertained that the Dutch must
shortly leave the country, it appears, from a recital in the will of Nathaniel Sylves
ter, dated in 1679, reciting the confiscation and bill of sale, that the Govemor sent a
ship with fifty soldiers to Shelter Island, to collect the money due on the said bond.
They landed oo the Island, surrounded the house of Nuhaniel Sylvester, and com
pelled him to pay them the amount of the bond. Smithtown was given to Lyon Gar
diner by Wjandance, iu 1659, by whom it was sold to Richard Smith in 1663, and
was confirmed by the Nissaquague Sachem in 1665
William Nicolls was the original purchaser and sole proprietor of the greater part of
Islip. Eaton's Neck was given to Governor Eaton by the Indians, and Winthrop's
patent in like manner to Governor Winthrop. Exclusive of Judge Smith's purchases
and a few others, the other lands in the several towns in Suffolk county, were pur
chased by the first settlers in common.
The lands in the occupanc) of the Indians in the towns of Southampton and East-
bamplon, belong to those towns respectively. The Indians have only a usufructuary
property in them.
The peninsula of Montauk contains aiout 9000 acres, liOO of which are timber, and
1000 water, is divided into three fiel Js ; tbe lirsi or common field, contains 6600 acres,
the other two 1.00 each. The Indians occupy one or other of the smaller fields as
they choose, from the time of planting, to the time of gathering corn, and have a
right to keep 52 head of cattle or horses. The whole is divided into 38 shares, each
share entitles the proprietor to put 56 head of cattle into tlie common field, the first
week in April, and on the first of June to put 12 of the 56 into the fatting field.
The fat cattle are taken away the first of November, and the others the first of De
cember. One horse is deemed equivalent to two cattle, or four calves, or 7 sheep,
2

10
of the soil. The earliest deed for land in the town of Brook
lyn, is a grant to Abraham Rycken in 1638 ; and the earliest
deed on record, is a grant to Thomas Besker in the >ear
1639, and the earliest grant for lands in Kings county that
has been discovered, was in 1636.
This must be considered as the commencement of tbe Dutch
settleraents on Long-Island. There is no evidence that any
direct and systematic efforts were made for this purpose, till
this period.
In 1641, the Dutch Governor and Council, in order to
strengthen their claim to the Island, consented that the Eng
lish should settle there under their jurisdiction, on taking the
oath of allegiance to the states general, and the Dutch West
India Company.
The Town of Gravesend in Kings county, and the several
Towns of Hempstead, Flushing, Jamaica, and Newtown in
Queens County, were originally settled by Englishmen on
tbese conditions: The other towns in Kings t ouniy were
settled by the Dutch, and all the other towns on the Island,
were settled under the English.
The first settlement under the English was made by Lyon
Gardiner, on Gardiner's Island, in 1639, under a purchase
made by him of the natives, which was confirmed by James
Farret, agent ofthe Earl of Stirling, in 1640.
In October 1640, the people" of Southold commenced a set
tlement on a tract of land which had been purchased of the
natives by the government of New-Haven.
In May 1640, the English attempted to make a settlement
on a tract of land on the east side of Great Neck, or on the
west side of Cow Neck, in the town of North Hempstead, on
the north side ofthe Island, which had been purchased ofthe
natives by-Daniel How, under an agreement with the agent of
the Earl of StirUng ; but were prevented by Kieft, the Dutch
Governor, and the settlers removed to Southampton, purchas
ed a tract of land ofthe natives, and commenced a settlement
there in December 1640, which was the foundation of that
town.*

'By an agreement bearing date I7th April, 1640, James Farret, agent of the Earl
of Stirling, authorized Daniel How, Joh Payne and others, their associates, to pur
chase lands, and form a settlement on Long-Island, " with as full and free liberty both
in church order and civil government, as the plantations in Massachusetts enjoyed."
By virtue of this agreement, Daniel How shortly after made a purchase of the na
tives on the Island, " Which extended from the eastem part of Oysterbay, to the
western part of a bay called after him. How's bay, to the middle of the plains, being
half the breadth of the Island," and immediately commenced a settlement in the
western part of said purchase. May 13, 1640, Governor Kieft sent Cornelius Van
Tienhoven, the Secretary, the under Sherifl", a Sergeaat, and twenty-five soldiers t»

11
In 1642, the English advanced as far as Oysterbay, within
the tract purchased by Captain How, and were broken up
by the Dutch Governor. Some ofthe English planters were
seized and imprisoned, and others driven from their setde
ments. The line of division between the respective territories of ti.c
two powers, was a constant source of contention between them,
and the public harmony was interrupted by mutual complants
of encroachments on Long-Island, as well as on the main.
It was at length attempted to put an end to these com
plants, and to secure peace and quiet on the borders, by de
finitively settling the boundaries between their respective ter
ritories. May 19, 1643, the four New England colonies, Plymouth,
Massachusetts, Hartford, and New-Haven, formed a union for
their mutual security, and the protection of the settlements that
were connected with them.
Public affairs were transacted by two commissioners from
each colony. All controversies between the English aud the
Dutch, were from that period on the part of the English raan
aged by the comraissioners ofthe united colonies.
A treaty for the adjustment of differences, and the settlement
of boundaries between the two powers, was negociated by Mr.
Bradstreet, of Massachusetts, and Mr. Prince of Plyraouth, on
the paVt of the Coraraissioners, and by Thomas Willet and
George Baxter, on the part of the Dutch Governor, at Hart
ford, the I'/ith September, 1650.
Scout's bay, to break up the said settlement. The party set out the Mth and re
turned the 15th. They found the company, consisting of eight men and a woman
with an infant, who had erected one house, and were engaged in erecting another. — ¦
The party brought six of the men with them to the Governor, to wit. Job 5ayre,
George Wells, John Farrington, Philip Cartland, Nathaniel Cartland, and William
Harcher, whom he confined, and examined on oath. On examinaiion it appeared that
they came from Lynn, near Boston, and were brought to the Island by James Farret,
in a vessel commanded by Daniel How, both of whom had returned to New-Haven.
On the 19th these men, on signing an agreement to leave the place, were dismissed.
How's bay was the same as Scout's bay, and is the bay between Cow Neck and
Great Neck, and so called in the ancient deeds for land adjoining it, Martin Gar-
retson's bay is the bay between Great Neck and Little Neck, an3 is the boundary be
tween Flushing and North Hempstead.
The settlement therefore must have been on the east side of Great Neck, or the
west side of Cow Neck, and probably at the latter place. After their settlement at
How's bay waa broken up, Daniel How and his associates went to Southampton, con
tracted with the natives for the purchase of a tract of land there, and advanced them
some part ofthe consideration to secure the bargain.
December I3th, 1640, they settled the payment ofthe remaining part ofthe consid
eration, obtained a deed for the land, and commenced their settlement. They held
their first town meeting the 6tli of April, 1641, and their town meetings are regularly
recorded from that period
The acknowledgment to the Eail of Stirling, or his heirs, was fixed by Governor
Winthrop of Boston in 1641, according to an agreement with^ames Farrett, at four
bushels of Indian c6m, payable the last day of September annually, at Southampton,

12
Bv that treaty it was mutually agreed, with resrard to the
boundaries between the two powers on I ong IsbinH, " 1 hat a
line run from the vvestermost part of Ovsierbav, and so a
Strai.rcht and direct line lo the sea, shall be ihe bounds betwixt
the English and Dutch there. The easterly part to belong to
the English, and the westermosi to the Dutch."
When Oysterbav came to b settled by the English, a dis
pute arose between them and the Dutch Governor, respecting
the vvestermost limits of the bay ; and this vvith the delay of
the States General to ratify the treaty, furnished the Dutch
Govej-nor with a pretext for not fulfilling it.
In 1659, the directors of the West India company ordered
the Dutch Governor, to erect a Fort, or to build a Block-house
on their east bay, in order the more effectually to resist the
encroachments ofthe English.
In 1661, the Governor informed them that he had not
begun the Fort on Long-Island, near 0_ysterbay, " because
our neighbours lay the boundaries a mile and a half more
westerly than we do ; and the more as your honours are not
inclined to stand to the treaty of Hartford," and although the
treaty was ratified by the States General the 22d February,
1656, yet it seems that the Governor never wholly relinquish
ed his claim of jurisdiction over that town, or a part of it.
In June 1656, the commissioners of the United Colonies
in answer to a communication of the Dutch Governor, re
proach him with still continuing to claim Oysterbay, in viola
tion ofthe treaty of Hartford.
These disputes involved the people of Oysterbay in much
difficulty and perplexity To avoid giving offence to one power
or the other, and to secure peace and quietness, they were
compelled to observe a kind ot neutrality between tlie con
tending parties.
Deceraber 13, 1660, they resolved by a vote of the people
in Town meeting, that no person should intermeddle to put
the town either under the Dutch or English, until ihe diflfer
ence between them should be ended, under the penalty of £50
sterling. January 8, 1662, they seem to have taken a more decisive
part. They avowed their allegiance to the King of England,
and resolved to defend any one who should be molested for
exercising authority among them, at their coraraon expense.
It is presumed that this lown about this period, united with
the other English towns on the Islam! east i>f Hempstead, in
their voluntary submission to the jurisdiction of Connecticut.

13

Ofthe order in which the so^-e.ml T'ownson the Island
were settled.
The tirae ofthe settlement ofthe English towns, is to be col
lected from the dates of their respective purr liases of the na
tives, and that of the Dutch towns fi-om the grants of the
Governor, or from the original records of their respective
proceedings. From these, it appears that the first settlement
ofthe several towns on the Island, was com.nenced at or near
tbe time, and in the order following :
Brooklyn, - - - , - 1636
Flatlands, originally Amersfort, - - 1636
Gardiners' Island, ... 1639
Southold, - - - - - 1640
Southampton, - - - - 1640*
Hempstead, ' - - - _ I644
Gravesend, . . - - 1645
Flushing, originally Vlusshingen, - - 1645
East Hampton, - - - - 1648
Flat Bushi originally Midwout, - - 1651
Shelter Isla id, - - - - 1652
Huntington, » _ - . 1653
Oysterbay, - _ - . 1653
Brookhaven, . _ . _ 1655
Newtown, originally Middleburgh, - 1655
Jamaica, originally Rustdorpe, - - 1656
New-Utrecht, - - - - 1657
Bushwick, _ - . _ 1660
Smithtown, _ . - - 1663
Islip, - - - - - 1666f
•Although a few settlements were first made by individuals in the Dutth territo
ries, it was some years before the number was sufficient to require any political or
ganization. Brooklyn, the largest of the Dutch villageb did not choose regular ma
gistrates till 1646, though some kind of authority was established there before. On
the contrary, Southold and Southampton, were settled by regular organized societies,
govemed from their origin by laws and magistrates, with regular churches. A house
for public worship was erected at Southampton previous to 1645, t|i,e first in the Dutch
towns was commenced in 1 654, so that although there were a few settlers in Brooklyn,
and Flatlands before 1640, they did not become towns till some years after ; and tbe
towns of Southold, Southampton, and probably Easthampton. were some years in ad
vance of them in numbers in organization and social improvements.
fSome confusion exists in the dates of this period, and en event may have taken
place a year before, or a year after it is stated to have happened, but the error in
time can rarely exceed a year.
When the con putation by the christian era was introduced, the coramencement of
the year was fixed on the day of the annunciation or incarnation of Christ, which was
placed on the 25th of March, and so continued in England and her dominions, till the
alteration of the style in 1752, wheu by an act of Parliament, it was enacted, that
eleven days should be stricken out of the month of September, and that the 3d should

14
The lands in the several towns in Kings County, were
parchased by thi> Dutch Governor, or with his consent, and it
is presuraed wholly ofthe ' anarsee tribe of Indians.
Jamaica was purchased of the Canarsee and Rockaway
tribes. Newtown was principally purchased of the Rockaway In
dians. Flushing was purchased by the Dutch Governor, it is be
lieved ofthe Matinecoc tribe of Indians.
Ovsterbay was purchased of the Matinecocs.
Hempstead was purchased ofthe Rockaway, Merikoke and
Marsapeague tribes.
Huntington was purchased ofthe Matinecoc, Marsapeague
and Secataug tribe.
Smith Town was, by the Montauk sachem, Wyandance,
given to Lyon Gardiner, who sr>ld it to Richard Sraith, to
whom it was confirraed by the Nissaquague sachem.
Brookhaven was purchased ofthe Satauket and Patchogue
tribes. South Old was purchased of the Corchaugs.
Islip was purchased of the Secataugs.
South Harapton was purchased ofthe Shinecoc tribe.
East Hampton, was purchased ofthe Shinecoc, Corchaug,
Manhassett, and Montauk tribes.
Shelter Island was purchased ofthe Manhasset tribe.
Of 1 rade.
On the first settlement of the Island the surplus produce
was wanted by the new settlers ; during this period they had
little trade but among themselves, money vvas very scarce,
contracts were made in produce, and business was carried on
by barter and exchanges ; contracts for the sale of land as
well as others were raade in produce.
In 1658, the town of Hempstead agreed to pay the herds
men who attended their cattle, twehe shillings sterling a week,
payable in butter, wheat, corn and oats, at stipulated prices.
In 1659, the same town allowed six bushels of corn for kill
ing a wolf. -^
be dated I4th, and one day added to February every fourth year to conform their
chronology to tlirit of the other nations of Europe, who had introduced a similar al
teration some years before, in order to correct the error arising- fiom the precession of
the equinoxes: and that the year should commence on the 1st of January instead of
the 25th of March. Befure this tiii.e it had been usual to preserve a correapon dency
of dates with those of other nations, to give a double date from the Ist of January to
the *ii5th of lyiarch. Thus February tbe Sth, 1721, was written Februnry the Sth
173 0 the omission ofthe lower number, would cause an error of a year.
31

15
In 1659, the town of East Hampton, agreed to give Thomas
James, their Minister, £60 a year, " in such pay as raen raise,
as it passes from man to man."
In 1663, the town of Jamaica, contracted with Zachariah
Walker, their minister, to give him £60 a year, payable in
wheat and corn, a. fixed prices.
In 1664 the town of Gravesend, contracted to give a man
and his assistant, 600 guilders, to guard their cattle that run
at large during the suramer season, to be paid in " bacon and
corn." In 1670, the people of Newtown, agreed to give 40 shillings
a piece, towards erecting a meeting house, to be paid " half in
corn and half in cattle,
In 1686, the town of Huntington, contracted with a carpen
ter to raake an addition to their meeting house, to be paid in
produce at stipulated prices.
In 1680, the town of South Hampton agreed to give Joseph
Taylor, their minister, the .use ofthe parsonage, four acres in
their ox pasture, one fiftieth in the commonage, and one hun
dred acres woods. Also, a yearly salary of £100, payable in
winter wheat at five shillings a bushel, summer wheat four shil
lings a bushel, Indian corn at two shillings and sixpence a
bushel, tallow at six-pence per pound, green hides at three
pence, dry hides at six-pence per pound, beef at forty, shillings
the barrel, pork at £3, 10 the barrel, or three-penc^the pound,
whale bone at eight-pence the pound, and oil at thirty shillings
the barrel ; to be collected by the constable and overseers, or
by men to be appointed by them.
In 1682, the town of Hempstead agreed to'give Jeremiah
Hobart, their rainister, the use of the parsonage, and three or
four acres of land, the use ofthe common for his cattle, and to
give him one hundred acres of land where he chose to take
it up, and a yearly sal^ary of £66, 14, payable in corn and
cattle. Debts were discharged — executions satisfied, and rates paid
in produce. The rate at which produce was taken in pay
ment of debts, was, the price which the raerchants gave for
the like articles at the time.
In 16S4, the magistrates of East Hampton, ordered that
the town rates should be paid in wheat at four shillings and
six-pence per bushel, and Indian corn at three shillings and
six-pence. In 1665, the town court of Jamaica in an action of trespass
gave judgment 'in favour of the plaintiff for twelve bushels
and an half of wheat for his damages.

16
In 1679, the town court of Huntington grave /idpment that
the defendant should pay the debt demanded in " good mer
chantable pay at the current price "
In 1680, the same court gave judgment for the debt, and
the Constable sold a house and lot on execution for £10. 10,
to be paid " in merchantable pay at the current price."
Executions issuing out of the court of sessions, were also
levied in produce, but it was appraised by indifferent mea
chosen by the parties or appointeo by the sheriff, when it was
delivered to the plaintiff in satisfaction of his judgment.
The prices of produce receivable for county rates, were
generally fixed by the Governor and court of assize, but were
sometiraes submitted to the court of sessions, subject to the re
vision and approbation ofthe Governor.
In 1665 the Assessors ofthe several towns were ordered by
law to estimate stock at the following rates :
A horse or mare, 4 years old and upward, £12 0 0
Do. do. 3 and 4 - - 8 0 0
Do. do. 2 and 3 - - 4 0 0
Do. do. 1 and 2 - - 3 0 0
An ox or bull 4 years old and upward, 6 0 0
A cow four years old aud upwards, - 5 0 0
A steer or heifer between 3 and 4 - 4 0 0
Do. do. 2 and 3 - 2 10 0
Do. do. 1 and 2 - 110 0
A goat one year old, - - - 0 8 0
A sheep, do. - - - - 0 6 8
A swine, do. - - - 10 0
In 1679, the prices fixed at which produce should be re
ceived for county rates were as lollows : '
Pork, - - - £0 0 3 per lb.
Beef, - - 0 0 2 do.
Winter wheat, - - 0 4 0 per bushel.
Summer do. - - 0 3 6 do.
Rye, - - - 0 2 6 do.
Indian corn, - - 0 2 3 do.
Oil, - - - - 1 10 0 per barrel.
In 1687, the prices of produce receivable for taxes were as
follows :
Pork, - - £3 10 0 per barrel, or 3d per lb.
Beef. - - 1 10 0 do. 2d do.
Wheat, - - 0 5 0 per bushel.
Indian corn, - - 0 2 6 do.
T?illow, - - 0 0 6 per lb.
Dry hides, - - 0 0 4 do.
Green, - 0 0 2 do.

17
Contract prices of various articles, from 1655, to 1687 :
Pork, - - £0 0 31b.
Beef, - - 0 0 2db.
Wheat, from - 0 4 0 per bushel, to 5 s.
Rye, - - 0 3 6 do.
Corn, - - 0 2 6 do.
Oats, - _ 0 2 0 do.
Btitter, - - 0 0 6 lb.
Tallow, - - 0 0 6 do,
Hogs fat, ... 006 do.
Board, - - p 5 0 per week.
Victuals, - - - 0 0 6 per meal.
|.<odging, - - 0 0 2 per night.
Beer, . _ . 0 0 2 per mug.
Pasture, - - 9 1 0 fbr a day and night.
Labour, . - - 0 2 6 per day.
The practice ofpayingin produce continued until about the
year 1700 ; when trade had rendered money plenty, and in
troduced it into general circulation.
Gf the Character of the first Settlers in the several English
towns on Long-Island.
The English towns on the Island, both on the Dutch and
English territories, were settled by companies of individuals,
the most of whom bad first landed in sorae part of JNew-Eng-
laod J but had remained there only a short time, little longer
in some instances than was necessary to select a proper place
for a permanent residence, and to form themselves into asso
ciations adequate to the commencement of new settlements.
The first settlers of Southold, remained a short time at Ne\y-
Haven Those of South < ampton and Easthampton, were
some tirae at Lynn. The people of Hempstead hacj made a
short stay first at Wethersfield, and again at Stamford, before
they fixed theraselves in those respective towns.
Tlie first settlers of Easthampton, carae fronq Maidstone,
in Kent. The first settlers of Southampton and of Hemp
stead, were probably the most of them from Yorkshire ; arid
the first settlers of most of the other towns, seem to have been
collections composed of individuals fmm almost every part of
England. These companies in most ofthe towns, consisted at first of
only a few families,
The first settlemetit of Eas' Tampton was commenced by
nine families ; of Southampton by fourteen ; of Huntington,
3

18
by eleven ; and of Oysterbay by ten ; but in all these caseSj
the corapany in advance was immediately followed by others,
and the settlements increased by the constant accession of
new comers.*
The original settlers in most ofthe English towns, both in
the Dutch and English territories, were principally English In
dependents or Presbyte;ians, and partook ofthe spirit and
temper, v/hich at tin time of their emigration, characterised
that class of men in England.
Many ofthe first seitlti> in the several towns on the Island,
were well educated, and sensible men — they had sustained a
good standing in society, and left reputable connections ia
England. The early records and public documents ofthe several
towns, evince that the leading men among them had a correct
knowledge ofthe laws and constitution of England, and were
well acquainted wilh public business.
They left England during the turbulent limes, in the reign
of Charles the first; when both civil and religious liberty,
were prostrated by the illegal and tvrannical ixtension ofthe
royal prerogative, and by the iiiioh ra ce jif the established
church, supported the one hy the star chamber, and the other
by the high commissioned court, before the abolition of these
engines of arbitrary power. -j-
They fled from tyranny and oppression, and were ardently
devoted to the cause of civil liberty, and zealous for the purity
and simplicity ofthe Protestant religion — they were zealous
of their rights and resolute in their clefence.
* In 1657, in Soutli Hampton, there were 75 who bore arms in the Militia, and dreir
powder from tlie magazine, on an alarm created by the hostile acts of the Montauk In
dians In 1659, in Hempstead there were 62 heads of families who contracted with the
herdsmen to attend their cattle.
In 168J, in ttuntinglon there was 81 enrolled on the assessment list, the chief of
whom, probably were heads of fiimiliee.
In 1680, in Oysterbay tiiere were 41 freeholders, who shared in the second division
of the lands in tliat town.
17th September, 1673, the number required to take the oath of allegiance to the
newly established Dutch Government under Anthony Colve was as follows :
Jamaica 68, Flushing 67, Brooklyn 81, Flatbusli 78, Flatlands 48, Utrecht 41,
Gr; vesend 31, Bushwick 35, Newtown 99, Hempstead 107
f Tbe Puritans being unabh- to adopt the constitution of the church of England, ia
1586, established a government for tlieir churches, by Pa>tors, Elders and Deacons.
From 1560 to 1642, during the reign ofElizahpth, .lames, and part of Charles I. they
were constantly harrassed by the Bishops for their non-conformity ; and submission to
the edicts of Episcopal tyranny was enforced by the higli commissioned Court-
This court with the star chamber was abolished io 1642, and these persecutions were
suspended during the Commonnealth ; but after the restoration of Charles II. in 1660
they were renewed by the act of uniformity, the conventicle act, and the corporation
and test acts, and continued until the i evolution; soon after which in 1691 the
toleration act was passed, which secured to the dissenters a partial and qualifial enjoys

19
They held that by the British Constitution, the people vvere
entitleii to a share in legislation, and that their property could
not be taken from them without their consent. That every
man had a right to adopt that raode of worship, which he be
lieved raost agreeable to the scriptures, and that religion was
essenual to public order and social happiness. For the unrao-
lested enjoyment of these blessings, they had forsaken the
scenes of civilization, had broken asunder the ties which bound
them to their native soil, had encountered the dangers of the
ocean, and had submitted to the hazards and privations of a
new and savage country, and they were anxious to incorpo
rate these principles in their new establishments, and to make
them the basis of their social and political fabrics,
Ofthe Civil and Pi litical condition of the several towns in the
English Territory, before the conque/t.
The several towns in the English territory, were not under
the control of any colonial governinent, nor had they any po
litical connection with each other. Being too remote from
the mother country, to derive any aid frora thence, and without
connections here, the whole powers of Government devolved
fln the inhabitants of each town. Self-preservation rendered
it absolutely necessary, that they should assume the exercise
of these powers, until a change in their condition should su
percede the necessity of it.
Thus, each town at its first settleraent was a pure demo
cracy, the people of each town, exercised tbe sovereign pow
er. All questions were determined by the voice ofthe major
part ofthe people assembled in town raeeting. In this man
ner they formed such laws and regulations as they judged ne
cessary for the security, peace and prosperity of their infant
settleraents. The peopleof Somh Hampton, previous to their settlement,
entered into a sociaLcontract vtith each other, to be governetl
by such laws and orders as should be made by the vote ofthe
major part of the inhabitants ; and to support and maintain
the authority of the magistrates, in executing such laws and
orders as should be in force araong them.
ment of their religious rights, but still left them subject to many ecclesiastical oppres
sions These oppressions contributed to people the United States. Most of the first set
tlers on Ijong- Island, left England during the prevalence of these oppressive measures,
in the reign of Charles 1 . They sought an asylum principally for the enjoyment of
religious freedom ; and they and their posterity have ever since retained an abhorrence
of tyranny in every shape, and have always been the devoted friends of civil and reli-
j^ous freedom. >

20
It is supposed that the people of South Old, entered into a
similar compact, previous to the settlement of that town.
In 1655, the people of East Hampton, did the same ; and
it is presumed that most, if not all the towns in iheEcgli&h ter
ritory, in the infancy of their respective settlements, more or
less formally eiitereti into similar covenants and combinations,
or adopted something of the like nature, as the basis of their
social structure.
In 1653, the town of East Hampton, sent for a copy ofthe
laws of Coimecticut ; aud selected from them such as they
judged applicable to their circumstances, and adopted them.
In i659. South Hampton did the same ; and the uniformity
observable in the laws ofthe several towns, render it probable
that the other towns did the like, or made those laws the model
for such as they made themsehes.
The greater part of their laws, resolutions and orders were
framed by them>elves, in their tt spective town meetings — they
coinpri?ed such provisions as were required by their peculiar
situation and such as are necessary to the well be ng of every
Society The fiist I'lass of acts related to the division of their lands
— the enclosuieoi common field^ f<jroiilti aiioi\ and pasture—^
to regulations respecisiig fences, higbv^a_\s ai-d w^^iering pla
ces — resptcting caitle, sheep and borse>, thai ri-ii at large,
and in the . omnioii fields ; and respecting the destruction of
wild beasts.
The second class of acts made provision for tbe public de
fence — for the collection of taxes — for the education of youth
— for the preservation of good morals — for the support of reli
gion ; and for the suppression and punishment of crimes and
offences. One of the first measures adopted in every town was to
require every man to provide himself with arms and amuni-
tion ; and to assemble at au appointed place, when warned,
under a penalt\ for neglect in any of these respects.
In several ofthe towns, the first settlers erected a <mall fort
or block bouse, for their security. These precautions were
probabl> taken to guard against the Dutch, as well as ihe In
dians, at least in the western towns.
The men capable of bearing arms in every town, were or
ganized into companies, under proper officers ; and were re
quired to meet at stated times, for inspection and exercise.
In 1642, the .Militar\ Company ol South Hampton, was
required to meet six times a year for these purposes.

21
j.1ie public expenses were defrayed by a tax, the amount
of which was fixed by a vote ofthe people, in a general town
meeting ; and the rates were made and gathered by persons
chosen for that purpose.
The salaries of tbe first ministers in most ofthe towns, seem
to have been raised as other taxes, by an assessment on
all the inhabitants, according to the quantity of land they had
taken up.
A school was e.stabli>hed in East Hampton, in the infancy
ofthe settlement; and the teacher was allowed a salary of
£33 a year.
Among the records of Hundngton for 1657, there is a
draught of a contract with a school raaster for three years, at
a salary of £25 for the first year, £35 for the second, and £40
for the third ; and it is presumed that schools were establish
ed in all the towns at an early period of their settleraent
The raore effectually to preserve the purity of the public
morals they excluded from their society such as they judged
would be likely to injure them.
The lands were purchased and held by the first settlers, and
they could dispose of them to whom tbey pleased. This
power was an important engine in their bands, for the preser
vation of good morals ; and it seems to have been efficiently
employed for that purpose.
In the year 1651, the town of East Hampton ordered that
a lot should not he laid out for a certain individual, and that
he should not stay in the town.
In 1662, the people of Huntington, by a vote of the town
meeting, appointed a committee consisting of their Minister
and ^ix of their most respectable inhabitants, to examine the
characters of those who came to settle among them, with pow
er to aHmit or to refuse admission to them, as they judged they
would be likely to benefit or injure the society ; with a proviso
that they sh >uld not exclude any "that were honest, and well
approved of by honest and judicious men" ; and forbid any
inhabitant to sell or let house or land, to any one but such as
should be approved of b_> the said committee, under the penal
ty of £10, to be paid to the town.
In 1653, the same town forbid any inhabitant to entertain
a certain obnoxious individual, longer than^the space of a
week, either gratuitously or for pay, under the penalty of 40
shillings, for tbe breach of the order " made for the peace of
the to«n."
It seems to h.ive been adopted as an indispensable rule, in
all the English towns on the Island, that no person should be

admitted to settle among them without the approbation of the
inhabitants, or of a raajority of them.
The first settlers in the several towns, also adopted every
precaution in their power, to prevent their houses of entertain
ment from becoming injurious to the public morals
In 1651, the town of East Hampton, passed an act forbid
ding any persons to sell any liquor but such as were deputed
by the town for that purpose, and also forbidding such persons
to suffer youth and su< h as were under other men's manage
ment, to remain drinking at unseasonable hours, and that they
should not let them have more than half a pint araong four
men. In 1650, the town of Herapstead established a house of en
tertainment, and enjoined it upoii the keeper " lo keep such
order that it raight not be offensive to the laws of God or the
place." In 1660, the town of Huntington established a house of en
tertainment, and to ensure good order, made the continuance
ofthe keeper to depend on the correctness with which he dis
charged his trust
The first settlers of the several towns in Suffolk County,
aud the first setders of Hempstead, made provision forthe
support ofthe Gospel among them, in the infancy of their set
tlements ; and the first setders of Jamaica and Newtown did
the like in an early period of their settlements. The first set
tlers were careful in exacting punctual attendance on public
worship, and a strict observance of the Sabbath, and in pre
venting every kind of personal injury.
In 1650 the town of Hempstead resolved that if any person
neglected to attend public worship without a reasonable ex
cuse he should pay fi\e guilders for the first offence, ten for
tbe second, and twenty for the third; and that if he after
wards repeated the offence, he should be liable either to an
aggravation of the fine, to corporal punishment, or banish
ment. About the same period the town of East Hampton or
dered that no Indian should travel up and down, o carry any
burden in or through the town on the Sabbath day ; and that
whosoever should be found so doing, should be liable to cor
poral punishment.
The town of East Hampton ordained that whosoever should
slander any one, should be liable to pay a fine of£5.
The same town ordained that whosoever should arise up a
false witness against an) man, to testify thai w hich is wrong,
there should be done unto him as bethought to have done unto
his neighbour, whether it should be to taking away of life,
limb, or goods.

23
The sarae town ordered that if anyone should strike another
be should pay a fine often shillings to the town ; and that if
smiting he should wound, he should pay for the cure and the
time the person wastherebv hindered.
To secure the administration of Justice, and to prevent and
punish offences, a court was established in every town, in the
English territory, called the town court ; it was composed
generally of three VI agist rates, a cleru and constable, who
were chosen annually b\ the people in their respective town
meetings. The people ofthe respective tov\ns invested their town court
with power to hear and deterraine all causes, civil and cri
minal. The proceedings of the courts in the several towns, were
governed by the principles ofthe coraraon law. The parties
were entitled to a jury, if either of thera required it. The jury
consisted of seven men, and the verdict vvas decided by the
voice ofthe majority.
In most of tiie towns, the d^-cisions ofthe town court were
conclusive; but in South Hampton, an appeal lay frora the
decisions of the tow n court to the general tovn meeting called
the general court, which heard the appeal, and gave such judg
ment as was deemed just and right between the parties.
The officers ofthe town courts frequently made orders re
lative to matters which concerned the welfare of the town,
which seem to have had the same force and effect as the reso
lutions ofthe tovvn meeting, frora which it is presuraed that
they were invested with power for this purpose, by the voice
of the people.
The respective town courts were vigilant in repressing and
punishing all kinds of vice and profanity.
In 1653, the town court of South Harapton ordered that if
any person over fourteen years of age, should be convicted of
wilful lying, by the testimony of two witnesses, he should be
fined five shilling!;, or set in the stocks five hours.
The same court at the same time ordered that if any person
should be convicted of drunkenness, he should be fined ten
shillings for the first offence, twenty for the second, and thirty
forthe third.
In 1682, the town court of Huntington ordered the estate of
a certain person who was likely to spend it, to be seized, that
it might be secured, preserved and iraproved for his livelihood
and maintenance, and that the town might not be damnified.
The same town court ordered that a person who was con
victed of bringing a bag of meal from Oysterbay to Hundng-

24
ton on the Sabbath, should pay a fine of ten shillings, or
make such acknowledgment for the offence as the court would
accept. In 1702, the town court of South Old fined a person 6s. 7
for a breach of the Sabbath.
In 1711, the same court fined a person three shillings for
profane swearing.
Two cases of witchcraft occurred on Long-Island.
In 1657. a .Mrs Garlicke, was brought before the town court
of East Hampton, on suspicion of vv itchcraft, and a number of
witnesses vvere examined in support ofthe charge. Tbe !VIa-
gistrates after hearing the testimony, co eluded to send her
to Connecticut for further trial, the result of vvhich is not
known. In 1665, Ralph Hall and his wife were accused of witch
craft at Brookhaven, and the cause was tried before the court
of assise at New-York, and terminated in their acquittal ; an
account of which is published in the .Appendix to Yates' con-
tination of Smith's history of New York.
Under the benign influence ofthe common law and of regu
lations raade by theraselves and enforced by .Magistrates, an
nually chosen at their town meetings, the people of the seve
ral towns in the English territory seem to have enjoyed the
usual benefits of good government, and to have prospered as
well as those settlements that vvere under an organized govern
ment. Of their Union with Connecticut.
The several English towns on Long Island, that were set
tled under the authority ofthe Earl of tirling, and under the
English claim to the Island were exposed to interruption both
by the Dutch and Indians.
In order to secure the power and influence ofthe New-Eng
land colonies to protect them against the perils of their condi
tion, they very early sought a connection vvith those colonies.
The several towns joined Connecticut at different times —
South Hampton in 1644 — East Hampton, in 1657 — Brook
haven iu 1659 — Huntington in 1660, and Oysterbay proba
bly in 1662 — South t)ld joined New-Haven in 1648, and with
that colony vva^ united with Connecticut in 1662.
The towns of Hanfoni, Windsor and Wethersfield, in 1639,
formed an union for their mutual benefit, and framed a consti
tution better calculated to secure liberty and good government,
perhaps than any that had ever before been formed. This com-

25
pact constituted the government and original jurisdiction of
Connecticut.* Connecticut was at first, and for some years, without the
authority bf a patent, and in fact, bad no legal jurisdiction
beyond the bounds of those three towns and such as joined
them. The several towns on the Island were received under
her jurisdiction on their voluntary offer, and at their own so
licitation. By the union they became members of the body politic of
Connecticut, and were entitled to the benefits and liable to the
duties ofthe other towns within her jurisdiction, and became,
in common with them, entitled to the protection of the united
colonies. The several towns became entitled lo send deputies to the
general Court at Hartford ; and it appears that the towns of
South Hampton and r-ast Hampton, availed themselves ofthe
privilege, and sent deputies to Hartford as South Old did to
New-Haven.f The want of legal authority, prevented the exercise of any
authoritative jurisdiction by Connecticut over the towns on
Long-Island before she received the charter granted by
Charles ll. in 1662.
It does not appear that sbe attempted to establish cotinties,
organize courts, or levy taxes there before that period.
The union seeras to have resembled an alliance for mutual
consultation and defence, rather than a consolidated govern
ment. The charter of Connecticut granted by Charles IT. was re
ceived in 1662. It was very similar in its provisions to the
* The'supreme power was vested in a govemor, deputy-governor, and a council or
assistants to be annually chosen by all the freemen of the colony, with deputies to be
cbosea half yearly in each town by the freemen ofthe towB. It was oruiined that the
general court or assembly composed of tbese officers should meet twice a year and
ahould have power to make laws and repeal them — to impose and collect tastb— lo ad
mit freemen to dispose of the public lands — to establish courts — appoint publi'- officers,
and for good cause to displace them, or punish them, and to do all otacr acts for th^
good government of the commonwealth, except that of electing the governor, council,
and assembly, which was to remain the exclusive province of the freemen.
+ Deputies or Assistants to the General Court from Long- Island :

Southampton. .

Easthampton.

1655, - Thomas Topping,

0

1656, . - - do. - - -

0

1657, ... do. - - -

- Oi

1658, . - Alexander Knowles,

Mr. Mulford,

1659, - Thomas Topping, -

Robert Bond,-

1660, - - do. - . - .

- do.

1661, - do. - - -

- do.

1662, . - do. - - - -

Mr. Baker,

1663, - Mr. Howell, -

. do.

Deputies from South Old to New-Haven—

>662, Barnabai Horton, John Furrier.

26
constitution adopted in 1639, and was little more than a de-
velopement of them.
The liberal provisioiis of the new charter made the several
towns on Long-Island very desirous to perpetuate their con
nection with that colony Long-Island was not mentioned in
the charter, but the names of some of the magistrates of one
or more ofthe towns were inserted among those who were to
administer it,
A clause in the new charter annexing the adjacent Islands
to that colony, also furnished her with a pretext to claim Long-
Island ; and it was doubtless with the consent, if not at the
instance, of the several towns on the Island that had joined
her jurisdiction, that she set up a construction of her charter,
which, if it could have been sustained, would had embraced
all the English towns on the Island, and tlie whole Island
after the conquest.
After tne reception of the royal charter, the general court
of Connecticut claimed the legal jurisdiction over the English
towns on Long-Island which had put themselves under her pro
tection, and had become members of her association.
Tbese towns were permitted to send deputies to the general
coort, and were liable to the same duties as the other towns.
Each town was entitled to send one deputy to the general
assembly, but were wholly left at liberty to send one or not as
they chose.
The general court appointed such public officers in the se
veral towns as were not permitted by the charter to be chosen
by the people.
April 6tb, 1663, the town of Huntington chose three men
whose names were to be sent to Hartford for the general court
to elect two out ofthe nuraber as magistrates for the town.
The general court ordered a contribution to be levied on the
towns on the Island, as well as on those on the main, towards
the payment of the expence of the new charter, and it would
seem that they were subject to taxes in the same manner as
other towns within her jurisdiction.
In 1664, the town of South Hampton appointed men to
make the rate " both in respect to Hartford and this town."
May l-th, 1664, the general court proceeded to organize
the courts on the Island on the plan of those of Connecticut.
For this purpose they appointed a governor and three others
to go to the Island to settle the English plantation there under
the government of Connecticut, to establish quarter courts and
other courts, for the administration of justice ; provided their
judgments should not extend to life, lirab, or banishment —
^nd directed capital cases to be tried at Fairfield or Hartford.

27
These Commissioners came upon the Island in June 1664,
organized courts, established rules for the collection of
rates and other matters ; but their arrangements were all frus
trated before they could be carried into effect, by the conquest
ofthe Dutch territories, and the annexation of Long-Island to
the government ofthe Duke of York.
Long-Island was not comprised in the grant of any colony.
It had been granted by order of Charles I. to William Earl of
Stirling, but had been relinquished to the crown, or to the
Duke of York by his heirs, and left free to be made the sub
ject of a new grant, or to be included in the patent to him,
March 12th, 1664, Charles 11. by letters patent, granted tlie
country occupied by the Dutch, together with Long-Island,
to his brother James, the Duke of York.
A few mouths after the date of his patent, the Duke of York
procured a squadron with some land forces, to be fitted out
for the reduction ofthe territories comprised within his grant,
under the command of Colonel Richard Nicolls, whom he
appointed to assurae the government ofthe country as deputy
Governor under him, and with whom the King associated
Colonel George Cartwright, Sir Robert Carr, and Samuel
Maverick, Esq. as Commissioners, with power fix to the
boundaries between the several colonies, to adjust all differ
ences between them, and to settle the country in peace.
The Commissioners landed at Boston on their way to New-
York, and requested that that colony would raise two hundred
men and send them on to assist such troops as they bad brought
along with them in reducing the Dutch.
The request ofthe Commissioners was readily asented to,
but subsequent events rendered the aid unnecessary before it
could be furnished.
The Commissioners landed at Gravesend, on the west end
of Long-Island, about the middle of August, 1664. They
summoned the English on the Island to attend them at that
place, and Governor Winthrop of Connecticut, met them
there. Colonel Nicolls exhibited to the Governor, and sucK as
were there assembled, the letters patent to the Uuke of York,
with his own commission.
Colonel Nicolls demanded a surrender ofthe country, pro-

* The committee of tl e General Assembly established a court for the three towns o'
East-Hampton, .SouthJIampton, and South-Old, to be holden four times a year, twice
at South Hampton, and once in each of the other towns, and appointed three Commis
sioners, one in each town, to hold the said court.

28
mising life, liberty, and property to the inhabitants on their
submission. Governor Winthrop wrote to the Dutch Gover
nor, recommending a surrender on the terms offered, and af
ter a few days had been spent in messages and letters between
Colonel Nicolls and the Dutch Governor, the place was sur
rendered to the Commissioners the 27th of August old style.
Governor Winthrop, after seeing the letters patent to the
Duke of York, informed the English on Long-Island, that
Connecticut had no longer any claim to the Island ; that what
they had done was for the welfare, peace and quiet settlemesit
of his Majesty's subjects, as they were the nearest organized
government to them under his Majesty; but now his Majesty's
pleasure was fully signified by his letters patent, their juris
diction ceased and became null.
It seems however, that the colony of Connecticut was stil!
desirous of obtaining Long-Island under her jurisdiction, and
the several towns on the Island which had been connected with
that colony, were as anxious that the connection should be
continued. November 30, 1664, the Commissioners met to settle the
boundary between Connecticut and the Duke of York, and
after hearing the allegations of the deputies who attended from
Long-Island, as well as those who attended from Conuecticut
in favour of connecting Long-Island with that colony, they
determined that the south boundary of Connecticut was the
Sound, and that [.>ong-Island was to be under the government
of his Royal Highness, the Duke of York
OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL STATE OF THE
SEVERAL TOWNS ON THE ISLAND.
Ofthe Dutch Towns.
The people ofthe Dutch towns professed the doctrines in
culcated by the Synod, held at Dort in Holland, in 1618,
and were under the ecclesiastical governraent of the classis of
Amsterdam, until 1772, when tbe Dutch Church ofthis coun
try, established an independant classis aud synods on the mo
del of the Church in Holland.
Each town had its own consistory, but the whole constitu
ted but one church. Their ministers were colleagues, preach
ed in turn in all the churches, and were supported by a com
mon contribution.
The first house for public worship that was erected by the
Dutch, was built in New-Amsterdam, 1642.
December 17, 1654, the Governor who seems to have exer
cised supreme power in ecclesiastical, as well as civil and mi-

'4'3
litary affairs, oraered a bouse for public worship, to be erected
at Flatbush, 60 feet in length, 38 in breadth, and 14 feet in
height below the beams.
February 9, 1655, the Governor ordered the people of
Brooklyn and Amersfort, to assist the people of Midwout, or
Flatbush, in cutting timber to build the house.
In September 1660, those who had the charge ofthe build
ing, stated that it had cost 4637 guilders, of which sum 3437
had been collected in New Amsterdam, Fort Orange, and on
Long-Island. The Governor added 400 more, and there re
mained 800 to be raised to discharge the debt.
The next house for public Worship was commenced at Flat-
lands in 1663, and one at Brooklyn in 1666.
October 13, 1656, the Rev. Joannes Theodorus Polhemus,
was by the Dutch Governor permitted lo preach at Midwout,
and Amersfort.
In March 1656, to accommodate the four villages, Graves-
«nd, Amersfort, .Midwout, and Brooklyn. Tbe Dutch Gover
nor ordered Mr. Polhemus to preach every Sunday morning at
Midwout, and in the afternoon alternately, at Amersfort and
Brooklyn. In 1660, the Rev. Henericus Selwyn was installed at
Brooklyn, by order of the Dutch Governor, at a salary of
600 guilders a year, one half to be paid by Brooklyn, and
the other half by Fatherland or Holland. Mr. Selwyn re
sided in New Amsterdam, and in 1662, the people of Brooklyn
petitioned the Governor, that he should be required to reside
among them. To lighten their burdens, the Governor agreed
to pay 250 guilders of his salary, on condition that he should
preach at the Bowery every Sunday evening.
It is said that Mr. Selwjn went to Holland, in 1664 ; if that
was the case, he must have returned to New- York some time
afterwards, as he was a minister there from 1682 to 1700.
The regular record of baptisms in the Dutch towns, com
menced in 1§60.
From a manuscript ofthe Rev. Peter Lowe,, deceased, it
appears that the succeeding ministers in the Dutch churches
on Long-Island settled before 1800, were as follows :
Settled. Died or rer,ioved.
Joannes Megapolensis, 1668
Casperus Van Zuren, 1677
Mr.  Clark, 1695
William Lupardus, 1700
Barnard Freeman, 1702 1741
Vicentius Antonides, 1715 1744

Settled

died

removed

1805

1825

1809

1811

1824

1819
1820
1822
Joannes Arondias, J 742
Anthony Curtenios, 1730 1756
Ulpianus Van Sinderen, 1747 1796
John Casper Rubol, 1760 1797
MartiniusSchoonmalier, 1785 1824
Peter Lowe, 1787 died 1818
Since 1800, the ministers who have settled in llie Dutch
churches have been confined to the particular congregation in
which they were settled. The ministers settled since that
time, are as follows :
Brooklyn, Selah S. Woodhull,
Utrecht, John Beaiiie,
Bushwick, John Bassett,
Flatbush, Walter Montieih,
do. Thomas M. Strong,
A Dutch church was erected in Jamaica in 1715, in New
town shortly after, in North Hempstead and 03Sterbay 1732,
or thereabouts. These churches seem to have been supplied
by tbe ministers of Kings county till 1750. Prom that peri
od they were united under their cwn ministers, who preached
in common among them until 1802, since which time Jamaica
and Newtown have formed one connexion, and North Hemp-
Stead and Oysterbay another. These ministers were
Thomas Romeyn, 1750 ^
Bollan, 1770 j
Freleigh, 1774 )¦ For the four churches.
Van Ness, 1784 |
Zachariah Cooper, 1784 j
Joel Schoonmaker, 1802 Jamaica and JVewtovm.
Mr. Cooper, from 1802, to 1812 JV. Hempstead fy Oysterbay
David Bogert, 1812 do.
Most of the early Dutch ministers that were settled on the
Island, were born and educated iu Holland, and some of them
were distinguished for their talents and learning.
Mr. Selwyn, who was the first minister of Brooklyn, and
who was afterv»ards setded in New-York, prefixed a latin
poem to Cotton Mather's " Magnalia Christi Americana,"
bearing date, October 16, 1697, and signed Henericus Selwyn
"Ecclesise Eboracensis Minister Belgicus."
Mr. Freeraan left a volume of sermons which are in the
hands of his descendants, but as they are in the Dutch lan
guage their merit is uot generally known.
If there are any prodiictions ofthe other Dutch ministers oo
31
Long-Island, they are probably in the Dutch language, and
*np longer read. Ofthe English Towns.
The original settlers ofthe several towns, in Suffolk county,
and the greater number of the first settlers of the English
towns in the Dutch territory, vvere united in their religious
opinions. They were uniform in their adherance to the doc
trines contaitied in the confession of faith, agreed on by the
assembly of divines, who met at Westminster, in 1642. —
They also accorded with each other on the subject of church
goverraent. The constitution of the churches in the several
towns was originally congregational, and so continued until
1747, when the greater, number weve prevailed on to ex
change the congregational form for that of the Presbyterian,
which they were taught to believe to be better adapted to sup
port purity of doctrine, and un efficient discipline.*
In most of the towns in Suffolk county and in Hempstead,
a minister accorapanied the first settlers, and a church was
organized among them, either before or soon after the com
mencement of their respective settlements.
In most, if not in every town, a dwelling house was erected
and lands set apart as a parsonage for the use of the ministry.
The rainister of each town was allowed the use ofthe parson
age, with the addition of a salary payable in produce or
money. It is probable that the amonnt of the salary was
regulated by the value ofthe parsonage. In 1659 the salary
of the minister of East Hampton was £60 a year. In 1663
the salary of the minister of Jamaica was £60. In (680, that
of the minister of South Harapton was £100, and in i682,
that ofthe minister of Hempstead was £66 14.
A house for public worship was erected in South Hampton,
and probably in South Old, previous to thp year 1645, and
these were the first houses that were erectetl for public wor
ship on the island.
A house for public worship was erected in Hempstead
probably before 1650, in East Hampton in 1651, in Jamaica
in 1662, and in Huntington in 1665.
The first houses that were erected for public worship in the
several towns were not large. The difficulty of procuring ma
terials liraited them in the constructiori of the buildings to the
* The experience of Eu.ope since the reformation', proves that thaticonstitution of
church government which embraces diEFerent churdies, professing the same doctrines,
under the same superintending jurisdiction, has oojttributed much more to preserve
purify aud unity of doctrine, than that which left every congregation to adopt its own
creed, and to prescribe its own discipline.

accommodation of the respective societies, at the time they
were erected.
The house erected in Jamaica in 1662, was 36 feet in length,
26 in breadth, and 17 feet high. The second house erected
in Hempstead in 1677, was 40 feet in length, 26 in breadth,
and 12 feet high. The one erected in Brookhaven in 1671,
was 28 feet square.
At this early period, the houses of public worshifj were
without the accommodation of bells, and in several of the
towns, if not in all, the people employed a person to beat a
drum to apprize them ofthe time of public worship.
In 1662, the town of Jamaica agreed to give a person 30s.
a year for beating a drum on the Sabbath day, and similar
contracts were made in other towns, and the practice probably
continued till bells were procured.
The following is as correct a list of the first Congregational
or Prcisbyteriiin Ministers, and their successors in the several
English towns on Lohg-lsland, as could be obtained.

Whini S?l rt 1 Re-i

Plames.

AVhere

gradi

1 P

S

mov

Remarks.

educated.

ated.

a.
ed.
SOUTH OLD,
1
John Yoiiings, .
England,
1640
1672
aged 74
Joshua Hobart,
Harvard,
1650
1674
1717
aged ?,^
Benjamm Woolsey,
Vale,
1/09
\--M
I73e
or there;h«uts.
James JJavenport,
do.
im
1738
174t
William Throop,
do.
1743
1748
1 56
aged 3S
Johh Storrs,
do.
1756
1763
17
Joseph Hazard,
1797
1H6
Jonathan Hunting,
do.
1804
1807
South Hamvton,
Abraham Pierson,
England,
1640
iS44
removed to Branford, &
Robert Fordham,
England,
1648
167^
[in 1687 to Newark,
Joseph Taylor,
r^arvard,
1669
1680
il5o_
igv:d 31.
Joseph Whiting,
do.
1661
1682
1723
aged 82.
Sylvanus White,
do.
1722
1727
1782
aged 79.
Joshua Williams,
Vale,
1780
1784
i?90
Harman Dagget,
Rhodelsland,
178S
1791
1795
David Bogert,
Cc'lumbia,
1790
1796
t8l2
John M. Babbit,
1813
1818
Peter H. Shaw,
1320
East Ha!«pton,
Thomas James
Englmd,
le.iO
1696
Nathaniel Hunting,
Harv;vrd,
1693
1699
1753
in his 78th year.
Samuel Buel,
Yale,
1741
I7J6
ran
aged 82.
Lyman Beecher,
do.
1797
1799
1 10
Ebenezer Phillips,
IJU
Huntington,
William Leveridge;
England,
!>3jS
1570
removed to Newtow»,
Eliphalet Jonei,
1677
1731
or thereabouts, aged 90.
Ebenezer Prime,
Vale,
1718
1723
1779
¦iged 79.
John Close,
Nassau,
1763
176S
1773
a cnllpigue of Mr. Prime.
Nathan Woodhull,
Yale,
1775
1785
fS9
removed to Newtown.
William Schenck,
Nassau,
\16-,
1794
I8!7
removed to Ohio,
Samuel Robinson,
1817
1823
33

JSTehemiah Brown,
Brookhaven,
Nathaniel Brewster,
gBorge Phillips,
avid Youngs,
Benjamin Talmadge,
Noah Whetmore
Zachariah Greene,
Smithtown, *
Abner Reeve,
Napthali Dagget,
Thomas Lewis,
Joshua Hart,
Luther Gleason,
Henry Puller,
Richard NicoU,
Hhmpstkad,
Richard Denton,
Jeremiah Hobart,
Joshua Hart,
Samuel R-obinson,
Charies *Vebster,
Newtown,
William Leveridge,
John Morse,
^amuel Pomeroy,
Simon Horton,
 Bay,
Nathan Woodhull,
William Boardman,
John Goldsmith.
Jamaica,
Zachariah Walker,-
John Prudden,
George Phillips,
John Hubbard,
George Magnis,
Robert Cross,
Mr Heathcote,
Walter Wilmot,
David Bostwick,
Elibn Spencer,
Benoni Bradcer,
William Mills,
Matbias Burnet,
 Glassbrook,
George Fatoute,
Henry R. Weed,
Seymour P. Funk,
Bridge Hampton,
Ebenezer White,
James Brown,
Aaron Woolworth,
Amzi Francis,*

Yale, Harvard, Harvard,
Yale, do.
do.

Yale, do. do
Nassau, .Middlebury,
lEngland, Harvard,Nassau, Union,England, Nassau, do.
Yale, Nassau,
England,Harvard,

Ireland,
Yale, do.
Nassau, do. do.
England, Nassau,
Union,

Harvard, Vale, do.

iai716 f:
I68S1741 1747 1757

1731 174817411770

I B,')0
1770

1813

1705 1731 1775 18151668
1695

17301735 ir46 17551756 1769
17761812

16921747
' 1784

18241

1685 1690
169/ 1739
1745 1752
1754 1786

1786 1797

1796

1751 17B3 1773179718161823

Middlebury, 11816

1644 16821773 812
18181670 16971709 17461787
,1790 1811
1.81916631670 1694 698
1712 1725
17341738 17451748 1760
1762
1775 1785
1789 1816 1823
169517481787 1823

1756
1769 17921806 1821

1663

1690

1744 1786

1810 1818

or thereaboutj.

Afterwards President of
Yale College, died i780.
removed to Fresh Pond.

1744

1773

1815

169R 1817
1317

1789

1668 16931697170.' 1720
1730

1756 1760 1162 1784 1738
1822
71825

or thereabouts, he set-
[tWd at Haddam in 1700
and died in 1717. [aged 87.

1321

removed to StratforiS.
[then to Woodbury.
removed to Newark.

removed to Philadelphia.

* removed to Trentop.
removed to New-York.

removed to Norwalk.
removed to Albany.

1748 resigned, died 1756,
1775 _ [aged 84.
[in the 58th year of his
• faee.

* The time of settlement and removal of the above ministers, is generally taken
from recoidd, and in cases where they could not be procured, or did uot furnish the
information, resort has been had to the best sources of information that could be af
forded to supply the defect ; and in a few instances the time is coiyectured from cii'»
cumstances.

34
J brief account of the first ministers, and of some of their
immediate successors in the several English towns on Long-
Island, as far as their history could be ascertained.
The Rev. John Youngs was the first rainister of South Old.
He had been a minister at Hingham, in Norfolk in England,
before he emigrated to this country.
He came to New- Haven with part of his church, in 1640,
and there re-organized his church, and with them and such as
chose to accompany them, in October passed over to Long-
Island, and comraenced a settleraent on a tract of land which
had been purchased of the natives under the authority of
New Haven.
Tbey called the town Southold. They adopted the laws
and became a branch of the jurisdiction of New-Haven.
William Wells, Barnabas Horton, Thoraas Mapes, John
Tuthill, and Mathias Corwin, were the leading men who
formed the first settlement at South Old, and tbeir posterity in
that and the adjoining towns are numerous and respectable.
This town found it difficult to enforce the rule of the juris
diction, which excluded all but church members from the
privilege of freemen, and their departure from it created some
difficulty between that town and New-Haven, which was re
moved by the submission of both towns to the jurisdiction of
Connecticut in 1665.
fllr. Youngs continued the minister of South Old till his
death. He died in 1672, aged 74.
Mr. Youngs had several sons and daughters, to whom he
left considerable property, a number of whose posterity still
reside in South Old
Several of Mr. Youngs' descendants have occupied public
stations, and have been distinguished for public usefulness.
Colonel John Youngs, his eldest son, was a leading man
in the public afiairs ofthe town during his life time.
He was generally appointed the delegate to consult with
the delegates of Southampton and East Hampton respecting
the difficulties to which those three towns were exposed, both
before and after the conquest of the Dutch territories bj- the
English. It is supposed that he was appointed one of the judges of
the court which was established by the authority of Connecti
cut for those towns, immediately after that colony had re
ceived the charter of 1662.
hi it»7o, when the three towns were again taken under the
jurisdiction of that colony, he was appointed one of thejudges

85
of the court which was then established for the administration
of justice in those towns.
In 1681 he was high sheriff of Yorkshire, then composed of
all Long-Island, and by request of the court of assize, the
highest judicial tribunal in the colony, drew the petition for
the privilege of having an assembly, which they sent to the
Duke of York, and which was granted in 1683. He was
made a member of the council ofthe colony in 1683, which
station he seeras to have retained as long as he could attend.
He was als6 colonel ofthe militia of Suffolk county till 1693,
when in consequence of his age the office was given to Colonel
William Smith. ie died in 1698, aged 75.
Benjamin Youngs, another son of Mr. Youngs, and Joshua
Youngs, who is supposed to have been his grandson, were
successively judges of the court of common pleas of Suffolk
county a series of years before the American revolution, and
Thomas Youngs, supposed to be another of the descendants
ofthe Kev. John Youngs, was a judge of the same court for
some time since the revolution. The Rev. David Youngs,
supposed to be a lother of his descendants, graduated at Yale
College in 1741, became a minister, settled at Brookhaven in
1745, and continued there till his death in 1752.
Experience Youngs, the daughter of Benjamin Youngs, and
grand daughter of the Rev. John Youngs, was the second
wife ofthe Rev. Ebenezer Prime, the minister of Hundngton
from 1719 to 1779, and was grandmother of the Rev. Na
thaniel Scudder Prime, who is at present the principal ofthe
acaderay at Cambridge, in Washington county, in the state of
New York.
The Rev. Ezra Youngs, as is supposed, another of Mr.
Yojiigs' descendants, has recently entered into the ministry,
and preaches on Shelter-Island.
Tile Rev. Joshua Hobart, succeeded Mr. Youngs in 1674.
He was a son ofthe Rev. Peter Hobart, who vvas educated at
Cambridge, and preached at Haverhill and other places in
England till 1635, when he with his children came <s'er to
Massachusetts, and settled the town of Hingham,' whi le he
gathered a church, and continued a "faithful pastor and an
able preacher," until his death in 1679. He had fotir sons,
who became preachers.
Jo.shua was born in 1628, graduated at Harvard College in
16o0. He settled at South Old in 1674, and continued there
during his life tirae. He died in 1717, aged 89.
The church and congregation of South Old, after the death
of Mr. Youngs, sent a messenger to Boston to seek " an honest

36
and godly minister," and in procuring Mr Hobart, their
wishes seem to have been realized, and they had the happiness
to enjoy his labors during a long life.
Some of the posterity of Mr. Hobart, in the female line, re
cently resided in the town of South Old, and were respectable,
but it is not known that he has any descendants now living.
The Rev. Abraham Pierson was the first minister of South
Hampton. He had been a minister in Yorkshire, in England,
and came over to Boston in 1639, and joined the church there.
- Some ofthe English emigrants who had made a stand at
Lynn, in Massachusetts, having agreed to form a settlement
on Long-Island, on a tract of land which they bad purchased
ofthe natives, with the consent of James Farret, agent ofthe
Earl of Stirling, they agreed with Mr. Pierson to accompa
ny them as their minister. He organized a church among
them, and they entered into a civil combination or covenant
for the support of order and good government, berore they
removed to the island. In December, 1640, they removed to
the island and commenced the settlement ofthe town of South
Hampton. The Indian deed was executed to John Gosmer, Edward
Howell, Edmund Farrington, George Wells, Edmund Need-
ham, Thomas Sayre, Job Sajre, Edmund Halsey, Thomas
Halsey, Henry Walton, Daniel Howe, John Cooper, Allen
Bread, and William Harcher, and these, or raost of them, are
supposed to have comraenced the first settleraent of South
Hampton, and their posterity', form no inconsiderable propor
tion of the present inbribilants of that town.
Shortly after the settlement of the town, they found itneces-
sary|for their security to forra a connt ction with some one of
the New-England colonies, and it seems they were divided in
opinion relative to the one they should join.
New-Haven rtstricted all public offices as well as the right
of suflrage to[members of the church, while in Connecticut
they were common to all the inhabitants within her jurisdic
tion ; and it seems that Mr. Pierson, w ith a part of the church,
wished to join Nen -Haven. The majority, however, prefer
red an union with Connecticut, and in 1644 joined that colo
ny. In consequence of which it is supposed that Mr. Pierson
and a portion of the people removed tu Branford, where they
commenced a new settlement, and put themselves under the
jurisdiction of New-Haven
After his settlement at Branford, Rlr. Pierson was employed
by the comraissioners of the society for propagating the gos-

37
pel in New-England, which was established in 1649 to in
struct the Indians in those parts.
From the accounts of the commissioners in Hazard's col
lections, it appears that Mr. Pierson was employed in the ser
vice raore or less of his time from 1653 to 1667.
In 1657, with the assistance of Thomas Stanton, an Indian
interpreter, he translated into the language ofthe Indians, a
catechism wbich he had composed for their use.
In 1659 he attended a meeting at Roxbury, in Massachu
setts, for the purpose of witnessing the success of Mr. Elliot's
labors araong the Indians, and assisted in examining the In
dian converts in their own language.
In 1665, New-Haven relinquished her independence, and
becarae a member of the jurisdiction of Connecticut, under
the charter granted by the king in 1662. It seems that Mr,
Pierson and many others were opposed to this measure, and
probably for the same reason that he left South Hampton he
deterrained with such as were of the same opinion, to leave
that part ofthe country.
In May, 1666, Robert Treat, of Milford, and Sarauel
Swain of Branford, on behalf of themselves and a number of
the people of Milford, Branford, New-Haven, and Guilford,
made a purchase ofthe native proprietors of a tract of land
on the Passaic river, in New-Jersey, in order to form a new
settlement there.
It is supposed that some part ofthe settlers removed to the
new settlement imraediately after the purchase.
October 30th, 1666, the settlers adopted the law of New-
Haven, which inhibited any person from becoming a freeman
who was not a member of somt congregational church.
The most of Mr. Pierson's church and congregation remo
ved from Branford, and the si'ttlers from the other towns
united with theni, under his ministry. They called the
town New Ark, as is supposed after the town where Mr. Pier
son was ordained in England.
Frora the factoCMr. Pierson's receiving an allowance from
the commissioners at their raeeting, September 13th, 1667,
for his services during tiie year preceding, it is supposed that
he did not rem.ive to Newark, until after that meeting in the
fall of that year. ^•
September 10th, 1668, the people of Nevv<irk, at a town
meeting, voted to allow Mr Pierson the expenses of his remo
val and digging his wpII, and also £30 for his services from the
first of October, 1667, to the firstof October^ 1668, and stipu
lated to allow him a salary of £80 a year, payable half year-

38
ly, in produce at the current price, from the first of October,
1668 ; and also to give him a pound of butter for > very milch
cow in the town, aud also voted that he should be exempted
from taxes, while he continued their minister
It appears that Mr. Pierson was at this time advanced in
years, and stood in need of an assistant.
July 2Sth, 1669, the town employed his son, Abraham Pier
son, jun who graduated at Har\ard in 1668, to assist his
father in the ministry. March 4lh 1672, he was regularly set
tled as a colleague with him.
It is supposed that Mr. Pierson gradually declined, so as not
to be capable of rauch service after this period, and that he
died in 1680 or SI, at an advanced age.
He is represented bv Cottuu Mather, as " an able and fer-
vant preacher, and as a pious and prudent man," and the
Rev. Alexander Mc Whorter, one of bis successors, in » centu
ry sermon, preached January 1st 1801, represents him to have
been " a man of learning and piety, of natural abilities above
the common level, aud eminent for his wisdom, prudence and
discretion." His son remained at Newark until the summer of 1692,
wben he removed to Connecticut, aud in 1694, settled at Kil-
lingsworth. In 1701, he was chosen rector or president ofthe new col
lege, which station he occupied till bis death in 1708.
The He\. John Pierson, a sou of the president, settled at
Woodbridge, New-Jersej, aud was the ancestor of a number
of families of that name in that part ofthe country.
The Rev. Ashbel Green of Philadelphia, late president of
the college at Princeton, is said to be a graiidsun of Mr.
Pierson, of Woodbridge.
It is supposed that tbe original ancestor left other posterity,
whose decendaiits reside in New -Jersey, Ntvv-York and Con
necticut, who are generally respectable.
The Rev. ixobert Fordham succeeded Mr. Pierson in the
ministry at South Hampton, he visited the Town in 1648,
and accepted an invitauou to become their minister, but his
salary did not commence, nor i> it probable that he began bis
stated labors there until the Im of April, 1649.
Mr. Fordham tame froiu Kngland ; and it is related by
Johnson, in his " wonder-working providence" that he first
went to ihe west part oi the Island, and it seems he accompa
nied Mr. Denton to Herap-iead. His name is the first inser
ted in tht.pauii: i^raiiiew. by the Di.tch governor, December
16ih, 1044, lor tual town. He was a resident aud proprietor

39
there, when he received the invitation ofthe people of South
Hampton to become their minister. Mr. Forciham continued
the minister of Soutd Hampton till his death in 1674.
From the inventory of his property on record, it appears,
that he possessed a large estate for that period, amounting to
£2000 antj upwards, exclusive of his debts ; and the value of
his library, which vvas appraised at £53 7s, 6d. indicates that
he was a man of learning as well as piety. The Rev. Josiah
Fordham, supposed to have been a grandson of Mr. Fordham,
preached a short time at Brookhaven after the decease of Mri
Brewster. His posterity stil! reside in South Hampton,
and are respectable.
The Rev. Joseph Taylor succeeded Mr. f^ordham, in March
1680, and died in April 1682. The invitation to him with a
single exception, was unaniraous, which is a decisive proof
that he must have been in great esteem with the people of that
town. He came there. from New-Haven ; but little is known
of his history.
The Rev. Joseph Whiting was invited to South Harapton,
in June 1682, ami probably accepted theinvitation and settled
there a short time afterwards. Mr. Whiting was the youngest
son ofthe Rev. Samuel Whiting, who was a distinguished
preacher in Norfolk in England, came over to Boston in 1636,
and settled at Lynn, where he continued till his death in 1679.
He had three sons who were ministers. Mr. Joseph Whiting
the youngest, graduated at Harvard in 1661 He studied
theology with his father, and for many years assisted him in
the ministry. Mr. Whiting continued the minister of South
Hampton till his death, in April 1723, in the 82dyear of his age.
Mr Whiting was a close student, and devotetl hiraself whol
ly to the duties of his sacred function. Cotton Mather, in his
Magnalia, written in 1697, in his account ofthe faraily, says,
" Joseph is at this day a worthy and painful minister of the
gospel at South Harapton, on Long-Island."
There is a tradition among some of the elderly people of
Southampton, that he so abstracted himself from the care of
all temporal concerns, that he was ignorant of the number or
nature of his own stock. Mr. Whiting left a son, the Rev.
John Whiting, who graduated at Harvard in 1700, settled at
Cortcordin 1712, and died in 1752, aged 71. His,posterity
reside in Concord. It is not known that Mr. Whiting has any
posterity on Long-Island.
The Rev. Richard Denton, was the first minister of Hemp
stead. He had been a minister in Halifax, in England. He
came over to Watertown between 1630 and 35. In 1635,

40
he, with some vvho had joined the church there, under the
charge of the Rev. George PhiUips, and others, emigrated to
Connecticut and commenced the settiement of Wethersfield.
Mr. Denton, with some part of the people of Wethersfield, in
1641, removed to i-tamford, and in 1644. he, with part of his
church and congregation, removed to Hempstead on Long-
Island, and settled on a tract of land which tbey had purchased
ofthe Indians, and for which they recei.ed a patent frora the
Dutch, who exercised jurisdiction, over that part of the Island.
Matthias Mitchil, Thomas Rayner, Andrew Ward, Robert
Coe, and Richard Gildersleve. were some of the leading men
who accompanied Mr. Denton. Mr Denton continued the
minister of Hempstead till bis death in 1663. He is represent
ed by Cotton Mather as " an able preacher' and an exi client
man." He states that Mr. Denton left a manuscript system of
divinity, entitled " Soliloquia S era," which u as well spoken
of by those who had seen it. Mr. Denton's posterity are
numerous and respectable.
The Rev. Jeremiah Hobart settled at Hempstead in 1682.*
Hewas the son ofthe Rev. Peter Hobart, of Hingham, Mas
sachusetts, and brother of Mr. Joshua Hobart, of South Old,
He was born in England in 1630, and came over a child in
1635. He graduated at Harvard in 16^0. He first preach
ed atTopsfield in Massachusetts. He reraoved to Hempstead
in 1682, where he continued till 1.696, or thereabouts, when
be removed to Haddam, in Connecticut, where he vvas installed
in 1700, and preached till his death. He went to public wor
ship in the forenoon, and died in his chair, between meetings,
in 1717, aged 87 j'ears. He vvas the grandfather ofthe cele
brated missionary, the Rev. David Brainard.
The Rev. Thomas James was the first minister of East
Hampton. His ancestry is not known. It is conjectured,
however, that he vvas a son of the Rev. Thomas James, who
preached at Charlestown, in MassachuseUs, in 163-3, who went
to Virginia as a missionary in 1642, and who as is supposed,
afterwards returned to England. It is the tradition that. he
came from England before he had finished his studies, and
that he completed his education vvith some of the ministers
who at that time adorned the Churches of New-England.
East Hampton was purchased of the native proprietors in
1648, and a settlement vvas shortiy after formed there. John
Hand, John Stretton, Thomas Talmage, jun. Robert Bond,
• It Is probable that the people of Hempstead employed a minister after the death
of Mr. Denton, before the settlement of Mr. Hobart, but no records have been found
tbat throw any light on the subject.

41
Robert Rose, Thomas Thompson, Joshua Barnes, John Mul
ford aud Daniel Howe, commenced the first settiement at East
Hampton It is not known when Mr. James first came there.
In 1651, it appears from the town records that the inhabitants
of that town agreed to give him £50 a year, for his labours
in the ministry among them. It is not probable that he had
been long there, perhaps not longer than was necessary to
form an acquaintance with each other. It seems probable
that the .church was not regularly organized, nor was Mr.
James settled in East Hampton until 1650 or 1651.
In 1655, the inhabitants entered into a civil combination or
social contract for the support of good governraent among
themselves. Mr Jaraes seems to have been the first person eraployed to
instruct the Indians on the Island.
In the accounts ofthe society for propagating the gospel in
New-England, for 1661, there is an allowance of £10 to Mr.
James of East Hampton, for preparing himself for that diffi
cult employraent ; and in the accounts for the succeeding
three years, there is an allowance of £20 a year for each of
those years to Mr. James for his salary for instructing " the
Indians at Long-Island."
Mr. Beecher, in his serraon of 1806, states " that Mr. James
" was unquestionably a man of strong natural powers, had a
"good educatton, understood public business, and was repeat-
" edly employed by the town as a trustee, and to act for
" them with their comraittees on difficult eraergencies." It
may be added that the records of the town furnish araple evi
dence of uncommon firmness and decision of character.
Mr. James seems to have been very zealous for the preser
vation of civil liberty, and the protestant religion, vvhich he
saw endangered by the arbitrary measures and bigoted prin
ciples of James 1! and his catholic governors, and probably
freely and boldly expressed his apprehensions in thf pulpit.
In the colony records, in the minutes of the council for No
vember 18th, 1686, it is stated that on the reception of two
depositions charging the Rev. Thomas James, of East Hamp
ton, with having preached a certain seditious sermon on the
17th of October preceding, an order vvas passed by governor
Dongan and the council, for a warrant to be issued to a mes
senger to have Mr. James before the council that day fortnight
to answer the premises. The result cannot be ascertained
from the records, and is not known.
There is very littie known of Mr. James's ministerial cha
racter, but sufficient indications of it in the records ofthe town

to evince that he was a faithful preacher and prudent man,
Mr. James continued at East Hampton till his death in
1696. The people employed a Mr. Jones to assist him during
the last three years of his life, in consequence of his age and
infirmities, he having relinquished £40 of his salary to enable
thera to do it. Mr. James ordered his body to be laid in a
position contrary to that of his people, and he was buried in
that manner.
Noveraber 20th, 1695, Mr. James sold and conveyed his
real estate to John Gardiner, of Gardiner's Island, for £500,
one half of which vvas paid immediately, and Mr. Gardiner
obligated himself to pay the other half to the assigns of Mr.
Jaraes within one month next after his decease From his
selling his estate, and especially from the omission of any
terms of relationship in the description of tbe persons to whom
Mr. Gardiner vvas to pay the residue ofthe purchase money,
it is inferred that Mr. James did not leave any posterity.
The Rev. Nathaniel Hunting succeeded Mr James in the
ministry at East Ham'pton. Mr. Hui ting's grandfather came
from England to Massachusetts, probably in 1636. Hewas
ordained the ruling elder in the church at Dedham ; at the
sarae tirae Mr. Allen was ordained the pastor of that church.
Elder Hunting had a brother and brother-in-law in Eng
land, who were ministers, and he was cousin to the famous
minister John Rogers, of Dedham, in England. Mr. Hunt
ing gratuated at Harvard in 1693. He came to East Hamp
ton in 1696, and was ordained the minister of that town in
September, I'"i99, and continued the sole ministerof that place
till 1746, vvhen the Rev. Samuel Buell was called to assist
him, on account of his age and infirmities. Mr.Hunting died
in 1753.
The character of Mr. Hunting is thus drawn by the Rev.
Lyman Beecher, one of his successors in the ministry at East
Harapton, in a sermon preached at East Hampton in 1806.
" Mr. Hunting vvas a raan of strong and distinguishing
mind ; firm and independent, without rashness and obstinacy;
hewas a hard student, and accurate scholar, and of extensive
theological learning. His serraons, cf wl ich raore than 100
voluraes are now extant in manuscript, are written in a close
and nervous style. They are the result of careful study ; are
written with great particularity and critical accuracy, abound
with scripture references, and references to the most approved
authors and commentators. They inculcate abundantly the de
pravity of human nature — the necessity of regeneration— the
agency of God, and his sovereignty in this work — the insuffi-

43
ciency of works to justify, and that we are justified by faith
only." It is not l.nown that Mr. Hunting ever published'any of
his sermons, nor is i* known that he wrote on any other sub
ject. His manuscripts are in the hands of sorae of his de
scendants. Mr. Hunting had five sons and one daughter. Two of his
sons became farmers; one of them settled in East Hampton,
and the other at Southampton. Three of them received a
liberal educat'on. N'lthaniel aud Jonathan studied divinity
and became preachers, but both were obliged to desist from
preaching on account of their health, Jonathan died at East
Hampton in 1750, in the thirty-sixth year of his age. Nathan
iel also died at East Hampton, in 1770 aged 68 years. Ed
ward was a physician, and died at East Hampton in 1745, in
the 42d year of his age.
Mr. Hunting's daughter raarried a Mr. Coit of New-Lon
don. The several families Of Huntings in East Hampton and
South Harapton, and the Rev Jonathan Hunting, the present
minister of South < >ld, are descendants df Mr. Hunting.
The Rev. William Leveridge is supposed to have been the
first minister of !^untington. He came from England with
captain Wiggin and corapany, in 1633, with a view to settle
at Pisquataqua, but not having sufficiept encouragement
to reraain there, carae to Boston and joined the church there,
August 9th, 1635. From thence he reraoved to Plymouth.
Judge Davis, in a note to his edition of Morton's history of
Plyraouth, states that it appears from the Plymouth records,
that Mr. Leveridge assisted Mr. Partridge, the minister of
Duxbury, a short space before he removed to Sandwich, and
that he was teacher of the church of Sandwich a considerable
time. Mr. Partridge arrived at Boston in 1636. It is probable
tbat he settied at Duxbury the next year, where Mr. Lever
idge assisted him, and that he settled at Sandwich in 1638.
Wentworth, in his Journal, mentions Mr. Leveridge as the
minister of Sandwich in 1639.
Morton, in his history of Plymouth, states, that in 1642, the
colony was adorned with a number of able and godly minis
ters, and enumerates Mr. Leveridge araong the number.
There were a considerable number of Indians in or near
Sandwich, where Mr Leveridge was settled, and this led him
to make some e&eriioas to qualify himselffor their instruction,

44
Mr Elliott, of Roxbury, the celebrated Indian preacher,
who translated the bible into their language, in a letter, of
September 3d, 1651, to the comraissioners of the society for
propagating the gospel in New-England, informed them that
Mr. Leveridge and Mr, Blinman were fitting themselves for
the work of the gospel among tbe Indians, of which, they in
form the society in their letter ofthe 10th of that month.
It seems that Mr. Leveridge did not continue at Sandwich a
long time after this period.
In April, 1653, be visited Long-Island, and with certain
others from that part ofthe country where he was settled,
made a purchase ofthe natives of a large tract of land at Oys
terbay, with the design of forming a new settlement or planta
tion there
The deed for the land bears date April, 1653, and was exe
cuted to William Leveridge, Samuel Mayo and Peter Wright ;
tbe deed for Huntington was obtained the same month, and
was given to Richard Holdbrook, Robert Williams, and Dan
iel Whitehead, who, vvith Peter Holbrook, Anthony Wright,
Charles Armitage, William Washborne, Daniel Washborne, and
John Washborne, seem to have composed the same company
that made both purchases, and probably carae frora the same
part of the country.
Shokly after the purchase Mr. Leveridge removed from
Sandwich in order to coramence the settleraent of the new
plantation at Oysterbay.
The vessel which conveyed him and his goods went to
Hempstead Harbour. 'within the Dutch jurisdiction, and land
ed the cattie and the goods there, " because there was no bouse
erected at Oysterbay, in which the goods could be received."*
It would seem that after his removal to Oysterbay, Mr Le
veridge devoted more or less of his time, either on Long-
Island or elsewhere, to the instruction ofthe natives. It is
probable that the English settlements in the neighborhood, in
their infancy, were unable to support a settled minister, and
that he divided his labours between them and the native tribes.
From the accounts of the commissioners presented to the
society for propagating the gospel in New-England, it appear9
that they allowed Mr. Leveridge, from time to time, from
* During the year 1653,. war prevailed between the English and Dutch in Europe,
and Rhode-Island took part wilh the mother country. The vessel which carried Mr.
Levenidge, belonged to capt. Thomas WiUett, Samuel Mayo, William Paddy and
John Barnes of Barnstable, and was taken while within the Dutch limits, by Thomas
Baxter, who was cruising against the Dutch commerce, under a commission from the
authority of Rhode-Island, and the commissioners ofthe united colonies were obliged
fouitfirferfi to procure the restoration ofthe vessel. — Hazard's Collections.

45
1653 to 1658, several small sums for his service among the
Indians. In 1657, the commissioners wrote tb him to engage him to
undertake the instruction ofthe Corchaug and Montauk tribes
at the east end ofthe Island, if his situation would admit of
his being employed in that service.
It seems hi^ settlement at Huntington about this period, pre
vented his accepting the invitation of the cointnissioners.
In 1,658 he seems to have been established as the minister
of Huntington. During that year, the people of that town ap
propriated land for his use, and in 1662 enlarged the quantity.
In 1658. Mr. Leveridge also had a grist mill erected on a
stream that ran through the town, which was the first mill
erected in the town.
Mr.^Leieridge continued the minister of Huntington until
1670, when he removed to Newtown, and is supposed to have
been the first minister of that town.
He remained at Newtown till his death, the date of which
is not precisely known, but appears from the records of the
town to have been previous to 1694. It is probable that it was
not long before that year, and that he died at an advanced
age. In one of the books among the town records of Newtown,
there is a commentary on a considerable portion of the Old
Testament, which is presumed to have been made by Mr.
Leveridge. If so, it is no inconsiderable proof of his learning.
and industry. He is characterized by Hubbard, in his history
of New-England, as " an able and worthy minister."
The circrfmstance of his having been one of the original
proprietors of Oysterbay, and of having erected a grist mill in
the infancy of the town of riuntington, would seem to indicate
that Mr. Leveridge must have possessed a considerable estate.
Some of Mr. Leveridge's posterity still reside in Newtown,
and rank among the most respectable people of the town.
The Rev. Eliphalet Jq^nes succeeded Mr. Leveridge in the
ministry at Hnntington. He was a son of the Rev. John
Jones, who arrived at Boston in 1635, and settled at Concord
in connection with the Rev. Peter Bulkley, in 1637. Mr.
Jones did not continue many years at Concord. It seems that
an unusual number of people settied at Concord. The Rev.
Ezra Ripley, the minister of that town, in a discourse deliver
ed January 24th, 1792, states that a considerable proportion
ofthe church and people finding the place too scanty for the
comfortable subsistence of so many, a few years after the first
sctilement ojf the town, sold their possessionsj went .vvith Mf •

46
Jones to Connecticut, and settled the town of Fairfield.
From a petition of the inhabitants of Concord, dated in 1645,
on file in the office of the Secretary of State of Massachusetts,
it appears that the emigration took place in the summer or fall
ofi 644, and consisted only of a seventh or eighth part ofthe
inhabitants, a much less proportion than Mr. Ripley, suppo
sed. Mr. Jones was the first minister of F'airfield, and continued
there till his death, the precise date of which is not known.
Mr. Wakeman, the next minister, settled in 1665 ; but
might have settled as an assistant. It is probable tbat Mr. Jones
died previous to 1668. In that year lands were laid out in
Fairfield, to a Mrs. Jones, who is supposed to have been the
widow of the minister. In 1673, Eliphalet Jones, his son,
conveyed a home lot of two acres, in Fairfield, to his nephew,
John Bulkley, which was probably his father's ; and in 1694,
he conveyed to him two other tracts of land, in the same town,
which are stated in the record to have been left him by his
" honoured father, John .Jones."
From a record of births in Concord, found in the court re
cords in Boston, it appears that the Rev. Eliphalet Jones, was
born the Oth of the 1 1th month, 1640. It is not known where
he received bis education. It is not improbable that hewas
educated by the Rev. Peter Bulkley and his son who suc
ceeded hira — the first, if not both of whom, was a distinguished
scholar, and with which faraily he seems to have been in some
w^ay connected.
In 1669, Mr. Jones was stationed at Greenwich, either
as a missionary or settied minister During that year the
people of Jamaica voted to seud a messenger to Greenwich to
give him an invitation to visit that town in order to his settle
ment as their minister.
In May, 1724, Mr. Jones conveyed fifteen acres of land in
Greenwich, to Eliphalet Hill, which he conveyed to Joseph
Marshall, of that place, the same month. This land is suppo
sed to have been allotted to him as one of the proprietors of
the town, or to have been granted to him as a settlement, or as
a remuneration for his services while he preached there.
In April, 1673, the people of Huntington authorised their
magistrates, with certain others named for that purpose, to
use their endeavors, to procure a ministerfor the town.
It seems that they invited Mr. Jones to come among them,
and that he visited the town some time before 1676. In Jan
uary of that year, the people of Huntington gave him an invi-
tarioa to continue among them as their m^intster, and at the

47
same time voted to give him twenty acres of land where he
chose to take it up.
Mr. Jones seems to have been very reluctant in assenting to
a settlement, until he was assured of the general approbation
of the people. It seems that he continued with them another
year without closing with their proposal.
In June, 1677, the question was again put to the people at
his request, whether they still desired his continuance with
them as their minister, and was answered in the affirmative
by all but one who were present.
Mr* Jones then settled among them, and continued the sole
ministerof the town until June 21st. 1719, when on account
of his age and infirmities, Ebenezer Prime was employed to
assist him and continued in that capacity until June 5th, 1723,
when he was ordained as a colleague with him.
Mr. Jones gave the charge to Mr. Prime at his ordination,
with vvhich he was so much pleased, that he entered it on the
church records ; and this, with the skeleton or outline of a
single sermon, found among the town records, and supposed
to be his, are the only productions of Mr. Jones that have
been discovered.
.\t the time of Mr Prime's settlement, the church consisted
of forty-three members.
It is not probable that Mr. Jones was capable of much ser
vice long after Mr. Prime's settlement, although he lived a
nuraber of years after that period.
It appears frora a receipt of a store-keeper with whom he
traded, that he was living in April 1731, when he must have
been upwards of ninety.
The tradition ofthe family, whose ancestor lived with him,
is that he lived till he was nearly an hundred years old.
Mr. Jones seems to have been a man of great purity and
simplicity of manners, and a faithful and successful preacher.
Il is pretty well ascertained, that Mr. Jones did not leave
any posterity, and that he gave his estate to Eliphalet Hill, who
is supposed to bave been his kinsman, whom he had brought
up, and who managed his business and took care of him in his
old age
The Rev. Nathaniel Brewster was the first minister of
Brooikhaven. His ancestry seeras to be involved in some ob
scurity. He is supposed to have been a son of Jonathan
Brewster, and grandson of the distinguished elder William
Brewster, of Plymouth. It is supposed that Jonathan Brewster
conducted or accompanied the settiers wjio commenced the
settlement at Windsor, on Connecticut river, under the au-

48
thority of Plymouth colony, in 1633, and that he continued
to reside there some years, perhaps till 1 643, when it is sup
posed that be formed a settiement at Mohegan, now Norwich. •
He died in 1659' The Rev. Nathaniel Brewster is supposed
to have been the sarae person who graduated by that name
in the 1st class of Harvard College, in 1642.
About that time, the laws enforcing uniformity were repeal
ed, and others adopted vvhich subjected the episcopal clergy,
to impositions incompatible with the rules of that church; in
consequence efwhich great numbers relinquished their charges
and the vacancies were supplied by presbyterian and indepen
dent ministers.
Some ol those who had come to this country to escape
ecclesiastical oppression, and to secure the enjoyment of reli
gious freedom, returned to England and resumed the exercise
of their ministerial functions ; and others who had been edu
cated in this country went over to England, duringthe suspeih-
sion of episcopal authority, and settled in some part of that
country. Hutchinson, in his history of Massachusetts, states that
most of those who graduated in the first class at Harvard Col
lege, went to England, and that Nathaniel Brewster was
among the number, and " that he was a settled minister at
Norfolk, and of good report."
He received, while in Kngland, the degree of Bachelor in
Divinity, at the college at Dublin, wbile it was in the hands of
the dissenters.
In 1662, after the restoration of Charles II. episcopacy was
restored, and the laws of uniformity re-enacted ; in conse
quence of which, the presbyterian and independent ministers
were in their turn obliged to leave tbeir churches.
It is supposed that Mr. Brewster was among the number,
and that he shortly after returned to this country, and settled
at Brookhaven in the fall of 1666. At a town n:eeting held
October 24th, 1 665, the town voted to purchase the house and
home lot of Matthew Prior, forthe accommodation of Mr.
Brewster the minister. He continued the rainister of Brook
haven till his death, in 1690.
It is a tradition ofthe family that Mr. Brewster married Sa
rah Ludlow, a daughter of Roger Ludlow, who was one of
the most eminent men in New-England. He was a member
of the council, and deputy governor of Massachusetts while he
remained iu that colony. He removed to Windsor in 1635 — to
Fairfield in 1640, and to Virginia in 1654. He was a mem
ber of the council and deputy governor, while he remained in

49
Connecticut, He also principally contributed to the forma
tion of the original constitution of 1639, and to the original
laws of that colony. In 1649, he was employed by the as
sembly to reduce their various acts to a code or system, which
they adopted. Mrs. Brewster, his daughter, is said to have
been eminently distinguished for her talents and acquirements,
and is supposed to have had the chief or sole management of
the concerns of the family. Mr. Brewster left three sons,
John, Timbthy, and Daniel, to whom he left considerable
property, frora whom the Brewsters on Long-Island, in Orange
County, and in New-Jersey, are descended. His son Daniel
was a magistrate in Brookhaven for many years, and his de
scendants generally sustain a respectable rank in society. .
The Rev. George PhiUips succeeded Mr. Brewster in 1697,
end for some time preached a part of tbe tirae at Smith Town.
Mr. Phillips was the son of the Rev. Sarauel Phillips,
of Rowley, in Massachusetts, and a grandson of the Rev.
George Phillips, who preached at Boxford, in Essex, in Eng
land, before he came tp this country, and carae over with
Governor Winthrop to Boston, in 1630, and settled at Water-
town, where he continued eminently useful to the time of his
death, in 1644. The father of Mr. Phillips, the Reverend
Samuel Phillips, of Rowley, died in 1696, aged 71;
be left a nuraber of children araong whom were Sam
uel, John, and George. One of the two first is said to
have been a goldsmith, and settled at Salem. His son
Samuel was the first minister df Andover ; he died in 1771,
in the 82d year of his age His grandson Samuel was the
founder ofthe Andover academy; he died 1790, aged 76.
His grandson, John Phillips, was the fouri^tler of the Exeter
academy in New-Hampshire ; he died in 1795, aged 76 ; and
his great grandson, Samuel, was the late lieutenant governqr
of Massachusetts ; he died in 1 802, aged 50. — Of which branch
of this family of the Phillips', Doctor Miller in his review
observes, that few families in this country have been more dis
tinguished for liberal donations to religious and literary insti
tutions, than they.
The Rev. George Phillips was born in 1664 — gratluated
at Harvard college, 1686. He preached at Jamaica a few
years before he settled at Brookhaven. He settled in that
town in 1697, and continued the minister there until his death,
in 1739, aged 75.
Mr. Phillips was distinguished for a peculiar vein of natural
wit. His ordinary discourse was tinctured with this peculiarity j
and tradition has preserved many of his speeches, that exem
plify it. 7

50
IVfr. Phillips seems to have been a faithful preacher. He
not onlv served his own church and cungregation, but
preached lectures in destitute congregations. He hit three
sons and three daughters. His descendants are numerous.
The Rev. Ebenezer Phillips, of Easthampton, W illiam Phil
lips esq. of Brookhaven. and George S. Phillips esq of Smith-
town, are bis onl}' male descendants on Longl-land. The
Phillips family in Orang" county, and some of the name in
New-Jprsey ?nd Connecticut, are his descendants.
The Rev. Zachariah Walker was ihe first minister at Ja
maica. Mr. Walker probably carae from England before he
was ordained ; and it is supposed preached at Jamaica as a
licentiate. He came to Jamaica in 1663, and is supposed to
bave removed to Stratford in 1668, vvhere he was ordained.
It is also supposed that he removed from Stratford to Wood
bury in 1670.
The Rev. John Prudden succeeded Mr. Walker, at Jamai
ca Mr Prudden is supposed to have been a son ofthe Rev.
Peter Prudden who came to New-Haven in company with
the celebrated minister J ohn Davenport, and settled at Milford,
in 1669. '
Mr. Prudden graduated at Harvard college in 1668. He
settled at Jamaica in 1670, and continued there until 1692,
when he left tbat place and removed to Newark, in New-Jer
sey, and settled in tbat town.
Mr. Prudden had been a class-mate at college with the Rev.
Abraham Pierson jun the minister of .\ewiirk, vvho removed
from that town during the summer of 1692. About this time,
or shortly after, Mr. Prudden seems to have visited Newark,
probably with a view to obtain a settlement there.
August 23d, 1692, the people of Newark, at a town-meeting,
agreed to invite jMr. Prudden to become their minister and
settle among them, and olfered him £50 a year and his fire
wood, for his encouragement and tbe comfortable subsistence
of his family; and also voted that he should have and hold
such a " propriety" and otber conveniencie.*. for his accom
raodation in the town, as should be agreed upon between him
and tbe committee appointed to confer v^ith him — who reported
bis acceptance of their invitation and ofler to the same town-
meeting, or to one held the same day.
Mr. Prudden continued the minister of Newark, until June
9th. 1699, when, for some cause or other, not now known, he
relinquished his charge.
He continued to reside in the town after his resignation, and
eeems to have enjoyed the esteem and confidence ofthe peo-

51
pie. It appears from the records of the town, that vvhen a
vacancy in the ministry occurred, he was generally ap
pointed one of the committee to procure another minister —
that he was actively engaged in the settlement of two who suc
cessively succeeded him ; and that he was uniformly employed
to supply the pulpit in the intervals.
Mr. Prudden continued to reside at Newark, in a private
capacity, until his death Me died Deceraber llth, 1725,
aged 80 years. Dr McWhorter, in his sermon of 1st of January
1801, states " that he sustained a worthy character, as a man of
sense and religion, though he does not appear to have been a
•popular preacher." It is supposed thathe possessed a consider
able estate, which enabled him to live on his own means. His
descendants are numerous — they chiefly reside in Morris coun
ty, New-Jersey, and are generally very reputable; and sorae
ofthoseinthe female line, are said to have been distinguished
as very useful and worthy members of society.
The Rev. Abner Reeve was the first minister of whom we
have any certain knowledge that preached at Smith Town.
It is supposed that he was born at South Old He graduated
at Yale College in 1731. It is said that he preached at Smith
Town, West Hampton, the Fire-Place, Islip, and Huntington
South ; but it is not known that be was ever settled at any one
of these places. It is supposed that he removed from Long-
Island to Blooming-grove, in Orange county, and from tbat
place to Brattleborough, in Vermont. Very little is known
of his history. It is said that the late judge Reeve, of Litch
field, in Connecticut, was his son.
The Rev. Napthali Dagget, settled at Smith Town in 1751.
Mr. Dagget came frora Attleborough, in Massachusetts. He
graduated at Yale College, in 1748. He remained at Smith
Town till 1756, when he received an invitation from the trus
tees of Yale College to the professorship of theology in that
institution, which he accepted. After the death ofthe Rev.
Thomas Clapp, in 1766 Mr. Oagget officiated as president
till 1777, when be resigned his office. He died in 1780.
The iBritish troops, in their incendiary expedition against
the several maritime towns of Connecticut, among other enor
mities that stained that transaction with infamy, after having
taken Mr. Dagget and others, prisoners, wantonly and shame
fully beat and insulted him.
it is said that Mr. Dagget was a good classical scholar, and
a learned divine.

52
Ofthe Episcopal Church on Long-Island.
There was not an Episcopal church, or an Episcopal min'*
ister in the colony of New- York, at the time of tbe conquest
in 1664, and if there were any Episcopalians amongthe inhab
itants, the number must have been very small. Tbe inhabi
tants either belonged to the Dutch reformed church, or were
English non-conformists.
While the colony was under the government of the Duke
of York, the Catholics were encouraged, and very few Epis
copal families emigrated to the colony.
After the revolution in 1688, the Governors, and usually
most of the members of the council were Episcopalians, and
the patronage ofthe government was almost exclusively con
fined to those who were of that persuasion. This held out a
strong inducement to emigration to people of that denomina
tion. The Episcopal population was for some tirae pretty much
confined to the city of New-York, and the first Episcopal
church was erected there in 1696.
Although the statutes of uniformity did not extend to the
colonies, and although the religious constitution of the colony
was a perfect equality among protestants of all denominations,
yet the colony governors sti'uggled to give some legal ascen
dancy to the Episcopalians over other denominations. They
incorporated their churches, which they refused to the Presby
terians. They obstructed the Presbyterian Ministers who
came into the colony in the exercise of their functions, and
under pretence of ecclesiastical authority, required them to
apply to them for a license to preach. In 1707, Lord Corn
bury tyrannically and illegally imprisonecUtwo Presbyterian
Ministers, and on some such pretence subjected one of them
to great vexation and expense.
They were incessant in their application to the assembly for
the establishment of a revenue for the support of the Episcopal
clergy until they worried the assembly in some measure into
a compliance with their wishes.
In 1693, the colonial assembly subdued bj- the importunity
of Governor Fletcher, passed an act for the settleraent of min
isters, and raising a maintenance for them iu the city of New-
York, and in the counties of Westchester, Richrnond and
Queens. It is apparent from the language ofthe act, as well as from
tlie history of the times, that it was not the intention ofthe
assembly, (the greater part of whom were of other denomina-

53
lions) to confine the benefit of the stipend exclusively to Epis
copal ministers, and some efforts were made to give the act a
general operation In 1695, the assembly resolved that the
benefit ofthe act extended to dissenting protestant ministers,
but the Governor rejected that construction, and applied it
solely to the Episcopal clergy, who continued to engross the
benefit of it till the revolution.
By this act. Queens county was divided into two precincts,
Herapstead and Jaraaica. The precinct of Herapstead com
prised the towns of Hempstead and • Oysterbay, and the pre
cinct of Jamaica comprehended the towns of Jamaica, Flush
ing and Newtown ; and each precinct was required to raise
£60 by a general tax on all the freeholders, for the support of
the ministry.
There were at this time but a few families of Episcopalians
in the several towns of Queens county, and it was deeraed a
grievance that the great mass of the people should be obliged
to contribute to the support of ministers of another church.
In 1773 the people of Jamaica refused so pay the stipend to
the Episcopal minister, and made an appeal to the court bf
Chancery to be relieved from the burden, but it does not ap
pear that they obtained any redress before the revolution re
lieved them.
There was no authority in the colonies that could, by the
constitution of the Episcopal church, confer the ministerial
office. The first Episcopal ministers that came to this coun
try, had been ordained by the bishops in England, and were
seirt out as missionaries by the society for propagating the
gospel in foreign parts.*
¦* In 1762, there were 67 Episcopal missionaries in those parts of Worth America,
which now compose the United States, to wit. In Connecticut 16, in New-Yort lO,
in Pennsylvania 9, in Massachusetts 8, in New-Jersey 8, in North Carolina 5, in South
Carolina 4, in Rhode-Island 4, in Georgia 2, and in New-Hampshire 1.
In 1773 the population of the colony of New-York was estimated at 150,000, and
not more than one fifteenth part of it was supposed to be composed of Episcopalians.
At that time there were twenty-oni' Episcopal churches in the colony, supplied by
as many missionaries ; most of them were very small, none but those in the city of
Wew-York, and perhaps Clueens county, were at that time able to support their minis
ters without the aid ofthe tax, or of contributions from the society for propagating the
Gospel in foreign parts, and all received some support from the society.
The state ofthe different sects of religion in the colony of New-York, in an estimate
formed for that year, was as follows :
Ministers. Vacant Congregations.j
Presbyterians, 48 15
Dutch Reformed, 23 42
Episcopalian, 21
Quakers, 1 7
Anabaptists, 12 4
Moravian, 2
Lutheran, 3 10
Congregational, 2
All the frontier settlements not organized into churches, were coiDposed of Presby
terians and Congregationalists.

54
The ecclesiastical concerns of the colonies were committed
to the care of the Bishop of London The native colonists
who wished to take orders in the Episcopal church, were
obliged to go to England for them, and this continued to be
the case until the revolution.
Some tirae previous to th:it event, some eflbrts were made
to have Bishops sent to this country, but it was opposed by
other denorainations, under an apprehension that the measure
would lead to the establishm''nt ofthe Episcopal church, vvith
the same prerogatives over other denominations with vvhich it
was invested in England. It is also intimated that the mea
sure was opposed both by the American and British statesmen,
but on quite diflerent and opposite grounds. By the first, on
the ground that as it could only be effected by an act of Par
liament, an admission ofthe power of pailiaraent to do this
would involve an admission that Parliament po-^sessed power
over the colonies, incompatible with the security of libert}',
life, property, and religion : by the last, on the ground that
such an establishment would lessen the dependence of the
colonies ou Great Britain, and would remove a powerful ob
stacle to their independence.
The exclusioti of any connexion between church and state,
and the equality of religious privileges, secured to all denom
inations of christians by the constitutions of ihe several states,
precluded all objection to the intrtidtiction of Bishops into
the United States after the revolution.
The Rev. Samuel Seabury of Connecticut in I7S4, and the
Bev. Samuel Provost of New-York and the Rev. William
White of Pennsylvania, in ITSo visited Great Britain, and
were consecrated Bishops of the Episcopal church in those
states respectively.
The consecration of these Bishops furnished the nuraber
necessary by the rules ofthe Episcopal church, to confer the
Episcopal office, and tbey shortly after consecrated other
Bishops for other states, and since that period the Episcopal
church in the L^nited States has been supplied with subordi
nate officers in each diocess. by ordinations by the Bishop of
the diocess.
In 1789, the Bishops, clergy, and the representatives ofthe
lait}', ofthe Episcopal churcli, in the United States, met iu
convention, and made such alterations in the constitution
of the Episcopal church as established in England, as renders
it more conformable to our political institutions.
The first settlers of the town of Hempstead were indepen
dents, and had successively settled two congregational minis-

55
ters. They had appropriated lands for the support of the
Gospel which those ministers had enjoyed, and had erected a
house for public worship in which they had officiated.
Mr. ''oba-t, the last of those ministers, had left the town
about the year 1796, and the people were some years without
a minister of any denomination
The Uf vv generation tbat had sprung up since the first set
tlement ofthe town, seem to have had no predilection for the
peculiar tenets of their ancestors
In 1701, some of the inhabitants petitioned the society for
the propagation ofthe Gospel in foreign parts, to send them
a minister. In 1704, the Rev. John Thomas arrived among them as a
missionary from the said society.
Mr. Thomas imnjediately commenced his ministerial labors
at that place, and continued there during his life tirae.
Mr. Thoraas died in 1724, and was succeeded by the Rev.
Thomas Jenny, vvith whom the regular records ofthe church
comraence. Mr. Thomas and his successor performed their ministerial
duties in a bouse which had been erected for the use of the
congregational rainisters, without opposition or complaint.
It Would seem that most ofthe people were in a short time
reconciled to the discipline, rites, and ceremonies, ofthe Epis
copal church, by the zeal and prudence of Mr. Thomas and
Mr. Jenny.
The public lands being under the control of the majority
of the people, as soon as they joined the Episcopal church,
fell into the hands of the Episcopal ministers.
In 1734, they erected a new church, and the next year a
royal charter was obtained, whereby the freeholders and in
habitants of said town vvho vvere in coraraunion with the church
of England were incorporated, and constituted a parish by
the name " name and style of St. George's church, Hemp
stead," and whereby the house then built, together with half
an acre of common land on which it stood, and on which the
present parsonage house now stands, were granted to them.
In 1803, a house for public worship was erected by the
Episcopalians in North-Hempstead, and was consecrated by
the name and style of Christ church, but they continued in
union with the people of Herapstead till 1819, when they be
came a separate and distinct congregation.
The introduction of the Episcopal church in Jamaica was
attended with more difficulty.

56
The people of Jamaica were still generally Presbyterians
or Independents.
In 1676, they set apart a tract of land and meadow for a
parsonage, which they voted should continue " at the dispo
sal ofthe town."
In 1700, they erected a stone edifice for public worship by
subscription, without restricting the use of it to any partic
ular denomination.
In 1702, Governor Cornbury, in consequence of a great
sickness in New -York, removed to Jamaica ; and to .accom
modate hira. Mr. Hubbard, the Presbyterian minister gave up
to him the use of the parsonage house while he remained
there. During the time the Governor was at Jamaica, the Episco
palians got possession of the meeting house, and refused the
use of it to the Presbyterians, and the Governor on his return
to New-York gave them possession ofthe parsonage house.
The Presbyterians were anxious to regain tiie property
which they considered had been unjustly wrested from thera,
and the Episcopalians were determined to retain what they
supposed the law would protect them in holding.*
These conflicting claims continued to interrupt the harmo
ny of the town nfearly thirty years. After much heal and con
troversy, aud several unsuccessful lawsuits, the Episcopalians
abandoned the contest, and in 1735 erected a house themselves
for public worship, vvhich in 1761 was incorporated by Lieu
tenant Governor Colden, by the name and stjde of Grace
Church. In 1737, when the seats of the new church were
disposed of, the congregation consisted of twenty-four fami-.
lies. This unpleasant contest, so contrary to the catholic spirit
that now characterizes the difierent denorainations of christians,
is to be ascribed to the teraper of the times, and was probably
fostered if not excited by the bigotry ofthe Governor.
* In 1699, the people of Jamaica appointed certain persons to circulate a subscripr
tion to see what people would freely give towards building a new meeting house.
February 6tli, 1710, thetcwn appointed three men to demand the key of the stone
meeting house, from the person in whose posses&ion it was, and to keep the bouse for
the town.
April, 1723, the town appointed three men to take possession of the town parsonage
lot and other land connected with it, until the town should recall it.
January 2d, 17'.i5, after stating that .Mr. Poyer, the Episcopal minister, had failed in
several ejectment suits, which he had brought against the tenants of ths parsonage
land, the town voted that the same should be deUvered into the possession of Robert
Cross, their Minister Mr. Poyer, Justice Oldfield and Richard Combs, entered their
protest against the said vote.
February 26th, 1727, the town assigned tht stone meeting house and the land on
which it stood, then in the occupation of Mr. Thomas Poyer, to three of the surviving
trustees who built it, to take possession of it for the town. — Extracts from the town re
cords.

57
St. George's church at Flushing, and St. James' Church at
Newtown, were built shortly after tiie one at Jamaica, and the
same minister officiated one third of the tirae in each, until the
year 1797.
In 1796, Newtown separated from the other towns, and em
ployed Mr. Van Dyke as their minister.
In 1802, Newtown and Flushing united in the settiement
of a minister, aud in 1812, they separated, since which time
each town has had its own minister.
The several Episcopal churches on the Islstnd were erected
at the times, and consecrated by the names and titles following i
In Brookhaven, Caroline Church, 1730
In Hempstead, St. George's Church, 1734
Grace Church, do,
St. James' Church, do,
St. George's Church, do
St. John's Church, 1784, or thereabouts,
St. Ann's Church, 1766
In North Hempstead, Christ Church, 1803
Some of these Churches have undergone repairs, and seve
ral of them have been rebuilt. New and elegant churches
were erected in Hempstead and Jamaica in 1822, and in
Brooklyn in 1824.
A. list of the first Episcopal Ministers and their Successors, in
the several towns on the Island as far as the same could be pro
cured : '

In Jamaica,
In Newtown,
In Flushing,
In Huntington,
In Brooklyn,

:|

or shorly
after.

When

in

O

Re-

Names.

Where

gradu

2
mov
Remarks.
educated.
ated.
•
ed.
HsMrSTEAD.
John Thomas,*
Europe,
1704
1724
* Missionaries froaj
Thomas Jenny,*
1725
1742
Society for propagat
Samuel Seabury,
Harvard,
1724
1742
1764
ing the Gospel.
Leonard Cutting!
Pembroke,
1754
1766
1784
Thomas L. Moore,
Columbia,
1785
1799
John H. Hobart,
Nassau,
1793
1800
1800
Bishop of N.York.
Seth Hart,
Yale,
1784
1803
Jamaica.
Thomas Poyer,
Europe,
1710
1731
Missionary.
Thomas Colgan,
do
1732
1755
do
Samuel Seabury, jun.
Vale,
1748
1756
1765
Bishop of Connecticut.
Joshua Bloomer,
Columbia,
1761
1766
1790
William Hammel,
1790
1795
Charles Seabury,
1795
,1796
1
Elijah D. Rattone,
Nassau,
1787
1797
1802
Calvin White,
Yale,
1786
1803
1805
r
George Strebecfc,
1805
1805
} Six months each.
Andrew Fowler,
Harvard,
1783
1806
1806
J
John Ireland,
England,
1807
1807
j One year ea?!.
Edraund D. Barry,
Columbia,
1804
1808
1809
Timothy Clowes,
do
1808
1809
1810
Gilbert li. Sayres,
do
1808
1810
58

Newiowx.

 Van Dyke,

its:

Abraham L. Clarke,

Vale,

i-r;5

1.0-

William Wyatt,

Columbia,

' :o''

i-,!-:

Evan M. Johnson,

Browh Univer

iMH

1814

Flushing.

Abraham L. Clarke,*
Vale,
1785
1802
Barzilai Bulkley,
1812
John V. E. Thorne,
Union, ,
1811
1820
HrSTISGTON,
James Greaton,
Vale,
1754
1767
Edward K. Fowler,
182-1
Brookhavks.
Mr.Standard,
1725
Aflfctander Campbell,
England,
1729
Isaac Brown,
do.
1733
James Lyon,
Ireland,
1747
Andrew Fowler,
Harvard,
1783
1787
 Sands,
.  Burges,
Charles Seabury,
1814
Islip.
1
Thomas L. Moore,
1781
Brooslts.
George Wright,
Ireland,
17.S7
Mr. Doty,
17911
Samuel JVesbit,
Scotland,
1795
John Ireland,
England,
Henry I. Feltns,
Ireland,
1807
John P. K. Henshaw,
Middlebury,
1303
1814
Hugh Smith,
Columbia,
181 i
.817
Henry U Onderdonk,*
do.
18(0
1819
1802
1812
1773
173t
1747
178517921795 17971806 1814
1817
1819 IS27
? Preached at New
town and Flushing,
Tl'p chnrch serveil by
ijpplies.
Removed to Newark
Served by supplies.
Supplied by Ministers
of Brookhaven.
* Removed to Philad.
A brief account of some ofthe first Episcopal JUmi^ters that
settled on Long-Island.
The first Episcopal Ministers who settied on the Island, as
was before stated, were missionaries sent over by the society
for the propaigation ofthe Gospel in foreign parts, and were
supported at the expense ofthe said societj-. They were born
and educated in Great Britain or Ireland, and were generally
well educated men..
The first Episcopal Church on the Island was established at
Hempstead — and the first Episcopal minister who settled on
the Island, was the Rev. John Thoraas, who was sent as a
missionary to this country at the solicitation of the people of
Hempstead. Mr. Thomas arrived at Hempstead in 1704. He found very
few persons among the inhabitants vvho were acquainted with
the discipline, rites and ceremonies of the Episcopal Church.
He found the children without the means of education, and
the state of society such as is usually the result of the want of
public instruction and an established ministry.
* In some cases, the time of settlement and removal ofthe above ministers has been
inserted on verbal information, and may not be exact.
In most instances the facts are taken from records, and in cases where the records
fiirnished no information, or were not to be procured, pains have been taken to "et as
correct information as possible. "
59
Mr. Thomas had to encounter the difficult task of uniting a
mixed and discordant population into one society, and of re
ducing them to order and regularity.
He immediately set about organizing a church, and intro
ducing order and attention to religious duties.
In 1713, at his solicitation, the society for propagating the
gospel, made a grant of £10 a year for the porpose of aiding
the establishment of a school and support of a competent
teacher, for which the vestry returned tliem their thank!s.
Mr. Thomas seeras to have been laborious and successful in
his effi)rts to meliorate the condition of the town.
In 1720, he informed the society that within eighteen months
be had baptized one hundred and sixty persons, many of whom
were adults.
Mr. Thomas continued at Hempstead till his death. He
died in 1724.
The Rev. Thomas Jenny succeeded Mr. Thomas in 1725,
and continued in that church till 1742, when he reraoved from
there Little is known ofjhe character of Mr. Jenny.
The Rev. Sarauel Sealffln-y succeeded Mr. Jenny in 1742.
Mr. Seabury graduated at Harvard College in 1724, and
shortly afterwards settled as a congregational minister atGro-
ton, in Contiecticut. After some time, spent in that station, he
became a convert to the discipline, rites and forms of the
Episcopal church, and resigned his charge^ He soon after
joined the Episcopal Church, took the necessary steps to ob
tain orders, and was appointed to preach in New-i.,ondon,
April lOtb, 1732. Mr. Seabury left New-London, and came
to Long-Island and settied at Hempstead in 1742. He con
tinued at Hempstead till his death in 1764.
Mr. Seabury was a popular preacher, and contributed to
strengthen and extend the influence of the Episcopal Church
in that part of the country.
The Rev. Thomas Poyer arrived at Jamaica in 1'5'lOj as a
missionary from the society for propagating the gospel in
foreign parts, and was the second Episcopal clergyman who
settied on Lang-Island He found the town distracted with a
controversy between the Episcopalians and Presbyterians re
specting the legitimate ownership ofthe lands which had been
set apart for the support ofthe gospel in that town, and ofthe
building that had been erected in 1700, by a general subscrip
tion, for public worship. These had been seized by the Epis
copalians in 1702, for their exclusive use, and their right to
them was vigorously contested by the Presbyterians who at
that tirae constituted much the most numerous proportion of
the inhabitants.

60
Mr. Foyer, probably under the impression that the Episco
pal Church in the colonies was entided to the same ascendency
over dissenters as in England, joined the Episcopalians, and
became their organ in their controversies with the Presby
terians. This controversy disturbed the harmony ofthe town during
the lifetime of Mr. Poyer, and was calculated to diminish the
beneficial efiects of the sacred function.
Mr. Po3'er was strongly attached to the church, and had he
not been unhappily entangled with this controversy, he raight
have contributed probably essentially to ber increase and ex
tension. He died in 1731.
The Rev. Thomas Colgan succeeded Mr. Poyer in 1732.
Mr. Colgan was also a missionary from the society for pro
pagating the gospel in foreign parts. He arrived at Jamaica
in 1732, about the time the Episcopalians relinquished the
struggle for the church and parsonage land in that town, and
were directing their efibrts to the erection of a church of their
own, which they completed in 1734.
The Episcopalians in Newtowif*and Flushing about the
same time or shortly after, erected churches in those parishes.
Mr. Colgan, freed from the distracting cares which had en
grossed bis predecessor, was left at liberty to devote his whole
time to his ministerial duties. Mr. Colgan continued in the
charge ofthe three parishes till his deatb in 1755.
The Rev. Samuel Seabury, jnn. first bishop ofthe Episco
pal Church in the United States, and bishop of Connecticut,
succeeded Mr. Colgan in 1756, Mr. Seabnry was the son
of the Rev. Samuel Seabury of Hempstead. He was born ia
1728, and graduated at Yale College in 174S. He shortly after
visited Scotland with a view of studying physic, but soon
turned his attention to divinity. He went from thence to Lon
don, and was admitted to the order of deacon and priest in
1753. On his return, Mr. Seabury preached two or three
years at Brunswick, in New-Jersey. In 1756 he removed
from that place and settied at Jamaica on Long-Island. Ia
1765 he left Jamaica and settied at Westchester, in which
place he continued until the Revolutionary War, when he re
tired to New- York ; after the return of peace he settied at New-
London. In 1784 he went to England for consecration as
bishop of Connecticut. In consequence of the occurrence of
some difficulties (not of a personal nature) to the accomplish
ment of his wishes, be went to Scotiand, aud was consecrated
by three nonjuring bishops. On his return he fixed his
residence at New-London, where he continued in the faitlifol

61
discharge of the duties of his elevated function, till his death
in 1796.
Bishop Seabury was held in high estiraation  he was
warraly attached to the interests of the church, of which he
was an ornament, and was indefatigable in his exertions to
extend its limits, and to add to its reputation and influence.
The bishop published a few detached discourses, and two
volumes of serraons in his life tirae, and another volume was
published after his death.
Within forty years past, there have been a number of Me
thodist societies forraed on the island, but the number is not
exactly known.
There are a number of parishes in the several towns, and
there are several congregational societies in the eastern part of
Sufiblk county, but the number and naiines ofthe ministers are
not ascertained.
The Friends formed societies in Flushing and Oysterbay at
an early period of those settlements, which have increased and
form a large proportion o£ the population of those towns, but
the number of the societies is not known.
There are a number of Baptists scattered about the island,
but no organized societies are known, except at Oysterbay and
Brooklyn. Of the several tribes of Indians on Long-Island.
When the first settleraents were made on the island by the
Dutch and English, it appears, from the original Indian
deeds, that the principal tribes that occupied it, were as
follows : —
The Canarse, the Rockaway, the Merikoke, the Marsa
peague, the Secatague, and the Patchague, on the south side —
the Matinecoc, the Nissaquague, the' Satauket, and the Cor
chaug, on the north side ; the Shinecoc, the Manhansetand the
Montauk, from the Canoe Place to Montauk point.
The Canarse appears to have been the only tribe, or the
only tribe of any consequence, in Kings county. This tribe
claimed the chief part of the lands in Kings county, and a
part of the lands in Jamaica.
The Rockaway tribe claimed the territory around Rocka
way, and more or less ofthe lands in Newtown and, Jamaica.
. The Merikoke and Marsapeague tribes extended from
Rockaway through Queens county into Sufiblk, on the south
side of the island.
The territory of the Matinecoc tribe extended from
Flashing through Queens county to Fresh Pond in Sufiblk, on
the north side.

62
The Nissaquague tribe extended from Fresh Pond to Stony-
brook. The Satauket tribe claimed frora Stony brook to the
Wading river.
The Corchaug tribe extended from the W^ading river thro'
South Old on the north side.
The territory ofthe Manhanset tribe was Shelter-Island.
The territory of the Secataug tribe adjoined that of the
Marsapeagues and extended to Patchogue.
The territory of the Patchogue tribe extended to South
Hampton. ' The Shinecoc tribe extended from the Canoe Place to
Montauk, and that peninsula was the seat of the Montauk
tribe. There are one or two other tribes named in the old records,
but the place they occupied cannot be ascertained, and it is
evident from that circumstance, that they raust have been very
sraall, perhaps the mere remnants of tribes which had been
destroyed in their wars.
Those above enumerated are the' principal tribes that occu
pied the island when the English and Dutch commenced
their settleraents there, and the, original purchases of the
several towns were made of these tribes.
The Indian settlements were all on the bays, creeks, and
harbors on the north and south sides of the island, and their.
territories were divided from each other by the middle of the
island. At the time ofthe first settlement ofthe island, the whole
Indian population was considerable, but by no raeans as great
as the facilities of subsistence would have authorized us to
expect, nor as great as it probably had formerly been.
The shell banks which- indicate the sites of their villages,
on the western half of the island, are large and numerous,
and beds of shells of some size or other are found at intervals
of a few miles all around the margin of the island. From
these it would seera that the population of sorae parts of the
island was once very nuraerous, or must have been stationary
there a long time.*
The state of the Indian population must be ascribed to
their perpetual wars, by which they had been diminished.
All savage nations are addicted to war. The causes of war
• The shell banks in the western towns of Suffolk county are much larger and more
numerous than in the eastern towns, where shell fish are as abundant: which proves
that the western part of the island had been the longest settled, and that the Indian
emigration proceeded from west to east.

63
among them are nuraerous, and the mode of carrying it on
destructive to their numbers.
It appears that Long-Island had been overrun by hostile
tribes, and many of the natives must have been destroyed by
them. Ofthe political state ofthe Indians.
The confederacy of the five nations extended their con
quests as far south as Manhattan Island, and had passed over
to the west end of Long-Island, and subdued the Canarse
Indians. There is a tradition among the Dutch, that at the tirae of
the first settlement ofthe island, the Canarse tribe paid the
Mohawks an annual tribute of wampum and dried clams, and
that they discontinued the payment of it on the persuasion bf
the whites, in consequence of which a party of the conquerers
came and destroyed the whole tribe, except a few who hap
pened to be from home.
Some writers have supposed that the conquest oT the Mo
hawks extended to the whole island, but there is no tradition
to support it, and it is believed that the conquest never extend
ed beyond the territories ofthe Canarse Indians.
This may have been owing to the fact, that all the other
Indians were in subjection to the Pequots. It is well known
that this tribe never was subdued by the five nations, and it
would have been a violation of their rules of warfare, to have
turned their arras against a tributary people, when they had
not subdued the power that held them in subjection.
The Montauks had probably been the most warlike tribe
on Long-Island, had overrun the other tribes on the island
east of the Canarse territory, aud had reduced them to some
kind of subjection.
At the time of the first settiement ofthe island, the Montauk
sachem claimed and exercised some kind of sovreignty over
the whole territory, and it is stated that he justified his claini
before the governor and council in virtueof a former conquest
ofthe country. *In 1659, he conveyed the territory which
constitutes the town of Smithtown, then occupied by the Nis
saquague Indians, to Lyon Gardiner.
• It is a little uncertain what was the general Indian name of Long-Island. In seve
ral old deeds the IVIontauk chief is styled the sachem of ' Paumanacke,or JLong-Island.'
Hubbard, in his history of New-England, states that at the time of the grant to the
Earl of Stirling in 1635, it was called by the Indians Mattanwake, and in the patent
to the Duke of Vork in 1664, it is called Meitowax. It is believed that the name
given by Hubbard was the^eneral Indian name for the island.
By a statute passed April 10th, 1693, it was enacted that the island should be called
{Nassau, and should be so styled in all legal proceedings, which haa never beea repeal
ed, but bas by general consent been suffered tp become obsolete,

64
It was under abelief of his superiority over the chiefs ofthe
other tribes, that the first settlers were anxious to have their
purchase deeds signed by that chief, as well as by the sachem
ofthe tribe of whom the land vvas purchased.
Tbe confirmation deed of Hempstead in 1657, the deed for
Lloyd's neck, and others, are executed in this manner, and in
some of the original deeds the Montauk chief is styled the
sachem of Long-Island.
The superiority ascribed to the chief of that tribe after the
-settlement of the country, might have arisen in part frora the
* distinction conferred on him or recognized by the commis
sioners of the united colonies.
In 1651 it is stated in some of our early records, that they
constituted one who is supposed to bave been the Montauk
chief, grand sachem of the Long-Island Indians.
It is probable that tbe commissioners only recognized or
confirmed an authority with which they found him invested.
It is evident from the early writers of New-England, that
the ^Pequots, who occupied the country around New-London,
and was the most warlike tribe in Connecticut, had subdued
the Montauks witb their tributaries, and that at the time of the
first settieraent of New-England, the Long-Island Indians
were in subjection to the Pequots, and paid them a tribute.
The victory over the Montauks involved the subjection of all
the tribes that were under them, and the conquest of the Pe
quots must bave embraced all the tribes on the island east of
the Canarse territory.
In 1637, tbe New-England colonies made war on the Pe
quots, to avenge the murders and other hostile aggressions
which they had committed on the whites, and subdued and
dispersed the whole tribe. The Long-Island Indians who had
been subject to the Pequots, immediately repaired to the
English to make their peace with them Winthrop, in his
journal, states that on the reduction of the Pequots in 1637,
''• sachems from Long-Island came voluntarily and brought a
tribute to us of twenty fathom of wampum each of them "
From this time they seem to have considered theraselves to
be in subjection to the EngHsh, and to have paid them tribute,
perhaps the same they had paid the Pequots. In 1644 they
applied to the commissioners for some evidence of their rela-
*" The Pequcits were a very warlike and potent people about 40 years since, (1624),
at which time they were in their meridian. Their chief sachem held dominion over
divers petty sagamores, as over part ijf Long-Island, over the Mohegans, and over the
sagamores of Quinapak, yea over all the people that dwelt on Connecticut river, and
over some of the juort southerly iuhabitants of the Nipmnck country about Quinaban&"
Gookil's HlSIOBY.

65
tion to them, and the commissioners gav« them a certificate
in writing, in efl>ct promising ^hem security from injury by
the English, and all others in friendship with them ; at which
time they assured the commissioners " that the}, had been
tributaries to the English ever since the Pequot war, and that
they had never injured the English or Dutch, but had been
friendly to both," which implied that they had been subject to
the Pequots and followed their fate.
In 1650, the commissioners sent Captain Mason to Long-
Island to require payment of the tribute due froai the In
dians there, and to settle a way in which it raight be punctu
ally discharged in future.
In 1656, the Montauk chief visited the commissioners at
Boston, and in answer to an inquiry whether he had paid the
tribute due from him stated that he had paid it at Hartford
for the space of ten years, and that it was in arrear for the
four last years, whicb they remitted in consideration of his
distressed condition by the late war in which he had been en
gaged with tbe Narraganseitts.*
In 1653, Ninnigrate, the chief of the Nehantic Indians, who
were either a tribe of the Niirrag^ansetts or closely connected
with thera, made war on the Long-Island Indians, which last
ed several years, and reduced them to great extremity. He
invaded the territory of the Montauks, and would ha\e extir
pated the whole tribe, if they had not found protection in the
humanity ofthe people of East Hampton.
They were obliged to abandon their villages, and to flee for
refuge to East Hampton, where they were kindly received,
sustained, and protected. Thev continued to reside in that
town for several year's, before they deeraed it safe to return to
Montauk. In 1655, Mr. Thomas James, the minister of East Hamp
ton, and others, wrote to the comraissioners and informed
them that the Indians on the isladd must submit themselves
and their country to the Narragansetts, unless they should
speedily have some assistance.
* It is not easy, at this distance of tirae, to perceive the justice of the imposition of
this tribute imposed on the Montauks, who, witli a few exceptions of individuals of mis
chievous disposition, appear fo have been uniformly frieully and faithful to the
English. In 1 650 the Pequots remonstrated against the tribute exacted of them, and
inquired why it was imposed, and how long it was to continue, and whether their
children unborn were to be subject to it. In answer to these inquiries the commission
ers stated that it was imposed in 1635 for the murders they had committed, and which
they had agreed to pay. They agreed, liowpver, to remit all that was in arrear, and
that it should only continue ten years longer, during which time it was exacted.
It is not probable that the tribute was continued longer ou the Montauks than on the
Pequots, and the only cause of its imposition seems to have been their former subjec
tion to that tribe, and that it probably ceased to be exacted in relation to both tribes
afterjieeo. 9

66
The commissioners sent military supplies to the towns of
East Hampton and South Hampton, and to the Indians.
They stationed an armed vessel in the sound under the com
mand of Captain John Youngs, with orders to stave Ninni-
grate's canoes, and to destroy his forces if he attempted to pass
over to the island.
The commissioners also gave orders, that in case the enemy
should pursue the Indians within two miles of any ofthe set
tlements, the inhabitants should immediately repair to their
assistance. During the same season they sent a small force
against Ninnigrate, which was rendered inefiectual by the
misraanagement of the ofiicer who was entrusted with the
command. In 1656, Massachusetts declined further aid in suppressing
the war of Ninnigrate against the Montauks. and the whole
burden of their defence devolved on the colonies of Connecti-
cut and New-Haven. They generously continued Captain
Youngs with his vessel on the same station that year at their
sole expense, and the war seems not to have ceased until the
end of the year 1656, or perhaps some time in 1657.
In oneof their enterprizes, tbe Narragansetts, araong others,
took the daughter of Wyandance, the chief sachem, prisoner,
who was ransomed by the aid of Lyon Gardiner, the first pro
prietor of Gardiner's Island, in gratitude for which, tbe chief,
in 1659, presented him vvith a deed fi)r the territory which
now forms the town of Sraith Town *
*- Lyon Gardiner was a Scotchman, and had served as a Lieutenant in the British
army iu the low countries ; he came over in I H35, and erected the fort at Saybrook,
under lords ^ay and Seal, Brooke, and others, and had the command of the garrison
until the fall of 1639, when he removed to the Island that has since been called after
him, which he had purchased of the native proprietors, and was confirmed to him by a
deed from James Farret, " deputy of the Right Honorable the Earl of Stirling, Secre
tary of the Kingdom of Scotland," bearing date the 10th of March, 1639.
Lyon G(irdiner*s son David, born at Saybrook 29th April, 1636, is^'supposed to
have been the first white child horn in the bounds of Connecticut, and his daughter
Elizabeth, born on the Island, September 14th, 1641, may have been the first English
child born within the territory of New- York. Lieutenant Gardiner carried several
families with him to the island, probably for security, as they removed to East Hamp
ton as soon as tliat town was settled.
He seems to have been in high estimation both with the English and Indians.
Wyandance, in 1659, presented him a deed for the territory which now forms the
town of Smith Town, in gratitude for the favors he had received from him. He re
moved to East Hampton, in IB55, and was frequently, if not uniformly, choten to the
magistracy of that town till his death in 1663.
Gardiner's Island, which at the time of the death of Lyon Gardiner, in 1663, was
appraised at 700i now pays about one sixth part of the taxes of East Hampton. The
island contains 3000 acres, of which cOO are refuse, and about the year 1800 maintained
on an average yearly :
In Winter, 2E0, and in Summer, 340 head of neat cattle,
do. 60 do. 80 horses,
do. 40 do. 60 swine,
do. 1500 do. 2200 sheep.

67
These various and successive general wars, vvith such as
may have taken place between separate tribes, raust have con
tributed greatly to reduce their nufflbers, and to render the
whole island much less populous than it would otherwise
havebeen at the time of tbe first settlement ofthe country.
Of all the tribes that were found on Long-Island, there
remain only a few families of Montauks and Shinecocs. with
a few scattering ones, at difierent places on the south' side of
the island.* Ofthe state of Society among the Indians.
The Indians on Long-Island raised corn and vegetables,
and these with the deer, wild fowl, and various kinds of shell
fish and other fish that abounded on the Island, must have af
forded them easy and ample means of subsistence ; yet not
withstanding these advantages, they still continued in the hun
ter state, and had made no advances in the arts, which are
usually first cultivated in the infancy of society. Theylwere
not distinguished by their dwellings, their clothing, their do
mestic utensils, or weapons of war, from the natives !of the
interior. Except their canoes, of which those that belonged to the
chiefs, were very large, and their arrow-heads, which were cu
riously wrought out of the hardest stone ; the only materials
of art among them, seem to have been some rude vessels of
earth hardened in the fire, and these are sometimes found in
tbeir shell banks.
There was at that time commonly raised on the island yearly,
50 acres of wheat yielding about 17 bushels per acre.
25 acres of Indian corn, do. 35 bushels per acre.
15 do. of oats, do. 30 do.
10 do. of flax, do. 8 bushels seed per acre.
It yielded about 250 tons of English and 100 tous of meadow hay, aud employed on
an average, winter and summer, about sixteen hands.
This island has continued entire in the same family, and the present owner, David
Johnson Gardiner, is the eighth owner, a id seventh lineal descendant from Lyon Gar
diner. '
The celebrated pirate Kid called at this island on his way to Boston, when he
retumed from his cruise in 1 699, and deposited there a box of gold, silver, and pre
cious stones, under the charge and at the risk of the then owner, an account of which
was found among his papers when he was taken up at Boston, and the box was delivered
to the commissioners who were appointed to secure his treasures. — See appendix.
* it the first settlement ofthe island, the Montauks were considerably numerous ;
theirnnmbers were diminished by their war with Ninnigrate, in 1655, and by emigra
tion from time to time to the Indian settlements on the main shore. In 1761 they
amounted to thirt} -eight families, and to 192 souls ; subsequent to that time,, the tribe
was still further reduced by the emigration of a number with Sampson Occum and other
Indians to Brothertown, in 1786. They do not at present exceed half a doaen families,
nor amouBt to more than thirty souls.

68
The Indians on Long-Island seem to have abounded in
wampum, the Indian substitute for money. It was made out
ofthe shells of difierent species of shell fish, ofthe size of beads,
and perforated like them. The beads were black or blue,
and white, and the black were double the value ofthe white,
and this fact clearly shews that some standard of value is es
sential to social intercourse in the rudest state of society.*
The Dutch and English both, either from necessity or con
venience, resorted to the nse of this Indian money, and the
value of it was fixed either by law or custom. In the early
stages of the settlements, three black beads or six white ones
passed for a penny.
Belts made of wampum were exchanged at the treaties be
tween difierent tribes, as syrabols to perpetuate the memory of
the transaction.
The sarae causes that diminished the numbers and prevent
ed the increase ofthe Indians, contributed to retard their pro
gress in improvement and civilization.
The religious notions ofthe Long-Island Indians, are pre
served in a Communication of Sampson Occura, an Indian
minister, which is publisiied among the collections ofthe his
torical society of31assacbusett«.
They had a plurality of Gods, but believed in one great
and good being, who had the control over all the rest. They
believed in an evil spirit, and had thei.- conjurers or pawaws.
They believed in a future state of existence, and that there
would be a distinction according to their behaviour here.
They made sacrifices tt tbeir Gods, and performed snch
other acts of worship, as are common among the Indians in
general. Their conjurers were said to have intercourse with the evil
spirit, and by the Duke's laws of 1665, it was enacted " that
no Indian sbould be sufi'ered to pavvavv or perform worship to
the devil in any town within the government.
The language ofthe Montauk Indians is supposed to have
been the common language of all tbe Long-Island Indians,
and difl"ered but littie from thatof the Narraganset, the Massa
chusetts, aud other New-England tribes.f
* The Indians opon Long-l!.l.ind ir m to have abounded in this article. Winthrop
in his journal states, that Massachusetts in 1634, sent the bark Blessing, which ap
pears to have been the first ve=sel that was built in that colony, to Long-Idand ; and
that the Indians there had " store ol the best wampnm, white and blue, and canoes
that would carry 80 men."
f It is supposed that there were only two original Indian languages in the United
States, north of the Roanoafce : the Delaware and the Iroquuois. The languges of the
difierent tribes of INcw-England, and most of the Indian tnbes from the Mississippi to
Kova Scotia, are only diflerent dialects of the Delaware language
The structure or the Indian languages is diflereat from that of all known languages.

69
Ofthe measures adopted to preserve peace with the Indians.
The Indians on Long-Island, seera to have been less trou
blesome to the whites, than those north ofthe sound.
ancient or modern ; and there is a great analogy in this respect, between those that
are radically distinct.
The Indian languages have no substantive verb, and have uo distinction of genders.
The nouns are oot varied to distinguish between male and female, but between animate
and inanimate things. They admit of prefixe.j and suSixes, and sometimes blend seve
ral words together, so as to make a whole sentence of a single long word.
These languages are made up of these comhin.itionz ; not only pronouns but adjec
tives, coiyunctions, and adverbs, are corabined with the verb, and produce a great va
riety of forms of expression, and render them peculiarly copious and expressive. ' i
The following Indian words are taken from a manuscript of the late John Lyon Gar-
dine,-, Esq. deceased, who took them down from tlie lips of the Montauk Chief, and
is the only specimen ofthe language that could he ob^iained .
Massakeat mund great good spirit

Machees cund

evil spirit

Saunchem

king

'

Seaunskq

queen

nucquit

one

Wonnux

whitem.in

neeze

two

Wonnuxfc

white woman

nisk

three

Inchun

an Indian

yuaw

four

Wewauchum

Indian corn

nepaw

five

Mausqueseets

beans

conma

six

Ausgoote

pumpkins

nusus

seven

Quauhaug

a round clam

swans

eight

Soxawaug

a ! ong clam

passecucond

nine

Tobaugsk

tobacco

pyuMck

ten

Ch^aganan

a hatchet

cheesk

small

Niep

water

chiauk

large

Keagh or cage

land

weegan

good

Mashuee

a canoe

rauttadeaio

bad

Mabaweeskt

a little child

wedanms

roast com

Yunks quash

young woman

cut^aus

boiled corn

Squafhees

little girl

seaump

pounded corn

Weenai

old woman

yeokeheaff

roast corn pounded

Massakeat Mund sumana Inshun wewachum.— Great spirit give Indian corn.

At the time the

: above words were taken down, there were do more than seven per-

sons among them
tinct

who could speak the language, and it

may new be considered as ex-

From the following table exhibiting the

same words in

the Massachusetts, Narragan-

set and Montauk

languages, it is evident that they are :

all kindred languages, and that

the three last are,

, with very little variation, the same dialect.

Massachusetts
Narraganset
Moiltauk
one
Nequit
Nequit
Nucquit
two
Keese
Neese
Neese
three
Kisk
Kisk
Nisk
four
Ym
Yoh
Yuaw
five
Nepanna
Nepanua
Nepaw ^
six
Negutta
Qutta
Conma
seven
Nesausuk
Enada
Nusus
eight
Shwosuk
Showsuck
Swans
nine
Paskoogun
Paskugit
Passecucond
ten
Piuk
Piuck
Pyunck
king
Sachem
Saunchem
qneen
Saunks
Seaunskq
corn
Ewachim
Wewauchum
land
Ohke
Auke
Keagh or cage
water
Nippe
Neip
canoe
Mishoon
Masbuee
a girl
Squasese
Squashees
young woman
Nunksqai)
Yunk Squ&sb
old woman
Weinse
Weenai
It does not appear that they ever formed any general com
bination against the first settiers, or materially interrupted the
progress of their improvements The records of that period,
furnish no account of any general war against the Long-Island
Indians, by the Dutch or English
There is no reason to believe that this exemption from In
dian hostilities was owing to a better disposition or milder
character of the natives of the 1 -land. Individuals and small
parties were sometimes troublesome to the settlers.
In 1649, a murder was perpetrated at South Hampton, and
the town was greatiy alarmed at the hostile appearance ofthe
Indians for several days, and several murders were committed
in the Dutch towns in 1652.
The towns were frequently jealous of them.
In 1645, the town of South Hampton ordered one half of
their military company to bring tbeir arras to meeting with
them every Lord's Day alternately for some time.
In 1651, the town of East Hampton ordered the inhabitants
to bring their arms with them on the Lord's Day, under the
penalty of 12d. for every neglect, and other towns are said to
bave done the like.
The Indians sometiraes committed depredations on the pro
perty of the whites.
In 1657, they did considerable damage to the people of
South Hampton, and in 1681, four Indians plundered a store
in Huntington, and threatened the lives of the family.* The
first settlers in every part of the Island, were in the practice
of guarding their cattlef which run at large, and it might have
been to prevent the depredations of the Indians, as well as to
guard them against injuries from wild beasts and other acci
dents. * In 1657> the Montauks committed depredations, and burnt a number of houses at
South Hampton, and the people were obliged lo betake themselves to their arms and
stand on their own defence. Capt. Mason crossed tlie Sound to quell the disturbance,
and imposed a fine of 7QQI. on the Indians as a rrmuneration for the damages, and as
a punishment for the aggression.
The chief sent a messenger to the Commissioners, and alledged that the damage was
occasioned by a mischievous Indian, who had since destroyed hiraself and a negro wo
man, and prayed that he might be relieved from the fine, which was referred to the
general court of Connecticut.
f In Johnson^s " Wonder Working Providence," it is stated that when the English
first commenced their settlements on Long-Island, ** the Indians did much annoy their
cattle with the multitude of dogs they kept which ordinarily were young wolves brought
up tame, continuing of a very i-avening nature."
Wolves were abundant upon the Island. In tlie account of the committee consisting
of a commissioner from each town for adjusting the expenses ofthe county of Suffolk,
November 10, 1685, the item for wolves was 431. 13s. Killed as follows : In East
Hampton 16, South Hampton 3, South Old 1, Brookhaven 2, Smith Town 6, and in
HontiDgtOD 15 ; in all 43 young and old kiUed, during the year preceding.

71
The security of die whites must be ascribed to the means
they employed to preserve peace with the Indians.
The English and tbe Dutch both endeavored to secure un
interrupted peace with the Indians by treaty.
The reception of the Indians on the east end ofthe Island,
under the protection ofthe Commissioners of the United colo
nies in 1644, and their subsequent appointraent of the Mon
tauk chief grand sachi^m of the Long-'sland Indians, must
have augmented the influence whicb he before possessed over
more or less ofthe Indian tribes on the Island, and must have
enabled and disposed hira to curb anj' disposition manifested
by them to annoy or interrupt the whites.
In 1643, the year before tbe Dutch war with the Indians
north of the sound the Dutch Governor raade a treaty with
Pennowits, sachem as is supposed ofthe Malinecock Indians.
In 1656, the Dutch Governor made a treaty with Tacka-
paushathe sachem ofthe Marsapeague Indians, and the repre
sentative of five otber tribes.
Thus the Dutch on the west end, and the English on the
east end ofthe Island, maintained a constant friendship with
the natives in their respective neighborhoods, and while they
were friendly "ith each other, the Indians from one eud
of the Island to the other were friendly with both.*
* Considerable exertions were very early made to instruct the Long-Island Indians^
particularly those of the Montauk tribe, iu the principles of the Christian reli
gion. It is supposed some efforts to this effect were made by the Rev. Abraham Pierson,
during the three or four years he continued at South Hampton.
Mr. James, the first minister of East Hampton, was the first who was regularly em
ployed in this business. The following item is found in the accounts of the society
for propagating the gospel in .\pw-England for 1662, to wit : " to Mr. James of East
Hampton, his salary for instructing the Indi.insat Long-Island, 2QI." It is not known
how long Mr. J^mes was employed in this business, nor whether he was succeeded by
any one until the mission of Mr. Horton.
In 1741, the Commisfioners ofthe same society employed Azariah Horton as a mis •
sionary amongthe Long-Island Indians ; and under his labours there was a great re
formation among them They then renounced their idols, and "in the course of two or
three years it is said that he baptized thiry five adults and forty five children ; religion
however afterwards declined among them, and the mission was given up in 1753."
In 1755, or thereabouts, Sampson Occum, an Indian of theMohegan tribe in Connec
ticut, was employed t>i keeiia school among them, and afterwards to instruct them in
religion till 1761.
No other missionary was regularly employed among these Indians, until about 1800,
when Paul Cuffee, a Long-Island Indian, was employed as a religous instructor among
them by the missionary society of New- Vork. Paul continued his labours among
them till his death He died March 7th, 1812, aged 55 years.
Sampson Occum was bom in I7'23, wasedunted by Mr. Wheelock of Lebanon and
Mr. Pomeroy of Hebron. A weakness in his eyes prevented bis going to college ;
about 1755, he went to Montauk and established a school ainong the Indians. In the
Spring of 1758, he was licenced to preach by the Association of Windham county,
Connecticut, and on the 29th August 1759, he was ordained to the ministry by the
Presbytery of Suffolk county, with a view to seud hira as a missionary among the
southern Indians. This plan being defeated by a war between the whites and the
Cherokees, he remained the most of his time'between his ordination and the Spring of

72
Both the English and the Dutch on Long-Island, respected
tbe rights of the Indians, and no land was taken up by the
several towns, or by individuals, until it bad been fairly pur
chased ofthe chiefs of the tribe who claimed it.
The consideration, given for the land was inconsiderable in
value, and usually consisted of different articles of clothjng,
implements of hunting and fishing, domestic utensils, and per
sonal ornaments ; but appears to have been such in all cases
as was deemed satisfactory by the Indians.* •
1761 with the Montauks. He then engaged in a mission to the Oneidas. and con
tinued with them until 1765, when he accompanied .Mr. Whittaker to Europe to solicit
funds for the Indian charity school. They remained there two or three years, and col
lected jipwards of §5000 for that charity in England and ScolUnd.
The Rev. Sarauel Buell gives his character as a preacher, in a letter to the Rev.
David Bostwick, of New- Vork, dated May 9th, 1761, he says, •' as a preacher ofthe
gospel, he seems always to have in view the end ofthe ministry, the glory of <jod and
the salvation of men ; his m:inaer of expression when he preiiches to the Indians is
vastly more natural and free, cleai and eloquent, quick and powerful than when he
preaches to others. He is the glorj- ofthe hidi u n tion " It is rtdded by another
hand, that *' while in England he was an object of much attention : he preached in the
crowded chapels of London, and even occupied t^ie fnlpit of W" bitfield wit acceptunce.
In March 1763, he retumed and resumed h^^ mi^^^^ionary labours among the Indians
in Connecticut, and in I78fi he removed wilh the Int'ian? under his care, consisting of
the Mohegaus and theremnants of some other tribes, to Oneida, in the state of New
York, and settled on a tract of laud given them by the Oneida tribe for that purpose,
Trbich from the union of different tribes that formed the settlement, they called 6ro-
thertown. Mr. Occum continued in the charge of the Brot^ertown Indians until within a few
years of his death. He died at Kew Stockbridge in Oneida conoty, in July 1792,
aged 69 years,
* The first purchase of Huntington in 1653, comprized nearly six miles square ; the
consideration paid to the Indians. consi>ted of six coals, *ix bottles, six hatchets, six
shovels, ten knives, six fathom wampum, tliirty muxp«-ind thirty needles.
The first purclnse of East Hampton, embraced about :«07-0 acres, and the articles
J^^en in payment consisted of twenty coats, twenty-four lookin; glasses, twenty-four
hoes, twenty-four hatchets, twenty-four knives and one hondred muxes
The first purchase of Oysterbay, embraced upwards of' 0000 acres, foi which the first
purchasers gave six Indian coats, six kettles, six fathom oi wampum, six hoes, ax
hatchets, three pair stockings, thirty awl hlades or muxes, twenty knives, three shirts,
peagae 41. sterling.
The decrease of the Indians is sometimes represented as if the whites were blameable
for purchasing their L^nds. The decay of their number? is a consequence of the settle
ment of-the country by an agricultural people — thi^ improvement ofthe country must
diminish the game, lessen the means of their support, and drive them into the interior
with the wild beasts that furnish their sustenance, while they retain the character of
hunters. Providence certainly never designed that the earth should be kept desolate
by erratic nations, but should be so used as to afford support to the greatest number of
human beings.
The United States as the British govemment formerly did, permit the Indians with
in tbe limits of their political jurisdiction, to retain tlieir own customs, to choose their
own rulers, to make treaties and preserve their relations with each other. They are
not subject to our laws, and are not required to perforin the duties of citizens; they
are suffered to retain their independence, subject to our protection and control, so far
§I)lp as their own welfare and the public safely require.
"The government concedes to them the right of occupation, and claims the right of
soil or ultimate domain. It suffers no advantage to be taken of he necessities or im
becility of individuals, by the fraud or avarice of our own citizens
An Indian territory belongs to the tribe or nation, and cannot be sold by individuals.
Tbe alienation of their territory is a national act, and can only be done by treaty.
The exUnguishment of Indian claims therefore is an act of sovereignty, and no purchase
nade.by an unauthorized individual is of any validity, nor was any purchase ever con
sidered as legal from the first settlement ofthe country, which was made without autho
rity, until it was confirmed by patent or some other act of government.

73
Both powers endeavored to prevent the evils which usually
result from theuseof spirituous liquors by the Indians.
The Dutch Governor in 1643, and the English Governor
in 1665, prohibited tlie sale of spirituous liquors to them.
In 1656, the town of Jamaica iraposed a fine, of 30 guilders
on any one who should sell strong drink to an Indian.
The number and character of the Indians rendered il pru
dent for the first settlers to guard against surprise, and to be
prepared to resist any attack by them. The several towns
required every man to furnish himself vvith arms and amrauni-
tion, and to asserable at an appointeii, place in case of an
alarm. In some ofthe Etiglish towns, a block house or small
fort was erected as a place of security in time of danger.
The people of Gravesend in the infancy of their settleraent,
inclosed their village with palisadoes
The Dutch Governor iu 1645, and the English Governor
in 1665, forbid the sale of arms and ammunition to the In
dians. In 1641, the town of South Hampton resolved that if any
one shonld sell any warlike implements to the Indians, he
should forfeit his whole personal effects. In 1650, the town
of East Hampton resolved that whosoever should sell powder,
lead or shot, sword or flint to any Indian, he should be liable
to the penalty of 20s., and if any one should sell a gun or pis
tol to one, he should pay £10.
It may havebeen partly in consequence ofthe destruction
of their warriors, in their recent wars, and of their military
spirit being broken by their subjection to succesive conquer
ors ; but it was principally by cultivating tbe friendship of
the chiefs, and particularly of the grand sachem ofthe whole,
by respecting their rights and treating them with uniform
justice and kindness, by preventing excitement by artificial
means, and by rendering success hopeless by withholding the
means necessary to insure it, that the whites were exempted
from any hostile combinations ofthe Long-Island Indians.
In 1655, a large body of Indians consisting of 500 and up
wards, from Jersey and the north river, landed at New-Am
sterdam, where they were provoked into hostilities and did
much injury. They then went to Staten-Island and commit
ted great havoc there, and a party of them passed over to
Long-Island and threatened Gravesend, but retired without
doing much injury. The fortifications of New Amsterdam,
and ofthe villages in its vicinity, by enclosures of palisadoes,
was to secure thera against the same Indians, who from 1640
1,0

74
to 1663 committed many acts of hostility on the Dutch settle
ments *
That none of the Long-Island Indians were concerned in
these depredations is evident frora the admission in the Dutch
records, that those Indians had originally no hostile designs
against that place, but were then on their route to the east
end of Long-Island to make war on the Indians there.
This belief is corroborated by the fact, that in the treaty
made at Hempstead, March 12th, 1656, vvith Tacapausha, the
Governor stipulated not to raake peace with those Indians
who did the damage at Manhattan in September 1655, without
including them, for which no other reason can be given than
that they were the enemies of the Long-Island Indians.
Ofthe Battle at Fort JYeck.
The only rencounter of any importance between the whites
and the Indians on Long-Island, of vvhich we have any ac
count frora history or tradition, is one that took place at Fort
Neck, on the south side, in Oysterbay, which seems to have
been the principal seat of the Marsapeague Indians.
The war in Europe, between the Dutch and English,
which continued frora 1652 to 1654, had an influence upon
their respective colonists.
In the spring of 1653, it was believed that the Dutch gov
ernraent contemplated the expulsion of the English from the
* The statement in the text is supported by the authority ofthe Dutch records.
August 1640, several planters were massacred by them at Staten Island ; 1642 the
Govemor ordered an attack on the savages.
Febraary 20th, 1643, the Governor complained of the insolence of the savages for
two or three years past — that they came in droves of 50, in sight of the fort — that they
had taken horses, cows, hogs and geese, and had murdered seven persons and refused
to give up the murderers, and ordeied preparations for an attack.
In 1644, a general war was commenced with the savages north of the Sound and
west of the Connecticut settlements, which lasted till the summer of 1646, and was
terminated by a great battle at Strickland's plain, in Horseneck, in which the Dutch
with difficulty obtained the victoiy.
September dth, 1655, a body of Indians landed near the fort at New Amsterdam in
64 canoes, consisting of more than 500 warriors, on an expedition against the Indians on
the East end of Long-Island. Some of them broke into an house which provoked
an affray. The Indians were attacked by a detachment from the fort, and compelled
to embark, but they continued in the neighborhood threedays, killed fifty persons and
took one hundred prisoners, burnt forty-eight houses and destroyed cattle and did much
damage. They then landed on Staten-Island, massacred sixty-seven persons, crossed
the Narrows and surrounded Gravesend, which was relieved by aid from the city.
February 7th, 1660, the Governor states that during his administration of twelve
years, upwards of twenty persons had been killed by the Indians.
January 7th, 1663, the Governor complains that the Indians had killed eighteen
persons and taken ten prisoners within a short time before that date, and had burnt
and destroyed houses and other property,
June 7th, 1663, the Indians attacked Esopus, burnt part of the town, killed and
wounded a number of the inhabitants, and took many of them prisoners.

75
territories which they clairaed, extending from the Delaware
to Connecticut river, including the whole of Long- Island.
A Dutch fleet was expected frora Europe, and the Dutch
governor was suspected of tarapering vvith the Indians, to pro
cure their co-operation
The Indians, in many places, suddenly began to manifest a
hostile carriage towards the English. Several chiefs on Long-
Island sent a raessenger to Hartford, to inform the English
that they had been offered guns, swords, ammunition, and
clothing, by the Dutch fiscal, or treasurer, if they would
join them to destroy the English. It seems also that great
efforts were made, and in some cases with success, to induce
thera to renounce their grand sachera the Montauk chief, who
was the unwavering friend ofthe English.*
Captain John Underhill, who had the principal comraand
in the recent war ofthe Dutch with the Indians, and had ren
dered them essential service, had settled at Flushing, and ob
served the change in the disposition of the Indians. He ob
tained from them the secret of the Dutch machinations to
enlist the Indians against the English, and communicated the
facts to the commissioners ofthe united colonies.
In consequence of the disclosure of the intrigues of the
Dutch treasurer with the Indians, by Captain Underhill, he
was seized at Flushing by a guard of soldiers, and carried to
New-Amsterdam, and confined until the case was examined,
when the facts reported by him vvere proved by the testiraony
of the Indians, to be true. He was then coolly dismissed,
and the treasurer was sufi'ered to go without reproof or
punishment. The English towns on the island, as well those which had
been settied under the Dutch as the English, were alarmed for
their safety.
March 26th, 1653, the town of East Hampton resolved
that no person should sell any kind of provisions to the
Indians, " during the time of the neighbors' plantation being
in this posture."
* The Dutch Governor denied the existence of any such plan, or of any concert with
the Indians ; and proposed that persons should be sent to examine into facts. Three
persons were sent for this purpose, and he appointed three to act with them. The En
glish commissioners were not satisfied with two of the Dutch commissioners, nor with
the manner in which the Govemor required the testimony to be taken, and returned
without accomplishing the object of their mission, or having their suspicions dimin
ished. That such a plot was formed was firmly believed on Long Island at the time, nor can
the change in the disposition of the Indians, and especially their renunciation of the
authority of the Montauk chief, who was a warm friend of the English, be accounted
for in any other way. The Dutch Governor may have been ignorant of the intrigues of
the fiscal with the Indians, but that such intrigues took place can hardly be doubted by
any one who will examine the evidence.

76
April loth, they ordered "that there should be a watch
and ward, that two men should watch every night, and one
to ward every day."
April 26th, they restilved " that no Indian should come to
the tovvn unless on special occasion, and that none should
corae armed, because that the Dutch have hired Indians against
ihe English, and because the Indians have cast off their
sachem." May 6th, they agreed to send to Connecticut for a firkin of
powder, and shot equivalent, and ordered " that every man
on any alarm, should appear forthw ith at the meeting-house,
and that no man should go from the town to work, or stay in
another town, under the penalty of 40s. for every day's ab
sence." April 14th, 1653, the tovvn of South Hampton passed a
resolution, " that every male between 16 and 60 should watch
and ward as occasion is, and that no one should sell any
corn to the Indians, pending the war between the English and
Indians." June I6th, they sent a messenger to Captain John Mason,
at the mouth of Connecticut river, to procure a stock of
ammunition. Captain Underbill,* early in the spring, wrote to the
commissioners of the united colonies, to apprize thera of the
designs ofthe Dutch, of their tarapering with the Indians, and
of the danger to which the English on Long-Island were
exposed. * Captain John Underhill came from England to Massachusetts soon after the first
eettlement of that colony. He had served as an otBcer in the British forces, in the low
countries, in Ireland, and at Cadiz, and had a command in the war with the Pequots
during the year 1037. He had some difficulty with the church at Boston, wbich
eeems to have been adjusted before he left thai part ofthe country.
After the termination of the Pequot war, he renioved to Connecticut, aud settled
at Stamford. He was a deleoate from that town to the general court at New-Haven,
in 1643, and was appointed an assistant justice there.
During that year he was sent for by the Dutch governor, to take a command in the
war in which the Dutch were then engaged, or were about to commence, with the
Indians situated north of the sound and west of the Connecticut settlements This
war lasted till the summer of 1 646, and was terminated by a great battle at Strickland's
Plain, in Horseneck, in which the Dutch with difficulty obtained the victory.
It is supposed that Captain Underhill had the chief command under the Dutch
governor in this war. and it is stated by Trumbull, in his hisloiy of Connecticut, that
lie destroyed three hundred Indians north ofthe sound, and one hundred and twenty
on Long-Island, who had crossed the sound in order lo ravage and destroy the Dutch
plantations there After the conclusion of the war, he settled at Flushing, on the
island. He discovered and disclosed the intrigues of the Dutch fiscal with the Indians,
in order to detach them from the English, and to excite ihem lo hostilities against
them in 1653.
On the refusal of the comraissiooer> of the united colonies to embark in the war
then subsisting between England and Holland, he applied to Rhode-Island, which
colony bad taken jiart with the mother country, for assistanie.

77
April 19th, 1653, the commissioners ofthe united colonies,
at a special meeting at Bpston, took the state ofthe country
into their consideration, and six of the eight were for embark
ing in the national quarrel with the Dutch, but vvere restrained
by the refusal of Massachusetts, whose remoteness from the
scene of danger rendered her insensible to the condition of
ber countryraen who were raore 'exposed to the incursions of
the enemy.
The other colonies deemed the refusal to be a breach ofthe
articles of their union, and the dispute threatened the dissolu
tion of the confederacy. Massachusetts, however, after the
danger was passed, and she could do it without the risk of
expense in men or money, relinquished her construction of
the articles of union, and thus appeased her allies, whom she,
on more than one occasion, treated with the like indignity.
Captain Underhill probably, immediately after he found
that the commissioners were divided in opinion respecting the
expediency of embarking in the war, wrote to the colony of
Rhode-Island, where it is supposed that some if not most bf
the original inhabitants of Flushing, and also some of the
people of Oysterbay, had resided sorae tirae before their set
tlement in those towns, and where they probably had friends,
to inform them of tlie danger to which they were exposed,
and to solicit some assistance for their security. In conse
quence of this information, it seems a Mr. Dyer, with a few
resolute men, voluntarily went to Flushing to aid them in
case of au attack. Tbe people of Rhode-Island had received
letters frora the council of state in England, investing them
with discretionary power in relation to their taking part in
the war against the Dutch, and they carae to the 'resolution so
far to embark in the support of the raother country, as to
issue letters of raark and reprisal against the Dutch comraerce
on the high seas.
On the 1 7th of May, 1653, the asserably of that colony
took the application frora Long-Island into consideration,
He received a commission from that colony, with the aid of a small number of
volunteera, authorising liim to act in defence of the English towns against any attack
of the Dutch or Indiana, and with regard to further hostilities, to act in conformity
with such orders as the colony shouhl prescribe.
Under this commission he made the attack on the Indians at or near Fort Neck,
and took their fort, and thus contributed to arrest the defection of the Indians, to defeat
the hostile designs of the Dutch against the English settlements, and to preserve the
peace of the island.
In 1665, he was a delegate from the town of Oysterbay, to the assembly held at
Hempstead, by Govemor iNicolls, and was appointed by him nnder sheriff ofthe north
riding of Yorkshire, or Uueens county, in 1667, tl.e Matinecoc Indians gave Iiima
deed for 150 acres of land, which has remained in the family ever since, and is now m
possession of one of his descendants that bears his name. It is supposed that Captain
Underhill died at Oysterbay ia 1672.

78
and generously agreed to afford them what help they could,
to enable them to defend themselves against the Dutch, the
enemies of the commonwealth, or to make aggressions on thera
if the asserably should deem it necessary.
They also granted commissions to Captain John L^nderhill,
William Dyer, and Edward Hall, to go against the Dutch, or
any enemies of the commonwealth of England, and allowed
them to take twenty volunteers out ofthe colony, with certain
pieces of ordnance, subject to such orders as the assembly
should prescribe.
In the early part of May, the town of Herapstead sent
Richard Gildersleve and Alexander Rhodes, and Newtown
sent Robert Coe and Edward Jessup. to the commissioners of
tbe united colonies, to apprise thera ofthe danger with which
they were threatened, to solicit a supply of arms and aramuni
tion, with the aid of a few men, or an officer capable of disci
plining their owu militia.
May 23d, Captain Underhill wrote again to the commis
sioners, stated that all the English were in extreme danger,
tbat he had sent for some small assistance from Rhode- Island
to preserve things in safety, and infornied tlem " that he had
put his life in his bands to save English blood," and urged
them in the most pressing manner to act with vigor.
The application was again rendered ineffectual by the
adherence of Massachusetts to her resolution to decline any
interference in the national quarrel.
The English towns were thus compelled to rely for their
security upon their own resources, and such assistance as they
had received from the disinterested friendship and patriotism
of Rhode-Island.
It does not appear that the Dutch ever made any attack
upon the English towns, or tbat Captain Underhill aud his
companions were under any necessity of repelling any assaults
of the Dutch.
It seems, however, that the Dutch had neglected or were
unable to allay the hostile temper ofthe Indians, which they
bad excited, and that it became necessary to make an example
of such as were most forward in their meditated hostilities, in
order to subdue the refractory spirit that prevailed among
them. The public records furnish no further light on the sulyect,
and we are compelled to resort to tradition to learn the result
of the state of things that then existed in relation to the
English and Indians on Long-Island.
The tradition is that a number of Indians, whose intentions
were supposed to be hostile to the English, had collected at

79
or near Marsapeague, at which place tliey had a fort, on a
neck called from that period, in consideration of that circum
stance. Fort Neck, the reraains of which are still very distinct,
which they had constructed for their defence, or which hati
been erected on sorae forraer occasion for the like purpose.*
That Captain John Underhill led a party against them,
attacked and destroyed a nuraber of them, took the fort, and
kept possession of it in order to prevent the re-union ofthe
Indians, to watch their moveraents, and to guard the English
settleraents against their incursions.
April 16th, 1663, the Dutch governor complained that
Governor Winthrop bad not, according to agreeraent, deliver
ed Fort Solomon, on Long-Island, to the Dutch. It is pre
sumed that Fort Solomon was the one on Fort Neck. It was
in Oysterbay, to more or less of which the Diltch laid claim,
and was the only fort in possession of the English within the
territory which the Dutch pretended to claim.
It is impossible, at this distance of time, to judge of the
propriety or necessity of this attack upon the Indians. The
measure may have been warranted by the state of things at
the time, and may have saved the English settlements from
massacre and devastation.
It is probable that these Indians had been gained over by
the intrigues ofthe Dutch, and had assembled in order to aid
them in their projected enterprize against the English, and
that the transaction took place in the summer of 1653.
The project of the Dutch miscarried by their inability to
unite the Indians in the scheme, by the defeat of the Dutch
fleet in Europe, and by the subsequent peace.
After the war, the colonists resumed their friendly relations,
but the impressions made on the minds ofthe English, by the
sanguinary project of the Dutch governraent, were never
effaced but by the conquest, in 1664.
June llth, 1666, the English Governor held a treaty at
Hempstead with Takapausha, the Marsapeague sachem, and
other tribes who had probably thrown off the authority of
their grand sachem, and had united with the Dutch against
the English, by which they made peace with the English and
submitted to their government.
We have no further account of any difiiculty with the Long-
Island Indians until the time of King Philip's war. This was
* The fort is situated near the meadows, abont the centre of the neck. Its form is
quadrangular, with an opening of about twelve feet wide at the south east angle. The
ditch is now three feet deep, and the embankment as much as three feet above the
level of the adjoining plain. It probably extends about tea rods one way, and M the
other.

80
the most destructive Indian war in vvhich the New-England
colonies had ever been involved. It commenced in June,
1675, and lasted till August, 1676, and during its continuance
was attended with great destruction of property and the loss
of many valuable lives.
From the proximity of Narragansett to Montauk, it was
apprehended that the Long-Island Indians tnight be seduced
by the Narragansets to aid thetij in their hostilities against the
whites. To prevent this the governor of New-York deter
mined to cut off all intercourse between them.
December 13th, 1675, the governor ordered all the canoes
east of Hell-Gate to be seized, and delivered to the constables,
to be laid up and secured within three days, and also ordered
that all such canoes as should be found in the sound after that
time should be destroyed.
This measure deprived the Indians ofthe means of crossing
the sound, and effectually prevented their lending any as
sistance to tbe hostile Indians.
Since that period, oo danger seems to have been appre
hended frora the Indians on Long-Island, and from that time
they have gradually diminished and disappeared, till only a
few families are left.
Of-the political condition <f the several towns in the Dutch
Territory on Long hia td.
The states general of the United Belgic Provinces, in their
grant lo the Dutch West India company, in 1621, reserved to
themselves the power of commissioning tbe governor whom
they should appoint.
The object of this reservation vvas to connect the interests
of the company vvith the mother country, and to secure the
supreme control over the whole empire.
The first governor mentioned in the Dutch records, is
Wouter Van Twiller, who arrived at New-Amsterdam, now
New- York, in June, 1629.
It is intimated in a letter of Governor Kieft, that Peter Mi-
lanit preceded Van Twiller, and very probably he was pre
ceded by others, either as comraercial or political superinten
dents ofthe Dutch establishments.
Williatn Kieft succeeded Van Twiller in March, 1638, and
he was succeeded by Peter Stuyvesant in May 1647, who
continuedin power till the conquest by the English, in 1664.
All the powers of governraent, executive, legislative, and
judicial, civil and ecclesiastical, were vested in the governor
and council.

81
The governor, directly or indirectiy, appointed all public
officers, framed all the laws, and decided all important con
troversies, heard appeals from subordinate magistrates, and
required them to send such cases as were pending before them,
to the council, to be decided as he thought fit.
April 12th, 1660, the governor ordered the magistrates pf
Rustdorpe, or Jamaica, to refer a certain cause then pending
before them, to the council to be determined.
April 26th, 1660, the magistrates of Middleburgh, or New-
Town, were ordered to do the same.
The governor ordered churches to be built— he installed
ministers, and directed where and when they should preach,
and he excluded such from teaching, whose tenets he did not
approve. The governor had the sole prerogative over the public
lands. — The Indian title was extinguished by him, or by in
dividuals with his consent.
The governor granted such lands as had been purchased of
the Indians, to individuals or companies for settlement. These
grants were generally, if not uniformly, made subject to a
reservation or quit-rent of one tenth of the produce, to become
payable ten years after the date of the grant.
Frora the coiqplaints of the delegates vvho met in 1653, to
lay their grievances before the governor and council, it ap
pears that the governor exercised his prerogative in a capri
cious manner, sometiraes refusing lands to settlers, and at
other times making large grants to favorites.
Of the Dutch Towns.
It appears that the Dutch towns were settled by the casual
concurrence of individuals, without any previous regulations
relative to their organization, or the administration of justice
among them. Nor does it appear that they entered into any
bond of union among theraselves for self governraent.
In the infancy of the setdements, the governor appointed
magistrates in the several villages, with more or less power as
he judged proper, without any uniformity as to their number
or title of ofiice.
In 1660, on a petition of the inhabitants of New-Utrecht,
the governor appointed a scout or constable, a secretary, and
an assessor, with power to divide the land that was held iii
common, by lot among the proprietors — to see that the fields
were fenced — to open a common street through the village —
to erect a block house in the centre, wilh a mill in it, and a
H

82
well by it, at the common expense, and to decide all differ
ences, antl to do as all other subaltern village courts are
accustomed to do.
From this it appeals that the first magistrates iu the several
villages, had full power to regulate the police, and provide for
the security ofthe village.
After the settlers h^ become more numerous, and the
towns were enlarged, they vvere permitted to choose their own
magistrates, subject to the approbation of the governor. It
would also seem that the powers of the magistrates were then
enlarged, but vvere not defined by any general law, and were
in a great measure discretionary.
In 1646, Brooklyn was perraitted to choose two magis
trates, who were authorized " to give judgment in al! events
as they should deem proper, not contrary to the charter of
New-Netherland ;" and to give coraplete efiect to their autho
rity, the governor ordered that if any one disobeyed the de
cision of the raagistrates, he should forfeit his right to the
lands within the village.*
In 1661, the governor enlarged the powers of tbe magis
trates, or rather established a new court vvith larger and raore
definite powers than he had before granted. The magistrates
who Were chosen and allowed for this court, were authorised
to decide all controversies between master and servant, master
and apprentice, buyer and seller, landlord and tenant, and
also to take cognizance of breaches of the peace, and other
misdemeanors. The Dutch courts proceeded recording to the rules of the
civil law, which was the Dutch cora mon law.
The Dutch towns seem to have been governed principally
by the ordinances of police enjoined by theii* magistrates.
Of the English Towns under the Dutch.
The English who settled the towns of Hempstead, Graves
end, Flushing, Jaraaica, and Newtown, becarae Dutch sub
jects, and were permitted to hold land, enjoy liberty of con
science, and to choose their own magistrates, subject to the
approbation of the governor.
Hempstead and Gravesend vvere incorporated towns, and
were authorized to choose their ovvn raagistrates, who were to
be presented to the governor for his approbation, and also a
scout and clerk.
*This privilege seems not to have beea extended to any other town, from which it i»
preaumed that do other town was at that time so populous as to require them.

S3
_ The magistrates were vested with pojver to hold courts,
civil and crirainal, with a liraited jurisdiction, and to make
ordinances for the welfare and good government of the towns
respectively. Flushing was also partially' incorporated, but was by its
charter only authorized to elect a scout or constable with
power to preserve good order, heal dtfierences, and report all
cases of importance to the governor. It is probable that the
people of Flushing were afterwards indulged with the power
of choosing magistrates like the other towns.
Jamaica and Newtown were perraitted to choose their own
magistrates, subject to the confirraation of the governor. It
was the practice in these, if not in all the English towns,
to choose double the nuraber to which they were entitled, out
of which the governor naraed those that should serve.
In all the English towns, the people chose a certain num
ber of men, whora they called townsmen, to superintend the
civil concerns ofthe town for which they were elected. They
co-operated vvith the magistrates in the incorporated towns,
and in the other towns made all such regulations as they
judged beneficial to the town ; (except such as related to the
admission of settlers, and the granting of lands,) which were
to be submitted to the people in town-meeting for them to
confirm or annul.*
It is probable the courts in the English towns for some
time decided without a jury; but towards the latter part of
the time they were under the Dutch, they seem, in one town
at least, to have made an effort to adopt the principles of the
common law.
December 1st, 1663, the town of Jamaica resolved, in town
meeting, that the magistrates of that town should proceed
" according to the laws of England, as near as they could."
The English towns under the Dutch government, seem to
have been governed principally by the ordinances of their
townsmen, and the acts made at their tovvn meetings.
" The power of the townsmen seems to have extended to all such regulations as
related to the police ofthe towns — they prescribed rules for the making and repairing
of fences — they regulated the time when the cattle should be turned into the common
6elds and taken out, and prescribed the rules by wbich the herdsmen were to be
govemed. March 1 7th, 1659, the magistrates of Hempstead resolved " to stand by
and bear out the townsmen in giving effect to all such rules and oiders at they should
make for the good of the town, that year, except such as relate to the admission of
inhabitants and the granting of land." — These last two powers were in all the towns
reserved as the sole prerogative ofthe whole people in town meeting.
It was usual for the magistrates of Hempstead, after every election, at least foy a
series of years, to adopt similar resolutions.

84
Ofthe tyranny and imbecility ofthe Dutch Government.
Tt seems that the governor sported with tbe rights of the
people, by wantonly rejecting such magistrates as they had
chosen, merely to gratify his humor or caprice. This arbi
trary exercise of authority was deemed an abuse of power,
and was reprobated both by the magistrates and the people.
It would also seem that the government was not suited to
the wishes nor adequate to the protection ofthe people. The
laws were not adapted to the state of society, nor equal to the
exigencies of the times, or were badly executed — and the
governor and council were incompetent or indisposed to
remedj' the evils ; and there was a great defect in the ad
ministration of justice. ^
Public insecurity produced general discontent ; the people
beoame dissatisfied with the existing state of things, and lan
guished for the blessings of good government.
They at length determined to lay their grievances before
the governor and council.
On an invitation of the burgomasters of New- Amsterdam,
a convention of delegates from several towns met in that city.
JNovember 26th, 1653, and adjourned to the llth of December
ensuing, when delegates appeared frora the city, Brooklyn,
Flatbush, Flatlands, Gravesend, Newtown, Flushing, and
Herapstead. They agreed on a remonstrance to the governor and coun
cil on the subject of tbeir grievances, which was well drawn,
aud expressed in spirited, but decent language.
They remonstrated against the exclusion of the people from
all share in legislation — against the operation of old and ob
solete laws — against withholding grants of land to settiers,
and making extravagant grants to particular individuals —
against the appointment of magistrates without the consent of
the people, and against the neglect of effectual provision for
the defence of the country.
To this the governor and council gave no answer to the
deputies, but entered a reply on their minutes, denied the
right of some of the towns, particularly Brooklyn, Flatbush,
and Flatlands, to send deputies, and protested against the
meeting. In their observations on tiie remonstrance, tbe governor and
council reflect much on the English as the authors of the
public discontent, and particularly on George Baxter, one of
the deputies frora the town of Gravesend, to whom they evi-
dentiy impute the draught ofthe remonstrance.

85
December 13th, the deputies presented another remon
strance in which they declare, that if they could not obtain
redress or protection from the governor and council, they
must appeal to their superiors in the Netherlands. This so
irritated the governor, that he ordered them to disperse aud
forbid their assembling again.
At this period, the country seeras to havebeen overrun with
robbers, and that there was no adequate authority to redress
the evil.
April 7th, 1654, the magistrates of Brooklyn, Flatbush and
Flatlands, united in forming- a military company against
" robbers, and pirates." and agreed that there should be a
sergeant in each village.
April Sth. 1654, the governor issued a proclamation
against certain robbers, who (as he states,) had been banished
from New-England, and were wandering about on Long-
Island. In 1654, the governor refused to confirm the election of
George Baxter and James Hubbard, who had been chosen
magistrates that year forthe town of Gravesend.
These two men were among the original patentees of the
town, had been frequently chosen magistrates, and had uni
formly enjoyed the confidence of their fellow citizens.*
The rejection or removal of these magistrates, excited so
great a ferment in Gravesend, that the Governor thought it
necessary to go there to appease it. November 2.3d, 1654, the
governor went to Gravesend, and to effect his purpose, he was
obliged to avail hiraself of the influence of Lady Moody, a
connection of Sir Henry Moody, one ofthe original patentees.
He conceded the noraination of the magistrates that year to
her ; aud her popularity reconciled the people to the mea
sure, and produced submission to the arbitrary act of the
governor. * George Baxter had been an ensign, and James Hubbard a sergeant in the British
Bervice, and are so named in the charter of Gravesend. — They both seem to have
been men of considerable capacity, and were generally entrusted with the manage
ment of the public affairs of that town.
Baxter seems to have been a man of tjlents and education. — In 1642, Governor
Kieft, appointed him his English secretai-y to write his letters, with a salary of 250
guilders a year, in consideration of Ms talents and knowledge of the English lan
guage and of the law. — He was appointed by Governor Stuyvesant himself, one of the
commissioners who negotiated the treaty of Hartford, in 1650, by which the boundary
between the Dutch and English territories was established. — He was one ofthe depu
ties to the convention that met in 1653, to lay the grievances of the country before
the governor and council, and it was to hira that the governor ascribed the spirited
remonstrance which gave him such offence, which probably was the cause of his re
jection, and that of his colleague with whom he had long been intimately associated,
Baxter had been educated in the principles of English liberty, and could not endure
the tyranny of the Dutch governor ; his opposition to it made him the victim of his
persecution, and it is supposed that he was obliged to leave the colony to escape his
resentment.

86
November 1st, 1663, the governor, under the apprehension
that it was the design ofthe English to invade the Dutch ter
ritories, convened a meeting of the magistrates of most of
the Dutch villages at New Amsterdam. The raeeting was
composed of the raagistrates of New Amsterdam, Rensselaer-
wick, Beverwick, Harlaem, Bergen, Staten-Island, Flatlands,
Flatbush, Brooklyn, Utrecht and Bushwick.
This convention after hearing what the governor had to
communicate, adjourned without doing any thing.
The government had become unpopular ; the Dutch were
disgusted with it, and the English were anxious for a change>.
The English towns under the Dutch jurisdiction, had for
some time deterrained to withdraw themselves from the Dutch
government. They had held a meeting at Herapstead the pre
ceding winter, and had agreed to put themselves under the
jurisdiction of Connecticut ; in consequence of which, the
general assembly of that colon}', March 10th, 1663, appoint
ed two commissioners, " to go to Long-Island, to settle the
government on the west end of the Island, according to the
agreement at Hempstead, in February last."
In November, 1663, the English embodied at Jamaica, in
such force, that the governor did not deem it prudent to at
tempt to disperse them.
The colony continued in this perplexed and unsettled state,
till the ensuing year, when the English vessels arrived, ami
on the 27th August, Old Style, 1664, a treaty was signed, by
which the colony of New Netherland was surrendered to the
crown of Great-Britain.
Of the English Govemment after the Conquest, till ihe Ameri
can revolution.
I. Ofthe governraent ofthe Duke of York, and after he
had ascended the throne, till the revolution.
II. Of the revolution in the Colony in 1689.
III. Of the colony governraent after the revolution.
I. By the conquest, the whole of Long-Island was incorpo
rated with the colony of New-York, and became subject to
the Duke of York.
The English towns which had been subject to the Dutch, re
joiced that they were freed frora their subjection to a go-
veriiraent which they disliked, aud the other English towns
rejoiced that they were relieved frora all further apprehen
sions, from the jealousy and ambition of a foreign power in
their neighbourhood.

87
The eastern towns would have preferred the continuance of
their connection with the colony of Connecticut, and reluc
tantly submitted to its dissolution.
All the English towns, as well those that had been set
tled under the Dutch, as those that had been connected with
Connecticut, flattered theraselves with the expectation that
they should be adraitted to the common privilege of British
subjects, of participating in the formation of the laws by
which they were to be governed.
It was not long, however, before they discovered that they
had been too sanguine in their expectations.
Richard Nicolls, the deputy governor, under the Duke of
York, on the first of March, 1665, convened a meeting at
Hempstead, of two deputies frora every town on the Island,
and two from Westchester, for the purpose of organizing the
government, of adjusting interfering purchases, and settling
the limits ofthe several towns.*
At this meeting, it is presuraed that Long-Island and Sta
ten Island, and probably the town of Westchester were erected
into a shire, by the name of Yorkshire, which was divided into
three ridings.
Staten Island and Newtown, with the several towns in
Kings county, formed the west riding — the towns of Jamaica,
Flushing, Hempstead, Oysterbay, and as is supposed, West
chester, formed the North Riding, and the several towns in
Suffolk formed the East Riding.f
The several towns were recognized, and were required to
take out patents from the governor for the lands which they
had purchased within their limits.
The governor appointed a high sheriff for the whole shire,
and a deputy sheriff or high constable for each riding, and a
justice of the peace for each town.
The high sheriff and deputj' sheriffs were appointed yearly.
The justices ofthe peace were appointed during pleasure. In
* While at this meeting, the deputies signed an address to the Duke of York, full
of gratitude and loyalty, which as soon as their constituents found that they were not
to have the choice of their own magistrates, nor any share in legislation was severely
reprobated, and the deputies were so much censured for putting their signatures to it,
that it was deemed necessary to check the spirit of disaffection by authority. — The
court of assize in October I6f)6, resolved that " whosoever hereafter, shall any ways
detract or speak against any of the deputies signing the address to his Royal High
ness, at the general meeting at Hempstead, they shall be presented to the next court
of sessions, and if the justices shall see cause, they shall from thence be bound over to
the assizes, there to answer for the blander upon plaint or information.
f By an order of the governor and court of assize, in 1675, Staten Island was de
tached from Long-Island, and permitted " to have a jurisdiction itself," and in 1683,
was erected into a separate county. Newtown continued attached to Kings county,
until the organization of the counties by the iirst general assembly, iu 1683| when it
was made a pa^ t of Queens county.

88
1666, the oflice of under sherifl" or high constable was abolish
ed. In 168S, the office of high sheriff was done away, and a
sheriff was ordered to be appointed in each county.
At this meeting, the governor promulgated a code of
laws, which were principally compiled fi-om the laws of the
other English colonies, and which he had caused to be col
lected and digested for the government of this colony.*
These laws with the alterations and additions made to them
from time to time, by the governor and council, contin
ued to be the laws of the colony until October 1683, when
the first colony legislature met, and the people were admitted
for a short^time, to a share in the legislative power.
These laws which are called the Duke's laws, authorised the
several towns annually on the first or second day of April, to
elect a constable, and at first, eight, and by a subsequent
amendment, four overseers, who were the assessors ofthe town,
and with the constable were empowered to make regulations
respecting raatters which concerned the police and good go
vernraent ofthe town. The constable and overseers were re
quired annually to appoint two of the overseers to make the
rate for building and repairing the church, for the mainten
ance ofthe rainister, and for the support ofthe poor.f
• This code of laws was evidently calculated principally for Yorkshire, comprehend
ing Long Island, Staten-Island, and probably the town of Westchester. New-York
and Albany had some sort of municipad government. Exclusive of these, Long-Island,
Staten Island, and Westchester, contained the chief part of the inhabitants of the
colony in 1 665. No other county except Richmond, (which was detached from Long-
Island in 1675) was organized until 16E3 JNo magistrates attended the court of assize
in 1682, north of New- York, but from the towns of .\lbany and Esopus.
in 1683, an estimate was taken of the property of the inhabitant ; and in 1684, a
tax of202i 10s. was levied on the colony agreeable to the said estimate; and if pro
perty was iu proportion to numtiers, will furnish some rule by which to estimate the
population of the colony at that period. The proportions of the several counties were
as follows : New-York, 135 Suffolk, 135
Albany, 27 10 Queens, 25
Vlster, 25 Kinp, 25
 Richmond, 15
87 10 Westchester, 15
115
f From the origin of the colony, each town was required to support its own poor-
The money necessary for that purpose, was directed to be raised in each town respect
ively, by those who, from time to time, adjusted the contingent expenses of the several
counties. By the Duke's laws of 1665, the constable and overseers were required to
take charge of the poor.
By the act of 1683, the commissioners of each town were required to perform the
same service.
By the act of 1691, the assessors and supervisor seem to have been required to per
form that duty, and this seems to have been the praotice until overseers were authorised
to be chosen for this purpose.
In 1747, the several towns in Suffolk were authorised to choose overseers of the
poor. Soon after, several other counties were authorized to do the same.
March Sth, 1773. — Every town in the colony was authorised to choose overseers of
the poor, and the system, which has ever since prevailed forthe support of the poor,
was adopted.

89
From the overseers, the constable selected the jurors who
attended the courts of sessions and assize.
The principal courts established by these laws, were the
town court — the court of sessions, and the court of assize.
The town court was composed of the constable, and by an
amendment of the original law, of two overseers ; and had
cognizance of all causes ofdebt and trespass under five pounds,
and the justice of the peace was authorized, but not required,
to preside in this court.
The court of sessions was established in each riding, and
was to beheld twice a year. It vvas composed of the justices
ofthe peace ofthe several towns in the riding, each of whom
was at first allowed £20 a year, which in 1666, was altered
into an allowance for their expences.*
This court had jurisdiction of all criminal causes, and of all
civil causes over £5, arising in the riding. Causes vvere tried
in this court in civil cases, and in criminal cases not capital,
by a jury of seven men, and the verdictwas determined by the
voice of a raajority ; but in capital cases the jury consisted of
twelve men, and they were required to be unanimous.
Thejudgment ofthis court for sums under £20, were final ;
frora such as were for more than that sum, the parties might
appeal to the court of assize.
The members of the council, the*secretary ofthe colony,
and the high sheriff, were respectively authorized to sit with
the justices ofthe court of sessions, and when either of them
was present, he was 'required to preside. The courts of ses
sions also took the proof of wills in the respective ridings.f
* The records ofthis court, as ori^nally constituted, and as re-organized by the
act of 1683, are still to be found in the clerks offices of Kings, Queens and .Suffolk.
In Kings there is a regular series of them from 1669 to 1711 . From these records it
appears to have been a common practice for the secretary ofthe colony, a raember of
the council, or the high sheriff, to sit and act in Court with the justices. In the record
ofthe Court held at Gravesend, December 13th, 1671, Mathias Nicoll, the'fsecretary,
is styled president of the Court. This court was held at Gravesend from its origin till
1685, when it was removed to Flatbush by virtue of an act of the colony legislature.
There is also in the clerk's ofBce of King's county, copies of most of the acts of the first
assembly, passed in 1683 and io 1684, with one or two, which were passed by the
second assembly io 1685.
t By the Duke's laws, the court of sessions in each county took the proof of wills,
¦which was transmitted with the wills to the " office of records" at New- York, and
the executors received a copy thereof with a certificate of its being allowed, attested
under the seal of the office.
By an act of November llth, 1692, the power of taking the proof of wills, and of
granting letters testamentory and letters of administration, was vested n tbe governor
or a delegate appointed by him. In all the counties except New- York, Orange, Rich-
inond( Kings and Westchester, the proof was permitted to be taken by the courts of
commoa pleas, or by a judge and two justices out of court, and was transmitted to the
governor ; on which letteis testamentary, or of administration, were to be granted by
him. It became the practice for the governor to appoint delegates in other counties
-who took the proof of wills and granted letters testamentary and letters of administra
tion before the revolution.
In 1778. by an act of the legislature ofthe state, surrogates were ordered to be ap-
pointed by the govemor and council of appointment in every county, and our present
systEja vas establisheiJ, 1.3

90
The court of assize was composed of the governor, conncil,
and the magistrates of the several towns, and was held once
a vear in the city of New- York.
This court received, heard aud determined appeals from
the court of sessions and other inferior tribunals.
Suits for demands above £20 might be commenced in this
court on the warrant of the governor : so that it had original
as well as appellate jurisdiction, aud was a court of equity as
well as common law.*
Of the tyranny ofthe Duke's Government.
The Duke's laws made no provision for a general assembly.
The people had no voice in the government.
The governor had unlimited power, executive legislative and
judicial. He was commander-in-chief. All public officers
were appointed hy him, and most of them held their offices
during his pleasure.
The governor also, with the advice of the council, had the
exclusive power of legislation, and could raake what laws he
pleased, and could alter and repeal them wben he pleased.
Sorae of the amendments to the original code, purport to
have been made at the court of assize, of which thejustices of
the several towns formed a part. This was not a legislative
but a judicial body, and the power of the justices, with regard
to legislation, wa^ probably like that of the parliament of
France before the revolution, merely to register the edicts
made by the governor and council.
So far as they were permitted to interfere, the indulgence
was calculated if not intended, to lessen the responsibility of
the governor, without diminishing bis power.
It is certain that their presence or concurrence was not ne
cessary, and that the act imposing duties establishing an ex
cise, and many other important acts, were adopted by the go-
* Smith, in his history of New- York, supposes this coort was established by Got.
Jjovelace. This is a great mistake : Itwas established hy Nicolls in the code he had
compiled for the government of the colony, and published in the assembly at Hemp
stead, March 1st, 1665. In the fall of tbe sameyear, the three last d-ay? in September,
and the .second, third and fourth days in October, a general court of assize was holden
at iSew-Vork, composed of Richard Nicolls, the governor, the members of the council,
and the justices of the three ridings of Yorkshire, on Long-Island and Staten-Island. |
The number of justices who attended this court rendered it a grievance. In the act
of 1684. passed for its repeal, it is alledged that it had " become a great charge and
expense to the province ; and by reason of the great number, not so fit and capable to
hear and determine matters and causes of a civil nature, usually brought to the said
court ;" aud it was for that reason aboUsherf.
The last Court of assize held under Sir Edmund Andross, October 6th, 1680, was
composed of the govemor, five councillors, the mayor of New-Yort, fire aldermen aad
seventeen justices.

91
Vernor in council, and not at the court of assize. The people
never considered thejustices as their representatives, and cen
sured the acts made at the court of assize, as much as others.
The governor presided in the court of assize, which, by ap
peal, had the control of all inferior tribunals. The judgments
and decrees of this court were probably such as the governor
dictated ; his assistants not oeing colleagues, but merely advi
sers, who held their authority under him and were dependent
on him
In this court the governor united the character ofboth judge
and legislator. He interpreted his own acts, and not only
pronounced what the law was, but what it should be.
Of the public discontent.
The people on Long-Island considered sorae of the laws
established by the original code, as arbitrary and oppressive ;
and they deeraed sorae that were made by Col. Lovelace, who
commenced his adrainistration in May 1667, as still more
exceptionable. They at length resolved to represent their grievances to the
governor and council, and to pray for redress.
October Oth, 1669, tbe towns of Hempstead, Jamaica, Oys
terbay, Flushing, Newtown, Gravesend, Westcliester and
East Chester, severally petitioned for redress.
They enumerated the defects in theexistinglaws, which they
wished to be remedied, stated the provisions which they wished
to be adopted — remonstrated against the restrictions which the
governor had iraposed on trade ; and reprobated, as the great
est of their grievances, the exclusion of the people from any
share in legislation.*
The governor and council received the petitions, granted
some of their minor requests, but in the most iraportant cases
refused any redress.
The town of Southampton was purchased and settled under
the authority of the Earl of Stirling while he held the Island,
which circumstance the people of that town supposed exempt-
* In their petitions they refer to the proclamation issued to the people f of Long-
Island and others, by the commissioners, on their first landing at Gravesend, before
the surrender of the colony, promising that they " should enjoy all such privileges as
bis majesty's other subjects in America enjoyed j" the most important of which they
aUedge, is a participation in the power of making the laws by which the^ are to be
governed, " by such deputies as shall be yearly chosen by the freeholders of every
town and parish :" and they claimed a fulfilment of that promise.
They also complain of it as a grievance, that any acts should be made by the go
vernor under pretence of his secret instructions, and pray " to beinformed what is re
quired of them by virtue of the commission granted by his Boyal Highness the Duke
of York."

92
ed them from the necessity of taking out a patent for their
lands, from the governor, as was required of other towns by
the laws of 1665, and neglected to do it ; in consequence of
which, the governor and council, at the court of assize, Octo
ber 8th, 1670, declared the tides to lands in that town invalid,
unless a patent was obtained for them within a limited time.
By another act made at the same time, a levy or contribu
tion was ordered to be made in the several towns on Long-
Island, to repair the fort at New-York.*
*
* The charges of the several towns and counties under the Duke of York, were de
frayed hy a direct tax on the persons and estates real and personal of the inhabitants,
according to an estimate made by the constable and overseers of the several towns, in
conformity with certain rules prescribed by law. The rate for the public or county
charge in each riding was fixed by the governor and council, by the amount of its esti
mate. A penny in the pound, was usually sufficient for the purpose. The tax was col
lected by the constables, and paid over to such persons in the several towns as were
entitled to it on the warrant of the high sheriff. The town charges were fixed by
the constable and overseers, and levied by the same estimate. Govemor Lovelace,
in 1670, and Govemor Dungan in 1686 or 87, both attempted to raise money for colony
purposes, by their own authority, but the atterapt met with so much opposition, that it
could not be carried into effect.
The colony charges were paid .out of the monies arising from duties imposed by the
governor and council, on exports and imports. In the fall of 1664, Governor Nicolls
established a tariff of duties on goods exported to the Netherlands ; and shortly after,
on other goods, exported and imported.
August 6th, 1 669, Governor Lovelace imposed an excise on wines, which was soon
after extended to other liquors.
October 18th, 1669, he imposed a duty of two guilders on every hogshead of tobacco
exported, payable in wampum, 7 1-2 per cent, ad valorem on beaver ; and on aU other
goods exported I 1-2 per cent, ad valorem.
May 31st 1675. — Itwas ordered that goods from Barbadoes, Jamaica, and the
Caribbee Islands, should be imported duty free, except rum and exportable articles.
These duties, with the fees of patents and other fees of office, yielded a revenue ade-
<5uate to the ordinary support of the executive governraent.
The imposition of duties by the governor without the consent of the people, was
deemed a grievance ; and was complained of by the people of Jamaica in their remon
strance of December 9th, le-iO, against the impositisn of a direct tax for the reparation
of the fort by the same authority ; and also by the people of Southampton, in their
remonstrance of February 15th, 1671, against the order requiring them to take out a
new patent.
In 1683, the first colonial assembly >epealed the Duke's law relative to rates, and
passed a new act for defraying the charges of each respective city, town and county,
throughout the colony, and for maintaining the poor.
By this the assessment was to be made by a certain number of commissioners, who
were to be chosen by the town. The amount of the tax for the public expenses was
to be fixed by a committee composed of a comraissioner from each town. The taxes
¦were to be collected by the constables of the several towns, and paid to a treasurer
appointed by the commiassoners, «"ho was to pay the same over to those whose ac
counts had been allowed, on the warrant ofthe commissioners.
May I3th, 1691. — The first assembly, after the revolution, passed an act authori
zing each town to choose two assessors and a freeholder. The estimate was to be
made by the assessors, and the public charge of tlie county was to be adjusted by the
said freeholders of the several towns. They were to choose a treasurer, to whom the
taxes were to be paid by the constables, who were to collect the same — and the treasu-
xer was to pay them over on tiieir order.
By an act of October 18th, 1701, eech town was authorised to choose two assessors
and a collector. The public charges of the county were to be adjusted by the justi
ces, at the court of sessions, who were to appoint the treasurer, to whom the collector
was to pay the taxes, and who was to pay the accounts that were allowed by the jus
tices By an act ot March 7th, 1703, each town was to choose two assessors, a collector
and a supervisor. The superviEOis were to adjust the public ejneaces, and appoint a

93
The English colonists on Long-Island brought with them
thedoctrine that taxation and representation were insepara
ble — that the power of disposing of his own money, was the
birth right of every British subject, and one ofthe elementary
county treasurer, to whom the collector was to pay the taxes, and who was to pay over
the same to the public creditors, on'the warrant of the supervisors.
This act has continued with little variation till the present time. The first assem
bly in 1683, also passed an att for defraying the requisite charges of the government.
By this act they new modelled the former tariff. They imposed duties on various
goods exported and imported. They imposed a duty often per oent. on goods impoJt-
ed for the Indian trade ; and seem to have contemplated relying wholly on this source
of revenue for the ordinary support of government.
Similar acts were passed from time to time ; and the government in time of peace,
during the colony administration, was generally supported by the revenue derived
from duties and the excise,
In time of war, which occurred very frequently, the colony assemblies had recourse
to other taxes, but principally to direct taxes and emissions of paper money, redeema
ble by direct taxes.
October 2d. 1690, the assenbly under Leisler, levied a direct tax of three pence ia
the pound to defray the expenses of the troops raised to go against Montreal.
In 1706, the colonial legislature emitted 50002. in paper money, to be redeemed ia
a given time, which practice was often repeated during the colonial government.
The practice was on Issuing a given sum in paper, to provide for raising the same
smn, payable by instalments, by a direct tax, so as to extinguish the debt in a givea
period. On the collection of every instalment, it was exchanged for the same amount
ill paper, which was destroyed.
In 1755, tbe colonial legislature emitted 63,000!.~in 1756, 62,0002.-in 1758, 100,000f.
in 1759, 100,0002.-and in 1760, 60,000, in paper money for the support of their troops
employed in the French war: Other colonies did the like, nor could the war have been
supported without that resource
In 1759, the colony legislature, on Jthe application of Sir Jeffery Amherst, issued
150,0002. in paper money, and loaned it to the General for the purpose of forwarding
the public service, which was shortly afterwards redeemed in specie by the Britisii
government. It appears from the report to the assembly in 1766, that the various sums of paper
money issued by the colony of New-York, from 1714 to 1760, both inclusive amounted
to601,6072. of which sum, on the Ist of November 1766, 468,7002. 0. 6d. had been re
deemed, and 132,9062. 19s. 6d. remained in circulation.
In 1737, the colonial legislature issued 40,0002 in paper, apportioned it among tho
several counties, and loaned it to the people on landed security at an interest of five
per cent, payable annually, with a provision for the re-payment of the principal by
four instalments of one fourth each in 1747, 48, 49 and 50, which when paid in waa
destroyed. In 1771 the colony legislature issued 120,0002. in paper, and loaned it to relieve the
wants of the people.
In times when money was scarce, it was usual to resort to loans of paper money: to
supply the deficiency of the circulating medium, and to relieve the necessities of the
inhabitants. The money was lent on ample security in lands, which were daily in
creasing in value. The certainty of its redemption prevented its depreciation. The
interest, encreased tbe public revenue, and the circulation of the money invigorated
the industry, accelerated the improvement, and augmented the wealth and prosperity
of the colony.
In 1760, the revenue ofthe colony appears, from the treasurer's report to the asaero-
bly, to have been derived from the following sources ;
Duties on tonnage, - - - 1. 2,040
On wine, rum, brandy, cocoa, negroes, and dry goods, import- ) ,,, „,„
ed from the British Islands, . . - J "'''•''*'*
Direct tax, and monies derived from loans, - •• 33,896
The excise, -..,-. 3,700
An emission of paper money, ... 60,000
I, 133,279

94
principles of British liberty, and that taxes could only be Im
posed with the consent ofthe people, by their representatives
in a general assembly.
They had for some years paid a direct tax of a penny in
the pound to defray the public charges of the several towns
and counties, of which they had not compljuiied.
The governor had also iraposed duties on goods imported
and exported according to his pleasure for the support of
government, and was now attpmpting to raise money by a
direct tax for other purposes without the consent of the people.
Several of the towns were alarmed at the precedent about
to be established, as dangerous to their liberties, and deter
mined to resist it.
The towns of South Old, South Harapton, and East Hamp
ton, in a joint meeting by their delegates at South Old, agreed
to contribute to the repairing ofthe fort, " if they might have
the privileges that otber of his raajesty's subjects in these parts
have and do enjoy," alluding to tbe governments of New-
England. June 24th, 1672. — The town of East Hampton, to whom
the proceedings ofthe delegates were communicated, approv
ed ofthe decision ofthe deputies, and agreed to comply with
the order " if the privileges may be obtained, but not other
wise." The towns of Huntington, Flushing, Herapstead and
Jamaica, by the votes of their respective town meetings, refu
sed to comply with the order, and communicated the reasons
of their refusal in writing to their respective constables and
overseers to whora the order was sent.
The people of Huntington assigned this among other rea
sons for their refusal, viz.: " because they were deprived of
the liberties of Englishmen," intimating that they deemed
it a violation of their constitutional rights, that their money
sbould be taken frora them without their consent by their re
presentatives in a general assembly.
The people of Jamaica in justification of their refusal, stated
that they considered themselves already sufficientiy burdened
by the enhanced price which they paid for their goods, in
consequence of the duties which the go\ ernor had imposed
on them, in addition to a penny in the pound, which they paid
towards the public charges. That a compliance with the
order would be contrary to the King's instructions, which for
bid any law to be enforced on the country that was contrary
to the laws of the nation — meaning that no law for taking
their money out of their pockets without their consent by tbeir
representatives, was consistent with the British constitution.

95
" That on the same principle that this order was imposed they
might be required to maintain the garrison, and whatever else
we know not, till there be no end ; but if it may appear to us
that it is the King's absolute order to impose the saitl burdens,
and disprivilege us, contrary to his forraer good intentions
and instructions, and contrary to the liberties his majesty's
subjects enjoy in all his territories and dominions, we shall,
with patience, rest under the said burdens until address be
made to the king for relief."
The votes of Flushing and Hempstead have not been dis
covered, but there is no doubt they were to the like effect.
The constables of Flushing, Hempstead, and Jamaica, laid
the ^-esolutions of their respective to'.vns before the ensuing
court of sessions ofthe north riding, held at Jaraaica; but it
seeras that the court did not act on them. They then laid
them before the court of sessions of the west riding, which
met the next week, December 21st, 1670, at Gravesend. That
court, under the influence ofthe secretary ofthe colony who
presided, and a meraber of the council, after exaraining the
writings containing the proceedings of the said towns, ad
judged " That the said papers were in themselves scandalous,
illegal, and seditious, tending only to disaffect all the peacea
ble and well-meaning subjects of his majesty in these his royal
highness' territories and dominions." And the court further
ordered "that the said papers should be presented to the gov
ernor in council, for them to proceed on as they shall conceive
will best tend to the suppression of false suggestions and jeal
ousies in the minds of peaceable and well-meaning subjects
in alienating them from their duty and obedience to the laws."
Agreeably to this illegal order, the papers were presented
to Governor Lovelace, and were by him and his council ad
judged to the flames, and ordered to be publicly burnt before
the town house of the city, at the next mayor's court to be
held there.* Ofthe reconquest ofthe colony by the Dutch.
During the war between the English and the Dutch, which
continued from 1672 to February 1674, the Dutch attempted
to recover their authority in this country. For this purpose
they sent a small squadron with troops to retake New-York.
* It was this sage and humane Governor Lovelace who, as Smith in his history of
New-Jersey informs us, in 1668 wrote to Sir Robert Carr, who was then in authority
there, that the best method to keep the people in order was " to lay such taxes on
them as may not give them liberty to entertain any other theughts but how to
discharge them."

96
They arrived July 30tb, 1673, and the commandant ofthe
fort most cowardly surrendered it to them without firing a gun
or making any kind of defence.
The commanders ofthe squadron appointed Captain .Antho
ny Colve to be governor of the colony, who immediately sat
about reinstating the Dutch government.
August 14, 1673, he issued a proclamation to tbe several
towns on Long-Island, requiring each of thera to send two
deputies to New-York, with full powers to make their submis
sion to the slates general and the prince of Orange on behalf
ofthe town.
The Dutch towns, and the English towns that were settled
under tbe Dutch, submitted to tbe new government. The
English towns seem at first to have paid some attention to the
proposals ofthe governor, but soon declined them.
October 1st, 1673, the Dutch governor sent William Knyff
and Anthony Malypart to the English towns, requiring them
to take the oath of allegiance. O^'sterbay complied ; Hun-
tin^OD. and Brookhaven offered to sign an agreement to be
faithful to the Dutch government, but refused to take any oath
that would bind them to take up arms against the crown of
Great-Britain. The three eastern towns declined any compromise, and sent
deputies to Connecticut to solicit that colony to take them
under her jurisdiction, and to furnish them with aid against
the Dutch, if they should attempt to enforce their demands.
October 9th, 1673, the general court referred their applica
tion to a committee consisting of the governor, assistants, and
two others, and authorized them, with the concurrence of
Massachusetts and Plymouth, to grant their request, and to
do what should be most advantageous for the mutual benefit
ofthe parties.
The committee agreed to take them under their jurisdiction
^-erected the three towns into a county, established a county
court, appointed judges and such other civil and military
officers as they deemed necessary, and sent a military force to
their aid.
October 25th, the governor sent William Knyff and Nicho
las Voss to the towns of Huntington and Brookhaven ; aud,
to induce them to comply with bis wishes, promised them
liberty of couscience, security of property, the choice of tiieir
officers, in the same manner as the like privilege had been
enjoyed b}' the Dutch, with the same share in the govern
ment as the Dutch, and also consented that the oath of allc^-
ance should be so modified as to accommodate their scruples.

97
Huntington and Brookhaven consented to yield to the
tvishes ofthe governor, on condition that none but the magis
trates should take the oath required of thera. This was con
ceded, and those two towns submitted on those terms.
October 30th, the Dutch governor sent Cornelius Steen-
Wyck, first councillor, and two others, to the eastern towns, to
persuade them to comply vvith the same terms.
They sailed down the sound and called at Shelter-Islandj
where they fell in with Samuel Wyllis and Captain Winthrop,
who had been sent to the Island, by Connecticut, to carry
their resolutions into effect. The Dutch comraissioners visited
Southold, and found the people asserabled and in arras. They
offered to take their subraission in writing, and to accept of
the oath of allegiance from the magistrates. The people
of that town, however, refused all manner of submission, anti
the commissioners returned without effecting the object of their
mission. In the mean time, the governor of Connecticut wrote to the
Dutch governor, and reraonstrated against his attempting to
extend his jurisdiction over the English towns that never had
been subject to the Dutch government. This produced a
captious correspondence between the two governors.
The Dutch governor undertook to reduce the eastern towns
by force, and Connecticut assisted them to repel his attempts.
The Dutch forces sailed down the sound towards the east end
of the Island, and attempted several descents, but effected
nothing except the collection of a sum of money of Nathaniel
Sylvester of Shelter-Island, for the property of his brother
Constant Sylvester, and Thoraas Middleton, which the Dutch
governor had illegally confiscated and sold to hira.*
November 26th, 1673, Connecticut, in conjunction with her
confederates, declared war against the Dutch, and made pre
parations to commence hostile operations in the spring.
The Dutch governor seems to have been alarmed at these
preparations. March 27th, 1674, he ordered all vessels to be
removed to a particular place, lest they should hinder the
defence ofthe city, and made provision for the transportation
ofthe inhabitants of the neighbouring villages " in case of an
attack." * Trumbull, in his history of C0nnecticut,8tates thatthe Dutch threatened the eastem
towns with destruction by fire and sword, unless they would submit and swear allegiance
to tbe states general ; that they sent ships and an armed force towards the east end of
the Island, and made several descents ; but that, by assistance of the troops which had
been sent by Connecticut, they were in all instances repulsed and driven from the Island-
October I4th, 1675, the general court of Connecticut returned Major Treat public
thanks for his good conduct in defending the colony and the towns on Long-liland
agaiDst the Dutch, and for his subsequent services.
13

98
Peace was concluded in Europe February 9th, 1 674, and the
news of it suspended hostilities, although no official account of
it was received till several months afterwards.
By the treaty, all conquests were to be restored to their for
mer owners ; but, no person being sent to receive the surrender
ofthe colony, the British government was not reinstated until
tbe ensuing fall.
The people of Southold, Southampton, and Easthampton,
dreaded the prospect of a return to the duke's government,
and determined to use their utmost efforts to resist it. They
accordingly chose delegates and sent them to Connecticut, to
solicit their continuance nnder the protection and government
of that colony.
I\Iay I4th, 1674, tbe general court took their application
into consideration, and consented that they should continue in
association with that cblony, with the same privileges as other
towns, as far as was in their power to make the grant.
The general court also appointed or re-appointed Captain
John Youngs, Captain John Howel, and Mr. John Mulford,
judges ofthe county court, and appointed Samuel Wyllis, John
Talcott, and the secretary, or any two of them, to go over to
the Island to order and settle the affairs of the people there,
and to establish such military officers among them as they
should judge necessary.
June I3tb, 1674, the town of Easthampton appointed a
committee, who were ordered, in conjunction with Southamp
ton and Southold, to petition the king to sufier them to continue
under the jarisdiction of Connecticut.
These towns continued attached to Connecticut when the
colony was restored to the duke of York.
Ofthe restoration ofthe Duke's govemment.
After the conclusion of peace, June 29th, 1674, tiie duke of
York, to remove all doubt respecting his title, obtained a new
patent for the territories which had been granted to him by
the patent of March 12th, 1664, and shortiy after appointed
Major, afterwards Sir Edmund Andross, governor of his terri
tories in America-
October 31st, 1674, Sir Edmund arrived at New- York,
received the surrender of the colony from the Dutch authori
ties, and reinstated the duke's former system of government.
Sir Edmund iramediately sent to the three eastern towns,requir-
ing them to return to the government of the duke of York.
The deputies of the three towns sent a memorial to tbe
governor, in which they state "that, by the aid furnished them
by the kindness of Connecticut, they had repelled the Dutch;
that tbey bad joiued them and come under tbat governinent;

99
that that government had appointed both their civil and military
officers ; that they had become bound by oath to that colony,
and could notdissolve the connexion without their approbation."
November 17th, the people of Southold, by a vole of their
town-meeting, declared themselves " to be under the govern
ment of his majesty's colony of Connecticut, and that they
would use all lawful means so to continue."
The town of Easthampton instructed their deputies, who
were appointed to consult with those of the other towns, what
course they should take " to see that all lawful endeavours be
put forth to the utmost for our continuance under that gov
ernment." ofl
Noveraber 18th, 1674, the governor and council ordered
that a messenger be again sent to the three towns, requiring
them to restore the former overseers and constables to their
places, " under the penalty of being declared rebels "; and
ordered the three deputies who signed the memorial on be
half of the respective towns, to wit John Mulford, John
Howell, and John Youngs, to appear and answer before the
council, on the like penalty.
Thus the endeavours ofthe eastern towns to continue un
der the jurisdiction of Connecticut were unavailing, and
they were obliged, however reluctantly, to return to the gov
ernment ofthe duke of York.
Sir Edraund pursued the same arbitrary course that his
predecessor had done.
November 26th, 1674, he suspended a term ofthe court of
sessions in the east riding of Yorkshire, and ordered the towns
of Huntington and Brookhaven to have their business for the
term transacted at the ensuing court of sessions at Jamaica in
the north riding, because the three eastern towns had not re
turned the accounts of the constables and overseers of those
towns according to his orders.
In April, 1681, the same governor arbitrarily summoned
Isaac Platt, Epenetus Platt, Samuel Titus, Jonas Wood, and
Thomas Wicks, inhabitants of Huntington, to New-York, and
caused them to be imprisoned without trial and without being
chargeable with any legal offence, but as is supposed merely
for having attended a meeting of delegates of the several towns
for the purpose of contriving the raeans of procuring a redress
of grievances. Sir Edraund seems shortiy after to have left the
colony. June 29th, 1681, Anthony Brockholst presided in
the court of assize as commander in chief.
Ofthe first Colony Assembly.
June 29th, 1681, the grand jury, at a special court of assize,

100
in w hich Anthony Brockholst presided, presented the want of
a general assembly, as a grievance, and the court appointed
Captain John Youngs, the high sheriff of Yorkshire, to draw
a petition, to be sent to the duke of York, for the privilege;
which he did, and it was signed by the clerk, by order of the
court, and forwarded to his royal highness, who seems to have
listened to the prayer of the petition, and instructed the new
governor to sumraon a general assembly as soon as he arrived
in the colony.
Col. Thomas Dongan, the new governor, arrived August
27th, 168^ and soon after issued orders to the high sheriff to
summon tire freeholders ofthe several ridings to meet, to choose
representatives to meet him in assembly the 17th of October
ensuing. This first assembly met according to the summons, in New-
York, October 17th, 1683, and elected Matthias Nichols, one
ofthe representatives from New- York, their speaker.
Tbe assembly, at their first session, adopted a bill of rights,
established courts of justice*, repealed some ofthe most obnox-
• By the act of October 29th, 1683, a court was established in every town, for the
trial of causes of debt and trespass under 40s., to be holden the first Wednesday of
every month, by three persons commissioned for that purpose, without a jury unless
demanded by one of the parties, and then to be granted at the expense of the party
demanding it.
By an act of 1684, the commissioners were to be chosen by the several towns, and
the court might be holden by any two of them.
By an act of November 4th, 1685, the jurisdiction ofthe court was raised to 52.
By an act of May 6th, 1691, the power of holding this court was vested in thejustices
of the peace. The justice of eacb tpwn, on tbe hearing of a cause, was required to take
to his assistance a freeholder ofthe town; and the judisdiction of the court was restricted
to' 40s., with a jury at the expense of tbe parly requiring it.
By the oidinance of May 15th, 1699, every justice of the peace was authorized, with
the assistance of a freeholder of the town, to hear, try, and determine, all causes of
debt and trespass, to]lthe value of 40sTand under, without a jury.
By an act of December 16lh, 1737, the same jurisdiction was given thejustices of tbe
peace of the several towns, without the asssistance of a freeholder.
By an act of December 16th, 1758, the jurisdiction of thejustices was extended to
causes otthe value of 52. and under j which, by an act of December 20th, 1763, was
continued to January 1st, 1770.
An act of .May 10th, 17-'''9, extended the jurisdiction of this court to cases ofthe
value of 102 and under; which was disallowed by the king, December Oth, 1770, and
published here March 4th, 1771 ; which revived the act of 1737.
March 12th, 1772, an act was passed, extending the jurisdiction of this court to 5/.;
which continued till the revolution.
Of Court if Sessions and Common Pleas.
By the act of October 29th, 1683, a court, called a court of sessions, was established,
to be held yearly in every county by thejustices of the peace of the said county, or any
three or more of them, for the trial of all causes,rivil and criminal, arising in the county,
by the verdict of twelve men ; the court to continue only three days.
In 1688, it would seem, by the event, that an ordinance must have been passed for
separating the civil from the criminal jurisdiction of this court, or by which a court of
common pleas'was organized differently from the sessions.
August 25th, 1638, Sir Edmund Andross issued distinct commissions for the court of
common pleas,and general sessions ofthe peace, in Kings and Queens; which commissions
are on record in those counties.
The commission for Kings county appoints Stephen Van Cortland judge of the court
pf commpn pleas ; and the court vi liich was held April 2d, 1689, is called a court <rf

101
ious ofthe duke's laws, altered and amended others, and passed
such new laws as they judged that the circurastances ofthe
colony required.
This assembly had au other session in October, 1684. At
that session they abolished the court of assize, made further
alterations in the duke's laws, and enacted several new ones.
sessions an 3 common plea^; from which circumstance, it seems probable that the common
pleas was held unmediately after the sessions; and that the act of 1691 adopted this
arrangement. By the act of May 6th, 1691 , the courts of common pleas and sessions were distinctly
organized. The court of common pleas was to he holden by a judge and three justices,
to be assigned for that purpose ; three of whom to form a quorum, with power to hear
and determine all causes arising in the county, tryable at the common law ; and whose
decision shonld be final in all cases under 202. except in cases where the title of land
was in question.
The court of sessions was to be holden by thejustices of the peace in Kings, the second
Tuesday of May and September, at Flatbush ; in Queens, the third Tuesday of May
and September, at Jamaica; and in Suffolk, the last Tuesday in March at Southampton,
and the last Tuesday in September at Southold ; to continue only two days. The court
of common pleas was to be opened immediately after the determination of the sessions,
and to continue only iwo days.
The act of May 6th, 1691, was limited to two years, and was fiom time to time
extended to May 6th, 1699. April llth, 1699, the house of representatives passed a
bill for a further extension of the same act, and sent it to the governor and council for
their assent. The govemor, however, determined to exercise the prerogative, vested
in him by his commission, of establishing courts of justice himself, with the advice and
consent of his conncil; and they passed the ordinance of May 15th, 1699; and all our
courts after this period, except the justices' court, were regulated by the ordinances
of the govemor and his privy council during the colony administration.
By the ordinance of May 15th, 1699, the same arrangement of the courts was adopted,
with the exception that no restriction was imposed on the number of the judges of the
court of common pleas; and the second term in Kings was altered to the second Tuesday
in November.
May 18th,1710, two judges attended the court of common pleas in Queen3,and shortly
after there were three in all the counties.
By an ordinance, July lOth, 1729, the court of common pleas and general sessions
were combined, were to be opened at the same time, or one immediately after the other,
so that the business of one or the other as it occurred might be constantly proceeded in ;
which arrangement continued, without any material alteration except in the times of
holding the courts in the several counties, until the revolution.
Of the Supreme Court.
By the act of October 29th,1683, a court of general jurisdiction was established, called
a court of oyer and terminer snd general gaol delivery, with power to remove all causes
and judgments over 52. from inferior courts, and to examine, correct, or reverse, the
same ; to be holden by a judge and four justices of the peace, to be commissioned for
that purpose in each respective county once in every year. Either l>y a law or an
ordinance in 1684, two judges were appointed to hold this court.
By an act, passed in 1684, 20-.J2. 10s. was raised for the payment of the salaries ofthe
judges ofthis court. .
In 1685, Matthias Nichols and John Palmer presided m this court m Queens county.
By the act of May Oth, 1691, a supreme court was established, to consist of a chief
justice and four judges, twoof wtom with the chief justice to form a quorum, with
cognizance of all cases, civil, criminal, and mixed, as fully and amply as the courts of
king's bench, common plfeas, and exchequer, within their majesties' kingdom of England,
have or ought to have ; to be held at the city hall of the city of New-York, on the first
Tuesday of April and October, neither terra to continue longer than eight days ; with
power also, by writ of certiorari or otherwise, to correct the decisions of inferior courts.
By an act of 1692, thejudges were required to hold a circuit once a year in each
county in the colony. In a short time, the number of judges was reduced to three.
By the ordinance of May 15th, 1699, the same arrangement of the supreme court and
circuits was adopted, as was established by the acU of 1691 and '92, except that the
terms were limited to five days; and the times of holding the circuits, and courts of
oyer and temiiner, were fixed.

103
A new assembly was summoned in September, 1685, and
met at New-York the ensuing October and chose William
Pinhorne their speaker. This asserably ppssed several acts,
among which were the two following, to wit: An act, passed
Noveraber 4lh, 1685, for regulating the proceedings of raonthly
courts throughout the province, by which the jurisdiction of
the court was extended to £5 ; and an act, passed November
7th, 1685, lor reraoving the court of sessions of King's county
from Gravesend to Flatbush.
There is no evidence that this assembly ever met again, ot
that auy other was summoned, except one by Leisler, during
his exercise of supreme power, until the arrival of a governor
under William and Mary in 1691.
Charles II died February 6th, 1685, and the duke of York
succeeded him by the title of Jaraes 11 ; and, as he determined
to have as little to do with parliaments as possible, so it is
probable that he revoked the power which he had given to his
governors to call assemblies, and determined that the3' should
rule the colony by his instructions alone, without admitting the
people to any participation in the public councils.
By an ordinance of April .3d, 1704, the supreme court was required to bold four terms,
which were to commence respectively on the first Tuesdays of Juue and September,
and on the second Tuesdays of March and October ; and to continue five days each.
By an ordinance, April 15th, 1 715, the September term was changed, and the terms
were to commence the first Tuesday of Juue and the last Tuesday in November, and
the second Tuesdays of March and October ; each to continue five days.
By an ordinance of March 19th, 1 7:^2, the terms were ordered to commence on the
third Tuesdays of January, April, and October, and on the last Tuesday of July.
By an ordinance, .August 6th, 1750, it was ordered that the January and July termj
continue till Saturday of the same week ; and that the April and October terms continue
till the end of Thursday in the second week.
By an ordinance of October 7th, 1 761, it was ordered that the January and July terms
continue, as before, to the end of Saturday ot the same week ; and that the April and
October terms should continue till Saturday ofthe second week. One or more ofthe
jadges was directed to hold a circuit in eacii county, to try all causes brought to issue
in the supreme court; and the court mightgivejudgementin thenextor any subsequent
term, to be holden for any time not exceeding six days; the time of holding the circuit
courts to be fixed by rule at the term next preceding.
This arrangement of the supreme court continued tUl the revolutiao,and was recognized
by the constitution. Qf the Court of Chancery.
By the act of November 29th, 1 683, the governor and council were constituted a court
of chancery, with an appeal to tbe king. The governor was authorized to appoint a
deputy and other officers.
By the aCt of May 6th, 1691 , the same arrangement was adopted.
By the ordinance of September 2d, 1701, the powers of chancellor were vested in the
govemor and council, or any two of that board. Commissions were issued, appointing
masters, clerks, and a register ; and the court was to sit the first Thursday in every
month. A court of admiralty was very early established in the colony, consisting of a judge,
register, and marshal. In 1701, William Atwood^was appointed chief justice and judge
ofthe admiralty at the same time. It had jurisdiction of all maritime causes, and the
proceedings were according to the civil law.
The former acts and ordinancej, regulating the fees of the different courts, having
expired, the subject was adjusted by an ordinance of April 15th, 1763.

103
During the reign of James II, the rights ofthe people, civil
and religious, were sacrificed to the claims of the prerogative
and the bigotry of the king. His governors resembled their
master in their religious and political principles, and seem to
have studied to imitate him in their contempt of the rights of
the people.
In 1686 or '87, Governor Dongan, with his council, passed
an act for levying a tax of a half-penny in the pound for colony
expenses. This was so flagrant a violation ofthe principles
held inviolable by the people of Long-Island, that it is not
believed that the law was ever executed.
November 18ib, 1686, Governor Dongan issued a warrant
to a messenger, to have Mr. Jarnes, the minister of Easthamp
ton, before the council that day fortnight, to answer for a
sermon which he had preached the 17th ofthe preceding month,
in which be had uttered sentiments which did not Suit the
governor or his friends.
The governor, with the advice ofthe council, had the dispo
sition of the public lands. No purchase could he made without
his licence, and no purchase was of any avail unless confirmed
by patent, and for these they charged such sums as their ava
rice dictated.
The fees of patents constituted the principal perquisites of
the governor, and the quit-rents charged on them produced no
inconsiderable revenue to the crown. The interest which the
governor had in these operated as an inducement to multiply
the number of patents, aim to enlarge the quit-rents as much
as possible.
In 1685, the governor issued a patent for lands in the town of
Huntington, which in 1675 had been adjudged by the court of
assize to be within the limits ofthe original patent of that town.
In 1 686, he ordered the people of that town to purchase the
lands within the town which had not been purchased of the
Indians, in order that they might be compelled to take out
new patents for them.
The original patent of Huntington was made subject to such
quit-rent as should be afterwards fixed, and the amount which
that should be became a subject of altercation between the
people of that town and the governor. To compel them to
consent to its being fixed agreeable to bis wishes. Governor
Dongan, in 1686, seized their patent; and, before he would
consent to grant a confirmation of it, they were obliged to
agree to raise £29 4 7 in satisfaction of their quit-rent, and
for the expense of a new patent, in which the quit-rent was
fixed, which passed the council August 2d, 1688, and was one
of the last acts of his adrainistration.
In 1686, Governor Dongan ordered certain lands to be

104
sOrveyed in Easthampton, in order to dispose of them to cer
tain persons to whora the town had refused to grant lands.
Some ofthe people published a protest against this proceeding;
and on 18th October, 1686, he issued his warrant to a mes
senger, to have Samuel Mulford, Robert Dayton, Samuel
Parsons, Benjamin Conklin, Thomas Osborn, and John Os
born, before the council that day fortnight, to answer the
premises. Most ofthe towns on the Island, not excepting those setded
under the Dutch, whose lands were secured by the treaty of
surrender, were induced by one pretext or an other to take out
new patents; and, in cases where the quit-rent had been fixed
in the original patent, it was usually enlarged in the subse
quent one.
The extravagance ofthe patent fees continued to be a subject
of complaint duringthe colony government. The exfiense of
the last patent of Huntington, which was obtained at a subse
quent period, amounted to £56 18 3, of which sum £50 was
paid to the governor and public officers.
II. Ofthe revolution of 1689.
The arbitrary measures ofthe governors of James II, the
denial of general assemblies, and the appointment of catholics
to office, alarmed the people for the safety of both their liber
ties and religion, disgusted them with the government, and
prepared them to welcome the revolution in favour of William
and Mary, which promised a new era in favour of civil and
religious liberty, and which terminated in the fall of 1688 ia
the expulsion of James II from the throne, and for ever put aa
end to his authority.
The friends of despotic power in England bad long consid
ered that the charters of the New-England colonies granted
too much liberty to the people; and it had been for sometime
the intention of the crown to revoke them and make them
royal governments.
Charles II, in his life tirae, had made some efibrts for this
purpose in relation to Massachusetts ; and James II, as soon
as be ascended the throne, determined to carry this purpose
into effect.
In accordance with this determination, in 1686 the charters
of the New-England colonies were revoked or suspended, and
SirEdmundAndross was appointed governor of New-England.
In the spring of 1 685, New-York was added to his govem
ment. July 28th, 1688, an order ofthe king was read in the
council of New- York, directing Col. Dongan the governor to

105
deliver the seal ofthe province to Sir Edmund Andross. He
shortly after visited New-York and assumed the government.
August 25th, he issued new commissions to the civil officers
of Kings and Queens counties
On his return to Boston, the afiViirs of New- York were con
ducted by Nicholson the lieutenant governor, and council.
It is supposed that Col. Dongan immediately retired to his
farm as a private citizen where he remained until^the spring of
1691 or longer, before he left the country.
The news ofthe accession of WiUiam and Mary to the throne
reached Boston in April 1689, and the people imraediately rose,
seized the governor, whose tyranny had become intolerable,
and imprisoned hira, vvhere they determined to detain him till
they could hear frora England.
The news of the proceedings in Boston prorapted certain
persons iu New-York, whose zeal or ambition was too impa
tient of delay to await the changes which would necessarily
have succeeded the "revolution in England, to wrest the gov
ernraent out of the.hands of Nicholson the lieutenant governor.
May 31st, Capt. Jacob Leisler put himself at the head of
the party, seized the fort and kept possession of it. June 3d,
he was joined by the other captains of ths militia, with their
corapanies. They immediately issued a proclamation, stating
that their intention in seizing the fort was to keep it for king
William ; and that they would surreoder it to the governor
who should be appointed by him. Nicholson iramediately
retired aboard a vessel, and returned to England. June 12th,
Leisler and his friends wrote to the several towns on Long-
Island, inviting thera to send two raen from each county to meet
the deputies of the other counties of New- York, on the 26th
instant, to form a coraraittee of safety; and also to send two
men from each town to assist in guarding the fort.
It is supposed that Kings and Queens complied with the
request, although there was a powerful opposition in Queens
to the measure.
The several towns in Suffolk raet by their deputies at South
ampton, June 20th, where a majority of them refused to send
deputies to New-York; and immediately opened a negotiation
with Connecticut, and made an otber unsuccessful effort to put
themselves under the jurisdiction df that colony, the laws amd
institutions of which were more congenial with their ideas of
good government than those of any royal province.
The counties of Albany and Ulster also refused to co-ope
rate with Leisler, or to send deputies to the general meeting.
14

106
Most or all of the other counties, it is supposed, sent their
deputies to New-York.
The committee of safety, which met at New-York June 26tb,
1689, gave Leisler the superintendance of things, and he
managed the public affairs according to their advice till the
ensuing fall.
In December, letters were received from England, directed
to " Francis Nicholson, or in his absence to such as for the
time being take care for preserving the peace and administer
ing the laws in their majesty's province of New-York in
Araerica"; and authorizing Nicholson " to take upon him the
chief command, and to appoint for his assistance as many of
the principal freeholders and inhabitants as he should think fit."
Leisler chose to consider these letters in the absence of
Nicholson as addressed to himself, and imraediately assumed
the title and power of lieuteuant governor. He selected a
council, appointed public officers in the several counties, and
commissioned thera in his own narae, and demanded an entire
submission to his authority.
He demanded the possession ofthe fort at Albany from the
magistrates, who avowed their intention to keep it for king
Williara, and were as zealous for the revolution as hiraself^
and quite as disinterested. He exerted the patronage of his
station to reconcile those parts of the colony that were disaf
fected with his authority, before he proceeded to enforce it.
While Leisler vvas thus engaged in contriving means to
secure his pov>er, the defence ofthe colony was neglected ; in
consequence of which, the town of Schenectady, February the
Sth, 1690, fell a sacrifice to the barbarity of the French and
Indians. In the spring of 1690, Leisler wrested the fort at Albany out
of the hands of the magistrates, and confiscated the property
of such as had opposed his having the fort, and had fled from
the province to escape his resentment; and he imprisoned oth
ers, who questioned the legality of his authorit}', or the pro
priety of his measures.
He sumraoned a general assembly in the spring of 1690,
probably to procure supplies for the protection ofthe frontiers;
w'bich raet in New-York the 24th of April, and chose John
Spratt their speaker. It is not known that any thing was done
at this meeting.
They were soon prorogued to the first of September. No
members attended from Suffolk, Albany, and Ulster; and one
from New-York, and one from Queens, refused to serve; so that
it could not have consisted of more than eight or nine members.

107
May 1st, 1690, an enterprise was concerted with Leisler,
by the New-England colonies, against Montreal, in co-ope
ration with an expedition, to be contlucled at the same time
by water, by the eastern colonies, against Quebec. The
number of troops agreed on vvas 850, of which 400 were to be
furnished by New- York.
The enterprise was defeated by Leisler's neglect*, or the
neglect of those under hira, to raake provision for the support
of the troops, and for their transportation across the lakes.
During this period, the towns in Suffolk county had several
meetings to consult about the course which it would be proper
for thera to pursue, without coming to any agreement. The
summons to choose assembly raen was received March 15tb,
1690, which they refused to obey.
The people of Huntington, in April, 1690, signified their
willingness to recognize the authority of Leisler.
The people of Eastbarapton carae to a resolution, the third
of May, that they would not submit to Leisler, but would con
tinue as they were. This town consented, however, Septem
ber 9tb, 1690, that certain moneys which they had formerly
raised for public use, and which had not been paid to the gov
ernraent, sliould be paid to Leisler, or to his order.
The county sent no raembers to the assembly, and does not
seem to bave been reconciled to Leisler's authority ; but con
tinued in a divided and neutral condition during his adminis
tration. The opposition in Queens seems to have increased, and
remained in full vigour in Albany and Ulster.
January 1st, 1690, Leisler issued a warrant to have Andrew
Gibb, the clerk of Queens county, brought before hira, to
answer for not delivering the papers belonging to the office to
Mr. Denton, the new clerk, whora he had appointed.
February 15th, he issued orders to the sheriff, and to the
civil and railitary officers of that county, to secure Col. Thomas
Dongan, the late governor, in his own house, and to bring
* The troops were commanded by Major General John Winthropj esquire, who,
when he approached the lakes, found there were neither boats sufBcient to carry them,
nor provisions to support them ; and was obliged to retreat to Albany to subsist the
army. The blame fell on Major Milbourn, who was the commissary, which threw Leisler
into such a rage, that he caused the general to be arrested and imprisoned. This
produced a severe rebuke from the governor and council of Connecticut. They say, in
iheir letter to Leisler, ** You necessitate us to tell you that a prison is not a catholicon
for all state maladies, though so much used by you"; and threaten, if he did not abandon
his violent proceedings, that they would leave him and New-York to themselves, let
the consequences be what they might ; and add, " If your adherence to Mr. Milbourn,
(whose spirit we havesuflicient testimony of,) and other emulators ofthe major's honour,
be greater than to ourselves and the gentlemen of the Bay, you may boast of the
exchange by what profit you find." TnuMBUtL's A/tendix.

108
Col. Thomas Willett, Capt. Thoraas Hicks, Daniel Whitehead,
and ' Edward Antill, esquires, before the council.
February 21.=t, he issued orders to have Col. Dongan, Ste
phen VanCortiand, Anthony Brockholst, and Matthew Plow
man, esquires, seized and brought before him.
August 9th, 1690, Leisler issued a proclamation, requiring
the members of assembly to meet at New-York the fiist day
of September ensuing, to which day they were prorogued.
August llth, after reciting that Nathaniel Pierson, one of
the deputies elected to the assembly for Queens county, and
WilhelmusBeekraan, one ofthe deputies frora New York, had
refused to serve at the meeting in April, he ordered those coun
ties repectively to choose others in their room, to meet with the
deputies ofthe other counties, at their ensuing session in Sep
tember. August 13th, he sent a summons to Albany, and probably
to the other counties that had not chosen deputies in the spring,
to choose deputies,to meet with the other deputies in September.
It does not appear, however, that the summons was complied
with in one of those counties.
The assembly met in September, by which the two following
acts were passed :
An act, passed October 2d, 1690, for levying a tax of three
pence in the pound; one half to be paid the 25tb of January,
and the other half the 25th of March, ensuing.
An act, passed October 4th, imposing a fine of £70 on every
person who should refuse to serve, in a civil or military capa
city, under a commission issued by Leisler ; also, imposing a
fine of £100 ou every person who should remove from the
counties of Albany and Ulster; and, in cases of inability to
pay that sum, leaving it to the discretion of Leisler to fix the
fine; also, prohibiting the transportation of goods, except cer
tain specified articles, from the said counties, under the penalty
of their confiscation.
The last act was intended to restrain the people of those
counties from going to Connecticut, where they resorted in
order to avoid the persecution of Leisler and his officers.
It seems that the opposition in Queens was not suppressed
by the measures before taken for that purpose.
October 18th, 1690, Leisler ordered Major Milbourn "to
take what force he could raise, to suppress the opposition in
Queens county."
October 26, he suspended the court of oyer and terminer,
about to sit in Kings count}', " until the counties on Long-
Island should be reduced to obedience."
October 30th, Leisler, after stating that a rebellion existed

109
in Queens county, issued orders to Samuel Staats and Capt.
Thoraas Williams " to suppress it." He also ordered Thomas
Williams and Sarauel Edsdall to go to Flushing bay to exam
ine the vessels there, to see that none were eraployed in a way
prejudicial to his interest. Capt. Richard Ingolsby arrived at
New-York with his company the last of January, 1691, and
demanded possession ofthe fort, which Leisler refused ; which
added a new subject to the public contentions.
The colony seeras to have continued in this convulsed con
dition to the end of Leisler's adrainistration.
Leisler's authority was terrainated by the arrival of Henry
Slaughter, the new governor, March 19th, 1691.
He resused to deliver up the fort to the new governor; and
thus violated all his former professions of zeal for king William,
forfeited all claira to any merit for his services, and incurred
the reproach as well as the penalty of usurpation.
Leisler, and Milbourn his son-in-law, were tried and con
victed of high treason ; and the warrant for their execution
was issued by the advice ofboth the council and assembly.
Leisler's son preferred a complaint against the governor,
which was referred to thfe lords of trade; who reported, March
llth, 1692, " that they were hurably of opinion that Jacob
Leisler and Jacob Milbourn, deceased, were condemned, and
had suffered, according to law."
Noveraber i2lh, 1694, the parliament, on the application of
Leisler's son, reversed their attainder ; and, in compassion to
their families, I'estored thera their estates.
From the history of that period, it appears thatthe revolu
tion in England was then completed, and the people ofthe
colony were generally, if not unanimously, in favour of it.
The members of the council and the lieutenant governor
were friendly to it. They however were disposed to wait for
the changes which they anticipated, without disturbing the
public peace by any violent measures.
Leisler, on the other hand, on pretence that those in power
were in the interest of king Jaraes, raised a party among those
whom he could influence and control, to expel them from office,
and to take the government into their own hands.* By their
* It is intimated in a note in Hutchinson's history of Massachusetts, that Nicholson,
the Lieut. Governor, was well affected to the revolution, but that Leisler, wished to
wrest the government out of the hands of the Lieut. Governor, in order to evade the
payment of 2100, which he owed for duties, or at least, to avoid paying it to the person
who then held the office of collector, who as he alleged was a papist.
That to effect his purpose, he caused it to be reported at the east end of Long-Island
that the Fort at New-York was in danger of being delivered up to the enemies of the
revolution, and solicited the people there to aid in its reduction.
It is further stated, that a military company marched to Jamaica where they halted
till. the officers bad an interview with the Lieut. Governor and council, who satisfied
them that t|)e report was unfounded, and they immediately returned home ; and that

no
assistance, he wrested the government out ofthe bands ofthe
lieutenant governor, in defiance of the cpinions of those whose
talents experience, and standing in society, entitled them to
respect. These were unwilling to recognize an autiiority which they
considered illegitimate, and assumed raerely to forestal the
favour ofthe new king, and declined to serve in the asserably
which Leisler summoned, or under any commission issued by
him. .
To sustain his authority, Leisler had recourse both to civil
penalties and military force, and was hurried into the same ex
cesses for which the forraer governors were so rauch reproached.
It is not probable that he at first anticipated the career that
led to his ruin, but that he only aspired to the distinction of
being considered the foremost in his zeal for the revolution.
When^ by the delay of the governor's arrival and the partiality
of his friends, he found himself in possession of the reins of
government, and especially after the letters from England to
Nicholson furnished hirn with a pretext for his authority, be
became fond of power ; and w as so infatuated by its exercise,
that he lost the remerabrance of his duty as a subject, and fell a
victim to his ambition.
The assumption of power by Leisler was a misfortune to the
colony. It was of no benefit to the revolution ; it deranged
the operations ofthe government, set one part ofthe commu
nity against the other, and laid the foundation of divisions
which destroyed the harmony of the colony for many years.
Leisler was forced on other false alarms to induce the people of the city, to aid him
on his enterprise.
This account is countenanced by the records of Easthampton. May 8, 1689, " heard
from New-York, that the fort is in hands whose fidelit- is suspected. Voted that
soldiers go to York to assist to reduce the place, that it might be better secured for the
safety of the country." Itwas not till the 31st of May, that the militia of New- York
seized the Fort, from whicb it is evident that the militia of East Hampton must have
performed their tour, and retumed home liefore the seizure ofthe Fort.
It was probably owing to this intrigue of Leisler,that the people of Eastbarapton, who
were devoted to the revolution, distrusted the purity of his motives ; and, even after
their negotiation for a union with Connecticut had failed, resolved, on the 3d of May,
1690, that they would not submit to Leisler, but would continue as they were.
The above representation is still further confirmed by the appointment of Nicholson
to the govemment of Virginia, shortly afterwards by King William, which shows that
he had no suspicion of his attachment to the revolution.
That the excitement in New-York, whicb led to the taking of the fort, was created
by artifice and management, is to be inferred from the letter of Nichol-on, Phillips,
Bayard, and Van Courtland, to the people of Boston, dated New- Fork, May Ist, 1690,
in which they state '* For this part of the govemment, we find the people in general
inclined to peace and quietness, and doulit not the people will remain in their duties.' '
Smith also states, in his history, tliat Leisler, while he was contending with the
convention at Albany for the possession of the fort there, in order to procirre succours
from Boston, " faliely represented the convention as in the interest of the French and
Kng James."

Ill
If the government had been suffered to continue in the hands
of Nicholson and the old council, it is probable that the colony
would have been protected against the ravages of the French
and Indians. The expedition against Quebec might have
succeeded, and society would not have been disturbed by party
animosity. III. Ofthe Colony Government.
The commission of Governor Slaughter, dated January 9th,
1689, constituted the foundation of the colony government
after the revolution ; which continued as it was then settled,
with few innovations, until the American revolution.
The executive power was vested in the governor, and the
legislative power in the governor, council, and assembly, sub
ject to the revision of the king, to whom all laws were to be
sent within three raonths after their passage.
The council at first consisted of seven raerabers, which num
ber was afterwards increased to twelve, and were appointed by
the king.
The assembly was coraposed of delegates frura each county,
chosen by the freeholders. The number was regulated by
law. The terra of service was indefinite until 1743, when it
was limited to seven j'ears.
The governor could suspend the merabers of the council,
and appoint others, subject to the king's approbation. He
had a negative on the acts passed by the asserably and -coun
cil. He had power to summon, prorogue, or dissolve, the
assembly ; to appoint all public officers ; and, with the consent
ofthe council, to establish courts of justice, to dispose ofthe
public lands, and to disburse the public raoneys raised for the
support of governraent.
For some years, the public revenue went into the hands of
a receiver general, who was appointed by the crown, and was
not accountable to the assembly. The acts for raising reve
nue for the support of governraent were continued f9r a series
of years without appropriation; and the council exercised a
concurrent power over revenue bills, as in other cases.
This motie of managing the revenue was liable to great
abuse. An indefinite support enabled the governor to dis
pense vvith the assembly, and rendered him in a great measure
independent of them during that period ; and the omission of
specific appropriations enabled the governor to fix the sala
ries of all public officers, to dispose ofthe public moneys as he
pleased, gave him the entire power over the civil list, and led
to misapplication and embezzlement.

112
The assembly also soon discovered that their influence iu
the government depended on a vigilant exercise of their power
over the public supplies ; and they resolved to correct these
abuses. On their petition, queen Ann, in 1706, gave them
permission to appoint their own treasurer, to receive arid pay
all such moneys as they should raise for extraordinary pur
poses. As the quit rent charged on the patents for the public lands
was the only ordinary revenue, the power ofthe treasurer was
construed to extend to all the monies raised by the assembly
for public uses.
In 1709, the assembly assumed the control of the money
raised by them for the support ef government, by appropri
ating it to specific purposes. It was usual to pass one bill to
raise the money required, and another to appropriate the
payment of it to the particular purposes for which it was
raised. In 1711, the assembly resolved to disallow any alteration to
be made by the council in revenue bills. In reply to the claini
of an equal right over the subject by the council, they ob
served " that the power of the council flowed from the plea
sure ofthe prince, personified by the commission of the gov
ernor; but that the power of the assembly, in relation to
taxes, flowed from the choice ofthe people, who could not be
divested of their mtmey without their consent," and they
seera uniformly to have adhered to this deterraination ever
after. In 1737, they resolved not to continue the revenue for a
longer term than one year ; and in reply to Governor Clarke,
who demanded an indefinite support, they say, " we will not
raise sums unfit to" be raised, nor put in the power of a
governor to misapply them, or continue the revenue for any
longer terra than one year."
In 1741, ihe assembly, in reply to the same governor, whd
renewed the demand for an indefinite support, without appro
priation, state, " that the course he recommended had former
ly been pursued, and had led to the misapplication and em
bezzlement of the public money, and that the practice of
providing' public supplies by annual grants, and the receipt
and payment of the public monies by their own treasurer,
with appropriation to specific purposes, was the only method
to correct the evil ;" and they intimate their determination to
adhere to if.
July 14th, 1747, the assembly, in their answer to Governor
Clinton, who remonstrated against their adherence to specific

113
appropriations, after admitting appropriations to be ot genera!
uses in England, and the particidar application of the raoney
left to the king, they say, " tlie case in the plantations is very
different ; the governors seldom have any estates in the colo
nies, and tln-ir interest is entirely distinct and different from
that ofthe people, and therefore it is that they seldom regard the
welfare ofthe people, otherwise than as they can raake it sub
servient to their own particular interest ; and as they know
the tirae of their continuance in their governments to be uncer
tain, all methods are used, and all engines set to work to raise
estates to theraselves ; and therefore, should the public monies
be left to their disposition, what can be expected but the
grossest raisapplication under various pretences, which will
never be wanting. This has often been actually the case in
this colony, and vvhen such misapplication happens, there are
no raeans of redress." " We cannot answer it to our con
stituents to pass any bill for raising money on thera, and leave
it to be disposed of at the will and pleasure of a governor."
The strife between the respective governors and assemblies,
respecting a permanent support, continued to vex the colony
until Septeraber 24th, 1756, when Sir Charles Hardy, the
governor, informed the assembly that he had received instruc
tions allowing hira to assent to their temporary bills for the
support of government.*
Tbese contests arose from the tyranny of the raother coun
try over the colonies, and were the result of the European
colony systera. The relation between the mother country and
a colon) ought to be modified in the same raanner as that
which subsists between a parent and child, and the relation
ought so far to cease, when the colony becomes competent to
her own self-subsistence, as relates to the regulation of their
internal concerns. To enforce the continuance ofthe entire
subjection of the colony, after that period, is as incongruous
as to hold a child in a state of pupilage after he has arrived at
* Smith, in his history of New-York, page 371, allows that the reasons of the assem
bly for assuming the control of the public money, were plausible !
This author pretty freely censures the personal character and party policy of some
of the later governors, but is sparing of his remarks on the despotism of the colony
systera, by which they were controlled ; nor does he attempt to shew the practicability
of so modifying it as to render the internal improvement of the colony compatible with
the political supremacy of the mother country, without which there was no alter
native for the colonies, but vassalage or independence.
Contrasting the political reflections which occur in his work, with the course which
he took when the crisis arrived which put his patriotism to the test, makes the remark
which he applied to Lieutenant Governor Delancy, on account of his opposition to the
plan of union of 1754, peculiarly applicable to his own case, viz: "Many had con
ceived him to be most inclined to the popular branch of the constitution, but now dis
covered that he had his eye to the other side of the water."
» 15

114
the age oi'nianhood; reduces the colony to a state of political
vassalage, and is a tlespotic exercise of authority on the part
of the mother country.
A monopoly of the trade of a colony is the only remunera
tion that can be raade to the raother country, compatible with
the well being of the colony, and is an ample equivalent for
the care and protection of the raother country.
The American colonies, at the conclusion ofthe peace in
1763, had become fully competent to the management of their
own internal concerns. They were desirous to maintain a
political connection with the mother country : they acknow
ledged her political supremacy, and acquiesced in her power
to regulate their external relations, their foreign commerce
and navigation, but contended for the right to regulate their
ovvn internal affairs. The raother country, on the contrary,
claimed the right to control their internal regulations, so as
to render them subservient to her interests, and to prolong
their subjection to her authority. It vvas for the first of these
purposes that she prohibited the establishmeut of such raanu
factures as would interfere vvith her own; that she refused her
assent to laws imposing duties on the importation of her
manufactures ; that she opposed the acts for issuing paper
money, or required them to be so modified as to suit her
interests ; and that she raade lands assets for the payment of
debts due to her merchants. It was for the second purpose
that she refused her assent to annual assemblies; that she
required the establishraent of a permanent revenue, that she
objected to specific appropriation ofthe public monies, vvhich
limited the public patronage of the governor ; and that she
required the judges' commissions to be issued during plea-

* In 1721, the king repealed au act of the colony imposing a small duty on European
dry goods.
g In 1750, parliament prohibited the establishment of slitting mills.
In 1754; the colonies were prohibited from exporting hats to the West Indies.
In 1732, parliament passed an act making land assetts for the payment of Britisii
debts. . .
It was a standing instruction of the governors to insist on a permanent revenue,
without appropriation, until 1756.
The governors were also instructed to refuse their assent to any emission of paper
money, with a legal tender.
In 1739, the king refused his assent to an act passed here in 1737, for triennial
assemblies. The governors were insti-ucted to issue their commissions of thejudges
during pleasure.
In 1761, the lords of trade, in a formal report, say that to gr.mt commissions to the
colony judges during good behaviour, " would be subversive of all true policy,
destructive to the interests of his majesty's subjects, as tending to lessen that just
dependence which the Colonies ought to have upon the mother counti-y.''
The governors, in two or three instances, departed from their instructions iu relation
to the judges' commissions, and Iroui public necessity Were compelled to do it geaerally
with regard to paper money.

115
It was by pressing this interference in the internal affairs ot
the colonies, until she assumed the power of imposing taxes
on them without their consent, that forced them upon resistance
for self preservation.
The colony governors were bound by their instructions to
enforce such measures as were enjoined by the policy of the
mother country, and vvere required to withhold their assent
from all such acts as infringed the claims of the royal pre
rogative. A neglect of his instructions exposed a governor to the
forfeiture of the royal favor, and the loss of his office. How
ever well disposed he might be to favor the interests of the
colony, and to secure the good opinion of the people, he had
a stronger interest to promote the views of the mother coun
try, and to secure the favor ofthe crown.
Those who at first felt sorae regard for the rights of the
colonists, were soon forced by their station to lend their talents
to the enforceraent of the colony system.
Few of thera understood the policy necessary to the im
provement of a new country, or made any efforts for that
purpose. The internal improveraent of the country, the advanceraent
ofthe liberal professions, and the cultivation of literature and
the arts, seem alike to have been overlooked and neglected by
them. A few solitary suggestions were sometimes made by them
on these subjects, bul what few exertions were made towards
public improvements were made by intelligent and public
spirited individuals.
The smallness of our nurabers indeed greatly obstructed
the improvement of the country or society. Various causes
contributed to this effect. The smallness of our territory unoc
cupied bythelndians,the extraordinary railitary servicesimpos-
ed on our citizens by our local situation, the constant exposure
ofthe frontiers to the depredations ofthe French and Indians,
before the conquest of Canada, the difficulty of obtaining
lands for settlement, in consequence of the practice pursued
by the governors, of granting them inlarge tracts to favorites,
who would only lease or sell them at a high price.* To these
may be added a dislike to the governraent, which was less
free than the chartered governments of New-England, from
*Jhe govemors charged 122. lOs. patent fees for every thousand acres of the
public lands, to wbich 51. were added for surveying fees. Grants were refused to
settlers who were unable to advance the office fees, and the settlement of the countay
was retarded by the avarice of the governors.

116
whence emifrrants were chiefly to be expected. The appre
hension also of the probability of a leg^l establishment of the
Episcopal church, vvith exclusive privileges, in the colony,
induceci by the efforts made by the governor to have the
ministers of that church supported by taxes levied on all other
denominations, corabined with ancient prejudices engendered
by controversies between tbe ,\ew-England! people and the
Dutch, before the conquest of the colony, prevented rauch
emigration into tbe colony. Few efforts were made by the
colony governors to remove these obstacles to the increase of
our numbers and progress of society.
The chief regards of our colony governors were confined
to raeasures calculated to secure an ascendancy over the Five
Nations, to undermine the French power in Canada, and to
guard the claims ofthe royal prerogative, and the interests of
the raother country. Measures which were merely calculated
to improve the country, or to meliorate the moral condition
of the inhabitants, were of less moment, in their estimation,
than such as were calculated to secure their own emolument or
continuance in power.
While the governors were vigilant in urging such measures
as were subservient to their own views and the claims of the
mother country, the colonial assemblies endeavored to with
stand such of them as were deeraed to infringe on their con
stitutional rights and liberties. On these subjects they were
frequently at variance with the assemblies, and often harrassed
thera by prorogations and dissolutions in order to worry them
into a compliance with their favorite measures ; and the whole
colon\ administration exhibits a constant conflict between the
claius and encroachments of power, on tlie one hand, and the
spirit of liberty struggling to defeat them, on the other.
Their residence in the countrv was in most cases expected
to be temporary, and as the assembly state, in their address
to the lords of trade, in 1753, they verv often seem to have
"considered the office as a post of profit," and their chief
study seems to have been to make the raost of it, and to carry
as much raoney out ot'the colonv as was in their power.
The whole history of the colony government evinced that
it was iu vain to expect a patriotic devotion to the public
welfare, from men who were not bound to the country by any
ties of personal interest, or responsible to the country for the
faitliful discharge of their public trust ; and that subserviency
to the crow n, and a disregard of the people, were vices inhe
rent in the very nature of colony government.

117
These contests between the colony governors and assem--
blies taught the people to investigate and understand their
rights, to appreciate the danger ofthe measures ofthe mother
country to their liberties, and prepared them for the revolu
tion, which terminated in the independence of the country.*
Of the sufferings of the people of Long-Island during
the War of the Revolution,
The powers of the colony governor were suspended in
October, 1775, and until the adoption ofthe constitution, the
government was administered by a provincial congress or
convention, aided by town and county committees.
Public spirit supplied the place of authority, and gave the
recoraraendations of those bodies the force of law.f
* The constant danger to which the Colonies had been exposed by the ambition of
the French in their neighborhood, and their influence with the Indians, from the mas
sacre of the people of Schenectady in 1690, until the conquest ef Canada in 1760, kept
them dependant on Great Britain ; and the necessity they were under for her aid to
their security, prevented her being jealous of them
.\fter Canada was added to the number of the colonies, she began to be jealous of
their growing strength and importance, and then for the first time, perceived that the
means which she had adopted for the enlargement of her power were calculated to en
danger and abridge it. Immediately after the treaty by which Canada was ceded to
Great Britiio in 1763, she determined to maintain a military force in the colonies, to
overawe them, and to raise a national revenue from them, "for the better support of go
vernment, and the administration of tlie colonies;" the effect of which would liave been
to render the governors, judges, and other ofBcers appointed by the crown, independant
of the colony legislatures. The surplus revenue was to be at the disposal of Parliament.
In 1764, th? British Parliament imposed a duty on Sugar and Molasses. In 1765, the
itamp act^was imposed, which, in consequence of the determined oppoiition with which
it was resisted, was repealed the ensuing year.
Duringthe same year, 1766, an act was passed requiring the colonies to provide
quarters, and certain enumerated supplies for the troops stationed among them. The
assembly of New-York provided barracks for the troops stationed there, but omitted
to raake provision for a few of the articles enumerated among the supplies.
In 1767, an act was passed restraining the Governor and council from assenting tO any
bill until the assembly furnished the supplies required.
In 1767, also new duties were imposed on paper, glass, painter's colours, and tea, and a
board of commissioners were appointed to enforce the collection ofthe duties.
The colonies repeatedly remonstrated against these acts, as destructive of their
rights and liberties.
In 1770, all the duties were repealed, except the duty on tea, and this involved the
principle that the Parliament had the power to pass laws to bind the colonies in all
cases whatsoever.
The colonies held that taxation and representation were inseparable, and that, as
they were not represented in parliament, they could not be rightfully taxed by par
liament. ^ A determination to resist the violation ofthis principle, on the part of the colonies,
and a determination to enforce their raeasures by tlie sword, on the part ofthe British
ministry, led to a union of the colonies, and to the war of the revolution, which re
sulted inan acknowledgment ofthe independence of the United States by Great
Britain in 1783.
f The first continental Congress met at Philadelphia, September 4, 1774, and the
second met May 10, 1775. The Provincial Congress of New-York met the 22d May
1775, and on the 27th they recommended to the several counties, to appoint county
and town committees, which was immediately complied with; Qovemor Tryon with
drew from the city of New- York, and went on board a British ship on the ISth of
October 1775, which day has been considered as the date of the dissolution of the
colony government.

118
The island was evacuated the night of t'<e 29th of August,
1 776 ; and in Octo'ier following, the county committees, and the
comraittees ofthe several towns, vvere, by force or fear, pre
vailed on, by written declarations, to revoke and disannul all
their proceedings, and to renounce and disavow the authority
ofthe provincial and continental congresses, and the members
of the several commitlees, and the people generally, were
obliged to take tbe oath of allegiance to the king.*
From 1776 to 1783, the island was occupied by British
troops. They traversed it from one end to the other, and
were stationed at different places during the war.
The v\hole countiy within the British lines, was subject to
martial law, the administration of justice vvas suspended, the
army was a sanctuary for crimes, and robbery, and the
grossest offences, vvere atoned by enlistment.
The massacre of General Woodhull, in cool blood, was a
prelude to what others were to suffer, who had taken an
active part in favor ofthe revolution. — [See Appendix.] Ma
ny of those who had served as officers in the railitia, or as
members of the town and county committees, fled into the
American lines for safety. Those who remained at bome
were harrassed and plundered of their property', and the in
habitants generally were subject to the orders, and their prop
erly to the disposal, ofthe British officers.
They compelled the inhabitants to do all kinds of personal
services, to work at their forls, to go with their teams, on
foraging parties, and to transport their cannon, ammunition,
provisions, and baggage, from place to place, as thej' changed
their quarters, and to go and come on the order of every
petty officer who had the charge of the most trifling business.
In 1781, the town of Huntington vvas compelled to raise
;£176 by a general tax, as a commutation for personal labor^t
towards digging a well in the fort on Lloyd's Neck.
The officers seized aud occupied the best rooms in the
houses of the inhabitants. They compelled them to furnish
blankets and fuel for the soldiers, and hay and grain for their
horses. They pressed their horses and wagons for the use of
the army. They look away their cattle, sheep, hogs, and
poultr}', and seized without ceremony, and without any com
pensation, or for such onl^' as they chose to make, for their
own use, whatever they desired to gratify their wants or
wishes. * General Howe issued a proclamation soon after he landed on L')n--Island, promis-
Jng security and protection to such as should reraain peaceably on tiieir farms, and
most of the inhabitants availed themselves of it, and remained on the island during
the war.

119
In April, 1783, Sir Guy Carlton instituted a board of com*'
missioners for the purpose of adjusting such demands against
the British array, as had not been settled. The accounts df
the people ofthe town of Huntington alone, for property taken
from them, for the use of the array, which were supported by
receipts bf British officers, or by other evidence, vvhich were
prepared to be laid before the board, araounted to £7249, 9, 6,
and these accounts were not supposed to comprise one fourth
part ofthe property which was taken frora them without com
pensation. These accounts were sent to New- York to be laid before
the board of commissioners, but they sailed for England with
out attending to them, and the people from whom the prop
erty was taken were left, like their neighbors who had no
receipts, without redress.
If the other towns on the island suffered half as much in
proportion, the whole island must have sustained actual losses
by the war exceeding ^500,000, besides innnmerable other
injuries. The inhabitants suffered great abuse froth the British refu
gees, who, whenever they could shelter themselves under any
color of authority, did all the injury in their power. Many
of these devoted themselves to robbery and pillage, and if
they were detected, they enlisted, and this arrested the arm of
justice, shielded thera from punishraent, and enabled them to
bid defiance to those whom they had robbed and abused.
During tbe whole war, the inhabitants of the island, espe
cially those of Suffolk county, were perpetually exposed to
the grossest insult and abuse. They had no property of a
moveable nature that they could, properly speaking, call their
ovvn ; they were oftentiraes deprived of the stock necessary to
the management of their farms, and were deterred from en
deavoring to produce raore than a bare subsistence by the
apprehension that a surplus would be wrested from them,
either by the military authority of the purveyor, or by the
ruffian hand of the plunderer.
Besides these violations of the rights of person and prop
erty, the British officers did many acts of barbarity, for which
there could be no apology
They raade garrisons, store houses, or stables, of the houses
of public worship in several towns, and particularly of such
as belonged to the Presbyterians.
In the fall of 1782, at the conclusion of the war, about the
time the provisional articles of the treaty of peace were signed
in Europe, Colonel Thompson, (since said to be Count Rum-

120
ford) who commanded the troops then stationed at Hunting
ton, without any assignable purpose, except that of filling his
own pockets, by its furnishing him with a pretended claira on
the British treasury for the expense, caused a fort to be erect
ed in Huntington, and without any possible motive except to
gratify a malignant disposition, by vexing the people ot Hunt
ington, he placed itin the centre of the public burying ground,
in defiance of a remonstrance of the trustees ofthe town,
against the sacrilege of disturbing the ashes and destroying
the monuments of the dead.
Hardships imposed by the State Legislature.
Much, however, as the people of Long-Island had sufi'ered
from the injustice, cruelty, and oppression ofthe common ene
my, they were not suffered to taste the cup of liberty until it
was, in some raeasure, erabittered by the unkindness of their
firiends. It was their lot to be abandoned by their country, and left
in the power of the enemy. It was their misfortune, and not
their fault, that they were not within the American lines ; that
they were disarmed, and in subjection to the enemy, instead
of being in the tented field, and in arms against them.
By an act ofthe legislature ofthe state of New-York, passed
March 17, 1783, in actions for damages to the property of
persons within the American lines, those who had been
compelled by military orders, and even by railitary force, to
contribute to the damage, were prohibited from pleading the
same in justification, or from giving the same in evidence on
the general issue.
By another act, passed May 6, 1784, a tax of £100,000
was imposed on the southern district, £37,000 of wiiich was
assigned to Long-Island, as a compensation to the other parts
of the state, for not having been in a condition to take an
active part in the war against the enemy ! ! !
Both these acts were violations of public law, and the im
mutable principles of justice ; were partial and oppressive in
their operation, and fully proved that an abuse of power was
not peculiar to the British parliament, but a coraraon infirmi
ty of human nature ; and in conflicts of local interests, fo
mented by local jealousies, might sometimes occur under the
freest forms of government.

AFFEMBIX.
Of General Woodhull.
Nathaniel Woodhull was a descendant of Richard Woodhull,
esq. who is supposed to have left England in consequence of
having taken an active part in favor of liberty, under Charles
I. a short time before the restoration of Charles 11. in 1660.
He is named in the original deeds for Jamaica, as one of
the first proprietors of tliat town, but seems to bave settled at
Brookhaven soon after the settiement of that place. An ori
ginal letter, written by Lord Crew, to the said Richard Wood-
hull, in 1687, in answer to one of his, is among the papers of
the late Abraham Woodhull, esq. of Brookhaven, in which he
styles him cousin, and speaks of his relations, among whom
he enumerates a bishop, and a number of families of the first
rank and respectability in society.
Mr. Woodhull had three brothers younger than himself,
Richard, Jesse, and Ebenezer Richard graduated at Yale
College in 1752, was a tutor there some years, and died at
New-Haven. Jesse and Ebenezer settled in Orange county,
and their posterity reside there.
Nathaniel was born in 1722, and spent his youth with his
father, who was an opulent farmer at Mastic, in Brookhaven,
and his education was such as was calculated to fit him for
the duties of active life.
He was endowed by nature with a strong discriminating
mind, and a sound judgment, which soon attracted the notice
of his fellow citizens, and pointed him out as peculiarly quali
fied for public usefulness.
His first public employment was in a military capacity, in
the war between Great Britain and France, which comraenced
in 1754, and terminated in 1760.
It is not known tbat Mr. Woodhull entered the array before
1758. Previously to that year, the war had been conducted
without rauch systera or vigor, and the French had the supe
riority in every carapaign.
The defeat of Braddock in 1755 — the acquisition of Oswe
go in 1756, and of fort Williara Henry, in 1757, gave them
the coraraand of lake Charaplain, the western lakes, and of
the whole country between Canada and Louisana, west ofthe
Alleghany mountains. This secured to thera the ascendancy
over the Indian tribes, and they threatened to confine the colo
nies to very narrow limits, or to wrest them from Great Bri
tain. 16

122
In 1758, under the administration of WiUiam Pilt, it was
deterrained to make more vigorous eflbrts to limit or reduce
the French power in .\merica.
For this purpose, a large body of regular troops, with well
appointed officers and a powerful fleet, were sent from Eng
land, and the northern colonies were called on to raise their
respective proportions of 20,000 men, to aid the regular forces
in their operations against tiie French. Of this nuraber 2680
were allotted to New-York, during the year 1758-59 and 60,
of' which 657 were assigned to Long-Island — 300 to Queens,
289 to Suffolk, and 68 to Kings. The colony had only fur
nished 800 iu 1755, 1350 in 1756, and 1000 in 17S7.
During the year 1758, Louisburgh was taken by Gener
al Amherst, aided by the fleet under admiral Boscawen Fort
Dti Quesne was taken by General F >rbes, and its name
changed to Fori Pitt. General Abercroinbie was repulsed
in his efforts again-t Ticonderoga, the 6lh of Jul\ ; but Fort
Frontenac was subsequently reduced by a detachraent from
his army the 27 th of August, under the command of Colonel
Bradstreet The detachment consisted of 3000 men, chiefly provincial
troops, and 1112 of them of tiie New-York levies.
In 1759, General Amherst succeeded General Abercrorabie
as commander-in-chief, and the conquest of Canada was resol
ved on. The plan ofthe carapai^^n was to make the attack at
the same time by the upper lakes. Lake Champlain, and by
the St. Lawrence.
During this season, Niagara was taken by a detachment
Tinder General Prideaux, who vvas killed by a casualty, and
was succeeded by Sir William Johnson, who corapleted the
conquest the 25th of July. Ticonderoga and Crown Point
were taken by the troops under General Amherst, June 23,
and Quebec was surrendered, September 18, to the army
comraanded by Gen Wolfe, vvho fell in the attack
In 1760, the plan adopted the preceding year was vigorr
ously prosecuted. The French forces were concentrated at
JMontreal, and the three detachraenis of the army b^ way of
Ontario, Champlain, and up the St. Lawrence, under the
command of Generals Amherst, Haviland and Murra}, respect
ively arrived before Montreal within 46 hours of each other.
The united forces vvere so formidable, that M. De Vaudreul,
the Governor-general, deemed it iraprovident to risk an
action, or to sustain a siege ; and on the Sth of Septeraber,
1760, he surrendered the whole province of Canada and its
dependencies, to the united regular and provincial forces.

123
under General Amherst, which was confirmed to Great Brit
ain by the treaty of Paris, February lOth, 1763.
In 1758, Mr. Woodhull was a raajor in one ofthe New- York
battalions. He was with the troops under General Abercrora
bie at Ticonderoga, the 8th of July, and he accorapanied Col.
Bradstreet in the expedition, which he conducted against fort
Frontenac, and assisted in the reduction of that fortress, the
27th of August ensuing. The array left Schenectady the
28th of July for the Oneida carrying place. On their route
on the night ofthe 5th of August, 150 of the Jersey troops de
serted from theencarapment, near the German Flats. Major
Woodhull was despatched on the morning of the 6th vvith a
detachment of 300 ofthe New-York troops in pursuit of thera,
and overtook and returned with them on the night ofthe 7th.
This expedition, both in respect to the splendor ofthe achiev-
ment and its beneficial effects in weakening the influence of
the French with the Indians, in interrupting their intercourse
with their upper forts, and in lessening their ability to furnish
them with railitary supplies, as well asin diverting the courseof
the fur trade, was one ofthe most important events that occur
red during the whole war. It contributed, in a great measure,
to efface the disgrace which the army had just sustained by
their repulse at Ticonderoga. In this expedition the venera
ble Col. Marinus Willet, who was a lieutenant and one of
the party, states, that tlie conduct of Major Woodhull was that
of " a first rate officer."*
In 1759, two battallionsof the New-York troops accompa
nied General Prideaux to Niagara ; and one went with Gen.
* The expedition under Col. Bradstreet consisted ofthe following troops : Regu
lars, 135— royal artillery, 30 — ffesv-York provincials, 1112 — Massachusetts do. 675 —
Ne v-Jersey, do. 1 l^—Rhode-Island. do. 313- batteau men 300, and about 60 rangers —
in all .1035. The regulars were commanded by Capt. Ogilvie, and the artillery by
Lieutenant Brown.
The New York troops consisted of two detachments. The first commanded by
Lieut. Colonel Charles (!)lintoo, of Ulster, amounting in the whole to 440, under CSpts.
JonathanOgden, of IVestcbester, Peter Dubois of New-York, Samuel Bladgley of
Dhtchess, and Daniel Wright of ijueens. The second was commanded by Lieut. Col.
Isaac dorse, of ttueens, and Major Nathaniel Woodhull of Suffolk, amounting to 668,
under captains Elias Hand of Suffolk, Richard Hewlett of Queens, Thomas Arrow-
smith of Richmond, William Humphrey of Dutchess, Ebenezer Seely of Ulster, and
Peter Yates and Goosen Van Scliairk, of Albany.
The troops left fort Stanwix, August 1 4th, 1 758, and the fort capitulated the 27tb,
1^ which the garrison, artillery stores, and two schooners, fell into the hands of the
victors. The commander of the fort was exchanged for Col. Peter Schuyler, who had
been taken the year before, and enabled the counlry to avail itself of the experience of
that excellent officer during the two ensuing campaigus.
Col. Corse, who had distinguished himself in the three preceeding campaigns, With a
part of his troops volunteered to erect a battery in tue night of the 26th, in the raidst
of the enemy's Sre, which in the morning commauded their fort, and led to an imme
diate surrender.
The Col. received a slight wound, but not so severe as to unfit him for duty. The
detachment returned to fort Stanwix the 10th of September.

124
Amherst to Ticonderoga ; and, it is supposed, that Majof
Woodhull was made a lieutenant colonel, aud accorapanied
the troops who went ou one or other of these expeditions
In March, 1760, he was proraoted to tie rank of colonel,
and commanded the third regiment of New-lork troops in
the expedition against Canada.
After the conquest of Canada, he was discharged with the
provincial troops, and returned to the duties and employments
of a private citizen, with the reputation qf having discharged
the duties of his military stations with honor and ability.
Soon after this period, tbe government of Great Britain,
not satisfied with having the controul of the trade of the colo
nies, conceived the project of raising a revenue frora them, by
tbe imposition of duties on their imports, to be regulated, as to
their extent and amount, solely by the discretion ofthe lirit
ish Parliament.
A doctrine so hostile to the principles of the British consti-
tion, as well as to the freedom and security of the colonies,
created a general excitement, and roused a spirit of resistance
throughout the colonies.
December 28th, 1768, the assembly of New-York adopted
a number of spirited resolutions ; and among other things,
they in substance, resolved unanimously — that tbe people of
the colonies enjoyed the sarae right> as the people of England
in not being liable to be taxed but by their own representa
tives ; that the rights and privileges of the legislatures could
not be abridged, superceded, abrogated, or annulled ; and
that they had a right to consult with the other colonies, in
matters wherein their liberties raight be affected. In conse
quence of whicb, the governor. Sir Henry Moore, on the 2d
of January, dissolved them.
The people of Suffolk county, frora their first settlement,
had held that there could be no taxation without representa
tion ; and, in 1670, had retused to pay a tax imposed on
them by Governor Lovelace, before they were permitted to
have an assemblj', and their descendants were now determin
ed to withstand a similar violation of their rights by the Brit
ish parliament.
The bravery, prudence, and patriotism of Col. Woodhull,
had procured him the confidence and esteem of his fellow citi
zens. Tbey now deemed his qualifications peculiarly fitted for
the crisis, and manifested their confidence by electing him one
of their representatives to the new assembly, that was sum
moned in the spring of 1769.

125
March 1st. 17'"9 — The people of Suffolk adopted certain
instructions for Wiiliara Nicoll, esq. and Colonel Nathaniel
Woodhull, their members to the new assembly ; and, among
other things, express their confidence, that they would exert
their abilities " to preserve their freedom and the^command
over their own purses."
Col Woodhull continued a raember ofthe assembly for the
county of Suffolk, until the dissolution ofthe colony govern
ment in 1775 ; and the firmness and patriotism he displayed
during that turbulent period, endeared hira to the friends of
freedora, and he received the cordial approbation of his con
stituents. The people of Suffolk, April 6th, 1775, appointed him one
of the delegates for that county, to the convention which raet
in the city of New- York the 20lh of that month, to choose
delegates to meet the delegates of the other colonies, at
Philadelphia, the 10th of May then ensuing, in order to con
cert raeasures for the restoration of harmony between Great
Britain and the colonies.
In May 1775, he was chosen one of the delegates of the
said county to the provincial Congress, which first met at
New-York, the 22d ofthe same month, to co-operate with the
continental' congress, iu such measures as they should devise
for the public good.
August 22d, 1775. — The provincial Congress re-organized
the militia of the colony, and soon after appointed Col. Wood-
hull brigadier-general ofthe brigade coraposed ofthe militia
of Suffolk and Queens ; and at the same time appointed capt.
Jonathan Lawrence one of the delegates from Queens to the
provincial congress, his major of Brigade.
Col Woodhull was also proposed for the office of brigadier
general in the continenlal service, June 9th, 1776, when Gen.
Scott was elected to that station, and received the support of
the members who were acquainted with his merits.
August 28th, 1775. — General Woodhull was elected presi
dent of the Provincial Congress, and continued to preside in
that body until the lOth of August^, 1776. •
July 9th, 1776. — The Provincial Congress met at the
White Plains, and on the first day of their meeting, ratified,
on the part of the people ofthis state, the declaratioh of Inde
pendence which had been adopted by the Continental Con
gress on the 4th inst. and immediately assumed the style of
" the convention of the people of the state of New-York ;"
and set about framing a state constitution, which, in conse
quence of the interruptions of the war, and the public duties
ofthe members, was not completed till April, 1777.

126
In tiie spring of 1776, it was apprehended that the British
would shortiy attempt the invasion of New-York, and prepa
rations were made to repel them.
July 20th, 1776. — The convention ordered one fourth of
the railitia of Long-Island to be drafted, and to be ready for
iraraediate service. These araounted to eight or nine hundred
men, and were organized into two regiraents, under colonel
Josiah Smith of Suffolk, and colonel Jeromus Remsen, of
Queens. These troops marched to Brooklyn early in August, and
were placed under the continenlal officer who commanded
there. July 29th, the convention met at Harlaem, to which place
they had before adjourned.
August 10th — General Woodhull obtained leave of absence
in order, it would seem, to visit his family and arrange his
domestic affairs, probably under an impression that his servi
ces would shortly be required in the field.
August 22d. — The convention were inforraed that the Brit
ish troops were landing, and that thty vvere suffering for pro
visions, and they deeraed it of great importance to prevent
their obtaining supplies.
August 24. — The convention ordered out the militia of
Queens, the two troops of horse, of Kings and Queens, and one
half of the western regiment of Suffolk, with five days provi.
sions, under the command of General Woodhull, who was
ordered to march into " the western parts of Queens county,"
and lo " use all possible diligence to prevent the stock and
other provisions from falling into the hands of the enemy, either
by removing or destroying them."
The same day, the convention passed several resolutions,
prescribing, in detail, the mode in which they wished their
orders executed. They also sent Williara Smith and Samuel
Townsend. esq'r». two of their members, to General Wash
ington, vvith a copy of their resolutions, who were instructed
to state to hitn, that the convention were of opinion that it
would be "extremely difficult, if not impracticable, to effect
the objects of their resolutions, without an additional force,
and to submit to his Excellency's consideration the propriety
of ordering Col. Smith's and Col. Remsen's regiments to join
the troops under General Woodhull."
Sunday, August 25.— General Woodhull wrote to the con
vention, and, from their answer, it would seera, stated w hat
would be necessary to keep the troops together, and to enable
him to execute their orders.

127
On the 26th, Mess. Smith and Townsend reported that they
bad waited on General Washington — that to tbeir request res
pecting Sraith and Kemsen's regiments, he replied, " that he
was afraid it was too late," but that he would immediately
give orders for those two regiments to march into Queens
county to join General Woodhull.
On the same day, the, convention wrote to General Wood-
hull, and inforraecl hitn that they had applied to General
Washington to send Smith and Remsen's regiments to join
him, to which he had assented, and that they exjjected that
they were by that tirae on the ground. On the same day,
they also sent him the resolutions which they had adopted on
the 24th. with instructions, which seem not to have reached
till the next morning.
On the morning of the 27th, General Woodhull wrote to
the convention from Jaraaica. He acknowledged the receipt
of their resolutions, and staled that he had removed alfthe cat-
tie west and south ofthe hills — that he did not believe that
Smith and Remsen would be iible to join him with their regi
ments, and that unless they could send him some other assis
tance, he apprehended that he should soon be obliged to quit
that part of the country.
In the afternoon of the same day the General again wrote
by express, and stated that about 100 men of the western
regiraent of Suffolk had arrived the day before; that about 40
of the militia of Queens county had joined him, which with
about 50 of the two corapanies of horse, of Kings and Queens,
coraposed his whole force, and were nearly all that be expect
ed — that he was within six miles ofthe enemy's camp— that
their horse had been within two miles of him, and that without
more men, his stay could answer no purpose.
The General, at the same tirae sent Jonathan Lawrence, esq.
bis brigade major, to the convention, to enforce his represen
tations. He that day removed the cattle from Newtown, and station
ed his troops that night about two miles east of Jamaica,
where he himself remained.
The convention unfortunately never met on the 27th, and
business was transacted by the committee of safety, which
was probably the reason why the express, who returned on
the morning ofthe 28th, brought nothing but a copy of the
communications ofthe 26tb, which had been before received.
On the sarae morning of the 28th, General Woodhull wrote
his last letter to the convention, in vvhich he complained 6f
their inattention to his situation — that iu the letter received

128
by his express, they had only repeated what they had before
communicated, without answering his letters, or the message
by his brigade major. He stated that he had collected and
sent off about 1400 cattle with guards to the eastward ; and
had ordered the inhabitants that, in case he should not receive
a reinforcement, to remove the remainder — that his troops
were reduced to less than 100 men, and were daily dirainish-
iug, and that both men and horses were worn down by fatigue.
On the raorning ofthe 28th, the convention sent major
Lawrence to General Washington with a letter, enclosing
General Woodhull's letter of tl e preceding evening, and
stated it to be their opinion that the stock on the Island might
be saved from the eneray by the aid of Sraith and Rerasen's
regiments, and that it was practicable to send them there.
On the receipt of General Woodhull's letter of that morning,
the convention appointed John Sloss Hobart and Jaraes
Townsend, esq'rs. two of their raembers, to repair to General
Woodhull to aid him with their counsel. They however,
unhappily, never reached him.
The convention also sent David Gelston, esq. another of
their members, to the governor of Connecticut, to solicit him
to send over 1000 ofthe militia of that state to aid the militia
on Long-Island.
Under the impression that Smith and Remsen's regiments
would be sent to reinforce General Woodhull, the convention
sent Mr. Van Wyck, a raember from Queens county, to Flush
ing, to make arrangements for their transportation.
At 5 o'clock in the afternoon ofthe 28th, Major Lawrence
returned with a letter frora General Washington to the con
vention, in which he inforraed thera that his situation was such
that Smith and Remsen's regiments could not be spared.
The convention imraediately appointed Samuel Townsend,
esq. another meraber frora Queens, to convey the intelligence
to General V/oodhull, then too late to be of any service to
bim. The same evening the convention resolved to adjourn, to
meet at Fishkill the ensuing Monday, the 2d of September,
which was suspended by notice of a motion to re-cons der tbe
vote, which, on the morning of the 29th, was put, and lost,
and they adjourned agreeable to their resolution of the pre
ceding evening.
At this critical moment, the situation of General Woodhull
was peculiarly embarrassing. If he had not received encour
agement that he should be relieved, the smallness of his force
would have justified an immediate retreat.

129
Every communication from the convention, from whom he
S-eceived his orders, imported it to be their wish that he should
retain his station in the western part of Queens county, and
encouraged him to expect a reinforcement, The omission of
any intelligence to the contrary, with the delay of the return
of his brigade major, who was detained by the convention,
was calculated to strengthen that expectation.
To have retreated under these circumstances would haVe
been a violation of railitary rules, and in case of reliefs being
sent, would have been deemed highly dishonorable.
In this emergency, the General had no counsel but his own
honorable feelings to consult, and he adopted the course which
they dictated. He resolved not to make a final retreat until
be heard from the convention.
On the morning ofthe 28th, the General ordered his troops
to fall back, and take a station abont four miles east of Jamai
ca, and there to remain till further orders.
The General reraained at Jamaica till afternoon, in momen
tary expectation of a message from the convention. He then
retired slowly with only one or two companions, still indul
ging the hope of intelligence from the convention, until he
fell a sacrifice to bis reliance on their vigilance and his own
bigh sense of military honor, which forbid his abandoning the
station assigned him, however perilous, before he was assured
that relief was hopeless, orbe had orders to that effect.
A severe thunder shower, as is supposed, obliged him to
take refuge in a public bouse about two miles east of Jamaica,
aud before he left it, he was overtaken by a detachment of tbe
17th regiment of British dragoons, and the 71st regiment Brit
ish infantry, accorapanied by some of the disaffected inhabi
tants as pilots.
The General iramediately gave up his sword in token of
bis surrender. The ruffian who first approached hira, (said
to be a raajor Baird, of the 71st.) as is reported, ordered him
to say, " God save the King," the General replied, "God
save us all," on which he most cowardly and cruelly assailed
the defenceless General with his broad sword, and would have
killed him upon the spot, if he had not been prevented by
the interference of an officer of more honor and humanity,
(said to be major Delancey ofthe dragoons,) who arrested his
savage violence.
The General was badly wounded in the head, and one of
his arms was mangled from the shoulder to the wrist. He
was then taken to Jamaica, were his wounds were dressed,
and with other prisoners, was confined in the stone church
there, till sorae tirae the nextidav. He was then conveyed to
17

130
Gravesend, and with about eighty other prisoners, (of which
nuraber Col. Robert Troup, of New-York, was one) was con
fined in a vessel which bad been employed to transport live
stock for the use ofthe army, and was without accommoda
tions for health or comfort.
The General was released from the vessel, on the remon
strance of an officer who had morejhumanity tban his superiors,
and was removed to an house near the church in New-Utrecht,
where he was permitted to receive some attendance and raedi
cal assistance.
A cut in the joint of the elbow rendered an amputation of
the arm necessary. As soon as this was resolved on, the Gen
eral sent for his wife, with a request that she would bring with
her all the money that she had in her possession, and all that
she could procure, which was complied vvith, and he had it
distributed araong the American prisoners, to alleviate their
sufferings — thus furnishing a lesson of humanity to his ene
mies, and closing a useful life by an act of charity.
He then suffered the araputation, which soon issued in a
mortification, which terminated his life September the 20th,
1776, in the fifty-fourth year of his age.
The General left only one child, who is now living on her
paternal estate at .Mastic, in Brookhaven,' and is the widow of
the late general John Smith, deceased.
It is said that one of the battalions that was employed in
this inglorious warfare against an unresisting individual, or
some other one, was commanded by a Major Crew, a distant
kinsman of the General, and that when he came to be appri
zed of that fact, and ofthe circumstances ofthe case, he was
so disgusted that he either resigned his comraission and quit
the service, or obtained permission to leave the array and
returned to England. The whole ofthe tiansactions of that
period, bear the marks of inexperience and improvidence, of
precipitation and alarm.
The talents of General Woodhull vvere adapted to a milita-
r}' station. With personal courage, he possessed judgment,
decision, and firmness of character, tempered with conciliating
manners, which commanded the respect and obedience of his
troops, and at the sarae time, secured their confidence and
esteem. He had more military experience than most of the early
officers of the revolutionary army, and no one in this state,
at that time, promised to make a better general officer. •
The nature of the service in vvhich the General was eraploy
ed, and tbe force placed under his command^ were alike uii-
worthv of him.

131
The object ofthe expedition was to compel the enemy to
retire, or to weaken them and bring them to terras, by pre
venting their obtaining the raeans of subsistence, either by
reraoving the supplies out of their reach, or by destroying
them. It was not intended that the troops under his coraraand
should join the army, or engage any portion ofthe enemy,
except such as should be detached in pursuit of supplies ; nor
would his force, if it had all been collected, have been adequate
to'more important exertions. The expedition vvas more suit
able for the command of a subordinate officer ; and prudence
would have dictated that the General should have been reser
ved for a service in which his talents and experience were
needed, and in which they could have been exerted.
Before the 27th, while the American army held the enemy
in check, and prevented'their detaching any considerable force
from their main body, there vvas some ground for the conven
tion to believe that a reinforcement of Smith and Remsen's
regiments would enable General Woodhull to effect the objects
ofthe expedition, and the want of information that the chan
ges in the army before that tirae prevented those regiments
being sent to reinforce General Woodhull, agreeable to the
encouragement which they had received from the coramand-
der-in-chief, authorized them to require him to keep his sta
tion. After that day the scene was changed. The fatal
neglect to guard the left wing of the Araerican array in the
action of the 27th, furnished an inroad for the eneray, by
which they intercepted and surprised the troops engaged with
their centre and left wing — surrounded the Araerican encarap-
ment — cut off all coraraunication with General Woodhull, and
were at liberty to send what force they pleased against hira.
The General, in his letters of that date, intimated his belief
thatthe relief they sought had become impracticable, and evi
dently indicated a wish for orders to retire. A disregard of
his suggestions by the convention, caused the delay which
resulted in his capture.
If the aid of Smith and Remsen's regiraents could have been
obtained, it would have been unavailing. It was in vain to
expect that 1000 militia could withstand a force before which
the American army had retired, and it was idle to make fur
ther efforts to procure the reinforcement.
The change effected in the relations of the two arraies by
the action ofthe 27th, indeed defeated the object ofthe expe
dition, and rendered the further prosecution of it useless and
impracticable, and the convention owed it to themselves as

132
well as to General Woodhull to issue immediate orders for
him to retire.
The omission of the convention also to establish a regular
and constant correspondence with the General, kept him in
ignorance of the operations of the two arraies, as well as of
their own measures, and prevented his taking those precau
tions for his own safety which his situation required.
The capture of General Woodhull was one of the most
calamitous events of that disastrous period. It deprived the
country of the talents, the experience and counsels of one of
the ablest and raost patriotic of her citizens.
The cruel and dastardly treatment of a prisoner, especially
of his rank and character, after a peaceable surrender, roused
a spirit of indignation in the breast of every honest and disin
terested man.
It contributed to alienate the affections ofthe people from a
country, whose officers were capable of such unprincipled bar
barity, and to strengthen the determination of all ranks, to
adhere to the resolution then recentiy adopted by the conti
nental congress and the convention of this state, to render the
United States independent of her control.
General Woodhull was as much distinguished for his private
and doraestic virtues as for his zeal for the rights of his coun
try, and was held in the highest estimation by all those who
enjoyed his society, or had the pleasure of an intimate ac
quaintance with him.
His death spread a gloom over Long-Island — was univer
sally lamented by the friends of freedom, to whora he was
known, as well as by all those to whom he vvas endeared by
social relations ; and while the American revolution contin
ues to be a subject of gratitude with the people of Long-
Island, his memory will be cherished among their fondest
recollections.

Correspondence between General Woodhull and ihe
Convention.
August 25th, 1776, General Woodhull wrote to the con
vention. The letter cannot be found, but the contents may
be inferred from the following answer : August 26th, 1776.
Sir — Your's of yesterday is just come to hand, in answer to
M'hicb we would inform you, that Robert Townsend, the son
of Sarauel Townsend, esq. is appointed commissary for the
troops under your command, of which we hope you will give

133
him the earliest notice ; and that we have made application to
General Washington for the regiments under the comraand of
Cols. Smith and Rerasen, to join \ou. He assured our cora
raittee that he would issue out orders imraediately for that pur
pose, and we expect that they are upon the spot by this tirae.
Confiding in your known prudence and zeal in the com
mon cause, and wishing you the protection and blessing of
heaven, Weare, with respect, your very
humble servants.
By order, he. ABRAHAM YATES, Jun.
To Gen. Nathaniel Woodhdll.
Jamaica, August 27th, 1770.
Gentlemen — I ara now at Jamaica with less than 100 men,
having brought all the cattie frora the westward and south
ward of the hills, and have sent them off vvith the troops of
horse, with orders to take all the rest eastward of this place,
to the eastward of Hempstead Plains, to put them into fields
and to set a guard over thera.
The eneray, I am informed, are entrenching southward, and
from the heights near Howard's.
I have now received jours, with several resolutions, which
I wish it was in my pov^er to put in execution ; but unless
Cols. Sraith and Rerasen, mentioned in yours, join me with
their regiments, or some other assistance iraraediately, I shall
not be able, for the people are all moving east, and I cannot
get any assistance from thera. I shall continue here as long
as I can, in hopes of a reinforcement ; but if none cotnes soon,
I shall retreat aud drive the stock before nie into the woods.
Cols. Smith and Remsen, I think, cannot join me. Unless
you can send me sorae other assistance, I fear I shall soonbe
obliged to quit this place. I hope soon to hear from you.
I am, gentleraen, your most humble serv't.
NATHANIEL WOODHULL.
To the Hon. Convention of
the State of New-York.
Westward of Queens County, August 27th, 1776.
Gentiemen— Inclosed I send you a letter from Col. Potter,
who left me yesterday at 11 o'clock, after bringing about 100
men to me at Jamaica. Major Sraith, I expect has all the
rest that were to come from Suffolk county. There have
about 40 ofthe militia joined me from the regiments in Queens

134
county, and about 50 of the troop belonging to Kings and
Queens counties, which 1= nearly all } expect. I have got all
the cattle southward ofthe hills in Kings county, to the east
ward of the cross-road between the two counties, and have
placed guards and sentinels frora the north road to the south
side ofthe Island, in order to prevent the cattie's going back,
and to prevent the coraraunication ofthe tories with the enemy.
I am within about six miles of tbe enemy's carap : their light
horse have been within about two miles, and unless I have
more men, our stay here will answer no purpose. We shall
soon want to be supplied with provisions, if we tarrv here.
I am, gentlemen, vour most ob'dt. hurable serv't,
NATHANIEL WOODHULL.
The Hon. Convention of New-
York, at Harlfem. Jamaica, August 28fh, 1776.
Gentlemen — I wrote two letters to you yesterday, one by
express and another by Mr. Harper, and also sent my brigade-
major to you, to let you know my situation, and I expected
an answer to one of them last night, but my express informed
me that he was detained till last night for an answer.
I have now received j'ours of the 26th, which is only a copy
ofthe last, without a single word of answer to my letter, or the
message by my brigade-major. I must again let you knovv
my situation. 1 have about 70 men and about 20 ofthe troop,
which is all the force I have or can expect, and I am daily
growing less in nuraber. The people are so alarmed in Suf
folk, that thev vvill not any more of them march; and as to
Cols. Smith and Remsen, they cannot join me, for the com
munication is cut off between us 1 have sent about 1100
cattie to the great fields on the plains, j'esterda3% About 300
mora have gone off this morning to the same place, and I have
ordered a guard of an officer and seven privates. They
can get no water in those fields. My men and horses are
worn out vviih fatigue. The cattie are uot all gone off to
wards Hempstead. 1 ordered them off yesterday ; but they
were not able to take them along 1 yesterday brought about
oOO from Newtown. I think the cattie are in as much dan
ger on the north side as on the south side ; and have ordered
the inhabitants lo remove them, if you cannot send me an im
mediate reinforcement. I am, inc.
NATHANIEL WOODHULL.
The Hon. Convention of
New- York.

135
Correspondence between the Convention and Gen. Washington.
Wednesday morning, Aug. 28th, 1776.
Sir — I am commanded by the convention to enclose to
your Excellency the copy of a letter they received last even
ing from Gen. Woodhull. The convention are of opinion
that the enemy may be prevented from getting the stock and
grain on Long-Island, if the regiments under the command
of CoL Sraith and Col. Rerasen be sent to join Gen. Wood-
hull. That this junction may be effected, and how. Major
Lawrence, who is a member of this convention and the bear-
¦er hereof, will inform your Excellency.
I have the honor to be, with great respect.
Your Excellency's most obedient servant.
By order, ABRAHAM YATES.
His Excellency Gen. Washington.
Long.-Island, Aug. 28th, 1776.
Sir — ^I was just now honored with your favor ofthis date,
with General Woodhull's letter, and sbould esteem myself
happy, were it in my power to afford the assistance required,
hut the enemy having landed a considerable part of their force,
here, and at the same tirae raay have reserved some to attack
New- York, it is the opinion, not only of rayself, but of all
my general officers I have had an opportiftiity of consulting
with, that the men we have are not more than competent to
the defence of those lines, and the several posts which must be
defended. This reason, and this alone, prevents my comply
ing with your request. I shall beg leave to mention, in con
fidence, that a few days ago, upon the enemy's first landing
here, I wrote to Governor Trumbull, recommending him to
throw over a body of 1000 men on the Island to annoy the
enemy in their rear, if the state of the colony vt'ould. admit of
it. Whether it will be done I cannot determine. That colony
having furnished a large proportion of men, I was, and still
ara, doubtful whether it could be done. If it could, I am satis
fied it will, from the zeal and readiness they have ever shown
to give every possible succour. I am hopeful they will be in
a condition to do it ; and if they are, those troops, I doUbt not,
will be ready and willing to give General Woodhull any
assistance he may want. But cannot the militia effect what
he wishes to do .'' They, I believe, must be depended on in
the present instance for relief.
I have the honor to be, in great haste^
Sir, your most obedient servant,
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
The Hon, Abraham Yates,

136
Continuation ofthe correspondence Ly the Committee of Safety.
King's Bridge, .lug. SOth, 1776.
Sir — In our way to Fishkill, agreeable to an adjournment
of the convention, we are informed that the army on Long-
Island is removed to the city of New-York; and anxiety to
know the fact, as well as to be informed whether you think
any measures neces-^ary for us to take, induces us to trouble
3'our Lxcellency at this time for au answer hereto. We have
ordered, last night, all the railitia of the counties of Ulster,
Dutchess, Orange, and Westchester, to be ready, on a min
ute's warning, with five days provisions. We shall wait the
return of our messengsr at this place, aud are.
Sir, vour most obed't and verv humble serv't.
" By order. ABRAHAM YATES, Juu.
His Excellency Gen. Washington.
August oOth, IT To.
Sir — Your favor of this date is just come to band. Cir
cumstanced as this army was, in respect to situation, strength.
&c. itwas the unanimous advice of a council of general officers,
to give up Long-Island, and not by dividing our force, be una
ble to resist tbe enemy in any one point of attack. This rea
son, added to some others, particularly the fear of having our
communication cut off from the raain, of which there seemed
to be no small probability, and the extreme fatigue our troops
were laid under in guarding such extensive lines witbout pro
per shelter from the weather, induced the above resolution.
It is the most intricate thing in the world, sir, to know in
what manner to conduct one's self with respect to the militia.
If you do not begin many daj-s before they are wanted to raise
them, you cannot have them in time. lf\"0u do, they gel
tired and return, besides being under very little order or
government whilst in service.
However, if the enemy have a design of servin? us at this
place, as we apprehend they meant to do on Long-Island, it
might not be improper to have a body in readiness, to prevent
or retard a landing of them east of Harltem river, if n^d be.
In haste, and not a little fatigued,
I remain, vvith great respect and esteem.
Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
The hon. AcRAnAa Yaxes, Esq.

137
A list ofthe Field Officers and Captains of the New-York
troops employedin the French war, in 1758, 59 and 60 :
CHIEF COLONELS.
1759. 1760.
John Johnson, none.
COLONELS.
Barthol. Le Rouse, Barthol. Le Rouse,
Michael Thody, f Isaac Corsa,
Nath. Woodhull.

1758.
Oliver Delancej',
Taylor Woolsey,
Beamsly Glacier,

Charles Clinton,
Barthol. Le Rouse,
Isaac Corsa.
Nath. Woodhull,
Michael Thody,
George Brewerton.
Thoraas Terry,
Elias Hand,
Gilbert Potter.f
Richard Hnlet,
Thomas Williams,
Daniel Wright.
Peter Stuyvesant.^
Thos. Arrowsmith.
Peter Dubois,
John McEvers,
Francis Moore,
George Brewerton.

LIEUT. COLONELS.
Isaac Corse.

MAJORS.
Jlyndert Roseboom
CAPTAINS, — Suffolk.
Gilbert Potter,
Barnabas Tuthill,
Stephen Sayre.
Queens.
Daniel Wright,
Richard Hulet,
Ephraim Mors.
Kings.
Richmond.
Thos. Arrowsmith.
JVew-York.
George Brewerton,
Richard Sraith,
Vandine Ellsworth,
Tobias Van Zant.

George Brewerton,
Myntlert Roseboom,
Goosen Van Schaicb
John Paulding,
Joshua Bloomer,
Wm. W. Hoogan,
Israel Horton,
Jonathan Baker,
Jesse Platt.
Daniel Wright,
Ephraim Mors,
George Dunbar,
Isaac Middagb.
Anthony Waters.
Nathaniel Hubble,
Abm. De Forest,
Barnabas Byrnes,
Francis Thodv.

* One Col. in 1758, and one Lieut. Col. and one Msuor, in 1759, are unknown,
•f A number of these officers, as well as the subalterns and privates, also served in
the revolutionary war, and the knowledge and experience they acquired in the French
war, was of considerable service to the country, and a few of them joined the British.
t Jacob Smith, a brother of JefTery Smith, esq. of Smithtown, a lieutenant in Capt.
Potter's company, received a wound in the action at Ticonderoga, July Sth, 1758, of
which he died the 15th, of which Major Woodhull, in his letter to his father, says, he
had behaved himself both like a soldier and a christian— his life was much desired, and
his death is much lamented by all his acquaintance. 18

138
Westchester,
1758. 1759. 1760.
John Ver Plank, William Gilchrist, William Gilchrist,
Reuben Lockwood, James Holmes, Jonathan Haight,
Jonathan Ogden, Joshua Bloomer, Henry Bayens.
Jonathan Fowler. Jonathan Haight.
Dutchess.
John Pawling, John Pawling, Richard Rhea,
William Humphrey, Samuel Bladgley, Jacobus Swartwoutj
Samuel Bladgley, Jacobus Swartwout, Peter Harris,
Joseph Crane. Richard Rhea. John Van Ness.
Orange.
John P. Smith, Jaraes Howell. James Howell.
James Howell. Ulster.
Ebenezer Seely, James Clinton, Jaraes Clinton,
Steph. Nottingham. Corns. Van Beuren. Corns. Wyncoop.
Albany.
Peter Yates, Goosen Van SchaickStephen Schuyler,
Peter Conyne, Peter Conyne, Christopher Yates,
Lucas Van Veghten,Philip Lansing, Peter Bain.
Goosen Van SchaickHendrick Herkimer,
Guy Johnson.
A list of field Officers and captains ofthe militia of Long-
Island, who were in service in 1776.
Captains Daniel Roe, John Hulbert,
Daniel Griffin, John Davis.
These captains, with their corapanies, were stationed at the
east end of the Island, in the spring and summer of 1776,
under the command of Col. Henry B. Livingston.
Within the American lines at Brooklyn, August, 1776.
Col. Josiah Sraith, Col. Jeromus Remsen,
Lieut. Col. John Sands, Lt. Col. Nicholas Covenhoven,
Major Abraham Remsen, Major Richard Thome,
Captains.
John Wickes, Benjamin Birdsall,
Nathaniel Platt, David Laton,
Selah Strong, John W. Seaman,
Ezekiel Mulford, Daniel Rapelye,
Paul Reeve, Andrew Onderdonk.

139
Officers who were with Gen. Woodhull, Aug. 26, 27, and 28tk,
1776.
Major Jesse Brush ; Capt. Alexander Ketcham ; Lieut.
Com. Jonah Wood ; do. Stephen Abbot, of the Suffolk
troops. Capt. Ephraim Bayles, of the troops from Queens.
Kings County troop of Horse.
Capt. William Boerura, Lieut. Thomas Everit, Ensign
Isaac Sebring. Queens County troop of Horse.
Capt. Daniel Whitehead, Lieut. William Sacket.

Sketch of Col. William Smith.
Col. William Smith was born at Newton near Higham Fer
rers, in Northamptonshire in England, February 2d, 1655.
It seems that in his youth h# was destined for the active scenes
of life, and it is not probable that he received either a classical
or legal education. He however possessed a vigorous mind,
with a versatility of genius capable of attaining distinction in
any employment to which it was applied.
The faniily probably were attached to the royal cause, as
he seeras to have been in great favour with Charles 11, which
was continued during the reigns of Jaraes II, Williara and
Mary, and while he continued under queen Ann.
Charles 11, in 1675, appointed hira governor of Tangiers,
which place, as well as Bombay, was given to him by the king
of Portugal, as a part of the raarriage portion of his wife, queen
Catharine, the daughter of that king; and he probably at the
sarae time gave him the commission of colonel, and the com
mand ofthe troops necessary to protect an establishraent on
that barbarous coast.
It was intended to raake Tangiers a place of trade, and to
establish a colony there. The project, howe\ er, did not suc
ceed; and in 1683 the place was abandoned, and Col. Smith
returned to England.
After his return, he embarked in trade in London, and con
tinued in business until he left the country.
It would also seera that Col. Sraith was for a short tirae con
cerned in trade after his arrival in this country, and raay have
come over for that purpose. There is an entry of a note on
the records of Brookhaven,, bearing date April 23, 1690, given
by Col. Thomas Dongan, the late governor ofthe province,

140
to Col. Smith, for £99 3, purporting to be for goods, in which
tbe colonel is styled a merchant.
Col.Sraith arrived with his family at New-York August 6tb,
1686. He very early visited Brookhaven, and seeras to have
taken a fancy to a valuable neck of land there, called Littie
Neck, which was held in shares by various proprietors, who
were in some dispute about the premises.
Governor Dongan aided him in effecting the purchase. He
wrote to the proprietors, and recommended it to them to sell
out to Col. Smith, as the best mode of terminating the contro
versy, to which a considerable proportion of them agreed; and
on the 22d October, 1687, Col. Smith made bis first purchase
in Brookhaven.
In 1689, it is supposed, he removed to Brookhaven with his
family, and took up his permanent residence there.
After his settlement at Brookhaven, Col. Smith made a pur
chase of a large tract of country, extending from the country
road to the South Bay, and from the Fireplace river to Blas-
tic river, to which the town assented, and which with his for
mer purchases was erected into a manor, by the name of St.
George's manor, by patent of Col. Fletcher in 1693 ; and sub
sequent to this he purchased all the lands unpurchased, lying
between his former purchase and the bounds of Southampton,
which were annexed to bis manor by another patent of Col.
Fletcher in 1697, whose grants to individuals were so extra
vagant, that several of them were annulled by an act ofthe col
ony legislature, under the succeeding administration.
Governor Slaughter arrived at New-York March 19th, 1691,
and on the 25th he appointed Col. Smith one ofthe members
ofthe council: he also appointed him one ofthe commissioners
of oyer and terminer, which tried and convicted Leisler and
his associates.
The supreme court was established by an act ofthe legisla
ture. May 6th, 1691 ; consisting of a chief justice, with a sala
ry of £130 ; a second judge, witb a salary of £100 ; and three
other judges, without a salary. On tbe 1 5tb, the governor and
council appointed Joseph Dudley chief justice, Thomas John
son the second judge, and Col. Smith, Stephen Van Cortiand,
and William Pinhorne, the other judges. Col. Smith was at
the sarae time appointed a judge or delegate of the prerogative
court for the county of Suffolk.
Col. Fletcher arrived and took upon him the government,
August 29th, 1692.
November llth, 1692, the seat of Joseph Dudley \iras vaca
ted for non-residence, and Col, Smith was appointed chiefjus-
tice in his room.

141
June Sth, 1693, Col, Smith was appointed to the command
ofthe militia of Suffolk county, in place of Col. John Youngs,
who had long held that office, but whose age rendered hira in
competent any longer to discharge the duties required of him.
It is not known that Col. Smith took any part in politics
under Leisler's administration ; but he was one of the court
that convicted him, and was on that account obnoxious to the
party attached to Leisler.
April 2d, 1698, a new governor, the earl of BeUamont, ar
rived, and entered upon office. He immediately joined the
friends of Leisler, and seems at once to have imbibed the feel
ings and resentments of the party, and was led by his zeal to
gratify his friends whose cause he had espoused, to lend his
official patronage to prostrate their opponents, by removing
them from all places of power and influence.
The majority ofthe council were anti-Leislerians ; and his
first effort was to change the political coraplexion of that body
by removing such as were obnoxious to hira, and introducing
his favourites in their room. Wra. Nicolls was the first victim
to the spirit of party ; and the proscription was continued till
his lordship bail suspended more than half the members ofthe
board. October 30th, 1700, the governor renioved Col. Sraith from
the office of chief justice, and appointed Stephen Van Cortiand,
the second judge, who belonged to the same party with Col.
Smith, chief justice in his room.
January 8th, 1701, his lordship informed the council that he
had received information that William Atwood was appointed
or about to be appointed to the office of chief justice of the
colony; and moved that the salary allowed to the chief justice
should be suspended from the 25th of December preceding, in
order that the same might be reserved from that tirae for the
new chief justice.
The whole circumstances ofthe case, taken together, autho
rize a suspicion that the appointment of Atwood in England,
to the office of chief justice, was effected by the intrigues of his
lordship; that, at the tirae ofthe appointraent of Van Cortiand
to the office, he was well apprized of the probability of the
success of his efforts ; that he had the sarae hostility to Mr.
Van Cortland as to Col, Sraith; and that he cunningly adopted
the course which he pursutu, as the least exceptionable, to get
rid of them both at the samt tirae. Col. Smith's loyalty was
so well known in England, and his standing with the ministry
vvas probably such, that the governor durst not venture upon
his removal fronvthe council.

142
The earl BeUamont died ilarch 5ih, 1701. The lieutenant
governor, John Nanfan, was absent at Barbadoes at the tirae,
and Col. Smith became president in virtue of his being the old
est raember ofthe council; and he clairaed the right to exer
cise the power of commander-in-chief, as incident to that station.
This claim was opposed bv the adherents of Leisler in the
council, and denied by the assemblv, a majority ul'whom were
ofthe same party; and Smith states tbat this was afterwards
the opinion of the lords of trade. Col. Smith, however, never
^ercised any of the executive duties of the so\ fniment, before
the controversy was settied b> the arriv al ol' the lieuieuant gov
ernor, the 19th of May ensuing.
The minutes ofthe supreme court, while chief justici- Smith
presided, from October 4th, 1693 to October oth, I TOO, are in
the library of the Historical Society, iu a good state of pres
ervation. August 4th, ITOl, Atwood took the oath of office as chief
justice, and the next day was qualified and took his seat as a
member ofthe council
The coiirt then consisted of Wm. Atwood, chief justice, and
of Abrahara DePeister and Robert Walters, jud-res, and con
tinued to be thus organized till lord Cornburv's arrival, who
entered on his administration May 3d, 170-2 Lord Cornbury
espoused the anti-Leislerian party; and Atwood, who was ac
cused of perverting the law to prostrate a political opponent,
in the case of Nicholas Bayard the Jlarch preceding, aban
doned his seat and retired from the colony.
June 9lh, 1702, the governor re-appointed Col Smith to the
office ofchiefjustice, which he held tUl April 1703.
April Sth, 1703, the governor informed the council that he
had received a letter from the queeu, appointing John Bridges,
LL D., the second judge, chief justice of the colony; upon
which Doctor Bridges was qualified, and entered upon the
office. Doctor Bridges held the office till July, 1704, when
he died,.
July 15th, 1704. lord Cornbury appointed Roger Morri-
pesson chief justice, vvho wa? qualified, and entered upon the
office; and on the 5th of February, 1705. was appointed a
member ofthe council, and was qualified aud took his seat at
the board.
Col Smith continued a member ofthe council till his death.
He attended his duty in the board .M^v 1 Uh, 1704. He died
at his seat at St. George's manor, i,, Brookhaveu, Febiuarj'
18th, 1705, in the Dist jxar •'f his age.

143
During the time Col. Smith held the office of chief justice,
the colony was divided into rancorous parties, and the public
measures were influenced by party spirit; but beseems to have
discharped the duties of his office with dignity and impartiality.
Col. Sraith was raarried at Tangiers November 6th, 1675,
to Martha, the daughter of Henry Tunstall esquire, ol Putney,
in the county of Surry in England, by whom he had six sons
and seven daughters.
Mrs. Sraith is said to have been a well-bred lady, and emi
nently skilled in domestic economy. She survived her hus
band, and died September 1st, 1709.
Several of Col. Smith's descendants have been distinguished
by, public stations.
Henry Smith, his eldest son, was clerk of the county from
1710 to 1716, and for many years one of the judges ofthe
court of coraraon pleas of Suffolk county, and a delegate ofthe
prerogative court for taking the proof of writs and granting
letters testamentary and letters of administration forthatcounty.
Col Wlir-am Sraith, the son of Henry, and grandson ofthe
judge, was clerk ofthe sarae county frora 1730 to 1750, and
was ajudge of thecounty for severalyears before the revolution.
Williara, son of the judge's son WiUiam, another grandson of
Col. Sraith. was a member of the provincial congress or con
vention from ihat county in 1776; and ou the organization of
the state constitution, in April 1777, he vvas appointed one of
the senators for the southern district, which seat he occupied
till the end of the war.
The Rev. Caleb Smith, a son ofthe judge's son William,
and grandson of the judge, graduated at Yale College in 1743,
became a rainister, and settied at Orange, a village about four
miles frora .Newark, in New Jersey. He preached the funeral
sermon of President Burr, in 1757; and is said, by an intelli
gent correspondent, to have been " one ofthe greatest men of
his day, eminent for his piety, learning, and abilities."
His son, the late General John Smith, the great-grandson of
Col. Sraith, was a meraber ofthe convention ofthis state that
adopted the constitution ofthe United States, was a raember of
the assembly frora Suffolk county a number of years, then a
meraber ofthe house of representatives, from which station he
was elected by the legislature ofthe state of New-York to a seat
in the senate of the United States ; and during the late war was
appointed .by the president and senate of the United States
marshal ofthe district of New York, vvhich office he held at
the tune of his death.

144
Col. Smith's estate chiefly remains in tbe family. The best
part of St, George's Manor is now held in separate portions
by WiUiam Sraith, William Sidney Smith, and Thomas S.
Strong, three of his great-grandsons.
Sketch of William Nicolls, Esq.
William Nicolls was the son of Matthias Nicolls, who was
descended from an ancient and honourable family at Islip in
Northamptonshire in England, and carae over with Col. Rich
ard Nicolls, who commanded the expedition which was sent to
reduce tlie Dutch in IVew-York in 1664, and who was the gov
ernor of the colony under the duke of York, until 1667.
Matthias Nicolls was a relation of the governor, and was
by him appointed secretary of the colony and member ofthe
council. He was also authorized, by virtue of his office, to sit with
thejustices ofthe peace in the courts of sessions iu the several
ridings that were then organized. In 1672, he was mayor of
the city of New-York, After the act of 1 683, remodelling the
courts of justice, he was appointed one of thejudges ofthe
colony. He officiated in his judicial capacity in Queens coun
ty, September 12th, 1687.
It is supposed that he died about the year 1690.
Matthias Nicolls made several purchases of valuable lands
at Little Neck and Cow Neck, in Queens county. In 1687,
he conveyed his lands at Little Neck to his son William, and
those at Cow Neck were devised to him or descended to him.
In 1719, Williara NicoUs conveyed his lands at Cow Neck to
Joseph Latham, wilh a reservation of sixty feet square, where
he states " his father Matthias Nicolls lies buried."
It is supposed that William Nicolls was born in England,
and came over a lad with his father in 1664. He received a
legal education, and became a lawyer of good standing at the
bar iu New-York. He was clerk of Queens county in 1683,
and held the office till 1688.
In 1684, he made a purchase of lands at Islip, in Suffolk
county. After this period, he made several purchases of large
tracts of land, adjoining his first purchase, the whole of which
were confirmed in 1 697 by a patent of Col. Fletcher, who was
distinguished for his extravagant grants of the public lands.
In 1704, Mr. Nicolls became the proprietor of a tract of land
on Shelter-Island, by virtue of a devise in the will of Giles
Sylvester, comprehending a large proportion of that Island.

145
Mr. Nicolls was a warm friend of rtbert3', and friendly to
the revolution in favour of Williatn and Mary, but was op
posed to the arbitrary and impolitic measures vvhich were adop
ted by Leisler, rather it would seem to secure his authority
than to advance the interests ofthe revolution.
In consequence of his disapprobation ofthe course pursued
by Leisler, he imprisoned him and others who had courage
and honesty enough to avow their sentiments relative to pub
lic affairs.
Iu March, 1691, Governor Slaughter arrived, called Leisler
to account, liberated Nicolls and other state prisoners, and
settled the foundations of the future government of the colony.
March 23d, the governor appointed Mr. Nicolls a member
of the council.
In 1695, Mr. Nicolls vvas sent to England by the assembly,
as the agent of the colony, in order to solicit the interference
of the crown to enforce the contributions which had been allot
ted to the other colonies for the defence ofthe country against
the encroachments of the French, which fell with unequal
weight upon the colony of New- York ; and for which they
aUowed him £1,000.
In 1698, he was suspended from the council by the new
governor, the earl of BeUamont, who on his first arrival seems
to have embraced the views and adopted the feelings of the
Leislerian party, and exerted his official influence to crush
their opponents.
In 1701, Mr. Nicolls was elected a member of assembly for
the county of Suffolk ; but not being at the time a resident of
the count}', as was required by law, he was not suffered to hold
his seat.
To avoid a similar result, it is supposed that he then fixed
his residence permanently on Great Neck, in Islip, which af
terwards became the principal seat ofthe family.
In 1702, he was again elected a raember of assembly for
Suffolk, and vvas by the house elected to the speaker's chair.
He was from that time regularly elected a member of every
succeeding assembly till his death, and by every asserably was
elected their speaker. In 1718, he resigned the speaker's
chair on account of his health, which seems wholly to have
prevented his attendance a few ofthe last years of his life.
He was a member of assembly twenty one years in succes
sion, and speaker sixteen years ofthe time.
Mr, Nicolls was a lawyer of considerable distinction.
19

146
March 30th, 169', Mr. Nicolls, with James Emmet and
George Farrawell, were appointed kiOg's council, to conduct
the prosecution against Leisler and his associates.
He was one of the council employed by Nicholas Bayard m
March, 1702, in his defence agaiust a political prosecution
instituted by John Nanfan, the lieutenant governor, and pur
sued vvith all the violence and bitterness of party rancour, for
circulating and signing petitions to the king and parliament,
in which the abuses of power by his honour and his friends
were enumerated: a report of which case is published in the
state trials of that year.
Mr. Nicolls was also one of ^^le council emploj'ed in the de
fence of Francis McKeraie, a presbyterian clergyman, in June,
1707, who was indicted for preaching, which was brought
about by the bigotry ofthe governor, lord Cornbury : a nar
rative of which is contained in a pamphlet published in New-
York in 1755.
Mr. Nicolls was twice married. One of his wives was Anna
Van Rensselaer, daughter of Jeremiah Van Rensselaer esq.
and widow of Killian Van Rensselaer, who was the heir ofthe
original proprietor ofthe manor of Rensselaerwick.
Mr. Nicolls served in the asserably at a period when the
colony was divided into bitter parties, and when a variety of
interesting questions occurred between the governors and as
serably, which affected the rights and independence ofthe as
sembly. On all these questions, Mr. Nicolls was on the side
of the asserably. He appears to have been uniformly friendly
to the principles of freedora ; and both in his professional and
political employraents seems to have been a firra and decided
friend to the rights ofthe people and the best interests of the
colony. Mr. NicoUs died in 1723 or '24. He left a number of
children ; and several of his descendants have been distin
guished by public stations. His eldest son Benjamin settled
at Islip, and married Charity, a daughter of Richard Floyd
esquire,* by whom he had two sons, William and Benjamin.
He died young, and his widow married the Rev,. Doctor John
son, of Hartford, who was afterwards president of the college
•Richard Floyd esquire was for several years one ofthe judges ofthe county of Suf
folk. He was the grandfather of the late General William Floyd, who was a delegate
to the Srst Congress, and was continued a member during the greater part of the war,
and was at the same time entitled to a seat iu the senate of the state of New-York.
His biography in the history of the signers cf the Declaration of Independence renders
it improper to extend this note further, than to say that he was araong the earliest, the
most uniform, upright, and decided, of our revolutionary patriots ; and that he contin
ued to enjoy the gratitude, confidence, and esteem, of his fellow-citizens till his death.
He died Aujust -llh, laiil, aged 87.

147
at New-York, under whose care her two sons received a libe
ral education ; and they afterwards both received a legal edu
cation. William inherited the estate of his father, and re
mained at Islip ; Benjamin settied in New-York, and acquired
a distinguished rank at the bar.
William Nicolls the secbnd, the second son of Mr. NicoUs,
to whom he devised his estate on Shelter-Island, was educated
a lawyer, and vvas a man of talents. He was a member of
assembly for the county of Suffolk for twenty-nine years in
succession, and during the last nine years wasspeaker ofthe
house. He was first elected in 1739, and was re-elected a
member of every succeeding assembly till his death.
It is supposed that he died in the spring of 1 768. The gov
ernor, Sir Henry Moore, dissolved the assembly February 6th,
1768; and it is a tradition that he was taken sick on his journey
home, and died at a house on HetnpstJad plains.
The second WiUiam Nicolls reserabled his father in his po
litical sentiments, and was a decided friend to the rights ofthe
colonies. He is supposed to have concurred in the addresses
to the king, lords, and commons, respectively, which were
adopted by the asserably in 1764 and 1765, and which he
signed as their speaker.
Tbese addresses abound with patriotic sentiments. In that
of 1764, they say that " It would be the basest vassalage to be
taxed at the pleasure of a fellow-subject." In that of 1765,
they say that "An assumption tff power by the British parlia
ment to tax the colonies, if acquiesced in or admitted, would
make them mere tenants at wUI of his majesty's subjects in
Britain." W'm Nicolls the second died a bachelor, and his estate de
scended to William Nicolls the third, the eldest son of his bro
ther Benjamin Nicolls. Williara Nicolls the third was ap
pointed clerk ofthe county of Suffolk in 1750, and continued
to bold that office till his death in 1780. During the last four
years of his life, the administration of justice was suspended
by the vvar, antl the office was without profit.
It is also said that Mr. Nicolls, sorae time before his death,
laboured under a partial paralysis, vvhich disqualified hira for
business. His last entry on the records vvas raade November
Sth, 1776.
In March, 1768, William NicoUs the third was elected a
member of assembly for the county of Suffolk, with Eleazer
Miller, to supply the vacancy occasioned by the death of his
uncle. That assembly was dissolved January 2d, 1769.
Mr. Nicolls was again elected in March, 1769, vvith Col.
Nathaniel Woodhull, a raember for Sufiblk.

148
This was the last assembly under the colony government,
and contiu'icd until it was superseded by the provincial con
gress or convention, which met 3Iay 22cl, 1775.
During the period of this assembly', tbe disputes between
tbe raother country and the colonies arrived at a crisis.
The British parliament determined that their claim to tax
the colonies at their pleasure should be exerted. The colo
nies exhausted every pflbrt of remonstrance and supplication
without effect ; and no alternative w as left but submission or
resistance. Further delay was useless. The time for action
had arrived ; and the question, obether the colonists were to
be the vassals ofthe British parliament or to eujov' the rights
of freemen, vvas to be decided by iorce. The prospect of a
conflict so unequal, in which the result was so doubtful, stag
gered many who vvere friendly to the colonies. The occasion
required all the zeal and energy of the most ardent patriotism.
Col. Woodhull WJ.S qualified for the crisis, and met it without
dismay; Mr. Nicolls was less energetic and decisive.
Mr. Nicolls, on several important political questions, that
might be deemed tests of principle, that were agitated by that
assembly, left his colleague and voted with the ministerialists.
Possibly he had flattered himself that the king and parlia
ment would relinquish the claim to tax America, or would
abandon its exercise ; and that, when he found the reverse to
be the case, he was taken by surprise, and was unprepared for
the event; and that the caution and timidity of advanced years
may have prompted him to adopt a course he believed adapted
to delay, or to prevent what he may have apprehended would
prove to be a fruitless contest with the overwhelming power of
Britain. Admitting that he vvas decided in his opposition to the mea
sures of parliament, it must be conceded that he wanted the
energy and boldness of his grandfather and uncle, either of
whom, judging from the course they took on minor occasions,
involving similar principles, would have been at the head of
the opposition.
W'm Nicolls the 3d left two sons, William and Benjamin.
He devised h is estate at Shelter-Island to his son Benjamin,
who is novv liv ing, and his large estate of Islip to his son Will
iam ; which, vvith the exception of a few farms which the legis
lature ofthe state of New-York thought proper to toke out of
the course ofthe law, by limitations in his will, after passing
three descents, continues undiminished in the hands ofthe elder
branch ofthe familv.

149
The Umltation expired in the person of the late W'm Nicolls
of Islip, deceased ; and, in consequence of his dying intestate,
the estate descends to his three infant children, a son and two
daughters, as tenants in common. This estate, on the arrival
of these children at age, will have been in guardianship, with
the exception of five years, for 40 years in succession.

SKETCH OF THE SEVERAL COURTS.
Court of Assize holden at New- York, October 6th, 1680.
Present the Right. Hon. Sir Edmund Andeoss, Governor.
Matthias Nicolls, ^
Williara Dyre, j
Frederick Flipson, )-Members ofthe Council.
William Darvall,
Stephen Cortland, J
Francis Rumbout, Mayor ofthe city of New-York.
WiUiara Beekman, "j
Thomas Lewis, |
Peter Jacobs, )-Aldermen.
Gulian Ver Plank, | ,
Samuel Wilson, j
Richard Betts, High Sheriff of Yorkshire.
Thomas Topping,
Isaac Arnolcl,
Richard Woodhull,
Jonas Wood,
Thomas Willett, Justice ofthe North Riding.
James Hubbard, '^
Elbert Elbertsen, \ Justices ofthe West Riding.
John Palmer, )
Andrew Teller, \ Commissioners oj Albany.
Cornelius Van Dyke, 5 j j
Thomas Delavall, Justice of Esopus.
Thomas SpasvviU, ^
Nicholas Browne, \ Justices of New-Jersey.
Joseph Parker, S
John Gardiner, Chief Justice of Nantucket.
CogearKnapton, ) j^^^.^^^ ofPemaquid.
John West, ) ^ j.

> Justices ofthe East Riding.

150
Special Court of Assize held at J\''eiv-York, June 29th, 1681.
Anthony Brockholst, Commander in chief.
Frederick Phillipse, ^
William Darvall, \ Members of the Council.
Stephen Cortiand, )
John Van Brugh,")
Thoraas Lewis, (
Peter Jacobs, )-Aldermen.
Samuel Wilson, |
James Graham. J
John Youngs, High Sheriff of Yorkshire.
Thomas Topping, ]
Richard Woodhull, It.,. /• .,/ x, ., r»-j-
Isaac Arnold, ^Justices of the East Riding.
Jonas Wood, J
James Hubbard, ")
Richard Betts, I , . . , rrr . r,T
Elbert Elbertsen, YJ^f''^^ "/'^^ ^e«^ R'^^^g-
Richard Stilwill, J
John Pell,
Thoraas WUlet,
Richard Comwell,
Thomas Hicks,
Thoraas Delavall, Justice of Esopus.
John West, Justice ofPemaquid.
High Sheriffs of Yorkshire from 1665 io 1683.
1665 . . - - William Wells.
1669 - - - - Robert Coe.
1672 - - . - John Manning.
1675 - - - . Sylvester SaUsbury.
1676 - . . . Thomas WiUef.
1679 - - - - Richard Betts.
1681 - - - - John Youngs.
Court of Oyer and Terminer under the act of 1683, held in
Queens County, 1685.
Matthias Nicolls, } r j
John Palraer, 'l^^'^ge^-

> Justices ofthe North Riding.

> Judges

151
Supreme Court under the act of May 6th, 1691, held in
New-York, October 4th, 1693.
William Smith, Chief Justice.
WUliara Pinhorne,
Stephen Courtiand,
Chidley Brooke,
John Lawrence,
5th October, 1700.
Williara Smith, Chief Justice.
Stephen Courtland, \ r j
Abraham De Peyster, 5 ° '
A list of the Judges and Clerks of Kings, Queens, and Suffolk,
from 1665 to 1776, us far- as they could be obtained.
FOR KI^GS.
Court of Sessions, under the Duke's Laws of 1665. June
I6th, 1669.
Matthias Nicolls, Secretary ^ President.
Cornelius Van Ruyven, Counsellor,
John Manning, f
James Hubbard, > Justices.
Richard Betts, ) 7 Jurors.
Under the act of 1683. April 7th, 1685.
Elbert Elbertson "j
Samuel Spicer, \ r ..• io y-t -,
James Cortelleau, .J^f'^^*^^^- ^^ <?'-««'^
Ruloff Marten, J •^"'•«'-*- ^^ Jurors.
Under the commission of Andross, 0/I688. April 2d, 1689.
Court of Sessions and Common Pleas,
Stephen Van Cortiand, Judge of Court of "Pleas."
James Cortelleau,
William Morris,
Gerardus Bee'.iman,
Nicholas Stillwell,
Under Law of May 6th, 169 J, and under the Ordinance of
May 15th, 1699.
Gerardus Beekman, Judge of Com. Pleas and the Justices.
Judges.
1715 Cornelius Sebring
1718 Cornelius Van Brunt
1720 Peter Stryker
1722 Daniel Polhemus

> Justices ofthe Quorum.

152
1724 Peter Cortilleau
1729 Samuel Garretson
1732 Ryck Suydam
1739 Christopher Codwisc
1742 Johannes Lott
1745 Abrahara Lott
1749 Isaac Sebring
1752 Samuel Garretson, Barnabas Ryder, Charles DeBevois
1761 Sarauel Garretson, John Lefferts, Abraham Schenck
1766 Samuel Garretson, John Lefferts, Cornelius Van Brunt
1770 John Leflerts, Jeremiah Rerasen, Philip Nagel
1777 Englebert Lott, Jereraias Vanderbelt, Theodorus Pol-
heraus Clerks of Kings.
From 1671 to 1682, John West
1682 to 1684, Peter Smith
1684 to 1687, John Knight
1687 to 1704, Jacobus Vanderwater
1704 to 1715, Henry FUkin
1715 to 1726, J. M. Sperling
1726 to 1750. Adrian Hageman
1750 to 1775, Simon Boerum
1775 to 1777, John Rapelje
FOR QI'EENS
Court of Sessions, under the Duke's Laivs, June Sth, 1675.
Matthias Nicolls, Secretary, President.
Chidley Brooke, Councillor.
Sylvester Salisbury, High Sheriff, with the Justices of ihe
county.
Under commission of Andross, of 1688, and act of 6 May 1691,
Judges of Common Pleas.
From 1688 to 1699, Thomas Hicks
Under the Ordinance of 1 699.
From 1699 to 1703, John Coe
1703 to 1710, Thomas WiUett
1710 Thomas Willet and John Jackson
1723 Thomas Willet, Isaac Hicks
1730 Isaac Hicks, David Jones, John Tallman
1734 David Jones, John Messenger, James Hazard
1738 David Jones, James Hazard, Thomas Hicks
1740 Jaraes Hazard, Thoraas Hicks, John Willett
May 1749 Thomas Hicks, John Willet, David Seaman
Sept. 1749 Thoraas Hicks, David Seaman, Joseph Sackett
1750 Thomas Hicks, Jacob Smith, Pena Townsend

> Justices i

17*57 Thomas Hicks, Val. H. Peters, Penn Townsend
frota 1771 to 1774, Thomas Hicks, Valentine H. Pelers,
Daniel Kissara Clerks of Queens.
From 1683 to 1688, Williara Nicolls
1688 to 1702, Andrew Gibb
1702 to 1710, Samuel CloWs
1710 to 1722, Joseph Sraith
1722 to 1757, Andrew Clark
1757 to 1770, Whitehead Hicks
FOR SUFFOLK.
Court of Sessions, under the Duke's Laws, March 6th, 1677.
Matthias NicoUs, Secretary, President.
Thoraas Willet, Councillor.
Thoraas Baker,
John Topping,
Isaac Arnold,
Richard Woodhull,
Court of Common Pleas, under the Act of May 6th, 1691.
March 28th, 1693.
Isaac Arnold, Judge, udth the Justices.
Under ihe Ordinance of 1699.
Judges of the Common Pleas.
1723 Henry Smith, Benjarain Youngs, Richard Floyd
1729 Henry Smith, Benjamin Youngs, Samuel Hutchinson
1738 Henry Smith, Joshua Youngs, Thomas Chatfield
1744 Daniel Smith, Joshua Youngs, Thomas Chatfield
1752 Richard Floyd, Elijah Hutchinson, Hugh Gelston
1764 Richard Floyd, Samuel Landon, Hugh Gelston
1771 William Smith, Samuel Landon, Hugh Gelston
1773 WUUam Smith, Sarauel Landon, Isaac Post
March 28th, 1775 WiUiara Smith, Samuel Landon, Isaac
Post Clerks of Suffolk.
From 1669 to 1681, Henry Pierson
1681 to 1692, John HoweU
1692 to 1709, Thomas Helme
1709 to 1716, Henry Smith
1716 to 1722, C. Congreve
1722 to 1730, Samuel Hudson
1730 to 1750, WUliara Smith
1750 to 1776, WUUam Nicolls
20

154
Members of Assembly from Long-Island, during the Colony
Administration, from 169i to 1775.

FOB

KINGS corNxr.

Nicholas Stillwell,

from

1691 to

1693,

2 years.

John Poland,

-

do to

do

2

Coert Stuyvesant,

-

1693 to

1694,

1

Johannis Van Ecklen,

-

1693 to

1698,

5

Henry FUkiu,

-

1694 to

1695,

1

Cornelius Sebring,

-

1695 to

1698,

3

Myendert Coerten,

-

1698 to

1699,

1

Gerardus Beekman,

-

1698 to

1699,

I

Cornelius Sebring,

-

1699 to

1726,

27

Cornelius Van Brunt,

-

1699 to

1716,

17

Samuel Garretsen,

-

1716 to

1737,

21

Richard Stillwell,

-

1726 to

1727,

I

Johannes Lot,

-

1727 to

1761,

34

Abraham Lot,

.

1737 to

1750,

13

Dominicus Vanderveer,

.

1750 to

1759,

9

Abrahara Schenck,

¦

1759 to

1767

8

Simon Boerura,

-

1761 to

1775.

14

John Rapelje,

-

1767 to

1775,

7

Member of the Cc

niiicil, Cornelius \

"an Ruyven.

FOR 1

QUEENS COUNTY.

Daniel Whitehead,
from
1691 to
1705,
14 years.
John Robinson,
-
1691 to
1693,
2
John Jackson,
-
1693 to
1709,
16
Jonathan Whitehead,
.
1705 to
1709,
4
John Tallman,
-
1709 to
1710,
1
John Townsend,
-
1709 to
1710,
1
John Jackson,
-
1710 to
1716,
6
Thomas Willet,
.
1710 to
1726,
16
Isaac Hicks,
-
1716 to
1739,
23
Benjamin Hicks,
-
1726 to
1737,
11
David Jones,
-
1737 to
1759,
22 Spea-
Thoraas CorneU,
.
1739 to
1759,
20 [ker 13
Thomas Hicks,
-
1759 to
1761,
2£years*
" David Jones esquire was a son of iVIajor Thomas Jones, of Fort Nect, in Oysterbay.
He was for some years one of the judges of Queens county. He was elected a member
of the assembly for that county in 1737, and was successively elected to the same station
till 1758, and wasspeaker ofthe house during 13 years of that period; and, duringthe
chief part if not the whole of the time, conducted the correspondence with the agent of
the colony at the court of Great-Britain, on behalf of the assembly.
In 1758, he was appointed a judge of the supreme court, and continued to hold a seat
on the bench till his death, October llth, 1775, aged 76.
Judge Jones sustained the reputation of a man of solid parts, and discharged the duties
of the various stations which he held with ability and success.
155
Thomas CorneU, - 17^1 to 1764, 3
Zebulon Seaman, - 1759 to 1775, 16
Daniel Kissara, - 1764 to 1775, II
Member of Council.
Thomas WUlet, - 1677 to 1692,
FOR SUFFOLK COUNTY.
Col. Henry Pierson, fn
Mathew Howell,
John Tuthill,
Mathew Howell,
John Tuthill,
Henry Pierson,
Williara Nicolls,
Sarauel Mulford,
^Epenetus Plait,
Samuel Hutchinson,
David Pierson,
Eleazer Miller,
Williara Nicolls 2d,
Eleazer Miller,
Williara Nicolls 3d,
Nathaniel Woodhull,
William NicoUs 3d, Members of the Council,
Col. John Youngs, from 1683 to 1698
Col. WUliam Smith, - 1691 to 1704
William NicoUs, - 1691 to 1698

1691 to
1691 to
1693 to

1695, 1693, 1694,

4 years. Speaker
2 [I year,
1

1694 to

1705,

11

1695 to

1698,

3

1698 to

1701,

3

1702 to
1705 to
1723 to

1723,
1726,
1739,

21 16

Speaker 16
[years.

1726 to

1737,

11

1737 to
1748,
11
1748 to
1768,
20
1739 to
1768 to
1768 to
1768,
1769, 1769,
29 1 1
Speaker 9
[years.
17ti9 to
1775,
6
1769 to
1775,
6
Representatives for hong-Island in the first Convention — in
th Provincial Congress — in the Senate and Assembly of the
State of New- York, and in the Continental Congress, during
the Revolutionary War,
The deputies for Long-Island to the convention vvhich met
at the city of New-York April lOth, 1775, fo choose delegates
to the Continental Congress, were as follows :
Suffolk.— WiWi&m Floyd, Nathaniel Woodhull, Phineas
Fanning, Thoraas Tredwell, and John Sloss Hobart.
Queens. — Jacob Blackwell and John Tallman.
Kings.— Simon Boerum, Richard Stilwejl, Theodorus Pol
hemus, Denise Denise, and John Vanderbelt,
Soon after the convention was dissolved, on a recommend
ation from New-York, the several counties appointed dele
gates to meet and form a Provincial Congress to co-operate
156
with the Continental Congress in such measures as they should
devise for the public good.
These delegates met at New-York, May 22d, 1775, and
continued with sorae new appointraents to meet from time to
time at difierent places, till the adoption ofthe State Consti
tution in April 1777.
During this period, or the greater part of it, the colony gov
ernment was dissolved ; the whole powers of sovereignty de
volved on the people, and were exercised by their representa
tives in the Provincial Congress.
The Provincial Congress by virtue of their representative
capacity merelj', without any constitution, guide, or control,
but their own views ofthe pubUc interests, performed all the
duties and exercised the powers of a regularly constituted le
gislature. The members of the Provincial Congress for Long-Island
were as follows :
Suffolk. — Nathaniel Woodhull, John Sloss Hobart, Thom-
asTredwell, John Foster, EzraL'Homraedieu, Thomas Wick
ham, James Havens, Selah Strong, William Smith, David
Gelston, Mr. Dering.
Queens. — James Blackwell, Samuel Townsend, Jonathan
Lawrence, Joseph hobinson, Jaraes Townsend, Walter Smith,
Mr. Van Wyck, Abraham Kettletas,
Kings. — Henry Williams, Jeremiah Remsen, ]\Ir. Polhemus,
Mr, Lefierts.
After the 30th of August 1776, when the Island was aban
doned by the American army, such ofthe members only at
tended as had left the Island.
By an ordinance passed by the convention who framed the
state constitution April 20tb, 1777, it was provided that that
part ofthe state which had fallen into the hands ofthe enemy
should be represented in the Senate and assembly by a pro
portional number of raembers selected from those who had
retired from those counties within the American lines.
The following persons were selected for this purpose from
the several counties ou Long Island, and held their seats till
the end of the war :
Senators. — VV illiam Floyd, WUliara Smith, Jonathan Law
rence. Assemblymen for Suffolk. — Burnet MiUer, David Gelston,
Ezra L'i!oramedieu, Thomas Tredwell, Thomas Wickes,
For Queens. — Philip Edsell, Daniel Lawrence, Benjamta
Coe, and Benjamin Birdsell.
for Kings. — Williara Boerum and Henry William?,

157
The members of Congress from Long-Island during some
period ofthe vvar were WiUiam Floyd, Simon Boerum, Ezra
L'Hommedieu.

Population of Long- Island at different periods,
A. D 1731 1771 1786 1790 1800 I8tO 1820
Kings, 2150 3623 3986 4495 5740 8303 11187
Queens, 7895 10980 13084 16014 16983 19336 20519
Sufiblk, 7675 13128 13793 16440 19444 21113 24272

Total— 17820 27731

30863 36949 42167 48752 &5968

Population of the s

everal towns.

KINGS COUNTY.

1810

1820

Brooklyn,

4402

7175

Bushwick,

798

930

Flatbush,

1159

1027

Flatlands,

517

512

Gravesend,

£20

534

New-Utrecht, -

907
8303

1009

11187

QUEENS COUNTY.

I8I0

1629*=

Newtown,

2437

Jamaica,

2110

Flushing,

2230

North-Hempstead,
2750
Hempstead,
5084
Oysterbay,
4725
19336
21519
SUFFOLTC COUNTV.
1810
1820
East Hampton
1480
1646
South Hampton, -
3899
4229
Shelter Island,
329
389
Brook Haven,
4176
5218
Islip,
885
1156
Huntington,
4425
4935
Smithtown,
1592
1874
Riverhead,
1711
1857
Southold,
2613
296S
21113
24272
* The Deputy who took the last census, omitted to dittinjuish the population cf tllB
several towns in Queens County.
15S
Proportion of white males to females.
Males. Females.
Kings, - 5096 - 4514
Queens, - 9643 - 9040
Suffolk, - 11761 - 11£!50

26500 24804 as 13 to 12.
Employment of males over 16 years of age.
Agriculture. Commerce. Manufactures.
Kings, 840 81 713
Queens, 4130 102 1119
Suffolk, 4642 342 1099

9612 525 2931
Total males over 16, ... 14180
Employed in agriculture, commerce & manufactures, 130. -S
Unemployed, - - - - 1 1 J 2
Proportion of population of Long-Island to the city of
.N ew- York.

1731

.

Long-I'lind. Citv.
17S20 - S62S as 2 to 1

1771

.

27731 - 21163

1786

.

30863 - 23614

1790

-

36949 - 33131

1800

-

42167 - 604S9

1810

.

487.52 - 96;^^ 3 as 1 to 2

1826

-

56978 - 123000 as I to 21

'oportion

of population of Long-Island to the State of
New- York.

1731

,

Long Islai.d Staie
17820 - 50291 as 1 to 3

J771

-

2TT31 - l6oo3S as 1 to 6

17S6

-

S0863 - 23SS96 as 1 to 7

1790

-

36949 - 340120 as 1 to 9

1800

_

42167 - 5S6141 as 1 to 14

1810

-

48752 - 959049 as 1 to 19

1820-

-

56973 - 1372612 as 1 to 24

Proportion of population ofthe State oJ New- York to the
United States.
Kew-York United States
1790 - 340120 - 3950000 as 1 to 11
1800 - 686050 - 5305666 as 1 to 9
1810 - 959049 - 7230514 as 1 to 7
1820 - 1372812 - 9654415 as 1 to 7

159
Valuation of the several town* in the couflties of Kings,
Queens, and Suffolk, in 1 823,

KINGS,

-Brooklyn, Flatbush,Flatlands,
Bushwick,
New-Utrecht, Gravesend,

$2389899 422523 196704
257378 304954 196047

$3705675

QUEENS,  Oysterbay,

$1575550

Hempsteatl,

1017000

North- Hempstead,

1165250

Flushing,

993200

Newtown,

8907S0

Jamaica,

698800

$6340580

SUFFOLK.— East-Harapton, -

1464060

South Hampton, -

960305

Shelter-Island,

105640

South Old,

534920

River Head,

267380

Brook Haven,

969560

Sraith Town,

320078

Huntington,

811480

Islip,

279349

$4712712
Proportion ofthe valuation 'f Kings, Queens, and Suffolk, to
the State, 1821.
Kings, - $3513164
Queens, - 5876775
Suffolk, - 4889464 whole state

$14279413 $241283532 as 1 to 16.
Note. — By the state census of 1825, the population of the state is 1,616, 458 ; city
of New-Yoric 166,086 ; Long-Island 58,705, proportion to the state as 1 to 27.

OF THE CLIMATE OF LONG-ISLAND.
The influence ofthe sea which surrounds it, renders it more
temperate than placesin the same parallel of latitude in the in
terior. In the summer, it is regularly fanned by a Seabreeze,

160
which generally rises lu die afternoon, but sometimes before j
and extends more or less across the Island, according to the
strength and continuance of the wind. These breezes have
become so common in the winter, as to prevent the snow from
covering the ground for any considerable length of time.
The west and south-west winds predominate in more than
half the months in the year — the thermometer seldom sinks be
low zero in winter, and seldom rises higher than 90 degrees
in summer. The mean temperature is about 51. degrees, which
is the temperature of the springs and deep wells, and the
weather is clear more than half the year.*
The temperature at Huntington, wbich lies in lat. about
40d. 52m. midway between the latitude of the east and west
ends of the Island, will give pretty nearly the average tempera
ture of the whole Island.
The raean temperature of the several months in the year.
Froni^lst Sept. 1821, to 1st do. 1822. From 1st Sept. 1823, to 1st. do. 182-1.
62 51 39
35 3432
36
49 57
* The temperature of places in the same latitude, is modified by the elevation of the
land, the state of cultivation, by their pro.dmity to the sea, or large bodies of water
that do not freeze, and by the courses of the predominant winds.
The temperature of the air decreases in the same latitude one degree, for about
every 590 Ifeet of the elevation of the place above the level of the sea. Tlie elevation
of Mexico, which is 7217 feet above the level of the sea, in latitude 19", 18, reduces
the temperature to that of places in latitude 33, 30, on a level with the sea.
The IJnited States are not as elevated above the level of the sea as Europe, and tlie
difference is in favour of a milder temperature in the United States
The climate ofthe United States has been estimated to be from 10 to 15 degrees
colder, than the corresponding latitudes in Europe Prom the description of the cli
mate ofTrance and Italy, by the Roman writers a few years before the christian era,
the temperature of those countries could not then have been materially different from
that ofthe United States at present. Their rivers were frozen solid, and tlie earth
was covered with saow, more or less ofthe winter. Experience proves, thatriversdo
not congeal with any considerable solidity, until the thermometer is as low as 20 : and
in the United States, io the latitude of Italy, the thermometer at present is seldom be-
ow 20, more than a few days together during the winter. To produce the effects de
scribed, must have required quite as severe frost, as now prevails in the same latitude
in the United States, if not more severe ; and the same causes that have produced the
change in the climate there, will have the same effect here, so far as they are common
to lioth countries.
The clearing and the cultivation ofthe country, is the most powerful cause that has
(^ptributed to this effect, and will have great infiuence in melioratiog the climate of
the United States. — The timber which covers an uncultivated country, shields it from
tire rays of the suD, and deprives the earth of the beat derived from that source. It is

September,
October,

69 54

November,

42

December,

31

January, February,
TVI orp ll

20
29 24

ITlal!..!!,
April,May,

49 63

101

June,

65

...

69

July,

75

...

74

August,

71

-

70

51,20

50,40

Greatest Heat, and

greatest cold, at

Huntington.

1822, July 4th

94

1822, Jan. Sth,

5 below zero.

do. 20

94

do. 14,

4 do.

1824, July 10^

I

do. 24,

at zero.

18

> 90

do. 25,

2 below.

31 <

)

1824, Dec. 18,

1 1 above zero.

Aug. 22

90

Feb. 5,

3 do.

Greatest R

[ange ofthe

) 1822
S 1824

98

thermometer.

94

Predominant Winds ai Huntington.

rom 1st Sept. 1821, to

ut Sept. 1822.

Prom Ist Sept. 1823, to 1st Sept. 1824.

September,

west

September,

east

October,

west

October,

south-west

November,

west

November,

do.

December,

west

December,

west

January,

south-west

January,

west

February,

do.

February,

s outh-west

March,

do.

JMarch,

east

AprU,

east

April,

south-west

May,

south-west

May,

do.

June,

west

June,

do.

July,

south-west

July,

west

August,

do.

August,

south-west

proved by experiment, thatthe temperature of cleared land is 10 degrees greater than
that of land covered with timber.
Evaporation and rain are sources of cold, and are more abundant in a country cov
ered with timber, than in a cleared country — more moisture is supposed ta evaporate
from the leaves, of a given quantity of green timber, than from the same extent of wa
ter. Great evaporation produces frequent rains, and these again produce evaporation ;
and the redprocal operation of these causes contributes to cool the earth, and reduce
the temperature of the atmosphere. The influence of these causes is lessened by cul
tivation J the earth becomes drier and warmer, and the temperature of the air is en
creased. The air from the sea also has a powerful effect on the climate — the sea is 8
or 10 degrees warmer in winter, and cooler in summer than the earth ; and in propor
tion as the country is cleared, the air from the sea penetrates further into the coun
try— moderates the heat in summer, and the cold in wintei, and operates to render
the temperature of tlie seasons more mild and uniform. The air from the great lakes
must have a corresponding effect on the adjoining country — must modify tlie tempera^
ture of the opposite seasons of heat and cold, and jneliorate the climate.
The climate is also affected by the course of the winds; forraeriy on Long-Island,
the north-west was the predominant wind in the winter months, and thejnorth-east
wind generally prevailed in the spring, and sometimes in the fall ; at present the west
and south-west winds are the predominant winds, more than half the months in the
year. These winds either come f i om the sea, or ijlow over a country less cold than
that traversed by the north-west and north-east winds, and are more temperate than
those winds were. The climate is evidently undergoing a change aud becoming more
uniform : the winters are not as cold, nor the summers as hot as thev formerlv were.
31

162

Courses of Winds.

Courses of Winds.

North,

14

North,

18

North-west,

24

North-west,

60

North-east,

36

North-east,

36

East,

48

East,

52

South-east,

21

South-east,

22

South,

26

South,

25

South west.

102

South-west,

91

West,

94

West,

61

365 365
State ofthe weather for 455 da^s from 1st Sept. 1821.
Clear, 270
Cloudy, 113
Rainy, 51
Snow, 21  455
Temperature of Wells in Huntington, 15tb August, 1823,
water frora 4 to 6 feet deep.
Depth. Temperature at bottom. Surface.
10 - 65 - 66
16 - 57 - 58
25 - 53 - 54
43 - 50 - 51
Boiling Springs, 51*

An extract from the power of attorney, granted to James
Farret, by WiUiam, Earl of StirUng, April 20th, in the 12th
year of Charles I.
- The power after reciting that the Earl had obtained a pa
tent from the corporation for New-England, by the consent
and command of the King, bearing date, April 22d, in the
llth year of his reign, for a certain Island, called Long-
Island, with the Islands adjacent, and that he was desirous of
improving them ; states that he had appointed James Farret
to be his attorney or agent to take possession ofthe said Islands,
and to plant and improve thera, and after some other recitals,
proceeds as follows :
" I the said William, Earl of Stirling, do hereby impower
and authorize him for me, ray heirs, executors and adminis
trators, and for every of us, to let, set, mortgage, sell, or by any
other way or means, for a present sum or sums of money, or
* For the meteorological observations of the town of Huntington, I am indebted to
the kindness of Christopher iWeng, esq. of that town.

163
for yearly rent, to dispose ofthe said Islands, or of any part
or parts of them, for such time and times, term or terms of
years, for life, or lives, or forever in fee, as my said attorney
or agent shall judge most probably conducing to my profit and
behalf, and to the other ends before specified.
And after one or more plantations, or colonies or people
shall be there in any or all of the aforesaid Islands settled, to
continue, erect and establish, such honest and wholesome or
ders and ordinances amongst and for the benefit ofthe said
planters and colonies, as shall be judged, together with and
upon the advice ofthe Right Worshipful John Winthrop, esq.
governor of Boston, colony in the said New-England, most
tending to the preservation ofthe public peace, the improve
ment of trade and comraerce, and the due execution of justice,
in obedience to the laws of God, and as much as may be
agreeable to the laws of England "
The power authonizes the conveyance of the said lands to
any person or persons that owed aUegiance to the crown of
England, and engages to ratify and confirm what his said
attorney shall do in conformity with the said power in the
premises. Treaty of Hartford, 1650.
Articles of agreement made and concluded at Hartford,
upon Connecticut, September 19, 1650, between delegates'of
the Commissioners of the United English Colonies, and the
delegates of Peter Stuyvesant, governor-general of New Ne
therlands — concerning the bounds and limits between the-Eng-
lish United Colonies and the Dutch province of New Nether
lands. We agree and determine asjollows :
That upon Long-Tsland, a line run from the westernmost
part of Oysterbay, and so in a straight and direct line to the
sea, shall be the bounds between the English and Dutch there,
the easterly part to belong to the English, and the vvestermost
part to the Dutch.
.The bounds upon tbe main, to begin upon the west side of
Greenwich bay, being about four miles from Stamford, and so
to run a westerly line 20 railes up into the country, and after,
as it shall be agreed by the two governments of the Dutch
and New Haven, provided that said line run not within ten
mUes of Hudson's river, and it is agreed that the Dutch shall
not, at any time hereafter, build any house or habitation with
in six miles ofthe said Une. The inhabitants of Greenwich

164
to remain (tUl further consideration thereof be had,) under
the government ofthe Dutch.
That the Dutch shall hold and enjoy all the lands in Hart
ford that they are actuaUy in possession of, known or set out
by certain marks and bounds, and all the remainder of the
sail! lands, on both sides of Connecticut river, to be and re
main to the English there.
And it is agreed, that the aforesaid bounds and limits, both
upon the Island and main, shall be observed and kept invio
lable, both by the English of the United Colones and all the
Dutch nation, without any encroachment or molestation, un
til a full determination be agreed upon in Europe, by mutu
al consent ofthe two States of England and Holland. And
in testimony of our joint consent to the several foregoing con
ditions, we have hereunto set our hands this 19th day of Sep
tember 1650.
SIMOV BRADSTREET, THOMAS WILLET,
THOMAS PRINCE, GEORGE BAXTER.

The remonstrance of the several towns in the Dutch territory,
io the Governor and council, in 1653.
To the Hon. Director General and council iu New Ne
therlands, together to the council of the high and raighty
Lords, the States General of the United Provinces,
The humble remonstrance aiid petition of the colonies and
villages in the Province of New Netherland, humbly shew .-
We acknowledge a paternal government, vvhich God
and nature bave established in tbe world, for the maintenance
and preservation of peace, and the welfare of men, not only
principaUy in conforraity to the laws of nature, but according
to the law and precepts of God, to which we consider our
selves obliged by his word, and therefore submit to it.
The Lord our God having invested their high mightinesses,
the States General as his ministers, vvith the power to promote
the welfare of their subjects, as well of those residing within
the United Provinces, as of those at this side ofthe sea, which
we gratefully -acknowledge, and having coraraissioned in the
same view, some subaltern raagistrates, and clothed them with
authority to ; promote the same end, as are the Lords Di
rectors of the privileged West India Company, whom we
acknowledge as Lords and Patroons of this place, next to your
Lordships, as being their representatives.
On which ground we humbly conceive that our rights and
privileges are the same, in every respect, in harmony with

165
those of Netherland, as being a member dependent ou that
state, and by no means a conquered subjugated nation.
We settled here on a mutual agreeraent and contract vvith
the Lord Patroons, vvith the consent of the natives, vvho vvere
the first proprietors of these lands, of whom vve purchased the
soil at our ovvn expense, and transformed a wilderues, with
immense labor, into a few small villages and man}' cultivated
farras, encouraged by the privileges vvhich we obtained, and
whose preservation is dear to us.
We expected tlieir increase and amplification, and by no
means that these vvere to be curtailed down to this.
The deep homage and profound respect which we feel for
the governineut of the United Netherlands, consisting and
coagulated tro;n various nations from different parts of the
world : That, we leaving, at our own expense, our country
and couutrymen, voluntarily choose to submit to their protec
tion, and being now im matriculated in their body under
our sovereign, the high and raighty Lords, the States
General, whom we acknowledge a? our liege lords, and submit
asin duty bound, to the general laws ofthe United Provinces
in the Netherlands, with all such new orders and laws, which,
under their authority may be published here, agreeably to the
custom and privilege of tbe Netherlands.
This being considered, we humbly solicit tbat this our re
monstrance and petition, raay be received and well construed,
without being misinterpreted.
Wherefore, although with ail humility, we will declare free
ly our anxious fears by which we some lime since have been
alarmed and discouraged in our labors and callings, so that
it is not in our power to act vvith that rigor and affection in
promoting the welfare of our country as well as before,
although in a wilderness, for the foUowing reasons.
1 Our apprehension to see an arbitrary government esta
blished among us, which is contrary to the first intention and
genuine principles of every '.veil regulated government, to wit :
that one or more should arrogate the exclusive power to dis
pose arbitrarily of the life and property of any individual, and
this in virtue or under pretext of a law or order which he might
fabricate, without the consent, knowledge, or approbation of
the whole body, their agents or representatives.
Thus new laws relative to the lives and property of the
inhabitants, contrary to the privileges of the Netherlands, and
odious to every free-born man, and principally so to those
whom God had placed under a free governraent on new settled

166
lands, who are entitled to claim laws which are as near resem
bling those of Netherland as possible
It is our hurable opinion that it is oue of our privileges, that
in making new laws, our explicit consent, or that of our re
presentatives, is unavoidably required for their adoption.
2 Casually we are every year full of apprehension tbat the
natives of the land may comraence a new war against us, by
the murders they commit under the pretest that they have not
been paid for their land, which creates many calamities and
discourages settlers, and even contributes to lessening the
number and industry of the remainder.
It has, thus far, not been in our power to discover the truth
hereof, or ascertain to what tribe these murderers belong. It
is too often disregarded as committed by savages who reside
at a considerable distance. But, be that as it may, it fills us
wilh daily anxiety, so that we are compeUed to look out for
our own defence,asvve cannot discover in what manner our lives
and property shall be protected, except by our own means.
3. That officers and magistrates, although personally, frora
their qualifications, deserving similar offices, are appointed
contrary to the laws of the Netherlands, to many offices, with
out consent or nomination of the people, which nevertheless
are the most concerned in the choice.
4 That many orders and proclamations made before, with
out approbation ofthe country iu the days ofyore,by the autho
rity of the Director General and council, either of former days
or actuall}- ruling, which remain obligatory, although we are
ignorant of their force, and become transgressors from igno
rance without knowing it, by which we are exposed to many
dangers and troubles, and may occasion our own ruin without
knowing it.
5 On the promises of grants and general letters of privi
leges and exemptions, various plantations have been raade at
a great expense of the inhabitants in building their houses,
making fences, &c., ,the cultivation of the land, and princi
pally so by those of Middleburgh, and Middlewont, with their
neighborhoods and other places.
Many single farms were taken up by persons who solicited
a deed of such a grant, but were always delayed and disap
pointed, to their great loss, which creates a suspicion that
some innovations are in contemplation, or that there is a lurk
ing intention to alter former stipulations.
6 That to some individuals, large quantities of land are'
granted for their private profit, on vvhich a large viUage of
20 or 30 farailies might have been established, which, in the

tt»r

end, must effect an immense loss to the Patroons, with regard
to their revenues, as well now as in future, and which must
weaken the strength of the Province, and disable that part of
the country to provide in or contribute to its defence, and that
of its inhabitants, except vve or our comraonalty are enabled to
effect it.
7 As we exert ourselves to reduce all our griefs within sis
points, which vve confidentially explained, as we renew our
allegiance, in the hope that these will soon be redressed, agree
ably to the privileges of our country, when all discontents
shall cease, a mutual harmony be restored, and our anxiety
relieved. We apply therefore to your wisdom to heal our sicknesses
and pains. We shall remain thankful, and consider any
further applicatsou needless, as we otherwise should be
compelled to do.
Upon vvhich, humbly soliciting your honors' answer on
every poiut or article in such a manner that we may reraain
satisfied, or proceed further. Sic. as God shall direct our steps.
Your honors' suppliant servants.
Done Dec. 11, 1653.

Arent Van Hatten,
Martin Creiger,
P. L. Vander Girst,
Frederick Lubbertson,
Paulus Vander Beek,
Williara Beekman,
John Hicks,
Tobias Feeks,
WiUiam Washborn,
John Soraers,
Peter Wolpherton,
Jan Stryker,
Thoraas Penewit,
Elbert Elbertson',
Thomas Spicer,
George Baxter,
James Hubbard,
Robert Coe,
Thomas Hazard,

New- York.
Brooklyn.
Flushing.
Hempstead' Flatlands. Flatbush. Gravesend.
NeiOtmon,

168
MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS ALLUDED TO IN THE TEXT.
The original social contract of the people of East Hampton,
adopted in 1655.
Forasrauch as it has pleased the Alraighty God, by the wise
dispensation of his providence so to order and dispose of things,
that we, the inhabitants of East-Harapton, are novv dwelling
together; the word of God requires that to maintain the peace
and union of such a people, there should be an orderly and
decent government established, according to God, to order
and dispose as occasion shall require ; we do therefore soci
ate and conjoin ourselves aud successors, to be one town or cor
poration, and do for ourselves and successors and sucb as shall
be adjoined to us atany time hereafter, enter into combination
and confederation together, to maintain and preserve the pu
rity ofthe Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ, vvhich we now pos
sess ; as also the discipline ofthe church, which according to
the truth of said gospel, is now practised among us ; as also in
our civil affairs, to be guided and governed by such laws and
orders as shall be matie according to God, and which by the
vote ofthe raajor part, shall be in force among us. Further
more, we do engage ourselves, that in all votes for choosing
officers or makinji orders, that it be according to conscience
and our best light. And also we do engage ourselves by
this combination to stand to and maintain the authority of
the several officers ofthe town in their determinations and ac
tions, according to their orders and laws, that ei;her are or
shall be made, not swerving therefrom. In witness whereof^
&c.«

Original Dutch Grant for Jamaica,
Having seen the request or desire of the inhabitants ofthe
town of Hempstead, and subjects of the province, the go
vernor general and council have consented and granted unto
the aforesaid inhabitants, free leave to erect or build a new
town according unto their place limited, named Canarise,
about the midway frora Herapstead, upon such privileges and
particular ground briefs, such as the inhabitants of the New
Netherlands generally do possess in their lands, and likewise
* The first settlers of the several town-^ in Connecticut seem to have entered into
formal contracts of this nature. The preceding ia said lo have been tal(en from that of
Windsor, and it is probable thai the several i^nglish towns on LoDg-Islaod, in their
origin, more or less, formally adopted similar compacts.

169
in the choice of their magistrates as in the other viUages or
towns, as Middleborough, Breuklin, Midwout and Amersfort.
Done at the fort in New-Netherland, this
21st of March, 1656.
PETER STUYVESANT.
By order of the governor general and council of the
New-Netherlands. CORNELIUS VAN RUYVEN, Secretary.

TKANSACTIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF CONNECTICUT,
RELATIVE TO LONG-ISLAND.
At a session of the general asserably at Hartford, March
10th, 1663.
This court have voted Mr. Wyllys and Mr. Matthew AUyn,
to go over to Long-Island to settle government on the west
end of the Island, according to the agreement at Hempstead,
in February last ; and those gentlemen are desired to issue the
raatter twixt I. Scott and Bloomer, and they are further de
sired to take in with them the assistance ofthe commissioners
in those towns, for the regulating of any disturbances as occa
sion is presented.
A true copy from the public records ofthe colony of
Connecticut. Examined this 8th day of August,
1664, bv GEORGE WYLLYS, Secretary.
By order ofthe governor general and council, ofthe
New Netherlands.
At a general assemly held at Hartford, May the 12th, 1664
for election,
Whereas, his Majesty hath been graciously pleased to con
firm unto this colony, by charter, all that part of his domin
ions in New-EnglancI, bounded, as in the said charter is ex
pressed, with the Islands adjoining.
This court doth declare, that they claira Long-Island for
one of those adjoining Islands, expressed in the charter, except
a precedent right doth appear, approved by his Majesty.
This court doth desire and request the worshipful governor,
Mr. Matthew AUyn, Mr. Wyllys, and Captain Youngs, to go
over to Long-Island, and to settie the English plantations on
the Island, under this governraent, according to instructions
given them.
The aforesaid comraittee are hereby authorised to erect and
constitute quarter courts, or appoint other fit seasons for the

170
keeping of court, for the administration of justice, that all ca
ses may be tried according to law, (life, limbs, and banishment
excepted,) and to do their endeavors so to settle matters, that
the people may be both civilly, peaceably, and religiously
governed in the English plantations, so as they may win the
heathen to the knowledge of our Lord and Saviour Jesus
Christ, by their sober and religious conversation, as his Majes
ty our Lord and King requires in his gracious letters patent,
granted to his subjects here, in this colony ; and in case of
crimes of a capital nature, they are to have liberty to take tbe
opportunity of the courts of Fairfield or Hartford, the like
liberty they have in case of review. They may also give oath
to those who are accepted by this court for freemen on the
Island, and to do what else they judge may conduce for the
good ofthe colony.
A true copy from the public records of the colony of
Connecticut. Examined this Sth day of August,
1764, by GEORGE WYI.LYS, Secretary.

The annexation of Long Island to NewYork.
The determination of his Majesty's commissioners relative
to tlje boundaries of his Royal Highness the Duke of York's
patent, and of the patent ot Connecticut, Noveraber SOth,
1664. By virtue of his Majesty's commission, we have heard the
difference about the bounds of the patents granted to his
Royal Highness the Duke of York, and his Majest3''s colony
of Connecticut ; and having deliberately considered all the
reasons alledgecl by Mr. ,\llen, senior, Mr. Gould Mr. Rich
ards and captain Winthrop, appointed by the assembly held
at Hartford, the 13th day of October, 1664, to accompany
John Winthrop, Esq. the Governor of his Majesty's colony of
Connecticut to New-Y^ork, and by Mr. Howell and captain
Youngs of Long-Island, why the said Long-Island should be
under the government of Connecticut, which are too long to
be recited. We do declare and order, that the southern bounds
of his Majesty's colonj o( Connecticut is the sea, and that
Long-Island is to be uhderthe government of his Royal High
ness the Duke of York, as is expressed by plain words in the
said patents respectively, and also b} virtue of his Majesty's
coramission, and by' the consent of both the governor and the
gentlemen above named ; vve also order and declare that the
creek or river called Alomoroneck, which is reputed to be

171
about twelve miles to the east of Westchester, and a line dravvti<
from the east point or side, where the fresh water falls into the
salt, at high-water mark, N N W. to the line of the Mas
sachusetts, be the western bounds ofthe said colony of Con-
l»|gticut, and the plantations lying westward of that creek and
line so drawn, to be under his Royal Highness' government ;
and all plantations lying eastward of that creek and line, to be
under the government of Connecticut.
Given under our hands at fort James, New-York, on Man
hattan Island, this 30lh day of Nov 1664.
RICHARD NICOLLS,
GE RGE < ARTWRIGHT,
SAMUEL MAVERICK.
We, underwritten, on behalf of the colony of Connecticut,
have assented unto this delerminaiion of his Majesty's corarais
sioners, in relation to the bounds and liraits of his Royal
Highness the Duke's patent, and the patent of Connecticut.
JOHN WINTHROP,
MATHEW ALLEN,
NATHAN GOULD,
JAVIES RICHARDS,
JOHN WINTHROP.

A list ofthe Deputies from the several towns on Long-Island,
and from the nwn of 'Vestchester, which composed the Gene
ral Asstmbly convened at Hempstead by Richard Nicolls,
the 1st ofMa^ch, 1665. ;
New-Utrecht, Jaques Cortelleau, Younger Hope.
Gravesend, James Hubbard, John Bowne,
Flatlands. Elbert Elbertson, Reloffe Martens,
Flatbush, John Stryker, Hendrick Gucksen.
Bushwick, John Stealman, Gisbert Tunis,
Brooklyn, Hendrick Lubbertzen, John Evertsen,
New Town, Richard Belts, John Coe,
Flushing, Elias Doughty, Richard Cornhill,
Jamaica. Daniel Denton, Thomas Benedict,
Hempstead, John Hicks, Robert Jackson,
Oysterbay, John Underhill, Matthias Harvey,
Huntington, Jonas Wood, John Ketcham,
Brookhaven Daniel Lane, Roger Barton,
Southold, WiUiam WeUs, John Youngs,
South Hampton, Thomas Baker, v .¦...,
East Hampton,* Thomas Baker, Joh«i Stratton,
Westchester, 'Edward J«ssup, John Quinby. -

17-2
'The Address of the Deputies assembled at Hempstead io htj
Royal Highness, the Duke of York.
"We the deputies duly elected from the several towns upon
Long-Island, being assembled at Hempstead, in general meet
ing, by authority derived from your royal highness under the
honorable Colonel Nicolls, as deputy governor, do most hum
bly and thankfully acknowledge to your roy al hig'mess, the
great honor and satisfaction we receive in our dependence
upon your royal highness according to the tenor of his sacred
majesty's patent, granted the 12th day of March, 1664;
wherein we acknowledge ourselves, our heirs and successors
forever, to be comprized to all intents and purposes, as therein
is more at large expressed. And we do puplickly and unani
mously declare our cheerful submission to all such laws, sta
tutes and ordinances, which are or shall be made by virtue of
authority from your royal highness, your heirs and succes
sors forever : As also, that we will maintain, uphold, and de
fend, to the utmost of our power, and peril of us, our heirs
and successors forever, all the rig-hts, title, and interest, grant
ed by his sacred majesty to your royal highness, against all
pretensions or invasions, foreign and domestic ; vve being al
ready well assured, that, in so doing, we perform our duty ot
allegiance to his majesty, as free born subjects ofthe kingdom
of England inhabiting in these his majesty's dominions. We
do farther beseech your royal highness to accept of this
address, as the first fruits in this general meeting, for a memo
rial and record against us, our heirs and successors, when we.
or any of them, shall fail in our duties. Lastly, vve beseech
your royal highness to take our poverties and necessities, in
this wilderness country, into speedy consideration ; that, by
constant supplies of trade, and your royal highness' more par
ticular countenance of grace to us, and protection of us, we
may daily more and more be encouraged to bestow our labors
to the improvement of these his majesty's western dominions,
under your royal highness ; for whose health, long life, and
eternal happiness, we shall ever pray, as in duty bound.
From Furman' s Brooklyn.
This address was agreed ou at the meeting of the deputies
at Hempstead, in March, 1665.

/^ /if

173
A Narrative and Remonstrance of the Deputies assembled at
Hempstead,in March, 1665, relating to the different apprehen
sions of some matters then and there transacted.
His Majesty having employed his ships of vvar, and sent a
considerable number of soldiers to reduce tiiese parts of Ame
rica to his obedience, the present government vvas readily
received, and peaceably settied on Long-Island, by virtue of
his Majesty's letters patent, made and granted to his Royal
Highness James, Duke of York and Albany, bearing date the
twelfth day of March, in the sixteenth ofthe reign of our sove
reign Lord King Charles the II, published at Gravesend, on
Long-Island, aforesaid, about the middle of August following,
in the audience of a great number ofthe inhabitants thereof,
by the Right Honorable Col. Richard NicoUs, deputy Govern
or under his Royal Highness. At which time and place Gov.
Winthrop, being then present, openly declared that their colo
ny claimed no jurisdiction de jure over Long-Island ; but
what they had done was for the welfare, peace, and quiet set
tlement of his Majesty's subjects, as they vvere the nearest
court of record to them under his Majesty ; but now his Ma
jesty's pleasure vvas fully signified by his letters patent, as above
said, their jurisdiction over them ceased and became null;
whereupon our honorable Governor then replied also, that he
would not put out any ofthe officers which Connecticut had
setup in the civil state, but confirm them under his power to
act in every town, until a convenient setison served to con
vene deputies from all the towns on the island, when and where
laws were to be enacted and civil officers established.
Shortly after, at another meeting of our honorable Govern
or and Connecticut Commissioners, several persons were there
confirmed by him in civil authority, by his writing under his
hand, which they published in several towns where they were
to collect rates and forraer dues for Connecticut, unto which
power these eastern towns readily and willingly obeyed and
submitted for the space of six months at least.
In March following, vve vvere convened, being deputies cho
sen by the several towns in a general assembly held at Hemp
stead, where his Majesty's aforesaid patent vvas first read, and
a commission from his Royal Highness the Duke of York,
empowering and investing the aforesaid Col. Richard Nicolls,
with authority to put the contents ofthe said patent into prac
tice and execution, who declared unto us that our first busi
ness should be to decide sorae, and to compose other differen
ces which were on float before he came to the government,
according to the manner and form in practice since our late

174
acknovvledgmont of tbe Connecticut authority ; but that he
had prepared a body of general laws hereafter lo be observed ;
the vvhich were delivered to us, and upon perusal we found
thera to be a coUection ofthe laws now in practice in his Ma
jesty's other colonies in New-England, with abateraent ofthe
severity against such as differ in matters of conscience and
religion. We proceeded to object against some and propose other
clauses in the laws, whereupon several amendments were raade
with further assurance from the Governor, that when any
reasonable alteration should be offered from any town to the
sessions, the Justices should tender the sarae at the assizes,
and receive satisfaction therein, the truth and effects whereof
we have since found
The Governor further declared that for his own part he
expected no benefit for his labors out of the purses of the inha
bitants, not so much as to defray his charge and expenses at
the courts; but that it was absolutely necessary to establish a
form and rule of county rates, to support the public charge ;
whereupon we pitched upon the form and rule at this day ob
served in Connecticut, which vvas known to sorae of those
present. In the next placewe conceived that two hundred pounds
yearly might defray the public charge ; to which the Govern
or replied that he would touch none ofthe public money, but
that the high sheriff frora year to year should cause the same
to be collected, and give, at the expiration of his office, inopen
court at the general assizes, an account of his receipts and
disbursements. If it should happen the rate vvas more than the charge of
his year, the overplus should remain to the use of the country
the next year; if the charge vvas greater than the rate, the
country was obliged to bear it vvith an additional rate, in all
which transactions we acted with sincerity of heart, aocording
to the best of our understanding, and in obedience to his Ma
jesty's authority established by bis letters patent over us.
Moreover vve appointed a coraraittee to attend the governor
for his resolution, whether we raight not, according to the cus
tom of the other colonies, choose our raagistrates. We receiv
ed answer by our deputies, that they had seen the instruction
of his Royal Highness, wherein the choice of all the officers
of Justice was solely to be raade by the Governor, and sorae
of us do knowthata Parliament of England can neither make
ajudge nor justice of the peace.
In conclusion the governor tcld us that we had seen and
read his Majesty's letters patent, the comroission and instruc-

175
tions from his Royal Highness the Duke of York, and if we
would have a greater share in the governraent than he could
allow, we must go to the king for it.
Nevertheless some malicious men have aspersed us as be
trayers of their liberties and privileges, in subscribing to an
address to his Royal Highness, full of duty and gratitude,
whereby his Royd Highness may be encouraged the more to
take us and the welfare of our posterity into his most princely
care and consideration.
Neither can any clause in that address bear any other
natural sense and construction than our obedience and sub
mission to his Majesty's letters patent, according to our duty
and allegiance.
'However, that our neighbors and fellow subjects may be
undeceived of the false aspersions thrown upon us, and the
impostures of raeii disaffected to government manifested, lest
they should further preva 1 upon the weakness of others ; we
the then deputies and subscribers of the said address, conceive
ourselves obliged to publisii this narrative and reraonstrance of
the several passages and steps conducting to the present go
vernraent under which we now live, and we desire that a
record hereof may be kept in each town, that future ages may
not he seasoned with the sour malice of such unreasonable
and groundless aspersions.
Dated the 21st day of June, 1666.

Remonstrance of Southampton against the order requiring them
to take out a new patent.
Southampton, Feb. 15, 1670,
To the Governor.
Honourable Sir — We, the inhabitants ofthis town, do here
by present unto you our hurable service, &c. to show our re
spect to your honour's pleasure,-and our obedience to the order
of the honourable court oi assize — we are bold to manifest
herein unto you some reasons why weare unwilling to receive
any further patent for our lands, as foUoweth :
1st, Because, as we have honestiy purchased them of the
natives, (the proper and natural owners of them,) so also we
have already the patent right, lawfuUy obtained and derived
frora the honourable earl of Stirling, we being to pay one fifth
part of gold and silver ore, and four bushels of Indian corn
yearly. 2dly, Because the injunction laid on persons and plantations
by the laws in 1666, to take forth patents for their lands from

I A.- rt
our then governor, we groundedly conceive intended not the
plantations on this east end ofthe Island, but only those at the
west end who were reduced from a foreign government, even
as heretofore. Those Knslish that came to dwell within the
precincts which the Dutch claimed took out land briefs from
the Dutch governor.
3dly, Because those of us, who were first beginners ofthis
plantation, put none but ourselves to the vast charge in our
transport hither, we greatly hazarded our lives (as some lost
theirs) here amongst aud by the then numerous and barbarous
ly cruel natives; yet through divine Providence we have pos
sessed these our lands aboAe 30 years without interruption or
molestation by any claiming them from us, and therefore we
cannot see why we should lose any of our rightful privileges,
so dearly and honestly purchased, or how our lands can be
better assured to u^ by tak.ng out another patent from any one.
4tlily. And materially because by our said patent we had
licence (we being but (ew) to put ourselves under any of his
majesty's colonies for government, whereupon accordingly by
wiUing consent on all sides, vve adjoined ourselves to Hartford
jurisdiction, and divers of us became members of the king's
court there, and when the w onh>. Mr. Winthrop obtained a
patent from his majesty our present lord, king Charles II, for
the said colony of Hartford, our town is included, and some
ofthe then chief raembers of our town expressly nominated in
the patent; so that this place became undeniably an absolute
lirab or part ofthe said colony ; and moreover, since that and
after his majesty 's commissioners came into these parts, his
majesty of grace and free motion was pleased so far to encour
age his people ofthe said colony, as bv his letter to assure them
that their ecclesiastical and civil privileges which he had gran
ted thera should not be inlVinged or diminished by his said
commissioners or any others whatsoever.
Sly, It is not only in all our experience beyond all parallel,
that each tovvn should be constrained to take forth a patent,
but also the patents here imposed and those given forth, which
yet we have seen, seera to bind persons and towns in matter of
payments to the will and mercy of their lord and his succes
sors, or lieutenants ; and vvho can tell but in time to come
those may succeed w lio, through an avaricious distemper, may
come upon us with such heavy taxes and intolerable burdens,
as may make us, or our poor posterity, to groan like Israel in
Egypt. 6ly, Because people are enjoined to acknowledge in the
said patent (if vve mistake not greatly) that his royal highness

177
the duke of York is sole proprietor ofthe whole Island ; whicli
we cannot consent unto, because we know ourselves to be the
true proprietors ofthe lands vve here possess, with the appur
tenances thereunto belonging, and also because raen are en
joined by the said patent to pay not only all just dues, but also
all demands that may be matie by his royal highness or his au
thorized agent.
7ly, Because we are more than confident his majesty will
desire no more of us than already we are, even his faithful liege
people who have raany of us already taken, and the rest of us
are ready to take, the oath of aUegiance unto hira. WiUing
we are to pay our just dues in town and to the country, and
ready to serve his majesty with our lives and fortunes; vve are
his subjects and we know he will not make us slaves to anyi
81y, Because Gen. Nichols gave it under his hand that we
at this end should have as great privileges as any colony in
New-England, and yet we are denied our deputies at the courts;
we are forced to pay customs for goods imported, for which
custom hath before been paid to his majesty's use in England.
91y, and Lastly, — The king's coraraissioners in the year
1664, by their proclamation, seeraed to demand only the gov
ernment, wilh exact and full promise that the people should
enjoy whatsoever God's blessing and their own industry had
furnished them withal ; and vve see not what raore a patent
can assure us, especially considering that the patents here taken
forth by places, or particular persotis, secure them not abso
lutely ; for it seems to us by the order of the court of assizes,
even from them who have received a patent, wood and timber
may be taken away without leave and without pay; in all which
respects, and some other, vve cannot be willing to take forth
more patent than we have. And if we do succeed otherwise
than we expect, we hope vve shall, like good Christians, pa
tiently bear the pressure that may be permitted to fall upon us,
yet never fail to be fervent votaries for your. honour's real hap
piness. [Signed by Thomas Halsey jun. and 49 others.]

"3 at'

178
¦The Petition ofthe Members ofthe Court of Assize, to ihe Duke
of York, for an .Assembly.
To his Royal Highness, James, Duke of York and Albany :
The humble petition ofthe council ofthe province, the al
dermen of New-York, and ofthe justices assembled at
a special court of assize held at the city of New-York,
June 29th, 1681,
Showeth — That we, your royal highness' most humble and
obedient servants, assembled together by virtue of your royal
highness' authority established in his colony, hurably craving
? he conjunction and assistance ofthis court to make a subraissive
address to your royal highness: therein representing the great
pressure and lamentable condition of his raajesty's subjects in
this your royal highness' colony; and also presenting, for the
only reraedy and ease of those burdens, that an assembly ofthe
people may be established by a free choice ofthe freeholders
and inhabitants ofthis your royal highness' colony. The whicli
request, we having maturely and deliberately weighed and con
sidered, and having full assurance of your royal b'-rhness' good
gracious and real intentions to encourage and adva.ice the ease,
benefit, and advantageoftrade,and the merchants aad inhabit
ants ofthis your said colony, and the removal of all tMngs that
mightobstruct or hinder the same to us particularly, signified by
your gracious coraraission given to JohnLemon,your royal high
ness agent and servant here, bearing date the 24th ofMay,1680,
which with great joy and general satisfaction vvas received and
published. Expecting and longing for the happy event of such
your royal highness' grace and favour, the enjoyment of which
we have not as yet attained, we find ourselves encouraged and
obliged to concur with the said grand inquest; and in all
submissive manner to prostrate ourselves at your royal highness'
feet, and represent the miserable and deplorable condition of
tlie inhabitants ofthis your royal highness' colony, who for
many years past have groaned under inexpressible burdens by
having an arbitral y and absolute power used and exercised
over us, by which a yearly revenue is exacted from us against
our wills, and trade grievously burdened vvith undue and unu
sual customs imposed on the merchandize without our consent
— our liberty and freedom iiithraled, and the inhabitants wholly
shut out and deprived of any share, vote, or interest, in the
government, to their great discouragement, and contrary to
thelaws, rights, liberties, and privileges, ofthe subject; so that
vve are esteemed as nothing, and have becorae a reproach to the
iieighboiirs in other his majesty's colonies, vvho flourish under

179
the fruition and protection of his majesty's unparalleled form
and method of government in his realm of England, the un
doubted birthright of all his subjects. Which necessitates us,
in behalf of this' your royal highness' colony, to become
humble suppliants and suitors to your royal highness ;
praying, and we do hereby humbly and submissively, with all
obedienc,e, pray and beseech your royal highness, that, for the
redressing and removal of tbe said grievances, the government
ofthis your colony raay, for the future, be settied and estab
lished, ruled and governed, by a governor, council, and as
sembly ; which assembly to be duly elected and chosen by the
freeholders ofthis your royal highness' colony, as is usual and
practicable with the realm of England, and other his raajes
ty's plantations. Which will give great ease and satisfaction
to all his majesty's subjects in this your royal highness' colony;
who desire no greater happiness than the continuance of your
royal highness' grace and favour, and to be and remain his
majesty's loyal and free subjects.
By order, fee.
<J'. JOHN WEST, Clerk nf Assize.

Of the Pirate William Kidd.
William Kidd, who was commissioned in 1696 to go against
the pirates, who theu infested the seas, became a pirate, sail
ed to Madagascar, and ravaged the sea and the coast from
the Red Sea to the coast of Malabar for nearly a year, when
he returned with more valuable spoil, than perhaps ever fell to
the lot of a pirate. On his way frora the West Indies to Bos
ton, he anchored in Gardiner's Bay, landed oii the island, and
buried a box of gold, silver and precious stones. The owner
of the Island was entrusted with the secret, and his life was
the pledge of its security. Kidd made similar deposits in other
places along the coast. On Kidd's arrival at Boston, on the
1st. July, 1699, he was seized and committed by the order of
the Governor, the Earl of BeUamont, and among his papers
was found an account of all his deposits. Comraissioners
were appointed to collect and secure thera. They called ou
Mr. Gardiner for the box that was deposited on the Island,
who, after he was assured that Kidd was in safe custody, ami
not likely again to be in a condition to injure him, procured
the box and delivered it to the Coraraissioners.
Kidd was sent to England and tried and executed May 9th,
1701.

180
The tradition of Kidd's having buried his treasures along
the coast, unaccompanied by tbe history of their discovery,
has given rise to the idle practice of money digging, under the
impression that those treasures are still to be found.
Among tbe papers ofthe late John L. Gardiner, Esq. is an
account of the treasure deposited on the Island, taken from
the list of Kidd's treasures, which vvere secured by the com
missioners, of which the following is a summary.
Received the 17th inst. of Mr. John
Gardiner, three bags of gold dust
containing 136 oz.
Two bags of gold bars containing 50 1 1
One do. of coined gold do. 11 Sisilverl24 oz.
One do. broken silver do. 173J
Two do silver bars 521
One do. silver buttons and a larap 29
One bag containing three silverrings
and sundry precious stones 4|- oz.
One do. of unpolished stones 12J
738f 847^ 173
One bag containing one piece of Bristol and Bezoar stones
two cornelian rings, and two sraall agates, two araethysis.
Which account was presented by Sarauel Sewell, Nathan
iel Byfield, Jereraiah Duraer and Andrew Belcher, esqs, com
missioners appointed to receive and secure the same, under
oath, to the Earl of BeUamont, Governor of Massachusetts.
This is only a part of the first of 13 sheets,- in which the
whole account vvas comprized, as is certified by H. C. Ad
dington, Secretary of State, July 25th, 1699.
A list ofthe Governors, Lieutenant Governors, and Presidents
ofthe Council who administered the government ofthe colony
and state of New-York, from 1629 to the present time.
DUTCH GOVERNORS.
Wouter Van Twiller, - - 1629
William Kieft, - - - 1638
Peter Stuyvesant, - - 1647
ENGLISH GOVERNORS, SjC.
Richard NicoUs, - - - 1664
Francis Lovelace, - - 1667
Anthony Colve, on a re-capture ofthe pro
vince by the Dutch - - 1673
After the surrender to the English, Sir Ed
mund Andross, - - 1674

181
Anthony Brockholst, . . 1681
Thomas Dongan, - - _ 1683
Francis Nicholson, - - 1688
Jacob Leisler, - - . _ 1689
Henry Slrtugbter, - - 1691
Richard Ingolsby, - - - 1691
Benjamin Fletcher, - - 1692
Richard, Earl of BeUamont, - . 1698
John Nanfan, - - > 1699
Lord Cornbury, - - . 1702
Lord Lovelace, ... 1708
Richard Ingolsby, - . « 1709
Gerardus Beekman, - - 1710
Brigadier Hunter, - .. _ 1710
Peter Schuyler, - - - 1719
WiUiara Burnet, . - _ 172O
John Montgomerie, - - 1728
Rip Van Dam, ... 1731
WiUiam Cosby, . . _ 1732
George Clark, - - - 1736
George Clinton, - - - ] 743
Danvers Osborn, . . - 1753
James De Lancey - - - 1753
Sir Charles Hardy, > - . I755
James De Lancey, - « - 1757
CadwaUader Colden, - - -1760
Robert Monkton, ... 1762
CadwaUader Colden, - - - 1763
Henry Moore, _ _ , 1765
John, Earl of Dunmore - - - 1770
William Tryon, - - - 1771
STATE GOVERNORS,
George Clinton, ... I777
John Jay, - - - 1795
George Clinton, .... 1801
Morgan Lewis, - . - ] 804
Daniel D. Tompkins, - - - 1807
De Witt CUnton, - - - 1817
the same, . - - » 1820
Joseph C. Yates, - - - t822
De Witt Clinton, - - - 1824

CONTENTS,
Stale of tiie Country at the tirae of its first settiement, °3
Of the interfering claims of the Dutch and English, 5
Ofthe settlement of the Island, - - _ . g
Of Trade among the first settlers, - . » 14
Of the Character of the first settiers, - _ _ 17
Of the political condition of the EngUsh towns, - 19
Of their union with Connecticut, - - . 24
Of the Ecclesiastical state of the several towns, - 28
Of the Indians on Long-Island, - _ . . gi
Of the poUtical condition of the several towns in the
Dutch territory, - - - - ' - SO
Ofthe English governraent after the conquest in 1664
to the American Revolution, - . . gi

APPENDIX.
Sketch of General Woodhull, - - - - J2I
 Colonel Williara Sraith, - - ¦ I39
 WUUam Nicolls, Esq. ... 144
Of the several Courts, . _ . , . 49g
Representatives in the first Convention, - - 155
Population at different periods, . , „ „ I57
Climate, -__--., j^g
Treaty of Hartford in 1650, . - . . . 163
Remonstrance of the towns in 1655, . . 163
Social Contract of East Harapton in 1655, . . 168
Original Dutch Grant for Jamaica, . . , 168
Transactions of Connecticut Assembly, . , 169
Annexation of Long Island to New York, ; . 170
Deputies to Assembly at Hempstead in 1655, . . 171
Address ofthe Deputies, ..... 172
Remonstrance of do  173
Remonstrance of Southampton in 1670, , . 175
Petition of Court of Assize in 1681, , . . 178
Of the Pirate WiUiam Kidd, . . . 179
List of Governors, to the present time, : i 180

ERRATA,
page 17, opposite tlie word " Pasture," expunge 9.
21, in tlie 7th line from the bottom for 1653, read 16G3,
28, in the I6th line from the top for " obtaining," read retaining.
33, opposite Jeremiah Hobart, under the head of removal, read 1696.
Opposite Joshua Hart, under settlement, read 1772 and of removal 1773.
Opposite Charles Webster, under removal expunge 1817.
Opposite David Bostwicic, under remarlts, read removed to New.Yorlc.
Opposite Elihu Spencer, under settlement, read 1758: and under remarks
read removed to Trenton.
53, vacant Dutch Reformed congregations, for 42 read 24.
55, in llth line from bottom, expunge the word name.
57, in the date of the church at Huntington, for 1784 read 1764.
add in Islip, St. John's church 1766.
In the date ofthe church at Broolilyn, for 1766, rea4 1787.
65, in the 6th line from bottom, for 1835, read 1637.
71, in the 6th line ofthe note, expunge the whole clause which begins with the
words ** the following item," and insert, IWr. James was employed by
commissioners of the society for propagating the Gospel in New-England
for several years, to instruct the Indians on the Island.
82, io the 14th line from bottom, for recording, read according.
104, in the 3d line from bottom, for 1685, read 1688.
105, in the 9th line from the top, for 1691, read 1690.
in the I5th line from the bottom, for New-York, read al New-York.
112, in the 22d line from the top, for personified, read signified.
in the 15th l'.:"^ from the bottom, for put in the power, read put t< in the
power.
11.3, first line Tor ot read/or.
122, line 17 for 6th July, read gth.
123, in note for Corse where it occurs, read Corsa,
237, under Cols, for La Rouse, read Roux.
Under Lieut. Cols, for Corse, read Corsa.
In line 3 from bottom in note for which read wham.
142, line 8 from bottom, for Morripesson, read JMompessor.
143, T'raispose the clauses, read the Rev. Caleb Smith, &c. before William, son
of the Judge's son Wm. in 22d line from bottom. Or say: Tlie late
Gen. John Smith, the son ofthe Judge's Grandson William, and Great
Grandson of Col. Smith.
116, in tha bottom line for Hartford, read Stratford.
158, In the comparisoa of the population of the Island with the city of New- York
for 1826, read 1820.

Page 57, add in islip, St. Jo.m's Church, 178-t.
131, line 14 irom bottom, for beiif rearf beUef.
143, line 17 from lop, for writs read ivlls.
144, lio. ' from top, for great gr. nelsons read grea( jrenf grar.o,..u.
line 8 from lop, • iN'ortlianiptonslure read Oxfordshire.
146, line 1 from top, for Eminel leacl Kmmott.
line 8 from top, for honor read Honor.
143, line 6 from boUom, for of hUp read at hV.p.
IC!), line 20 from botloni, for 1C64 read !7iM.
175, Hue 16 from bottom, for 1S70 read lijTO or 1671.
In the list of deputies at the meeting at Eempslead in i8£5, expun-e '^le nam- or
Thomas iJakcr opposite the town of Southampton, and insert tbe Domes -.f ¦'•ho..,..i
Tojijjiug and John HoweU.