YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. VOL. I. rKIKTED BT R. AND A. TAVLOK, SHOE-LAKE, LONDON. C6 130vV PREFACE. IN fulfilling the engagement which I had come under to the Public with respect to the History of America, it was my inten tion not to have published any part of the work until the whole was completed. The present state of the British Colonies has induced me to alter that resolution. While they are engaged in civil war with Great Britain, inquiries and speculations concern ing their ancient forms of policy and laws, which exist no longer, cannot be interest ing. The attention and expectation of man kind are now turned towards their future condition. In whatever manner this un happy contest may terminate, a new order of things must arise in North America, and its affairs will assume another aspect. I wait with the solicitude of a good citizen, until the ferment subside, and regular go vernment be re-established, and then I shall return to this part of my work, in which I VOL. I. a VI PREFACE. had made some progress. That, together with the history of Portuguese America, and of the settlements made by the several na tions of* Europe in the West-India Islands, will complete my plan. The three volumes which I now publish contain an account of the discovery of /the New World, and of the progress of the Spanish arms and colonies there. This is not only the most splendid portion of the American story, but so much detached, as by itself to form a perfect whole, remark able for the unity of the subject. As the principles and maxims of the Spaniards in planting colonies, which have been adopted in some measure by every nation, are un folded in this part of my work ; it will serve as a proper introduction to the history of all the European establishments in America, and convey such information concerning this important article of policy, as may be deemed no less interesting than curious. In describing the achievements and insti tutions of the Spaniards in the New World, I have departed, in many instances, from tlie accounts of preceding historians, and have often related facts which seem tohave PREFAdE. vii * been unknown to them^ It is a duty I owe the Public to mention the sourcesfrom which I have derived such intelligence as justifies ' me either in placing transactions' in a new light, or in forming any new opinion with respect to their causes and effects* This duty I perform with greater satisfaction, as it will afford an opportunity of expressing my gratitude to those benefactors who have honoured me with their countenance and aid in my researches. ,As it was from Spain that I had to ex pect the most important information, with regard to this part of my work, I considered it as a very fortunate circumstance for me, when Lord Grantham, to whom I had the honour of being personally known, and with whose liberality of sentinient, and dis position to oblige, I was well acquainted, was appointed ambassador to the court of Madrid. Upon applying to him, I met with such a reception as satisfied me that his endeavours would be employed in the raost proper manner, in order to obtain the gra tification of my wishes ; and I am perfectly sensible, that what progress I have made in my inquiries araong the Spaniards, ought a 2 viii PREFACE. to be ascribed chiefly to their knowing how much His Lordship interested himselfin my success. But did I owe nothing more to Lord Grantham, than the advantages which I have derived from his attention in engaging Mr. Waddilove, the chaplain of his embassy, to take the conduct of my literary inquiries in Spain, the obligations I lie under to him would be very great. During five years that gentleman has carried on researches for my behoof, with such activity, perseverance, and knowledge ofthe subject, to which his attention was turned, as have filled me with no less astonishment than satisfaction. He procured for me the greater part ofthe Spa nish books which I have consulted ; and as many of them wpre printed early in the six teenth century, and are become extremely rare, the collecting of these was such an oc cupation as alone required much time and assiduity. To his friendly attention I am indebted for copies of several valuable ma nuscripts, containing facts and details which I might have searched for in vain in works that have been made public. Encouraged by the inviting good-will with which Mr. PREFACE. IX Waddilove conferred his favours, I trans mitted to him a set of queries, with respect both to the customs and policy of the native Americans,, and the nature of several insti tutions in the Spanish settlements, framed in such a manner that a Spaniard might answer them without disclosing any thing that was improper to be communicated to a foreigner. He translated these into Spanish, and obtained, from various persons who had resided in most of the Spanish colonies, such replies as have afforded me much in struction. Notwithstanding those peculiar advan tages with which my inquiries were carried on in Spain, it is Avith regret I am obliged to add, that their success must be ascribed to the beneficence of individuals, not to any communication by public authority By a singular arrangement of Philip II, , the re cords of the Spanish monarcy are deposited in the Archivo of Simancas, near Valladolid, at the distance of a hundred and twenty miles from the seat of government, and the supreme courts of justice. The papers re lative to America, and chiefly to that early period of its history towards which my at- PREIACfe. tention w:as directed, are so numerous, that they alone, accprding to one account, fill the largest apartment in the Archivo ; and, according to another, they compose eight hundred and seventy-three large bundles. Conscious of possessing, in some degree, the industry which belongs to an historian, the prospect of such a treasure excited my most ardent curiosity, But the prospect of it is all that I have enjoyed. Spain, with an excess of caufion, has uniformly thrown a veil over her transactions in America. From strangers they are concealed with peculiar solicitude. JLven to her own sub jects the Archivo of Simancas is not opened without a particular order from the crown ; and, after obtaining that, papers cannot be copied, without paying fees of office so ex orbitant, that the expense exceeds what it would be proper to bestow, when the gra tification of literary curiosity is the only obr ject. It is to be hoped, that the Spaniards will at last discover this system of conceal ment to be no less impolitic than illiberal, Erom what I have experienced in the course of my inquiries, I am satisfied, that upon a more minute scrutiny into their early opera? PREFACE. XI tions in the New World, however reprehen sible the actions of individuals may appear, the conduct of the nation will be placed in a more favourable light. In other parts of Europe very different sfentiments prevail. Having searched, with out success, in Spain, for a letter of Cortes to Charles V. written soon after he landed in the Mexican Empire, which has not hi therto been published ; it occurred to me, that as the Emperor was setting out for Germany at the time when the messengers from Cortes arrived in Europe, the letter with which they were intrusted might pos sibly be preserved in the Imperial library of Vienna. I communicated this idea to Sir Robert Murray Keith, with whom I have long had the honour to live in friendship, and I had soon the pleasure to learn, that upon his application Her Imperial Majesty had been graciously pleased to issue an or der, that not only a copy of that letter (if it were found), but of any other papers in the library which could throw light upon the History of America, should be trans mitted tame. The letter from Cortes is not in the Imperial library ; but an authentic xii PREFACE. copy, attested by a notary, of the letter written by the magistrates of the colony planted by him at Vera Cruz, which I have mentioned. Vol. n. p. 143., having been found, it was transcribed, and sent to me. As this letter is no less curious, and as little known as that which was the object of my inquiries, I have given some account, in its proper place, of what is most worthy of notice in it. Together with it, I received a copy of a letter from Cortes, containing a long account of his expedition to Hon duras, with respect to which I did not think it necessary to enter into any particular de tail ; and likewise those curious Mexican paintings, which I have described, vol. iii. p. 23. My inquiries at St. Petersburgh were car ried on with equal facility and success. In examining into the nearest communication between our continent and that of America, it became of consequence to obtain authen tic information concerning the discoveries of the Russians in their navigation from Kamchatka towards the coast of America. Accurate relations of their first voyage, in 1741, have been published by Muller and PREFACE. Xlll Gmelin. Several foreign authors have en tertained an opinion that the court of Rus sia studiously conceals the progress which has been made by more recent navigators, and suffers the Public to be amused with false accounts of their route. Such con duct appeared to me unsuitable to those liberal sentiments, and that patronage of science, for which the present sovereign of Russia is eminent ; nor could I discern any political reason, that might render it im proper to apply for information concerning the late attempts of the Russians to open a communication between Asia and America. My ingenious countryman. Dr. Rogerson, first physician to the Empress, presented my request to Her Imperial Majesty, who not only disclaimed any idea of conceal ment, but instantly ordered the journal of Captain Krenitzin, who conducted the only voyage of discovery made by public autho rity since the year 1741, to be translated, and his original chart to be copied for my use. By consulting them, I have been ena bled to give a more accurate view of the progress and extent of the Russian discove- xiv PREFACE. ries, than has hitherto been communicated to the Public, Erom other quarters I have received in formation of great utility and importance. M. le Chevalier de Pinto, the minister from Portugal to the court of Great Britain, who commanded for several years at Matagros- so, a settlement of the Portuguese in the interior part of Brazil, where the Indians are numerous, and their original manners Uttle altered by intercourse with Europeans, was pleased to send me veiy full answers to sopae queries concerning the character and institutions of the natives of America, which his polite reception of an application made to him in my name encouraged nie to prppose. These satisfied me, that he had contemplated with a discerning attention the curious objects which his situation pre sented to his view, and I have often followed him as one of my best-instrupted guides. M, Suard, to whose elegant translation ofthe History of the Reign of Charles V. I owe the favourable reception of that work on the continent, procured me answers to the same queries from M, de Bougainville^ PREFACE. XV who had opportunities of observing the In dians both of North and South America, and from M. Godin le Jeune, who resided fifteen years among Indians in Quito, and twenty years in Cayenne. The latter are more valuable from having been examined by M. de la Condamine, who, a few weeks before his death, made some short additions to them, which may be considered as the la«t effort of that attention to science which occupied a long life. My inquiries were not confined to one region in America. Governor Hutchinson took the trouble of recommending the con sideration of my queries to Mr. Hawley and Mr. Brainerd, two protestant missionaries employed among the Indians of the Five Nations, who favoured me with answers xvhich discover a considerable knowledge ofthe people whose customs they describe. From William Smith, Esq. the ingenious historian of New York, I received some useful information. When I enter upon the History of our Colonies in North America, I shall have occasion to acknowledge how much I have beerf indebted to many other gentlemen of that' country. xvi PREFACE. From the valuable Collection of Voyages made by Alexander Dalrymple, Esq., with whose attention to the History of Naviga tion and Discovery the Public is well ac quainted, I have received some very rare books, particularly two large volumes of Memorials, partly manuscript and partly in print, which were presented to the court of Spain during the reigns of Philip III. and Philip IV. From these I have learned many curious particulars with respect to the interior state of the Spanish colonies, and the various schemes formed for their improvement. As this collection of Memo rials formerly belonged to the Colbert Li brary, I have quoted them by that title. All those books ^nd manuscripts I have consulted with that attention which the re spect due from an Author to the Public required ; and by minute references to them, I have endeavoured to authenticate what ever I relate. The longer I reflect on the nature of historical composition, the more I am convinced that this scrupulous accu racy is necessary. The historian who re cords the events ofhis own time, is credited in proportion to the opinion which the Pub- PREFACE, xvii lie entertains with respect to his means of information and his veracity. He who delineates the transactions of a remote pe riod, has no title to claim assent, unless he produces evidence in proof of his assertions. Without this, he may write an amusing tale, but cannot be said to have composed an authentic history. In those sentiments I have been confirmed by the opinion of an Author*, whom his industry, erudition, and discernment, have deservedly placed in a high rank among the most eminent historians of the age. Imboldened by a hint from him, I have published a catalogue 6f the (Spanish books which I have con sulted. This practice was frequent in the last century, and was considered as an evi dence of laudable industry in an author ; in the present, it may, perhaps, be deemed the effect of ostentation ; but, as many of these books are unknown in Great Britain, I could not otherwise have referred to them as authorities , without encumbering the page with an insertion of their full titles. To any person who may choose to follow me in this * Mr. Gibbon. xviii PREFACE. path of inquiry, the catalogue must be very useful. My readers will observe, that in men tioning sums of money, I have imiformly followed the Spanish method of computing by pesos. In America, the peso fuerte, or duro, is the only one known; and that is always meant when any sum imported from America is mentioned. The peso fuerte, as well as other coins, has varied in its nU- merary value; but I have beeigff advised, without attending to such minute variations, to consider it as equal to four shillings and six-pence of our money. It is to be re membered, however, that, in the sixteenth century, the effective value of a peso, i. e. the quantity of labour which it represented, or of goods which it would purchase, was five or six times as much as at present. N.B. Since this edition was put into the press, a History of Mexico, in two volumes in quarto, translated from the Italian of the Ahh€ D. Francesco Saverio Clavigero, has PREFACE, xix been published. From a person who is a native of New Spain, who has resided forty years in that country, and who is acquainted with the Mexican language, it was natural to expect much new information. Upon perusing his work, however, I find that it contains hardly any a4dition to the ancient History of the Mexican Empire, as related by Acosta and Herrera, but what is derived from the improbable narratives and fanciful conjectures of Torquemada and Boturini. Having copied their splendid descriptions of the high state of civilization in the Mex ican Empire, M. Clavigero, in the abund ance of his zeal for the honour of his native country, charges me with having mistaken somepoints, and with havingmisrepresented others, in the History of it. When an author is conscious of having exerted industrjan re-^ search, and impartiality in decision, he may,. without presumption, claim what praise is. due to these qualities, and he cannot be insensible to any accusation that .tends to weaken the force ofhis claim. A feeling of this kind has induced me to examine such strictures of M. Clavigero on my History of America as merited any attention, especially XX PREFACE. as these are made by one who seemed to possess the means of obtaining accurate information; and to show that the greater part of them is destitute of any just founda tion. This I have done in notes upon the passages in my History which gave rise to his criticisms. . College of Edinburgh, * March 1st, 1788, CONTENTS. VOLUME THE FIRST. BOOK I. pR 0 GRESS of Navigation among the anctents — T^iew of their discoveries as preparatory to those of the moderns — Imperfection of ancient navigation and geography — Doctrine of the zones — Further discoveries checked by the ir ruption of barbarous nations — Geographical knowledge still preserved in the East, and among the Arabians — Revival of commerce and navi gation in Europe-Favoured by the Croisades — extended by travellers into the East — -promoted by the invention ofthe mariner's compass — First regular plan pf discovery formed by Portugal — State of that kingdom — Schemes of Prince Henry — Early attempts feeble — Progress along the western coast of Africa — Hopes of discover ing a new route to the East Indies — Attempts to accomplish this — Prospects of success. VOL, I. b xxii CONSENTS BOOK II. Hirth and education of Columbu,s — acquires naval skill in the service of Portugal — conceives hopes of reaching the East Indies by holding a westerly course — his system founded on the ideas of the ancients, dnd knowledge , of their navigation — and on the discoveries of the Portuguese — His negotiations with different courts — Obstacles which he had to surmount in Spain — Voyage of discovery — difficulties — success — return to Spain — Astonishment of mankind on this disco very of a Njbw World — Papal grant of it—^ Second Voyage — Colony settled — Further dis coveries — TVar with the Indians — First tax imposed on them, — Third voyage — He discovers the continent — State of the Spanish colony — Errors inthe first system of colonizing — Voyage of the Portuguese to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope — Effects ofthis — Disco veries made by private adventurers in the New World— Name of America given to it — Ma chinations against Columbus — disgraced and sent in chains to Europe — Fourth voyage of Columbus— His discoveries — disasters — death . BOOK III. State ofthe colony in Hispaniola-^—New war with the Indians — Cruelty ofthe Spaniards — Fata regulations concerning the condition of the In dians^- Diminution of that people — Discoveries and settlements — First colony planted on the CONTENTS. continent — Conquest of Cuba — Discovery of Florida— of the South Sea — Great expectations raised by this — Causes of disappointment with respect to these for some tifne — Controversy con ceriiing the treatment ofthe Indians — Contrary decisions — Zeal ofthe ecclesiastics, particularly of Las Casas — Singular proceedings of Xi menes — Negroes irtiported into America — Las Casas' s idea of a new colony — permitted to at tempt it — unsuccessful — Discoveries towards the West — Yucatan — Campeachy — New Spain — preparations for invading it. BOOK IV. View of America when first discovered, and ofthe manners and policy of its most uncivilized inha bitants — Vast extent of America — grandeur of the objects it presents to view — its mountains — rivers — lakes — its form favourable to commerce — temperature — predominance of cold — causes of this — uncultivated — unwholesome — its animals — soil — Inquiry how America was peopled— various theories — what appears 7nost probable — Conditimi and character ofthe Americans — All, the Mexicans and Peruvians excepted, in the state of savages — Inquiry confined to the unci- vilized tribes — Difficulty of obtaining informa tion — various causes of this — Method observed in the Inquiry — /. The bodily constitution of the Americans considered — //. The qualities of their minds — ///. Their domestic state. XXIU xxiv CONTENTS. * VOLUME THE SECOND. B O O K IV. continued. IV. Their political state and institutions — V. Their system of war and public security — VI. The arts with which they were acquainted— VII. Their religious ideas and institutions — VIII. Such singular and detached customs as are not reducible to any of the former heads — IX. General review and estimate qf their vir tues nnd defects. BOOKV. History of the conquest of New Spain by Cortes. BOOK VI. History ofthe conquest of Peru by Pizarro — and of the dissentions and civil wars of the Spa niards in. that country — Origin, progress, and effects of these. VOLUME THE THIRD. BOOK VII. Vieiv of the institutions and manners of the Mexicans -and Peruvians — Civilized states in comparison of other Americans — Recent origin ofthe Mexiqans — Facts which prove their pro gress in civilization — View of their policy in its CONTENTS. XXV various branches — bf their arts — Facts which indicate a small progress in civilization — What opinion should be formed on comparing those contradictory facts — Genius of their religion — Peruvian monarchy more ancient — its policy founded on religion — Singular effects of this — Peculiar state of property among the Peru vians — Their public works and arts — roads — bridges — buildings — Their unwarlike spirit — View of other dominions of Spain in America — Cinaloa and Sonora — California ^ — Yucatan and Honduras — Chili — Tucuman — Kingdom of Tierra Firme — New Kingdom of Granada. BOOK VIII. Vieiv of the interior government, commerce, 8fc. ofthe Spanish colonies — Depopulation of Ame rica — -first effect of their settlements — not the consequence of any system of policy — nor to be imputed to religion — Number of Indians still remaining — Fundamental maxims on which the Spanish system of colonization is founded — Condition of different orders of men in their colonies — Chapetones — Creoles — Negroes — Indians — Ecclesiastical state and policy — Character of secular and regular clergy — Smalt progress of Christianity among the natives — Mines, chief object of their attention — Mode of working these — their produce — Effects of encouraging this species of industry — Other commodities of Spanish America — First effects xxvi CONTENTS. of this ncw commerce with America on Spain — ¦ Why the Spanish colonies have not been*' as beneficial to the parent-state as those of other nations — -Errors in the Spanish system of regu lating this commerce-^confined to one port — carried on hy annual fleets — Contraband trade ¦ — Decline of Spain both in population and wealth — Remedies proposed— View of the wise 7'egulatiorus ofthe Bourbon princes — Anew and more liberal system introduced — beneficial effect» ofthis — probable consequences — Irade between New Spain and the Philippines — Revenue of Spainfrotn America — whence it arisesr — to what it amounts. BOOK LX. History of Virginia to the year 1688,. BOO K X. History of New England to the year 1652. A CATALOGUE OF \ Spanish Books and Manuscripts. A CARETTE de Biscay, Relation des Voyages dans la • Riviere de la Plata, & de lk par Ten'e au Perou. Exst, Recueil de Thevenot, Part IV. A Voyage up the River de la Plata, and thence by Land to Peru. Svo. London, 1698. Acosta (P. Jos. de) Historia Natural y Moral de las Indias. 4to. Madrid, 1590. (Joseph de) Histoire Naturelle & Morale des Indes tant Orientales qu'Occidentales. Svo. Paris, 1600. Novi Orbis Historia Naturalis & Moralis. Exst. in Collect. Theod. de Bry, Pars IX. De Natura Novi Orbis, Libri duo, & de procu- randa Indorum Salute, Libri sex. Salmant. Svo. 1589. (Christov.) Tratado de las Drogas y Medecinas de las Indias Occidentales, con sus Plantas dibuxadas al vivo. 4to. Burgos, 1578. Acugna (P. Christoph.) Relation de la Riviere des Amazones. 12mo. Tom. ii. Paris, 1682. Acugna's Relation of the great River of the Amazons in South Araerica. Svo. London, 1698. Alarchon (Fern.) Navigatione a scoprire il Regno di sette Citk. Ramusio iii, 3 63 . Albuquerque Coelio (Duartd de) Memorial de Artes de la Guerre del Brasil. 4to, Mad, 1634, xxvm . A CATALOGUE OF Alcafarado (Franc.) An Historical Relation of the Discovery of the Isle of Madeira. 4to. Lond. 1675. Algedo y Herrera (D. Dionysio de) Aviso Historico-Politico- Geografico, con las Noticias mas particolares, del Peru, Tierre Firm6, Chili, y Nuevo Reyno de Granada. 4to. Mad, 1740. J Compendi Historico de la Provincia y Puerto de Guayquil. 4to. Mad. 1741. Memorial sobre diferentes Puntos tocantes al estado de la real hazienda y del commercio, &c. en las Indias. fol. Aldama y Guevara (D. Jos. Augustin de) Arde de la Lengua Mexicana. 12mo. Mexico, 1754. Alvarado (Pedro de) Dos Relaciones a Hern. Cortes r^pferiendole sus Expediciones y Conquistas en varias Pro- vincias de N. Espagna, Exst. Barcia Historiad. Primit. tom. 1. Lettere due, &c. Exst. Ramus, iii. 296. Aparicio y Leon (D. Lorenzo de) Discurso Historico-Politico del Hospital San Lazaro de Lima. Svo. Ifiva. 1761. Aranzeles Reales de los Ministros de la Real Audiencia de N. Espagna. fol. Mex. 1727. Argensola (Bartolome Leonardo de) Conquista de las Islas Malucas. fol. Mad. 1609. Anales de Aragon. fol. Sarag09a, 1630. Arguello (Eman.) Sen tum Confessionis. 12mo. Mex. 1703. Arriago (P. Pablo Jos. de) Extirpacion de la Idolatria de Peru, 4to. Lima, 1621, Avendagno (Didac.) Thesaurus Indicus, ceu Generalis In structor pro Regimine Conscientiae, in ijs quse ad Indias spectant, fol. 2 vols. Antwerp, 1660. Aznar (D. Bern. Fran.) Discurso tocante a la real hazienda y administraciori de elia, 4to. B Bandini (Angelo Maria) Vita e Lettere di Amei-igo Vespucci. 4to. Firenze, 1745. Barcia (D. And. Gonzal.) Historiadores Primitivos de las Indias Occidentales. fol. 3 vols. Mad. 1749. Barco-Centinera (D. Martin de) Argentina y Conquista del Rio de la Plata : Poema. Exst, Barcia Historiad. Primit. iii. SPANISH BOOKS AND MANUSCRIPTS, X\h Barros (Joao de) Decadas de Asia, fol,. 4 vols. Lisboa, 1682. Bellesteros (D. Thomas de) Ordenanzas del Peru, fol. 2 vols. Lima, 1685. Beltran (P. F. Pedro) Arte de el Idioma Maya reducido a sucintas regias, y Semilexicon. 4tc^ Mex, 1746. Benzo (Hieron.) Novi Orbis Historiae — De Biy America, Part IV. V. VI. Betancurt y Figuero (Don Luis) Derecho de las Inglesias Metropolitanas de las Indias. 4to. Mad. 1637. Blanco (F. Matias Ruiz) Conversion de Piritu de Indios Cumanagotos y otros. I2mo. Mad. 1690. Boturini Benaduci (Lorenzo) Idea de una nueva Historia general de la America Septentrional, fundada sobre material copiosa de Figuras, Symbolas, Caracteres, Canteres, y Manu- scritos de Autores Indios. 4to. Mad. 1746. Botello de Moraes y VasconceUos (D. Francisco de) El Nuevo Mundo: Poema Heroyco. 4to. Barcelona, 1701. Botero Benes (Juan) Description de Todas las Provincias, Reynos, y Ciudades del Mundo. 4to. Girona, 1 748. Brietius (Phil.) Parallela Geographiae Veteris & Novae. 4t0. Paris, 1648. C Cabeza de Baca (Alvar. Nugrjez) Relacion delos Naufracios. Exst. Barcia Hist. Prim. tora. i. Examen Apologetico de la Histor. Narra tion de los Naufragios, Exst. Barcia Hist. Prim. tom. i. Commentarios de lo succedido duarante su gubierno del Rio de la Plata. Exst. ibid. Cabo de Vacca, Relatione de. Exst. Ramus, iii. 310. Cabota (Sebast.) Navigazione de. Exst. Ramus, ii. 211. Cadaraustus (Aloysius) Navigatio ad Terras incognitas, Exst. Nov. Orb. Grynaei, p. 1 . Calancha (F. Anton, de la) Gronica moralizada del Orden de San Augustin en el Peru. fol. Barcelona, 1638. California — Diario Historico de los Viages de Mar y Tierra hechos en 1768, al Norte de California di orden del Marques de Croix Vi-rey de Nueva Espagna, &c. MS. Calle (Juan Diaz de la) Memorial Informatorio de lo que a su Magestad Provien dela Nueva Espagna y Peru. 4to. 1645. xxx A CATALOGUE OF Campomanes (D. Pedro Rodrig.) Antiguedad Maritima de la Republica de Cartago, con en Periplo de su General Hannon traducido e illustrado. 4to. Mad. 1756. Discurso sobre el fomento de la Industria popular. Svo. Mad. 1774. r- Discurso spbre la Educacion popular de los Artesanos. Svo. 5 vol. Mad. 1775, &c, Caracas — Real Cedula de Fundacion de la Real C*mpagnia Guipuscoana de Caracas. 12mo. Mad. 1765. Caravantes (Fr. Lopez de) Relacion de las Provincias que tiene el Govierno del Peru, los OflRcios que en el se Provien, y la Hacienda que alii tiene su Magestad, lo que se Gasta de elia y le queda Libre, ^c, &c. Dedicado al Marques de Santos Claros, Agno de 1611. MS. Cardenas y Cano (Gabr.) EnsayO Cronologico para la His toria general de la Florida.- fol. Mad. 1733. Caranzana (D. Gongales) A Geographical Dpscription qfthe Coasts, &c. of the Spanish West-Indies. Svo. Lond. 1740. Casas (Bart, de las) Brevissima Relacion de la Destruycion de las Indias. 4to. 1552. r — :- (Bart, de las) Narratio Iconibus illustrata per piepd, de Bry. 4to. Oppen t. 1614. -- — (Bart, de las) An Accpunt of the first Voyages and Discoveries of the Spaniards in America. Svo. Lond. 1693. Cassani (P. Joseph) Historia de la Provincia de Compagnia de Jesus del Nuevo Reyno de Granada, fol. Mad. 1741. Castanheda (Pern. Lop. de) Historio do Descobrimento & Conquista de India pelos Pqrtugueses. fol. 2 vol, Lisb. 1552. Castellanos (Juan de) Primera y Secunda de las Elegias de Varones Illustres de Indias. 4to. 2 vol. Mad. 1589. Castillo (Bernal dias Del) Historia Verdadera de la Cop- quista de Nueva Espagna. fol. Mad. 1 632. Castro, Figueroa y Salazar (D. Pedro de) Relacion di su ancimiento y servicios. 12mo. Cavallero (D. Jos. Garcia) Brieve Cotejo y Valance de las Pesas y Medidas di varias Naciones, reducidas a las que corren en Castilla. 4to. Mad. 1731. Cepeda (D. Fern.) Relacion Universal del Sitio en que esta fundada la Ciudad de Mexico, fol. 1 637. Ciega de Leon (Pedro de) Cronica del Peru. fol. Seville, 1553. SPANISH BOOKS AND MANUSCRIPTS. XXXI Cisneros (Diego) Sitio, Naturaleza, y Propriedades de la Ciudad de Mexico. 4to. Mexico, 1618, Clemente (P. Claudio) Tablas Chronologicas, en que con- tienen ,los Sucesos Ecclesiasticos y Seculares de Indias. 4tOr Val. 1689. Cogullado (P. Fr. Diego Lopez) Historia de Yucatan, fol. Mad. 1688. Coll#cao dos Brives Pontificos e Leyes Regias que forao Expedidos y Publicadas desde o Anno 1741, sobre a la Liber- dada das Fessoas bene e Commercio dos Indos de Bresil. CoUeccion General de la Providencias hasta aqui tomadas par el Gobierno sobre el Estragnimento, y Occupacion de Temporalidades de los Regulares de la Compagnia de Espagna, Indias, &c. Partes IV, 4to. 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Relacion Abbreviada da Republica que os Religi esos Jesuitas estabeleceraon. 12mo. _ — Idea del Origen, Gobierno, &c, dela Compagnia de Jesus. Svo. Mad. 1768, Lsevinius (AppoUonius) Libri V. de Peruvias Invention. & rebus in eadem gestis. 12mo, Ant. 1567. Leon (Fr. Ruiz de) Hernandia, PoSma Heroyco de Con quista de Mexico. 4to. Mad. 1755. (Ant. de) Epitome de la Bibliotheca Oriental y Oc cidental, Nautica y Geographica. fol. Mad. 1737. Lima : A true Account of the Earthquake which happened there 28th October 1746. Translated from the Spanish. Svo. London, 1748. Lima Gozosa, Description de las festibas Demonstracione.s, con que esta Ciudad celebri la real Proclamacion de el Nom bre Augusto del Catolico Monarcho D. Carlos 111. Lima. 4to. 1760. Lano Zapata (D. Jos. fiuseb.) Preliminar al Tomo 1 . de las Memorias Historico-Physicas, Critico-Apologeticas de la Ame rica Meridional. Svo. Cadiz, 1759. LofH. pagnala. fol. Mad. 1754. 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Bernardo) Proyecto Econoraico sobre la poblacion de Espagna, la agricultura en todos sus ramos, y de mas esta- blecimientos de industria, comercio con nuestra marina, arreglo de nuestra intereses en America, libertad del comercio en In dias, &c. 2 vols. 4to. MS, X Xeres (Franc, de) Verdadera Relacion de la Conquista del Peru y Provincia de Cuzco, Embiada al Eraperador Carlo's V. Exst. Barcia Hist. Prim. tom. iu. Relatione, &c. &c. Exst. Ramusio iii. 372, Z Zarate (Aug. de) Historia del Descubrimiento y Conquista de la Provincia del Peru. Exst. Barcia Hist. Prim, tom, iii. Histoire de la Decouverte & de la ConquSte du Pe rou. 12mo. 2 tom. Paris, 1742. Zavala y Augnon (D. Miguel de) Representacion al Rey N. Segnor D. Philipe V. dirigida al mas seguro Aumento del Real Erario. Noplace. 1732. ZevaUos (D. Pedro Ordognez de) Historia y Viage del Mundo. 4to. Mad. 1691. THE HISTO RY OF AMERICA. BOOK I. THE prdgress of men in discovering and peo- book pling the various parts of the earth, has been '• extremely slow. Several ages lapsed before they xh^^^ removed far from those mild and fertile regions in sJo^iy which they were originally placed by their Creator. ^^"^ The occasion of their first general dispersion is known ; but we are unacquainted with the course of their raigrations, or the time when they took possession of the difFerent countries which they now inhabit. Neither histoiy nor tradition furnishes such information concerning those remote events, as en ables us to trace, with any certainty, the operations of the human race in the infancy of society. We may conclude, however, that all the early First mi- migrations of mankind were inade by land. The |™jg°^* ocean, which surrounds the habitable earth, as well as the various arms of the sea which separate one VOL. f. B 2 HISTORY OF AMERICA. li o. o K region from another, though destined to facilitate ^ ^- the communication between distant countries, seem, at first view, to be formed to check the progress of man, and to mark the bounds of that portion of the globe to which nature had confined him. It was long, we may believe, before men attempted to pa^ss these formidable barriers, and became so skilful and adventurous as to commit themselves to the mercy of the winds ajid waves, or to quit their na tive shores in quest of remote and unknown re gions. •• First at- Navigation and ship-ljtlilding are arts so nice and wards^n^' Complicated, that they require the ingenuity, as well vigation. gg experience, of many successive ages to bring them to any degree of perfection. From the raft or canoe, which first served to carry a savage over the river that obstructed him in. the chase, to the construc tion of a vessel capable of conveying a numerous crew with safety to a distant coast, the progress in improvement is imniense. Many efforts would be made, many experiments would be-tried, and much labour as well as invention would be employed^ be fore men could accomplish this arduous and im portant undertaking. The rude and imperfect state in which navigation is still found among all nations which are not .considerably civilized, corresponds with this account of its progress, and demonstrates that in early times the art was not so far imprqyed as to enable men to undertake distant voyages, or to attempt remote discoveries. latroduc- As soon, howcvcr, as the art of navigation be- tion of , • r , commerce, came known, a new species of correspondence among men took place. It is from this sera that HISTORY OF AMERICA. we must date the commencement of such an inter- book course between nations as deserves the appellation ^- of commerce. Men are, indeed, far advanced in '""v-^ improvement before commerce becomes an object of great importance to-them. They must even have made some considerable progress towards civiliza- tiw, before they acquire the idea of property, and ascertain it so perfectly as to be acquainted with the most sTniple of all contracts, that of exchanging by barter one rude commodity for another. But as soori as this important right is established, and every individual feels that he bag a:n ejsclusive title to pos sess or to alienate whatever he has acquired by his own labour and dexterity, the wants and ingenuity of his nature suggest to him a new method of in creasing his acquisitions and enjoyments^ by dis posing of what is Superfluotis in his own stores, in order to procure vvhat is necessary or desirable in those of other meni Thus a commercial ititer- course begins, and is carried on among the mem bers of the same community. By degrees^ they discover' that neighbouring tribes possess what they themselves waht, and enjoy comforts of which they wish to partake. In the same riiode, and upon the same principles, that domestic traffic is carried on within the society, aii external commerce is esta blished with other tribes or nations. Their mutual interest and mutual wants render this intercourse desirable, and imperceptibly introduce the maxims and laws which facilitate its progress and render it secure. But no very extensive commerce can take place between contiguous provinces, whose soil and climate being nearly the same yield similar pro- b2 4 HISTORY OP AMERICA. BOOK ductions. Remote countries cannot convey their '• coramodities, by land, to those places where on ac- ^^""^ count of their rarity they are desired, and become valuable. It is to navigation that men are indebted for the power of transporting, the superfluous stock of one part of the earth to supply the wants of an other. The luxuries and blessings of a particular climate are no longer confined to itself alone, but the enjoyment of them is communicated to the most distant regions. In proportion as the knowledge of the advantages derived from navigation and commerce continued to spread, the intercourse among nations extended. The ambition of conquest, or the necessity of pro curing new settlements, were no longer the sole motives of visiting distant lands. The desire of gain became a new incentive to activity, roused ad venturers,, and sent them forth upon long voyages, in search of countries whose products or wants inight increase that circulation which nourishes and gives vigour to commerce. Trade proved a great source of discovery, it opened unknown seas, it pe netrated into new regions, and contributed more than any other cause to bring men acquainted with the situation, the natuie, and commodities of the diff'erent parts of the globe. But even after a regular commerce was established in the world, after na tions were considerably civilized, and the sciences and arts were cultivated with ardour and success, navigation continued to be so imperfect, that it can hardly be said to have advanced beyond the infancy of its improvement in the ancient world. Among all the nations of antiquity, the structure HISTORY OF AMERICA. 5 of their vessels was extremely rude, and their me- book thod of working them very defective. They were ^^ '¦ unacquainted with several principles and operations impeiftc- in navigation, which are now considered as the first *'<>" °/ "»- elements on which that science is founded. Though amongthe that property of the magnet by which it attracts »°="^"t*- iron was well known to the ancients, its more im portant and amazing virtue of pointing to the poles had entirely escaped their observation. Destitute of this faithful guide, which now conducts the pilot with so much certainty in the unbounded ocean, during the darkness of night, or when the heavens are covered with clouds, the ancients had no other method of regulating their course than by observing the sun and stars. Their navigation was of conse quence uncertain and timid. They durst seldom quit sight of land, but "crept along the coast, ex posed to all the dangers, and retarded by all the ob structions, unavoidable in holding such an awkward course. An incredible length of tirne was requisite for performing voyages which are now finished in a short space. Even in the mildest climates, and in seas the least tempestuous, it was only during the summer months that the ancierits ventured out of their harbours. The remainder of the year was lost in inactivity. It would have been deemed most in considerate rashness to have braved the fury of the winds and waves during winter % While both the science and practice of navigation continued to be so defective, it was an undertaking pf no small difficulty and danger to visit any remote » Vegetius de Re -a^\,\. lib. iv. 6 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK region of the earth. Under every disadvantage, ^' however, the active spirit of commerce exerted itself. N^l^j^^ The Egyptians, soon after the establishment of their tion and monarchy, are said to have opened a trade between ofthe the Arabian Gulf, or Red Sea, and the western Egyptians, coast of the great Indian continent. The commo dities which they imported from the East, were car ried by land from the Arabian Gulf to the banks of the Nile, and conveyed down that river to the Me diterranean. But if the Egyptians in early times applied themselves to comraerce, their attention to it was of short duration. The fertile soil and mild climate of Egypt produced the necessaries and com forts of life with such profusion, as rendered its in habitants so independent of other countries, that it became an established maxira among that people, .whose ideas and institutions differed in almost every point from tliose- of other nations, to renounce all intercourse with foreigners. In consequence of this, they never went out of their own country; they held all sea-faring persons in detestation, as impious and profane; and fortifying their own harbours, they denied strangers admittance ipto them''. It was in the decline of their power, and when their vene ration for ancient maxims had greatly abated, that they again opened their ports, and resumed any cpmmunicatipn with foreigners, theSf '^^^ character and situation of the Phenicians cia^"; >yere as favourable to the spirit of commerce and discovery as thosg of the Egyptians were adverse to " Diod. Sicul, lib, i. p. 78. ed. Wesselingii, Amst, 1756, Strabo, lib, xvii, p. 1142, e(j. Amst, 1707. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 7 it. They had no distinguishing peculiarity iri their book manners and institutions ; they were not addicted ^ J' ^ to any singular and unsocial form of superstition ; they could raingle with other nations without scruple or reluctance. The territory which they , possessed was neither large nor fertile. Commerce was the only source from which they could derive opulence or power. Accordingly, the trade carried on by th« Phenicians of Sidon and Tyre, was more extensive and enterprising than that of any state in the ancient world. The genius of the Phenicians, as well as the object of their policy and the spirit of their laws, were entirely Commercial, They were a people of merchants who aimed at the empire of the sea, and actually possessed it. Their ships not only frequented all the ports in the Mediterranean, but they were the first who ventured beyond the ancient boundaries of navigation, and, passing the Streights of Gades, visited the western coasts of Spain and Africa. In many of the places to which they resorted, they planted colonies, and commur nicated to the rude inhabitants some knowledge of their arts and improvements. While they extended their discoveries towards the north and the west, they did not neglect to penetrate into the more opulent and fertile regions of the south and east. Having rendered themselves masters of several com modious harbours towards the bottom of the Ara- hian Gulf, they, after the example of the Egyptians, established a regular intercourse with Arabia and the continent of India on the one hand, and with the eastern coast of Africa on the other. Frora these countries tliey imported many valuable comniodir 8 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK ties unknown to the rest of the world, and during ^- a long period engrossed that lucrative branch pf coramerce without a riva}". of the The vast wealth which the Phenicians acquired ' by monopolizing the trade (;arrle,d on in the Red Sea, incited their neighbours the Jews, under the prosperous reigns of David and Soloraon, to aim at being admitted tp some share of it. This they ob tained, partly by their conquest of Idumea, which stretches a,long the Red Sea, and partly by their al liance with Hirara King of Tyre. Soloraon fitted out fleets, which, under the direction of Phenician pilots, sailed from the Red Sea to Tarshish and Ophir. These, It Is probable, were ports in India and Africa, which their conductors were accustomed to frequent, and frpm them the Jewish ships re turned with such valuable cargoes as suddenly dif fused wealth and splendour through the kingdom of Israel**. But the singular institutions of the Jews, the observance of which was enjoined by their divine Legislator, with an intention of preserving them a separate people, uninfected by idolatry, forraed a national character, incapable of that open and liberal intercourse with strangers which cora merce requires. Accordingly, this unsocial genius of the people, together with the disasters which befel the kingdora of Israel, prevented the coraraer cial spirit which their raonarchs laboured to intro duce, and to cherish, frora spreading among them. The Jews cannot be numbered among the nations •= See NOTE I. * Memoire sur le Pays d'Ophir, par M. d'Anville, Mem. de I'Academ. des Inscript. &c, ton> xxx. 83, , HISTORY OF AMERICA. 9 which contributed to iraprove navigation, or to ex- book tend discovery. '• But though the instructions and example of the ^^ Phenicians were unable to mould the raanners and Cartha- teraper of the Jews, in opposition to the tendency ^"'''"'' ' of their laws, they transmitted the commercial spirit with facility, and in full vigour, to their own de scendants -the Carthaginians. The comraonwealth of Carthage applied to trade and to naval affairs, with no less ardour, ingenuity, and success, than Its parent-state. Carthage early rivalled and soon sur passed Tyre in opulence and power, but seems not to have aimed at obtaining any share in the com merce with India. The Phenicians had engrossed this, and had such a command of the Red Sea as secured to thera the exclusive possession of that lu crative branch of trade. The commercial activity of the Carthaginians was exerted in another direc tion. Without contending for the trade of the East with their mother-country, they extended their na vigation chiefly towards the west and north. Fol lowing the course which the Phenicians had opened, they passed the Streights of Gades, and, pushing their discoveries far beyond those of the parent- state, visited not only all the coasts of Spain, but those of Gaul, and penetrated at last into Britain. At the same time that they acquired knowledge of new countries in this part of the globe, they gra dually carried (heir researches towards the south. They made considerable progress by land into the interior provinces of Afi'ica, traded vvith some of them, and subjected others to their empire. They sailed along the western coast of that great conti- 10 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOO Rnent almost to the tropic of Cancer, and planted ^- several colonies, in order to civilize the natives and ^''""'^ accustora theni to commerce. They discovered the Fortunate Islands, now kriown by the name of the Canaries, the utmost boundary of ancierit navigation in the western ocean ^. Nor was the progress of the Pheniclans and Car thaginians in their knowledge of the globe, owing entirely to the desire of extending their trade from one country to another: Comraerce was followed by its usual effects among both these people. It awakened curiosity, enlarged the ideas and desires of raen, and incited thera to bold enterprises. Voy ages were und^taken, the sole object of which was to discover new countries and to explore unknown seas. Such, during the prosperous age of the Car thaginian republic, were the famous navigations of Hanno and Himlico. Both their fleets were equip ped by authority of the Senate, and at public ex pense. Hanno was directed to steer towards the south, along the coast of Africa, and he seeras to have advanced much nearer the equinoctial line than any forraer navigator*^. Himlico had It in charge to proceed towards the north, and to examine the western coasts of the European continents. Of the isame nature was the extraordinary navigation of the " Plinii Nat. Hist. lib. vi, c. 37. edit, in usum Delph, 4to. 16S5. 'Plinii Nat, Hist, lib.v, e. 1. Hannonis Periplus ap, GpOr graph, minores, edit, Hudsoni, vol, i. p. i. 8 Plinii Nat. Hist, lib. iir c. 67. Festus Avienus apud Bo chart. Geogr, Sacr, lib. i. c, 60. p. 652. Oper. vol, iii, L. Bat, 1707. • ¦ ¦ HISTORY OF AMERICA. IJ Phenicians round Africa. A Phenician fleet, we are b o o K told, fitted out by Necho King of Egypt, took its '' departure about six hundred and four years before '' the Christian sera, from a port In the Red Sea, doubled the southern promontory of Africa, and af ter a voyage of three years retvirned by the Streights of Gades to the mouth of the Nlle^. Eudoxus of Cyzicus is said to have held the same course, and to have accomplished the sarae arduous undertaking'. These voyages, if perforraed in the manner which I have related, may justly be reckoned the greatest effort of navigation in the ancient world ; and if we attend to the imperfect state of the art at that tirae, it is difficult to deterraine, whether we should raost adraire the courage and sagacity with which the design was formed, or the conduct and good for tune with which It was executed. But unfortunate ly all the original and authentic accounts of the Phenician and Carthaginian voyages, whether un dertaken by public authority or In prosecution of their private trade, have perished. The inforraation which we receive concerning them from the Greek and Roman authors is not only obscure and inac curate, but, if we except a short narrative of Hanno's expedition, is of suspicious authority''. Whatever acquaintance with the remote regions of the earth the Phenicians or Carthaginians may have acquired, was concealed from the rest of raankind with a mer cantile jealousy. Every thing relative to the course of their navigation was not only a mystery of trade, '¦ Herodot. lib. iv. c, 42, ' Plinii Nat. Hist. lib. ii, o. 67. ^ Seo NOTE II. 12 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK but a secret of state. Extraordinary facts are re-' ^ ^" lated concerning their solicitude to prevent other ^'^''^"^ nations from penetrating into what they wished should remain undivulged '. Many of their discove ries seem, accordingly, to have been scarcely known beyond the precincts of their own states. The na vigation round Africa, In particular. Is recorded by the Greek and Roman writers rather as a strange amusing tale, which they did not comprehend or did not believe, than as a real transaction which enlarged their knowledge and influenced their opi nions'". As neither the progress of the Phenician or Carthaginian discoveries, nor the exterit of their navigation, were communicated to the rest of raan kind, all memorials of their extraordinary skill in naval affairs seem, in a great measure, to have pe rished, when the maritime power of the former was annihilated by Alexander's conquest of Tyre, and the empire of the latter was overturned by the Ro man arms. ofthe Leaving, then, the obscure and pompous ac counts of the Phenician and Carthaginian voyages to the curiosity and conjectures of antiquaries, history must rest satisfied with relating the pro gress of navigation and discovery among the Greeks and Romans, which, though less splendid, is better ascertained. It Is evident that tbe Phenicians, who instructed the Greeks in many other useful sciences and arts, did not communicate to thern that extensive knowledge of navigation which they ' Strab. Geogr. lib. iii. p. 265. lib, xviii. p. 1 154. ¦"See NOTE m. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 1 3 themselves possessed ; nor did the Romans Imbibe book that comraercial spirit and ardour for discovery ^^ |* , which distinguished their rivals the Carthaginians. "^ Though Greece be almost encompassed by the sea, ^ which forraed many spacious bays and-commodious harbours; though It be surrounded by a great number of fertile Islands, yet, notwithstanding such a favourable situation, which seemed to invite that ingenious people to apply themselves to navigation, it was long before this art attained any degree of perfection among them. Their early voyages, the object of which was piracy rather than commerce, were so inconsiderable, that the expedition of the Argonauts from the coast of Thessaly to the Euxine Sea, appeared such an amazing effort of skill and courage, as entitled the conductors ofit to be ranked among the demigods, and exalted the vessel in which they sailed to a place among the heavenly constellations. Even at a later period, when the Greeks engaged In their famous enterprise agairist Troy, their knowledge in naval affairs seems not to have been much improved. According to the ac count of Homer, the only poet to whom history ventures to appeal, and who, by his scrupulous ac curacy in describing the manners and arts of early ages, merits this distinction, the science of navi gation at that time had hardly advanced beyond its rudest state. The Greeks In the heroic age seem to have been unacquainted with the use of iron, the most serviceable of all the metals, with out which no considerable progress was ever made in the mechanical arts. Their vessels were of In considerable burden, arid raostly without decks. 14 HISTORiY OF AMERlCii BOOK They had only one mast, which was erected of ^- taken down at pleasure. They were strangers to ^^""^ the use of anchors* All their operations in sailing were clumsy and unskilful. They turned their ob servation towards stars, which were Improper for regulating their course, and their mode of observing thera was inaccurate and fallacious. When they had finished a voyage they drew their paltry barks ashore, as savages do their canoes, and these re mained on dry land until the season of returning to sea approached. It is not then In the early or he-,. role ages of Greece that we can expect to observe the science of navigation, and the spirit of dis covery, making any considerable progress. During that period of disorder and ignorance, a thousand causes concurred in restraining curiosity and enter prise within very narrow bounds^ But the Greeks advanced with rapidity to a state of greater civilization and refinement. Govern-^ rtient, in its most liberal and perfect form, began to be established in their different communities ; equal laws and regular police were gradually intro duced ; the sciences and arts which are useful or omamerital in life were carried to a high pitch of improvement; and several of the Grecian common wealths applied to commerce with such ardour and success, that they were considered, in the ancient world, as maritime powers of the first rank. Even then, however, the naval victories of the Greeks must be ascribed rather to the native spirit of the people, and to that courage which the enjoyment of liberty inspires, than to any extraordinary pro gress in the science of navigation. In the Persian HISTORY OF AMERICA. 1.5 war, those exploits which the genius of the Greek BOOK historians has rendered so famous, were performed ^' by fleets, coraposed chiefly of sraall vessels without ^*^'''**^ decks"; the crews of which rushed forward with impetuous valour, but little art, to board those of the eneray. In the war of Peloponnesus, their ships seera still to have been of inconsiderable bur den and force. The extent of their trade, how highly soever it may have been estiraated in ancient times, was in proportion to this low condition of their marine. The maritirae states of Greece hardly carried on any commerce beyond the limits of the Mediterranean sea. Their chief intercourse was with the colonies of their countrymen planted in the Lesser Asia, in Italy and Sicily. They some times visited the ports of Egypt, of the southern provinces of Gaul, and of Thrace, or, passing through the Hellespont, they traded with the countries situated around theEuxine Sea. Ariiazlng instances occur of their ignorance, even of those eountries whicb lay within the narrow precincts to which their navigation was confined. When the Greeks had assembled their combined fleet against Xerxes at Egina, they thought it unadvisable to sail to Samos, because they believed the distance between that island and Egina to be as great as the distance between Egina and the Pillars of Her cules". They were either utterly unacquainted with all the parts of the globe beyond the Mediter ranean sea, or what' knowledge they had of them was founded on conjecture, or derived from the in- " Tbucyd, lib. i, c. 14, ° Herodot. lib. viii. c. 132, 16 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOO K formation of a few persons whom curiosity and the ' love of science had prompted tb travel by lahd into ^""^'""'^ the Upper Asia, or by sea into Egypt,- the ancient .seats of wisdom and arts. After all that the Greeks learned from them, they appear to have been Igno rant of the most iraportant facts on which an ac curate and scientific knowledge of the globe is founded. The expedition of Alexander the Great into the East, considerably enlarged the sphere of naviga tion and of geographical knowledge among the Greeks. That extraordinary man, notwithstanding the violent passions which incited him at some times to the wildest actions and the most extra vagant enterprises, possessed talents which fitted him not only to conquer but to govern the world. He was capable of framing those bold and original scheraes of policy, which gave a new form to hu man affairs. The revolution in comraerce brought about by the force of his genius, is hardly inferior to that revolution in erapire occasioned by the suc cess of his arms. It is probable, that the opposi tion and efforts of the republic of Tyre, which checked him so long In the career of his victories, gave Alexander an opportunity of observing the vast resources of a maritime power, and conveyed to him some idea of the immense wealth which the Tyrians derived from their commerce, especially that with the East-Indies. As soon as he had ac complished the destruction of Tyre, and reduced Egypt to subjection, he formed the plan of render ing the empire which he proposed to establish, the centre of commerce as well as the seat of dominion. HISTORY OF AMRIUCA, 17 With this vievV he fbunded a great city, which he b o 0 K honoured with his ,own name, near one of the j^" ^ mouths ofthe river Nile, that by the Mediterranean ^ sea, and the "neighbourhood of the Arabian Gulf, it might command the trade both of the Ea^t and WestP. This situation was chosen with such dis cernment, that Alexandria soon became the chief commercial city in the world. Not only during the Subsistence of the Grecian Empire in Egypt and in the East, but amidst all the successive revolu tions in those countries from the time of the Pto lemies to the discovery of the navigation by the Cape of Good Hope, commerce, particularly that of the East-Indies, continued to flow in the channel which the sagacity and foresight of Alexander had hiarked out for It. His ambition was not satisfied with having opened to the Greeks a communication with India by sea ; he aspired to the sovereignty of those regions which furnished the I'est of mankind with so many pre cious commodities, and conducted his army thither by land. Enterpl'IsIng, however, as he was, he may be said rather to have viewed than to have con quered that country, He did not, in his progress towards the East, advance beyond the banks of the rivers that fall into the Indus, which is now the western boundary of the vast continent of India. Araidst the wild exploits which distinguish this part of his history, he pursued measures that mark the superiority of his genius as well as the extent of his views. He had penetrated as far into India t Strab, Geogr. lib, xvii. p, 1143. 1149. VOL. I. C 1 8 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o O K as to confirm his opinion of its commercial Impor- ^- tance, and to perceive that immense wealth raight, ^"^^''"'^ be derived from intercourse with a country where. the arts of elegance, having been more early culti vated, were arrived at greater perfection than in any other part ofthe earth "J. Full of this idea, he re solved to examine the course of navigation from the mouth of the Indus to the bottom of the Per sian Gulf; and, if It should be found practicable, to establish a regular comniunication between thera. In order to effect this, he proposed to remove the cataracts, with which the jealousy of the Persians, and their aversion to correspondence with fo reigners, had obstructed the entrance into the En- prates'"; to carry the commodities of the East up that river, and the Tigris, which unites with It, into the interior parts of his Asiatic dominions ; while, bythe wayof the Arabian Gulf, and the river Nile, they might be conveyed to Alexandria, and distributed to the rest of the world. Nearchus, an officer of eminent abilities, was intrusted with the command of the fleet fitted out for this expedi tion. He performed this voyage, which was deemed an enterprise so arduous and Important, that Alexander reckoned it one of the most extra ordinary events which distinguished his reign. In considerable as it may now appear. It was at that time an undertaking of no little merit and diffi culty. In the prosecution of it, striking Instances occur of the small progress which the Greeks had 1 Strab. Geogr. lib. xv. p. 1036. Q. Curti.us, lib. xviii. c. 9. ' Strab. Geogr. lib. xvi. p. 1075. HISTORY OF AMERICA, 19 made in naval knowledge ^ Having never sailed book beyond the bounds of the Mediterranean, where ._^' the ebb and flow of the sea are hardly perpeptible, ^^^^""^ when they first observed this phsenomenon at the raouth ofthe Indus, It appeared to them a prodigy, by which the gods testified the displeasure of hea-. ven against their enterprise'. During their^ whole course, they seem never to have lost sight of land, but followed the bearings pf the coast so servilely, that they could not much avail themselves of those peripdical winds which facilitate navigation in the Indian ocean. Accordingly, they spent no less than ten raonths in perforniing this voyage", which, frora the niouth of the Indus to that of the Persian Gulf, does not exceed twenty degrees. It is pro bable, that, amidst the violent convulsions and fre? querit revolutions in the East, occasioned by the contests among the successors of Alexander, the navigation to India by the course which Nearchus 'had opened was discontinued. The Indian trade carried on at Alexandria, not only subsisted, but was so much extended, under the Grecian monarchs of Egypt, that it proved a great source of the wealth which distinguished their kingdom. The progress which the Romans made In navi- of tha ' gation and discovery, was still more Inconsiderable °"'^'' than that of the Greeks. The genius of the Roman people, their military education, and the spirit of their laws, concurred in estranging them from com merce and naval affairs, Itwas the necessity of ^ See NOTE IV. ' See NOTE V. » Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. vi.c. 23. c2 20 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK opposing a iormidable rival, not the desire of -^x- ^- tending, trade, which first ;^rompted them to aim '' at maritime power. Though they soon perceived that, in order to acquire the universal dominion after which they aspiredi it was necessary to render them selves masters of the sea, they still considered the naval service as a subordinate station, and reserved for it such citizens as Were not of a rank to be ad-* mitted Into the legions''. In the history of the Ro maii republic, hardly one event occurs, that marks attention to navigation any further than as it was Insti'umental towards conquest. When the Roman valour and discipline had subdued all the maritirae states known In the ancient world j when Carthage, Greece, and Egypt, had submitted to their power, the Romans did not irabibe the coramercial spirit of the conquered nations. Araong that people of soldiers, to have applied to trade would have been deemed a degradation of a Roman citizen. They abandoned the mechanical arts, commerce, and na vigation, to slaves, to freedraen, to provincials, and to citizens of the lowest class. Even after the sub version of liberty, when the severity and haughtiness of ancient manners began to abate, commerce did not rise into high estimation among the Romans. The trade of Greece, Egypt, and the other conquer ed countries, continued to be carried on in Its usual channels, after they were reduced into the form of Roman prtivlnces. As Rorae was the capital of the world, and tfe^ seat of government, all the wealth and valuable jjroductions of the provinces 'i * Polyb, Jih, V. H ISTORY OF AMERICA. 2 1 flowed naturally thither. The Romans, satisfied Book with this, seem to have suffered comraerce to remain '' almost entirely in the hands of the natives of the re- ^"^'^"'^ spective countries. The extent, however, of the Roman power, which reached over the greatest part of the known world, the vigilant inspection of the Roman raagistrates, and the spirit of the Roman government, no less intelligent than active, gave such additional security to commerce as animated it with new vigour. The union among nations was never so entire, nor the intercourse so perfect, a^ within the bounds of this vast Empire. Commerce, under the Roraan dominion, was not pbstructpd by the jealousy of rival states, interrupted by frequent hostilities, or limited by partial restrictions. One superintending power moved and regulated the in dustry of mankind, and enjoyed the fruits of their joint efforts. Navigation felt this influence, and Improved under it. As soon as the Romans acquired a taste for the luxuries ofthe East, the trade with India through Egypt was pushed with new vigour, and carried oq to greater extent. By frequenting the Indian con tinent, navigators became acquainted with the pe riodical course of the winds, which, in the ocean that separates Africa from India, blow with little variation during one half of the year from the east, and during the other half blow with equal steadiness from the west. Encouraged by observing this, the pilots who sailed from Egypt to India abandoned their ancient slow and dangerous course along the coast, and, as soon as the western monsoon set in, took their departure from Ocelis, at the raouth of 22 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK the Arabian Gulfj and stretched boldly acrPss the . ¦ ocean y. The uniform direction of the wind, silp- ""^"^ plying the place of the compass, and rendering the guidance of the stars less necessary, conducted them to the port of Musirls, on the western shore of the Indian continent. There they took on board their cargo, and, returning with the eastern monsoon, finished their voyage to the Arabian Gulf within the year. This part of India, now known by the name of the Malabar coast,- seems tb have been the utmost limit of ancient navigation in that quarter of the globe. What Imperfect knowledge the ancients had bf the immense countries which stretch beyond this towards Jthe East, they received from a few adven turers who had visited them by land. Such ex cursions were neither frequent nor extensive, and it is probable that, while the Roman intercourse with India subsisted, no traveller ever penetrated further than to the banks of the Ganges^. The fleets from Egypt which traded at Musirls were loaded, it is truCj with thfe spices and other rich commodities of the continent and islands of the further India ; but these were brought to that port, which became the staple of the commerce between the east and west, by the Indians themselves In canoes hoUowed but of one tree". The Egyptian and Roman, mer chants, satisfied with acquiring those commodities in this manner, did not think it necessary to explore unknown seas, an4 venture upon a dangerous na vigation, in quest of the countries which produced y Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. vi, c. 23. ' Strab. Geogr. lib. xv. p. 1006, 1010. See NOTE VI. " Plin. Nat. Hist. lib, vi, c, 26. history of AMERICA. 23 tliem. But though the discoveries of the Romans book in India were so limited, their commerce there was- ^" such as will appear considerablfe, everi to the present ^ age. In which the Indian trade has been extended ^ far beyond the practice or conception of any pre ceding period. We are Informed by one author of credit'', that the coriimerce with India drained the Roman empire feVei-y year of mpre than four hun dred thousand pounds ; and by another, that one hundred and twenty ships sailed annually from the Arabian Gulf to that country". The discovery of this new method of sailing to Disco- India, is the most considerable improvement In, pa- [he'an° vigation made during the continuance of the Ro- cients by -.-... . ,1 11 land. man power. Jiut m ancient times, the knowledge of remote countries was acquired more frequently by land than by sea '' ; and the Romans, from their pe culiar disinclination to naval affairs, may be said to have neglected totall^the latter, though a more easy and expeditious method of discovery. The progress; however, of their victorious armies through a considerable portion of Europe, Asia, and Africa, contributed greatly; to extend discovery by land, and gradually opened the navigation of new arid un known seas. ¦ Previous to the Roman conquests, the civilized nations of Bntiquity had little commu nication with those countries in Europe which now form Its most opulent and powefful kingdoms. The interior parts of Spain and Gaul were impeiliectly known. Britain, separated from the rest of the 0 Plin. Nat. Hist, lib.vi; c. 26, ' Strab, Geogr, lib, ii. p. 179. " See NOTE VII. 24 history OF AMERIC.\. S*v— ' book world, had never been visited, except by its neigh- *• , hours the Gauls, and by a few Carthaginian raer chants. The name of Germany had scarcely been heard of. Into all these countries the arms of the JBomans penetrated, They entirely subdued Spain and Gaul; they conquered the greatest and most fertile part of Britain; they advanced into Ger-r^ many, as far as the banks of the river Elbe, In Africa, they acquired a considerable knowledge of the provinces, which stretch along the Mediterra nean Sea, from Egypt westward to the Streights of .Gades. In Asia, they not only subjected to their p^er most of the provinces which composed the Persian and the Macedonian Empires, but after their victories over Mithridates and Tigranes, they seem to have made a more ?iccurate survey of the count tries contiguous to the Euxine and Caspian Seas, and to have carried on a more extensive trade than that of the Greeks with the wpulent and coramercial nations then seated round the Euxine Sea, Imperfecr From this succinct surVey of discovery and naviv tioiiofgeo- oration, whlch I have traced from the earliest dawq knowledge of historical knowledge, tp the full establishment ancients'^^ of thp Rpman dominion, the progress of both ap pears to have been wonderfully slow. It seems neu ther adequate to what we might have expected from the activity and enterprise of the human mind, nor to what might have been performed by the power of the great Empj§is which successively governe4 the world, If we reject accounts that are fabulousi ^nd obscure ; if we ^.dhere steadily to the light and information of authe];)tlc history, without substi-; Ruling in its place the conjecture^ pf fancy or the HISTORY OF AMERICA. 2,-5 dreams of etymologists, we must conclude, that the book knowledge which the ancients had acquired pf the '• habitable globe was extremely confined. In Europe, ^"^'""'^ the extensive provinces in the eastern part of Ger» many were little known to them. They were al most totally unacquainted with the vast countries which are now subject to the Kings of Denmark, Sweden, Prussia, Poland, and the Russian Empire. The more barren regions, that stretch within the arctic circle, were quite unexplored. In Africa, their researches did not extend fai- beyond the provinces which border on the Mediterranean, and those situ- ated on the western shore of the Arabian Gulf, Jn Asia, they were unacquainted, as I formerly ^- served, with all the fertile and opulent countries be yond the Ganges, which furnish the most valuably commodities that in modern times have been the great object of the European commerce with India; nor do they seem to h'ave ever penetrated into those immense regions occupied by the wandering tribes, which they called by the general name of Sarma tians or Scythians, and which are now possessed by Tartars of various denominations, and by the Asi atic subjects of Russia. But there is one opinion, that universally pre- » '¦f™a'"k- vailed among the ancients, which conveys a more of this,°° striking idea of the small progress they had made in the knowledge of the habitable globe, than can be derived frora any detail c^ their discoveries. They supposed the earth to be divided into five re gions, which they distinguished by the name of Zones. Two of these, which were nearest the poles, they termed Frigid zones, and believed that the ex- 26 History of america. book treme cold which reigned perpetually there, rendered '• them uninhabitable. Another, seated under, the line, and extending on either side towards the tro pics, they called the Torrid zone, and Imagined it to be' so burnt up with unremitting heat, as to be equally destitute bf inhabitants. On the two other zones, which occupied the remainder of the earth, they bestowed the appellation of Temperate, and taught that these, being the only regions in which life could subsist, were allotted to man for his ha bitation. This wild opinion was not a conceit of the uninformed vulgar, or a fanciful fiction ofthe poets, l»tia system adopted by the most enlightened phi- loi^hers, the most accurate historians and geogra phers in Greece and Rome. According to this theory, a vast portion of the habitable earth was pronounced to be unfit for sustaining the human species. Those fertile and populous regions within the torrid zone, which are ffow knowh not only to yield their own inhabitants the necessaries and com forts of life with most luxuriant profusion, but to communicate their superfluous stores to the rest of the- world, were supposed to be the mansion of per petual sterility and desolation. As all the parts of the globe with which the ancients were acquainted, lay within the northern temperate zone, their opi nion that the other temperate zone was filled with inhabitants, was founded on reasoning and conjec ture, not on discovery. They even believed that, by the intolerable heat of the torrid zone, such an insuperable barrier was placed between the two temperate regions of the earth as would prevent for ever any intercourse between their respective iriha- history OP AMERICA. S7 bitants. Thus, this extravagant theory not only book prpves that the ancients were unacquainted with the ^' true state of the globe, but it terided to render their ^ ignorance perpetual, by representing all attempts towards opening a communication with the remote regions of the earth, as utterly irapracticable ^ But, however imperfect or inaccurate the geo graphical knowledge which the Greeks and Romans had acquired may appear, In respect of the present improvedstateof that science, their progress in dis covery will seem considerable, and the extent to which they carried navigation and commerce raust be reckoned great, when compared with the Igno rance of early times. As long as the Roman Eiri- pive retained such vigour as to preserve its author rity over the conquered riations, ahd to keep them united, it was an object of public policy, as well as of private curiosity, to examine and describe the countries which composed this great body. Even when the other sciences began to decline, geography, enriched with new observations, and receiving some accession from the experience bf every age, and the reports of every traveller, continued to Improve. It improve. attained to the highest point of perfection and ac- ™ o'^raphy curacy to which it ever arrived in the ancient world, by Pto- by the industry and genius of Ptolemy the philo- ^"'^' sopher. He flourished in the second century of the Christian eera, and published a description of the terrestrial globe, more ample and exact than that of any of his predecessors. But, soon .after, violent convulsions began to t Sce NOTE VIII. 28 HISTORY OF AMERICA, BOOK shake the Roman state ; the fatal ambition or ca- ^' price of Constantine, by changing the seat of go- ¦rJ^Ti^ vernment, divided and weakened its force 5 the bar- sion of the barous natlons, which Providence prepared as in- Empire by struments to overturn the mighty fabric of the Ro- bsrharous jjjjjjj power, began to assemble and to rauster their nations. ' , P . i -n • ^ • armies on its frontier : the Empire tottered to its fall. During this decline and old age of the Roman state, it was impogsible that the sciences should go on Improving. The efforts of genius were, at that period, as languid and feeble as those of govern ment. From the time of Ptolemy, no considerable addition seems to have been imade to geographical knowledge, nor did any important revolution hap? pen in trade, excepting that Constantinople, by its advantageous situation, arid the encourageraent of the eastern Eraperors, became a coraraercial city of the first note. At length, the clouds which had been so long gathering round the Roman Erapire burst into u stormi Barbarous nations rushed in from several quarters with irresistible impetuosity, and in the , general wreck, occasioned by the inundation which overwhelmed Europe, the arts, sciences, inventions, and discoveries of the Romans perished in a great raeasure, and disappeared*^. All the various tribes which settled In the different provinces of the Ro man Erapire were uncivilized, strangers to letters, destitute of arts, unacquainted with regular govern raent, subordination, or laws. The manners and institutions of some of them were so rude as to be Effects of their con quests oa commercial inter course. e Hist, of Charles V. vol, i. HISTQRY OF AMERICA. 29 hardly compatible with a state of social union. Eu- book rope, when occupied by such inhabitants, may be ^¦ said to have returned to a second infancy, and had ^^^''^'^ to begin anew its career In improveraent, science, iand civility. The first effect of the settlement of those barbarous invaders was to dissolve the union by which the Roman power had ceraented man kind together. Tfiey parcelled out Europe into raany small and independent states, differing from each other in language and customs. No inter course subsisted between the raerabers of those di vided and hostile communities. Accustomed to a simple mode of life, and averse to industry, they had few wants to supply^, arid few superfluities to dispose of. The names of stranger and enemy be came once raore words of the same import. Cus toms every where prevailed, and even laws were es tablished, which rendered It disagreeable and dan gerous to visit any foreign country^. Cities, In which alorie an extensive commerce can be carried on, were few. Inconsiderable, and destitute of those iraraunities which produce security or excite enter prise. The sciences, on which geography and na vigation are founded, were little cultivated. The accounts of ancient iraproveraents and discoveries, contained in the Greek and Roraan authors, were neglected or raisunderstood. The knowledge of reraote regions was lost, their situation, their cora raodities, and alraost their naraes, were unknown. One circumstance prevented tomraercial Iriter- Commerce course with distant nations from ceasing altogether. sy.v,edtn •¦ Hist, of Charles V, vol, i. pne. 30 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK Coristantlnople, though often threatened by the ,^ ^' ^ fierce Invaders who spread desolation over the rest the East- ^^ Europe, was so fortunate as to escape their de em Em- structive rage. In that city, the knowledge of an cient arts and discoveries was preserved ; a taste for splendour and elegance subsisted ; the productions and luxuries of foreign countries were in request ; and commerce contiriued to flourish there when it was almost extinct in every other part of Europe. The citizens of Constantinople did not confine their trade to the Islands of the Archipelago, or to the adjacent coasts of Asia ; they took a wider range, and, following the course which the ancients had marked out, Imported the comraodities of the East Indies from Alexandria. When Egypt was torn from the Roman Empire by the Arabians, the in dustry of the Greeks discovered a new channel by which the productions of India raight be conveyed to Constantipople. They were carried up the In dus, as far as that great river is navigable ; thence they were transported by land to the banks of the river Oxus, and proceeded down Its stream to the- Caspian Sea. Ther6 they entered the Volga, and, sailing up it, were carried by land to the Tanais, which conducted them Into the Euxine Sea, where vessels frora Constaritinople waited their arrival'. This extraordinary and tedious mode of conveyance raerits attention, not only as a proof of the violent passion which the inhabitants of Constantinople had conceived for the luxuries of the Bast, and as a specimen of the ardour and Ingenuity with which ¦ Pfinjusio, vol. i. p. 372. F. msfORY OF AMERICA. 31. they, carried on .commerce ; ;but because it dembn- book strates that, during the ignorance which reigned in '¦' the rest of Europe, an extensive knowledge of re- "^ roote countries was still preserved in the capital of the Greek Empire. i At the same time a gleam of light and knowledge and among broke in upon, the East- The Arabians having con- bians,' "' tracted some relish for the sciences of the people whose empire , they had contributed to overturn, translated the books of several of the Greek philo-' sophers Into their own language. One of the first was that valuable work of Ptblemy which I have already raentioned. The study of geography be carae, of consequence, an early object of attention to the Arabians. But that acute and ingehious people cultivated chiefly the speculative arid scien tific parts of gePpraphy. In order to ascertain the figure and dimensions of the terrestrial globe, they applied the principles of geometry, they had re course to astronomical observations, they employed experiments and operations, which Europe in more enlightened times has been proud to adopt and to imitate. At that period, however, the fame of the Improvements made by the Arabians did not- reach Europe. The knowledge of their discoveries was reserved for ages capable of comprehending and of, perfecting them. , , By degrees the calamities and desolation brought Revival of upon the western provinces of the Roman Empire ^n^i '^a,.;^ by its barbarous conquerors were forgotten, and in s»t'o» in • 1 mi 1 -, 1-1 Europe. some measure repaired., lhe rude tribes winch settled there acquiring insensibly some idea of re- gjLilar government, and some relish for the functions 32 HISTORy OF AMERICA. BOOK and comforts of civil life, Europe began to awake ,^ '• ^ from its torpid and unactive state. The fifSt sym- ptPms of revival were discerned in Italy. The north ern tribes which took possession of this country, made progress in improvement with greater rapidity than the people settled in other parts of Europe. Various causes, which it is not the object of this work to enumerate or explain, concurred In restor ing liberty and Independence tP the cities of Italy''. The acquisition of these roused industry, and gave motion and vigour to all the active powers of the human mind. Foreign comraerce revived, naviga tion W'as attended to and improved. Constantinople became the chief mart to which the Italians resort ed. There they not only met with a favourable re ception, but obtained such mercantile privileges as enabled them to carry on trade with great advan tage. They were supplied both with the precious comraodities of the East, and with raany curious manufactures, the product of ancient arts and in genuity which still subsisted araong the Greeks. As the labour and expense of conveying the pro ductions of India to Constantinople by that long and Indirect course which I have described, render ed thera extreraely rare, and of an exorbitant price, the industry of the Italians discovered other me thods of procurmg them in greater abundance and at an easier rate. They soraetimes purchased them in Aleppo, Tripoli, and other ports on the coast of Syria, to which they were brought by a route not unknown to the ancients. They were conveyed " Hist, of Charles V> vol. i. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 33 from India by sea up the Persian Gulf, and, ascend- book Ing the Euphrates and Tigris as far as Bagdat, were ^ '_j carried by land across the desert of Palmyra, and ^"^^""^ from thence to the towns on the Mediterranean. But, frora the length of the journey, and the dan gers to which the caravans were exposed, this proved always a tedious and often a precarious mode of conveyance.' At length the Soldans of Egypt, hav ing revived the coramerce with India in its ancient channel, by the Arabian Gulf, the Italian merchants, notwithstanding the violent antipathy to each other with which Christians and the followers of M^omet were then possessed, repaired to Alexandria, and enduring, frora the love of gain, the insolence and exactions of the Mahometans, established a lucra tive trade in that port. From that period the com mercial spirit of Italy became active and enter prising. Venice, Genoa, Pisa, rose from inconsi derable towns to be populous and wealthy cities. Their naval power increased ; theirvessels frequent ed not only all the ports In the Mediterranean, but, venturing sometimes beyond the Streights, visited the maritirae towns of Spain, France, the Low- Countries, and England ; and, by distributing their coraraodities over Europe, began to communicate to its various nations some taste for the valuable productions of the East, as well as some ideas of manufactures and arts, which were then unknown beyond the precincts of Italy. While the cities of Italy were thus advaijcing in Their pro- their career of improvement, an event happened, fou^ldby the raost extraordinary, perhaps, in the history oftheCru- mankind, which, instead of retarding the commer- ^* **' vol, I. D 3'j- HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK cial progress of the Italiansj rendered it morfe rapid. ^* The martial spirit of the Europeans, heightened '"'^"^ and Inflamed by religious zeal, prompted thera to atterapt the deliverance of the Holy Land frora the dominion of Infidels. VaSt armies, composed of all the nations in Europe, raarched towards Asia upon this wild enterprise. Thfe Genoese, the Pisans, and Venetians, furnished the transports which car ried them thither. They supplied them with pro visions and military stores, Besides the immense sums which they received on this account, they pb tained commercial privileges and establishments of great consequence in the settlements which the Crusaders made in Palestine, and in other provinces of Asia, Frora those sources prodigious wealth flowed Into the cities which I have meritioned. This was accompanied with a proportional Increase of power ; and, by the end of the Holy War, Venice in particular became a great maritirae state, pos sessing an extensive commerce and ample territo ries'. Italy was not the only country in which the Crusades contributed to revive and diffuse such a spirit as prepared Europe for future discoveries. By their expeditions into Asia, the other European na tions became well acquainted with remote regions, which formerly they knew only by name, or by the reports of ignorant and credulous pilgrims. They had an opportunity of observing the manners, tlie arts, and the accommodations of people more po lished than themselves. This intercourse between the East and West subsisted almost two centuries. ' Essai de I'Histoire du Coinmerce de Venise, p. 52, &c. HISTORY OP AMERICA. 35 The adventurers who returned from Asia corarau nicated to their countryraen the ideas which they had acquired, and the habits of life they had con tracted by visiting more refined nations. The Euro peans began to be sensible of wants with which they were formerly unacquainted : new desires were ex cited; and such a taste for the commodities and arts of other countries gradually spread among them, that they not only encouraged the resort of foreigners to their harbours, but began to perceive the advan tage and necessity of applying to commerce them selves™. This communication, which was opened between by the dis- Europe and the western provinces of Asia, en- traveUel" couraged several persons to advance far beyond the by land, countries In which the Crusaders carried on their operations, and to travel by land into the more re mote and opulent regions of the East. The wild fanaticism, which seeras at that period to have mingled in all the schemes of individuals, no less than in all the coimsels of nations, first incited men to enter upon those long and dangerous peregrina tions. They were afterwards undertaken from prospects of comraercial advantage, or from mo tives of mere curiosity. Benjamin, a Jew of Tu dela, in the kingdom of Navarre, possessed with a superstitious veneration for the law of Moses, and solicitous to visit his countrymen in the East, whom he hoped to find in such a state of power and opulence as raight redound to the honour of his sect, set out from Spain in the year 1 1 60, and, ¦" Hist. ofCharles V. vol. i. d2 36 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK travelling by land to Constantinople, proceeded ^ ^- , through the countries to the north of the Euxine and Caspian Seas, as far as Chinese Tartary. From thence he iook his route towards the South, and after traversing various provinces of the further In dia, he embarked on the Indian Ocean, visited seveml of Its islands, and returned at the end of thirteen years, by the way of Egypt, to Eu'rope, with much Information concerning a large district of the globe altogether unknown at that time to the* western world". The zeal of the head of the Chris tian church co-operated with the superstition of Benjamin the Jew In discovering the interior and 1246. remote provinces of Asia. All Christendornhaving been alarmed with accounts of the rapid progress of the Tartar arms under Zengis Khan, Innocent IV., who entertained most exalted Ideas concerning the plenitude of his own power, and the submis sion due to his injunctions, sent -Father John de Piano Carpini, at the head of a mission of Francis can monks, and Father Ascolino, at the head of another of Dominicans, to enjoin Kayuk Khan, the grandson of Zengis, who was then at the head of the Tartar erapire, to erabrace the Christian faith, and to desist from desolating the earth by his arms. The haughty descendant of the greatest conqueror Asia had ever beheld, astonished at this strange mandate from an Italian priest, whose name and jurisdictipn were alike unknown to hira, re ceived it with the contempt which it merited, though he dismissed the mendicants who delivered " Bergeron, Recueil des Voyages> &c. tom, i. p.' 1, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 37 it with irapunity. But, as they had penetrated Into BOOK the country by diff'erent routes, and followed for ^ ^- ^ some time the Tartar cam|)s, which were always in raotion, they had opportunity of visiting a great part of Asia. Carpini, who proceeded by the way of Poland and Russia, travelled through its northern provinces as far as the extreraities of Thibet. As colino, who seems to have landed somewhere In Syria, advanced through its southern provlrices ¦ into the Interior parts of Persia". Not long after, St. Louis of France contributed 1253. further towards extending the knowledge which the Europeans had begun to acquire of those distant re gions.' Some- designing impostor, who took ad vantage of the slender acquaintance of Christendom with the state and character of the Asiatic nations, having informed him that a powerful Khan of the Tartars had embraced the Christian faith, the" monarch llsteaed to the tale with pious credulity, and instantly resolved to send ambassadors to this illustrious convert, with a view of enticing him to attack their common enemy the Saracens in one quarter, while he fell upon them In another. As monks were the only persons In that age who pos sessed such a degree of knowledge as qualified them for a service of this kind, he employed in it Father Andrew, a Jacobine, who was followed by Father William de Rubruquis, a Franciscan. With re spect to the progress of the former, there Is no me morial extant. The journal of the latter has been published. He was admitted into the presence of ° Hakluyt, i. 21. Bergeron, tom. i. 38 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK Mangu, the third Khan in succession from Zengis, y^^y.^ and made a circuit through the interior parts of Asia, more extensive than that of any EuFopean who had hitherto explored them P. To those travellers whom religious zeal sent forth to visit Asia, succeeded others who ventured into remote countries from the prospect of com mercial advantage, or from motives of raere curi osity. The first and most eminent of these was 1265. Marco Polo, a Venetian of a noble family. Having engaged early in trade, according to the custom of his country, his aspiring mind wished for a sphere of activity more extensive than was afforded to it by the established traffic carried on in those ports of Europe and Asia which the Venetians fre quented. This prompted him to travel into un known countries, in expectation of opening a com mercial Intercourse with them more suited to the sanguine ideas and hopes of a young adventurer. As his father had already carried some European commodities to the court of the great Khan of the Tartars, and had disposed of thera to advantage, he resorted thither. Under the protection of Ku- blay Khan, the most powerful of all the successors of Zengis, he continued his mercantile peregrina tions in Asia upwards of twenty-six years; and during that time advanced towards the east, far beyond the utmost boundaries to which- any Euro pean traveller had ever proceeded. Instead of fol lowing^ the course of Carpini and Rubruquis, along the vast unpeopled plains pf Tartary, he passed yHakl, i, 71, Recueil des Voyages par Bergeron, tom. i. HISTORY OF AMERICA, 39 through the chief trading cities in the more culti- BOOK ated parts of Asia, and penetrated to Cambalu, or ^ "^' ^ Pekirig, the capital of the great kingdom of Cathay, ^"^^'^""^ or China, subject at that time to the successors of .^engls. He made more than one voyage on the Iridian Ocean ; he traded in raany of the Islands from which Europe had long received spicerles and other comraodities which it held in high estiraa tion, though unacquainted with the particular couritries to which it was indebted for those precious productions ; and he obtained inforraation 'con cerning several countries which he did not visit In person, particularly the island ZipangrI, probably the sarae now known by the name of Japan i. On his return, he astonished his contemporaries with his descrlptipns of vast regions whose names had never been heard of in Europe, and with such pom pous accounts of their fertility, their populousness, their opulence, tlie variety of their raanufactures, and the extent of their trade, as rose far above the conception of an uninformed age. About half a century after Marco Polo, Sir John 1322. MandevUle, an Englishman, encouraged by his example, visited raost of the Countries In the East which he had described, and, like hira, published an account of them'. The narrations of those early travellers abound with many wild incoherent tales concerning giants, enchanters, and monsters. But they were pot from that circumstance less accept able to an ignorant age, which delighted In what 1 Viaggi di Marco Polo, Ramus, ii. 2. Bergeron, tom. ii, '¦ Voyage? and Travels, by Sir John MandeviUe, 40 HISTORY OP AMERICA. BOOK was marvellous. The wonders which they told, ^- raostly on hearsay,, filled the raultitude with adral^ ^""^^^ ration. The facts which they related from their own observation attracted the attention of the raore discerning. The former, which raay be considered as the popular traditions and fables ofthe countries through which they had passed, were gradually dis regarded as Europe advanced in knowledge. The latter, however incredible sorae of them may have appeared in their own tirae, have been confirraed by the observations of raodern travellers. By raeans of both, however, the curiosity of raankind was ex cited with respect to the reraote parts of the earth; their ideas were enlarged ; and they were not only insensibly disposed to attempt new discoveries, but received such Information as directed to that par ticular course in which these were afterwards car ried on. and bythe While thls Spirit was gradUallyforminginEurope, of-the '°" a fortunate discovery was made, which contributed mariners' niorc than all the efforts and Ingenuity of preceding ages to improve and to extend navigation. That wonderful property of the magnet, by which it cora raunicates such virtue to a needle or slender rod of iron as to point towards the poles of the earth, was observed. The use which might be made of this in directing navigation was immediately perceived. That valuable but now farailiar instruraent, the mariners' compass, was constructed. When, by raeans of it, navigators found that, at all seasons and in every place, they could discover the north and south with so rauch ease and accuracy, it be came no longer necessary to depend merely on the HISrORY OF AMERICA. 41 light of the stars and the observation of the sea- book coast. They gradually abandoned their ancient v^' j timid and lingering course along the shore, ven tured boldly into the ocean, and, relying on this new guide, could steer in the darkest night, and under the raost cloudy sky, with a security and precision hitherto imknown. The corapass may be said to have opened to man the dorainion of the sea, and to have put him In full possession of the earth by enabling him to visit every part of it. Flavio Gioia, a citizen of Amalfi, a town of considerable trade in the kingdom of Naples, was the author of this great discovery, about the year one thousand three hundred and two. It hath been often the fate of those illustrious benefactors of mankind who have enriched science and iraproved the arts by their Inventions, to derive raore reputation than benefit frora the happy efforts of their genius. But the lot of Gioia has been still more cruel ; through the inattention or ignorance of contemporary histo rians, he has been defrauded even of the fame to which he had such a just title. We receive from them no information with respect to his profession, his character, the precise time when he made this iraportant discovery, or the accidents and inquiries which led to it. The knowledge of this event, though productive of greater eff'ects than any re corded in the annals of the human race. Is trans mitted to us without any of those circumstances which can gratify the curiosity that It naturally awakens*. But though the use of the compass '^ CoUinas & Trombellus He Aciis Nauticas Inveatore, Instit. Acad. Bonon. tom. ii. part iii, p. 372. 42 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK might enable the Italians to perforni the shprt ^ _ ^- , voyages to which they were accustoraed with greater security and expedition. Its influence was not so sudden or extensive as immedlg,tely tp render navi gation adventurous, and to excite a spirit of dis covery. Many causes corabined in preventing this beneficial Invention frora producing Its full effect instantaneously. Men relinquish ancient habits flowly and with reluctance. They are averse to nevv experiments, and venture upon thern with timidity. The commercial jealousy of the Italians, it is probable, laboured to conceal the happy dis covery of their countrymen from other nations. The art of steering by the compass with such skill and accuracy as to inspire a full confidence in its direction, was acquired gradually. Sailors unac customed to quit sight of land, durst not launch out at once and commit themselves to unknown seas. Accordingly, near half a century elapsed from the time of Giola's discovery, before navi gators ventured into any seas which tlTiey had not been accustomed to frequent. Some ap- The first appearance of a bolder spirit may be of a bolder dated fipm the voyages of the Spaniards to the Ca- spintin naiy or Fortuoatc Islands. By what accident they tion. were led to the discovery of those small isles, which lie near five hundred miles from the Spanish coast, and above a hundred and fifty miles from the coast • of Africa, contempoiary writers have not explained. But, about the middle of the fourteenth century, the people of all the different kingdoms into which Spain was then divided, were accustomed to make piratical excursions thither, in order to plunder the HISTORY OF AMERICA. inhabitants, or to carry thera off as slaves. Cle- ij ment VL, in virtue of the right clairaed by the Holy See to dispose of all countries possessed by infidels, erected those isles into a kingdom in the year one thousand three hundred and forty-four, and con ferred It on Lewis de la Cerda descended from the rpyal famiiyof Castile. But that unfortunate Prince, destitute of power to assert his nominal title, hav ing never visited the Canaries, John de Bethencourt, a Norman baron, obtained a grant of thera from Henry III. of Castile^ Bethencourt, with the va lpur and good fortune which distinguished the ad venturers of his country, attempted and effected the conquest ; and the possession of the Canaries remained for some time In his family, as a fief held of the crown of Castile. Previous to this expedi tion of Bethencourt, his countrymen settled in Norraandy are said to have visited the coast of Afri ca, and to have proceeded far to the south of the 1365, Canary Islands. But their voyages thither seeni not to have been undertaken in consequence of any public or regular plan for extending navigation and attempting- new discoveries. They were either ex cursions suggested by that roving piratical spirit which descended to the Normans from their ances tors, or the commercial enterprises of private mer chants, which attracted so little notiee that hardly any memorial of them is to be found in contempo rary authors. In a general survey of the progress, ' Viera y Clavijo Notic, de la Histor. de Canaria, i. 26S. &c, Glas, Hist, c. 1. 44 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o o K of discovery, it is sufficient to have mentioned this ^' event; and leaving it araong those of dubious ex- '' istence, or of sraall importance, we raay conclude, that though much additional information concern ing the remote regions of .the East had been re ceived by travellers who visited them by land, na vigation at the beginning of the fifteenth century had not advanced beyond the state to which it had attained before the downfall of the Roman Empire. First regu- At length the period arrived, when Providence discom-y, dccieed that men were to pass the liraits within which they had been so long confined, and open to theraselves a more araple field wherein to display their talents, their enterprise arid courage. The first considerable efforts towards this were not made by any of the raore powerful states of Europe, or by those v/ho had applied to navigation with the formed by greatest assIduIty and success. The glory of lead- gaese!' "' ^"S ^^^ ^ay In this new career was reserved for Portugal, one of the sraallest and least powerful of the European kingdoms. As the atterapts of the Portuguese to acquire the knowledge of those parts of the globe with which mankind were then unac quainted, not only improved and extended the art of navigation, but roused such a spirit of curiosity and enterprise as led to the discovery of the New World, of which I propose to write the history, it is necessary to take a full view of the rise, the pro-* gress, and success of their various naval operations. It was In this school that the discoverer of America was trained; and unless we trace the steps by which his instructors and guides advanced, it will be Im- HISTORY OF AMERICA. 45 possible to comprehend the circumstances which book suggested the idea, or facilitated the execution, of s,^\^ his great design. ^~v~^ Various circumstances prompted the Portuguese Circum- to exert their activity in this new direction, and ^'hkh i^^ enabled them to accomplish undertakings appa- to this. rently superior to the natural force of their raonar chy. The Kings of Portugal, having driven the -Moors out of their dprainlons, had acquired power, as well as glory, by the success of their arms against the infidels. By their victories over them, they had extended the royal authority beyond the narrow limits within which It was origmally circumscribed in Portugal, as well as In other feudal kingdoms. They had the command of the national force, could rouse it to act with united vigour, and, after the ex pulsion of the Moors, could employ it without dread of interruption frora any domestic enemy. By the perpetual hostilities carried on for several centuries against the Mahometans, the martial and adventu rous spirit which distinguished all the European na tions during the raiddle ages, was improved and heightened among the Portuguese. A fierce civil war towards the close of the fourteenth century, oc casioned by a disputed succession, augmented the military ardour of the nation, and forraed or called forth raen of such active and daring genius as are fit for bold undertakings. The situation of the kingdom, bounded on every side by the dominions of a raore powerful neighbour, did not afford free scope to the activity of the Portuguese by land, as the strength of their raonarchy was no raatch for that of Castile. But Portugal was a raaritirae state. 46 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B o o K in which there were many Coriittiodious harbours ; ^ _ ^- J the people had begun to make sbme progress in the kriowledge and practice of navigation; and the sea was open to them, presenting the only field of enter prise in which they, could distinguish themselves. First at- Such was the state of Portugal, and such the dis position of the people, when John I., surnainedthe Bastard, obtained secure possession of the croWn by the peace concluded with Castile, in the year one thousand four huridred and eleven. He Was a Prince of great raerit, who, by superior courage and abilities, had opened his way to a throne which of right did not belong to him. He instantly per ceived that it would be Impossible to preserve pub lic order, or domestic tranquillity, without finding some employment for the restless spirit of his sub jects. With this view he assembled a numerous fleet at Lisbon, cbraposed of all the ships which he could fit out in his own kingdom, and of many 1412. hired from foreigners. This great arraaraent was destined to attack the Moors settled on the coast of Barbary. While it was equipping, a feW vessels were appointed to sail along the western shore of Africa bounded by the Atlantic Ocean, and to dis cover the unknown countries situated there. Frora this inconsiderable attempt, we raay date the com mencement of that spirit of discovery which opened the barriers that had so long shut out man kind from the knowledge of one half of the terres trial globe. At the time when John sent forth these ships on this new voyage, tbe art of navigation was still very imperfect. Though Africa lay so near to Portugal, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 47 and the fertility of the countries already known on b O 0 K that continent invited men to explore it more fully, ^^ ^' the Portuguese had never ventured to sail be'yond ^""^"^ Cape Non, That promontory, as its name im ports, was hitherto considered as a boundary which could not be passed. But the nations of Europe had now acquired as much knowledge, as imbol dened thera to disregard the prejudices and to cor rect the errors of their ancestors. The long reign of ignorance, the constant eneray of every curious inquiry and of every new undertaking, was ap proaching to Its period. The light of science began tp dawn. The works of the ancient Greeks and Roraans began to be read with admiration and pro fit. The sciences cultivated by the Arabians were introduced into Europe by the Moors settled in Spain and Portugal, and by the Jews, who were very numerous in both these kingdoms. Geometry, astronomy, and geography, the sciences on which the art of navigation is founded, became objects of studious attention. The raeraory ofthe discoveries made by the ancients was revived, and the progress of their navigation and commerce began to be traced. Some of the causes which have obstructed the cultivation of science In Portugal, during' this century and the last, did not exist, or did not ope rate in the same manner. In the fifteenth century' ; and the Portuguese at that period seem to have kept pace with other nations on this side of the Alps in literary pursuits. As the genius of the age favoured the execution its success. t See NOTE IX. 48 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK of that new undertddng, to which the peculiar state ^¦, of the country invited the Portuguese, it proved suc- ^'^'^ cessful. The vessels sent on the discovery doubled that formidable .Cape, which had terminated the progress of former navigators, and proceeded a hundred and sixty railes beyorid it, to Cape Bojador. As its rocky cliffs, which stretched a considerable way into the Atlantic, appeared raore dreadful than the promontbry which they had passed, the Portu guese commanders durst not attempt to sail round it, but returned to Lisbon, more satisfied with hav ing advanced so far, than ashamed of having ven tured no further. Prince Inconsiderable as this voyage was, it increased direct'oio^f ^^^ passlou for dlscovcry which began* to arise in the Portu- Portugal. The fortunate issue of the King's expe- coveries?' dltlou agalust the Moors ofBarbaty, added Strength '^'7' to that spirit in the nation, and pushed it on to new undertakings. In order to render these suc cessful, it was necessary that they should be con ducted by a person who possessed abilities capable of discerning what was attainable, who enjoyed lei sure to form a regular system for prosecuting dis covery, and who was aniraated with ardour that would persevere in spite of obstacles and re pulses. Happily for Portugal, she found all those qualities in Henry Duke of Viseo, the fourth son of King John by Philippa of Lancaster, sister of Henry IV. King of England. That Prince, in his early youth, having accorapanied his father in his expedition to Barbary, distinguished hiinself by many deeds of valour. To the martial spirit, which was the characteristic of every raan of noble birth HISTORY OF AMERICA. 49 at that time, he added all the accoraplishraents of a B o o k more enlightened and polished age. He cultivated s^_^'^j the arts and sciences, which were then unknown and despised by persons of his rank. He applied with peculiar fondness to the study of geography ; and by the instruction of able masters, as well as by the accounts of travellers, he early acquired such knowledge of the habitable globe, as discovered the great probability of finding new and opulent coun tries, by sailing aloiig the coast of Africa. Such an object was formed to awaken the enthusiasm and ardour of a 'youthful mind, and he espoused with the utmost zeal the patronage of a design which raight prove as beneficial as it appeared to be splendid and honourable. In order that he might pursue this' great scheme without iriterruptipn, he retired from court immediately after his return from Africa, and fixed his residence at Sagres, near Cape St. Vincent, where the prospect of the Atlantic Ocean invited his thoughts continually towards his favourite project, and encouraged him to execute it. In this retreat he was^^ttended by some of the raost learned men in his country, who aided him in his researches. He applied for information to the Moors of Barbary, who were accustoraed to travel by land into the interior provinces 6f Africa in quest of Ivory, gold-dust, and other rich commo dities. He consulted the Jews settled in Portugal. By promises, rewards, and marks of respect, he al lured into his service several persons, foreigners as well as Portuguese, who were eminent for their skill in navigation. In taking those preparatory steps, the great abilities of the Prince were seconded VOL. I. E 50 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B O O K by his private virtues. His integrity, his affability, ^^ '• ^ his respect for religion, his zeal for the honour of his country, engaged persons of all ranks to applaud his design, and to favour the execution ofit. His schemes were allowed, by the greater part of his countrymen, to proceed neither from ambition nor the desire of wealth, but to flow from the warm be nevolence of a heart eager to promote the happi ness of mankind, and which justly entitled him to assume a motto for his device, that described the quality by which he wished to be distinguished, the talent of doing good. Discovery His first effort, as is usual at the commencement Santo;" of any new undertaking, was extremely inconsl- i'"^ derable. He fitted out a single ship, "and giving the command of It to John Gonzales Zarco and Tristan Vaz, two gentlemen of his household, who voluntarily offered to conduct the enterprise, he in structed them to use their utmost efforts to double Cape Bojador, and thence to steer towards the south. They, according to the mode of navigation which still prevailed, held their course along the shore ; and by following that direction, they must have encountered almost insuperable difficulties in attempting to pass Cape Bojador. But fortune came in aid to their want of skill, and prevented the voyage from being altogether fruitless. A sudden squall of wind arose, drove them out to sea, and, when they expected every moment to perish, landed them on an unknown island, which from their happy escape they named Po7'to Santo. In the in fancy of navigation, the discovery of this small is land appeared a matter of such moment, that they H IS TOR Y OF A M E III C A . 51 instantly returned to Portugal with the good tidings, book and were received by Henry with the applause and y _ ^" , honour due to fortunate adventurers. This faint 1419. dawn of success filled a raind ardent in the pursuit of a favourite object, with such sanguine hopes as were sufficient inciteraents to proceed. Next year Henry sent out three ships under the same com manders, to whom he joined Bartholomew Peres- trellow, in order to take possession of the island which they had discovered. When they began to settle in Porto Santo, they observed towards the south a fixed spot In the horizon like a sraall black cloud. By degrees, they were led to conjecture of Ma- that it might be land; and steering towards it; they an-Ived at a considerable island, uninhabited and covered with wood, which on that account they caljed Madeira"^. As it was Henry's chief object to render his discoveries useful to his country, he immediately equipped a fleet to carry a colony of Portuguese to these islands. By his provident care, 1420. they were furnished riot only with the seeds, plants, and domestic animals coramon In Europe ; but, as he foresaw that the Warmth of the climate and fer tility of the soil would prove favourable to the rear ing of other productions, he procured slips of the vine from the island of Cyprus, the rich wines of which were then in g^eat request, and plants of thfe sugar-cane from Sicily, into Which it had beeri lately introduced. These throve so prosperously in this new country, that the benefit of cultivating " Historical Relation of the first Discovery of Madeira, translated from the Portuguese of Fran. Alcafarana, p. 15, &C, I 52 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK them was immediately perceived, and the sugar and t I" , wine of Madeira quickly became articles of some consequence in the commerce of Portugal''. As soon as the advantages derived from this first settlement to the west of the European continent began to be felt, the spirit of discovery appeared less chimerical, and becarae^raore adventurous. By their voyages' to Madeira, the Portuguese were gra dually accustomed to a bolder navigation, and, in-r stead of creeping servilely along the coast, ventured Double into the open sea. In consequence of taking this jador; course, Gillanez, who commanded one of Prince Henry's ships, doubled Cape Bojador, the boundary of the Portuguese navigation upWards of twenty years, and which had hitherto been deemed un- 1433. passable. This successful voyage, which the igno rance of the age placed on a level with the most faraous exploits recorded In history, opened a new sphere to navigation, as It discovered the vast con tinent of Africa, still washed by the Atlantic Ocean, and stretching towards the south. Part of this was advance soon explored ; the Portuguese advaaced within tropics ' ^ ^^^ tropics, and In the space of a few years they dis covered the river Senegal, and all the coast extend ing frora Cape Blanco to Cape de Verd. Astonish- Hitherto the Portuguese had been guided In their they disco- discovejles, or encouraged to attempt thera, by the vered light and information which they received from the works of the ancient matheraaticians and geogra phers. But when they began to enter the torrid zone, the notion which prevailed among the an- "Lud. Guicciardini Descrltt, de Paesi Bassi, p. 180, 181. HISTORY. OF AMEK ICA. 63 cients, that the heat, which reigned perpetually book there, was so excessive as to render it uninhabitable, \^_^ deterred them, for some time, from proceeding. ,Their own observations, when they first ventured into this unknown and formidable region^ tended to confirra the opinion of antiquity concerning the violent operation of the direct rays of the sun. As^ far as the river Senegal, the Portuguese had found the coast of Africa Inhabited by people nearly re sembling the Moors of Barbary. When they ad vanced to the south of that river, the human form seemed to put on a new appearance. They beheld men with skins black as ebony, with short curled hair, flat noses, thick lips, and all the peculiar features which are now known to distinguish the race of Negroes. This surprising alteration they naturally attributed to the Influence of heat, and if they should advance nearer to the line, they began to dread that its effects would be still more violent. Those dangers were exaggerated ; and many other objections against attempting further discoveries were proposed by some ofthe grandees, who, frora ignorance, from envy, or from that cold timid pru dence which rejects whatever has the air of novelty or enterprise, had hitherto condemned all Prince Henry's schemes. They represented, that it was altogether chimerical to expect any advantage from countries situated in that region which the wisdom and experience of antiquity had pronounced to be unfit for the habitation of men ; that their forefa thers, satisfied with cultivating the territory which Providence had allotted them, did not waste the strength of the kingdom by fruitless prx)jects in 54 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOO K quest of new settlements ; that Portugal was already WW exhausted by the expense of atterapts to discover lands which either did not exist, or which nature destined to reraain unknown ; and was drained of men, who might have been employed in under takings attended with raore certain success, and productive of greater benefit. But neither their ap peal to the authority of the ancients, nor theiir reasonings concerning the interests of Portugal, raade any Irapression upon the determined philo sophic raind of Prince Henry. The discoveries which he had already raade, convinced him that the ancients had little more than a conjectural know ledge of the torrid zone. He was no less satisfied that the political arguments of his opponents, with respect to the interest of Portugal, were malevolent and ill-founded. In those sentiraents he was stre nuously supported by his brother Pedro, who go verned the kingdom as guardian of their nephew 1438. Alphonso v., who had succeeded to the throne du ring bis minority ; and, instead of slackening his efforts, Henry continued to pursue his discoveries with fresh ardour. Papal But in order to silence all the murmurs of oppo- Pmtugai sition, he endeavoured to obtain the sanction of the of what highest authority in favour of his operations. With countries iT., ,. , i-r» i i it should this View he applied to the Pope, and represented, discover, jj^ pompous tcrras, the pious and unwearied zeal with which he had exerted himself during twenty years, in discovering unknown countries, the wretch ed inhabitants of which were utter strangers to true religion, wandering in heathen darkness, or led astray by the delusions of Mahomet. He besought HISTORY OF AMERICA. 55 the holy father, to whora, as the vicar of Christ, all b 0 O K the kingdoras of the earth were subject, to confer ^ ^- , on the crown of Portugal a right to all the coun- * tries possessed by infidels, which should be dis covered by the industry of its subjects, and subdued by the force of its arms. He entreated hira to en join all Christian powers, under the highest penal ties, not to raolest Portugal while engaged In this laudable enterprise, and to prohibit thera from set tling in any of the countries which the Portuguese should discover. He promised that, in all their ex peditions, it should be the chief object of his coun trymen to spread the knowledge of the Christian religion, to establish the authority of the Holy See, and to increase the flock of the universal pastor. As it was by Improving with dexterity every favour able conjuncture for acquiring new powers, that the court of Rome had gradually extended its usurpa tions, Eugene IV.,- the Pontiff to whom this appli cation was made, eagerly seized the opportunity which now presented Itself. He instantly perceived that, by complying with Prince Henry's request, he raight exercise a prerogative no less flattering in its own nature than likely to prove beneficial in its consequences. A bull was accordingly Issued, In which, after applauding in the strongest terms the past efforts of the Portuguese, and exhorting them to proceed in that laudable career on which they had entered, he granted them an exclusive right to all the countries which they should discover, from Cape Non to the continent of India. Extravagant as this donation, comprehending such a large portion of the habitable globe, would 5? HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK now appear, even in Catholic countries, no person \„J\y in the fifteenth century doubted that the Pope, in the plenitude of his apostolic power, had a right to confer it. Prince Henry was soon sensible of the advantages which he derived from this transaction. His schemes were authorized and sanctified by the bull approving of them. The spirit of discovery was connected with zeal for religion, which in that age was a principle of such activity and vigour as to influence the conduct of natipns. All Chiistian Princes were deterred, from intruding into those countries which the Portuguese had discovered, or from Interrupting the progress of their navigation and conquests y. Fame and ^^^ iame of the Portuguese voyages soon spread progressof over Europe. Men long accustomed to circum- guese dis-' scribe the activity and knowledge of the huraan coveries. niind within the limits to which they had been hitherto confined, were astonished to behold the sphere of navigation so suddenly enlarged, and a prospect opened of visiting regions of the globe the existence of which was unknown In former times. The learned and speculative reasoned and formed theories concerning those unexpected dis coveries, "^he vulgar inquired and wondered ; while enterprising adventurers crowded from every part of Europe, soliciting Prince Henry to eraploy them in this honourable service. Many Venetians and Genoese, in particular, who were at that time superior to all other nations in the science of naval affairs, entered aboard the Portuguese ships, and y. See NOTE X. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 57 acquired a more perfect and extensive knowledge book of their profession in that new school of navigation. ' In eraulation of these foreigners, the Portuguese "^ -exerted their own talents. The nation seconded the designs of the Prince. Private merchants formed 1446. companies, with a view to search for unknown countries. The Cape de Verd islands, which lie off the promontory of that name, were discovered, and soon after the isles called Azores. As the 1449. foriner of these are above three hundred miles from the African coast, and the latter nine hundred miles from any continent, it is evident, by their venturing so boldly Into the open seas, that the Portuguese had by this time improved greatly in the art of navigation. While the passion for engaging in new under- Death of takings was thus warm and active, it received an jjgnry. unfortunate check by the death of Prince Henry, 1463. whose superior knowledge had hitherto directed all the operations of the discoverers, and whose pa tronage had encouraged and protected them. But notwithstanding all the advantages which they de rived from these, the Portuguese during his life did not advance in their utmost progress towards the south, within five degrees of the equinoctial line ; and after their continued exertions for half a cen- From 14 12 tury, hardly fifteen hundred miles of the coast of ° Africa were discovered. To an age acquainted with the efforts of navigation In its state of ma turity and improvement, those essays of its early years raust necessarily appear feeble and unskilful. But InconsIderabJe as they may be deemed, they vvere sufficient to turn the curiosity of the European 58 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK nations into a new channel, to excite an enterpris- V ^ J ing spirit, and to point the way to future discove ries. The pas- Alphouso, who possesscd the throne of Portugal discovery at the time of Prince Henry's death, was so much languishes engaged in supporting his own pretensions to the time J crown of Castile, or In carrying on his expeditions against the Moors In Barbary, that, the force of his kingdora being exerted in other operations, he could not prosecute the discoveries in Africa with ardour. He committed the conduct of them to Fernando Go mez, a merchant in Lisbon, to whom he granted an exclusive right of commerce with all the countries of which Prince Henry had taken possession. Un der the restraint and oppression of a raonopoly, the spirit of discovery languished. It ceased to be a na tional object, and became the concern of a private man more attentive to his own gain than to the glory of his country. Some progress, however, was 1471. made. The Portuguese ventured at length to cross the line, and, to their astonishment, found that re gion of the torrid zone, which was supposed to be scorched with intolerable heat, to be not only ha bitable, but populous and fertile. 1481. John IL, who succeeded his father Alphonso, revives with addi- posscsscd talcuts Capable both of forraing and exe cuting great designs. As part of his revenues, while Prince, had arisen frora duties on the trade with the newly-discovered countries, this naturally turned his attention towards them, and satisfied him with respect to their utility and importance. In proportion as his knowledge of these countries extended, the possession of them appeared to be of tional ar dour. HISTORY OF AMERICA: 59 greater consequence. While the Portuguese pro- book ceeded along the coast of Africa, from Cape Non ^^ ^' to the river of Senegal, they found all that exten sive tract to be sandy, barren, and thinly inhabited by a wretched people professing the Mahometan religion, and subject to the vast Erapire of Moroc co. But to the south of that river, the power and religion ofthe Mahoraetans were unknown. The country was divided into sraall independent princi palities, the population was considerable, the soil fertile^, and the Portuguese soon discovered that it produced ivory, rich guras, gold, and other valua ble comraodities. By the acquisition of these, comraeice was enlarged, and became more adven turous. Men, aniraated and rendered active by the certain prospect of gain, pursued discovery with greater eagerness than when they were excited only by curiosity and hope. This spirit derived no small reinforcement of vi- its pro- gour frora the countenance of such a monarch as S'^^^' John. Declaring hiraself the patron of every at terapt towards discovery, he promoted it with all the ardour of his grand-uncle Prince Henry, and with superior poWer. The effects of this were ira raediately ffelt. A powerful fleet was fitted out, i484. which, after discovering the kingdoras of Benin and Congo, advanced above fifteen hundred railes be yond the line, and the Portuguese, for the first time, beheld a new heaven, and observed the stars pf another hemisphere. John was not only solici- ^ Navigatio Aloysii Cadamusti apud Novum Orbem Grynsei, p. 2. 18; Navigat. all Igola di San Tome per un Pllotto'Por- tug. Ramusio, i. 115. 60 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOO Ktous to discover, but attentive to secure the pos- ,^ ^' session of, those countries. He built forts on the "^ coast of Guinea ; he sent out colonies to settle , * there ; he established a coramercial intercourse with the more powerful kingdoms ; he endeavour ed to render such as were feeble or divided tributa ry to the crown of Portugal. Some of the petty princes voluntarily acknowledged themselves his vassals. Others were compelled to do so by force of arms. A regular and well-digested -system was formed with respect to this new object of policy, and, by firraly adhering to it, the Portuguese power and comraerce in Africa were established upon a solid foundation. Hopes of By their constant intercourse with the people of fngrnew -A^fri^a, the Portuguese gradually acquired sorat; route to knowledge of those parts of that country which they Indies. had not visited. The Inforraation which they re ceived from the natives, added to what they had observed in their own voyages, began to open pro spects raore extensive, and to suggest the idea of scheraes raore important, than those which had hi therto allured and occupied thera. They had de tected the error of the ancients concerning the na ture of the torrid zone. They found as they pro ceeded southwards, that the continent of Africa, instead of extending in breadth, according to the doctrine of Ptolemy'', at that time the oracle and guidfe of the learned in the science of geography, appeared sensibly to contract itself, and to bend towards the east. This induced them to give cre- ' Vide Nov, Orbis Tabu!, Geograph, secund. Ptolem, , Amst. , 1730. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 61 dit to the' accounts of the ancient Phenician voy- book ages round Africa, which had long been deeraed ^ ' ^ fabulous, and led them to conceive hopes that, by following the same route, they might arrive at the East-Indies, and engross that commerce which has been the source of wealth and power to every na tion possessed of it. The comprehensive genius of Prince Henry, as we inay conjecture from the words of the Pope's bull, had early formed some idea of this navigation. ' But though his country men, at that period, were incapable of conceiving the extent of his views and schemes, all the Portu guese mathematicians and pilots now concurred In representing them as well-founded and practicable. The King entered with warmth into their senti ments, and began to concert measures for this ar duous and important voyage. > Before his preparations for this expedition were Schemes finished, accounts were transmitted frora Africa, *^^!' fp^"™- 1 • .11 11 pushing that various nations along the coast had raentioned this. a raighty kingdora situated on their continent, at a great distance towards the East, the King of which, according to their description, professed the Chris tian religion. The Portuguese Monarch iraraedi ately concluded, that this raust be the Eraperor of Abyssinia, to whom the Europeans, seduced by a mistake of Rubruquis, Marco Polo, and other tra vellers to the East, absurdly gave the name of Pres ter or Presbyter John ; and, as he hoped to receive information and assistance from a Christian Prince, in prosecuting a scherae that tended to propagate their coramon faith, he resolved to open, if possi ble, sofne intercourse with his court. With this 62 HISTORY OF AMERICA. book view, he made choice of Pedro de Covillam and ^- Alphonso de Payva, who were perfect masters of ^^~^ the Arabic language, and sent them into the East to search for the residence of this unknown poten tate, and to make him proffers of friendship. They had In charge likewise to procure whatever intelli gence the nations which they visited could supply, with 'respect to the trade of India, and the course of navigation to that continent''. Voyage of While Joliu made this new attempt by land, to mew^Diaz. obtain somc knowledge of the country which he wished so ardently to discover, he did not neglect i486, the prosecution of this great design by sea. The conduct of a voyage for this purpose, the most arduous and important which the Portuguese had ever projected, was comraitted to Bartholoraew Diaz, an officer whose sagacity, experience, and fortitude rendered hira equal to the undertaking. He stretched boldly towards the south, and, pro ceeding beyond the utraost limits to which his countrymen had hitherto advanced, discovered near a thousand miles of new, country. Neither the danger to which he was exposed, by a succes sion of violent tempests In unknown seas, and by the frequent mutinies of his crew, nor the calami ties of faraine which he suffered from losing his store-ship, could deter him from prosecuting his enterprise. In recompense of his labours and per severance, he at last descried that lofty promontory which bounds Africa to the south. But to descry it was all that he had in his power to accoraplish. '' Faria y Sousa Port. Asia, vol.i. p. 26. Lafitau Degguv. de Port. i. 46. * HISTORY OF AMERICA. 63 The violence of the winds, the shattered condition BOOK of his ships, andthe turbulent spirit of the sailors, ^ ^' corapelled him to return after a voyage of sixteen "^ months, in which he discovered a far greater ex tent of country than any former navigator. Diaz had called the promontory which terminated his voyage, Cabo Tortnentoso, or the Stormy Cape ; but the King, his master, as he now entertained no doubt of having found the long-desired route to India, gave it a name more Inviting, and of better omen. The Cape qf Good Hope ^. Those sanguine expectations of success were con- More cer- firraed by the intelligence which John received over *''"' p™; ... p r ¦ spects or- land, m consequence of his embassy to Abyssinia, success. Covillam and Payva, in obedience to their master's instructions, had repaired to Grand Cairo. From that city they travelled along with a caravan of Egyptian merchants, and, embarking on the Red k5ea, arrived at Aden in Arabia. There they sepa rated ; Payva sailed directly towards Abyssinia ; Covillam embarked for the East-Indies, and, having visited Calecut, Goa, and other cities on the Mala bar coast, returned to Sofala, on the east side of Africa, and thence to Grand Cairo, which Payva and he had fixed upon as their place of rendezvous. Unfortunately the former was cruelly murdered in Abyssinia ; but Covillam found at Cairo two Por tuguese Jews, whom John, whose provident saga city attended to every circumstance that could facili tate the execution of his scheraes, had dispatched after thera, in order to receive a detail of their pro- * Faria y Sou.sa Port. Asia, vol. i. p. 26. 64 HISTORY OF AMEHICA. BOOK ceedings, and to communicate to them new in- t ' , structions. By one of these Jews, Covillam trans mitted to Portugal a journal. of his travels by sea and land, his remarks upon the trade of India, to gether with exact maps of the coasts on which he had touched ; and frora what he hiraself had ob served, as well as from the information of skilful seamen in different countries, he concluded, that, by sailing round Africa, a passage might be found to the East Indies ''. Prepara- The happy coincidence of Covlllam's opinion and aiwther report wlth the discoveries which Diaz had lately voyage. ' made, left hardly any shadow of doubt with respect to the possibility of sailing frora Europe to India. But the vast length of the voyage, and the furious storras which Diaz had encountered near the Cape of Good Hope, alarmed and intimidated the Por tuguese to such a degree, although by long ex perience they were now become adventurous and skilful mariners, that some time was requisite to prepare their minds for this dangerous and extraor dinary voyage. The courage, however, and autho rity of the monarch, gradually dispelled the vain fears of his subjects, or made it necessary to conceal them. As John thought hiraself now upon the eve of accoraplishing that great design which ha'd been the principal object of-his reign, his earnest ness in prosecuting It becarae so vehement, that it occupied his thoughts by day, and bereaved him of sleep through the night. While he was taking ¦' Faria y Sousa Port, Asia, vol, i. p. 27, Lafitau, Decouv. i, 48. • HISTORY OF AMERICA. 65 every precaution that his wisdora and experience book could suggest, in order to ensure the success of the ^ ^* expedition, which was to decide concerning the "^'^ fate of his favourite project^ the fame of the vast discoveries which the Portuguese had already made, The atten- the reports concerning the, extraordinary intelli- ^""^^j^i^ gence which they had received from the East, and fixed upon the prospect of the voyage which they now medi- ' tated, drew the attention of all the European na- , tions, and held thera in suspense and expectation. By some, the maritime skill and navigations of the Portuguese were compared with those of the Phe nicians and Carthaginians, and exalted above them. Others formed conjectures concerning the revolu tions which the success of the Portuguese schemes might occasion In the course of trade, and the poll-^ tical state of Europe. The Venetians began to be disquieted with the apprehension of Ipslng their Indian commerce, the monopoly of which was the chief source of their power as well as opulence, and the Portuguese already enjoyed in fancy the wealth of the East. But during this interval, which gave such scope to the various workings of curiosity, of suddenly hope, and of fear, an account was brought to Eu- a"iew X rope of an event no less extraordinary than un- J^ct. expected, the discovery of a New World situated in the West ; and the eyes and admiration of raan kind turried immediately towards that great object. VOL. I. THE HISTORY OF AMERIC A. BOOK IL B o o K A MONG the foreigners whom the farae of the ^ "' , -^^ discoveries raade by the Pbrtuguese had allured Birth and iuto their scrvicc, was Christopher Colon, or Co- of Cokra- l""ibus, a subject of the republic of Genoa. Nel- bus, ther the time nor place of his birth is known with certainty^; but he was descended of an honourable family, though reduced to indigence by various misfortunes. His ancestors having betaken them selves for subsistence to a sea-faring life, Columbus discovered in his early youth the peculiar character and talents which raark out a man for that profes- siori. His parents, instead of thwarting this origi nal properisity of his mind, seem to have encourage^ and confirmed it by the education which they gave hiin . After acquiring some knowledge of the Latin ' Sec NOTE XI. HISTORY OF AMERICA. ()*! torigue, the only language in which science was book . taught at that time, he was instructed in geometry, ^^^ cosmography, astronomy, and the art of drawing. ^''""^ To these he applied with such ardour and predilec tion, on account of their .connexion with naviga tion, his favourite object, that he advanced with, ra^ pld proficiency in the study of them. Thus quali- 14C1. fied, he wer\t to sea at the age of fourteen, and be gan his career on that element which conducted hira to so much glory. His early voyages were to those ports in the Mediterranean which his coun trymen the Genoese frequented. This being a 1467. sphere too narrow for his active mind, he made an excursion to the northern seas, arid visited the coasts of Iceland, to which the English and other nations had begun to resort on account of its fishery. As riavlgation, in every direction, was now become en terprising, he proceeded beyond that Island, the Thule of.the ancients, and advanced several degrees within the polar circle. Having satisfied his curi osity, by a voyage which tended raore to enlarge his knowledge of naval affairs than to Improve his for tune, he entered Into the service of a famous sea- captain of his own name and family. This man commanded a small squadron fitted out at his own expense, and by cruising soraetimes against the Mahometans, sometimes against the Venetians, the rivals of his country in trade, had acquired both wealth and reputation. With him Columbus con tinued for several years, no less distinguished for his courage than for his experience as a sailor. At length, in an obstinate engagement off the coast of Portugal, with some Venetian caravals returning f2 vice. 68 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK richly laden from the Low-Countries, the vessel on ^^' board which he served took fire, together with one ^'^'*^"~^ of the eneray's ships to which it was fast grappled. In this dreadful extremity his intrepidity and pre sence of mind did not forsake him. He threw hirn self into the sea, laid hold of a floating oar; apd by the support of it, and his de:sterity in swimmirig, he reached the shore, though above two leagues distant, and saved a life reserved for great wilder- takings''. He enters As soon as he recovered strength for the journey. Port** he repaired to Lisbon, where raany of his country- gueseser- men wcrc settled. They soon conceived such a favourable opinion of his merit, as well as talents, that they warmly' solicited him to remain in that kingdora, where his naval skill and experience cpuld not fail of rendering hira conspicuous. To every adventurer aniraated either with curiosity to visit new countries, or with arabition to distinguish him self, the Portuguese service was at thq.t time ex tremely inviting. Columbus listened with a favour able ear to the advice of his friends, and, having gained the esteem of a Portuguese lady, whpm he married, fixed his residence in Lisbon. This alli ance, instead of detaching him from a sea-faring life, contributed to enlarge the sphere of his naval knowledge, and to excite a desire of extending it still further. His wife was a daughter of Bartho lomew Perestrello, one of the captains employed by Prince Henry in his early navigations, and who, un der his protection, had discovered and planted the '' Life of Columbus, c. v. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 69 islands of Porto Santo and Madeira. Columbus book got possession of the journals and charts of this ^ ' experienced navigator ; and from them he learned the course which the Portuguese had held in makirig their discoveries, as well as the various circum stances which guided or encoutaged them iri their attempts. The study of these soothed arid Inflamed his favourite passion ; and while he contemplated the maps, and read the descriptions, of the new cotmtries which Perestrello had seen, his impa tience to visit thera becarae irresistible. In order to indulge it, he made a voyage to Madeira, and continued during several years to trade with that island, with the Cariaries, the Azores, the settle ments in Guinea, and all the other places which the Pottuguese had discovered- on the continent of Africa^. By the experience which Columbus acquired. The effects durinsr such a variety of voyages to almost every °f*''^'''. o ... . . discovenes part of the globe with Which at that time any in- upon him. tercourse was carried on by sea, he was now become orie of the most skilful navigators in Europe. But, not satisfied with that praise, his ambition aimed at something more. The successful progress of the Portuguese navigators had awakened a spirit pf curiosity and emulation, which set every raan of science upon examining all the circumstances that led to the discoveries which they had made, or that afforded a prospect of< succeeding in any new and bolder undertaking. The mind of Columbus, na turally inquisitive, capable of deep reflection, and •= Life of Goliimbus, c. iv. v. 70 HISTORY of AMEKICA- BOOK turned to speculations of this kind, was so often "• employed in revolving^ the principles upon which "^ the Portuguese had founded their sch«rnes of dis covery, and the mode on which they had carried them on, that he gradually began to form an idea pf iraproving upon their plan, and of accomplishr ing discoveries which fcitherto they had atterapted in vain. He fortns To find OUt a passage by sea to the East Indies, a'new^^*^ was the great'object in view at that period. From course to the time that the Portuguese doubled Cape de Verd, this was the point at which they aimed in all their navigations, and in comparison with it all their discoveries in Africa appeared infconsiderable. The fertility and riches of India had been known for raany ages : its spices and other valuable coramo-- dities were in high request throughout Europe, and the vast wealth of the Venetians, arising fronii their having engrossed this tr^de, had raised the envy of all nations. But how intent soever the Portuguese were upon discovering a new route tp those desirable regions, they searched for it only by steering towards the south, in hopes of arriving at India by turning to the east after they had sailed round the further extremity of Africa. This course was still unknown, and, even if discovered, was of such Immense length, that a Voyage from Europe to India must have appeared at that period an un^ dertaking extremely arduous, and of very uncertain issue. More than half a century had been employe^ in advancing from Cape Non to the equator ; a much longer space of time raight elapse befdre the ipore extensive navigation frorii that tp India could HISTORY OF AMERICA. 71 be accomplished. These reflections upon the un- BOOK certainty, the danger, and tediousness of the course '^' vvhich the Portuguese were pursuing, naturally led '^ Columbus to consider whether a shorter and more ' direct passage to the East Indies might not be found out. After revolving long and seriously every circumstance suggested by Jiis superior knowledge in the theory as well as practice of navigation ; after comparing attentively the observations of mo- derrf pilots with the hints and conjectures of ancient • authors, he at last concluded, that by sailing di rectly toward's the west, across the Atlantic Ocean, new countries, which probably formed a part of the great continent of India, must Infallibly be disco vered. Principles and arguments of various kinds, and The prin- derived frora different sources, induced hira to adopt ^j^|^^ ^? this opinion, seeraingly as chiraerlcal as It was new theory was and extraordinary. The spherical figure of the °"° ^ ' earth was known, and its magnitude ascertained with sorae degree of accuracy. From this It was evident, that the continents of Europe, Asia, and Africa, as far as they were known at that time, formed but a small portion ofthe terraqueous globe. It was suitable to our ideas concerning the wisdom and beneficence of the Author of Nature, to believe that the vast space still unexplored was not covered entirely by a waste unprofitable ocean, but occupied by countries fit for the habitation of man. It ap peared likewise extremely probable, that the conti nent on this side of' the globe was balanced by a proportional quantity of land in the other hemi sphere, These concltisions concerning the existence 72 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B o o K of another continent, drawn from the figure and ^^' structure of the globe, were confirmed by the ob- ^^""^ servatiQus and conjectures of modern navigators. A Portuguese pilot, having stretched further to the west than was usual at that time, took up a piece of timber artificially carved floating upon the sea ; and as it was driven ^towards hira by a westerly wind, he concluded that it came from some un known land situated in that quarter. Columbus's brother-in-law had found, to the west of the Ma deira isles, a piece of tiraber fashioned in the same manner, and brought by the same wind ; and had seen likewise canes of an enorraous size floating upon the waves, which reserabled those described by Ptoleray as productions peculiar to the East Indies^. After a course of westerly winds, trees , torn up by the roots were often driven upon the coasts of the Azores ; and at one tirae, the dead bodies of two men with singular features, resembling neither the inhabitants of Europe nor of Africa, . were cast ashore there. As the force of this united evidence, arising from theoretical principles and practical observations,. led Columbus to expect the discovery of new coun tries in the western ocean, other reasons induced him to believe that these must be connected with the continent of India. Though the ancients had hardly ever penetrated into India further than the banks of the Ganges, yet some Greek authors had ventured to describe the provinces beyond that river. As men are prone, and at liberty, to mag- ^ lib, i, c. 17. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 73 nify what is remote or unknown, they represented book them as regions of an immense extent. Ctesias af firmed that India was as large as all the rest of Asia. ^^^"^ Oneslcritus, whom Pliny the naturalist follows*, contended that it was equal to a third part of the habitable earth. Nearchus asserted, that it would take four months to march in a straight line from one extremity of India to the otherj The journal of Marco Polo, who had proceeded towards the East far beyond the limits to which any European had ever' advanced, seeraed to confirm these exag gerated accounts of the ancients. By his magni ficent descriptions of the kingdoms of Cathay and Cipango, and of many other countries the names of which were unknown in Europe, India appeared to be a region of vast extent. From these accounts, which, however defective, were the most accurate that the people of Europe had received at that pe riod with respect to the remote parts of the East, • Columbus drew a just conclusion. He contended that. In proportion as the continent of India stretched out towards the East, it raust, in consequence of the spherical figure of the earth, approach nearer to the islands which had lately been discovered to the west of Africa ; that the distance from the one to - the other was probably not very considerable ; and that.the most direct as well as shortest eourse to the remote regions of the East was to be found by sailing due West°. This notion conoernlng the vicinity of India to the western parts of our conti- <=Nat. Hist.lib.vi. c. 17. « Strab, Geogr, lib, xv. p. 101 1 , « See NOTE .Xll, 74 HISTORV OF AMERICA. book nent, was countenanced by some erainent writers ^' among the ancients, the sanction of whose autho- ^ rity was necessary, in that age, to procure a favour able reception to any tenet. Aristotle thought it probable that the Colurans of Hercules, or Straits of Gibraltar, were not far removed frora the East In dies, and that there might be a communication by sea between them''. Seneca, in terras still more explicit, affirms, that with a fair wind one raight sail ^rora Spain to India in a few days'. The fa mous Atlantic island described by Plato, and sup posed by many to be a real country, beyond which an unknown continent was situated, is represented by him as lying at no great distance from Spain. After weighing all these particulars, Coluriibus, In whose character the modesty and diffidence of true genius were united with the ardent enthusiasm of a projector, did not rest with such absolute assu rance either upon his ovvn arguments, or upon the authority of the ancients, as not to consult such of his contemporaries as were capable of cotnpreherid- ing the nature of the evidence which he produced in support of his opinion. As early as the year one thousand four hundred and seventy-four, he com municated his ideas concerning the probability of 'discovering new countries, by sailing westward,' to Paul, a physician of Florence eminent for his know ledge of cosmography, and who, from the learning as well as candour which he discovers in his reply, * Aristot. de Coelo, lib, ii. c. 14, edit. Du Val, Pai-. 1 629. vol. i. p. 472. ' Senec. Quaest. Natur, lib, i. in proem, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 75 appears to have been well entitled to the confidence book which Columbus placed in him. He warmly ap- "• proved of the plan, suggested several facts in con- ^'^'"'^ firmation of it, and encouraged Columbus to perse vere in an undertaking so laudable, and which must redound so rauch to the honour of his country and the benefit of Europe''. To a raind less capable of forming and of exe- His cuting great designs than that of Colurabus, all ^^|?^"^.y_ those reasonings and observations and authorities ing it into would have served only as the foundation of some ^^^^'^ ^ plausible and fruitless theory, which might have furnished matter for ingenious discourse or fanci ful conjecture, But with his sanguine and enter prising temper, - speculation led directly to action, Fully satisfied himself with respect to the truth of his system, he was in-patient to bring it to the test of experiment, and to set out upon a voyage of dis covery. The first step towards this was to secure the patronage of some of the considerable powers in Europe capable of undertaking such an enter prise. As long absence had not extinguished the affection which he bore to his native country, he wished that it should reap the fruits of his labours and invention. With this view, he laid his scheme ug applies beforethe Senate of Grenoa, and, making his country t° ^^^ Ge the first tender of his service, offered to sail under the banners of the republic in quest of the new re gions which he expected to discover, But Co lurabus had resided for so raany years in foreign parts, that his countrymen were unacquainted with "^ Life of Columbus, c. viii. 76' HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK his abilities and character ; and, though a maritime ^'' people, were so little accustomed to distant voyages, that they could form no just idea of the ptlriciples on which he founded his hopes of success. They, inconsiderately rejected his proposal, as the dreain of a chimerical projector, and lost for ever the op portunity of restoring their commonwealth tP its ancient splendpltr'. to the Having performed what was due to his country, Porfugal, Columbus was SO little discouraged by the repulse which be had received, that instead of relinquishing his undertaking he pursued it with fresh ardour. He made his next overture to John II. King of Por tugal, In whose dominions he had been long esta blished, and whora he considered, on that account, as having the second claira to his service. Here every circumstance seemed to promise him a more favourable reception : he applied to a monarch of an enterprising genius, no Incompetent judge in naval affairs, and proud of patronising every atterapt to discover new countries. His subjects were the most experienced navigators in Europe, and the least apt to be intimidated either by the novelty or bold ness of any maritime expedition. In Portugal, the professional skill of Columbus, as well as his per sonal good qualities, were thoroughly known : and aa the former rendered it probable that his scheme was not altogether visionary, the latter exempted him frora the suspicion of any sinister intention in proposing it. Accordingly, the King listened to . hira in the raost gracious raanner, and referred the ' Herrera Hisf . de las Indias Occid. dee, i, lib. i. c, vii. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 77 consideration of his plan to Diego Ortiz, bishop of b O O K Ceuta, and two Jewish physicians, erainent cosrao- ^^¦ graphers, whom he was accustoraed to consult In '"^"''^ matters of this kind. As in Genoa, ignorance had opposed and disappointed Columbus; in Lisbon, he had to combat with prejudice, an enemy no less for raidable. The persons according to whose deci sion bis scheme was to be adopted, or rejected, had been the chief directors of the Portuguese naviga tions, and had advised to search for a passage to India by steering a course directly opposite to that which Columbus recoramended as shorter and raore certain. They could not, therefore, approve of his proposal without subraitting to the double morti fication of condemning their own theory, and ac knowledging his superior sagacity. After teasing by whom hira with captious questions, and starting innurae- *'^.'« '^s- rable objections, with a view of betraying him into such a particular explanation of his systera as raight draw frora him a full discovery of its nature, they deferred passing a final judgment with respect to it. In the mean time they conspired to rob him of the honour and advantages which he expected from the success of his scheme, advising the King to dis patch a vessel secretly, in order to atterapt the pro posed Siscovery by following exactly the course which Columbus seemed to point out. John, for getting on this occasion the sentiments becoming a raonarch, raeanly adopted this perfidious counsel. But the pilot chosen to execute Colurabus's plan had neither the genius nor the fortitude pf Its author. Contrary winds arose, no sight of approaching land appeared, his courage failed, and he returned to Lis-- 78 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK bon, execrating the project as equally extravagant ,^ ^^' and dangerous"". He leaves Upou discovering this dishonourable transaction, Portugal, Columbus felt the indlenation natural to an Insre- and repairs ° to the court of Spain; sends his brotlierinto England. Obstacles to his suc cess in Spain, nuous mind, and in the warmth of his resentment deterrained to break pff all intercourse with a na tion capable of such flagrant treachery. He in stantly quitted the kingdom, and landed In Spain towards the close of the year one thousand four hun dred and eighty-four. As he v,'as now at liberty to court the protection of any patron whom he could engage to approve of his plan, and to carry it into execution, he resolved to propose it in person to Ferdinand and Isabella, who at that time governed the united kingdoras of Castile and Aragon. But as he had already experienced the uncertain Issue of application to kings and ministers, he took the precaution of sending into England his brother Bar tholomew, to whom he had fully coraraunicated his ideas, in order that he raight negotiate at the same time with Henry VIL, who was reputed one of the most sagacious as well as opulent Princes in Europe. It was not without reason that Colurabus enter tained doubts and fears with respect to the recep tion of his proposals in the Spanish court. Spain was at that juncture engaged in a dangerous war with Granada, the last of the Moorish kingdbm s in that country. The wary and suspicious temper of Ferdinand was not formed to relish bold or uncom mon designs. Isabella, though more generous and enterprising, was under the influence of her hus- "¦ Life of ColumbuSj c, xi. Herrera, dec, 1 . lib. i. c. 7. HISTORY OF AMEHICA. 79 band in all her actions. The Spaniards had hither- book to made no efforts to extend navigation beyond Its ''• ancient limits, and had beheld the amazing progress "^ of discovery among their neighboms the Portuguese without one attempt to imitate or to rival them. The war with the Infidels afforded an araple field to the national activity and love of glory. Under cir cumstances so unfavourable, it was impossible for Columbus to raake rapid progress with a nation naturally slow and dilatory in forraing all its reso lutions. His character, however, was adrairably adapted to that of the people whose confidence and protection he solicited. He was grave, though cour teous in his deportraent ; circuraspect in his words and actions. Irreproachable in his raorals, and ex eraplary in his attention to all the duties and func tions of religion. By qualities so respectable, he not only gained raany private friends, but acquired such general esteem, that, notwithstanding the plainness of his appearance, suitable to the medio crity of his fortune, he was not considered as a mere adventurer, to whom indigence had suggested a vi sionary project, but was received as a person to whose propositions serious attention was due. Ferdinand and Isabella, though fully occupied j^j^, by their operations against the Moors, paid so much scheme regard to Columbus, as to rerait the consideration by*i^'"ifii. of his plan to the Queen's confessor, Ferdinand de f«iju(ige-s Talavera. He consulted such of his countryraen as were supposed best qualified ^to decide witfi re spect to a subject of this kind. But true science had hitherto made so little progress in Spain, that the pretended philosophers, selected to judge in a matter 80 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B o O K of such moment, did not comprehend the first ^^ ''¦ principles upon which Columbus founded his con- ^"^^^^"^ jectures and hopes. Some of them, from mistaken notions concerning the dimensions of the globe, contended that a voyage to those remote partg of the east which Colurabus expected to discover. Could not be perforraed in less than three years. Others concluded, that either he would find the ocean to be of infinite extent, according to the opinion of sorae ancient philosophers ; or, if he should persist in steering towards the west beyond a certain point, that the convex figure of the globe would prevent his return, and that he must inevi tably perish in the vain attempt to open a comrau nication between the two opposite heraispheres, which nature had for ever disjoined. Even without deigning to enter into any particular discussion, raany rejected the scherae in general, upon the credit of a maxira, under which the ignorant and unenterprising shelter themselves in every age, " That it is presumptuous in any person, to sup pose that he alone possesses knowledge superior to all the rest of mankind united." They maintained, that if there were really any such countries as Co lumbus pretended, they could not have remained so long concealed, nor would the wisdom and sa gacity of former ages have left the glory of this in- vention to an obscure Genoese pilot. who made It required all Columbus's patience and address vourabte ^^ negotiate with men capable of advancing such report strange propositions. He had to contend not only ing it. " with the obstinacy of ignorance, but with what is • still more intractable, the pride of false. knowledge. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 81 After innuraerable conferences, and wasting five book years in fruitless endeavours to inform and to sa- ^^^ tisfy judges so little capable of deciding with pro- '"'"'^^ priety, Talavera at last made such an unfavourable report to Ferdinand and Isabella, as induced them to acquaint Colurabus, that until the war with the Moors should be brought to a period it would be imprudent to engage in any new and extensive en terprise. Whatever care was taken to often the harshness of this declaration, Colurabus considered it as a final rejection of his proposals. But, happily for raan kind, that superiority of genius, which is capable of forraing great and uncoramon designs, is usually accompanied with an ardent enthusiasm, which can neither be cooled by delays nor damped by disap pointment. Colurabus was of this sanguine tem per. Though he felt deeply the cruel blow given to his hopes, and retired iraraediately from a court where he had been amused so long with vain ex pectations, his confidence in the justness of his own system did not dirainish, and his impatience to de monstrate the truth of it by an actual experiraent bearae greater than ever. Having courted the pro tection of sovereign states without success, he ap plied next to persons of inferior rank, and addressed successively the Dukes of Medina Sidonia and Me dina Celi, who, though subjects, were possessed of power and opulence more than equal to the enter prise which he projected. His negotiations with them proved as fj-uitless as those in which he had been hitherto engaged ; for these noblemen were either as little convinced by Colurabus's arguraents VOL. X. o 82 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B O O K as their superiors, or they were afraid of alarming "• the jealousy and offending the pride of Ferdinand, "^ by countenancing a scherae which he had re jected". Negotia- Araid the painful sensations occasioned by such brotber'i'n a succcssion of disappointments, Colurabus had to England, sustain the additional distress of having received no accounts of his brother, whora he had sent to the court of England. In his voyage to that country, Bartholomew had been so unfortunate as to fall into the hands of pirates, who having stripped him of every thing detained him a prisoner for several years. At length he raade his escape, and arrived in London, but in such extreme indigence, that he was obliged to employ himself, during a consider able time, in drawing and selling maps, in order to pick up as much money as would purchase a decent dresS, in which he might venture to appear at court. He then laid before the King the propo sals with which he had been intrusted by his bro ther ; and notwithstanding Henry's excessive cau tion and parsimony, which rendered him averse to new or extensive undertakings, he received Co lumbus's overtures with more approbation than any monarch to whom they had hitherto been pre sented. Columbus Meanwhile, Columbus being unacquainted with prosp°e'rts ^^^ brother's fate, and having now no prospect of of en- encouragement in Spain, resolved to visit the court mentfn' ^^ England in person, in hopes of meeting with a Spain ; more favourable reception there. He had already " Life of Columb. c. 13, Herrera, dec. 1. lib. i. c. 7, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 83 made preparations for this purpose, and taken raea- BOOK sures for the disposal of his children during his ^^ "_, absence, when Juan Perez, the guardian ofthe mo nastery of Rabida, near Palps, in vvhich they had been educated, earnestly solicited him to defer his journey for a short time. Perez was a man of con siderable learning, and of some credit with Queen Isabella, to whom he was known personally. He was warmly attached to Columbus, with whose abilities as well as integrity he had many opportu nities of being acquainted. Prompted by curiosity or by friendship, he entered ,upon an accurate ex amination of his system, in conjunction with a phy sician settled in the neighbourhood, who was a con siderable proficient in matheraatical knowledge. This investigation satisfied thera so thoroughly, with respect to the solidity of the principles on which Colurabus founded his opinion, and the probability of success in executing the plan which he proposed, that Perez, In order to prevent his country frora being deprived of the glory and benefit which raust accrue to the patrons of such a grand enterprise, ventured to write to Isabella, conjuring her to con sider the raatter anew with the attention which It raerited. Moved by the representations of a person whom she respected, Isabella desired Perez to repair ira raediately to the village of Santa Fe, in which, on account of the siege of Granada, the court resided at that tirae, that she raight confer with him upon this iraportant subject. The first effect of their in terview was a gracious invitation of Columbus back to court, accompanied with the present of a small g2 84 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK sum to equip him for the journey. As there was ^i- now a certain pi'ospect that'the war with the Moors ^^"'^ would speedily be brought to an happy issue by the reduction of Granada, .which would leave the nation at liberty to engage in new undertakings ; this, as well as the mark of royal favour, with which Columbus had been lately honoured, encouraged his friends to^appear with greater confidence than formerly in support of his scheme. The chief of tbese, Alonso de Quintanilla, comptroller of the finances in Castile, and Luis deSantangel, receiver of the ecclesiastical revenues in Aragon, whose meritorious zeal in promoting this great design en titles their naraes to an honourable place in history, introduced Colurabus to raany persons of high rank, and Interested thera warmly in his behalf. is again But It was not an easy raatter to inspire Ferdi- pointed- naud with favourable scntlracnts. He still regarded Columbus's project as extravagant and chimerical ; and In order to render the efforts of bis partisans ineffectual, he had the address to eraploy, in this new negotiation with him, sorae of the persons who had forraerly pronounced his scheme to be im,prac- tlcable. To their astonishraent, Colurabus appeared before thera with the same confident hopes of suc cess as formerly, and insisted upon the sarae high recorapense. He proposed that a sraall fleet should be fitted out, under his coraraand, to atterapt the discovery, and deraanded to. be appointed here ditary admiral and viceroy of all the seas and lands which he should discover, and to have the tenths of the profits arising frora them settled irrevocably upon himself and his descendants. At the same HISTORY OF AMERICA. 85 time, he offered to advance the eighth part of the book sum necessary for accompUshing 'his design, on ,^ ^^' ^ c'ondition that he should be entitled to a propor- ^^ tional share of benefit from the adventure. If the .enterprise should totally miscarry, he made no stipulation for any reward or eraolument whatever. Instead of viewing this conduct as the clearest evi dence of his full persuasion with respect to the truth of his own system, or being struck with that mag nanimity which, after so many delays and repulses, would stoop to nothing inferior to its original claims,^ the peisons with whom Columbus treated began meanly to calculate the expense of the expedition, and the value of the reward which he demanded. The expense, moderate as It was, they represented to be too great fbr Spain in the present exhausted state of its finances. They contended that the honours and emoluraents claimed by Columbus were exorbitant, even If he should perform the ut most of what he had promised ; and if all his san guine hopes should prove illusive, such vast con cessions to an adventurer would be deemed not only inconsiderate, but ridiculous. In this imposing garb of caution and prudence, their opinion ap peared so plausible, and was so warmly supported by Ferdinand, that Isabella declined giving any countenance to Columbus, and abruptly broke off the negotiation with him which she had begun. This was more raortifying to Columbus than all the . disappointments which he had hitherto met with. The invitation to court from Isabella, like an unexpected ray of light, had opened such pro spects of success as encouraged him to hope that 86 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B o o K his labours were at an end ; but now darkness and ¦ uncertainty returned, and his mind, firra as it was, could haVdly support the shock of such an unfore seen reverse. He withdrew in deep anguish frora court, with an Intention of prosecuting his voyage to England as his last resource. proves at About that time Granada surrendered, and Ferdl- cessful. nand and Isabella, in triumphal pomp, took pos- , o session of a city the reduction of which extirpated January Z, -l ... a foreign power from the heart of their dominions, ¦i> and rendered them masters of all the provinces ex tending from the bottom of the Pyrenees to the frontiers of Portugal. As the flow of spirits which accompanies success elevates the mind, and renders it enterprising, Quintanilla and Santangel, the vigilant and discerning patrons of Columbus, took advantage of this favourable situation, in order to make one effort more in behalf of their friend. They addressed themselves to Isabella; and after expressing some surprise, that she, who had always been the munificent patroness of generous under takings, should hesitate so long to countenance the most splendid scheme that had ever been pro posed to any monarch, they represented to her, that Columbus was a man of a sound understanding and virtuous character, well qualified, by his expe rience in navigation, as well as his kriowledge of geometry, to form just ideas with respect to the structure of the globe and the situation of Its various regions ; that, by offering to risk his own life and fortune in the execution of his scheme, he gave the most satisfying evidence both of his integrity and hope of success ; that the sum requisite fpr equip- HISTORY OF AMERICA. 87 ping such an armaraent as he demanded was incon- book siderable, and the advantages which might accrue ^^^ frora his undertaking were immense ; that he de- 14^/ manded no recompense for his invention and labour, but what was to arise from the countries which he should discover; that, as it was worthy of her mag nanimity to make this noble attempt to extend the sphere of human knowledge, and to open an inter course with regions hitherto unknown, so it would afford the highest satisfaction to her piety and zeal, after re-establishing the Christian faith in those provinces of Spain from which it had been long banished, to discover a new world, to v.'hich she might communicate the light and blessings of di vine truth ; that If now she did not decide instantly, the opportunity would be irretrievably lost ; that Columbus was on his way to foreign countries, where some prince, more fortunate or adventurous, would close with his proposals, and Spain would for ever bewail that fatal timidity which had excluded her frora the glory and advantages that she had once in her power to have enjoyed. These forcible arguraents, urged by persons of such authority, and at a juncture so well chosen, pro duced the desired effect. They dispelled all Isa bella's doubts and fears ; she ordered Columbus to be instantly recalled, declared her resolution of em ploying him on his own terms, and, regretting the low estate of her finances, generously offered to pledge her own jewels in order to raise as much raoney as raight be needed In raaking preparations for the voyage. Santangel, in a transport of gra titude, kissed the Queen's hand, and, in order to . 88 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK save her from having recourse to such a niortifyirig ,^ ^^' expedient for procuring money, engaged to advance ]492. immediately the sum that was requisite". The condi- Coluinbus had proceeded sorae leagues on his agreement joumey, when the raessenger frora Isabella overtook ^'"! him. Upon receiving an account of the unexpect ed resolution in his favour, he returned directly to Santa Fe, though sorae remainder of diffidence still mingled itself with his joy. But the cordial re ception which he met with frora Isabella, together with the near prospect of "setting out upon that voyage which had so long been the object of his thoughts and wishes, soon effaced the reraerabrance of all that he had suffered in Spain during eight tedious years of solicitation and suspense. The ne gotiation now went forward with facility and dis patch, and a treaty or capitulation with Colurabus was signed on the seventeenth of April, one thou sand four hundred and ninety-two. The chief ar ticles of it were: — 1. Ferdinand and Isabella, as sovereigns of the ocean, constituted Colurabus their high adrairal in all tbe seas, islands, and continents, which should be discovered by his industry ; and stipulated that he and his heirs for ever should en joy this oifice, with the same powers and preroga tives which belonged to the high admiral of Castile within the liraits of his jurisdiction. 2. They ap pointed Colurabus their viceroy in alf the islands and continents which he should discover ; but if, for the better administration of affairs, it should hereafter be necessary to establish a separate gover- " Herrera, dec. 1, lib. i. c. 8. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 89 nor in any of those countries, they authorized Co- book lumbus to name three persons, of whora they would ^^ ^'' choose one for that office ; and the dignity of vice- 1492*^ roy, with all its iraraunities, was likewise to be he reditary in the family of Colurabus. 3. They grant ed to Colurabus and his heirs for ever, the tenth of the free profits accruing from the productions and commerce of the countries which he, should disco ver. 4. They declared, that if any controversy or law-suit shall arise with respect to any raercantile transaction in the countries which should be dis covered, it should be deterrained by the sole autho rity of Colurabus, or of judges to be appointed by him. 5. They permitted Colurabus to advance one-eighth part of what should be expended in pre paring for the expedition, and In carrying on cora raerce with the countries which he should discover, and entitled him, in return, to an eighth part of the profit P. Though the name of Ferdinand appears con joined with that of Isabella In this transaction, his distrust of Columbus was still so violent that he re fused to take any part in the enterprise as King of , Aragon. As the whole expense of the expedition , was to be defrayed by the crown of Castile, Isabella reserved for her subjects of that kingdora an exclu sive right to all the benefits which raight redound from its success. As soon as the treaty was signed, Isabella, by her The prepa- attention and activity In forwarding the preparations i,^*'°"ya°e for the voyage, endeavoured to make some repara- f Life of Columbus, c, 15, Herrera, dec. 1 , lib. i, c. 9. 90 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK tion tb Colurabus for the tirae which he had lost in ^ ^^ ¦ fruitless sohcitation. By the twelfth of May, all 1492 that depended upon her was adjusted ; and Colum bus waited on the King and Queen in order to re ceive their final instructions. Every thirig respect ing the destination and conduct of the voyage they comraitted implicitly to the disposal of his prudence. But that they might avoid giving any just cause of offence to the King of Portugal, they strictly en joined him not to approach near to the Portuguese settlem.ents on the coast of Guinea, or In any of the other countries to which the Portuguese claira ed right as discoverers. Isabella had ordered the ships of which Columbus was to take the command to be fitted out in the port of Palos, a small mari time town In the province of Andalusia. As the guardian Juan Perez, to whora Columbus had al ready been so much indebted, resided in the neigh bourhood of this place, he, by the influence of that good ecclesiastic, as well as by his own connexion with the Inhabitants, not only raised among thera what he wanted of the sum that he was bound by treaty to advance, but engaged several of them to accompany him in the voyage. The chief of these associates were three brothers of the name of Pin- zon, of considerable wealth, and of great experience in naval affairs, who were willing to hazard their lives and fortunes in the expedition. But after all the efforts of Isabella and Columbus, the armament was not suitable either to the dig nity of the nation by which it was eqtiipped,' or to the importance of the service for which it was de stined. It consisted of three vessels. The largest. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 91 a ship of no considerable burden, was comraanded book by Colurabus, as adrairal, who gave it the name of "• Santa Maria, out of respect for the Blessed Vir- 1^2"^ gin, whom he honoured with singular devotion; Of the second, called the Pinta, Martin Pinzon was captain, and his brother Francis pilot. The third, naraed the Nigna, was under the command of Vincent Yanez Pinzon, These two were light vessels hardly superior In burden or force to large boats. The squadron, if it raerits that name, was victualled for twelve months, and had on board ninety raen, raostly sailors, together with a few ad venturers who followed the fortune of Columbus, and some gentlemen of Isabella's court, whom she appointed to accompany him. Though the ex pense of the undertaking was one of the circum stances which chiefly alarmed the court of Spain, and retarded so long the negotiation with Colum bus, the sum employed in fitting out this squadron did not exceed four thousand pounds. As the art of ship-building in the fifteenth cen tury was extreraely rude, and the bulk of vessels was accommodated to the short and easy voyages along the coast which they were accustomed to per form, it is a proof of the courage as well as enter prising genius of Colurabus, that he ventured, with a fleet so unfit for a distant navigation, to explore unknown seas, where hehad no chart to guide him, no knowledge of the tides and currents, and no ex perience of the dangers to which he might be ex posed. His eagerness to accomplish the great de sign which had so long engrossed his thoughts, made him overlook or disregard every circum- 92 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK Stance that would have intiraidated a raind less ad- ^^ ' venturous. He pushed forward the preparations 1492, with such ardour, and was seconded so effectually ^ by the persons to \vliom Isabella committed the su perintendence of this business, tbat every thing was soon in readiness for the voyage. But as Colum bus was deeply impressed with sentiraents of reli- • gion, he would not set out upon an expedition so arduous, and of which one great objeet was to ex tend the knowledge of the Christian faith, without imploring publicly the, guidance and protection of Heaven. With this view, he, together with all the persons under his command, raarched In soleran ' procession to the raonastery of Rabida. After con fessing their sins, and obtaining absolution, they received the holy sacraraent from the hands of the guardian, who joined his prayers to theirs for the success of an enterprise which he had so zealously patronised. His depar- N^xt morning, being Friday the third day of Au- Spain!'"" g"st. In the year one thousand four hundred and ninety-two, Columbus set sail, a little before sun rise. In presence of a vast crowd of spectators, whp sent up their supplications to Heaven for the pro sperous issue of the voyage, which they wished ra- Augustis ther than expected. Colurabus steered directly for the Canary Islands, and arrived there without any occurrence that would have deserved notice on any other occasion. But, in a voyage of such expecta tion and iraportance, every circurastance was the object of attention. The rudder of the Pinta broke loose the day after she left the harbour ; and that accident alarmed the crew, no less superstitious HISTORY OF AMERICA. 93 than unskilful, as a certain oraen of the unfortunate BOOK destiny of the expedition. Even inthe short, run ''* to the Canaries, the ships were found to be so crazy J492. and ill-appointed, as to be veryiraproper for a na vigation which was expected to be both long and dangerous. Colurabus refitted thera, however, to the best of his power ; and having supplied hiraself with fresh provisions, he took his departure from Gomera, one of the most westerly of the Canary Islands, on the sixth *day of ^September. Here the voyage of discovery raay properly be The course said to begin ; for Columbus, holdlijg his course heW. due west, left Imraediately the usual track of- navi gation, andstretched into uniffequented and unknown ' seas. The first day, as It was very calm, he made but little way ; but on the second he lost sight of the Canaj'ies ; and raany of the sailor^, dejected already and disraayed, when they conteraplated the boldness of the undertaking, began to beat their breasts, and to shed tears, as If they were never more to behold land. Columbus coraforted thera with assurances of success, and the prospect of vast wealth. In those opulent regions whither he was conducting thera. This early discovery of the spirit of his followers taught Columbus, that he must prepare to struggle not only with the un avoidable difficulties which might be expected from the nature of his undertaking, but with such as were likely to arise frora the ignorance and tlraidity of the people under his coramand ; and he perceived that the art of governing the rainds of raen would be no less requisite for accoraplishing the disco veries which he had in view, than naval skill and 94 HISTORY OJ AMERICA. BOOK undaunted courage. Happily for himself, and fpr "¦ the cpuntry by which he was employed, he joined 1^2 t*' *h^ ardent temper and inventive genius of a pro jector, virtues of another species, which are rarely united with thera. He possessed a thorough know ledge of mankind, an insinuating address, a patient perseverance in executing any plan, the perfect go vernraent of his own passions, and the talent of ac quiring an ascendant over those of other men. AU these qualities, which formed him for coraraand, were accorapanied with that superior knowledge of his profession, which begets confidence in tiraes of Vigilance difficulty and danger. To unskilful Spanish sailors, tion of accustomed only to coasting voyages In the Medi- Coiumbus. tgj.,.anean, the raaritime science of Columbus, the fruit of thirty years' experience. Improved by an ac quaintance with all the inventions of the Portu guese, appeared imraense. As soon as they put to sea, he regulated every thing by his sole authprity ; he superintended the execution of every order ; and allowing himself only a few hours for sleep, he was at all other tiraes upon deck. As his course lay through seas which had not formerly been visited, the sounding-line, or instruments for observation, were continually in his hands. After the example of the Portuguese discoverers, he attended to the motion of tides and currents, watched the flight of birds, the appearance of fishes, of sea-weeds, and of every thing that floated on the waves, and en tered every occurrence, with a minute exactness, in the journal which he kept. As the length of the voyage could not fail of alarming sailors habi tuated only to short excursions, Colurabus endea- HISTORY OF AMERICA. 95 voured to conceal from thera the real progress book which they raade. With this view, though they ^ "' run eighteen leagues on the second day after they i492~^ left Gomera, he gave out that they had advanced only fifteen, and he uniformly eraployed the same artifice of reckoning short during the whole voyage. By the fourteenth of Septeraber the fleet was above two hundred leagues to the west of the Canary Isles, at a greater distance frora land than any Spa niard had been before that time. There they were Apprehea- struck with an appearance no less astonishing than aiarms"o^f new. They observed that the raagnetic needle, in his crew. their corapasses, did not point exactly to the polar star, but varied towards the west ; and as they pro ceeded, this variation increased. This appearance, which is now familiar, though it still remains one of the mysteries of nature, into the cause of which the sagacity of man hath not been able to penetrate, filled the corapanions of Colurabus with terror. They were now in a boundless and unknown ocean, far frora the usual course of navigation ; nature It self seemed to be altered, and the. only guide which they had left was about to fail them. Columbus, with no less quickness than ingenuity, invented a reason for this appearance, which, though it did not satisfy himself, seemed so plausible to thera, that it dispelled their fears, or silenced their murraurs. He still continued to steer due west, nearly in the sarae latitude with the Canary Islands. In this course he came within the sphere of the trade wind, which blows invariably from east to west, betweeri the tropics and a few degrees beyond them. He advanced before this steady gale with such uniform 96 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK rapidity, that it was seldom necessary to shift a sail. ^^ ^^- When about four hundred leagues to the west of 1492. the Canaries, he found the sea so covered with weeds, that it reserabled a raeadow of vast extent, and in sorae places they were so thick as to retard the motion of the vessels. This strange appearance occasioned new alarm and disquiet. The sailors iraagined that they were now arrived at the utmost boundary of the navigable ocean ; that these float-. ing weeds would obstruct their further progress, and concealed dangerous rocks, or some large tract of land, which had sunk, they knew not how, in, that place. Colurabus endeavoured to persuade thera, that what had alarmed, ought rather to have encouraged thera, and was to be considered as a sign of approaching land. At the sarae tirae, a brisk gale arose, and carried them forward. Several birds were seen hovering about the ship'', and di rected their flight towards the west. The despond ing crew resumed sorae degree of spirit, and began to entertain fresh hopes. These in- Upon the first of October they were, according to the admiral's reckoning, seven hundred and se venty leagues to the west of the Canaries ; but lest his raen should be intiraidated by the prodigious length of the navigation, he gave out that they had proceeded only five hundred and eighty-four leagues ; and, fortunately for Colurabus, neither his own pi lot, nor those of the other ships, had skill sufficient to correct this error, and discover the deceit. They had now been above three weeks at sea ; they had 1 See NOTE Xlll, crease. HISTORY OF AMERICA, 97 proceeded far beyond what forraer navigators had book - attempted or deeraed possible; all their prognos- '^' tics of discovery, drawn frora the flight of birds and 1^2^ other circurastances, had proved fallacious ; the ap pearances of land, with which their own credulity or the artifice of their coraraander had from tirae to tirae flattered and araused thera, had been alto gether illiisive, and their prospect of success seemed *now to be as distant as ever. These reflections oc curred often to men who had no other object or occupation than to reason and discourse concerning the intention and circumstances of their expedition. They raade impression at first upon the Ignorant and titnid, and, extending by degrees to such as were better informed or more resolute, the contagion spread at length from ship to ship. From secret whispers or raurraurings, they procfeeded to open cabals and public coraplaints. They taxed their sovereign with inconsiderate credulity, in ' paying such regard to the vain proraises and rash conjec tures of an indigent foreigner, as to hazard the lives of so niany of her own subjects in prosecuting a chiijiericai scherae. They affirraed that they had fully perforraed their duty, by venturing so far in an unknown and hopeless course, and could incur no blame for refusing to follow any longer a de sperate adventurer to certain destruction. They contended, that it was rieCessary to think of re turning to Spain, while their' crazy vessels were still in a condition to keep the sea, but expressed their fears that the attempt would prove vain, as the wind, which had hitherto been so favourable to their course, must render it impossible to sail in the VOL. I. H 98 HISTORY OP AMERICA. BOOK opposite dli'eetioti. All agreed that Columbus ^' should be compelled by force to adopt a measure 1492. on which their coinmon safety depended. Some of the more audacious proposed, as the raosfc ex peditious and certain method for getting rid at once of his remonstrances, to throw him into the sea, being persuaded that,, upon their return to Spain, the death of an unsuccessful projector would excite little concern, and be inquired into with no curiosity. The adr Columbus was fully sensible of his perilous situa- Columbus tion. He had observed, with great uneasiness, tbe m soothing fatal operation of Ignorance and of fear in produ cing disaffection among his crew, and saw that it was now ready to burst out into open mutiny. He re tained, however, perfect presence of mind. He af fected to seem ignorant of their machinations. JSf otwithstanding the agitation and solicitude of his own mind, he appeared with a cheerful countenance, like a man satisfied with the progress he had made, and confident of success. Sometiraes he employed all the art* of insinuation, to soothe his men. -Sometimes he endeavoured to work upon their am bition or avarice, by raagnificent descriptions of the fame and wealth which they were about to acquire. On other occasions, he assumed a tone of authority, and threatened them with vengeance from their so vereign, if, byjtheir dastardly behaviour, they should dfcfeat this noble effort to promote the gloiy of God, and to exalt the Spanish name above that of every other nation. Even with seditious sailors, the words of a man whom they had been accustoraed to re verence, were weighty and persuasive, and not only HISTORY OF AMERICA. 99 restrained them frprri those violent excesses which BOOK they meditated, bilt prevailed With them to accoith- . "• pany their adrairal for sorae time longer; 149^ As they proceeded, the indications of approach ing land seertied tP be riiore certain, and elicited hope In proportion. The birds began to appear in flocks, making towards the south-west. Columbus, ift iraitation of the Portuguese navigators, who had been guided, in several of their discoveries, by the raotion of birds, altered his course from due we^t towards that quarter whither they pointed their flight, Brit,' after holdirig on for several days in this new direction, without any better success than formerly, havirig seen rio object, during thirty days, but the sea and the sky, the hopeS of "his compa nions subsided faster than they had' riseri ; their their ff ars fears revived with additional force ; impatierice, '¦^'^"¦'i- rage, and despair, appeared in ev^ry countenance. All sense of subordination was lo^t : the officers, Danger ot who had hitherto concurred with Columbus in ppl- ^"'"''"V- nion, and supported his authority, riow took part with the private irien ; they assembled tumultuously on the deck, expostrila'ted with their conimartder, mingled threats with their eslpostulations, and re quired him instantly to' tack about and tb returri to Europe. Columbus perceived that it would be of no avail to have recourse to any of his former arts, which having been tried sB often had lost their ef fect; and that it Was impossible fb rekindle any zeal for the success of the expeditiori ariiong rrieii in whose breaSts fear had extinguished' eVery gene rous sentiment. He saw that It was no less vain Distress of to think of employing either gentle or s'Cv^re mea- Columbus. n 2 100 HISTORY OF AMEUICA. BOOK sures to quell a mutiny so general and so violent; ^ ' It was necessary, on all these accounts, to soothe 1492. passions which he could no longer cornmand, and to give wayloatorrent too impetuous to be checked. He proraised solemnly to his men that he would coraply with their request, provided they would ac company him, and obey his command for three days longer, and if, during that time, land were not discovered, he would then abandon the enterprise, and direct his course towards Spain ^ Encou- Enraged as the sailors were, and irapatient to p^ara^ces" t"!'" their facesagaln towards their native country, •of success, this proposition did not appear to thera unreason able. Nor did Columbus hazard much in confin ing himselfto a terra so short. The presages of discovering land were now so nuraerous and pro mising, that he deemed them Infallible. For some days the sounding line reached the bottom, and the soil which it brought up indicated land to be at no great distance. The flocks of birds increased, and were coraposed not only of sea-fowl, but of such land birds as could not be supposed to fly far from the shore. The crew of the Pinta observed a cane floating, which seemed to have been newly cut, and likewise a piece of tiraber artificially carved. The sailors aboard the Nigna took up the branch of a tree with red berries, perfectly fresh. The clouds around the setting sun assuraed a new appearance ; the air was more mild and warra, and during night the wind becarae unequaland variable. From all these syraptoms, Columbus was so confident of ' Oviedo, Hist. ap. Ramus, vol. iii. p. 81. E. HISTORV OF AMERICA, ]()! being near land, that on the evening of the eleventh book of October, after public prayers for success, he "¦ ordered the sails to be furled, and the ships to lie j^gj^ to, keeping strict watch, lest they should be driven ashore in the night. During this Interval of sus pense and expectation, no man shut his eyes, all kept uppn deck, gazing intently towards that quar ter where they expected to discover the land, which had been so long the object of their wishes. About two hours before midnight, Columbus, Land dis. standing on the forecastle, observed a light at a di- '^''^^''*'^' stance, and privately pointed it out to Pedro Gut- tierez, a page of the Queen's wardrobe. Guttierez perceived it, and calling to Salcedo, coipptroller of the fleet, all three saw it in motion, as if it were carried from place to place. A little after raidnight the joyful sound of land! land! was heard from the Pinta, which kept always a-head of the other ships. But, having been so often deceived by fal lacious appearances, every man was now become slow of belief, and waited in all the anguish of un certainty and impatience for the return of day. As Friday, soon as morning dawned, all doubts and fears were ' dispelled. From every ship an Island was seen about two leagues to the north, whose flat and ver dant fields, well stored with wood, and watered with raany rivulets, presented the aspect of a delightful Country. The crew of the Pinta instantly began the Te Dewn, as a^hyran of thanksgiving to God, and were joined by those of the other ships, with tears of joy and transports of congratulation. This office of gratitude to Heaven was followed by an act of justice to their commander. They threw 103 HISTORV OF AMERICA. BOOK themselves at the feet of Cplumbus, with feelings (^ ^j' I pf self-cpndemnatipn raingle^^yltb reverence- They 1492. implpred hira to pardon their ignprance, incredulity, and insplence, which had created hira so much uut necessary disquiet, and had so often obstruptejj the prosecution of hi? yyell-concerted plan ; and pass ing, in the y^'armth pf their adrairation, frorn one ejjtrerae to another, they now prpnounced the raan, whora they had so lately reviled and threatened, to be a person inspired by IJeaven vvith sagacity and fortitu4c*more than human, in order to accoraplish a design so far beyond the ideafe and ppnceptipn pf all former ages. First in- As SOOU as the SUU ai'ose, all their boats were whh the '?''^nne4 and armed. They rowed towards the island natives, vifith their colours displayed, with warlijie music, and other raartial pomp. As they approached tl^e coast, they se^w it covered with a raultitude of peo? pie, whom the novelty pf the spectacle h£id drawn together, w]iose attitudes and gestures expressed wonder and astonishment at the strange objects which presented themselves to their view. Colura- btis was the first European who set foot in thel'^evy World which he had discovered t He landecl in a rich dress, and witha nake4 sword in his h^nd, His men followed, and kneeling down, they all liissed the ground which they had so long desired to see. They next erected a crucifix, and pro-; strating tliemselves befpre il, retyrned thanks to God for conducting their voyage to such an h.i^ppy issue. They then tpok solemn possession of the country for the crown of Castile and Leon, with a,U lhe fofmafities which the Portuguese were accus? HISTORY OF AMERICA, 103 tomed to observe in acts of this kind, In their new book discoveries', ^^ ^^ ^ Tbe Spaniards, while thus employed, were sur- 1492. rounded by many of the natives, who gazed in^'^^^Jt""" silent admiration upon actions which they could nishment. not comprehend, and of which they did not foresee the consequences. The dress ofthe Spaniards, the whiteness of their skins, their beards, their arras, appeared strange and surprising. The vast raa chines in which they had traversed the ocean, that seemed to mbve upon the waters, with wings, and uttered a dreadful sound reserabling thunder, ac companied with lightning and smoke, struck them with such terror, that they began to respect their new guests as a superior order of beings, and con cluded that they were children of the Sun, who had descended to visit the, earth. The Europeans were hardly less amazed at the scene now before them. Every herb, and shrub, and tree, was different from those which flourished in Europe. The soil seemed to be rich, but bore few marks of Gultivatlon. The climate, even to the Spaniards, felt warm, though extremely delightful. The inhabitants appeared in the simple Innocence of nature, entirely naked. Their black hair, long and uncurled, floated upon their shoulders, or was bound in tresses aj'ound their heads. They had no beards, and every part pf their bodies was perfectly smooth. Their coraplexion was of a dusky copper colour, their features singular, rather than disagree- •- Life of Columbusi c. 22, 23. Herrera, dec, 1. lib, i. e. 13. 104 HISrOUY OF AMERICA. BOOK able, their aspect gentle and tiraid. Thougb not V '.^ tall, they Were well shaped and active. Their faces, 1492. and several parts of their body, were fantastically . painted with glaring colours. They were shy at first through fear, but soon becarae familiar with the Spaniards, and with transports of joy received from them hawksbells, glass beads, or other bau- bles,'in return for which they gave such provisions as they had, and sorae cotton yarn, the only com modity of value that they could produce. Totvards evening, Columbus returned to hls*ship, accom panied by many of the islanders in their boats, which they called canoes, and though rudely forraed out of the trunk of a single tree, they rowed them with surprising dexterity. Thus, in the first inter view between the inhabitants of the old and new worlds, every thing was conducted aralcably, and to their rautual satisfaction. The former, enlight ened and ambitious, formed already vast ideas with respect to the advantages which they might derive from the regions that began to open to their view. The latter, simple and undiscerning, had no fpre sight of the calamities and desolation, which were approaching their country. Columbus Columbus, who now assumed the title and au- ThTtTtie'of^ho^ty of Admiral and Viceroy, called the island Admiral which he had discovered San Salvador. It Is roy; "^^' better known by the name of Guanahani, which the natives gave to it, and is one of that large clus ter of islands called the Lucaya or Bahama isles. It is situated above three thousand railes to the west of Gomera, frora which the squadron tpok its HISTORY OF AMEiiICA, 10,5 departure, and only four degrees to the soutli of It ; b O o K so little had Colurabus deviated frora the westerly y^'"^ course, which he had chosen as the raost proper. 1492. Colurabus employed the next day In visiting the proceeds coasts ofthe island ; and frora the universal poverty the south ; ofthe inhabitants, he perceived that this wasnot the rich country for which he sought. But, con formably to his theory concerning the discovery of those regions of Asia which stretched towards the East, he concluded that San Salvador was one of . the isles whirfh geographers described as situated In the great ocean adjacent to India'. Having ob served that raost of the people whora he had seen wore small plates of gold, by way of ornament, in their nostrils, he eagerly inquired where they got that precious metal. They pointed towards the south, and made him coraprehend by signs, that gold abounded in countries situated in that quarter. Thither he imraediately deterrained to direct his course, in full confidence of finding there those opulent regions which had been the object of his voyage, and would be a recorapense for all his toils and dangers. He took along with hira seven of the natives of San Salvador, that, by acquiring the Spanish language, they might serve as guides and interpreters ; and those innocent people considered it as a raark of distinction when they were selected to accorapany hira. He saw several Islands, and touched at three of discover* the largest, on which he bestowed the names of^"^*" St. Mary of the Conception, Fernandina, and Isa- ' Pet, Mart. epi«t. 135. 1.06' HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK bella. But, as their soil, productions, and inha- y „^ J bitants, nearly resembled tiiose ©f San Salvador, 1492. he made no stay in any of thera. He mquired every where for gold, and the signs that were uriiforraly made by way of answer, confirraed hira in the opi nion that it was brought frora the south. He fol lowed that course, and soon discovered a country which appeared very extensive, not perfectly level, like those which he had already visited, but so di versified with rising grounds, hills, rivers, woods, and plains, that he was uncertain whtether it raight prove an island, or part of the continent. The na tives of San Salvador, whora be had on board, call* ed it Cuba ; Columbus gave it the name of Juana, He entered the raouth of a large river with his squadron, and all the inhabitants fled to the moun tains as he approached the shore. But as he rer solved to careen his ships in that place, he sent sorae Spaniards, together with one of the people of San Salvador, to view the Interior part of the country. They, having advanced above sixty miles from the shore, reported, upon their return, that the soil was richer and more cultivated than any they bad hitherto discovered ; that, besides rriany .scattered cottages, they had found one village, con taining above a thousand inhabitants ; that the people, though naked, seemed to be more intelli gent than those of San Salvador, but had treated them with the same respectful attention, kissing their feet, and honouring them as sacred being? allied to Heaven ; that they had given them to eat a certain root, the taste of which resembled roasted chesnuts, and Ukevrise a singular species pf corn HISTORY OF AMERICA. 107 called maize, which either when roasted whole orB o o K ground into raeal, was abundantly palatable ; that ^^ ^^' there seeraed to be no fourrfooted animals in the 1492/^ country, but a species of dogs, which could not bark, and a creature resembling a rabbit, but of a much sraaller size ; that they had observed sorae ornaraents of gold araong the people, but of no great value". These raessengers had prevailed with sorae of the W" con- natives to accompany them, who Informed Cor{^^ii"ie- lurabus, that the gold of which they raade their or- S'^''' '" '' ' naraents was found in Cubanacan. By this word they meant the raiddle or inland part of Cuba ; but Colurabus, being Ignorant of their language, as well as unaccustomed to their pronunciation, and his thoughts running continually upon his own theory concerning the discovery of the East Indies, he was led, by the resemblance of sound, to suppose that theyspoke ofthe Great Khan, and imagined that the opulent kingdom of Cathay, described by Marco Polo, was not very remote. This Induced him to employ some time in viewing the country. He visited almost every harbour, frora Porto del Principe, on the north coast of Cuba, to the eastern extreraity ofthe island : but, though delighted with the beauty of the scenes which every where pre sented theraselves, and amazed at the luxuriant fer tility of the soil, both which, from their novelty, made a raore lively irapression upon his iraagina tion '^j he did not find gold In such quantity as was " Life of Columbus, c. 24—28. Herrera, dec. 1, lib.i. c. 14, * See NOTE XIV, 108 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK sufficient to satisfy either the avarice of his fol- '^- lowers, or the expectations of the court to which 1^2^"^ he was to return. The people of the country, as much astonished at his eagerness in' quest of gold as the Europeans were at their Ignorance and sim plicity, pointed towards the East, where an island which they called Hayti was situated, in which that metal was more abundant than among them. Co lumbus ordered bis squadron to bend Its course thither; but Martin Alonzo Pinzon, impatient to be the first who should take possession of the trea sures which this country was supposed to contain, quitted his companions, regardless of all the ad miral's signals to slacken sail until they should come up with him. discovers Columbus, retarded by contrary winds, did not His"anil reach Hayti till the sixth of December. He called "'"• the port where he first touched St. Nicholas, and the island Itself Espagnola, in honour of the king dom by which he was employed ; and it is the only country, of those he had yet discovered, which has re tained the name that he gave It. As he could neither meet with the Pinta, nor have any intercourse with the inhabitants, who fled in great consternation to wards the woods, he soon quitted St. Nicholas, and, sailing along the northern coast of the island, he entered another harbour, which he called Concep tion, Here he was raore fortunate ; his people overtook a woman who was flying from them, and after treating her with great gentleness, dismissed her with a present of such toys as they knew were most valued in those regions. The description which she gave to her countrymen of the humanity HISFORY of AMERICA. 109 and wonderful qualities of the strangers ; their ad- book miration of the trinkets, which she showed with ex- ''" ultatlon ; and their eagerness to participate of the 1492, same favours ; removed all their fears, and induced many of thern to repair to the harbour. The strange objects which they beheld, and the baubles which Colurabus bestowed upon them, amply -gratified their curiosity and their wishes.. They nearly re sembled the people of Guanahani and Cuba- They were naked like them, ignorant and simple ; and seeraed to be equally unacquainted with all the arts which appear most necessary in polished societies ; but they were gentle, credulous, and timid, to a de gree which rendered it easy to acquire the ascen dant over them, especially as their excessive adrai ration led thera into the same error with the people of the other islands, in believing the Spaniards to be more than mortals, and descended Immediately from Heaven. They possessed gold In greater abun dance than their neighbours, which they readily ex changed for bells, beads, or pins ; and in this un equal traffic both parties were highly pleased, each considering theraselves as gainers by the transac tion. Here Columbus was visited by a prince or cazique of the country. He appeared with all the porap known araong a siraple people, being carried in a sort of palanquin upon the shoulders of four raen, and attended by raany of his subjects, who served bira with great respect. His deportment was grave and stately, very reserved towards his own people, but with Columbus and the Spaniards ex tremely courteous. He gave the admiral some thin plates of gold, and a girdle of curious vvorkm£!.nship. ]iO HISTOHY of AMERICA. BOOK receiving iff return presents of small value, but , II. highly acceptable to himy. ^TqT^ Colurabus, still intent on discovering the mines which yielded gbld, continued to Interrogate all the flativeS with whora he had any intercourse, cortcern- mg their situation. They concurred in pointing out a mountainous" country, Which they Called Cibao, at some distance from the sea, arid further towards the east. Struck with this soUnd, which appeared to him the same with Cipango, the name by which Marco Polo, and other travellers to the east, distin guished the island of Japan, he no longer doubted with respect to the vicinity of the countries which he had discovered to the remote parts of Asia; and, in full expectation of reaching soon those regions which had been the objeet of his voyage, he di rected his course towards the east. He put into a coraraodious harbour, which he Called St, Thoraas, and found that district to be Urider the government of a powerful cazique, named Guacanahari, Who aS he afterwards learned;- was one of the five Sove reigns among whora the whole island Was divided. He imraediately sent raessengers to Colurabus, who in his narae delivered to him the preserit of a mask curiously fashioned with the ears, noSe, and raouth of beaten gold, and Invited him tb the place of his residence, near the harbour now called Cape Fran cois, sorae leagues tpwards the east. Columbus dispatched sorae of his officers to visit this prince, who, as he behaved himself with greater dignity, seemed to claim more attention. They returned > Life of Columbus, c, 32. Herrera> dec, 1, lib. i. c. 15, &c. HISTORY OF AMERICA. ) ; J with such favovn-able accounts both of the country b o o k and of the people, as made Columbus impatient for '^• that Interview with Guacanahari to which he had ^^ been invited. He sailed for this purpose fi'oiri St. Thomas, on One of h".: the twenty-fourth of December, with a fair wind, ^'''P° '""'• and tbe sea perfectly calm ;: and as,, amidst the multiplicity of hisi oceuipatlons, he had not shut his eyes for two days, he retired at midnight in order to take some repose,, having committed the helm to th© pilot, with strict injunctions not to quit it for a moment. The pilot, dreading no danger, careless.ly left the helm to an unexperienced eabin- boy, and the ship, carried away by a current, was dashed against a rock. The violence of the shock awakened Columbus.. He ran up to the deck. There all was confusion and despair. He alone re tained presence of mind. He ordered some of the sailors to take a boat, and carry out an anchor astern ; but, instead of obeying, they made off to- vyards- the Nigna, which was about half a league distant. He then coraraanded the raasts to be cut down, in order to lighten; the ship ; but all his en deavours were too late ; the vessel opened near the keel; and filled so fast with water that its loss was inevitable; The smoothness of the sea, and the timely assistance ef boats- frora^ the Nigna, enabled the crew to save their lives. As. soon as the is landers heaird of this disaster, they crowded to the shore, with their prinee Guacanahari at their headi. Instead of taking advantage of the distress in which they beheld the Spaniards, to attempt any thing, to their detriment, they laraented their mis- 112 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOO K fortune with tears of sincere condolence. Not sa- ^'- tisfied with this Ainavalling expression of their sym- 14^^ pathy, they put to sea a number of canoes, and, un der the direction of the Spaniards, assisted in sav ing whatever could be got out of the wreck ; and, by the united labour of so raany hands, alraost every thing of value was carried ashore. As fast as the goods were landed, Guacanahari In person took charge of them. By his orders they were all deposited in one place, and armed sentinels were posted, who kept the raultitude at a distance, in order to prevent them not only from embezzling, but from inspecting too curiously what belonged to their guests^. Next morning this prince visited Columbus, wbo was now on board the Nigna, and endeavoured to console him for his loss, by offering all that he possessed to repair It*. Distress of The Condition of Columbus was sucb that he Columbusj stood In need of consolation. He had hitherto pro cured no inteUigence of the Pinta, and no longer doubted but that his treacherous associate had set sail for Europe, in order to have the raerit of car iying the first tidings of the extraordinary discove ries which had been raade, arid to pre-occupy so far the ear of their sovereign, as to rob hira of the glory and reward to which he was justly entitled. There reraained but one vessel, and that the smallest and most crazy of the squadron, to traverse sucb a vast ocean, and carry so many raen back to Europe. Each of those circurastances was alarraing, and filled the mind of Columbus with the utmost solicitude. • See NOTE XV, » Herrera, dec. 1. lib. i, c. 18. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 113 The desire of overtaking Pinzon, and of effacing Book the unfavourable impressions which his misrepre- ^^' sentations raight make in Spain, made it necessary 14927 to return thither without delay. The difficulty of taking such a number of persons aboard the Nigna, confirmed him in an opinion Which the ffertility of the country,~ and the gentle teraper of the pebple, had already induced hirii to form. He resolved to resolves leave a part of his crew In the island, that by resid- *" n of ^ts ing there, they might learn the language of the na- prewinthe tives, study their disposition, examine the nature of" ^" ' the country, search for mines, prepare for the cora raodious settleraent of the colony - with which he purposed to return, and thus secure and facilitate the acquisition of those advantages which he ex pected from his discoveries. When he mentioned this to his raen, all approved of the design ; and frpra irapatience under the fatigue of a long voyage, frora the levity natural to sailors, or frora tbe hopes of araasslng wealth in a countiy which afforded such proraising specimens of its riches, many offers ed voluntarily to be araong the number of those who should remain. Nothing was now wanting towards the execution obtains of this scheme, but to obtain the consent of Gua- gg^f*^"" j,^^ canahari ; and his unsuspicious siraplicity soon pre- natives ; sented to the adrairal a favourable opportunity bf propo.sing it. Columbus having, in the best man ner he could; by broken words and signs, expressed some curiosity to know the cause which had moved the islanders to fly with such precipitation upon the approach of his ships, the cazique informed him that the country was much infested by the incursions of VOL. I. I 1 l-i UISIOKY OF AMERICA. BOOK certain people, whora hecalled Carribeans, who In- ^ ¦ ^ habited several islands to the south-east. These he 1492. described aS a fierce and warlike race of men, who delighted in blood, and devoured the flesh of the prisoners who were so unhappy as to fall into their hands ; and as the Spaniards at their first appear ance were supposed to be Carribeans, whora the na tives, however numerous, durst not face in battle, they had recourse to their usual method of securing their safety, by flying into the thickest and raost impenetrable woods. Guacanahari, while speaking of those dreadful Invaders, discovered such symptoms of terror, as well as such consciousness of the in ability of his own people to resist them, as led Co lumbus to conclude that he would not be alarmed at the proposition of any scheme which afforded him the prospect of an additional security against their attacks. He insitantly offered hira the assis tance of the Spaniards to repel his eneraies : he en gaged to take hira and his people under the protec tion of the powerful monarch whom he served, and offered to leave in the island such a number of his men as should be sufficient, not only to defend the inhabitants frora future incursions, but to avenge their past wrongs. bniids The credulous prinee closed eagerly with the pro posal, and thought hiraself already safe under the patronage of beings sprung from Heaven, and su perior in power to mortal men. The ground was ' marked out for a small fort, which Columbus called Navidad, because he had landed there on Christ mas-day. A deep ditch was drawn around it. The ramparts were fortified with pallisades, and the grcat a tort ; HISTORY OF AMERICA. 1 1 5 guns, saved out of the admiral's ship, were planted book upon them. Inten days the work was finished; ,.^.J j that simple race of men labouring with inconsider- 1492. ate assiduity in erecting this first raonuraent of their own servitude. During this time, Columbus,'by his caresses and liberality, laboured to increase the high opinion which the natives entertained of the Spa niards. But while he endeavoured to Inspire thera with confidence in their disposition to do good, he wished likewise to give them some striking idea of their power to punish and destroy such as were the objects of their -indignation. With this view, in presence of a vast assembly, he drew up his men in order of battle, and made an ostentatious but inno cent display of the sharpness of the Spanish swords, of the force of their spears, and the operation of their cross-bows. These rude people, strangers to the use of iron, and unacquainted with any hostile weapons but arrows of reeds pointed with the bones of fishes, wooden swords, and javelins hardened in the fire, wondered and trembled. Before this sur prise or fear had tirae to abate, he ordered the great guns to be fired. The sudden explosion struck ^ thera with such terror that they fell flat to the ground, covering their faces with their hands ; and when they beheld the astonishing effect of the bu^llets among the treeSj towards which the cannon had been pointed, they concluded that it was impossible to resist men, who had the comraand of such de structive instruments, and who came armed with thunder and lightning against their eneraies. After giving such Irapressions both of the bene- His in- ficence and power of the Spaniards, as might have to those J 2 he left in it. 1 16 HISTORY OF AJIERICA. BOO K rendered it easy to preserve an ascendant over the ^^" minds of the natives^ Columbus appointed; thirty- ^^9^ eight of his people to remain in the islandj- He intrusted the command^of these to Diego de Arado* a gentleman of Cordova, investing him with the sarae powers which he hiraself had. received' from Ferdinatid and Isabella J and furnished hira with every thing requisite for the subsistence or defence of this infant colony; He strictly enjoined; them to raaintain concordt araong theraselves, toyieldian unreserved obedience to their comraander, to avoid giving offence to the natives by any violence or ex action, to cultivate the friendship of Guacanahari, but not to put themselves in his power by stragglittg in sraall partieSj or raarching too far frora the fort. He proraised to revisit them; soon with such a re-, inforcement of strength as might enable them to take full possession. of the coun tryj and to reap all the fruits of their discoveries. In the mean time he engagedto mention tfielr naraes 'to thelQng and Queen, and to place.their raerit and servicesih the most advantageous llght^. Having thus taken every- precaution fPr the se curity of the. colony, he left Navidad on the fourth 1493, ofl January, one thousand four hundred and ninety- three, and steering towards-the east, discovered and gave names to raost of theharbours on the northerh coast of the island: On the sixth he descried the Pinta, and soon carae up with her, after a separation ofi more than six weeks. Pinzon endeavoured to ••Oviedo ai>. RaiRusio, iii. p, 82. E. Herrera, dec, 1, lil^, i. c. 20. Life of Columbus, c 34. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 117 justify his conduct by pretending that he had been book driven from his course by stress of weather, and ^ ^^' t prevented from returning by contrary winds. The i493, admiral, though he still suspected his pei^idlous in tentions, and knew well what he urged in his own defence to be frivolous as well as false, was so sen sible that this was not a proper time for venturing upon any high strain of authority, and felt such sa tisfaction in this junction with his consort, which delivered him frora raany disquieting apprehensions, that, larae as Pinzon's apology was, he admitted of it without difficulty, and restored hira to favour. During his absence from the admiral, Pinzon had visited several harbours in the island, had acquired some gold by trafficking with the natives, but had made no discovery of any importance. From the condition of his ships, as well as the resolves teraper of his raen, Colurabus now found it neces- j" i^uroL sary to hasten his return to Europe. The forraer having suffered much during a voyage of such an unusual length, were extremely leaky. The latter expressed the utraost Irapatience to revisit their na tive country, from which they had been so long ab sent, and where they had things so wonderful and unheard-of to relate. Accordingly, on the sixteenth of January, he directed his course towards the north east, and soon lost sight of land. He had on board spme of the natives, whom he had taken frora the different Islands which he discovered ; and besides the gold, which was the chief object of research, he had collected speciraens ofall the prbductions which were likely to beconie subjects of coramerce in the several countries, as well as many unknown birds. 118 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK and other natural curiosities, which might attract ^"f the attention of the learned, or excite the wonder of 1493. the people. The voyage was prosperous to the fourteenth of February, and he had advanced near five hundred leagues across the Atlantic Ocean, A violent when the wind began to rise, and continued to blow aris™. with increasing rage, which terminated In a furious hurricane. Every thing that the naval skill and ex perience of Columbus could devise was eraployed in order to save the ships. But It was impossible to withstand the violence of the storm, and, as they were still far frora any land, destruction seeraed in evitable. The sailors had recourse to prayers to Alraighty God, to the invocation of saints, to vows and charras, to every thing that religion dictates, or superstition suggests, to the affrighted mind of man. No prospect of deliverance appearing, they abandoned themselves to despair, and expected every moment to be swallowed up in the waves. Besides the passions which naturally agitate and alarra the huraan raind In such awful situations, when certain death, in one of his most terrible forras, is before The con- it, Columbus had to endure feelings pf distress pe- duct of culiar to himself. He dreaded that all knowledge Columbus; . , . , . " of the amazing discoveries which he had made was now to perish ; raankind were to be deprived of every benefit that raight have been derived frora the happy success of his schemes, and his own name would descend to posterity as that of a rash deluded adventurer, instead of being transmitted with the honour due to the author, and conductor of the most noble enterprise that had ever been undertaken, ^fiese reflections extinguished all sense of his own HISTORY OF AMERICA. 119 personal danger. Less affected with the loss of life, book than solicitous to preserve the meraory of vvhat he ^^^ had attempted and achieved, he retired to his cabin 1493 and wrote upon parchment a short account of the voyage virhlch he had raade, of the course which he had taken, of the situation and riches of the coun tries which he had discovered, and of the colony that he had left there. Having wrapped up this in an oiled cloth, which he inclosed in a cake of wax, ^ he put It into a cask carefully stopped up, and threw it into the sea, in hopes that some fortunate acci dent might preserve a deposit of so rauch impor tance to the world". At length Providence interposed' to save a life Taices reserved for other services. The wind abated, the ^^^ "^'" '" sea becarae calm, and on the evening of the fif- Azores ; teenth, Columbus and his companions discovered land ; and though uncertain what it was, they made towards It. They soon knew it to be St. Mary," one of the Azores or western isles, subject to the crown of Portugal. There, after a violent contest with the governor, in which Colurabus displayed no less spirit than prudence, he obtained a supply of ft-esh provisions, and whatever else he needed. One circumstance, however, greatly disquieted him. The Pinta, of which he had lost sight on the first day of the hurricane, did not appear ; he dreaded for some time that she had foundered at sea, and that all her crew had perished ; afterwards, his former suspicions recurred, and he becarae apprehensive that Pinzon had borne away for Spain, that he ' Life df Columbus, c, 37. Herreraj, dec, 1, lib. ii, c. 1, 2. Sec NOTE XVI. 120 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK might reach it before him, and, by giving the first ^'* account of his discoveries, might obtain sorae share 1493. of his fame. Feb. 24. In order to prevent this, he left .the Azores as Lisbon; SOOU as the weather wpuld permit. At no great distance from the coast of Spain, when near the end of his voyage, and seemingly beyond the reach of any disaster, another storra arose, little inferior to the forraer in violence ; a,nd after driving before it during two days and two nights, he was forced March 4. to take shelter in the river ^agus. Upon applica tion to the King of Portugal, be was allowed to come up to Lisbon ; and, notwithstanding the enVy which it was natural for the Portuguese to feel, when they beheld another nation entering upon tha.t province of discpvery which they had hitherto deemed pecu liarly their owri, and in its first essay not only rivalling but eclipsing their fatne, Cplumbus was received with all the marks of distinction due to a man who had performed things so extraordinary and unexpected. The King admitted hira into his presence, treated him with the highest respect, and listened to the account which he gave of his voyage with admiration mingled with regret. While Co» lumbus, ori his part, enjoyed the satisfaction of describing the importance of his discoveries, and of being now able to prove the solidity of his scheraes to those very persons, who, with an ignorance\dis- graceful to theraselves, and fatal to their country, had lately rejected thera as the projects of a vi sionary or designing adventurer**. ^ Life of Colurabus, c.40, 41, Herrera, dec, 1. lib, ii. c 3. HISTORY of AMERICA. 1^1 Columbus was so impatient to return to Spain, book that he remained only five days in Lisbon. On the i_^' fifteenth of March he arrived in the port of Palos, 14937^ seven raonths and eleven days from the time when retums to he set out thence upon his voyage. As. soon as the ship was discovered approaching the port, all the inhabitants of Palos ran eagerly to .the shore, in order to welcorae their relations and fellow-citizens, and to hear tidings of their voyage. When the prosperous issue of it was known, when they be held the strange people, the unknown aniraals, and singular productions, brought from the countries which had been discovered, the effusion of joy was general and unbounded. The bells were rung, the cannon fired ; Columbus was received at landing with royal honours, and all the people in solemn procession, accorapanied hira and his crew to the church, where they returned thanks to Heaven, which had so wonderfully conducted and crowned with success a voyage of greater length and pf more importance than had been attempted in any former age. On the evening of the same day, he had the satisfaction of seeing the Pinta, which the violence of the tempest had driven far to the north, enter the harbour. The first care of Colurabus was to inforra the His recep- Klng and Queen, who were then at Barcelona, of his .arrival and success. Ferdinand and Isabella, no less astonished than delighted with this unex pected event, desired Colurabus, In terras the raost respectful and flattering, to repair iraraediately to eourt, that from his own mouth they might receive a full detail of his extraordinary services .and disco- 122 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK veries'. During his journey tb Barcelona, the people ^ "• , crowded frora the adjacent country, following him . 1493, every wliere with adrairation and applause. His entrance, into the city was conducted, by order of Ferdinand and Isabella, with pomp Suitable to the great event, which added such distinguishing lustre to their- reign. The people whom he brought along with him frora tbe countries which he had disco vered, marched first, and by their singular com plexion,' the wild peculiarity of their features, and uncouth finery, appeared like men of another species. Next to them were carried the ornathents of gbld, fashioned by the rude art of the natives, the grains of gold found in the raountains, and dust of tbe sarae metal gathered In the rivers. After these appeared the various commodities of the new discovered countries, together with their curious productions. Columbus himself closed the pro cession, and attracted the eyes ofall the spectators, who gazed with admiration on tbe extraordinary man, whose superior sagacity and fortitude had con ducted their countryraen, by a route concealed from past ages, to the knowledge of a new world. Fer dinand and Isabella received hira clad In their royal robes, and seated upon a throne, under a magnifi cent canopy. When he approached, they stood up, and raising him as he kneeled to kiss their hands, commanded him to take his seat upon a chair pre pared for him, and to give a circumstantial account of his voyage. He delivered it with a gravity and composure no less suitable to the disposition of the Spanish nation, than to the dignity of the audience in which he spoke, and with tbat modest simplicity HISTORY OF AMERICA. 123 whidi characterizes men of superior minds, who, book satisfied with having perforraed great actions, " court not vain applause by an ostentatious display ^4937^ of their exploits. When he had finished his nar ration, the King and Queen, kneeling down, offered up splemn thanks to Almighty God for the disco very of those new regions, from which they ex pected so raany advantages to flow in upon the kingdoras subject to their government^. Every mark of honour that gratitude or admiration could suggest was conferred upon Columbus. Letters patent were issued, confirming to hira and to his heirs all the privileges contained in the capitulation concluded at Santa' F^ ; his family was ennobled ; the King and Queen, and after their example the courtiers, treated him on every occasion with all the cereraonious respect paid to persons of the highest rank. But what pleased him most, as it gratified his active mind, bent continually upon great objects, was an order to equip, without delay, an armament of such force as raight enable bira not only to take possession of the countries which he had already discovered, but to go in search of those more opu lent regions which he still confidently expected to findf. While preparations were making for this expedi- Astonish- tion, the fame of Columbus's successful voyage mankind spread over Europe, and excited general attention. ^^ his dis- r ,,,,., , coveries ; The multitude, struck with amazement when tney beard that a new world had been found, could hardly believe an event so much above their con- « See NOTE XVIL '^Life of Colurabus, c,-42, 43. Herrera, dec, 1, lib, ii, c. ^, 124 H ISTORY OF AMERICA . £ 0 i& Kceptlpn.. Men of science, capable lof comprehend- ^ _ "' , ing the nature, and of discerning the effects ofthis 1493. great discovery, received the accpiunt of it with ad miration and joy. They spoke of his voyage with raptmse, and congratulated one anothei* upon their felicity in having lived in the period whea, by this extraordinary e,veiiit, the boundaries of huraan know ledge were so rauch extended, and such a new field of inquiry and obsei-vatlon opened, as wpuld lead mankind to a perfect acquaintance with the struc ture and productioris of the habitable globe^. Va rious opinions and conjectures were formed con cerning the new-fo.und .countries, and what division pf the earth they belonged to. Golvimbus adheieed tenaciously to bis original opinion, that they should be reckoned a part of those vast regions in Asia, coraprehended under the general narae of India. This sentiraent was confirmed by the observations which he made concerning the praductions of the- countries he had dis.covered. Gold was known to abound in India, and he had raet with such pro mising samples of It in the islands which he visited, as led him to believe that ridi mines of it mightbe found. Cotton, another production of the East- Indies, was comraon there. The pimento of the islands he imagined to be a species of the East-In dian pepper. He mistook a root, somewhat re sembling rhubarb, for that valuable drug, which was then supposed to be a plant peculiar to the East-Indies^. The birds brought home by hhn B P. Mart, epist, 133, 134, 135, See NOTE XVIIL '' Herrera, dec, 1 . lib, 1 , c. 20, Gomera Hist, c. 1 7. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 1 25 were adorned with the sarae rich plumage which' book distinguishes those of India. The alligator of the y^' , one country appeared to be the sarae vrith the cro- 1493; codileof the other. After Weighing all these cir cumstances, not only the Spaniards, but the other nations of Europe, seemto have adopted the opi nion of Columbus, The countries whieh h© had discovered were considered as a part of India. In consequence of this notion, the name pf Indies is given to them by Ferdinand and Isabella, in a rati fication of their former agreement, which' was granted'to Colurabus upon his return'. Even after the error wbich gave rise to this opinion was de tected, and the true position of the New World was ascertained, the narae has remained, and the appel- distin- lation of West-Indies is given by all the people oi'f^l^^l^J Europe to the country, and that of Indians tb its of *e • u l5* * West-In- inhabitants. dies. The name by which Columbus distinguished the Prepara- countries which he had discovered was so inviting, a second th(S speciraens of their riches and fertility which he"'*'y^S'5- produced were so considerable, and the reports of his -companions, delivered frequently with the ex aggeration natural to travellers, so favourable, as to excite a wonderful spirit of enterprise among the Spaniards. Thougb little accustomed to naval ex peditions, they were impatient to set out upon their voyage. Volunteers of every rank solicited to be eraployed. Allured by the inviting prospects which opened to their ambition and avarice, neither the length nor danger of the navigation intimidated ' Life of Columbus, c. 44. 126 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK them. Cautious as Ferdinand was, and averse to V ^^' , every thing new or adventurous, he seeras to have 1493. catched the same spirit with his subjects. Under its influence, preparations for a second expedition were carried on with rapidity unusual In Spain, and to an extent that would be deeraed not inconsider able In the present age. The fleet consisted of seventeen ships, sorae of which were of good bur- , den. It had on board fifteen huridred persons, araong whora were many of noble farailies, who had served in honourable stations. The greater part of these being destined to remain in the coun try, were furnished with every thing requisite for conquest or settlement, with all kinds of European domestic animals, with such seeds and plants as were raost likely to thrive in the cliraate of the West-Indies, with utensils and instruments of every sort, and with such artificers as raight be raost use ful in an infant colony''. The right But, formidable and well-provided as this fleet tte^N^w'" ^^^> Ferdinand and Isabella did not rest their title World to the possession of the newly-discovered countries by°the"^ upon Its operations alone. The example of the Pope. Portuguese, as well as the superstition of the age, made it necessary to obtain frora the Roman pon tiff a grant of those territories which they vvished to occupy. The Pope, as the vicar and representative of Jesus Christ, was supposed to have a right of dominion over all the kingdoms of the earth. Alex ander VI., a pontiff Infamous for every crirae which disgraces humanity, filled the Papal throne at that ''" Herrera, dec, 1 , lib. ii. c. 5, Life of Columbus, e. 45. HISTORY OF AMERICA, 127 time. As he was born Ferdinand's subject, and b 0 o k very solicitous to secure the protection of Spain, In ^ „"". i order to facilitate the execution of his ambitious 1493, schemes in favour of his own family, he was ex treraely willing to gratify the Spanish monarchs. By an act of liberality which cost him nothing, and that served to establish the jurisdiction and preten sions of the Papal See, he granted in full right to Ferdinand and Isabella all the countries inhabited by Infidels, which they had discovered, or should discover; and, in virtue of that power which he derived frbm JesuS Christ, he conferred on the crown of Castile vast regions, to the possession of which he hiraself was so far frora having any title, that he was unacquainted with their situation, and ignorant even of their existence. Asit was neces sary to prevent this grant from interfering with that forraerly raade to the crown of Portugal, he ap pointed that a line, supposed tb be drawn from pole to pole, a hundred leagues to the westward of the Azores, should serve as a lirait between them ; and, in the plenitude of his power, bestowed all to the east of this imaginary line upon the Portuguese, and all to the west of it upon the Spaniards'. Zeal - for propagating the Christian faith was the consi deration employed by Ferdinand in soliciting this bull, and is mentioned by Alexander as his chief motive for Issuing it. In order to manifest some concern for this laudable object, several friars, under the direction of Father Boyl, a Catalonlan monk of ' Herrera, dec. 1 . lib. ii. c, 4. Torquera?da Mon. Ind. lib. xviii. 128 HISTORY OF AMERICA, BOO K great reputation, as apostolical vlCar, were appointed ^'' to accompany Columbus, and to devote theraselves 1493. to the instruction of the natives. The Itidians, whora Colurabus had brought along with him, having received sorae tincture of Christian know- Ifedge, were baptized withrauch soleranity, the King himself, the Prince his son, and' the chief persons pf his court, standings as their gbdfathers. Those first fruits of the New World have not been fol lowed by such an Increase as pibus men wished; and had reason to expect. Second Fcrdlnandand Isabellahavingthusacquii/edatitle, Cdu^bus, which was then deemed cbrapletely valid, to extend their discoveries and to establish their dorainion over such a considerable portion of the globe, no thing now retarded the departure of the fleet. Co lumbus was extremely inipatlent to revisit the co lony which he had left, and to pursue that career of glory upon which he had entered. He set sail frora the bay of Cadiz on the twenty-fifth of Sep tember, and touching again at the island of Go mera, he steered further towards the south than in his former voyage. By holding this course, he en joyed more steadily the benefit of the regular winds, which reign within the tropics, and was carried tor wards a larger cliister of islands, situated consider ably to the east of those which he had already dis- Nov 2, covered; On the tw'entyrsixth day after bis de parture from Gomera he raade land™. It was one of the Caribbee or Leeward Islands, to which he gave the narae of Deseada, on account of the ira- " Oviedo ap. Ramus, iii, 85. HISTORY OF AMERICA. Ii29 patience of his crew to discover sorae part of the B o o k New World. 'After this he visited successively "• Dorainica, Marlgalante, Guadaloupe, Antigua, San 1493 Juan de Puerto Rico, and several other islands, scattered in his way as he advanced towards the north-west. All these he found to be Inhabited by that fierce race of people whom Guacanahari had painted in such frightful colours. His descriptions appeared not to have been exaggerated. The Spa niarde never attempted to land without meeting with such a reception as discovered the martial and daring spirit of the natives ; and in their habitations were found relics of those horrid feasts which they had made upon the bodies of their enemies taken in war. But as Colurabus was eager to know the state of arrives at the colony whicb he had planted, and to supply It ^o,'a^' with the necessaries of which he supposed It to be Nov. 22. in want, he made no stay in any of those islands, and proceeded directly to Hispaniola". When he arrived off Navidad, the station in which he had left the thirty-eight men under the command of Arada, he was astonished that none of th^m ap peared, and expected every raoraent to see them running with transports of joy to vi^elcome their countrymen. Full of solicitude about their safety, and foreboding in his raind what had befallen thera, he rowed Instantly to land. All the natives from whom he raight have received Inforraation had fled. But the fort which he had built was entirely demo- " P, Martyr, dec. p. 15. 18, Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ii. c. 7. Life of Columbus, c. 46, &c. VOL. I, K 1 30 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK Ushed, and the tattered garments, the broken arms f^". and utensils scattered about it, left no room to doubt 1493. concerning the unhappy fate of thte garrison". While the Spaniards were shedding tears over those sad raeraorials pf their fellow-citizens, a brother of Thefateof the cazique Guacanahari arrived. Frora him Co- whonThe luHibus reccIvcd a particular detail of what had hap- left there, pened after his departure from the island. The fa miliar intercourse of the Indians with the Spaniards tended gradually to diminish the superstitious ve neration with which their first appearance had in spired that siraple people. By their own indiscre tion and ill conduct, the Spaniards speedily effaced those favourable irapressions, and soon convinced the natives, that they had all the wants, and weak nesses, and passions of raen. As soon as the power ful restraint which the presence and authority of Columbus imposed was withdrawn, the garrison threw off all regard for the officer whom he had In vested with command. Regardless of the prudent instructions which he had given them, every man became independent, and gratified his desires with-. out control. The gold, the women, the provisions of the natives, were all the prey of those licentious oppressors. They roaraed In small parties over the island, extending their rapacity and insolence to every corner of It. Gentle and timid as the people were, those unprovoked injuries at lengtii exhausted their patience, and roused their courage. The cazique of Cibao, whose country the Spaniards chiefly infested on account of the gold which it " Hist, de Cura de los Palacios. MS. H tSTOn Y OF AMERICA . 131 contained, surprised and cut off several of them, BOOK while they straggled in as perfect security as if their '^' conduct ha'd been altogether Inoffensive. He then 14^3. assembled his subjects, and, surrounding the fort, set it on fire. Some of the Spaniards were killed in defending It ; the rest perished in attempting to m^ike their escape by crossing an arm of the sea. Guacanahari, whom all their exactions had not alienated frora the Spaniards, took arms in their be half, and, in endeavouring to protect them, had re ceived a wound, by- which he was still confined p. Though this account was far frora removing the His pru- suspicions which the Spaniards entertained with re- ^^"1.'^'*"' spect to the fidelity of Guacanahari, Columbus per ceived so clearly that this was not a proper juncture for inquiring into his conduct with scrupulous ac curacy, that he rejected the advice of several ofhis officers, who urged him to seize the person of that Prince, and to revenge the deatii of their country men by attacking his subjects. He represented to them the necessity of securing the friendship of sorae potentate of the country, in order to facilitate the settleraent which they intended, and the danger of driving the natives to unite in sorae desperate atterapt against thera, by such an ill-timed and un availing exercise of rigour. Instead of wasting his tirae in punishing past wrongs, he took precautions for preventing any future injury. With this View, he, raade choice of a situation raore healthy and commodious than that of Navidad. He traced ont p P, Martyr, dec. p. 22, &c. Hei'rera, dec. 1 . lib. ii. c. 7. 9. Life of Columbus, c. 49, 50, K 2 132 HISTORY OF AMERICA. ^00 K.the plan of a town in a large plain near a spacious ^^' bay, and obliging every person to put his hand to 1493. ^ work on which their coraraon safety dependedi the houses and raraparts were soon so far advanced, by their united labour, as to afford them shelter and security. This rising city; the first that the Europeans founded ir> th6 New World, he naraed Isabella, in honour of his patroness the Queen of Castllei. Discontent In Carrying on this necessary work, Columbus rJwers!"'' ^^^ "°* °^^y *° sustain all the hardships, and to en counter all the difficulties, to which infant colonies are exposed when they settle in an uncultivated country, but he had to contend with what was raore insuperable, tbe laziness, the Impatience, and mu tinous disposition of his followers. By the ener vating influence of a hot climate, the natural inac tivity of the Spaniards seeraed to Increase. Many of them were gentlemen, unaccustomed to the fatigue of bodily labour, and all had engaged In the enterprise with the sanguine hopes excited by the splendid and exaggerated description of their coun trymen who, returned from the first vbyage, or by the mistaken opinion of Columbus, that the coun try which he had discovered was either the Cipango of Marco Polo, or the Ophir', frora which Solomon imported those precious comraodities which sud denly diflused such extrabrdinary riches through his kingdora. But when, instead of that golden harvest which they had exfected to reap without 1 Life of Columbus, c. 51. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ii. c. 10, ' P. Martyr, dec. p. 29, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 133 toll or' pains, the Spaniards saw that their prospect boo k of wealth was remote as well as uncertain, and that "• it could not be attained but by the slow and perse- 14^3^^^ vering efforts of«Industry, the disappointment of those chimerical hopes occasioned such dejection of mind as bordered on despair, and led to general discontent. In vain did Columbus endeavour to revive their spirits by pointing out the fertility ofthe soil, and exhibiting the speciniens of gold daily brought in from different parts of the island. They had not patience to wait for the gradual returns which the forraer might yield, and the latter they despised as scanty and inconsiderable. The spirit of disaffection spread, and a conspiracy was formed, which raight have been fatal to Colurabus and the colony. Happily he discovered it ; and, seizing the ringleaders, punished some of them, sent others prisoners Into Spain, whither he dispatched twelve of the ships which had served as transports, with ari earnest request for a re-enforcement of men and a large supply of provisions ^ Meanwhile, in order to banish that idleness 1494. which, by allowing his people leisure to brood over into'thr* their disappointment, nourished the spirit of dis- state of content, Columbus planried several expeditions into try. the interior part of the country. He sent a detach ment, under the coramand of Alonzo de Ojeda, a vigilant and enterprising officer, to visit the district of Cibao, which was said to yield the greatest quan tity of gold, and foUowed hira in person with the main body of his troops'. In this expedition he dis- March J 2. B Herrera, dec; 1, lib. li, e. 10, 11, I3'h HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK played all the pomp of military raagnificence, that ^ "• ^ he could exhibit, in order to strike the imagination 1494?^ of the natives. He marched with colours flying, with raartial music, and with a small body of cavalry that paraded sometiraes in the front and soraetiraes in the rear. As those were the first horses which appeared In the New World, they were objects of , terror no less than of admiration to the Indians, who, having no tame animals theniselves, were un acquainted with that vast accession pf power which raan hath acquired by subjecting thera to his dorai» nion. They supposed them to be rational creatures. They Iraagined that the horse and the rider formed one aniraal, with whose speed they were astonished, and whose impetuosity and strength they consi dered as Irresistible. But while Colurabus endea^ voured to Inspire the natives with a dread of his power, he did not neglect the arts of gaining their love and confidence. He adhered scrupulously to the principles of integrity and jjistlce in all his transactions with thera, and treated thera, on every occasion, not only with huraanity, but with Indul gence. The district of Cibao answered the descrip. tion given of it by the natives. It was mountainous and uncultivated, but in every river and brook gold was gathered either in dust or In grains, sorae of which were of considerable size. The Indianshad never opened any mines in search of gold. To penetrate into the bowels of the earth, and to refine^ the rude ore, were operations too complicated and laborious for their talents and industry, and they had np such high value for gold as to put their in genuity and invention upon the stretch in order to HISTORY OF AMERICA. ] 35 obtain It'. The smaU quantity of that precious book metal which they possessed, was either picked up in "• the beds of the rivers, or washed from the moun- ~i494~^ tains by the heavy rains that fall within the tropics. But, from those indications, the Spaniards could no longer doubt that the country contained rich treasures in its bowels, of which they hoped soon to be masters". In order to secure the command of this valuable province, Columbus erected a sraall fort, to which he gave the narae of St. Thoraas, by way of ridicule upon sorae of his incredulous fol lowers, who would not believe that the country produced gold, until they saw it with their own eyes, and touched it with their hands'^. The account of those promising appearances ofThedi- wealth In the country, of Cibao came very season- j'gX--" ably to corafort the desponding colony, which was tion of the affected with distresses of various kinds. The stock crease. ' of provisions which had been brought from Europe was mostly consumed ; what remained was so much corrupted by the heat and moisture of the climate, as to be almost unfit for use ; the natives culti vated so small a portion of ground, and with so little skill, that it hardly yielded what was sufficient for their own subsistence ; the Spaniards at Isabella had hitherto neither time nor leisure to clear the soil, so as to reap any considerable fruits of their own, industry. On all these accounts, they became afraid of perishing with hunger, and were reduced already to a scanty a,llowance. At the same time, ' Oviedo, lib. ii. p. 90. A, "P. Martyr, dec. p. 32, " Herrera, dec, 1. lib. ii. c, 12, Life of Columbus, c. 52, 136 HISTORY OF AMEEICA. BOOK the diseases predominant in the torrid zone, and ^^ ^^" which rage chiefly in those uncultivated countries 1494. where the hand of industry has not opened the woods, drained the marshes, and confined the rivers within a certain channel, began to spread araong thera. Alarmed at the violence and unusual sym ptoms of those maladies, they exclaimed against Co lumbus and his companions in the forraer voyage, who, by their splendid but deceitful descriptions of Hispaniola, had allured thera to quit Spain for a barbarous uncultivated land, where they raust either be cut off by famine, or die of unknown distempers. Several of the officers and persons of note, instead of checking, joined in those seditious coraplaints. Father Boyl, the apostolical vicar, was one of the raost turbulent and outrageous. It required all the authority and address of Colurabus to re-esta blish subordination and tranquillity in the colony. Thrcjats and promises were alternately employed for this purpose ; but nothing contributed more to soothe the malecontents, than the prospect of find ing in the mines of Cibao, such a rich store of treasure as would be a recompense for all their suf ferings, and efface the meraory of forraer disappoint ments. Columbus When, by his Unwearied endeavours, concord attempts i i p r.ew disco- and Order were so far restored that he could ven- vtnes. j.yj,g ^.Q leave the island, Columbus resolved to pur sue his discoveries, that he raight be able to ascer tain whether those new countries with which he had opened a coraraunication were connected with any region of the earth already known, or whether they were to be considered as a separate portion of HISTORY OF AMERICA. 137 the globe hitherto unvisited. He appointed his b o o K brother Don Diego, with the assistance of a coun- ^^^ cil of officers, to govern the Island in his absence ; ^TqT"^ and gave the coraraand, of a body of soldiers to Don Pedro Margarita, with which he was to visit the different parts of the island, and endeavour to establish the authority of the Spaniards atnong the inhabitants. Having left them very particular in structions with respect to their conduct, he weighed anchor on the 24th of April with one ship and two small barks under his coraraand. During a tedious voyage of full five raonths, he had a trial of almost all the numerous hardships to which persons of his profession are exposed, without making any disco very of iraportance, except the island of Jaraaica. As he ranged along the southern coast of Cuba'^, he was entangled in a labyrinth forraed by an in credible number of small islands, to which he gave the name of the Queen's Garden. In this Unknown course, among rocks and shelves, he was retarded by contrary winds, assaulted with furious storras, and alarraed with the terrible thunder and light ning which Is often alraost incessant between the tropics. At length his provisions fell short ; his crew, exhausted with fatigue as well as hunger, murmured and threatened, and were ready to pro ceed to the most desperate extreraities against him. Beset with danger in such various forms, he was obliged to keep continual wateh, to observe every occurrence with his own eyes, to issue every order, and to superintend the execution of it. On no oc? " See NOTE XIX. 138 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK casion was the extent of his skill and expeiience as ^ ^^- , a navigator so much tried. To these the squadron 1494, owed its safety. But this unremitted fatigue of body, and Intense applicatiori of mind, overpower ing his constitution, though naturally vigorous and robust, brought on a feverish disorder, which ter minated In a lethargy, that deprived him of sense and raemory, and had almost proved fatal to his lifey. Sept. 27. But, on his return to Hispaniola, the sudden turn,' finds eraotlon of joy which he felt upon meeting with his brother [jjg brother Bartholomew at Isabella, occasioned Baitholo- , „ e • • -i 1 i 1 • mew at such a flow 01 spirits as contributed greatiy to his Isabella, j-ggovcry. It was now thirteen years since the two brothers, whom similarity of talents united in close friendship, had separated from each other, and du. ring that long period there had been no intercourse between them, Bartholomew, after finishing his negotiation in the court of England, had set out for Spain by the way of France. At Paris he rq» ceived an account of the extraordinary discoveries which his brother had raade in his first voyage, and that he was then preparing to erabark on a second expedition. Though this naturally induced him to pursue his journey with the utmost dispatch, the admiral had sailed for Hispaniola before he reached Spain. Ferdinand and Isabella received him with the respect due to the nearest kinsman of a person whose merit and services rendered him so conspi cuous ; and as they knew what consolation his pre- y Life of Columbus, c, 54, &c, Herrera, dec. 1, lib, ii. e. 13, 14. P. Martyr, dec, I. p. 34, &c. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 139 sence would afford to his brother, they persuaded book hira to take the coniraand of three ships, which (^ J'" j they had appointed to carry provisions to the colony 1494. at Isabella^. He could not have arrived at any juncture when The in- Columbus stood more in need of a friend capable ^^^l '" ^ of assisting hira with his counsels, or of dividing against the with hira the cares and burden of governraent. For although the provisions now brought frora Europe afforded a teraporarj relief to the Spaniards frora the calamities of faraine, the supply was not in such quantity as to support theni long, and the island did not hitherto yield what was sufficient for their suste nance. They were threatened with another danger, still raore forraidable than the return of scarcity, and which deraanded more Immediate attention. No sooner did Columbus leave the Island on his voyage of discovery, than the soldiers under Margarita, as if they had been set free from discipline and subordina tion, scorned all restraint. Instead of conforraing to the prudent instructions of Coluriibus, they dis persed in straggling parties over the island, lived at discretion upon the natives, wasted their provisions, seized their women, and treated that inoffensive race with all the insolence of military oppression". As long as the Indians had any prospect that their sufferings might come to a period by the volun tary/departure ofthe Invaders, they submitted in si lence, and disserabled their sorrow ; but they now perceived that the yoke would be as perraanent as Jt was intolerable. The Spaniards had built a town, ^ Herrera, dec, 1. lib. ii, c. 15, = P. Martyr, dec, p. 47, 140 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK and surrounded it with ramparts. » They had ^ ^^' erected forts in different places. They had inclosed 1494. and sown several fields. It was apparent that they came not to visit the country, but to settle in it. Though the nuraber of those strangers was inconsi derable, the stf.te of cultivation araong this rude people was so imperfect, and in such exact propor tion to their own consumption, that it was with difficulty they could afford subsistence to their new guests. Their own mode of life was so indolent and inactive, the warmth of the cliraate so enerva ting, the constitution of their bodies naturally so feeble, and so unaccustomed to the laborious exer tions of industry, that they were satisfied with a" proportion of food amazingly small. A handful of maize, or a little of the Insipid bread made of the cassada-root, Avas sufficient to support men whose strength and spirits were not exhausted by any vi gorous efforts either of body or mind. The Spa niards, though the raost absteralous of aU the Euro pean nations, appeared to thera excessively vora cious. - One Spaniard consumed as rauch as several Indians. This keenness of appetite surprised them so rauch, and seemed to be so insatiable, that they supposed the Spaniards had left their own country because it did not produce as rauch as was requi site to gratify their iraraoderate desire of food, and had come araong thera in quest of nourishraent''. Self-preservation prorapted thera to wish for the de parture of guests who wasted so fast their slender stock of provisions. The injuries which they suf- ^ Herrera, dee, 1. lib. ii. c. 17, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 141 fered added to their impatience for this event, book They had long expected that the Spaniards would ,^ ^^^ retire of their own accord.. They now perceived 14947^ that. In order to avert the destruction with which they were threatened, either by the slow consump tion of famine, or by the violence of their oppres sors, it was necessary to assume courage, to attack those formidable invaders with united force, and drive them from the settleraents of which they had violently taken possession. Such were the sentiments which universally. pre- War with vailed araong theTndians, when Columbus returned to Isabella. Inflamed by the unprovoked outrages bf the Spaniards, with a degree of rage of which their gentle natures, forraed to suffer and submit, seeraed hardly susceptible, they waited only for a signal frora their leaders to fall upon the colony. Some of the caziques had already surprised and cut off several stragglers. The dread ofthis impending danger united the Spaniards, and re-established the authority of Colurabus, as they saw no prospect of safety but in coraraitting themselves to his prudent guidance. It was now necessary to have recourse to arras, the eraploying of which against the In dians Columbus had hitherto avoided with the greatest solicitude. Unequal as the conflict may seera, between the naked inhabitants pf the New World arraed with clubs, sticks hardened in the fire, wooden swords, and arrows pointed with bones or flints, and troops accustoraed to the discipline, and provided with the instruments of destruction known In the European art of war, the situation of the Spaniards was far from being exempt from dan- 142 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK ger. The vast superiority of the natives in number, ^^- compensated many defects. An handful of men ]^4g47'^ was about to encounter a whole nation. One ad verse event, or even any unforeseen delay in deter mining the fate of the war, raight prove fatal to the Spaniards. Conscious that success depended on the vigour and rapidity of his operations, Colum bus instantly assembled his forces. Theywere re duced to a very small lumber. Diseases, engen dered by the warrath and huraidity of the country, or occasioned by their own licentiousness, had ra ged araong them with much violence? experience had not yet taught them the art either of curing these, or the precautions requisite for guarding against them ; two-thirds of the original adven turers were dead, and raany of those who survived 1495. were incapable of servIce^ The body which took ' the field consisted only of two hundred foot, twenty horse, and twenty large dogs ; and how strange soever it raay seera to raention the last as compo sing part of a military force, they were not perhaps the least formidable and destructive of the whole, when employed against naked and timid Indians. All the caziques of the island, Guacanahari ex cepted, who retained an inviolable attachraent to the Spaniards, were in arras to oppose Colurabus, with forces araounting, if we raay believe the Spa nish historians, to a hundred thousand raen. In stead of atterapting to draw the Spaniards into the fastnesses of the woods and mountains, they were so imprudent as to take their station in the Vega *= Life of Columbus, c. 61. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 143 Real, the most open plain in the country. Co- book lumbus did not allow thera time to perceive their "• error, or to alter their position. He attacked them i^^ during the night, when undisciplined troops are least capable of acting with union and concert, and obtained an easy and bloodless victory. The con sternation with which the Indians were filled by the noise and havock made by the fire-arras, by the ira petuous force of the cavalry, and the fierce onset of the dogs, was so great, that they threw down their weapons, and fled without atterapting resistance. Many were slain ; raore were taken prisoners, and reduced to servitude*; and so thoroughly were the rest intiraidated, that from that moraent they aban doned theraselves to despair, relinquishing all thoughts of contending with aggressors whom they deemed invincible. Colurabus eraployed several raonths in raarching A tax im- .1 11-11 1- !• • • i<^ posed upon through the island, and in subjecting it to the Spa- them. nish governraent, without raeeting with any oppo sition. He iraposed a tribute upon all the inha bitants above the age of fourteen. Each person who lived in those districts where gold was found* was obliged to pay quarterly as rauch gold dust as filled a hawk's bell ; from those In other parts of the country, twenty-five pounds of cotton were de raanded. This was the first regular taxation of the Indians, and served as a precedent fpr exactions still more intolerable. Such an Imposition was ex tremely contrary to those maxims which Columbus 0 See NOTE XX. 144 HISTORY OF AMER16A. BOOK had hitherto inculcated, with respect to the mode ^^- of treating theni. But Intrigues were carrying on ^^pj""^ in the court of Spain at this juncture, in order to undermine his power, and discredit his operations, which constrained him to depart frorn his own sy stem of administration. Several unfavourable accounts of his conduct, as well as of the coun tries discovered by him, had been transmitted to Spain, Margarita and Father Boyl were now at court, and in order to justify their own conduct, or to gratify their resentraent, watched with raalevo- lent attention for eveiy opportunity of spreading insinuations to his detriraent. Many of the cour tiers viewed his growing reputation and power with envious eyes. Fonseca, archdeacon pf Seville, who was intrusted with the chief direction of Indian af fairs, had conceived such an unfavourable opinion- of Columbus, for sorae reason which the contem porary writers have not mentioned, that he listened with partiality to every invective against hira. It was not easy for an unfriended stranger, unprac tised in courtly arts, to counteract the machinations of so many enemies. Colurabus saw that there was but one method of supporting his own credit, and of silencing all his adversaries. He must produce such a quantity of gold as would not only justify what he had' reported with respect to the richness of the country, but encourage Ferdinand and Isa bella to persevere in prosecuting his plans. The necessity of obtaining it, forced hira not only to impose this heavy tax upon the Indians, but to exact payment of it with extrerae rigour ;- and may HISTORY OP AMERICA. l-ij be pleaded in excuse for his deviating on this occa- book sion from the , raildness and humanity with which '^' he uniformly treated that unhappy people". j^gg The labour, attention, and foresight, which the Fatal ef- Indians were obliged to employ in procuring the that mea- tribute demanded of them, appeared the raost into- ^"™- lerable of all evils, lo raen accustomed to pass their days in a careless, improvident indolence. They were incapable of such a regular and persevering exertion of industry, and felt it such a grievous re straint upon their liberty, that they had recourse to an expedient for obtaining deliverance frora this yoke, which demonstrates the excess of their im patience and despair. They formed a scheme of starving those oppressors whom they durst not at tempt to~expel ; a^d frora the opinion which they entertained with respect to the voracious appetite of the Spaniards, they concluded the execution of it to be very practicable. With this view they sus pended all the operations of agriculture ; they sowed no raaize, they pulled up the roots of the raanioc or cassada which were planted, and, retiring to the raost inaccessible parts of the raountains, left the uncultivated plains to their eneraies. This despe rate resolution produced in sorae degree the effects which they expected. The Spaniards were reduced to extrerae want ; but they received such seasonable supplies of provisions frora Europe, and found so ' many resources In their own Ingenuity and indus try, that they suffered no great loss of men. The ' Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ii. c, 17. VOL. I. L court of Spain, 146 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK wretched Indians were the victims of th^ir own ill- ^^- concerted policy. A great multitude of people, l^^ shut up in the raountainous or wooded part of the country, without any food but the spontaneous productions of the earth, soon felt the utraost di stresses of faraine. This brought on contagious diseases ; and in the course of a few raonths more than a third part of the Inhabitants of the island perished, after experiencing misery in all its various forms'^. Intrigues But while Colurabus was establishing the founda- against tlous of the Spanish grandeur in the New World, Columbus ,. .1, 1.1 •! •!• in the his eneraies laboured with unwearied assiduity to deprive him of the glory and rewards which, by his services and sufferings, he was entitled to enjoy. The hardships unavoidable in a new settleraent, the calaraities occasioned by an unhealthy climate, the disasters attending a voyage in unknown seas, were all represented as the effects of his restless and in considerate ambition. His prudent attention to preserve discipline and subordination was denorai nated excess of rigour; the punishraents which he inflicted upon the rautinous and disorderly were iniputed to cruelty. These accusations gained such credit in a jealous court, that a commissioner was appointed to repair to Hispaniola, and to in spect into the conduct of Columbus, By the re coraraendation of his eneraies, Aguado, a groom of 'Herrera, dec. 1, lib. xi. c. 18, Life of Columbus, c.61, Oviedo, lib. iii. p. 93. D. Benzon Hist. Novi Orbis, lib. i, c. 9. P. Martyr, dec. p. 48. HISTORY OF AMliRICA. 147 the bed-chamber, was the person to whom this ira- BOOK portant trust was coramitted. But in this choice ^ ' they seem to have been more Influenced by the ob- 1495. sequious attachraent of the raan to their interest, than by his capacity for the station. Puffed up with such sudden elevation, Aguado displayed. In the exercise of this office, all the frivolous self-iraport- ance, and acted with all the disgusting insolence, which are natural to little minds, when raised to unexpected dignity, or employed in functions to which they are not equal. By listening with eager ness to every accusation against Columbus, and en couraging not only the malcontent Spaniards, but even the Indians, to produce their grievances, real or imaginary, he foraented the spirit of dissention in the island, without establishing any regulations of public utility, or that tended to redress the raany wrongs, with the odiura of which he wished to load the adrairal's adrainistration. As Colurabus felt sensibly how hurailiating his situation raust be, if he should reraain in the country while such a par tial Inspector observed his raotions and controlled his jurisdiction, he took the resolution of returning to Spain, in order to lay a full account of all his transactions, particularly with respect to the points in dispute between hira and his adversaries, before Ferdinand and Isabella, frorii whose justice and discernraent he expected an equal and a favourable decision. He coraraitted the administration of af- 1495. fairs, during his absence, to Don Bartholoraew, his brother, with the title of Adelantado, or Lieutenant- Governor. By a choice less fortunate, and which proved the source of many calamities to the colony, l2 148 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B O O K he appointed Francis Roldan chief justice, with veiy ^ "• ^ extensive powers s. \4%^^ In returning to Europe, Colurabus held a course Returns to different from that which he had taken in his for- ^*'"' mer voyage. He steered almost due east from Hi spaniola, in the parallel of twenty-two degrees of latitude ; as experience had not yet discpvered the more certain and expeditious method of stretching to the north, in order to fall In with the soi^th-West winds. By this ill-advised choice, which, in the infancy of navigation between the New and Old Worlds, can hardly be imputed to the adrairal as a defect in naval skill, he was exposed to infinite fa tigue and danger, in a perpetual struggle witb the trade-winds, which blow without variation from the east between the tropics. Notwithstanding the al most insuperable difficulties of such a navigation, he persisted in his course with his usual patience and firraness, but made so little way that he was three raonths without seeing land. At length his provisions began to fail, the crew was reduced to the scanty allowance of six ounces of bread a-day for each person. The admiral fared no better than the meanest sailor. But, even In this extrerae distress, he retained the humanity which distin guishes his character, and refused to coraply with the earnest solicitations of his crew, some of whom proposed to feed upon the Indian prisoners whom they were carrying over, and others insisted to throw them overboard, in order to lessen the con sumption of their small stock. He represented s Herrera, dec, 1. lib. ii. c. 18, lib. iii. c. 1. HISTORY OF AMEUICA. 149 that they were human beings, reduced by a com- BOOK mon calaraity to the same condition with them- ^ ' " ^ selves, and entitled to share an equal fate. His ]49§. authority and remonstrances dissipated those wild Ideas suggested by despair. Nor had they time to recur ; as he came soon within sight of the coast of Spain, when all their fears and sufferings ended*^. Colurabus appeared at court with the modest but His recep. determined confidence of a man conscious not only of integrity, but of having performed great services. Ferdinand and Isabella, ashamed of their own faci lity in lending too favourable an ear to frivolous or unfounded accusations, received him with such di stinguished marks of respect as covered his enemies with sharae. Their censures and caluranies were no raore heard of at that juncture. The gold, the pearls, the cotton, and other commodities of value which Columbus produced, seemed fully to refute what the raalcontents had propagated with respect to the poverty of the country. By reducing the Indians to obedience, and iraposing a regular tax upon them, he had secured to Spain a large accession of new subjects, and the establishment ofa revenue that proraised to be considerable. By the mines which he had found out and examined, a scource of wealth still more copious was opened. Great and unex pected as those advantages were, Columbus repre sented them only as preludes to future acquisitions, and as the earnest of more Important discoveries, which he still meditated, and to which those he had ^ Herrera, dec. 1, lib, iii. c. i. Life of Columbus,, c. 64, 150 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK already made would conduct hira with ease and cer.' y^J^", tainty'. 1496. The attentive consideration of all these circura- A plan stances made such an impression, not only upon the more Isabella, who was flattered with the idea of being esudiiish- ^^^ patroucss of all Columbus's enterprises, but even ment ofa upon Ferdinand, who, having originally expressed <^° ony. jjjg (Jisapprobatlon of his scheraes, was still apt to doubt of their success, that they resolved to supply. the colony in Hispaniola with every thing which could render it a perraanent establishment, and to furnish Columbus with such a fleet, that he raight proceed to search for those new countries of whose existence he seemed to be confident. The raea sures raost proper for accoraplishing, both these de signs were concerted with Colurabus. Discovery had been the sole objecf of the first voyage to the New World ; and though, in the second, settleraent had been proposed, the precautions taken for that purpose had either been insufficient, or were ren dered ineffectual by the mutinous spirit of the Spa niards, and the unforeseen calamities arising frora various causes. Now a plan was to be forraed of a regular colony, that raight serve as a tnodel in all futpre establishments. Eveiy particular was con sidered with attention, and the whole arranged with a scrupulous accuracy. The precise number of ad venturers who should be permitted to embark was fixed. They were to be of different ranks and pro fessions, and the proportion of each was establish- 'lafe of Colurabus, c, 65. Herrera, dec, 1. lib, iii, c. 1. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 1 5 I ed according to their usefulness and the wants of b O 0 K the colony. A suitable nuraber of woraen was to ^^' be chosen to accorapany these new settlers. As It i49g was the first object to raise provisions in a country where scarcity of food had been the occasion of so * much distress, a considerable body of husbandmen was to be carried over. As the Spaniards had then no conception of deriving any benefit from those . productions of the New World which have since yielded such large returns of wealth to Europe, but had formed raagnificent ideas, and entertained san guine hopes with respect to the riches contained In the mines which had been discovered, a band of workraen, skilled in the various arts employed in digging and refining the precious metals, was pro vided. All these emigrants were to receive pay and subsistence for some yeafs, at the public expense"^. Thus far the regulations were prudent, and well A defect adapted to the end in view. But as it was foreseen '" ''' that few would engage voluntarily to settle in a coun- * try whose noxious cliraate had been fatal to so raany of their countryraen, Colurabus proposed to transport to Hispaniola such raalefactors as had been convicted of criraes which, though capital, were of a less atrocious nature ; and that for the future a certain proportion of the offenders usually sent to the galleys, should be conderaned to labour in the mines which were to be opened. This advice, given without due reflection, was as Inconsiderately adopt ed. The prisons of Spain were drained, in order to collect members for the Intended colony ; and the ''Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iii. c. 2. 152 HISTORY OF AMERICA. boo k judges empowered to try criminals were Instructed ^^ ^^' to recruit it by tbeir future sentences. It was not, l^ygT'^ however, with such raaterials that the foundations of a society, destined to be permanent, should be laid. Industry, sobriety, patience, and rautual con fidence, are Indispensably requisite in an infant set- lement, where purity of raorals raust contribute more towards establishing order, than the operation or authority of laws. But when such a raixture of what is corrupt is admitted into the original con stitution of the political body, the vices of those unsound and incurable merabers will probably in fect the whole, and must certainly be produfetive of violent and unhappy effects. This the Spaniards fatally experienced ; and the other European nations having successively imitated the practice of Spain in this particular, pernicious consequences have fol lowed in their settleraents, which can be imputed to no other cause'. Executed Though Colurabus obtained, with great faciUty and dispatch, the royal approbation of every mea sure and regulation that he proposed, his endeavours to carry thera into execution were so long retarded, as raust have tired out the patience of any man less accustomed to encounter and to surraount difficul ties. Those delays were occasioned partly by that tedious formality and spirit of procrastination, with which the Spaniards conduct business, and partly by the exhausted state of tbe treasury, which was drained by the expense of celebrating the raarriage ' Herrera, dec. 1, lib. iii, c. 2, Touron Hist, Gener, de TAmerique, i, p. 51, HISTORY OF AMERICA, 153 of Ferdinand and Isabella's only son with Margaret book of Austria, and that of Joanna, their second daugh- ^ ^^' , ter, with PhUip Archduke of Austria'" ; but must 1496. be chiefly imputed to the malicious arts of Colum bus's enemies. Astonished at the reception which he raet with upon his return, and overawed by his presence, they gave way, for sorae tirae, to a tide of favour too strong for thera to oppose. Their enraity, however, was too inveterate to reraain long Inactive. They resuraed their operations ; and by the assistance of Fonseca, the rainister for Indian affairs, who was now promoted to the bishopric of Badajos, they threw in so many obstacles to pro tract the preparations for Columbus's expedition, that a year elapsed " before he could procure two ships to carry over a part of the supplies destined for the colony, and almost two years were spent be fore the small squadron was equipped, of which he hiraself was to take the coraraand". This squadron consisted of six ships only, of no ]498, great burden, and but indifferently provided for a Third voy- long or dangerous navigation. The voyage which lumbus. he now raeditated was in a course different from any he had undertaken. As he was fully persuaded that the fertile regions of India lay to the south west of those countries which he had discovered, he proposed as the most certain method of finding out these, to stand directly south from the- Canary or Cape de Verd islands, until he carae under the " P. Martyr, epist. 1 68. ."Life of Columbus, c. 65. 'Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iii. c, 9. 154 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK equinoctial line, and then to stretch to the west be- ^^- fore the favourable wind for such a course, which ]498~^ blows invariably between the tropics. With this May 30. jj^,^ jjg ggj- g^[\^ and touched first at the Canary, July 4. and then at the Cape de Verd islands. From the forraer he dispatched three of his ships with a sup ply of provisioris for the colony in Hispaniola: with the other three, he continued his voyage to wards the south. No remarkable occurrence hap pened until they arrived within five degrees of the July 19. line. There they were becalraed, and at the same time the heat became so excessive, that raany of their wine casks burst, the liquors in others soured, and their provisions corrupted?. The Spaniards, who had never ventured so far to the south, were afraid that the ships would take fire, and began to apprehend the reality of what the ancients had taught concerning the destructive qualities of that torrid region of the globe. They were relieved, in some measure, from their fears by a seasonable fall of rain. This, however, though so heavy and un intermitting that the raen could hardly keep the deck, did not greatly raitigate the intenseness of the heat. The admiral, who with his usual vigi lance had in person directed every operation from the beginning of the voyage, was so rauch exhausted by fatigue and want of sleep, that it brought on a violent fit of the gout, accompanied with a fever. All these circumstances constrained him to yield to the importunities of his crew, and to alter his course P P. Martyr, dec. p. 70.^ HISTORY OF AMERICA. 155 to the north-west, in order to reach sorae of the book Caribbee islands, where he might refit, and be sup- i_^ " ^ plied with provisions. 1498. On the first of August, the raan stationed in the Discovers • 11 .ii'i-i the conti- round top surprised thera with the joyful cry of nent of Land! They stood towards it, and discovered a'^™'^™^* considerable Island, which the adrairal called Tri nidad, a narae it still retains. It lies on the coast of Guiana, near the raouth of the Orinoco. This, though a river only of the third or fourth magni tude in the New World, far surpasses any of t'ne streams in our hemisphere. It rolls towards the ocean such a vast body of water, and rushes Into it with such impetuous force, that when it meets the tide, which on that coast rises to an uncomraon height, their collision occasioris a swell and agita tion of the waves no less surprising tban formidable. In this conflict, the irresistible torrent of the river so far prevaUs, that it freshens the ocean raany leagues with its flood''. Columbus, before he could conceive the danger, was entangled araong those adverse currents and terapestuous waves, and it was with the utraost difficulty that he escaped through a narrow strait, which appeared so tremendous that he called it La Boca del Drago. As soon as the consternation which tbis occasioned, permitted him to reflect upon the nature of an appearance so extraordinary, he discerned in It a soiirce of corafort and hope. He justly concluded that such a vast body of water as this river contained, could not be supplied by any island, but raust flow through a *J Gumilla Hist.de I'Orenoque, tom, L p. 14. 156 HISTORY OF AMERICA. ; BOOK country of imraense extent, and of consequence ^ ^^" that he was now arrived at that continent which it 1498, had long been the object of his wishes to discover. Full of this idea, he stood to the west along the coast of those provinces which are now known by the names of Paria and Cumana. He landed In several places, and had some Intercourse with the people, who reserabled those of Hispaniola in their appearance and manner of life. They wore, as or naments, small plates of gold, and pearls of consi derable value, which they willingly exchanged for European toys. They seemed to possess a better understanding, and greater courage, than the inha bitants of the islands. The countiy produced four- footed aniraals of several kinds, as well as a great variety of fowls and fruits'. The admiral was so rauch delighted with its beauty and fertility, that, with the warra enthusiasm of a discoverer, he imagined it to be the Paradise described in Scrip ture, which the Alraighty chose for the residence of man while he retained innocence that rendered hira worthy of such an habitation*. Thus Colura bus had the glory not only pf discovering to raan kind the existence of a New World, but raade con siderable progress towards a perfect knowledge of it ; and was the first raan who conducted the Spa niards to that vast continent which had been the chief seat of their empire, and the source of their treasures in this quarter of the globe. The shat- ' Herrera, dec. 1 . lib, iii. c. 9, 10, if.' Life of Columbus, c. 66—73,'^ Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iii, c. 12. Gomara, c. 84. See NOTE XXL a HISTORY OF AMERICA. 157 tered condition of his ships, scarcity of provisions, book his own infirmities, together with the impatience ^^• of his crew, prevented him from pursuing his dis- \^^ coveries any further, and raade it necessaiy to bear away for Hispaniola. In his way thither he dis covered the islands of Cubagua and Margarita, which afterwards became reraarkable for their pearl- fishery. When he arrived at Hispaniola, he was Aug. 30. wasted to an extrerae degree with fatigue and sick ness ; but found the affairs of the colony in such a situation, as afforded him no prospect of enjoying that repose of which he stood so rauch in need. Many revolutions had happened in that country state of during his absence. His brother, the adelantado, on Ws^ar- in consequence of an advice which the admiral gave rival there. before his departure, had removed the colony from Isabella to a more coraraodious station, on the op posite side of the island, and laid the foundation of St. Domingo", which was long the most consider able European town In the New World, and the seat of the supreritie courts in the Spanish domi nions there. As soon as the Spaniards were esta blished in this new settlement, the adelantado, that they might neither languish in inactivity, nor have leisure to form new cabals, marched into those parts of the island which his brother had not yet visited or reduced to obedience. As the people were un able to resist, they subraitted every where to the tribute which he imposed. But they soon found the burden to be so intolerable, that, overawed as they were by the superior power of their oppressors, " P. Martyr, dec. p. 56, 158 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK they took arms against them. Those insurrections, "¦ however, were not formidable. A conflict with ti- 1498!"^ mid and naked Indians was neither dangerous nor of doubtful Issue. Mutiny of But whUe the adelantado was eraployed aeainst Roldan : , . , .- i i • i- . p thera m the field, a mutiny ot an aspect tar more alarraing broke oiit araong the Spaniards. The ringleader of it was Francis Roldan, whom Colum bus had placed in a station which required him to be the guardian of order and tranquillity in the co lony. A turbulent and inconsiderate arabition pre cipitated hira into this desperate raeasure, so unbe coraing his rank. The arguraents which he era ployed to seduce his countryraen were frivolous and ill-founded. He accused Colurabus and his two brothers of arrogance and severity ; he pretended that they aimed at establishing an independent do rainion in the country ; he taxed thera with an in tention of cutting off part of the Spaniards by hun ger and fatigue, that they raight raore easily reduce the remainder to subjection ; he represented it as unworthy of Castilians, to remain the tame and passive slaves of three Genoese adventurers. As men have always a propensity to impute the hard ships of which they feel the pressure, to the mis conduct of their rulers ; as every nation views with a jealous eye the power and exaltation of foreigners, Roldan's Insinuations made a deep impression ori his countrymen. His character and rank added weight to thera. A considerable nuraber of the Spaniards made choice of him as their leader ; and, taking arras against the adelantado and his brother, seized the King's magazine of provisions, and en- HISTORY OF AMERICA. 159 deavoured to surprise the fort at St, Domingo, book This was preserved by the vigilance and courage of "• Don Diego Columbus. The rautineers were obliged 1498 to retire to the province of Xaragua, where they con tinued not only to disclaim the adelantado's autho rity themselves, but excited the Indians tp throw off the yoke^. Such was the distracted state of the colony when Columbus landed at St. Domingo. , He was asto nished to find that the three ships which he had dispatched from the Canaries were not yet arrived. By the unskilfulness of the pilots, and the violence of currents, they had been carried a hundred and sixty railes to the west of St. Doraingo, and forced to take shelter in a harbour of the province of Xara gua, where Roldan and his seditious followers were cantoned. Roldan carefully concealed from the commanders of the ships his insurrection against the adelantado, and, eraploying his utmost address to gain their confidence, persuaded thera to set on shore a considerable part of the new settlers whom they brought over, that they might proceed by land to St. Domingo. It required but few arguments to prevail with those men to espouse his cause. They were the refuse of the gaols of Spain, to whora Idle ness, licentiousness, and deeds of violence were fa miUar ; and they returned eagerly to a course of life nearly resembling that to which they had been accustoraed. The coraraanders of the ships per ceiving, when it was too late, tlieir iraprudence in "Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iii. c. 5 — 8. Life of Colurabus, c. 74 — 77. Gomara, c. 23, P. Martyr, p. 78, 160 HISTORY OF AMERICA. book disembarking so many of their men, stood away for ^^ ''¦ St. Domingo, and got safe into the port a few days 1498. ^fter the adrairal ; but their stock of provisions was so wasted during a voyage of such long continuance, that they brought little relief to the colony^. composed By this junction with a band of such bold and dent con- dcspcratc associatcs, Roldan becarae extremely for- fumbns*^"" r"i^able, and no less extravagant in his deraands. Colurabus, though filled with resentraent at his in gratitude, and highly exasperated by the insolence of his followers, raade no haste to take the field. He trerabled at the thoughts of kindling the flames of a civil war, in which, whatever party prevailed, the power and strength of both raust be so ranch ' wasted, as raight encourage the coraraon eneray to unite and coraplete their destruction. At the same time, he observed, that the prejudices and passions which incited the rebels to take arms, had so far infected those who still adhered to hira, that raany of thera were adverse, and all cold to the service. Frora such sentiraents, with respect to the public interest, as well as from this view of his own situ ation, he chose to negotiate rather than to fight. By a seasonable proclamation, offering free pardon to such as should raerit it by returning to their duty, he made impression upon some of the malcontents. By. engaging to grant such as should^.deslre it the liberty of returning to Spain, he allured all those unfortunate adventurers, who, frorp lickness and disappointment, were disgusted With the countiy. By promising to re-establish Roldan in his former '^ Herrera, dec. 1 . lib. iii. c, 12. Life of Columbus, c, 78, 79. HISTORY OF AMERICA. l6l office, he soothed his pride ; and, by complying BOOK with most of his demands in behalf of his foUowers, ,^ ' ^ he satisfied their avarice. Thus, gradually, and 1493. without bloodshed, but after raany tedious negotia tions, he dissolved this dangerous corilbination, which threatened the colony with ruin ; and re stored the appearance of order, regular government, and tranquiUItyy. In consequence of this agreeraent with the rau- A new tineers, lands were allotted thera in different parts of settlement the island, and the Indians settled in each district were establish ed. appointed to cultivate a certain portion of ground for the use of those new raasters. The perforraance 1499. of this work Was substituted in place of the tribute forraerly iraposed ; and how necessaiy soever such a regulation raight be in a sickly and feeble co lony, it introduced araong the Spaniards the Re- partimientos, or distributions of Indians established by thera in all their settleraents, which brought nuraberless calamities upon that unhappy people, and subjected them to the raost grievous oppres sion^. This was not the only bad effect of thein- surrection in Hispaniola ; It prevented Columbus frora prosecuting his discoveries on the continent, as self-preservation obUged him to keep near his person bis brother the adelaptado, and the sailors whom he intended to have employed in that ser vice. As soon as his affairs would permit, he sent some of his ships to Spain with a journal of the voyage which he had raade, a description of the y Herta-a, dec. 1, lib, iii. c. 13, 14. Life of Columbus, c. 80, &c. == Herrera, dec, 1, lib, iii. c. 14, &c. , VOL. I. M 162 HISTORY OF AAIERICA. BOOK new countries which he had discovered, a chart of ,^ "• , the coast along which he had sailed, and specimens 1499, of the gold, the pearls, and other curious or va luable productions which he had a6quired by traf ficking with the natives. At the same time he transmitted an account of the insurrection in His paniola ; he accused the mutineers not only of hav ing thrown the colony into such violent convulsions as threatened its dissolution, but. of having ob structed every attempt towards discoveiy and ira proveraent, by their unprovoked rebellion against their superiors, and proposed several regulations -. for the better government of the island, as well as the extinction of that mutinous spirit, which, though suppressed at present, might soon burst out with additional rage. Roldan and his associates did not neglect to convey to Spain, by the sarae ships, an apology for their own cpnduct, together with their recriminations upon the admiral and his brothers. Unfortunately for the honour of Spain, and the happiness of Columbus, the latter gained most credit in the court of Ferdinand and Isabella, and produced unexpected effects". The voy- But, prevIous to the relating of these. It is proper to Vas^^de ^'^^^ ^ ^^^^ °^ some events, which merit attention, thTEas" ^°*^ "" ac(;punt of their own iraportance, and their indiesTby conncxIon with the history of the New World. of Goof "^^^^^ Colurabus was engaged in his successive voy- Hope. ages to the west, the spirit of discoveiy did not lan guish In Portugal, the kingdom where It first acquired ^ Herrera, dec. 1, lib. iii. c. 14. Benzon. Hist, Nov Orb lib, l,c. 2, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 163 vigour, and became enterprising. Self-condemna- book tion and neglect were not the only sentiments to ^ ^^- j which the success of Columbus, and reflection upon 1499. their own imprudence in rejecting his proposals, gave rise among the Portuguese. They excited a general emulation to surpass his perforraances, and an ardent desire to make some reparation to their country for their own error. With this view, Emanuel, who Inherited the enterprising genius of his predecessors, persisted in their grand scheme of opening a passage to the j&st-lndles by the Cape of Good Hope, and soon after his accession to the throne eqtiipped a squadron for that important voyage. He gave the comraand of it to Vasco de Garaa, a raan of noble birth, possessed of virtue, prudence and courage, equal to the station. The squadron, like all those fitted out for discoveiy In theinfancy of navlgatioffl, was extremely feeble, con sisting only of three vessels, of neither burden nor force adequate to the service. As tiie Europeans were at that time little acquainted with the course of the trade-winds and periodical monsoons, which render navigation in the Atlantic Ocean, as well as in the sea that separates Africa from India, at some seasons easy, and at (Others ©ot only dangerous but almost irapracticable, the time chosien for but with some elegance. It contained an arausing histoiy of his voyage, and judicious observations upon the natural productions, the inhabitants, and the custoras of the countries which he had visited. As it was the first description of any part of the New World that was published, a perforraance so well calculated to gratify the passion of raankind for what is new and raarvellous, circulated rapidly, and was read with adrairation. The countiy of from which Araerigo was supposed to be the discoverer, whom the game gradually to be called by his narae. The name ot . » ¦ . ' America is caprlcc of raankind, often as unaccountable as un- uirNew J"^*' ^^^ perpetuated this error. By the universal Worlti. consent of nations, America Is the narae bestowed Pn this new quarter of the globe. The bold pre tensions of a fortunate impostor have robbed the discoverer of the New World of a distinction which belonged to him. The name of Amerigo has sup- HISTORY OF AMERICA. 169 planted that of Columbus; and raankind may regret book an act of injustice, which, having received the ^ ¦, sanction of time, it is now too late to redress''. 1499. During the same year, another voyage of disco very was undertaken. Columbus not only intro duced the spirit of naval enterprise into Spain, but all the first adventurers who distinguished them selves in this new career were formed by his in structions, and acquired in his voyages the skill and information which qualified thera to Iraitate his exaraple. Alonso Nigno, who had served under Voyage of the admiral in his last expedition, fitted out a single ^1°°^" ship, in conjunction with Christopher Guerra, a merchant of Seville, and sailed to the coast of Pa ria. This vpyage seems to have been conducted with greater attention to private emolument, than to any general or national object. Nigno and Guerra made no discoveries of any importance ; but they brought home such a return of gold and pearls, as inflamed their countryraen with the desire of engaging in sirailar adventures'*. Soon after, Vincent Yanez Pinzon, one of the isoo. admiral's corapanions in his first voyage, sailed ^^y.^^*^i. from Palos with four ships. He stood boldly to- Yanez Pin- wards the south, and was the first Spaniard who ^°"' ventured to cross the equinoctial line ; but he seems to have landed on no part of the coast beyond the niouth of the Maragnon, or river of the Amazons. All these navigators adopted the erroneous theory of Colurabus, and believed that the countries which <• See NOTE XXII. ^ P. Martyr, dec. p. 87. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iv. c.5. 170 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK they had discovered werejpart of the vast continent y^' ofIndia'=. 1500, During the last year of the fifteenth century, that The Portu- fertile district of Araerica, on the confines of which cover Bra- Piuzou had Stopped short, , was more fully disco- ^' vered. The successful voyage of Garaa to the East Indies having encouraged the King of Portugal to fit out a fleet so powerful as not dnly to carry on trade but to atterapt conquest, he gave the com mand of It to Pedro Alvarez Cabral. In order to avoid the coast of Africa, where he was certain of meeting with variable breezes, or frequent calms, which might retard his voyage, Cabral stood out to sea, and kept so far to the , west, that, to his sur prise, he found hiraself upon the shore of an un known country, in the tenth degree beyond . the line. He imagined at first that it was sorae island in the Atlantic Ocean, hitherto unobserved ; but, proceeding along its coast for several days, , he was led gradually to believe, that a country so extensive forraed a part of some great continent. This lat ter opinion was well founded. The countiy with which he fell in, belongs to that province in South America now known by the name of Brasil. He landed ; and having formed a very high Idea of the fertility of the soil, and agreeableness of the cli mate, he took possession of it for the crown of Portugal, and dispatched a ship to Lisbon with an account of this event, which appeared to be no less important than it was unexpected f. Columbus's " Herrera, dec, 1 , lib. iv, e. 6. P. Martyr, dec. p, 95. ' Herrera, dec, 1 . lib, iv, c. 7, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 171 discovery of the New World was the effort of an b o o k active genius enUghtened by science, guided by "• . experience, and acting upon a regular plan exe- 5500 cuted with no less courage than perseverance. But from this adventure of the Portuguese, it appears that chance might have accomplished that great design which it is now the pride of human reason to have formed and perfected. If the sagacity of Colurabus had not conducted mankind to Arae rica, Cabral, by a fortunate accident, raight have led thera, a few years later, to the knowledge of that extensive continent*^. While the Spaniards and Portuguese, by those MacW- - m J ., . . nations successive voyages, were daily acquiring raore en- against larged ideas ofthe extent and opulence of that quar- Columbus; ter of the globe which Colurabus had raade known to thera, he hiraself, far frora enjoying the tran quillity and honours with which his services should have been recorapensed, was struggling with every distress in which the envy and malevolence of the people under his command, or the ingratitude of the court which he served, could Involve him. Though the pacification with Roldan broke the union and weakened the force of the rautineers, it did not ex tirpate the seeds of discord out of the Island. Se veral of the raalecontents continued in arms, re fusing to submit to the adrairal. He and his bro thers were obliged to take the field alternately, In order to check their Incursions, or to punish their criraes. The perpetual occupation and disquiet which this created, prevented hiin frora giving due E Herrera, dec. 1 . lib. vii. c. 5. 172 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK attention to the dangerbus raachinations of his ene- 1^ ''¦ mies in the court of Spain. A good number of 1500: such as were most dissatisfied with his administra tion, had erabraced the opportunity of returning to Europe with the ships which he dispatched from St. Domingo. The final disappplntment of all their hopes Inflamed the rage of these uriforturiate adventurers against Columbus to the utmost pitch. Their poverty and distress, by exciting compassion, rendeted their accusations credible, and their com plaints interesting. They teased Ferdinand and Isabella incessantly with raeraorials, containing the detail of their own grievances," and the articles of their charge against Colurabus. Whenever either the King or Queen appeared in public, they sur rounded them in a turaultuary raanner, insisting with iraportunate claraours for the payment of the arrears due to them, and demanding vengeance upon the author of their sufferings. They insulted the adrairal's sons wherever they raet thera, re- proachirig them as the offspring of the projector, whose fatal curiosity had discovered those pernicious regions which drained Spain of its wealth, and would prove the grave of its people. These avowed endeavours of the malecontents from America to ruin Columbus, were seconded by the secret but more dangerous insinuations of that party araong the courtiers, which hadalways thwartedhis scheraes, and envied his success and credit^. their in- Ferdinand was disposed to Usten, not only- with fluence on ,,,, , . , . , , •' Ferdinand a Willing but With a partial ear, to these accusa- ivnd Isa bella ; h Life of Columbus, c. 85, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 173 tions. Notwithstanding the ; fiattering accounts book which Columbus had given of the riches of Arae- ,^ ' ^ rica, the remittances from it had hitherto been so 1500, scanty, that they feU far short of defraying the ex pense of the armaraents fitted out. The glory of the discovery, together with the prospect of remote comraercial advantages, was all that Spain had yet received In return for the efforts which .she had made. But time had already diminished the first sensations of joy which the discoveiy pf a New World occasioned, and fame alone was not an ob ject to satisfy the cold interested mind of Ferdi nand, The nature of commerce was then so Uttle understood, that where Immediate gain was not acquired, the hope of distant benefit, or of slow and moderate returns, was totally disregarded. Ferdi nand considered Spain, on this account, as having lost by the enterprise of Columbus, and imputed It to his misconduct and incapacity for government, that a countiy abounding in gold had yielded no thing of value to its conquerors. Even Isabella, who from the favourable opinion which she enter tained of Colurabus had uniforraly protected him, was shaken at length by the number and boldness of bis accusers, and began to suspect that a disaf fection so general must have been occasioned by real grievances, which called for redress. The Bishop of Badajos, with his usual aniraosity against Colurabus, encouraged these suspicions, and con firraed them. As soon as the Queen began to give way to the fatal ef- torrent of calumny, a resolution fatal to Columbus tJg_ ° was taken. Francis de Bovadiila, a knight of Ca- 174 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK latrava, was apppinted to repair to Hispaniola, with y ' , full powers to inquire into the conduct of Colurabus, 1600. and, if he should find the charge of mal-adrainlstra- tion proved, to supersede hira, and assurae the go vernment of the island. It was impossible to escape condemnation, when this preposterous coraraission made it the interest of the judge to pronounce the person whora he was sent to try, guilty. Though Colurabus had now coraposed all the dissentions in the island ; though he had brought both Spa niards and Indians to subrait peaceably tp bis go vernraent ; though he had raade such effectual pro vision for working the raines, and cultivating the country, as would have secured a considerable re venue to tbe King, as well as large profits to indi viduals ; Bovadiila, without deigning to attend to the nature or raerit of those services, discovered frora the moment that he landed in Hispaniola, a deterrained purpose of treating hira as a criminal. He took possession of the admiral's house in St. Domingo, frora which its master happened at that time to be absent, and seized his effects, as if his guilt had been already fully proved ; he rendered- hiraself master of the fort and of the King's stores by violence ; he required all persons to acknowledge hira as supreme governor ; he set at liberty the prisoners confined by the admiral, and sumraoned hira to appear before his twbunal, In order to an swer for his conduct; transmitting to him, toge ther with the summons, a copy of the royal man date, by which Columbus was enjoined to yield ira plicit obedience to his coraraands. Columbus Colurabus, tliough deeply affected with the in- sent in 1 HISTORY OP AMERICA. 175 gratitude and injustice of Ferdinand and Isabella, book did not hesitate a moment about his own conduct. ^^' He subraitted to the will of his sovereigns with a isooT^ respectful silence, and repaired directly to the court chains to of that violent and partial judg^ whom they had October, authorized to try him. Bovadiila, withput admitting him into his presence, ordered hira instantly to be arrested, to be loaded with chains, and hurried on board a ship. Even under this huniillating reverse of fortune, the firmness of mind which distinguishes the character of Colurabus did not forsake him. Conscious of his own integrity, and solacing hira self with reflecting upon the great things wbich he had achieved, he endured this insult off'ered to his character, not only with composure but with dig nity. Nor had he the consolation of sympathy to mitigate his sufferings. Bovadiila had already ren dered himself so extreraely popular, by granting various iraraunities to the colony, by liberal dona tions of Indians to all who applied for them, and by relaxing the reins of discipline and gpvernment, that the Spaniards, who were mostly adventurers, whom their indigence or crimes had compelled to abandon their native country, expressed the most indecent satisfaction with the disgrace and impri sonment of Columbus. They flattered theraselves, that now they should enjoy an uncontrolled liberty raore suitable to their disposition and former habits of life. Among persons thus prepared to censure the proceedings, and to asperse the character of Columbus, Bovadiila collected materials for a charge against him. All accusations, the most improbable as well as inconsistent, were received. 1 76 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK No inforraer, however infaraous, was rejected. The V ' J result of this inquest, no less indecent than partial, 1600. he transmitted to Spain. At the sarae tirae he ordered Columbus, with his two brothers, to be carried thither In fetters ; and, adding cruelty to insult, he confined them in different ships, and ex cluded them from the comfort of that friendly in tercourse which niight have soothed their comraon distress. But while the Spaniards in Hispaniola viewed the arbitrary and insolent proceedings of Bovadiila with a general approbation, which reflects dishonour upon their narae and country, one raan still retained a proper sense of the great actions which Columbus had performed, and was touched with the sentiraents of veneration and pity due to his rank, his age, and his raerit. Alonzo de Valejo, the captain of the vessel on board which the adrairal was confined, as soon as he was clear of the island, approached his prisoner with great respect, and offered to release him frora the fetters with which he was unjustly loaded. " No," replied Colurabus with a generous indignation, " I wear these irons in consequence of an order from my sovereigns. They shaU find me as obedient to this as to their other inj unctions. By their comraand I have been confined, and their comraand alone shall set rae at liberty'." Nov. 23. Fortunately, the voyage to Spain was extreraely be'itt, but short. As soon as Ferdinand and IsabeUa were In- deprived formed that Columbus was brought home a pri- of all au- ° * '¦ thority. ' Life of Columbus, c. 86. Herrera, dec. 1, lib, iv, c. 8 — 11. Gomara Hist. c. 23. Oviedo, lib. iii, c,6. HISTORY OF AMERICA, 177 soner, and in chains, they perceived at once what book universal astonishraent this event inust occasion, ,. ' _ j and what an irapression to their disadvantage it 1500. must raake. AU Europe, they foresaw, would be filled with indignation at this ungenerous requital of a raan who had perforraed actions worthy of the highest recorapense, and would exclaira against the injustice of the nation, to which he had been such an eminent benefactor, as well as against the ingra titude of the princes whose reign he had rendered illustrious. Ashamed of their own conduct, and eager not only to make some reparation for this injury, but to efface the stain which It might fix upon their character, they instantly issued orders to Dec. 17. set Columbus at Uberty, invited bim to court, and reraitted raoney to enable hira to appear there in a manner suitable to bis rank. When he entered the royal presence, Columbus threw himself at the feet ofhis sovereigns. He remained for sometirae silent; the various passions which agitated his mind sup pressing his power of utterance. At length he re covered himself, and vindicated his conduct in a long discourse, producing tbe most satisfying proofs of his own integrity as well as good Intention, and evidence, no less clear, of the malevolence of his eneraies, who, not satisfied with baving ruined his fortune, laboured to deprive him of what alone was now left, his honour and his fame. Ferdinand re ceived him with decent civility, and Isabella with tenderness and respect. They both expressed their sorrow for what had happened, disavowed their knowledge of it, and joined in promising hira pro tection and future favour. But though they in- VOL. I. N 1 78 HISTORY OF AMERICA. book Stantly degraded Bovadiila, In order to reraove from (^ ¦ ^ themselves any suspicion of having authorized his 1600. violent proceedings, they did not restore to Colum bus his jurisdiction and privileges as viceroy of those countries which he had discovered. Though willing to appear the avengers of Columbus's wrongs, that illiberal jealousy which prorapted thera to in vest Bovadiila with such authority as put It in his power to treat the adrairal with Indignity still sub sisted. They were afraid to trust a man to wbom they had been so highly indebted ; and retaining him at court under various pretexts, they appointed Nicholas de Ovando, a knight of the military order of Alcantara, governor of Hispaniola''. Colurabus was deeply affected with this new In jury, which carae from hands that seemed to be einployed in making reparation for his past suffer ings. The sensibility with which great minds feel every thing that implies any suspicion of their in tegrity, or that wears the aspect of an affront, is exquisite. Colurabus had experienced both from the Spaniards, and their ungenerous conduct exas perated him to such a degree, that he could no longer conceal the sentiments which it excited. Wherever he went he carried about with him, as a memorial of their ingratiti/de, those fetters with which he had been loaded. They were constantly hung lip In his charaber, and he gave orders, tliat when he died they should be buried in his grave'. isoi. Meanwhile the spirit of discovery, notwithstand- Progressof * ¦' dijLoveiy. ^ Herrera, dec. 1, lib. iv. c. 10 — 12, Life of Cohirabus, c, 87. ' Life of Columbus, c. 86. p. 577. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 179 ing the severe cheek which it had received by the book ungenerous treatraent of the raan who first excited ^^' it in Spain, continued active and vigorous. Rode- 1501 rigo de Bastidas, a person of distinction, fitted out January. two ships in copartnery with John de la Cosa, who having served under the admiral in two of his voy ages was deemed the most skilful pilot in Spain. They steered directly towards the continent, arrived on the coast of Paria, and, proceeding to the west, discovered all the coast of the province now kriown by the name of Tierra Firme, from Cape de Vela to the Gulf of Darien. Not long after Ojeda, with his forraer associate Araerigo Vespucci, set out upon a second voyage, and, being unacquainted with the destination of Bastidas, held the same course and touched at the sarae places. The voyage of Bastidas was prosperous and lucrative, that of Ojeda unfortunate. But both tended to increase the ar dour of discovery; for in proportion as the Spaniards acquired a more extensive knowledge of the Ame rican continent, their idea bf its opulence and fer tility increased"*. Before these adventurers returned frora their Ovando voyages, a fleet was equipped, at the public expense, goverao'r^ for carrying over Ovando, the new governor, to His- "f Hispa- paniola. His presence there was extremely requi site, in order to stop the inconsiderate career of Bo vadiila, whose iraprudent administration threatened the settlement with ruin. Conscious of the violence and iniquity of his proceedings against Columbus, he continued to make it his sole object to gain the '" Herrera, dec. 1 . lib. iv. c. 1 1 . 180 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK favour and support of his countrymen, by accom- ^^' modating himself to their passions and prejudices;. ISOL With this view, he established regulations in eveiy point the reverse of those which Colurabus deeraed essential to the prosperity of the colony. Instead of the severe discipline, necessaiy in order to habi tuate the dissolute and corrupted merabers of which the society was coraposed, to the restraints of law and subordination, he suffered thera to enjoy such uncontrolled license, as encouraged the wildest ex cesses. Instead of protecting the Indians, he gave a legal sanction to the oppression of that unhappy people. He took the exact number of such as sur vived their past calamities, divided thera into di stinct classes, distributed thera In property araong his ¦ adherents, and reduced all the pedple of the island to a state of complete servitude. As the avarice of the Spaniards was too rapacious and im patient to try any method of acquiring wealth but that of searching for gold, this servitude became as grievous as ib w(^,s unjust. The Indians were dri ven in crowds to tKeknountalns, and compelled to" work in the mines, bwpiasters who imposed their tasks without raercy or discretion. Labour so dis proportioned to their strength and forraer habits of life, wasted that feeble race of men with such rapid con'sumption, as raust have^sgpn terrairiated in the utter extinction of the ancient Hihabitants of the countiy". New regu- rp^g necessity of applying a speedy remedy to tablished. " Herrera, dec, 1. lib. iv. ell, &c.i Oviedo Hist. lib. iii. c. 6, p, 97. Benzon Hist, lib. i, c, 12. p. 51,' HISTORY OF AMERICA. 181 those disorders, hastened Ovando's departure. He B o o k had the command of the most respectable armament ,^ ^^' ^ hitherto fitted out for the New World. It consist- 1501, ed of thirty-two ships, on board of which twp thou sand five hundred persons erabarked with an in tention of settling in the country. Upon the ar- 1502. rival of the new governor with this powerful rein forceraent to the colony, Bovadiila resigned his charge, and was commanded to return instantly to Spain, in order to answer for his conduct. Roldan and the other ringleaders of the rautineers, who had been most active in opposing Colurabus, were re quired to leave the island at the sarae time. A pro clamation was issued, declaring the natives to be free subject^^ Spain, of whom no service was to be expected contrary to their own inclination, and without ^ying thera ap adequate price for their la bour. With respect to'the Spaniards themselves, various regulations were made, tending to suppress the licentious spirit which had been so fatal to the cplony, and to establish that- reverence for law and order on whicb society is founded, and to whlclv it is indebted for its increase and stabiUty. In order to limit the exorbitant gai^'i which prlv^ate persons were supposed to make by working the inines, an ordinance was pubUshed, directing all the gold to be brought tb a public smel ting-house, and declaring one half of it to bethe property of the crown °. While these steps wer« taking for securlnsr the "^'^^ '^'f: , * , agreeabJe tranquillity and welfare of the colony which Colum- ^situation of Columbus. ° Solorzano Politica Ihdiafia, lib, i, c. 12. Herrera, dec. 1, lib.iv. d. 12. 182 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o o k bus had planted, he hiraself was engaged in the,,/ ^^" unpleasant eraployraent of soliciting the favour of. ^^02 ^" ungrateful court, and notwithstanding all his merit and services, he solicited in vain. He de manded, in terms of the original capitulation In one thousand, four hundred and ninety-two, to be re instated in his office of viceroy over the countries which he had discovered. By a strange fatality, the circumstance which he urged in support of-his claim, determined a jealous monarch to reject^ft. The greatness of his discoveries, and the prospect of their increasing value, made Ferdinand consider the concessions in the capitulation as extravagant and Impolitic. He was afraidof Intrusting a sub ject with the exercise of a jurisdiction, that now ap-43 peared to be so extreraely extensive, and might grow to be no less formidable. He. inspired Isan, j bella with the sarne suspicions ; and under various pretexts, equally frivolous and unjust, they eluded all Columbus's requisitions to perforra that which a solemn compact bound them to accoraplish. After attending the Court of Spain for near two years, as an humble suitor, he found it impossible to re raove Ferdinand's prejudices and apprehensions; and perceived at length that he laboured in vain, when he urged a claira of justice or raerit with an interested and. unfeeling prince. He forms But even this ungenerous return did not di^ou- schemes of fage him from pursuing the great object which first discovery, called forth his inventive genius, and excited him to attempt discoveiy. To open a new passage to theEastlndies was his original and favourite'scheme. This stiU engrossed his thoughts ; and either from . HISTORY OF AMERICA. 183 his own observations in his voyage to Paria, or from book some obscure hint of the natives, or from the ac- , "" _ , counts given by Bastidas and de la Cosa of their 1502, expedition, he conceived an opinion that beyond the continent of America there was a sea which extended to the East Indies, and hoped to find some strait or narrow neck of land, by which a commu nication might be opened with it and the part of the ocean already known. By a very fortunate con jecture, he supposed this strait or isthmus to be si tuated near the Gulf of Darien. Full of this Idea, though he was now of an advanced age, worn out with fatigue, and broken with infirmities, he offered, with the alacrity of a youthful adventurer, to un dertake a voyage which would ascertain this irapor tant point, and perfect the grand scheme which from the beginning he proposed to accomplish. Several circumstances concurred in disposing Fer dinand and Isabella to lend a favourable ear to this proposal. They were glad to have the pretext of any honourable employraent for reraoving from court a raan with whose deraands they deemed it irapolitic to comply, and whose services it was in decent to neglect. , Though unwilling to reward Coluinbus, they were not insensible of his raerit, and frora their expeiience of his skill and conduct, had reason to give credit to his conjectures, and to coAfide in his success. To these considerations, a third raust be added of stUl raore" powerful influence. About this time the Portuguese fleet, under Cabral, arrived from the Indies ; and, by the richness of Its cargo, gave the people of Europe a more perfect idea than they had hitherto been able to form, of 184 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK the opulence and fertility of thp East. The Por- ^^" tuguese had been raore fprtunate in their discoveries \^^ than the Spaniards. They had opened a corarau nication with countries where industry, arts, and elegance flourished ; and where comraerce had been longer established, and carried to greater extent, than in any region of the earth. Their first voyages thither yielded iraraediate as well as vast returns of profit, in coramodities extremely precious and in great request. Lisbon becarae Iramediately the seat of coraraerce and vyealth ; while Spain had only the expectation of remote benefit, and of future gain, frora the western world. Nothing, tben, could be raore acceptable to the Spaniards than Colura bus's offer to conduct thera to the East, by a route which he expected to be shorter, as well as less dan gerous, than that whicb the Portuguese had taken. Even Ferdinand was roused by such a prospect, and warraly approved of the undertaking. His fourth But Interesting as the object of this voyage was voyage. ^^ ^^^ nation, Columbus could procure only four small barks, the largest of which did not exceed se venty tons in burden, for performing it. Accus tomed to brave danger, and to engage in arduous undertakings with Inadequate force, he did not he sitate to accept the comraand of this pitiful squa dron. His brother Bartholoraew, and his second son Ferdinand, the hlgtorlan of his actions, accom panied him. He sailed from Cadiz on the ninth of May, and touched, as usual, at the Canaiy is lands ; flora thence he proposed to have stood di rectly for thecontinent ; but his largest vessel was so clumsy and unfit for service, as constrained him HISTORY OF AMERICA. 185 to bear away for Hispaniola, in hopes of exchanging BOOK her for some ship, of the fleet that had carried out ^ ^^' Ovando. When he arrived at St. Doraingo, he 1502. found eighteen of these ships ready loaded, and on J""" 29. the point of departing for Spain. Colurabus ira mediately acquainted the governor with the desti nation of his voyage, and the accident which had obliged him to alter his route. He requested per mission to enter the harbour, not only that he raight negotiate the exchange of his ship, but that he raight take shelter during a violent hurricane, of which he discerned the approach frora various pro gnostics which his experience and sagacity had taught hira to observe. On that account, he ad vised hira likewise to put off for sorae days the de parture of the fleet bound for Spain. But Ovando refused his request, and despised his counsel. Un der circurastances in which huraanity would have afforded refuge to a stranger, Columbus was denied admittance into a countiy of which he had discover ed the existence and acquired the possession. His salutary warning, which merited the greatest atten- , tion, was regarded as the dream of a visionary pro phet, who arrogantly pretended to .predict an event beyond the reach of human foresight. The fleet set sail for Spain. Next night the hurricane carae pn with dreadful impetuosity. Columbus, aware of the danger, took precautions against it, and saved his little squadron. The fleet destined for Spain met with the fate which the rashness and obstinacy of its coraraanders deserved. Of eighteen ships two or three only escaped. In this general wreck pe rished -Bovadiila, Roldan, and the greater part of 186 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK those who had been the most active in persecuting t^ "' ^ Columbus, and oppressing the Indians. Together 1602. ^J*h theraselves, all the wealth which they had ac quired by their injustice and cruelty was swallowed up. It exceeded in value two hundred thousand pesos; an imraense sura at that period, and suffi cient not only to have screened thera frora any se vere scrutiny Into their conduct, but to have secured them a gracious reception in the Spanish court. Among the ships that escaped, one had on board all the effects of Columbus which had been reco vered from the ruins of bis fortune. Historians, struck with the exact discrimination of characters, as well as the just distribution of rewards and pu nishments, conspicuous in those events, universally attribute them to an Iraraediate interposition of Di vine Providence, in order to avenge the wrongs of an injured raan, and to punish the oppressors of an innocent people. Upon the ignorant and super stitious race of men, who were witnesses of this oc currence, it raade a different Irapression. From an opinion which vulgar admiration is apt to enter tain with respect to persons who have distinguished themselves by their sagacity and inventions, they believed Columbus to be possessed of supernatural powers, and imagined that he had conjured up this dreadful storm by magical art and incantations in order to be avenged of his eneraies p. Jul}- 14. Columbus soon left Hispaniola, where he met in vainfor wlth such an Inhospitable reception, and stood to- p Oviedo, lib, iii, c. 7. 9, Herrera, dec, 1, Kb, v, c, I, 3, Life of Columbus, c, 88, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 187 wards the continent. After a tedious and danger- BOOK ous voyage, he discovered Guanaia, an island not ^ _ ^^- , far distant from the coast of Honduras. There he I602. had an interview with some inhabitants of the con- f P^^^^s^ to the In tment, who arrived in a large canoe. They ap- dianocean. peared to be a people raore civilized, and who had made greater progress in the knowledge of useful arts, than any whom he had hitherto discovered. In return to the inquiries which the Spaniards made, with their usual eagerness, concerning the places where the Indians got the gold which they wore by way of ornament, they directed them to countries situated to the west, in which gold was found in such profusion, that it was applied to the most cora raon uses. Instead of steering in quest of a coun* try so inviting, which would have conducted hirn along the coast of Yucatan to the rich Erapire of Mexico, Colurabus was so bent upon his favourite scheme of finding out the strait which he supposed to communicate with the Indian Ocean, that he bore away to the east towards the gulf of Darien, In this navigation he discovered all the coast of the continent, from Cape Gracias a Dios to a harbour which, on account of its beauty and security, he called Porto BeUo. He searched in vain for the iraaginary strait, through which he expected to make his way into an unknown sea ; and though he went on shore several tiraes, and advanced into the countiy, he did not penetrate so far as to cross the narrow isthraus which separates the Gulf of Mexico from the great Southern Ocean. He was so much delighted, however, with the fertility of the country, and conceived such a^n idea of its I 88 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK wealth, from the specimens of gold produced by ,^ "• , the natives, thathe resolved to leave a sraall colony 1603. upon the river Belen, in the province of Veragua^ under the coramand of his brother, ahd to return hiraself to Spain, in order to procure what was re quisite for rendering the estabUshraent perraanent. But the Ungovernable spirit of the people under his coramand, deprived Columbus ofthe glory of plant ing the first colony on the continent of America. Their insolence and rapaciousness provoked the na tives to take arras ; and as these were a raore hardy and warUke race of raen than the inhabitants of the islandsjtheycut off part of the Spaniards, and obUged the rest to abandon a station which was found to be untenable 1. ship. This repulse, the first that the Spaniards raet on-the ^ith frora any of the Araerican nations, was not the coast of only raisfortune that befel Columbus ; it was fol lowed by a succession of all the disasters to which navigation is exposed. Furioiis hurricanes, with violent storms ofthunder and lightning, threatened his leaky vessels with destruction ; while his dis contented crew, exhausted with fatigue and desti tute of provisions, was unwilling or unable to exe cute his commands. One of his ships perished ; he was obliged to abandon another, as unfit for ser vice ; and with the two which remained, he quitted that part of the continent, which in his anguish he named the Coast of Vexation ¦¦, and bore away for 1 Herrera, dec, l.lib, v. c. 5, &c. Life of Columbus, c, 89, &c. Oviedo, lib iii. c. 9. ' La Costa de los Contrastes, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 1 89 Hispaniola. New distresses awaited him in this voy- B o o K age. He was driven back by a violent terapest from ^ "' ^ t the coast of Cuba, his ships fell foul of one another, 1603. and were so rauch shattered by the shock, that with the utmost difficulty they reached Jamaica, where June 24. he was obliged to run them aground, to prevent thera frora sinking. The measure of his calamities seemed now to be full. He vi'as cast ashore upon an island at a considerable distance from the only settlement of the Spaniards InAmerlca. His ships were ruined beyond the posslbilityof being repaired. To convey an account ofhis situation to Hispaniola, appeared irapracticable ; and without this it was vain to expect relief. His genius, fertile in re sources, and most vigorous in those perilous extre mities when feeble minds abandon themselves to despair, discovered the only expedient which af forded' any prospect of deliverance. He had re course to the hospitable kindness of the natives, who, considering the Spaniards as beings of a supe rior nature, were eager, on every occasion, to mi nister to their wants. From them he obtained two of their canoes, each formed out of the trunk of a single tree hollowed with fire, and sd rais-shapen and awkward as hardly to merit the narae of boats. In these, which were fit only ;for creeping along the coast, or crossing from one side of a bay to another, Mendez, a Spaniard, and Fieschi, a Genoese, two gentlemen particulai-ly attached to Colurabus, gal lantly offered to set out for Hispaniola, upon a voy age of above thirty leagues ^ This they accora- 'Oviedo/ lib, iii. e. 9. 190 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOO K plished in ten days, after surmounting incredibte V ^1' , dangers, and enduring such fatigues that several of 1603. the Indians who accompanied them sunk under it, and died. The attention paid to them by the go-* vernor of Hispaniola was neither such as their cou rage raerited, nor the distress of the persons frora whom they carae required. Ovando, frora a mean jealousy of Columbus, was afraid of allowing bira to set foot in the island under his governraent. This ungenerous passion hardened his heart against every tender sentinient, whicb reflection upon the services and raisfortunes of that great man, or com passion for his own fellow citizens involved in the same calamities, raust have excited. Mendez and Fieschi spent eight months in soliciting relief for their comraander and associates, without any pro spect of obtaining it. His dl- During this period, various passions agitated the stress and . °^ ^ ' . ^ ,0, sufferings mmd of Columbus and his companions in adver- ^ '^* sity. At first, the expectation of speedy deliverance, frora the success of Mendez and Fleschi's voyage, 1604, cheered the spirits of the most desponding. After some time the raost tiraorous began to suspect that they had raiscarried In their daring atterapt. At length, even the raoat sanguine concluded that they had perished. The ray of hope which had broke in upon thera, made their condition appear now more dismal. Despair, heightened by disappoint ment, settled In every breast. Their last resourcehad failed, and nothing remained but the prospect of end ing their raiserable days araong naked savages, far fromtheircountiyand their friends. The searaen, in atransport of rage, rose in open rautiny, threatened HISTORY OF AMERICA. 191 the Ufe of Columbus, whom they reproached as B O o K the author of all their calaraities, seized ten canoes, ^ ^^' which they had purchased frora the Indians, and, 1504, despising his remonstrances and entreaties, raade off with them to a distant part of the island. At the same tirae the natives murraured at the long residence of the Spaniards in their countiy. As their Industry was not greater than that pf their neighbours in Hispaniola, like thera they found the burden of supporting so raany strangers to be alto gether intolerable. They began to bring in provi sions with reluctance, they furnished them with a sparing hand, and threatened to withdraw those sup plies altogether. Such a resolution must have been quickly fatal to the Spaniards. Their safety de pended uppn the good will ofthe Indians ; and un less they could revive the adrairation and reverence with which that simple people had at first beheld them, destruction was unavoidable. Though the licentious proceedings of the rautineers had in a great measure effaced those impressions which had been so favourable to the Spaniards, the ingenuity of Columbus suggested a happy artifice, that not only restored but heightened the high opinion which the Indians had originally entertained pf them. By his skill in astronomy, he knew that there was shorlly to be a total eclipse ofthe moon. He assembled all the principal persons of the di strict around him on the day before it happened, and, after reproaching thera for their fickleness in with drawing their affection and assistance frora raen whora they had lately revered, he told them, that the Spaniards were servants ofthe Great Spirit who 192 ¦ HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK dweUs in heaven, who made and governs the world; ^ "• that he, offended at their refusing to support men 1504^ who were the objects of his peculiar favour, was preparing to punish this crime with exemplary se verity, and that very night the- moon should wlth-^ hold her Ught, and appear ofa bloody hue, as a sign of the divine wrath, and an emblem of the ven geance ready to fall upon thera. To this marvel lous prediction some of them listened with the " careless indifference peculiar to the people of Ame rica ; others, with the credulous astonishment na tural to barbarians. But when the raoon began gradually to be darkened, and at length appeared of a red colour, all were struck with terror. They ran with consternation to their houses, and return ing instantly to Colurabus loaded with provisions, threw thera at his feet, conjuring him to intercede with the Great Spirit to avert the destruction with which they were threatened. Columbus, seeming tp be raoved by their entreaties, proraised to cora ply with their desire. The* eclipse went off, the moon recovered its splendour, and frora that day the Spaniards were not only furnished profusely with provisions, but the natives, with superstitious attention, avoided every thing that_could give thera offence'. Acniei During those transactions, the mutineers had tathem. f^^de repeated atterapts to paSs over to Hispaniola in the canoes wbich they had seized. But, front their own raisconduct, or the violence of the winds t Life of Columbus, c. 103, Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vi. c. 5, 6, Benzoq. Hist, lib, i. c, 14, HISTORY OP AMERICA. • 193 and currents, their efforts were all unsuccessful, book Enraged at this disappointment, they raarched to- ''" wards that part of the Island where Columbus re- 1504 mained, threatening him with new insults and danger. While they were advancing, an event happened, more cruel and afflicting than any ca lamity which he dreaded from thera. The governor of Hispaniola, whose raind was still filled with sorae dark suspicions of Colurabus, sent asmall bark to Jaraaica, not to deUver his distressed countryraen, but to spy out their condition. Lest the sympathy of those whom he eraployed should afford them relief, contrary to his intention, he gave the comraand of this vessel to JEscobar, an inveterate eneray of Colurabus, who, adhering to his instructions with raalignant accuracy, cast anchor at ' some distance from the island, ap proached the shore in a small boat, observed the wretched pUght of the Spaniards, delivered a letter of erapty corapliraents to the adrairal, received hl& answer, and departed.* When the Spaniards first descried the vessel standing towards the island, every heart exulted, as if the long expected hour of their deliverance had at length arrived ; but when it disappeared so suddenly, they sunk into the deepest dejection, and all their hopes died away. Colurabus alojie, though he felt most sensibly this wantonlnsult which Ovando added to his past neg lect, retained such composure of mind as to be able to cheer his followers.. He assured them, that Mendez and Fieschi had reached Hispaniola in safety ; that they would speedily procure ships to carry theni off; but, as Escobar's vessel could not VOL, I, o , 194 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK take them all on board, that he had refused to go ,. ^^' , with her, because he w)as determined never to 1604, abandon the faithful companions of his distress. Soothed with the expectatidn of speedy deliverance, and delighted with his apparent generosity in at tending more to their preservation than to his own safety, their spirits revived, and he regained their confidence". Without this confidence he could not have re sisted the mutineers, who were now at hand. All his endeavours to reclaim those desperate men had no effect but to Increase their phrensy. Their de mands becarae every day raore extravagant, and their intentions raore violent and bloody. The coramon safety rendered It necessaiy to oppose thera with open force. Colurabus, who had been long afflicted with the gout, could not take the field. May 20, His brother, the adelantado, marched against them. They quickly raet. The rautineers rejected with scorn terras of accoraraodation, which were once raore offered thera, and rushed on boldly to the attack. They fell not upon an enemy un prepared to receive them. In the first shock, several of their most daring leaders were slain. The adelantado, whose strength was equal to his courage, closed with their captain, wounded, dis armed, and took him prisoner''. At sight of this, the rest fled with a dastardly fear suitable to their former insolence. Soon after, they submitted in a body to Colurabus, and bound themselves by the " Lifeof Columbus, c. 104. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vi. c. 17. ^ Life of Colurabus, c. 107. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vi. c. U. history of AlStERICA. 195 most solemn oaths to obey all his comraaiids. book Hardly was tranquillity re-established, when the v_i'L_/ ships appeared, whose arrival Columbus had pro- 1504. mised with great address, though he could foresee it with little certainty. With transports of joy, the Spaniards quitted an island in which the unfeeling jealousy of Ovando had suffered them to languish above a year, exposed to misery in all its various forms. When they arrived at St. Domingo, the go- His de- vernor, with the mean artifice of a vulgar mind, andTnw'ai that labours to atone for Insolence by serviUty, at Hispa- fawned on the raan whom he envied, and had at- °'° *' tempted to ruin. He received Columbus with the most studied respect, lodged him in his own house, and distinguished him with every mark of honour. But amidst those overracted demonstrations of re gard, he could not conceal the hatred and malig nity latent in his heart. He set at liberty the cap tain of the mutineers, whom Columbus had brought over in chains to be tried for his criraes ; and threatened such as had adhered to the adrairal with proceeding to a judicial Inquiry Into their conduct. Colurabus subraitted in silence to what he could not redress ; but discovered an extrerae Irapatience to quit a country which was under the jurisdiction of a raan who had treated hira, on every occasion, with inhuraanity and injustice. His preparations sept, 12. were soon finished, and he set sail for Spain with two ships. Disasters sirailar to those which had accorapanied hira through life continued to pursue hira to the end of his career. One of his vessels being disabled, was soon forced back to St. Do- o2 196 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK mingo ; the other, shattered by violent stormsi "¦ sailed seven hundred leagues with jury-masts, and 1504. reached with difficulty the port of St. Lucar^. Decern- There he received the account of an event the Death of most fatal that could have befallen him, and which Jj*''^g*' completed his misfortunes. This was the death pf his patroness Queen Isabella, in whose justice, huraanity, and favour, he confided as his last re source. None now reraained to redress his wrongs, or to reward hira for his services and sufferings, but Ferdinand, who had so long opposed and so often injured hira. To solicit a Prince thus prejudiced against him, was an occupation no less irksome than hopeless. In this, however, was Columbus dooraed to eraploy the close ofhis days. As soon as his health was In sorae degree re-established, he repaired to court ; and thougb he was received there with civility barely decent, he plied Ferdinand with petitioh after petition, deraanding the punishment of his oppressors, and the restitution of all the pri vileges bestowed upon, him by the capitulation of one thousand four hundred and ninety-two. Fer dinand araused hira with fair words and unraeaning promises. Instead of granting his claims, he pro posed expedients in order to elude thera, and spun out the affair with such apparent art, as plainly dis covered his intention that it should never be terrai nated. The declining health of Colurabus flattered Ferdinand with the hopes of being "soon delivered frora an importunate suitor, and encouraged hira to persevere in this illiberal plan. Nor was he de- y Life of Columbus, c. 108, Herrera, dec. 1 . lib. vi. c 12. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 197 ceived In his expectations. Disgusted' with the in- b o o K gratitude of a raonarch whom he had served with ''" such fidelity and success, exhausted with the fa- 1504 tigues and hardships which he had endured, and broken with the infirmities which these had brought upon him, Columbus ended his life at Valladolid on the twentieth of May one thousand five hundred and six. In the fifty-ninth year of his age. He Death of died with a composure of mind suitable to the raag- ° """ "'" naniraity which distinguished his character, and with sentiments of piety becoming that supreme respect for religion which he manifested in every occurrence of his life^. == Lifeof Columbus, c, 108, Herrera, dec, 1, lib. vi.- c. 13, 14, 15, THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK m. BOOK \7ik/^^^'^ Colurabus was eraployed in his last III, V T voyage, several events worthy of notice hap- \^4 pened in Hispaniola. The colony there, the parent State of and nurse of all the subsequent establishraents of in^H^-""^ Spain in the New World, gradually acquired the paniola. form of a regular and prosperous society. The hu mane solicitude of Isabella to protect the Indians frora oppression, and particularly the proclaraation by which the Spaniards were prohibited to corapel thera to work, retarded, it is true, for some time the progress of iraproveraent. The natives, who considered exemption from toil as supreme felicity, scorned every allureraent and reward by which they were Invited to labour. The Spaniards had not a sufficient nuraber of hands either to work the raines or to cultivate the soil. Several of the first colo nists, vvho had been accustomed to the service of HISTORY OF AMEUICA. 199 the Indians, quitted the island, when deprived of b o o k those instruraents, without which they knew not '*'" how to carry on any operation. Many of the new 1504 settlers who carae over with Ovando, were seized with the disterapers peculiar to the cliraate, and in a short space above a thousand of thera died. At the same time, the exacting one half of the product of the mines as the royal share, was found to be a demand so exorbitant, that no adventurers would engage to work them upon such terms. In order to save the colony from ruin, Ovando ventured to relax the rigour of the royal edicts. He made a new 1505. distribution of the Indians araong the Spaniards, and corapeUed thera to labour, for a stated time, in digging the raines, or in cultivating the ground ; but in order to screen himself from the imputation of having subjected them again to servitude, he en joined their masters to pay thera a certain sum, as the price of their work. He reduced the royal share of the gold found in the raines frora the half to the third part, and soon after lowered it to a fifth, at which it long reraained. Notwithstanding Isabella's tender concern for the good treatraent of the In dians, and Ferdinand's eagerness to iraprove the royal revenue, Ovando persuaded the court to ap prove of both these regulations". But the Indians, after enjoying respite from op- War «-ith pression, though during a short interval, now felt *'j^^^/^"" the yoke of bondage to be so galling, that they made several atterapts to vindicate their own liberty. This the Spaniards considered as rebeUion, and * Herrera, dec, 1, lib, v. c,3.. 200 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOO Ktook arms in order to reduce thera to subjection. ^___^ ", When war is carried on between nations whose 1505. state of iraproveraent Is in any degree sirailar, the raeans of defence bear sorae proportion to those employed in the attack ; and in this equal contest such efforts raust be raade, such talents are displayed, and such passions roused, as exhibit raankind to view in a situation no less striking than Interesting. It Is one of the noblest functions of history to ob serve and to delineate raen at a juncture when their minds are most violently agitated, and all their powers and passions are called forth. Hence the operations of war, and the struggles between con tending states, have been deemed by historians, an cient as well as modern, a capital and important article In the annals of human actions. But in a contest between naked savages, and one of the most warlike of the European nations, where science, courage, and discipline on one side were opposed by ignorance, timidity, and disorder on the other, a particular detail of events would be as unpleasant as uninstructive. If the simplicity and innocence of the Indians had Inspired the Spaniards with hu manity, had softened the pride of superiority Into compassion, and had induced them to iraprove the inhabitants of the New World, instead of oppress ing thera, some sudden acts of violence, like the too rigorous chastiserrients of irapatient instructors, might have been related without horror. But, un fortunately, this consciousness of superiority ope rated In a different manner. Tbe Spaniards were advanced so far beyond the natives of America In improvement of every kind, that they viewed them HISTORY OF AMERICA. 201 with conterapt. They conceived the Araericans to b o O K be aniraals of an inferior nature, who were not en- '''• titled to the rights and privUeges of men. In peace, ^^qsT they subjected thera to servitude. In war, ihey paid no regard to those laws, which, by a tacit conven tion between contending nations, regulate hostility, and set sorae bounds to its rage. They considered thera not as raen fighting in defence of their liberty, but as slaves who had revolted against their mas ters. Their caziques, wben taken, were condemned, like the leaders of banditti, to the most cruel and ignorainious punishraents ; and all their subjects, without regarding the distinction of ranks esta blished araong them, were reduced to the same state of abject slavery. With such a spirit and sen timents were hostiUties carried on against the ca zique of HIguey, a province at the eastern extremity of the island. This war was occasioned by the per fidy of the Spaniards, in violating a treaty which they had made with the natives, and It was termi nated by hanging up the cazique, who defended his people with bravery so far superior to that of his countrymen, as entitled him to a better fate''. The conduct of Ovando, In another part of the The cruel island, was stiU raore treacherous and cruel. The cherouT province anciently named Xaragua, which extends ^ "''"'^' °^ from the fertile plain where Leogane is now situated to the western extremity of the island, was subject to a female cazique, named Anacoana, highly re- upected by the natives. She, from that partial fond ness with which the women of America were attach- ^ Herrera, dec, 1. lib, vi, c, 9, 10, 202 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B O'O K ed to the Europeans, (the cause of which shall be ^ ^^^' ^ afterwards explained,) had always courted the friend- l50Sk ship of the Spaniards, and loaded them with bene fits. But some of the adherents of Roldan having settled in her country, were so much exasperated at her endeavouring to restrain their excesses, that they accused her of having forraed a plan to throw - off the yoke, and to exterrainate the Spaniards. Ovando, though he knew well what little credit was due to such profligate men, raarched, without fur ther inquiry, towards Xaragua, with three hundred foot and seventy horseraen. To prevent the Indians frora taking alarra at this hostile appearance, he gave out that his sole intention was to visit Anaco ana, to whom his countrymen had been so much indebted, in the raost respectful raanner, and'to re gulate with her the mode of levying the tribute payable to the King of Spain. Anacoana, in order to receive this Illustrious guest with due honour, assembled the principal men in her dorainions, to the number of three hundred ; and advancing at the head of these, accompanied by a great crowd of persons of inferior rank, she welcoraed Ovando with songs and dances, according to the mode of the countiy, and conducted him to tbe place of her residence. There he was feasted for sorae days, with aU the kindness of simple hospitality, and araused with the games and spectacles usual among the Araericans upon occasions of mirth and festivity. But amidst the security which this inspired, Ovando was meditating the destruction of his unsuspicloiis entertainer and her subjects ; and the mean perfidy with which he executed this scheme, equalled his HISTORY OF AMERICA. 203 barbarity in forraing it. Under colour of exhibiting book to the Indians the parade of an European tourna- i*"' iiienti he advanced with his troops, in battle array, \^5^ towards the house in which Anacoana and the chiefs who attended her were asserabled. The infantry took possession of all the avenues which led to the village. The horseraen encompassed the house. These raoveraents were the object of adrairation without any mixture of fear, until, upon a signal which had been concerted, the Spaniards suddenly drew their swords, and rushed upon the Indians, defenceless, and astonished at an act of treachery which exceeded the conception of undesigning men. In a nloraent Anacoana was secured. All her at tendants were seized and bound. Fire was set to the house ; and without examination or conviction, all these unhappy persons, the most illustrious in their own country, were consumed in the flames. Anacoana was reserved for a raore ignorainious fate. She was carried in chains to St. Doraingo, and, after the forraality of a trial before Spanish judges, she was conderaned, upon the evidence of those very raen who had betrayed her, to be publicly hanged ". Overawed and hurabled by this atrocious treat- Reduction raent of their pririces and nobles, who were objects '^^.^^^ ^^^ of their highest reverence, the people in all the pro- 'ts effects. vinces of Hispaniola subraitted,, without further re sistance, to the Spanish yoke. Upon the death of Isabella all the regulations tending to raitigate the * Oviedo, lib, iii, c, 12, Herrera, dec, i. lib. vi. c. 4. Relacion de Destruyc, de las Indias por Bart, de las tJasas, p. 8. SOI HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK rigour of their servitude were forgotten. The small "^' gratuity paid to them as the price of their laboui? isosT ^^s withdrawn, and at the sarae time the tasks im posed upon them were increased.. Ovando, with out any restraint, distributed Indians among his friends in the island. Ferdinand, to whom the Queen had left by will one half of the revenue arising from the settlements in the New World, conferred grants of a sirailar nature upon his cour tiers, as the least expensive raode of rewarding their services. They farmed out the Indians, of whom they were rendered proprietors, to their countryraen settled in Hispaniola; and that wretched people, being corapelled to labour in order to sa tisfy the rapacity of both, the exactions of their oppressors no longer knew any bounda. But, bar barous as their policy was, and fatal to the inhabi tants of Hispaniola, it produced, for sorae time, very considerable effects. By calling forth the force of a whole nation, and exerting it in one direction, the working of the raines v,?as carried on with araazing rapidity and success. During several years, the gold brought Into the royal smelting-houses in Hispaniola araounted annually to four hundred and sixty thousand pesos, above a hundred thousand pounds sterling ; which, if we attend to the great change in the value of raoney since the beginning of the sixteenth centuiy to the present times, must appear a considerable sum. Vast fortunes were created, of a sudden, by some, Othcrs dissipated in ostentatious profusion, what they acquired with facility. Dazzled by both, new adventurers crowded to America, with the most eager impatience, to HISTORY OF AMERICA. 205 share in those treasures which had enriched their book countrymen ;- and, notwithstanding the mortality y_^^_, occasioned by the unhealthiness of the cUmate, the 1506. colony continued to increase''. Ovando governed the Spaniards with wisdora Progressof and justice not inferior to the rigour with which he ^° °^I' treated the Indians. He established equal laws ; and, by executing them with Impartiality, accus toraed the people of the colony to reverence thera. He founded several new towns in different parts of the island, and allured Inhabitants to them by the concession of various iraraunities. He endeavoured to turn the attention of the Spaniards to some branch of industry more useful than that of search ing for gold In the mines. Some slips of the sugar cane having been brought frora the Canary islands by way of experiraent, they were fPund to thrive with such increase in the rich soil and warm cli mate to which they were transplanted, that the cul tivation of thera soon became an object of com raerce. Extensive plantations were begun ; sugar- works, which the Spaniards called inge?iios, from the various raachinery eraployed in thera, were erected, and in a few years the manufacture of this commodity was the great occupation of the inha bitants of Hispaniola, and the raost considerable source of their wealth^. The prudent endeavours of Ovando, to promote Political the welfare of the colony, were powerfully seconded ofl^erd^" by Ferdinand. The large remittances which herand. received from the New Wcu'ld opened his eyes, at '' Hei-rera, dec. 1, lib. vi, c. 18, &c. ^ Oviedo, lib. iv. c. 8. 206 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK length, with respect to the importance of those ^"- discoveries, which he had hitherto affected to un- ^^P^ dervalue. Fortune, and his own address, having now extricated him out of those difficulties in which 1507, he had been involved by the death of his Queen, and by his disputes with his son-in-law about the govern nient of her dorainions^, he had full leisure to turn his attention to the affairs of Araerica. To his provident sagacity, Spain is indebted for raany of those regulations which gradually formed that system of profound but jealous policy, by which she governs her dominions in the New World. He erected a court distinguished by the title of Casa de Contratacion, or Board of Trade, composed of persons eminent for rank and abilities, to whora he coraraitted the administration of Araerican affairs- Thls board asserabled regularly in Seville, and was invested with a distinct and extensive jurisdiction. He gave a regular form to ecclesiastical governraent in Araerica, by nominating archbishops, bishops, deans, together with clergymen of subordinate ranks, to take charge of the Spaniards established there, as well as of the natives who should erabrace the Christian faith. But notwithstanding the ob sequious devotion of the Spanish court to the Papal See, such was Ferdinand's solicitude to prevent any foreign power frora clairaing jurisdiction, or ac quiring influence, in his new dorainions, that he reserved to the crown of Spain the sole right of pa tronage to the benefices in America, and stipulated that no papal buU or mandate should be promul- ' Hist, of the Reign of Charles V. vol. ii, p. 6, &c. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 207 gated there, until it was previously exarained and book approved of by his council. With the sarae spirit y^^' of jealousy, he prohibited any goods to be exported 1507. to Araerica, or any person to settle there, without a special licence frora that councils. But, notwithstanding this attention to the police The num- and welfare of the colony, a calaraity impended j^^.°|^^'"' which threatened its dissolution. The original in- diminishes habitants, on whose labour the Spaniards in HI- "" " ^ spanlola depended for their prosperity, and even their existence, wasted so fast, that the extinction of the whole race seeraed to be Inevitable. When Colurabus discovered Hispaniola, the nuraber of its inhabitants was coraputed to be at least a raillion''. Theywere now reduced to sixty thousand Inthe space of fifteen years. This consumption of the human species, no less araazing than rapid, was the effect of several concurring causes. The natives of the American islands were of a more feeble constitution than the inhabitants of the other hemisphere. They could neither perform the sarae work, nor endure the same fatigue, with raen whose organs were of a more vigorous conformation. The listless indo lence in which they deUghted to pass their days, as it was the effect of their debility, contributed like- ¦ wise to increase it, and rendered them, frora habit as well as constitution, incapable of hard labour. The food on which they subsisted afforded little nourishrnent, and they were accustoraed to take it in sraall quantities, not sufficient to invigorate a B Herrera, dec. 1, lib, vi. c, 19, 20, h Ibid, dec, 1. lib, X, c. 12, 268 . HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOO K languid frame, and render it equal to the efforts of ^^^"^ active industry. The Spaniards, without attending 1507. to those •peculiarities in the constitution of the Americans, imposed tasks upon them, which, though not greater than Europeans might have performed with ease, were so disproportioned to their strength, that many sunk under the fatigue, and ended their Wretched days. Others, prorapted by irapatience and despair, cut short their own lives with a violent hand. Famine, brought on by compelling such numbers to abandon the culture of their lands, in order to labour in the mines, proved fatal to many. Diseases of various kinds, some occasioned by the hardships to which they were Exposed, and others by their intercourse with the Europeans, who com raunicated to thera sorae of their peculiar raaladies, corapleted the desblation of the island. The Spa niards, being thus deprived ofthe instruments which they were accustoraed to eraploy, found it irapossi ble to extend their iraproveraents, or even to carry 1508. on the works which they had already begun. In order to provide an iraraediate remedy for an evil so alarming, Ovando proposed to transport the in habitants of the Lucayo islands to Hispaniola, under pretence that they might be civilized with more facility,, and instructed to greater advantage in the Christian religion, if they were united to the Spa nish colony, and placed under the immediate in spection of the missionaries settled there. Ferdi nand, deceived by this artifice, or willing to connive at an act of violence which policy represented as necessary, gave bis assent to the proposal. Several vessels were fitted out for the Lucayos, the com- HISTORY OF AMERICA, ;;• 209 manders of which informed the natives, with whp|se 6 o ok language they were now well acquainted, that they\_^"' / came from a delicious countiy, in which thede- 1503. parted ancestors of the Indians resided, . by whom they were sent to invite their descendants to resort thither, to partake of the bliss enjoyed there by happy spirits. That simple people listened with wonder and credulity ; and, fond of visiting their relations and friends in that happy region, followed the Spaniards with eagerness. By this artifice, above forty thousand were decoyed into HispanJola, to share in the sufferings- which were the lot of the inhabitants of that Island, and to mingle their groans and tears with those of that wretched race of raen'. The Spaniards had, for some time, carried on New dis- their operations in the mines of Hispaniola with and settle. sueh ardour as well as success, that these seeraed ments,. to have engrossed their whole attention*. The spirit of discovery languished ; and, since the last voyage of Colurabus, no enterprise of any moment had been undertaken. But as the decrease of the In dians rendered it impossible to acquire wealth in that island with the same rapidity as forraerly, this urged some of the more adventurous Spaniards^to search for new cPuntries, where their avarice raight be gratified with raore facility. Juan Ponce de Leon, who comraanded under Ovando In the eastern district of Hispaniola, passed over to the island of St. Juan de Puerto Rico, which Colurabus had dls- ' Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vii, c. 3. Oviedo, lib. iii. c. 6, Gomara Hist. c. 41. VOL. I. P 2ia HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK covered iii his second vopge, and penetrated into ^^ "^' the interior part of the countiy. As he found the 1508. soil to be fertile, and expected, frora sorae syraptoras, as well as from the inforraation of the inhabitants, to discover mines of gold in the mountains, Ovan do permitted hira to attempt making a settlement in the island. This was easily effected by an officer eminent for conduct no less than for courage. In a few years Puerto Rico was subjected to the Spa nish government, the natives were reduced to ser vitude ; and being treated with the same inconside rate rigour as their neighbours in HIspanipla, the race of original inhabitants, worn out with fatigue and sufferings, was soon exterrainated"^. About the sarae time Juan Diaz de Soils, in con junction with Vincent Yanez Pinzon, one of Co lumbus's original corapanions, made a voyage to the continent. They held the sarae course which Co lurabus had taken, as far as to the island of Guanaios ; but, standing frora thence to the west, they disco vered a new and extensive province, afterwards known by the narae of Yucatan, and proceeded a considerable way along the coast of that country'. Though nothing raeraorable occurred in this voyage, it deserves notice, because it led to discoveries of greater importance. Forthe same reason, the voyage of Sebastian de Ocampo must be mentioned. By the command of Ovando he sailed round Cuba, and " Hen-era, dec, I. lib, vii, c, 1—4, Gomara Hist. c. 44. Relacion de B. de las Casas, p. 10. ' Herrera, dec, 1 , lib. vi, c, 1 7. HISTORY OP AMERICA. 211 first discovered with certainty, that this countiy, book which Colurabus once supposed to be a part of the ^'^• continent, was a large island"".^ ^5^"^ This voyage round Cuba was one of the last oc- i^'ego Co- currences under the adrainistration of Ovando. p"hitcd^^ Ever since the death of Colurabus, his son Donf/nY,""'^ Diego had been eraployed in soliciting Ferdinand niola, to grant him the offices of viceroy and admiral In the New World, together with all the other immu nities and profits which descended to hira by inhe ritance, in consequence of the original capitulation with his father. But if these dignities and revenues appeared so considerable to Ferdinand, that, at the expense of being deemed unjust as well as ungrate ful, he had wrested them from Columbus, it is not surprising that he should be unwiUing to confer them on his son. Accordingly Don Diego wasted two years in incessant but fruitless importunity. Weary of this, he endeavoured at length to obtain by a legal sentence what he could not procure from the favour of an interested monarch. He cora menced a suit against Ferdinand before the council which managed Indian affairs ; and that court, with integrity which reflects honour upon Its proceedings, decided against the King, and sustained Don Diego's claira of the viceroyalty, together with all the other privileges stipulated In the capitulation. Even after this decree, Ferdinand's repugnance to put a sub ject in possession of such extensive rights, might have thrown in new obstacles. If Don Diego had "¦ Herrera, dec, 1 . lib, vii. c, 1 . p2 2 1 2 HISTORY 01 AMERICA. BOOK not taken a step which interested veiy powerful per- ^ '[ , sons in the success of his; claims. The sentence 160S. of the council of the Indies gave him a title to a rank so elevated, and a fortune so opulent, that he • found no difficulty in concluding a marriage with DonnaMarIa, daughter of DonFerdinand de Toledo, great comraendator of Leon, and brother of thcDuke of Alva, a nobleman of the fii'st rank, and nearly related to the King. The Duke and his family es poused so warmly the cause of their new ally, that 1509. Ferdinand could not resist their solicitations. He recalled Ovando, and appointed Don Diego his suc cessor, though even in conferring this> favour he could not conceal his jealousy ; for he allowed him to assurae only the title of governor, not that of vice roy, which had been adjudged to belong to hira". He repairs j)on Dlcgo quickly repaired to Hispaniola, at- niola. tended by bis brother, his uncles', his wife, whom the courtesy of the Spaniards honouued with the title of vice-queen, and a nuraerous retinue of per sons of both sexes born of good families. He lived with a splendour and magnificence hitherto un known in the New World ; and the family of Co lumbus seemed now to enjoy the honours and re wards due to his inventive genius, of which he him self had been cruelly defi'auded. The colony itself acquired new lustre by the accession of so many inhabitants, of a different rank and character from most of those who had hitherto migrated to Ame rica, and many of the most illustrious families in " Heiiera, dec, 1 . Kb. vii, c, 4, &c. HISTORY OP AMERICA. 2l3 the Spanish settlements are descended from the book p^'sons who at that tirae accompanied Don Diego "^• Colurabus'. 1609 No benefits accrued to the unhappy natives frora this change of governors. Don Diego was not only authorized by a royal edict to continue the reparti- mientos, or distribution of Indians, but the parti cular nuraber which he raight grant to every per son, according to his rank in the colony, was spe cified. He availed hiraself of that permission ; and soon after he landed at St. Domingo, he divided ' such Indians as were still unappropriated, araong his relations and attendants?. The next care of the new governor was to cora- Pearl ply with an instruction which he received from the cubagua. King, about settling a colony in Cubagua, a small island which Columbus had discovered In his third voyage. Though this barren spot hardly yielded subsistence to its wretched inhabitants, such quan tities of those oysters which produce pearls were found on its coast, that it did not long escape the inquisitive avarice of the Spaniards, and became a place of considerable resort. Large fortunes were acquired by the fishery of pearls, which was carried on with extraordinaiy ardour. The Indians, espe cially those from the Lucayo islands, were com pelled to dive for thera ; and this dangerous and unhealthy employment was an additional calaraity, which contributed not a little to the extinction of that devoted race"!. "Oviedo, lib. iii, c. 1, p Recopilacion de Leyes, lib, vi. tit. 8, 1.1, 2. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vii. c. 10, t Herrera, dec. 1, lib, vii, c. 9. Gomara Hist, c, 78. 214 HISTORY OF AMERICA. ' BOOK About this period, Juan Diaz de Solis and Pinzon "^; ^ set out, in conjunction, upon a second voyage. They stood directly south, towards the equinoctial line, which Pinzon had forraerly crossed, and ad vanced as far as the fortieth degree of southern latitude. They were astonished to find tbat tbe continent of Araerica stretched on their right hand through all this vast extent of ocean. They landed in different places, to take possession In narae of their sovereign ; but though the countiy appeared to be extremely fertile and inviting, their force was so sraall, having been fitted out rather for discoveiy than raaking settleraents, that they left no Colony behind them. Their voyage served, however, to give the Spaniards more exalted and adequate ideas with respect to the diraensions of this new quaiter of the globe ^ A settle- Though it was about ten years since Colum- the"con- ^"® ^^^ dlscovcrcd the main land of Araerica, the tinent at- Spaniards had hitherto raade no settlement in any part of it. What had been so long neglected was now seriously atterapted, and with considerable vi gour ; though the plan for this purpose was neither forraed by the crown, nor executed at the expense of the nation, but carried on by the enterprising spirit of private adventurers. This scherae took its rise frora Alonso de Ojeda, who had already made two voyages as a discoverer, by which he acquired considerable reputation, but no wealth. But his character for intrepidity and conduct easily procured flim associates, who advanced the money requisite ' Ilerrera, dcc.T, lib, vii.c, 9, tempted. lllSTORY of AMERICA. '215 to defray the charges of the expedition. About the book Sarae time, Diego de Nicuessa, who had acquired ,^ ^^'*, a large fortune in Hispaniola, formed a similar de- 1509. sign. Ferdinand encouraged both ; and though he refiised to advance the sraallest sum, was extremely liberal of titles and patents. He erected two go vernments on the continent, one extending from Cape de Vela to the Gulf of Darien, and the other from that to Cape Graeias a Dios. The former was given to Ojeda, the latter to Nicuessa. Ojeda fitted' out a ship and two brigantines, with three hundred men ; Nicuessa, six vessels, with seven hundred and eighty men. They sailed about the same time frora St. Doraingo fpr their respective governraents. In order to give their title to those countries sorae appearance of validity, several of the raost erainent divines and lawyers In Spain were employed to prescribe the mode In which they should take possession of them^ There is not in the his tory of mankind any thing more singular or extra vagant than the form which they devised for this purpose. They instructed those invaders, as soon as they landed on the continent, to declare to the natives the principal articles of the Christian faith ; to acquaint thera, in particular, with the suprerae jurisdictipn of the Pope over all the kingdoras of the earth ; to inforra thera of the grant which this holy pontiff had made of their countiy to the King of Spain ; to require them to erabrace the doctrines of that religion which the Spaniards made known to them ; and to subrait to the sovereign whose au- ' Herrera, dec, 1, Lb. vii, c, 15. 216 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B <) 0 K thority they proclaimed. If the natives refused to ^ ' coraply with this requisition, the terras of which 1509. must have been utterly incomprehensible to unin structed Indians, then Ojeda and Nicuessa were authorized to attack them with fire and sword ; to reduce thera, their wives and children, to a state of servitude ; and to corapel thera by force to recog nise the jurisdiction of the church, and the autho* rity of the raonarch, to which they would not vo luntarily subject themselves*. The dis- ^s tjjg inhabitants of the continent could not at asters at- • i i . i- i • tending it. OIICC yield asscnt to doctrines too refined for then" uncultivated understandings, and explained to them by interpreters imperfectly acquainted with their language ; as they did not conceive how a foreign priest, of whom they had never heard, could have jg.ny right to dispo.se of their country, or how an un- Jinown Prince should plaira jurisdiction over them ' as his subjects ; they fiercely opposed the new in vaders of their territories. Ojeda and Nicuessa en deavoured to effect by force what they could npt accomplish by persuasion. The contemporary writers enter into a very rajnute detail in relating their transactions ; but as they raade no discovery of iraportance, por established any permanent set tlement, their adventures are not entitled to any considerable place in the general history of a period where romantic valour, struggling with incredible hardships, distinguishes every effort of the Spanish arms. They found the natives in those cotmtries of which they went to assume the government, to t See NOTE XXIII," HISTORY OF AMERICA. 2 1 7 be of a character very different from that of their book countryraen in the islands. They were free and i^^". warlike. Their arrows were dipped in a poison so 1509. noxious, that every wound was followed vvith cer tain death. In one encounter they ^lew above se venty of Ojeda's followers, and the Spaniards, for the first time, were taught to dread the inhabitants of the New World. I^icuessa was opposed by peo* pie equally resolute In defence of their possessions. Nothing could soften their ferocity. Though the Spaniards eraployed every art to soothe them, and to gain their confidence, they refused to hold any intercourse, or to exchange any friendly office, with men wliose residence among thera they considered as fatal to their liberty and independence. This 1510. implacable enmity of the natives, though it ren dered an attempt to establish a settleraent In their country extreraely difficult as well as dangerous, might have been surmounted at length by the per severance of the Spaniards, by the superiority of their arms, and their skill in the art of war. But every disaster which can be accuraulated upon the unfortunate, combined to complete their ruin. The loss of their ships by various accidents upon an un* known coast, the diseases peculiar to a cliraate the most noxious in all America, the want of provisions unavoidable in a country imperfectly cultivated, dis sention among themselves, and the incessant hos tilities of the natives, involved them in a succession of calaraities, the bare recital of which strikes one with horror. Though they received two consider able reinforceraents frora Hispaniola;, tl^e greater part of those who had engaged in this unhappy ex- 218 HISTOkY OP AMERICA. ^ o 0 K pedition perished, in less than a year, in the most ^J"^- , extrerae raisery. A few who survived, settled as a lilO. feeble cplony at Santa Maria el Antigua, on the Gulf of Darien, under the comraand of Vasco Nu gnez de Balboa, who, in the most desperate exigen cies, displayed such courage and conduct, as first gained the confidence of his countryraen, and marked him out as their leader in more splendid and successful undertakings. Nor was he the only adventurer in this expedition who will appear with lustre in rnore important scenes. Francisco Pizarro was one of Ojeda's corapanions, and in this school of adversity acquired or iraproved the talents which fitted him for the extraordinary actions which he afterwards performed. Hernan Cortes, whose narae became still raore faraous, had likewise en gaged early in this enterprise, which roused alUthe active youth of Hispaniola to arms ; but the good fortune that accompanied hira in his subsequent adventures, interposed to save him from the dis asters to which his companions were exposed. He was taken ill at St. Domingo before the departure of the fleet, and detained there by a tedious indis position". Conquest Notwithstanding the unfortunate issue of this ex pedition, the Spaniards were not deterred frora en gaging in new scheraes of a sirailar nature. When wealth Is acquired gradually by the persevering hand of industry, or accuraulated by the slow ope rations of regular commerce, the raeans eraployed "Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vii. c. 11, &c. Gomara Hist. C.57, 58, ,55. Benzon, Hist, lib, 1. c, 19—23. P. Martyr, decad. p. 122. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 219 are so proportioned to the end attained, that there book is nothing to strike the imagination, and little to i^^V, urge on the active powers of the mind to uncom- isio. mon efforts. But when large fortunes were created almost instantaneously ; when gold and pearls ivere procured in exchange for baubles ; when the coun tries which produced these rich coraraodities, de fended only by naked savages, raight be seized by the first bold invader ; objects so singular and al luring roused a wondprful spirit^ of enterprise araong the Spaniards, who rushed with ardour into this new path that was opened to wealth and di stinction. While this spirit continued warra and vigorous, every atterapt either towards discovery or conquest was applauded, and adventurers engaged in it with eraulation. The passion for new under takings, which characterises the age of discovery in the latter part of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth century, would alone have been sufiicient to prevent the Spaniards from stopping short in their career. But circuinstances peculiar tp His paniola, at tbis juncture, concurred with it in ex tending their navigation and conquests. The rigo rous treatment of the inhabitants of that island having almost extirpated the race, many of the Spa nish planters, as I have already observed, finding it irapossible to carry on their works with the sarae vigour and profit, were obliged to look out for set tleraents in sorae country where people were not yet wasted by oppression. Others, with the inconside rate levity natural to raen upon whom wealth pours in with a sudden flow, had squandered In thought less prpdigallty vvhat they acquired with ease, arid 220 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK were driven by necessity to embark in the most de- ^^^' sperate schemes, in order to retrieve their affairs. ^sfJT'^ From all these causes, when Don Diego Columbus proposed to conquer the island bf Cuba, and to es tablish a colony there, many persons of chief di stinction in Hispaniola engaged with alacrity in the measure. He gave the comraand of the troops de stined for that service to Diego Velasquez, one of his father's corapanions in his second voyage, and who, having been long settled in Hispaniola, had acquired an ample fortune, with such reputation for probity and prudence, that he seemed to be well qualified for conducting an expedition of impor tance. Three hundred raen were deeraed suffi cient for the conquest of an island of above seven hundred miles in length, and filled with inhabitants. But they were of jthe same unwarlike character with the people of Hi^p^^a. They were not only in tiraidated by tbe'^^islnce of their new eneraies, but unprepared to resist thera. For though, frora the time .that the Spaniards took possession of the adjacent island, there was reason to expect a descent on their territories, none of the small communities into which Cuba was divided, had either raade any provision for its own defence, or had forraed any concert for their coraraon safety. The only ob struction the Spaniards met with was from Hatuey, a cazique, who had fled frora Hispaniola, and had taken possession of the eastern extreraity of Cuba. He stopd upon the defensive at their first landing, and endeavoured to drive thera back to their ships. His feeble troops, however, were soon broken and dispersed; and he himself being taken prisoner, HISTORY OF AMERICA.' 22 1 Velasquez, according to the barbarous maxira of b o o k the Spaniards, considered hira as a slave who had ^ , taken arras against his raaster, and conderaned him 1511, to the flaraes. When Hatuey was fastened to the stake, a Franciscan friar labouring to convert him, proraised him iraraediate admittance into the joys of heaven, if he would embrace the Christian faith. " Are there any Spaniards," says he after some pause, " in that region of bliss which you describe.'''' ' — " Yes," replied the raionk, " but only such as are worthy and good." — "The best of thera," re turned the indignant cazique, " have neither worth nor goodness : I will not go to a place where I raay meet with oneof that accursed race''." This dread ful exaraple of vengeance struck the people of Cuba with such terror, that they scarcely gave any oppo sition to the progess of *thelr inya^ers ; and Velas quez, without the loss of a^ i^.n£y;finnexed this ex tensive and fertUe island||^ lihe Spanish mo narchy y. The facility with which this important conquest Discovery was corapleted, served as an inciteraent to other un- °^ ^ '""^^ dertakings. Juan Ponce de Leon, having acquired both fame and wealth by the reduction of Puerto Rico, was impatient to engage in sorae new enter prise. He fitted out three ships at his own ex- 1512. pense, for a voyage of discoveiy, and his reputation soon drew together a respectable body of followers. He directed his course towards the Lucayo islands ; and after touching at several of thera, as well as of == B, de las Casas, p. 40. y Herrera, dec, 1, lib, ix, c, 2, 3, &c, Oviedo, lib, xvii, c. 3. p.l79. 222 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B o o K the Bahama isles, he stood to the south-west, and ^ ^"- discovered a countiy hitherto unknown to the Spa- i^^l^ niards,' which he called Florida, either because he feUin wIth«iton Palm Sunday, or on account of its gay and beautiful appearance. He atterapted to land in different places, but met with such vigorous opposition from the natives, who were fierce and warlike, as convinced hira that an increase of force was requisite to effect a settlement. Satisfied with having opened a communication with a new coun try, of whose value and iraportance he conceived very sanguine hopes, he returned to Puerto Rico through the channel now known by the name of the Gulf bf Florida. It was not merely the passion of searching for new countries that prompted Ponce de Leon to un dertake this voyage ; he was influenced by one of those visionary ideas, which at that time often mingled with the spirit of discovery, and rendered it raore active. A tradition prevailed araong the natives of Puerto Rico, that in the isle of Blinlril, one of the Lucayos, there was a fountain of such wonderful virtue as to renew the youth and recall the vigour of every person who bathed In its salu tary waters. In hopes of finding this grand resto rative. Ponce de Leon and his followers ranged through the islands, searching with fruitless solici tude and labour for the fountain which was the chief object of their expedition. That a tale so , fabulous should gain credit araong simple unin structed Indians Is not surprising. That it should make any impression upon an enlightened people appears in the present age altogether incredible. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 223 *rhe fact, however, is certain ; and the raost au- book thentic Spanish historians mention this extravagant "'"¦ sally of their credulous countryraen. The Spa- jsi2 niards at that period were engaged in a career of activity which gave a romantic turn to their ima gination, and daily presented to them strange and raarvellous objects. A New World was opened to their view. They visited islands and continents, of whose existence raankind in forraer ages had no conception. In those delightful countries nature seeraed to assurae another forra : every tree and plant and animal was different from those of the ancient hemisphere. They seemed to be trans ported into enchanted ground ; and after the won ders which they had seen, nothing, in the warrath and novelty of their admiration, appeared to them so extraordinary as to be beyond belief. If the ra pid succession of new and striking scenes made, such impression even upon, the sound understjmd-, ing of Columbus, that he boasted of having found, the seat of Paradise, it will not appear, strange that Ponce de Leon should dreara of discovering the fountain of youth''. Soon after the expedition to Florida, a discovery progress of much greater importance was made In another pf^"'^"* part of America. Balboa having been raised to the, government of the small colony at Santa Maria in, Darien, by the voluntary suffrage of his associates, ; was; so extreraely desirous to obtain frora the crown ^ P, M.artyr, decad. p. 202. Ensayo Chronol. para la Hist. dela Florida, par. D. Gab. Cardenas, p 1, Oviedo, lib. xvi. c. II. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ix. c. 5. Hist, dela Conq. de la Florida, par Gare. de la Vega, lib, i. c. 3. S24 HISTORY OF am:?Irica. BOOKS confil'mation of their election, that he dispatched ^'^- one of his officers to Spain, in order to soUcit a ^^jT""'^ royal coraraission, which might invest him with a legal title to the suprerae coramand. Conscious, however, that he could not expect success from the patronage of Ferdinand's rainisters, with whom he was unconnected, or frora negotiating in a court to the arts of which he was a stranger, he endeavour ed to raerit the dignity to which he aspired, and airaed at performing sorae signal service that would secure hira the preference to every corapetitor. Full of this idea, he made frequent inroads into the adjacent country, subdued several of the caziques, and collected a considerable quantity of gold, which abounded raore in that part of the continent than in the islands. In one of those excursions, the Spaniards contended with such eagerness about the division of sorae gold, that they were at the point of proceeding to acts of violence against one an other. A young cazique who was present, astonished at the high value which they set upon a thing of which he did not discern the use, tumbled the gold' out of the balance with indignation ; and turning to the Spaniards, " Why do you quarrel (says he) about such a trifle ? If you are so passionately fond of gold, as to abandon your own country, and to disturb the tranquillity of distant nations for its sake, I will conduct you to a region where the me- , tal which seeras to be the chief object of your ad rairation and desire is so coraraon that the meanest utensils are forraed of it." Transported with what they heard, Balbpa and his corapanions inquired eagerly where this happy countiy lay, and how they HISTORY OF AMERICA. 225 might arrive at it. He informed them that at the BOOK distance of six suns, that is, of six days' journey, to- y ' ^ wards the south, they should discover another ocean, 1512. near to which this vvealthy kingdom was situated ; but if they intended to attack that powerful state, they must assemble forces far superior In number and strengtii to those with which they now ap peared*. ' This was the first information which the Spa- The niards received concerning the great southern ocean, ^^g™"g or the opulent and extensive country known after- forms; terwards by the name of Peru. Balboa had now before him objects suited to his boundless ambi tion, and the enterprising ardour of his genius. He iramediately concluded the ocean which the cazique mentioned, to be that for which Columbus had searched without success in this part of Ame rica, in hopes of opening a raore direct coramuni cation with the East-Indies ; and he conjectured that the rich territory which had been described to hira raust be part of that vast and opulent region of the earth. Elated with the idea of performing what so great a raan had atterapted In vain, and eager to accomplish a discovery which he knew Would be no less acceptable to the King than be-., neficial to his country, he was impatient until he could set out upon this enterprise, in coraparison of which all his forraer exploits appeared inconsidera ble. But previous arrangeraent and preparation were requisite to insure success. He began with courting and securing the friendship of the neigh- * Herrera, dec, 1, lib, ix. c. 2, Gomara, c, 60. P. Martyr, dec. p. 149, VOL. I. a Q,'l6 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK bouring caziques. He sent sorae of his officers to i^^"^ Hispaniola with a large quantity of gold, as a proof 1512. of his past success, and an earnest of his future hopes. By a proper distribution of this, they se cured the favour of the governor, and allured vo lunteers into the service. A considerable reinforce ment from that island joined hira, and he thought himself in a condition to attempt the discovery. difficulty The Isthmus of Darien Is not above sixty railes cuting in breadth ; but this neck of land, which binds to- them; gether the continents of North and South Arae rica, is strengthened by a chain of lofty mountains stretching through its whole extent, which render It a barrier of solidity sufficient to resist the impulse of two opposite oceans. The mountains are covered with forests almost inaccessible. The valleys in that raoist climate, where it rains during two-thirds of the year, are marshy, and so frequently over flowed that the inhabitants find it necessary, in many places, to build their houses upon trees, in order to be elevated at some distance frora the damp soil, and the odious reptiles engendered in the putrid waters ''. Large rivers rush down with an impe tuous current from the high grounds. In a region thinly inhabited by wandering savages, the hand of industry had done nothing to mitigate or correct those natural disadvantages. To march across this unexplored country with no other guides but In dians, vvhose fidelity could be little trusted, was, on all those accounts, the boldest enterprise on which the Spaniards had hitherto ventured in the New •> P. IVIartyr, dec, p, 158. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 227* World. But the intrepidity of Balboa was such as B OOK distinguished hira among his countrymen, at a pe- ^^^^' riod when every adventurer was conspicuous for 1513 daring courage. Nor was bravery his only merit ; he was prudent in conduct, generous, affable, and possessed of those popular talents which, in the most desperate Undertakings, inspire confidence and secure attachment. Even after the junction of the yolunteers frora Hispaniola, he was able to rauster only an hundred and ninety men for his expedition. But they were hardy veterans, inured to the climate of America, and ready to follow hira through every danger. A thousand Indians attended thera to carry their provisions; and, to complete their warlike array, they took with them several of those fierce dogs, which were no less formidable than destruc tive to their naked eneraies. Balboa set out upon this iraportant expedition discovers on the first of Septeraber, about the tirae that the sea^°"'^ periodical rains began to abate. He proceeded by sea, and without any difficulty, to the territories of a cazique whose friendship he had gained ; but no sooner did he begin to advance into the interior part of the country, than he was retarded by every obstacle, which he had reason to apprehend, from the nature of the territoiy, or the disposition of its Inhabitants. Sorae of the caziques, at bis ap proach, fled to the raountains with all their people, and carried off or destroyed whatever could afford subsistence to his troops. Others collected their subjects, in order to oppose his progress; and he quickly perceived what an arduous undertaking it was to conduct such a body of men through hostile a2 228 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK nations, across swamps, and rivers, and woods, V • 1 which had never been passed but by straggling 1513. Indians. But by sharing in every hardship with the meanest soldier, by appearing the foremost to meet every danger, by proraising confidently to his troops the enjoyraent of honour and riches superior to what had been attained by the raost successful of their countryraen, he inspired thera with such enthusiastic resolution, that they followed hira without raurrauring. When they had penetrated a good way into the raountains, a powerful cazique appeared in a narrow pass, with a numerous body of his subjects, to obstruct their progress. But men who had surmounted so raany obstacles, de spised the opposition of such feeble enemies. They attacked thera with irapetuosity, and, having di spersed thera with rauch ease and great slaughter, continued their raarch. Though their guides had represented the breadth of the isthraus to be only a journey of six days, they had already spent twenty- five in forcing tbeir way through the woods and raountains. Many of thera were ready to sink under such uninterrupted fatigue in that sultry cUraate, several were taken ill of the dysentery and other diseases frequent in that countiy, and all be came impatient tp reach the period of their labours and sufferings. At lengtii the Indians assured them, that frora the top of the next raountain they should discover the ocean which was the object of their wishes. When, with infinite toil, they had clirabed up the greater part of that steep ascent, Balboa comraanded bis raen to halt, and advanced alone to the summit, that he might be the first who HISTORY OF AMERICA. 229 should enjoy a spectacle which he had so long de- book sired. As soon as he beheld the South Sea "'¦ . stretching in endless prospect below him, he fell y?i^ pn his knees, and, lifting up his hands to heaven, returned thanks to God, who had conducted him to a discovery so beneficial to his country, and so ho nourable to himself. His followers, observing his transports of joy, rushed forward to join in his woiider, exultation, and gratitude.. They held on their course tp the shore with great alacrity, when Balboa, advancing up to the middle in the waves with his buckler and sword, took possession of that ocean in the name of the King his master, and vowed to defend it, with these arms, against all his eneraies *". That part of the great Pacific or Southern Ocean, which Balboa first discovered, still retains the narae of the Gulf of St. Michael, which he gave to it, and is situated to the east of Panaraa. Frora seve ral of the petty Princes, who governed in the di stricts adjacent to that gulf, he extorted provisions and gold by force of arras. Others sent them to hira voluntarily. To these acceptable presents, sorae of the caziques added a considerable quantity of pearls ; and he learned frora thera, with much satisfaction, that pearl oysters abounded In the sea which he had newly discovered. . Together with the acquisition of this wealth. He re- which served to soothe and encourage his followers, f^j!^''^^."'" he received accounts which confirmed his sanguine concem- " Herrera, dec. 1. lib. x, c. 1, &c, Gomara, c. 62, &c. P. Martyr, dec. p. 205, &c. 230 HISTORY OF AMERICA. book hopes of future and raore extensive benefits from ^"" the expedition. AU the people on the coast of the 1513^^ South Sea concurred in inforraing hira that there ing a more ,^,^3 a raighty and opulent kingdora situated at a country; Considerable distance towards the south-east, the inhabitants of which had tarae aniraals to carry their burdens. In order to give the Spaniards an idea of these, they drew upon the sand the figure of the Uaraas or sheep, afterwards found in Peru, which the Peruvians had taught to perform such services as they described. As the llama in its form nearly reserables a carael, a beast of burden deemed peculiar to Asia, this circurastance, in conjunction with the discovery of the pearls, another noted pro duction of that country, tended to confirm the Spaniards in their raistaken theory with respect to the vicinity of the New World to the East Indies'*. obliged to But though the information which Balboa re ceived from the people on the coast, as well as his own conjectures and hopes, rendered hira extreraely irapatient to visit this unknown country, his pru dence restrained him from atterapting to invade it with an handful of raen exhausted by fatigue and weakened by diseases". He deterrained to lead back his followers, at present, to their settleraent of Santa Maria in Darien, and to return next sea son with a force raore adequate to such an arduous enterprise. In order to acquire a raore extensive knowledge of the isthraus, he inarched back by a different route, which he found to be no less dan gerous and difficult than that which he had forraerly "¦ Herrera, dec, 1. lib, x. c, 2. « See NOTE XXIV. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 231 taken. But to raen elated with success, and ani- book mated with hope, nothing is insurmountable. ^^' , Balboa returned to Santa Maria, from which he 1514 had been absent four months, with greater glory and more treasure than the Spaniards had acquired in any expedition in the New World. None of Balboa's officers distinguished themselves more in this service than Francisco Pizarro, or assisted with greater courage and ardour in opening a com munication with those countries in which he was destined to act soon a most Illustrious part'. Balboa's first care was to send information to Pedrarias Spain of the iraportant discovery which he had governour made; and to demand a reinforcement of a thousand °f Darien. men, in order to attempt the conquest of that opulent country concerning which he had received such inviting intelligence. The first account of the discovery of the New World hardly occasioned greater joy, than the unexpected tidings that a pas* sage was at last found to the great southern ocean . The coraraunication with the East Indies, by a course to the westward of the line of deraarcation drawn by the Pope, seemed now to be certain. The vast wealth which flowed Into Portugal from its settleraents and conquests in that countiy, ex cited the envy and called forth the eraulation of other states. Ferdinand hoped now to corae In for a share in this lucrative commerce, and, in his eager ness to obtain it, was wiUing to raake an effort be yond what Balboa required. But even In this ex ertion, his jealous policy, as well as the fatal antl- ' Herrera, dec, 1. lib, x. c, 3 — 6. Gomara, c, 64. P. Martyr, dec. p, 229, &c. 232 HISTORY OF AMERICA, BOOK pathy of Fonseca, now Bishop of Burgos, to every y_]^'j raan of raerit who distinguished hiraself In the New 1514. World, was conspicuous. Notwithstanding Bal boa's recent services, which raarked him out as the raost proper person to finish that great undertaking which he had begun, Ferdinand was so ungenerous as to overlook these, and to appoint Pedrarias Davila, governor of Darien. He gave hira the command pf fifteen stout vessels artd twelve hunr dred soldiers. These were fitted out at the public expense, with a liberality which Ferdinand had never displayed In any former armament destme4 for the New World ; and such was the ardour of the Spanish gentlemen to follow a leader who was about to conduct thera to a countiy where, as fame reported, they had onljr tp throw their, nets into the sea and draw out gold^, that fifteen hun dred embarked on board the fleet, and, if they. had not been restrained, a much greater number would have engaged In the service^. Pedrarias reachedthe Gulf of Darien without any remarkable accident, and immediately sent some of his principal officers ashore to inform Balboa of his arrival, with the king's commission, to be governor of the colony. To their astonishment, they found Balboa, of whose great exploits they had heard so much, and of >vhose opulence they had formed such high Ideas, clad in a canvass jacket, and wearing coarse hempen sandals used only by the meanest peasants, employed, together with some Indians, » Herrera, dec, 1. lib, x. c. 14. *¦ Ibid, c. 0, 7. P. Martyr, dec, p, 1 77, 296. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 233 in thatching his own hut with reeds. Even in this book simple garb, which corresponded so III with the ^"' expectations and wishes of his new guests, Balboa 1514. received them with dignity. The fame pf his dis coveries had drawn so many adventurers from the islands, that he could now muster four hundred and fifty raen. At the head of those daring yete- rans, he wa^ raore than a match for the forces which Pedrarias brought with him. But though his troops murraured loudly at the injustice of the King in superseding their comraander, and com plained that strangers would now reap the fruits of thfeir toil and success, Balboa submitted with im plicit obedience to the will of his sovereign^ and re ceived Pedrarias with all the deference due to his character', Notwithstanding this moderation, to which Pe- Dissention drarias owed the peaceable possession of his govern- hinTand ment, he appointed a judicial inquiry to be made Balboa. into Balboa's conduct, while under the command of Nicuessa, and imposed a considerable fine upon him, on account of the irregularities of which he ' had then been guilty. Balboa felt sensibly the mor tification of being subjected to trial and to punish ment in a place where he had so lately occupied the first station. Pedrarias could not conceal his , jealousy of his superior raerit ; so that the resent ment of the one and the envy of the other gave rise to dissentions extremely detrimental to the co lony. It was threatened with a calamity still more fatal. Pedrarias had landed In Darien at a most juiy. ' Herrera, dec. 1, lib. x. c. 13, 14, 234 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK unlucky time of the year, about the middle of the ^ _"^', ., rainy season, in that part of the torrid zone where 1614. the clouds pour down such torrents as are unknown in more temperate climates''. The viUage of Santa Maria was seated In a rich plain, environed with marshes and woods. The constitution of Europeans was unable to withstand the pestilential influence of such a situation, in a cliraate naturally so nox ious, and at a season so peculiarly unhealthy. A violent and destructive malady carried off raany of the soldiers who accompanied Pedrarias. An ex treme scarcity of provision augmented this distress, as it rendered it impossible to fiiid proper refresh ment for the sick, or the necessary sustenance for the healthy'. In the space of a month, above six hundred persons perished in the utmost raisery. De jection and despair spread through the colony. Many principal persons solicited their dismission, and were glad to relinquish all their hopes of wealth, in order to escape from that pernicious region. Pe drarias endeavoured to divert those who remained from brooding over their misfortunes, by finding them employraent. With this view, he sent several detachments into the interior parts of the country, to levy gold among the natives, and to search for the mines in which it was produced. Those rapa cious adventurers, raore attentive to present gain than to the raeans of facilitating their future pro gress, plundered without distinction wherever they raarched. Regardless of the alliances which Bal boa had raade with several of the caziques, they strip- '' Richard, Hist, Naturelle de I'Air, tom, i, p. 204, ' Herrera, dec, 1 , lib. x, c, 1 4. P, Martyr, decad. p, 272. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 235 ped them of every thing valuable, and treated them, book as well as their subjects, with the utmost insolence ^^ ^' and cruelty. By their tyranny and exactions, which 1514, Pedrarias, either from want of authority or inclina tion, did not restrain, all the country from the Gulf of Darien to the lake of Nicaragua was desolated, and the Spaniards were inconsiderately deprived of the advantages which they might have derived from the friendship of the natives, in extending their conquests to the South Sea. Balboa, who saw with concern that such ill-judged proceedings retarded the execution of his favourite scheme, sent violent remonstrances to Spain against the imprudent go vernraent of Pedrarias, which had ruined a happy and flourishing colony. Pedrarias, on the other hand, accused him of having deceived the King, by raagnifying his own exploits, as well as by a false representation of the opulence and value of the country™. Ferdinand becarae sensible at length of his im- Violent prudence in superseding the raost active and expe- fng^^*^ " rienced officer he had in the New World, and, by ?S't!"=** . Balboa. way of corapensation to Balboa, appointed him Adelantado, or Lieutenant-Governor of the coun tries upon the South Sea, with very extensive pri vileges and authority. At the sarae tirae he en joined Pedrarias to support Balboa in all his opera tions, and to consult with hira concerning every raeasure which he hiraself pursued. But to effect 1515. such a sudden transition frora Inveterate enmity to perfect confidence, exceeded Ferdinand's power. "• Herrera, dec. 1, lib. x.c. 15. dec,2,c, 1, &c, Gomara,c 66. P. Martyr, dec, 3, c. 10. Relacion de B. de las Casas, p. 12. 236 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOO K Pedrarias continued to treat his rival with neglect; ^^'- and Balboa's fortune being exhausted by the pay- ^^l^ ment of his fine, and other exactions of Pedrarias, he could not raake suitable preparations for taking possession of his new governraent. At length, by the interposition and exhortatibris of the Bishop of Darien, they were brought to a reconciliation ; and, in order to ceraent this union more firmly, Pedra rias agreed to give his daughter in raarriage to Balboa. The first effect of their concord was, that Balboa was permitted to make several sraall incur sions into the country. These he conducted with such prudence, as added to the reputation which he had already acquired. Many adventurers resorted to hira, and, with the countenance and aid of Pe drarias, he began to prepare for his expedition to the South Sea. In order to accoraplish this, it was neces sary to build vessels capable of conveying his troops to those provinces which he purposed to invade. 1517. After surraounting raany obstacles, and enduring a variety pf those hardships which were the portion of the conquerors of Araerica, he at length finished four small brigantines. In these, with three hundred chosen men, a force superior to that with which Pizarro afterwards undertook the sarae expedition, he was ready to sail towards Peru, when he received an unexpected raessage frora Pedrarias". As his reconciliation vrith Balboa had never been cordial, the progress which his son-in-law was making re vived his ancient enraity, and added to Its rancour. He dreaded the prosperity and elevation of a man " Heiiera, dec. 2. lib. i. c. 3. lib, ii. c. 1 1 . 13. 2 1 . history of AMERICA, 237 whom he had injured so deeply. He suspected that book success would encourage him to aira at independ- ^ ^"" j ence upon his jurisdiction ; and so violently did the 1517. passions of hatred, fear, and jealousy, operate upon his raind, that,' in order to gratify his vengeance, he scrupled not to defeat an enterprise of the great est raoment to his country. Under pretexts which were false, but plausible, he desired Balboa to post pone his voyage for a short time, and to repair to Ada, in order that he might have an interview with him. Balboa, with the unsuspicious confi dence of a man conscious of no crime, instantly obeyed the sumraons ; but as soon as he entered the place, he was arrested by order of Pedrarias, whose irapatience to satiate his revenge did not suf fer hira to languish long in confineraent.. Judges, were imraediately appointed to proceed to his trial. An accusation of disloyalty to the King, and of an intention to revolt against the governor, was pre ferred against him. Sentence of death was pro nounced; and though the judges who passed It, seconded by the whole colony, interceded warmly for his pardon, Pedrarias continued inexorable ; and the Spaniards beheld, with astonishment and sor row, tbe public execution of a -raan - whora they universally deeraed more capable than any who had borne coramand in America, of forming and accompUshing great designs". Upon his death, the expedition which he had planned was relinquished. Pedrarias, notwithstanding the violence and injus tice of his proceedings, was not only screened from ° Herrera, dec, 2, lib, ii. c, 21, 22, 238 HISTORY OF AMERICA, BOOK punishment by the ppwerful patronage of the Bishop ^ ^"' of Burgos and other courtiers, but continued in ISItT^ power. Soon after he obtained permission to re raove the colony frora its unwholesome station of Santa Maria to Panama, on the opposite side of the isthraus ; and though it did not gain rauch in point of healthfulness by the change, the corarao dious situation of this new settleraent contributed greatly to facilitate the subsequent conquests of the Spaniards in the extensive countries situated upon the Southern Ocean?. „ ^^'5. During these transactions in Darien, the history New dis- „ , . , °. . . ¦' coveries, of which it v/as proper to carry on in an uninter rupted tenour, several iraportant events occurred with respect to the discovery, the conquest, and go vernraent, of other provinces in the New World. Ferdinand was so intent upon opening a corarau nication with the Molucca or Spice Islands by the west, that in the year one thousand five hundred and fifteen he fitted out two ships at his own ex pense, in order to attempt such a voyage, and gave the command of them to Juan Diaz de Solis, who was deeraed one of the raost skilful navigators in Spain. He stood along the coast of South America, and on the first of January one thousand five hun dred and sixteen entered a river which he called Janeiro, where an extensive coramerce is now car ried on. Frora thence he proceeded to a spacious bay, which he supposed to be the entrance into a strait that coraraunicated with the Indian Ocean ; but, upon advancing further, he found It to be the p Herrera, dec, 2, lib. iv. c, 1 , HISTORY OF AMERICA. 239 mouth of Rio de Plata, one of the vast rivers by b o o k which the southern continent of America is watered. "'• In endeavouring to make a descent in this countiy, 15177 De Soils and several of his crew were slain by the natives, who, in sight of the ships, cut their bodies in pieces, roasted and devoured them. Discouraged with the loss of their coraraander, and terrified at this shocking spectacle, the surviving Spaniards set sail for Europe, without airaing at any further dis covery''. Though this atterapt proved abortive, it was not without benefit. It turned the attention of ingenious raen to this course of navigation, and prepared the way for a more fortunate voyage, by wbich, a few years posterior to this period, the great design that Ferdinand had in view was accom plished. Though the Spaniards were thus actively em- State of ployed In extending their discoveries and settle- jjj^jjlspa"^ raents in Araerica, they still considered Hispaniola "iola, as their principal colony, and the seat of govern ment. Don Diego Columbus wanted neither in clination nor abilities to have rendered the mera bers of this colony, who were raost iraraediately under his jurisdiction, prosperous and happy. But he was circumscribed in all his operations by the suspicious policy of Ferdinand, who on every oc casion, and under pretexts the raost frivolous, re trenched his privileges, and encouraged the trea surer, the judges, and other subordinate officers, to counteract his raeasures, and to dispute his autho rity. The raost valuable prerogative which the go 's Herrera, dec. 2. lib, i. e. 7. P. Martyr, dec, p,317. 240 HISTORY OF AMEUICA. BOOK vernor possessed, was that of distributing Indians ^^^' araong the Spaniards settled in the island. The isyf^ rigorous servitude of tbose unhappy raen having been but little mitigated by all the regulations in their favour, the power of parceUing out such ne cessary instruraents of labour at pleasure, secured to the governor great influence in the colony. In order to strip him of this, Ferdinand created a new office, with the power of distributing the Indians, and bestowed it upon Rodrigo Albuquerque, a re lation of Zapata, his confidential rainister. Mor tified with the injustice as well as indignity of this invasion upon his rights, in a point so essential, Don Diego could no longer remain in a place where his pPwer and consequence were alraost an nihilated. He repaired to Spain with the vain hopes of obtaining redress*^. Albuquerque entered upon his office with all the rapacity of an indigent adventurer irapatient to araass wealth; He began with taking the exact number of Indians In the is land, and found that frora sixty thousand, who in the year one thousand five hundred and eight survived after all their sufferings, they were now reduced to fourteen thousand. These he threw into separate divisions or lots, and bestowed them upon such as were willing to purchase them at the highest price. By this arbitrary distribution, several of the natives were reraoved frora their original habitations, raany were taken frora their ancient raasters, and all of thera subjected to heavier burdens, ^nd to raore intolerable labour, in order ¦¦ Herrera, deel. lib, ix. c, 5, lib. x, c, 12, HISTOIiY OF AMIWITCA. i241 to reimburse their new proprietors. Those addi- book tional calamities completed the misery, and hasten- ^ " ^ ed on the extinction, of this wretched and innocent 1517. race of men^. The violence of these proceedings, together with Contro- •• . O'O versy with the fatal consequences which attended them, not respect to only excited complaints among such as thought j^'^i^*''^f'' themselves aggrieved, but touched the hearts of all the in- who retained any sentiments of humanity. From the time that ecclesiastics were sent as instructors into America, they perceived that the rigour with which their countrymen treated the natives, ren dered their ministiy altogether fruitless. The mis sionaries, in conformity to the mild spirit of that religion which they were employed to publish, early remonstrated against the maxims of the planters with respect to the Americans, and condemned the repartimientos , or distributions, by which they were given up as slaves to their conquerors, as no less contraiy to natural justice and the precepts of Christianity, than to sound policy. The Domini cans, to whom' the instruction of the Americans was originally committed, were most vehement in testifying against the repartimientos. In the year one thousand five hundred and eleven, Montesino, one of their most eminent preachers, inveighed against this practice. In the great church at St. Do mingo, with allthe Impetuosity of popular eloquence. Don Diego Coluinbus; the principal officers of the colony, and all the laymen who had been his hearers, complained of the monk to his superiors ; but they, ° Herrera, dec. 1. lib. x. c. 12, VOL. I. R 242 HlSTOUy of AMERICA. BOOK instead of condemning, applaaided his doctrine, as y* 1^ equally pious and seasonable. The Franciscans, 1617. influenced by the spirit of opposition and rivalship which subsists between the two orders, discovered sorae inclination to take part with the laity, and to espouse the defence of the repartimientos. But as they could not with decency give their avowed ap probation to a system of oppression so repugnant to the spirit of religion, they endeavoured to palliate what they could not justify, and alleged, in excuse for the conduct of their countrymen, that it was im possible to carry on any iraproveraent in the colony, unless the Spaniards possessed such dominion over the natives that they could corapel them to la bour'. coritrary The Domiulcans, regardless of such political and concerning Interested considerations, would not relax in any this point; jggfgg jj^g rigour of their sentiraents, and even re fused to absolve, or a,drait to the sacraraent, such of their cpuntrymen as continued to hold the na- , tives in servitude'', ^oth parties applied to the King fpr his deqision in a matter of such impor tance. Ferdinand empowered a epmraittee of his privy-council, assisted by spme of the most emi nent civilians a,nd divines in Spain, to hear the de puties sent from Hispaniola in support of their re spective opinions. After a lpng discussion, the speculative point in controversy was determined in favour of the Dominicans, the Indians were de clared to be a free people entitled to all the natural t Herrera, dec. 1 . lib. viii. c, U. Oviedo, lib, iii, C, 6, p. ^7. " Oviedo, lib, iii, c, 6. p. ^7. history of AMERICA. 243 rights of men ; but notwithstanding this decision^ BOOK the repartimientos were continued upon their an- y^^' cient footing*. As this deterraination adraitted 1517; the principle upon which the Dorainicans founded their opinion, they renewed their efforts to obtain relief for the Indians with additional boldness and izeal. At length, in order to quiet the colony, which was alarraed by their remonstrances and censures, Ferdinand Issued a decree of his privy council, de- . daring, that after mature consideration of the Apostolic Bull, and other titles by which the crown of Castile claimed a right to its possessions in the 1513. New World, the servitude of the Indians was war ranted both by the laws of God and of man ; that unless they were subjected to the dominion of the Spaniards, and corapelled;to reside under their in spection. It would be impossible to reclaim them from idolatry, or to Instruct them in the principles ofthe Christian faith ; that no further scruple-ought to be entertained concerning the lawfulness of the repartimientos, as the King and council were wUl ing to take the charge of that upon their own con sciences ; and that therefore the Dorainicans, and raonks of other religious orders, should abstain for the future from those invectives which, from an excess of charitable but ill-informed zeal, they had uttered, against that practice ^.. That his Intention of adhering to this decree might be fully understood, Ferdinand conferred new grants of Indians upon several of his cour tiers^. But in order that he might not seera alto- * Herrera, dec, 1 . lib, viii, c. 12. lib. ix. c, 5. y Herrera, dec. 1 , lib, ix. c. 14. ^ See NOTE XXV, R 2 244 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOO K gether inattentive to the rights of humanity, he ^ ^^^' J pubUshed an edict, in which he endeavoured to pro- 1517. vide for the mild treatment of the Indians under the yoke to which he subjected them ; he regulated the nature of the work which they should be re quired to perform ; he prescribed the raode In which they should be clothed and fed, and gave directions with respect to their instruction In the principles of Christianity*. effect of But the Dorainicans, who from their experience of what was past judged concerning the future, soon perceived the inefficacy of those provisions, and foretold, that as long as it was the interest of individuals to treat the Indians with rigour, no public regulations could render their servitude mild or tolerable. They considered It as vain, to waste their own time and strength in attempting to communicate the sublime truths of religion to men whose spirits Were broken, and their faculties im paired by oppression. Some of them, in despair, requested the permission of their superiors to re move to the continent, and to pursue the object of their mission araong such of the natives as were not hitherto corrupted bythe exaraple ofthe Spaniards, or alienated by their cruelty from the Christian faith. Such as remained in Hispaniola continued to reraonstrate, with decent firraness, against the servitude of the Indians''. Baitholo- The violent operations of Albuquerque, the new CasTs ap- distributor of Indians, revived the zeal of the Do- = Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ix. c. 14. ¦^ Id. ibid. Touron. Histoire Generale de rAmerique, torn, i, p. 252. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 245 minicans against the repartimientos, and , called BOOK forth an advocate for that oppressed people, who <^^', possessed all the courage, the talents, and activity , 1517^ requisite in supporting such a desperate cause. ThisP^^''^'" was Bartholomew de las Casas, a native of Seville, the in and one ofthe clergymen sent out with Columbus'^'''"*' in his second voyage to Hispaniola, in order to settle in that island. He early adopted the opinion pre valent among ecclesiastics, with respect to the un lawfulness of reducing the fiatives to servitude; and that he might demonstrate the sincerity of his conviction, he relinquished all the Indians who had fallen to his own share in the division of the Inha bitants among their conquerors, declaring that he should ever bewail his own misfortune and guilt, in having exercised for a moment this impious domi nion over his feUow-creatures". From that time he became the avowed patron of the Indians ; and by his bold interpositions in their behalf, as well as by the respect due to his abiUties and character, he had often the merit of setting some bounds to the excesses of his countrymen. He did not fail to re monstrate warmly against the proceedings of Al buquerque ; and, though he soon found that atten tion to his own interest rendered this rapacious of ficer deaf to admonition, he did not abandon the wretched people whose cause he had espoused. He instantly set out for Spain, with the most sanguine hopes of opening the eyes and softening the heart of Ferdinand, by that striking picture of the op - <= Fr. Aug. Davila Padilla Hist, de la Fundacion de la Pro vincia de St. Jago de Mexico, p. 303, 304. Hen-era, deel. lib. x,c, 12, 246 • HISTORY OF AMIUUCA. BOO K pression of his new subjects, which he would exhi- "^- bit to his view''. ' jsitT^ He easily obtained admittance to the King, whom solicits jjg found in a declining state of health. With in the much freedom, and no less eloquence, he represent- courtof gjj |.Q Yiim all the fatal effects of the rmartimientos BpaiD, , '. in the New World, boldly charging him with the • guilt of 'having authorized this impious measure, .which had brought misery and destruction upon a nuraerous and innocent race of men, whom Provi dence had placed under his protection." Ferdinand, whose raind as well as body was rauch enfeebled by his disteraper, was greatly alarraed at this charge of impiety, which at another juncture he would .have despised. He listened with deep compunction to the discourse of Las Casas, and promised to take into serious consideration the means of redressing the evil of which he coraplained. But death pre vented him from executing his resolution. Charles of Austria, to whom all his crowns devolved, resided at that time in his paternal dominions in the Low Countries. Las Casas, with his usual ardour, pre- .pared imraediately to set out for Flanders, in order to occupy the ear of the young raonarch, when Car dinal Xiraenes, who, as regent, -assumed the reins of governraent in Castile, coraraanded jhim to de sist from the journey, aaid.engaged to hear biscpm- jdaints in person. The regu- He accordingly weighed the matter with atten- Cardhm" ^^0" equal to its importance ; and, as bis impetuous Ximenes, mind deUghted in scheraes bold and uncommon, •• Herrera, dec. 1. Ijb, x, c. 12. Dec, 2, lib, i. c. 1 1. Davila Padilla Hist, p, 304, HISTORY OF AMERICA, • 247 he soon fixed upon a plan which astonished the mi- book nisters trairted up under the formal and cautious ^ ""• , administration of Ferdinand. Without regarding isTtT^ either the rights of Don Diego Columbus, or the regulations established by the late King, he resolved to send three persons to America as superintendants pf all the colonies there, with authority, after ex araining all circurastances on the spot, "to decide* finally with respect to the point in question. It was a raatter of deUberation and deUcacy to choose men qualified for such an important station. As all the layraen settled in Araerica, or who had been con sulted in the adrainistration of that departraent, had given their opinion that the Spaniards could not keep possession of their new settleraents, unless they were allowed to retain their dorainion over the In dians, he saw that he could not rely on their impar tiality, and determined to corarait the trust to ec clesiastics. As the Dorainicans and Franciscans had already espoused opposite sides in the contro versy, he, frora the sarae principle of impartiality, excluded both these fraternities from the corarais sion. He confined his choice to the monks of St. Jerorae, a sraall but respectable order in Spain. With the assistance of their general, and in con cert with Las Casas, he spon pitched upon three persons whom he deemed equal to the charge. To them he joined Zuazo, a private lawyer of distin guished probity, with unbounded power to regulate all judicial proceedings in the colonies,. Las Casas was appointed to acccompany them, with the title of protector of the Indians ^ ' Herrera, &ec. 2. lib. ii, c. 3. 248 HISTORY OF AiMERICA. book To vest such ^extraordinary powers, as might at (^_^ ' once overturn the system of government >estabUsh- 1517. ^^ "'' ^^ New Woi-ld, In four perspns, who, from The man- their liumble condition in life, were little entitled ner in ,.,,,,. \ r-r which they to possess this high authority, appeared to Zapata, cifted^^^" and other ministers of the late King, a raeasure so wild and dangerous, that they refused to Issue the dispatches necessary for carrying it into executloh. But Ximenes was not of a temper patiently to brook opposition to any of his schemes. He sent for the refractoiy ministers, and addressed them in such a tone, that in the utmost consternation they obeyed his orders^ The superintendants, with their asso- ciate Zuazo and Las Casa.s, sailed for St. Domingo. Upon their arrival, the first act of" their authority was to set at liberty all the Indians who had been granted to the Spanish courtiers, or to any person not' residing in America. This, together with the Information which had been received from Spain concerning the object of the commission, spread a general alarm. The colonists concluded that they were to be deprived at once of the hands with which th«y carried on their labour, and that, of conse quence, ruin was unavoidable. But the fathers of St, Jerome proceeded with such caution and pru dence as soon dissipated aU their fears. They dis covered, in every step of their conduct, a knowledge of the world, and of affairs, which is seldom ac quired in a cloister ; and displayed a moderation as well as gentleness stiU more rare among persons trained up in the soUtude and austerity of a monas tic life. Their ears were open to Information from ' Herrera, dec. 2, lib, ii. c. 6". HISTORY OF AMEiaCA. 249 every quarter; they compared the different accounts book which they received ; and, after a mature Consider- ^^ ' ' ^ ation of the whole, they were fully satisfied that the 1^17. state of the colony rendered it impossible to adopt the plan proposed by Las Casas, and recommended by the Cardinal, They plainly perceived that the Spaniards settled in America were so few in nura ber, that they could neither work the mines which had been opened, nor cultivate the countiy; that they depended for effecting both upon the labour of the natives, and if deprived of it, they must in stantly relinquish their conquests, or give up all the advantages which they derived from thera ; that no allureraent was so powerful as to surmount the na-' tural aversion of the Indians to any laborious effort, and that nothing but the authority of a master could compel them to work ; and if they were not kept constantly under the eye and discipline of a superior, so great was their natural listlessness and Indiffer ence, that they would neither attend to religious In struction, nor observe those rites of Christianity which they had been already taught. Upon all those accounts, the superintendents found It necessary to tolerate the repartimientos, and to suffer the In dians to remain under subjection to their Spanish , masters. They used their utmost endeavours, how ever, to prevent the fatal effects of this establish ment, and to secure to the Indians the consolation of the best treatraent compatible with a state of servitude. For this purpose, they revived' former regulations, they prescribed new ones, they neglected no circurastance that tended to mitigate the rigpur of the yoke ; and by their authority, their example. 250 HISJORY OF AMERICA. BOO K and their exhortations, they laboured to inspire their t . '„ 3 countrymen with sentiraents of equity and gentle- 1517. ness towards the unhappy people upon whose in dustry they depended. Zuazo, in his department, seconded the endeavours of the superintendents. He reforraed the courts of justice in such a raan ner as to render their decision.s equitable as well as expeditious, and introduced various regulations which greatly iraproved the interior police of the colony. The satisfaction which his conduct and that of the superintendents gave, was now univer sal among the Spaniards settled In the^ew World; and all admired the boldness of Ximenes in having departed frora the ordinary path of business in forraing his plan, as well as his sagacity in pitching upon persons whose wisdora, raoderation, and dis interestedness rendered theni worthy of this higtv trusts. Las Casas L»s Casas alone was dissatisfied. The pruden- dissatisfied ^.j^j considerations which influenced the superin- with them; . . . . Ji tendents, made no impression upon hira. He re garded their idea of accoraraodating their conduct to the state of the colony, as the raaxira of an un haUowed tiraid policy, which tolerated what was unjust because it was beneficial. He contended that the Indians were by nature free, and, as their protector, he required the superintendents ,not to bereave thera of the coramon privilege of humanity. They received his most virulent remonstrances with out emotion, but adhered firraly to their own sy stem. The Spanish planters did not bear with him s Herrera, dec, 2. Ub, ii, c 15. Remesal, Hist, Geijer, lib. i'. c. 14, 15, 16, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 25 { so patiently, and were ready to tear him in pieces book for insisting in a requisition so odious tb them. ^ "^' Las Casas, in order to screen himself frora their isJt^ rage, found it necessary to take shelter in a convent; and perceiving that all his efforts in America were fruitless, he soon set out for Europe, with a fixed resolution not to abandon the protection of a peo ple whom he deemed to be cruelly oppressed''. Had Xiraenes retained that vigour of raind with his nego- which he usually applied to business. Las Casas *'?!i^°?]* raust have met with no very gracious reception upon mini- his return to Spain. But he found the Cardinal chaai°s v. languishing under a mortal distemper, and prepar ing to resign his authority to the young King, who i was daily expected from the Low-Countries. Charles arrived, took possession of the government, and, by the death of Ximenes, lost a minister whose abilities and Integrity entitied him to direct bis affairs. Many of the Flemish nobility had ac companied their sovereign to Spain. From that warm predilection to bis countrymen, which was natural at his age, he consulted thera with respect to all the transactions in his new kingdora ; and they, with an indiscreet eagerness, intruded them selves into every business, and seized almost every department of administration'. The direction of American affairs was an object too alluring to es cape their attention. Las Ca«as observed their growlngjlnfluence; and though projectors are usually too sanguine to conduct their schemes with much dexterity, he possessed a bustling, indefatigable ac- *• Herrera, dec. 2. lib. ii. c. 16. ¦ Hi,story of Charles V. vol. ii. 252 HISTOUY OF AMEUICA, book tivity, which sometiraes accomplishes its purposes .^ ^""^j with greater success than the most exquisite dls- 1517. cernment and address. He courted the Flemish ministers with assiduity. He represented to them the absurdity of all the maxims hitherto adopted with respect to the governraent of America, parti- ¦ cularly during the administration of Ferdinand, and pointed out the defects of those arrangements which Ximenes had introduced. The memory of Ferdinand was odious to the Flemings. The su perior virtue and abilities of Ximenes had long been the object of tbeir envy. They fondly wished to have a plausible pretext for condemning the measures both of the monarch and of the ininister, and of reflecting some discredit on their political wisdom. The friends of Don Diego Columbus, as well as the Spanish courtiers who had been dissati.sfied with the Cardinal's administration, joined Las Ca sas in censuring the scheme of sending superin tendents to America. This union of so many interests and passions was irresistible ; and in con sequence of it the fathers of St. Jerome, together with their associate Zuazo, were recaUed. Rode rigo de Figueroa, a lawyer of some eminence, was appointed chief judge of the Island, and received instructions. In compliance with the request of Las Casas, to examine once raore, with the utraost at tention, the point in controversy between him and the people of the colony, with respect to the treatment of the natives ; .and In the mean time to do every thing in his power to alleviate their suft'er ings, and prevent the extinction of the race''. '' Herrera, dec. 2. lib ii. c; 16. 19. 21. lib. iii. c. 7, S.- HISTORY OF AMERICA. 253 This was all that the zeal of Las Casas could book procure at that juncture in favour of the Indians, y^ '^ , The impossibUity of carrying on any iraprovements 1517. in America, unless the Spanish planters could com- sappi^jn^ raand the labour of the natives, was an insuperable tiie cnio- objection to his plan of treating thi^m as free sub- negroes. jects. In order to provide some remedy for this, without which he found it was in vain to mention his scheme. Las Casas proposed to purchase a suf ficient number of negroes frora tbe Portuguese set tlements on the coast of Africa, and to transport them to America, in order that they raight be era ployed as slaves In working the mines and cultiva ting the ground. One of tbe first advantages which the Portuguese had derived from their discoveries in Africa, arose from the trade in slaves. Various circumstances concurred in reviving this odious commerce, vdiich had been long abolished in Eu rope, and which is no less repugnant to the feelings df humanity than to the principles of religion. As early as the year one thousand five hundred and three, a few negro slaves had been sent into the New World'. In the year one thousand five hun dred and eleven, Ferdinand permitted the importa tion of them in greater numbers™. They were found to be a more robust atid hardy race than the natives of America. They were more capable of enduring fatigue, more patient under servitude, and the labour of one negro was computed to be equal to that of four Indians". Cardinal Ximenes, how ever, when solicited to encourage this commerce, ' Herrera, dec, 1 . lib. v. c. 12, °" Ibid, lib, viii, c. 9. " ibid. lib. ix. c. S.. 254 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK peremptorily rejected the proposition, because he "'• perceived the iniquity of reducing one race of raen ^51^ to slavery, while he was consulting about the raeans of lestoring liberty to another". But Las Casas, frpm the inconsistency natural to raen who hurry with headlong impetuosity towards a favourite point, was incapable of making this distinction. While he contended earnestly for the liberty of the people born In one quarter of the globe, he laboured to enslave the inhabitants of another region ; and in the warrath of his zeal to save the Araericans from the yoke, pronounced it to be lawful and ex pedient to irapose one still heavier upon the Afri cans. Unfortunately for .the lattfir. Las Casas's plan was adopted. Charles granted a patent to one of his Fleraish favoui'Ites, containing an exclusive right of importing four thousand negroes into Ame rica. The favourite sold bis patent to some Ge- noesemerchants fbr twenty-five thousand ducats, and tbey vvere^e first who brought into a regular fprm that commerce foi; slaves between Africa and America, which hap: since been carried on to such an araazing extent". * 1518. But the Genoe^,e merchants, conducting their propter operations, at first, with the rapacity of monopolists, sending demanded such an high price for negroes, that the labourers , . . i . . tt • i i to Hispa- nuraber iraported into Hispaniola made no great uioh ; change upon the state of the colony. Las Casas, whos^ zeal was no less inventive than indefatigable, hgud f iecourse to another expedient for the relief of the Indians. He observed, that most of the per- » Herrera, dec 2. lib. ii, c. S. " Ibid, dec, f , lib. ii, c, 20, HISTORY OF AMERICA, 255 sons who had settled hitherto in America, were BOOK sailors and soldiers eraployed In the discovery ^'"" or conquest of the country ; the younger sons of isis"^ noble families, allured by the prospect of acquiring sudden wealth ; or desperate adventurers, whora their Indigence or crimes forced to abandon their native land. Instead of such men, who were dis solute, rapacious, and Incapable of that sober perse vering industry which is requisite in forraing new colonies, he proposed to supply the settleraents in Hispaniola and other parts of the New World with a sufficient number of labourers and husbandraen, who should be allured by suitable preraiuras to re raove thither. These, as they were accustoraed to fatigue, would be able to perforra the work to whieh the Indians, frora the feebleness of their con stitution, were unequal, and raight soon becorae useful and opulent citizens. But though Hispa niola stood rauch in need ofa recruit of inhabitants, having been visited at tbis tirae with tlje. sraall pox, which swept off almost all the natives who had sur vived their long continued oppression ; and thougb Las Casas had the countenance of the Flemish rai nisters, this scherae was defeated by tbe Bishop of Burgos, who thwarted all his projects?. Las Casas now despaired of procuring any re- forms the lief for the Indians in those places where the Spar ^^^^f^^^ niards were already settled. The evil was become ny. so inveterate there, as not to admit of a cure. But such discoveries were daily making in the continent, as gave an high idea both of its extent and popu- *¦ Hei-rera, dec, 2, lib, ii. c,2]. 256 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK lousness. In all those vast regions therewas but one y^^", feeble colony planted ; and except a small spot on 15J3 the isthmus of Darien, the natives still occupied the whole country. This opened a new and more ample field for the humanity and zeal of Las Casas, who flattered himself that he might prevent a per nicious system from being introduced there, though he had failed of success in his attempts to overturn it where it was already estabUshed. FuU of this idea, he applied for a grant of the unoccupied coun try stretching along the sea-coast from the gulf of Paria to the western frontier of that province now known by the name of Santa Martha. He proposed to settle there with a colony composed of husband men, labourers, and ecclesiastics. He engaged in the space of two years to civilize ten thousand of the natives, and to instruct them so thoroughly in the arts of social life, that'frora the fruits of then- industry an annual revenue of fifteen thousand du cats should arise to the King. In ten years he ex pected that his Irnproveraents would be so far ad vanced as to yield annuaUy sixty thousand ducats. He stipulated, that no sailor or soldier should ever be permitted to settle in this district; and that no Spaniard whatever should enter it without his per mission. He even projected to clothe the people whomhetook along with him In some distinguishing garb, which did not resemble the Spanish dress, that they might appear to the natives to be a dif ferent race of men from those who had brought so many calaraities upon their country'!. Frora this 9 Herrera, dec, 2, lib. iv, c, 2, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 257 scheme, of which I have traced only the great lines, book it is raanifest that Las Casas had formed ideas con- ^J^^'^ cerning the raethod of treating the Indians, siral- 1517. lar to those by which the Jesuits afterwards carried on their great operations in another part ofthe same continent. He supposed that the Europeans, by availing theraselves of that ascendant which they possessed in consequence of their superior progress in science and Iraproveraent, raight gradually forra the rainds of the Araericans to reUsh those coraforts of which they were destitute, raight train them to the arts of civil life, and render them capable of its functions. But to the Bishop of Burgos, and the council of fe^our- the Indies, this project appeared not only chimeri- ceived^" cal, but dangerous In a high degree. They deemed the faculties of the Americans to be naturally so li mited, and their indolence so excessive, that every atteinpt to instruct or to iraprove thera would be fruitless. They contended, that it would be ex treraely iraprudent to give the coraraand of a coun try extending above a thousand miles along the coast, to a fanciful presumptuous enthusiast, a stran ger to the affairs of the world, and unacquainted with the arts of government. Las Casas, far from being discouraged witb a repulse, which he had rea son to expect, had recourse once raore to the Fle mish favourites, who zealously patronized his scherae, raerely because It had been rejected by the Spanish rainisters. They prevailed with their raas ter, who had lately been raised to the Iraperial dig nity, to refer the consideration of this raeasure to a select nuraber of his privy-counsellors ; and Las VOL. I. s 161? 258 HISTORY OF AMEKICA. BOOK Casas having excepted against the raerabers of the ^ "'¦ ^ councU of the Indies, as partial and interested, they were all excluded. The decision of raen chosen by recommendation of the Fleraings, was perfectly conforraable to their sentiments. They warmly approved of Las Casas's plan, and gave orders for carrying it Into execution, but restricted the terri tory allotted him to three hundred miles along the coast of Cumana; allowing hira, however, to extend it as far as he pleased towards the interior part of the country". A solemn This determination did not pass uncensured. tion con- Almost every person who had been in the West- T"'"^d Indies exclaimed against it, and suppoited their of treating Opinion SO Confidently, and with such plausible rea- di'ans"' sons, as made It advisable to pause, and to review the subject raore deliberately. Charles himself, though accustoraed, at this" early period of his life, to adopt the sentiraents of his rainisters with such subraissive deference as did not promise that deci sive vigour of mind which distinguished his riper years, could not help suspecting that the eagerness with which the Fleraings took part In every affair relating to Araerica, flowed from sorae iraproper motive, and began to discover an inclination to ex amine in person into the state of the question con cerning the character of the Americans, and the June 20. proper manner of treating tbem. An opportunity of raaking this inquiry with great advantage soon occurred. Quevedo, the Bishop of Darien, who had accorapanied Pedrarias to the continent in the ¦¦ Gomara Hist. Gener, c. 77. Herrera, dec, 2. lib. iv. c. 3, Oviedo, lib. xix, c. 5, HlSTOUy OF AMERICA. 259 year one thousand five hundred and thirteen, hap- book pened to land at Barcelona, where the court then ^'^• resided. It was quickly known that his sentiraents 15177 concerning the talents and disposition of the In dians differed frora those of Las Casas : and Charles naturally concluded that by confronting two re spectable persons, who, during their residence in America, had full leisure to observe tbe raanners of the people whom they pretended to describe, he might be able to discover which of thera had formed his opinion with the greatest discernment and ac curacy. A day for this solemn audience was appointed. The Eraperor appeared with extraordinary porap, and took his seat on a throne in tbe great hall of the palace. His principal courtiers attended. Don Diego Columbus, admiral of the Indies, was sj.im- raoned to be present. The Bishop of Darien was called upon first to deliver his opinion. He, in a short discourse, laraented the fatal desolation of America by the extinction of so many of its Inha bitants ; he acknowledged that this must be ira puted, in sorae degree, to the excessive rigour and inconsiderate proceedings of the Spaniards ; but de clared that all the people of the NeW World whom he had seen, either in the continent or in the is lands, appeared to him to be a race of men raarked out, by the inferiority of their talents, for servitude, and whora it would be irapossible to instruct or improve, unless they were kept under the continual inspection of a master. Las Casas, at greatej length, and with rapre fervour, defended his oWn systera. He rejected with indignation the idea that any race 26,0 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK of raen was born to servitude, as irreligious and in- y^^_. huraan. He asserted that the faculties of the Ame- 1517, ricans were not naturally despicable, but unim proved ; .that they were capable of receiving instruct tion in the principles of religion, as well as of ac quiring the industry and arts which would qualify thera for the various offices of social life ; that the mildness and tlraidity of their nature rendered thera so submissive and docile, that they might be led and formed with a gentle hand. He professed, that his intentions In proposing the scheme now under consideration were pure and disinterested ; and though from the accomplishraent of his designs inestiraable benefits would result to the crown of Castile, he never had clairaed, nor ever would re ceive, ahy recorapense on that account. T'^c Charles, after hearing both, and consulting with Las Casas hls ministers', did not think hiraself sufficiently in- approved formed to establish any general arrangeraent with respect to the state of the Indians ; but as he had perfect confidence in the integrity of Las Casas, and as even the Bishop of Darien admitted his scherae to be of such iraportance that a trial should 1522. be raade of its effects, he issued a patent, granting him the district In Cumana formerly mentioned, with full power to establish a colony there accord ing to his own plan'. his prepa- Las Casas pushed pn the preparations for his executing ^^^Y^S^ ^Itb his usual atdour. But, either from it; his own inexperience in the conduct of affairs, or frora the secret opposition of the Spanish nobUity, ¦« Herrera, dec. 2. lib.iv. c. 3. 4, 5. Argensola Annales d'Ara- goii, 74. 97. Remisal Hist. Gener, lib. ii, c, 19, 20, HISTORY OF AMERICA. Q6 1 who universally dreaded the success of an institu- book tion that might rob them of the industrious and '"" useful hands which cultivated their estates, his pro- iJit; gress ih engaging husbandraen and labeurers was extremely slow, and he could not prevail on more than two hundred to accompany him to Cumana. Nothing, however, could damp his zeal. With departs this slender train, hardly sufficient to take posses- rica, an4 sion of such a large territory, and altogether unequal "^^'^4!]"* to any effectual attempt towards civiUzing its inha- obstadtes 3 bitants, he set sail. The first place at which he touched was the island of Puerto Rico. There he received an account of a new obstacle to the exe cution of his scheme, raore insuperable than any he had hitherto encountered. When he left Ame rica in the year one thousand five hundred and six teen, the Spaniards had little intercourse with any part of the continent except the countries adjacent to the Gulf of Darien. But as every species of In ternal industry began to stagnate in Hispaniola, when, by the rapid decrease of the natives, the Spa niards were deprived of those hands with which they had hitherto carried on their operations, this prompted them to try various expedients for sup plying that loss. Considerable numbers of ne groes were imported ; but, on account of their ex orbitant price, raany of the planters could not af ford to purchase them. In order to procure slaves at an easier rate, some of the Spaniards ih Hispa niola fitted out vessels to cruise along the coast ofthe continent. In places where they found themselves Inferior In strength, they traded with the natives, and gave Eurojiean toys in exchange for the plates 262 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B o O K of gold worn by thera as ornaraents ; but, wherever ^^^' they could surprise or overpower the Indians, they 1517. carried them offby force, and sold them as slaves'. In those predatory excursions, such atrocious acts, of violence and cruelty had been comraitted, that the Spanish name was held in detestation all over the continent. Whenever any ships appeared, the inhabitants either fled to the woods, or rushed down to the shore in arras to repel those hated disturbers of their tranquillity. They forced sorae parties of the Spaniards to retreat with precipitation ; they cut pff others ; and in the violence of their' resentraent against the whole nation, they raurdered two Domi nican raissionaries, whose zeal had prorapted them to settle in the province of Curaana^. This out rage against persons revered for their sanctity, ex cited such indignation among the people of Hi- spanioja, who, notwithstanding all their licentious and cruel proceedings, were possessed with a won derful zeal for religion, and a superstitious respect for its ministers, that they determined to inflict exemplary punishraent, not only upon the perpe trators of that crirae, but upon the whole race. With this view, they gave tbe coraraand of five ships and three hundred raen to Diego Ocarapo, with orders to lay waste the country of Cumana with fire and sword, and to transport all the inha bitants as slaves to Hispaniola. This armament Las Casas found at Puerto Rico, in its way to the continent; and as Ocampo refused to defer his, yoyage, he immediately perceived that it would b^ t Herrera, dec. 3. lib. ii. c. 3. f. Oviedo, Hist. lib. xix. p. 3, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 26'3 impossible to atterapt the execution of his pacific book plan in a country destined to be the seat of war and ^_^ ' desolation*. 1517. In order to provide against the effects of this /^^''^^^'^[o' unfortunate incident, he set sail directly for St. surmount Doraingo, leaving his followers cantoned out among *""' the planters In Puerto Rico. From many concur ring causes, the reception which Las Casas met with In Hispaniola was very unfavourable. In his negotiations for the reUef of the Indiaps, he had censured the conduct of his countrymen settled there with- such honest severity as rendered him universally odious to thera. They con.sidered their own ruin as the inevitable consequence of his suc cess. They were now elated with hope of receiv ing a large recruit of slaves frora Curaana, which raust be relinquished If Las Casas were assisted in settling his projected colony there. Figueroa, In consequence of the instructions vvhich he had re- * eeived in Spain, had raade an experiment concern ing the capacity of the Indians, that was repre sented as decisive against the systera of Las Casas. He collected in Hispaniola a good number of the natives, ana settled thera in two villages, leaving thera at perfect liberty, and with the uncontrolled direction of their own actions. But that people, accustoraed to a raode of life extreraely different from that which takes place tyberever civilization has raade any conslderable.progress, were Incapable of assuming new habits at once. Dejected with their own misfortunes as well as those of tbeir == Herrera, dee. 2, lib. ix. c, 8, 9, scheme. 264 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK country, they exerted so little industry in cultivating ^ "j the ground, appeared so devoid of solicitude or 1517. foresight in providing for their own wants, and were such strangers to' arrangement In conducting their affairs, that the Spaniards pronounced them inca pable of being forraed to live like raen in social life, and considered thera as children, who should be kept under the perpetual tutelage of persons supe rior to theraselves in wisdpra and sagacity^. final mis- Notwithstanding all those circurastances, which carriage " , . ofhis alienated the persons in Hispaniola to whora Las Casas applied from himself and from his measures, he, by his activity and perseverance, by some con cessions, and many threats," obtained at length a small body of troops to protect bira and his cplony at their first landing. But upon his return to Puerto Rico, he found that the diseases of the cli raate had been fatal to several of his people ; and that others, having got eraployraent in that island, refused to foUow hira. With the handful that re mained, he set sail and landed In Curaana. Ocampo had executed his comraission in that province with such barbarous rage, having massacred raany of the inhabitants, sent others in chains t*Hispaniola, and forced the rest to fly for shelter to the woods, that the people of a small colony, which he had planted at a place which he naraed Toledo, were ready to perish for want in a desolated coun try. There, however. Las Casas was obliged to fix his residence, though deserted both by the troops apppinted to protect hira, and by those under the > Herrera, dec. 2, lib, .\, c, 5. HISTORY OF- AMERICA. 265 «omraand of Ocarapo, who foresaw and dreaded b ook the calamities to which he must be exposed in that ^^ ™' ^ wretched station. He made the best provision in 1517. his power for the safety and subsistence of his fol lowers ; but as his utmost efforts availed little to wards securing either the one or the other, he re turned to Hispaniola, in order to solicit raore ef fectual aid for the preservation of raen who, frora confidence In him, had ventured into a post of so much danger. Soon after his departure, the na tives, having discovered the feeble and defenceless state of the Spaniards, assembled secretly, attacked thera with the fury natural to raen exasperated by many injuries, cut off a good number, and com pelled the rest to fly in the utraost consternation to the island of Cubagua. The sraall colony set tled there on account of the pearl fishery, catching the panic with which their countryraen had been seized, abandoned the island, and not a Spaniard remained in any part of the continent, or adjacent islands, from the gulf of Paria to the borders of Darien. Astonished at such a succession of dis asters. Las Casas was asharaed to show his face after this mal terraination of all his splendid schemes. He shut hiraself up in the convent of the Dominicans at St. Doraingo, and soon after assuraed the habit of that order ^. Though the expulsion of the colony from Cu mana" happened in the year one thpusand five hun- ^ Herrera, dec. 2. lib. x. c. 5. dec. 3, lib. ii. g. 3, 4, 5. Oviedo Hist. lib. xix. c. 5. Gomara, c. 77. Davila Padilla, lib. i, c. 97. Remisal Hist. Gen, lib. xi, c. 22, 23, 266 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK dred and twenty one, I have chosen to trace the IH. progress of Las Casas's negotiations from their first ^2j^ rise to their final Issue ivithout interruption. His systera was the object of long and attentive discus sion ; and though his efforts in behalf of the op pressed Araericans, partly from his own rashness and imprudence, and partly frora the malevolent op position of his adversaries, were not atte^ed with that success which he proraised with too sanguine confidence, great praise is due to his huraane ac tivity, which gave rise to various regulations that ' were of some benefit to that unhappy people. I re turn now to the history of the Spanish discoveries, as they occur in the order of tirae^. NcK- dis- Diego Velasquez, who conquered Cuba in the tiwar'ds y^^'^ ^^^ thousand five hundred and eleven, stIU re- the west, talucd the governraent of that island, as the de puty of Don Diego Colurabus, though he seldora ac knowledged his superior, and airaed at rendering his own authority altogether independent''. Under his his prudent administration, Cuba became one of the raost flourishing of the Spanish settleraents. The farae of this allured thither raany persons from the other colonies, in hopes of finding eitner some per- raanentestabllshment or some employment for their activity. As Cuba lay to the west of aU the islands occupied by the Spaniards, and as the ocean which stretches beyond It towards that quarter had not hitherto been explored, these circumstances natu rally invited the inhabitants to atterapt new disco veries. An expedition for this purpose, in which ' Herrera, dec. 2. lib, x. c. 5. p. 329. *> Ibid. lib. ii. c. 19. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 267 activity and resolution might conduct to sudden book wealth, was more suited to the genius of the age, ^"' than the patient Industry requisite In clearing 15177^ ground, and manufacturing sugar. Instigated by this spirit, several officers, who had served under Pedrarias in Darien, entered into an association to undertake a yoyage of discoveiy. They persuaded Francisccf Hernandez Cordova, an opulent planter in Cuba, and a raan of distinguished courage, to join with them in the adventure, and chose him to be their commander. Velasquez not only approved of the design, but assisted in cariying it on. As the veterans from Darien were extremely indigent, he and Cordova advanced raoney for purchasing three sraall vessels, and furnishing them with every thing requisite either for traffic or for war. A hun dred and ten men embarked on board of thera, and sailed frora St. Jago de Cuba on the eighth of Fe bruary one thousand five hundred and seventeen. By the advice of their chief pUot, Antonio Alami- nos, who had served under the first admiral Co lumbus, they stood directly west, relying on the opinion of that great navigator, who uniformly maintained that a westerly course would lead to the raost iraportant discoveries. On the twenty- first day after their departure from St. Jago, they saw land, which proved to be Cape Catoche, the eastern point of that large peninsula projecting frora the continent of Araerica, which still retains its original narae of Yucatan. As they Yucatan. approached the shore, five canoes came oft" full of people decently clad in cotton garraents ; an asto nishing spectacle to the Spaniards, who had found 268 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK every other part of Araerica possessed by naked "'• savages. Cordova endeavoured by small presents j^l^ to gain the good will of these people. They, though araazed at the strange objects now presented for the first time to their view. Invited the Spaniards to visit their habitations, with an appearance of cordiaUty. They landed accordingly, and as they advanced Into the countiy, they observed 'with new wonder some large houses built with stone. But they soon found that, if the people of Yucatan had made progress In improvement beyond their coun trymen, they were likewise raore artful and warlike. For though the cazique received Cordova with many tokens of friendship, he had posted a considerable body of his subjects in arabush behind a thicket, who, upon a signal given by him, rushed out and attacked the Spaniards with great boldness, and sorae degree of raartial order. At the first flight of their arrows, fifteen of the Spaniards were wound ed ; but the Indians were struck with such terror by the sudden explosion of tbe fire-arras, and so sur prised at the execution done by thera, by the cross bows, and by the other weapons of their new ene mies, that they fled precipitately. Cordova quitted a countiy where he had met with such a fierce re.- ception, carrying off two prisoners, together with the ornaments of a sraall temple which he plun dered in his retreat. He continued his course towards the west, with out losing sight of the coast, and on the sixteenth Cam- day arrived at Campeachy. There the natives re- peac y. ceived them more hospitably; but the Spaniards were much surprised, th?.t on all the extensive coast HISTORY OF AMERICA. 269 along which they had sailed, and which they iraa- book gined to be a large Island, they had not observed ^ . '. i any riverc. As their water began to fail, they ad- '^^7- vanced, in hopes of finding a supply ; and at length they discovered the raouth of a river at Potonchan, sorae leagues beyond Carapeachy. Cordova landed all his troops, in order to protect the sailors while eraployed in filling the casks; but notwithstanding this precaution, the natives rushed down upon thera with such fury and In such nura bers, that forty seven of the Spaniards were killed upon the spot, and one raan only of the whole body escaped unhurt. Their coraraander, though wound ed in twelve different places, directed the retreat with presence of mind equal to the courage with which he had led thera on in the 'engageraent^ and with rauch difficulty they regained their ships. Af ter this fatal repulse, nothing remained but to has ten back to Cuba with their shattered forces. In their passage thither they suffered the most exqui site distress for want of water, that men wounded and sickly, shut up in sraall vessels, and exposed to the heat of the torrid zone, can be supposed to en dure. Some of them, sinking under these calami ties, died by the way ; Cordova, their commander, expired soon after they landed in Cuba''. Notwithstanding the disastrous conclusion of this Voyage of expedition, it contributed rather to animate than "¦''^^''' <= See NOTE XXVI. * Herrera, dec. 2. lib. ii. c. 17, 18, Histor. Verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueva Espana per Bernal Diaz del Costillo, cap.l — 7. Oviedo, lib. xvii, c, 3, Gomara, c. 52, P. Martyr de Insulis nuper inventis, p. 329. 270 II ISTO HY OF AMEK ICA. B o o K to damp a spirit of enterprise among the Spaniards. V • , They had discovered an extensive countiy, situated 1517. at no great distance from Cuba, fertile in appear ance, and possessed by a people far superior in im provement to any hitherto known in America. Though they had carried on little commercial in tercourse with the natives, they had brought off some ornaments of gold, not considerable in value, but of singular fabric. These circumstances, re lated with the exaggeration natural to men desirous of heightening tbe merit of their own exploits, were more than sufficient to excite roraantic hopes and expectations. Great numbers offered to engage in a new expedition. Velasquez, solicitous to distin guish himself by some service so meritorious as might entitle him to claim the government of Cuba independent of the adrairal, not only encouraged their ardour, but at his own expense fitted out four ships for the voyage. Two hundred and forty vo lunteers, araong vvhora were several persons ofrank and fortune, embarked In this enterprise. The command of it was given to Juan de Grijalva, a young raan of known merit and courage, with in structions to observe attentively the nature of the countries which he should discover, to barter for gold, and, if circurastances were Inviting, to settle 15 IP. a colony in some proper station. He sailed from St. Jago de Cuba on the eighth of April, one thou sand five hundred and eighteen. The pUot Ala- minos held the same course as in the forraer voy- discovers age ; but the violence of the currents carrying the Spain. ^h'lps to the south, the first land which they made vvas the island of Cozumel, to the east of Yucatan. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 271 As ail the inhabitants fied to the woods and moun- book tains at the approach of the Spaniards, they raade ^^^* no long stay there, and without any remarkable j^jg, occurrence they reached Potonchan on the oppo site side of the peninsula. The desire bf avenging their countrymen who had been slain there, con curred with their ideas of good policy, in prorapt ing thera to land, that they raight chastise the In dians of that district with such exemplary rigour as would strike terror into aU the people around them. But though they disembarked all their ttoops, and carried ashore some field-pieces, the Indians fought with such courage, that the Spa niards gained the victory with difficulty, and were confirmed In their opinion that the inhabitants of this country would prove raore formidable eneraies than any they had raet witb in other parts of Ame rica. Frora Potonchan they continued their voy age towards the west, keeping as near as possible to the shore, and casting anchor every evening, from dread of the dangerous accidents to which they might be exposed In an unknown sea. During the day tbeir eyes were turned continu^dly towards land, with a raixture of surprise and wonder at the beauty of the countiy, as well as the novelty of the objects which they beheld. Many villages vvere scattered along the coast, in which they could distinguish houses of stone that appeared white and lofty at a distance. In the warrath of their adrairation, they fancied these to be cities adorned with towers and pinnacles ; and one of the soldiers happening to reraark that this country resembled Spain in ap pearance, Grijalva, with universal applause, called £72 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B o o K It New Spain, the name which stUl distinguishes "^* this extensive and opulent province of the Spanish Isi^ empire in Araerica^ They landed in a river which June 9. the natives called Tabasco; and the farae of their a asco. ,^jgj.|jj.y ^^ Potonchan having reached this place, the cazique not only, received them amicably, but be stowed presents upon thera of such value, as con firraed the high ideas which the Spaniards had forraed with respect to the. wealth and feitlllty of. the country. These ideas were raised still higher by what occurred at the place where they next touched. This was considerably to the west of Tabasco, in the province siiice known by the narae Guaxaca. of Guaxaca. There they were received with the respect paid to superior beings. The people per- xfuraed thera, as they landed, with incense of gura copal, and presented to them as offerings the choicest delicacies of their country. They were extremely fond of trading with their new visitants, and in six days the Spaniards obtained ornaments of gold, of curious workraanship, to the value of fifteen thousand pesos, in exchange for European toys of sraall price. The two prisoners whora Cordova had brought frora Yucatan, had hitherto served as interpreters ; but as they did not under stand the language of this country, the Spaniards learned frora the natives, by signs, that they were subjects of a great raonarch called Montezuraa, whose dorainion extended over that and raany other provinces. Leaving this place, with which he had so rauch reason to be pleased, Grijalva continued <= See NOTE XXVII. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 273 his Course towards the west. He landed on a small book island, which he naraed the Isle of Sacrifices, be- ^^"V^ cause there the Spaniards beheldj for the first time, 1 51 i. , the horrid spectacle of human vIctiraSj which the barbarous superstition of the natives offered to their gods. He touched at another small Island, which he caUed St. Juan de Ulua^ Frora this plaCe heStJuart dispatched Pedro de Alvarado* one of his officers, lo Velasquez* with a full account of the important discoveries which he had made, and with all the treasure that hehad acquired by trafficking with the natives. After the departure of Alvarado, he him self, witb the reraaining vessels, proceeded along the coast as far as the river Panuco, the country still appearing to be well peopled, fertile, and opulent. « Several of Grijalva's pfficers contended that it Reasons was not enough to have discovered those delightful lea^ng ,-j regions, or to have perforraed, at their different t^o^ony landing-places, the erapty cereraony of taking pos session of thera for the crown of Castile, and that their glory was incoraplete, unless they planted a colony in some proper station, which raight not only secure tbe Spanish nation a footing In the country, but, with the reinforcements which they were certain of receiving, raight gradually subject the whole to the dominion of their sovereign. But the squadron had now been above five months at sea ; the greatest part of their provisions was ex^ hausted, and what remained of their stores so much corrupted by the heat of the cliraate, as to be al most unfit for use; they had lost some raen by death ; others were sickly; the country was crowded VOI-. I. T 274 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK with people, who seeraed to be, inteUigent as well ^'^* as brave ; and they were under the governraent df ^51^ one powerful raonarch, who could bring thera to act against their invaders with united force. To plant a colony under so many circumstances of disadvantage, appeared a scherae too perilous to be attempted. Grijalva, though possessed both of am bition and courage, was destitute of the superior talents capable of forming or executing such a great plan. He judged it raore prudent to return to Cuba, having fulfiUed the purpose of his voyage, and ac complished all that the armament which he com raanded enabled bira to perforra. He returned to St. Jago de Cuba on the twenty- sixth of October, frora which he had taken his departure about six raonths before ^ Prepara- This was the longest as well as the raost success- another ful voyage which the Spaniards had hitherto made expedi- Jn the New World. They had discovered that Yucatan was not an island as they bad supposed, but part of the great continent of Araerica. Frora Potonchan they had pursued their course for raany hundred miles ^long a coast forraerly unexplored, stretching at first towards the west, .and. then turn ing to the north ; all the country wbicb theyhad discovered appeared to be no less valuable than ex tensive. As soon as Alvarado reached Cuba, Ve lasquez, transported with success so far beyond his raost sanguine expectations, iraraediately dispatched a person of confidence to carry this Important in telligence to Spain, to exhibit the rich productions ^ Herrera, dec. 11. lib. iii, c, 1, 2, 9, 10, Bernal Diaz, c, 8. 17. Oviedo Hist, lib, xvii, c, 9. 20, Gomara> c, 49. HISTORY OF AMERICA, Sl75 of the countries which had been discovered by his B o o k raeans, and to solicit such an Increase of authority (^"' ^ as raight enable and encourage him to attempt the isig^ conquest of thera. Without waiting for the return of his messenger, or for the arrival of Grijalva, of whora he was becorae so jealous or distrustful that he was resolved no longer to employ him, he began to prepare such a powerful armament as might prove equal to an enterprl.se of so much danger and importance. But as the expedition upon which Velasquez was now intent, terminated in conquests of greater rao ment than what the Spaniards had hitherto achiev ed, and led them to the knowledge of a people, who, if compared with those tribes of America with whom they were hitherto acquainted, may be con sidered as highly civilized ; it is proper to pause before we proceed to the history of events extreraely different frora those which we have already related, in order to take a view of the state of the New World when first discovered, and to contemplate the policy and raanners of the rude uncultivated tribes tbat occupied all the parts of it with which the Spaniards were at this time acquainted. t2 THE II ISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK IV. BOOK ri~1WENTY-SIX years had elapsed since Colum- ^^ • ,A bus conducted the people of Europe to the •miiA ^^^ World. During that period the Spaniards parts of ijad made great progress in exploring its various were then rcglous. They had visited all the islands scattered known, jj^ (Jiflerent clusters through that part of the ocean which flows in between North and South America. They had sailed along the eastern coast of the con tinent from the river De la Plata to the bottora of the Mexican Gulf, and had found that it stretched without interruption through this vast portion of the globe. They had discovered the great South ern Ocean, which opened new prospects in that quarter. They had acquired sorae knowledge of the coast of Florida, which led thera to observe the continent as it extended in an opposite direction ; and though they pushed their discoveries no further towards the North, other nations had visited those HISTORY OF AMERICA. 2 / 7 parts which they neglected. The EngUsh, in a B o o k voyage the raotives and success of which shall be ^ ., related in another part of this History, had sailed along the coast of Araerica frora Labrador to the confines of Florida ; and the Portuguese, in quest of a shorter passage to the East Indies, had ven tured into the northern seas, and viewed the sarae regions^. Thus, at the period where I have chosen to take a view of the state of the New World, its extent was known alraost from its north ern extreraity to thirty-five degrees south of the equator. The countries which stretch frora thence ¦ to the southern boundary of Araerica, the great era pire of Peru, and the interior state of the extensive dorainions subject to the sovereigns of Mexico, were still undiscovered. When we conteraplate the New World, the The vast first circumstance that strikes us is Its immense fu'^^r' °^ the Nevv extent. It was not a sraall portion of the earth, so World; inconsiderable that it might have escaped the obser vation or research of forraer ages, which Colurabus discovered. He made known a new heraisphere, larger than either Europe, or Asia, or Africa, the three noted divisions of the ancient continent, and not rauch inferior in diraentions to a third part of the habitable globe. America is reraarkable, not only for its raagni tude, but for its position. It stretches from the northern polar circle to a high southern latitude, above fifteen hundred miles beyond the furthest ex tremity ofthe old continent on that side ofthe line. " Herrera, dec, 1 , lib, vi. c, 1 6. 27S "^KSTORY OF: AMERICA. B O O K A country of such extent passes through all the cli- ^ ¦ mates capable of becoming the habitation of man, ^ and fit for yielding the various productions peculiar either to the temperate or to the torrid regions of the earth. grand ob- ]\jgxt to the extent of the New World, the gran- jects It . , . 1 . . . presents to deur of the objects which it presents to view is view 5 jjiost apt to strike the eye of an observer. Nature seems here to have carried on her operations upon a larger Scale, and with a bolder hand, and to have distinguished the features of this countiy by a.pe- its moun- cullar raagnlficencc. The raountains in Araerica *"'"*' are rauch superior in height to those in the other divisions of the globe. Even the plain of Quito, which may be considered as the base of the Andes, is elevated further above the sea than the top ofthe Pyrenees, This stupendous ridge of the Andes, no less remarkable for extent than elevation, rises in different places raore than one-third above the Pike of Teneriffe, the highest land in the ancient herai sphere. The Andes raay literally be said to hidetheir heads in the clouds ; the storras often roll, and the thunder bursts below their summits, which, though exposed to the rays of the sun in the centre of the torrid zone, are covered with everlasting snows ''• rivers. From these lofty mountains descend rivers, pro- portioiiably large, with which the streams in the ancient continent are not to be corapared, either for lengtii of course, or the vast body of water which they roll towards the ocean. The Marag non, the Origpco, the Plata in South Araerica, the " See~NOTE .XXVIII. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 279 Mississippi and St. Laurence in North America, book flow In such spacious channels, that, long before ^^' they feel the influence of the tide, they resemble "^ arms of the sea rather than rivers of fresh water". The lakes of the New World are no les conspi- lakes; cuous for grandeur than its mountains and rivers. There is nothing in other parts of the globe which resembles the prodigious chain of lakes In North Araerica. They raay properly be terraed inland seas of fresh water ; and even those of the second or third class in magnitude are of larger circuit (the Caspian Sea excepted) than the greatest lake of the ancient continent. The New World is of a form extremely favour- its form able to comraercial intercourse. When a conti- [o^°"^t^'^ nent is forraed, like Africa, of one vast solid mass, merce; unbroken by arms of the sea penetrating into its interior parts, with few large rivers, and those at a considerable distance from each other, the greater part of it seems destined to remain for ever uncivi lised, and to be debarred from any active or en larged coraraunication with the rest of mankind. When, like Europe, a continent is opened by inlets of the ocean of great extent, such as the Mediter ranean and Baltic ; or when, like Asia, its coast is broken by deep bays advancing far Into the country, such as tbe Black Sea, the Gulfs of Arabia, of Persia, of Bengal, of Siam, and of Leotang; wheil the surrounding seas are filled with large and fertUe islands, and the continent itself watered with a varety of navigable rivers, those regions raay be « See NOTE XXIX. 080 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK said to possess whatever can facilitate the progress ^^' of their inhabitants in coraraerce and iraprovement. In all these respects Araerica raay bear a corapa-! rison with tbe otber quarters of the globe. The Gulf of Mexico, which flows in between North and South Araerica, may be considered as a Medi terranean sea, which opens a maritime comraerce with all the fertile countries by which it is encircled. The islands scattered In it are Inferior only to those in the Indian Archipelago, in nuraber, in raagni tude, and in value. As we stretch along the north ern division of the Araerican heraisphere, the Bay of Chesapeak presents a spacious inlet, which con« ducts the navigator far into the interior parts of provinces no less fertile than extensive ; and if ever the progress of culture and population shall ralti» gate the e?ctrerae rigour of the climate in the more northern districts of America, Hudson's Bay may become as subservient to commercial Intercourse in that quarter of the globe, as the Baltic is in Europe, The other great portion of the New World is enr compassed on every side by the sea, except one nar? row neck which separates the Atlantic from the Pa? clficOcean; and though It be not opened by spacioua bays or arms of the sea, its interior parts are ren^ dered accessible by a number of large rivers, fed by so many auxUiary streams, flowing in such varioua directions, that almost without any aid from the hand of industry and art, an inland na,vigatIon may be carried on through all the prpvinces from the river De la Plata to the Gulf of Paria. Nor is this bounty of nature confined to the southern division of America; its northern cofitiBent abounds nq HISTORY OF AMEKICA. gSl less in rivers which are navigable alraost to. their book sources, and by its iraraense chain of lakes provi- ^^• sion is raade for an inland comraunication, raore ^"V"^ extensive and coraraodious than in any quarter of the globe. The countries stretching frora the Gulf of Darien on one side, to tbat of CaUfornia on the other, which forra the chain that binds the two parts of the American continent together, are not destitute of peculiar advantages. Their coast on one side is washed by the Atlantic Ocean, on the other by the Pacific. Sorae of their rivers flow into the forraer, some into the latter, and secure to them all the comraercial benefits that raay result frora a coramunication with both. But what most distinguishes America frora other tempera, parts of the earth. Is tbe peculiar teraperature of its cUmafe-'^ cUmate, and the different laws to which it is sub ject with respect to the distribution of heat and cold. We cannot deterraine with precision the portion of heat felt in any part of the globe, raerely by raea suring its distance frora the equator. The cliniate of a country is affected, in sorae degree, by its ele vation above the sea, by the extent of continent, by the nature of the soil, the height of adjacent mountains, and many other circurastances. The influence of these, however, is from various causes less considerable In the greater part of the ancient continent ; and from knowing the position of any country there, we can pronounce with greater cer tainty what will be the warmth of Its climate, and the nature of Its productions. The raaxiras which are founded upon observa- predomi- tion of our heraisphere will not apply to the ether. ^^"^^ ° 28£ HISTORY OF AfllERlCA. BOOK In ^he New World, cold predorainates. The rigonf ^^- of the frigid zone extends over half of those regions ^""^'^'"^ which should be teraperate by their position. Count tries where the grape and the fig should ripen, are buried under snow one half of the year ; and lands situated in the same parallel with the most fertile and best cultivated provinces in Em'ope, are chilled with perpetual frosts, which alraost destroy the power of vegetation''. As we advance to those parts of Araerica which lie in the sarae parallel with provinces of Asia and Africa, blessed with an uniforra enjoyment of such genial warmth as is raost friendly to life and to vegetation, the domi nion of cold continues to be felt, and winter reigns, though during a short period, with extreme seve rity. If we proceed along the American continent into the torrid zone, we shall find the cold prevalent in the New World extending itself also to this re gion of the globe, and mitigating the excess of Its fervour. WhUe the negro pn the coast of Africa is scorched with unremitting heat, the inhabitant of Peru breathes an air equally mUd and temperate, and is perpetually shaded under a canopy pf grey clouds, which intercepts the fierce beams of the sun, without obstructing his friendly influence ^. Along tbe eastern coast of Araerica, the climate, though raore similar to that of the torrid zone in other parts of the earth, is nevertheless considerably railder than in those countries of Asia and Africa which lie in the sarae latitude. If frora the southern tropic we continue our progress to the extremity of <• See NOTE XXX. « Voyage de Ulloa, tom, i, p. 453. Anson's Voyage, p. 184. , HISTORY of AMERICA. 283 the Araerican continent, we meet with frozen seas, book and countries horrid, barren, and scarcely habitable ^ ^^' for cold, rauch sooner than in the north ^. ^^/-^ Various causes corabine in rendering the climate causes of of America so extremely different frora that of the ' ancient continent. Though the utmost extent of Araerica towards the north be not yet discovered, we know that It advances rauch nearer to the pole than either Europe or Asia. Both these have large seas to the north, which are open during part of the year ; and even when covered with ice, the wind that blows over thera is less intensely cold than that which blows over land in the sarae high lati tudes. But in America the land stretches frora the river St. Laurence towards the pole, and spreads out immensely to the west. A chain of enorraous mountains covered with snow and ice, runs through all this dreary region. The wind, in passing over such an extent of high and frozen land, becoraes so impregnated with cold, that it acquires a piercing keenness, which it retains in its progress through warmer cliraates, and It Is not entirely mitigated until it reach the Gulf of Mexico. Over all the continent of North America, a north-westerly wind and excessive cold are synonymous terras. Even in the most sultry weather, the moment that the wind veers to that quarter, its penetrating influence is felt in a transition frora heat to cold nP less vi olent than sudden. To this powerful cause we raay ^ Anson's Voyage, p. 74, ; and Voyage de Quiros, chez Hist. Gen, des Voyages,' torn, xiv, p, 83. Richard Hist. Natur, de I'Air, ii. 305, &c. 284 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK ascribe the extraordinary dominion of cold, and its y^_^ "^ violent inroads into the southern provinces, in that part of the globe s. Other causes, no less reraarkable, diminish the active power of heat in those parts of the Araerican continent vvhich lie between the tropics. In all that portion of the globe, the wind blows in an invariable direction frora east to west. As this wind holds its course across the ancient continent, it arrives at the countries which stretch along the western shores of Africa, inflaraed with all the fiery particles which it hath collected from the sultry plains of Asia, and the burning sands In the African deserts. The coast of Africa is, accordingly, tbe region of the earth which feels the most fervent heat, and is ex posed to the unmitigated ardour of the torrid zone. But this same wind, which brings such an accession of warmth to the countries lying between the river of Senegal and Cafraria, traverses the Atlantic Ocean before it reaches the Araerican shore. It is cooled in its passage over this vast body of water, and is felt as a refreshing gale along the coast of Brazil ^, and Guiana, rendering these countries, though among the warmest In America, temperate, when compared with those whicb lie opposite to them in Africa '. As this wind advances in its course across Araerica, it raeets with immense plains covered with impenetrable forests, or occu pied by large rivers, marshes, and stagnating wa ters, where it can recover no considerable degree of B Charlevoix Hist, de Nouv. Fr, iii. 165. Hi?t, Generale des Voyages, torn. XV. 215, &c, * ft See NOTE XXXI, > See NOTE XXXII. HISTORY OE AMERICA. 285 heat. At length it arrives at the Andes, which run book from north to south through the whole continent. ^ ^ ' In passing over their elevated and frozen summits, it is so thoroughly cooled, that the greater part of the countries beyond them hardly feel the ardour to which they seera exposed by their situation ^. In the otber provinces of America, from Tierra Ferrae westward to the Mexican Empire, the heat of the climate is tempered, . in some places, by the eleva tion of the land above the sea, in others, by their extraordinary humidity, and In all, bythe enormous mountains scattered over this tract. The islands of Araerica in the torrid zone are either small or mountainous, and are fanned alternately by refresh ing sea and land breezes. The causes of the extraordinary cold towards tbe southern liraits of Araerica, and in the seas be yond it, cannot be ascertained In a manner equally satisfying. It was long supposed that a vast con tinent, distinguished by the name of Terra Au stralis Incognita, lay between the southern ex tremity of America and the Antarctic pole. The .same principles which account for tbe extraordi nary degree of cold in the northern regions of America, were employed in order to explain that which is felt at Cape Horn and the adjacent coun tries. The immense extent of the southern conti nent, and the large rivers which It poured Into the ocean, were mentioned and admitted by philoso phers as causes sufficient to occasion the unusual "= Acosta Hist. NbvL£)rbis, lib, ii. c. 1 1 . Buffon Hist. Natu relle, &c, torn, ii, 5127&C. ix. W?, &c, O.sborn's CoUect. of ^Voyages, ii. p, 868. 286 HISTORY OF America; BOOK sensation of cold, and the still raore uncbmmori ap- TV" y__^^^_^ pearances of frozen seas in that region of the globe. But the imaginary continent to which such influence was ascribed, having been searched for in viiin, and the space which it was supposed to occupy baving been found to be an open sea, new conjectui-es raust be forraed with respect to the causes of a terapera ture of cliraate, so extreraely different from that which we experience in countries reraoved at the sarae distance frora the opposite pole'. ^ '^'h"''''fi " After conteraplating tbose permanent andcharae- disco- teristic qualities of the American continent, which ^^'^^ ' arise frora the peculiarity of its situation, and the disposition of its parts, the next object that merits attention is its condition when first discovered, as far as that depended upon the industry and opera tions of man. The effects of human ingenuity and labour are raore extensive and considerable, than even our own vanity is apt at first to iraagine. When we survey the face of the habitable globe, no sraall part of that fertility and beauty which we ascribe to the hand of nature, is the work of raan. His efforts, when continued through a succession of ages, change the appearance and iraprove the qualities of the earth. As a great part of tbe an cient continent has long been occupied by nations far advanced in arts and industry, our eye is accus tomed to view the earth in that form which it as suraes when rendered fit to be the residence of a nuraerous race of raen, and to supply them with nourishment. > See NOTE XXXIII. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 287 . Bu't in the New World, the state of mankind book was ruder, and the aspect of nature extremely dif- ,^ ^^'_j ferent. ' Throughout all its vast regions, there mde and were only two monarchies remarkable for extent of »nc"iti- ..••111 • • vated; territory, or distinguished by any progress in ira provement. The rest of this continent was pos sessed by small independent tribes, destitute of arts and industry, and neither capable to correct the defects nor desirous to meliorate the condition of that part of the earth allotted to them for their habitation., Countries occupied by such people were alraost In the same state as If they had been without inhabitants. Iramense forests covered a great part of the uncultivated earth ; and as the hand of industry had not taught tbe rivers to run in a proper channel, or drained off the stagnating water, many of the most fertile plains were over flowed with inundations, or converted into' raarshes. In the southern provinces, where the warmth of the sun, the raoisture pf the climate, and the fer tility of the soil, combine in calling forth the most vigorous powers of vegetation, the woods are so choked with its rank luxuriance as to be almost impervious, and the surface of the ground Is hid from the eye under a thick covering of shrubs and herbs and weeds. In this state of wild unassisted natm'e, agreat part of the large provinces in South America, which extend from the bottora of the Andes to the sea, still remain. The European colonies have cleared and cultivated a few spots along the coast; but the original race of inhabitants, as rude and indolent as ever, have done nothing to open or improve a country possessing almost 288 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK every advantage of situation and climate. As we (. J^J' , advance towards the northern provinces of America, nature continues to wear the same uncultivated Aspect, and, in proportion as the rigour of the cii-" raate increases, appears raore desolate and horrid. There the forests, though not encurabered with the sarae exuberance of vegetation, are of iraraense extent ; prbdiglous marshes overspread the plains, and few marks appear of human activity in any at tempt to cultivate or embellish the earth. No wonder that the colonies sent frora Europe were astonished at their first entrance into the New World. It appeared to thera waste, solitary, and uninviting. When the English began to settle In America, they terraed the countries of which they took possession. The Wilderness. Nothing but their eager expectation of finding mines of gold, could have Induced the Spaniards to penetrate through the woods and marshes of America, where at every step they observed the extreme difference ^between the uncultivated face of Nature, and that which It acquires under the forming hand of in dustry and art™. unvchole- The labour and operations of man not only im prove and erabeUish the earth, but render it raore wholesorae and friendly to Ufe. When any region lies neglected and destitute of cultivation, the air stagnates in the woods; putrid exhalations arise frora the waters ; the surface of the earth, loaded with rank vegetatioft, feels not the purifying in fluence of the sun or of the wind ; the raalignity pf "' See NOTE XXXIV. some. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 289 the disterapers natural to the cliraate increases, and book new raaladies no less noxious are engendered. ^^' Accordingly, all the provinces of Araerica, when ^"^'""'^ first discovered, were found to be reraarkably un healthy. This the Spaniards experienced in every expedition into the New World, whether destined for conquest or settleraent. Though by the natu ral constitution of their bodies, their habitual tera perance, and the persevering vigour of their minds, they were as rauch formed as any people in Europe for active service in a sultry climate, they felt se verely the fatal and pernicious qualities of those un- cultiyated regions through which they raarched, or where they endeavoured to plant colonies. Great numbers were cut off by the unknown and violent diseases with which they were infected. Such as survived the destructive rage of those maladies, were not exempted frora the noxious influence of the cliraate. They returned to Europe, according to the description of the early Spanish historians, feeble, emaciated, with languid looks, and com plexions of such a sickly yellow colour as indicated the unwholesorae temperature of the countries where they had resided". The uncultivated state of the New World af fected not only the teraperature of the air, but the quaUties of its productions. The principle of Ufe seeras to have bfeen less active and vigorous there, than in the ancient continent. Notwithstanding the vast extent of Araerica, and the variety of its " Gomara Hist, c. 20, 22, Oviedo Hist, lib, ii, c; 13, lib, v. c. 10. P. Martyr, Epist. 545, Decad, p. 176. VOL. I, " U 290 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK climatesr the different species of aniraals peculiar y^' to it are rauch fewer in proportion than those of hs^^ the other heraisphere. In the islands, there were Dials; ojjiy four tinds of quadrupeds known, the largest of which did not exceed the size of a rabbit. On the continent, the variety was greater ; and thougb the individuals pf each kind could not fail of raulti- plying exceedingly when almost unmolested by raen, who were neither so numerous, nor so united in society, as to be formidable eneraies to the ani raal creation, the number of distinct species must still be considered as extremely small. Of two hundred different kinds of animals spread over the face of the earth, only about one-third existed in America at the time of its discovery". Nature was not only less prolific In the New World, but she appears likewise to have .been less vigorous in her productions. The aniraals originally belonging to this quarter of the globe appear to be of an inferior race, neither so robust, nor so fierce, as those of the other continent. America gives birth to no creature of such bulk as to be corapared witb the elephant or rhinoceros, or that equals the lion- and tiger in strengtii and ferocityP. The Tapyr of BrazU, the largest quadruped of the ravenous tribe in the New World, is not larger than a calf of six raonths old. The Puma and Jaguar, its fiercest beasts of prey, which Europeans have inaccurately denominated lions and tigers, possess neither the » Buffon Hist. Naturelle, toiii. ix. p. 56. p See NOTE XXXV. *v HISTORY OF AMERICA. 291, undaunted courage of the former, nor the ra- b o o k venous cruelty of the latter "5. They are inactive ^' and timid, hardly fornildable to man, and often ^''""^ turn their backs upon the least appearance of re sistance''. The same qualities In the cliraate of Araerica which stinted the growth, and enfeebled the spirit, of its native animals, have proved per nicious to such as have migrated into it voluntarily frora the other continent, or have been transported thither by the Europeans^. The bears, the wolves, the deer of Araerica, are not equal in size to those of the Old World '. Most of the doraestic aniraals, with which the Europeans have stored the provinces wherein they settled, have degenerated with respect either to bulk or quality, in a country whose tera perature and soil seera to be less favourable to the strength and perfection ofthe animal creation". The same causes which checked the growth and insects and the vigour of the more noble aniraals, were friendly ^ "^ ^ to the propagation and Increase of reptiles and in sects. Though this is not peculiar to the New World, and those odious tribes, nourished by heat, raoisture, and cbrruption, infest every part of the torrid zone ; they raultiply faster, perhaps, in Arae- ^ Buffon Hist. Natur. tom, ix, p, 87, Marcgravii Hist. Nat, Brazil, p. 229. ' Buffon Hist. Natur. ix, 13. 203. Acosta Hist. lib. iv, c. 34, Pisonis Hist. p. 6. Herrera, dec. 4. lib. iv. c. 1. lib. x. c. 13. = Churchill, v, p. 691. Ovalle Relat, of Chili, Church, iii. p. 10. Somario de Oviedo, c, 14—22. Voyage du Des Mar- chais, iii. 299, t Buffon Hist;,Natur. ix. 103, Kalm's Travels, i. 102. Biet. Voy, de France Equinox.p. 339, >• See NOTE XXXVI, u 2 ^92 • HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK rica, and grow to a more raonstrous bulk. As this ^^ 1^" country is on the whole less cultivated, and less peopled, than the other quarters of the earth, the active principle of life wastes its force in productions of this inferior forra. The air Is often darkened with clouds of insects, and the ground covered with shocking and noxious reptiles. The country around Porto-Bello swarras with toads in such multitudes as hide the surface of tbe earth. At Guayaquil, snakes and vipers are hardly less numerous. Car thagena is infested with numerous flocks of bats, which annoy not only the cattle but the inhabitants'^. In the islands, legions of ants have at different times consumed every vegetable production^, and left tbe earth entirely bare as if it had been burnt with fire. The darap forests and rank soil of the countries on the banks of the Orinoco and Marag non, teera with alraost every offensive and poisonous creature which the power of a sultry sun can quicken into life^. birds ; T^g blrds of the New World are not distinguish ed by qualities so conspicuous and characterlstlcal as those which we have observed in its quadrupeds. Birds are more independent of raan, and less af fected by the changes which his industry and labour make upon the state of the earth. They have a greater propensity to migrate from one country to '^ Voyage de Ulloa, tom.i. p, 89. Id. p. 147. Herrera, dec, 11; lib, iii, c, 3,19. y See NOTE XXXVII. ^ Voyage de Condamine, p. 167. Gumilla, iii, 120, &c. Hist. Gener. des Voyages, xiv, 317. Dumont Memoires sur la Loui- siane, i, 108, Somario de Oviedo, c, 52 — 62. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 293 another, and can gratify this instinct of their nature book without difficulty or danger. Hence the number '^' of birds comraon to both continents Is much greater ^'"^ than that of quadrupeds ; and even such as are pe cuUar to Araerica, nearly reserable those with which mankind were acquainted in similar regions of the ancient hemisphere. The American birds of the torrid zone, like those of the same climate in Asia and Africa, are decked In pluraage which dazzles the eye with the beauty of its colours ; but nature, satisfied with clothing thera in this gay dress, has denied raost of thera that raelody of sound, and variety of notes, which catch and delight the ear. The birds of the teraperate cliraates there, in the sarae raanner as in our continent, are less splendid in their appearance ; but. In corapensation for that defect, tbey have voices of greater compass, and more melodious. In some districts of America, the unwholesorae teraperature of the air seeras to be unfavourable even to this part of the creation. The nuraber of birds Is less than In other countries, and the traveller is struck with the araazing solitude and silence of its forests*. It Is remarkable, how ever, that America, where the quadrupeds are so dwarfish and dastardly, should produce the Condor, which is entitled to pre-eminence over all the flying trihe, in bulk, in strength, and in courage''. > Bouguer Voy. au Perou, 17: Chanvalon Voyage k la Mar-: tinique, p. 96. Warren's Descript. Surinam, Osborn's Col lect, ii 924, Lettres Edif, xxiv. p. 339. Charlev, Hist, de la Nouv. France, iii. 155. ^ Voyage de Ulloa, i. 363. Voyage de Condamine, 175. Buf fon Hist.Nat. xvi. 184, Voyage du Des Marchais, iii. 320, 294 HISTORY OF AMERICA. K The soil in a continent so extensive as Araerica must, of course, be extremely various. In each of soii,-^'^ its provinces we find sorae distinguishing peculiari ties, the description of which belongs to those who write their particular history. In general we raay observe, that the moisture and cold, which predo minate so remarkably in all parts of Araerica, raust have great influence upon the nature of its soil ; countries lying in the sarae parallel with those re gions which never feel the extrerae rigour of winter in the ancient continent, are frozen over in Arae rica during a great part of the year. Chilled by this intense cold, the ground never acquires warmth sufficient to ripen the fruits which are found in the corresponding parts of the other continent. If we wish to rear in America the productions which abound in any particular district of the ancient world, we must advance several degrees nearer to the line than In the other hemisphere, as it requires sucb an increase of heat to counterbalance the na tural frigidity of the soil and climate'^. At the Cape of Good Hope, several of the plants and fruits peculiar to the. countries within the tropics are cul tivated with success ; whereas, at St. Augustine in Florida, and Charles -Town in South Carolina, though considerably nearer the line, they cannot be brought to thrive with equal certainty ¦*. But, if aUowance be raade for this diversity in the degree of heat, the soil of America is naturally as rich and fertile as in any part of the earth. As the country was thinly inhabited, and by a people of '^ See NO'TE XXXVIII. * See NOTE XXXIX. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 295 little Industry, who had none of the doraestic ani- book mals which civilized nations rear in such vast num- '^' bers, the earth was not exhausted by their con- ^ sumption. The vegetable productions, to which the fertility of the soil gave birth, often remained untouched, and, being suffered to corrupt on its sur face, returned with increase Into its bosora "=. As trees and plants derive a great part of their nourish raent frora air and water; if they were not destroyed by raan and other animals, they would render to the earth more, perhaps, than they take from It, and feed rather than irapoverish it. Thus the unoccupied soU of Araerica may have gone on enriching for many ages. The vast number as well as enormous size of the trees in America, indicate the extraordinaiy vigPur of the soil In Its native state. When the Europeans first began to cultivate the New World, they were astonished at the luxuriant power of ve getation in its virgin mould ; and in several places the ingenuity of the planter is still employed in di minishing and wasting its superfluous fertiUty, In order to bring it down to a state fit for profitable cultured Having thus surveyed the state of the New World How was at th© time of its discovery, and considered the pe- peopled ? culiar features and qualities which distinguish and characterize it, the next inquiry that merits atten tion is. How was America peopled ? By what course did mankind migrate from the one continent to the « Buffon, Hist. Natur, i. 242. Kalm, i. 151. ' Charlevoix, Histoire de Nouv. Fran. iii. 405. Voyage du Des Marchais, iii, 229, Lery ap, de Bry, part. iii. p. 174. See NOTE XL. 296 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK other ? and in what quarter Is it raost probable that ^ a coraraunication was opened between thera .'' No tradi- We know, with Infallible certainty, that all the tion con- humau race sprinsr from the same source, and that cerning it i ^ among the descendants of one man, under the protection as seWes ^^^^ ^^ ^" obedience to the coraraand of Heaven, raultiplied and replenished the earth. But neither theannals nor the traditions of nations reach backto those remote ages, in which they took possession of the different countries where they are now settled. We cannot trace the branches of this first faraily, or point out with certainty the tirae and raanner in which they divided and spread over the faee of the globe. Even among the most enlightened people, the period of authentic history Is extreraely short ; and every thing prior to that, is fabulous or obscure. It is not surprising, then, that the unlettered inha bitants of Araerica, who have no solicitude about futurity, and little curiosity concerning what is passed, should be altogether unacquainted with their own original. The people on the two opposite coasts of America, who occupy those countries in America which approach nearest to the ancient con tinent, are so reraarkably rude, that it is altogether vain to search araong thera for such information as might discover the place frora whence they came, or the ancestors of whom they are descended ^ Whatever light has been thrown on this subject, is derived, not from the natives of America, but from the inquisitive genius of their conquerors. Vaiious When the people of Europe unexpectedly disco- *¦ Vinegas's Hist, of California, i.-60. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 297 vered a New World, reraoved at a vast distance book frora every part of the ancient continent which was ^^ " then known, and filled with inhabitants whose ap- ^"^^""^ pearance and raanners differed remarkably from the rest of the huraan species, the question concerning their original becarae naturally an object of curio sity and attention. The theories and speculations of ingenious men with respect to this subject, would fill many volumes ; but are often so wild and chi raerlcal, that I should offer an insult to the under standing of ray readers, if I atterapted either rai nutely to enumerate or to refute them. Some have presumptuously iraagined, that the people of Arae rica were not the offspring of the same coraraon parent with the rest of mankind, but that they formed a separate race of men, distinguishable by peculiar features in the constitution of their bodies, as well as in the characteristic qualities of their rainds. Others contend, that they are descended frora sorae reranant of the antediluvian inhabitants of the earth, who survived the deluge which swept away the greatest part of the huraan species in the days of Noah ; and preposterously suppose rude, uncivilized tribes, scattered over an uncultivated continent, to be the raost ancient race of people on the earth. There is hardly any nation frora the north to the south pole, to which sorae antiquary, in the extravagance of conjecture, has not ascribed the honour of peopling Araerica. The Jews, the Canaanites," the Phoenicians, the Carthaginians, the Greeks, the Scythians in ancient times, are sup posed to have settled in this western world. The Chinese,, the. Swedes, the Norwegians, the Welsh, 298 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK the Spaniards, are said to have sent colonies thither i^", in later ages, at different periods, and on various occasions. Zealous advocates stand forth to sup port the respective claims of those people ; and though they rest upon no better foundation than the casual resemblance of some customs, or the supposed affinity between a few words in their dif-. ferent languages, much erudition and more zeal have been eraployed, to little purpose, in defence of the opposite systeras. Those regions of conjec ture and controversy belong not to the historian. His is a more liraited province, confined by what is established by certain or highly probable evidence. Beyond this I shall not venture, in offering a few observations wbich may contribute to throw some light upon this curious and much agitated ques tion. Onght not 1 . There are authors who have endeavoured by founded ^icre Conjecture to account for the peopling of on mere America. Some have supposed that it was orlgi- conjec- . , . . 1 T • ¦ J tme, nally united to the ancient continent, and disjoined frora it by the shock of an earthquake, or the ir ruption of a deluge. Others have iraagined, that sorae vessel being forced frora its course by the violence of a westerly wind, raight be driven by ac cident towards the Araerican coast, and have given a beginning to population in that desolate conti nent^. But with respect to all those systems, it is vain either to reason or inquire, because it Is im possible to come to any decision. Such events as 8 Parsons's Remains of Japhet, p. 240. Ancient Univers, Hist. vol, XX. p. 164. P. Feyjoo Teatro Critico, tom, v. p,304, &c. Acosta Ifist. Moral. Novi Orbis, lib, i. 16. c, 19, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 299 they suppose are barely possible, and may have hap- book pened. That they ever did happen, we have no ^^* evidence, either from the clear testimony of histoiy, ^'""^ or frorn the obscure intimations of tradition. 2. Nothing can be more frivolous, or uncertain, orome- than the atterapts to discover the orlsrlnal of the '^mWanoe '¦ , " of man- Americans raerely by tracing the reserablance be- ners, tween their manners and those of any particular people in the ancient continent. If we suppose two tribes, tbough placed in the most remote re gions of the globe, to live In a cliraate nearly of the same temperature, to be in the sarae state of so ciety, and to reserable each other in the degree of their iraproveraent, they must feel the same wants and exert the sarae endeavours to supply thera. The sarae objects will allure, the sarae passions will ani mate thera, and the sarae Ideas and sentiraents will arise in their rainds. The character and occupa tions of the hunter in Araerica, must be little dif ferent frora those of an Asiatic who depends for subsistence on the chase. A tribe of savages on the banks of the Danube, raust nearly reserable one upon the plains washed by the Mississippi. In stead then of presuming from this similarity, that there is any affinity between them, we should only conclude that the disposition and raanners of raen are forraed by their situation, and arise frora the , state of society in which they live. The moraent that begins to vary, the character of a pedple raust change. In proportion as it advances in iraprove raent, their raanners refine, their powers and talents are called forth. In every part of the earth, the progress of nian hath been nearly the same ; and 300 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o o K we can trace hira in his career frora the rude slra- ^ ^V- , plicity of savage life, until he attains the industry, the arts, and the elegance of polished society. There is nothing wonderful, then. In the similitude between the Americans and the barbarous nations of our continent. Had Lafitau, Garcia, and many other authors attended to this, they would not have perplexed a subject, which they pretend to illustrate, by their fruitless endeavours to establish an affinity between various races of people, in the old and new continents, upon no other evidence than such a re» semblance in their manners as necessarily arises from the similarity of their condition. There are, itis true, among every people, some custoras which, as they do not flow frora any natural want or de sire peculiar to their situation, raay be denominated usages of arbitrary institution. If between two na tions settled in remote parts of the earth, a perfect agreement with respect to any of these should be discovered, one might be led to suspect that tbey were connected by some affinity. If, for exaraple, a nation were found in Araerica that consecrated the seventh day to religious worship and rest, we might justly suppose that it had derived its know ledge of this usage, which is of arbitrary institu tion, from the Jews. But, if It were discovered that another nation celebrated the first appearance of every new moon with extraordinaiy demonstra tions of joy, we should not be entitled to conclude that the observation of this raonthly festival was borrowed from the Jews, but ought to consider it merely as the expression of that joy which is natu ral to man on the return of the planet wbich guides HISTORY OF AMERICA. 301 and cheers him in the night. The Instances of B O O K customs, raerely arbitrary, common to the inhabi- ^ ' tants of both hemispheres, are, indeed,, so few and so equivocal, that no theory concerning the popula tion of the New World ought to be founded upon them. 3. The theories which have been formed with or of reli- respect to the original ofthe Americans, from obser- S'°"^" '^*' vation of their religious rites and practices, are no less fanciful, and destitute of solid foundation. When the religious opinions of any people are neither the result of rational inquiry, nor derived frora the instructions of revelation, they raust needs be wild and extravagant. Baibarous nations are Incapable of the forraer, and have not been blessed with the advantages arising from the latter. Still, however, the huraan raind, even where its opera tions appear raost wild and capricious, holds a course so regular, that in every age and country the domi nion of particular passions will be attended with si milar effects. The savage of Europe or America, when fiUed with superstitious dread of Invisible be ings, or with inquisitive solicitude to penetrate into the events of futurity, trembles alike with fear, or glows with impatience. He has recourse to rites and practices of the same kind, in order to avert the vengeance which he supposes to be irapending over him, or to divine the secret which is the object of his curiosity. Accordingly, the ritual of super stition In one continent seems. In raany particulars, to be a transcript of that established in the other, and both authorize similar institutions, sometimes so frivolous as. to excite pity, sometimes so bloody 302 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK and barbarous as to create horror. But without V • , supposing any consanguinity between such distant nations, or iraagining that their religious cereraonies were conveyed by tradition frora the one to the other, we raay ascribe this uniforraity, which in many instances seems very amazing, to the natural operation of superstition and enthusiasra upon the weakness of the huraan mind. ^°* P^°" 4. We raay lay it down as a certain principle in any nation this Inquiry, that America was not peopled by any viUzed"' nation of the ancient continent which had made considerable progress in civilization. The inhabit ants of the New World were in a state of society so extremely rude, as to be unacquainted with those arts which are the first essays of human ingenuity in its advance towards improveraent. Even the most cultivated nations of Araerica were strangers to raany of tbose simple inventions which were al most coeval with society in other parts of the world, and were known In the earliest periods of civil life with which we have any acquaintance. Frora this it is raanifest, that the tribes which originally mi grated to America, came off from nations which must have been no less barbarous than their poste rity, at the time when they were first discovered by the Europeans. For, although tbe elegant or re fined arts raay decline or perish, araidst the violent shocks of those revolutions and disasters to which nations are exposed, the necessaiy arts of life, when once they have heen introduced araong any people, are never lost. None of the vicissitudes in human affairs affect these, and they continue to be prac tised as long as the race of raen exists. If ever the use HISTORY^ OF AMERICA. 303 of iron had been known to the savages of America, book or to their progenitors ; if ever they had employed .. /J" .¦ a plough, a loom, or a forge, the utility of those in ventions would have preserved them, and it is im possible that they should have been abandoned or forgotten. We may conclude, then, that the Ame ricans sprung frora some people, who were them selves in such an early and unimproved stage of so ciety, as to be unacquainted with all those neces sary arts, which continued to be unknown araong their posterity when first visited by the Spaniards. 5. It appears no less evident that Araerica was nor from not peopled by any colony frpra the raore southern g,.^ °.°" nations of the ancient continent. None of the rude §^""8 of tribes settled in that part of our heraisphere can be nent. supposed to have visited a country so remote. They possessed neither enterprise, nor ingenuity, nor power that could prorapt them to undertake, or en able them to perform, such a distant voyage. That the more civilized nations in Asia or Africa are not the progenitors of the Araericans, is raanifest, not only frora the observations which I have already raade concerning their ignorance of the most sim ple and necessary arts, but from an additional cir cumstance. Whenever any people have experi enced the advantages which men enjoy by their do minion over the inferior animals, they can neither subsist without the nourishment which these afford, nor carry on any considerable operation Independent of their ministry and labour. Accordingly, the first care of the Spaniards, when they settled in Arae- ,rlca, was to stock it with all the doraestic animals of Europe ; and If, prior to them, the Tyrians, the HISTORY OF AMERICA. Ife o o K Carthaginians, the Chinese, or any other polished ^^' people, had taken po^SsessIon of that continent, we '^'~^ should have found there the animals peculiar to those regions of the globe where they were originally seated. In all Araerica, however, there Is not one animal, tarae or wild, which properly belongs to the warra or even the raore temperate countries of the ancient continent. The camel, the dromedary, the horse, the Cow, were as rauch unknown In Ame rica as the elephant or the lion. Frora which it is obvious, that the people who first settled in the western world did not issue frora the countries where those animals abound, and where raen, from having been long accustomed to their aid, would naturally consider it not only as beneficial, but as indispensably necessaiy to the iraprovement, and even the preservation, of civil society. Tlie two 6, From considering the animals with which continents . • • , i i i i i seem to America is stoied, we raay conclude that the nearest approach point of coutact between the old and new conti- nearest to ^ - each other ncuts Is towards the northern extreraity of both, the north, ^"^ ^^^ there the coramunication was opened, and the intercourse carried on between them. All the extensive countries in America which lie within the tropics, or approach near to them, are filled with indigenous animals of various kinds, entirely different frora those In the corresponding regions of the ancient continent. But the northern provinces of the New World abound with many of the wild animals which are comraon in such parts of our heraisphere as lie in a similar situation. The bear, the wolf, the fox, the hare, the deer, the roebuck, the elk, and several other species, frequent the HISTORY OP AMElltCA. 30^ forests of North America, no less than those in the b 0 o*K * north of Europe and Asia*. It seems to be evi- ^^• dent, then, that the two continents approach each ^"v^"*^ other in this quarter, and are .either united, or so nearly adjacent that tbese aniraals raight pass from the one to the other. 7. The actual vicinity of the two continents isTHsascer- so clearly established by modern discoveries, that alsc^ver^. the chief difficulty with respect to the peopling of America is removed. While those immense re gions which stretch eastward frora the River Oby to the sea of Karachatka were unknown or iraper fectly explored, the north-east extreraities of our heraisphere were supposed to be so far distant frora any part of the New World, that it was not easy to conceive how any coraraunication should hay» been carried on between thera. But the Russians having subjected the western part of Siberia to their era pire, gradually extended their knowledge of that vast countiy, by advancing towards the east into unknown provinces. These were discovered by hunters in their excursions after garae, or by soldiera employed in levying the taxes ; and the cburt of Moscow estimated the importance of those coun tries, only by the sraall addition whicb they made to its revenue. At length Peter the Great ascended the Russian throne. His enlightened, comprehen sive mind. Intent upon every circumstance that could aggrandise his empire, or render his reign illustrious, discerned consequences of those discoveries which had escaped the observation of his Ignorant prede- h Buffon, Hist. Nat. ix, p. 97, &c. VOL. X. X 305 HiSTOJiY OF AMEUICA. BOOK cessors. He perceived that In proportion as the te^ '^* gions of Asia extended towards the east, they raust '^^^ approach nearer to AiJperica ; that the coraraunica tion between the two continents, which had long been searched for in vain, would probably be found in this quarter ; and that by opening it, some part of the wealth and commerce of the western world might be made to flow into his dorainions by a new channel. Such an object suited a genius that de lighted In grand schemes. Peter drew up instruc tions with his own hand for prosecuting this design, and gave orders for carrying it into execution'. His successors adopted his Ideas and pursued his plan. The officers whora tbe Russian court em ployed in this service, had to struggle with so many difficulties, that their progress was extremely slow. Encouraged by some faint traditions among the people of Siberia, concerning a successful voyage iri the year one thousand six hundred and forty- eight, rouiid the north-east promontory of Asia, they attempted to follow the same course. Vessels were fitted out, with this view, at different times, frora the rivers Lena and Kolyma ; but in a frozen ocean, which nature seeras not to have destined for navigation, they Were exposed to many disasters, without being able to accomplish their purpose. No vessel fitted out by the Russian court ever doubled this formidable Cape'' ; we are indebted for what is. known of those extrerae regions of Asia, to the dis-; coveries made In excursions by land. In all those provinces an opinion prevails, that there are coun- ' iVluller, Vxiyages et D^couvertes par les Russes, torn. i. p.4,5. 141. " See NOTE XLI. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 307 tries of great extent and fertility which lie at no B 0 0 K considerable distance frora their own coasts. These y^'_j the Russians iraagined to be part of America; and ^"^^""^ several circumstances concurred not only in con firming them in this beUef, but in persuading them that some portion of that continent could not be very remote. Trees of various kinds unknown in those naked 4.-egIons of Asia, are driven upon the coast by an easterly wind. By the same wind, float ing ice is brought thither in a few days ; flights of birds arrive annually from the same quarter ; and a' tradition obtains araong the inhabitants, of an in tercourse forraerly carried on with sorae countries situated to the east. After Weighing all these -particulars, and cora paring the position of the countries in Asia which had been discovered, with such parts In the north west of America as were already known, the Russian court formed a plan, which would have hardly oc curred to a nation less accustomed to engage in ar duous undertakings, and to contend with great dif ficulties. Orders were issued to build two vessels at the sraall village of Ochptz, situated on the sea of Karachatka, to sail on a voyage of discovery. Though that dreary uncultiyated region furnished nothing that could be of use iji constructing thera, but sorae larch trees : though not only the iron, the cordage, the saUs, and all the numerous articles re quisite for their equipment, but the provisions for victualling thera were to be cartied through the ira mense deserts of Siberia, down rivers of difficult navigation, ahd along roads alraost irapassable, the mandate of the sovereign, and the persevei'ance of x2 2*^'^ HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK the people, at last surmounted every obstacle. Two v„_yl«.i vessels Were finished, and, under the command of 1741. the Captains Behring and Tschirikow, sailed from Kamchatka, in quest of the New World in a quar ter where it had never been approached. They shaped their course towards the east ; and though a storm soon separated the vessels, which never re joined, and many disasters befel thera, the expecta tions from the voyage were not altogether frustrated. Each of the commanders discovered land, which to thera appeared to be part of the Araerican conti nent ; and, according to their observations, it seems to be situated within a few degrees of the north west coast of California. Each set some of his people ashore : but in one place the inhabitants fled as the Russians approached ; in another, they car ried off those who lapded, and destroyed their boats. The violence of the weather, and the distress of their crews, obUged both captains to quit this inhospitable coast. In their return they touched at several islands which stretch in a chain frora east to west between the countiy which they had discovered and the coast of Asia. They had some intercourse with the na tives, who seeraed to thera to reserable the North Americans. They presented to the Russians the calumet, or pipe of peace, which is a symbol of friendship universal among the people of North Araerica, and an usage of arbitrary institution pe cuUar to thera. Though the Islands of this New Archipelago have been frequented since that tirae bythe Russian hunt ers, the court of St. Petersburgh, during a period of more than forty years, seems to have relinquished HISTORY OF AMEUICA. 309 every thought of prosecuting discoveries in that BOOK quarter. But in the year one thousand seven hun- i^^", dred and sixty-eight it was unexpectedly resuraed. ^"^''"'^ The sovereign who had been lately seated on the throne of Peter the Great, possessed the genius and talents of her illustrious predecessor. During the operations of the raost arduous and extensive war in which the Russi-in erapire was ever engaged, she forraed schemes and executed undertakings, to which more liraited abilities would have been inca pable of attending but amidst the leisure of pacific tiraes. A new voyage of discoveiy frora the eastern extremity of Asia was planned, and Captain Krenitzin and Lieutenant Levasheff were appointed to cora raand the two vessels fitted out for that purpose. In their voyage outward they held nearly the sarae course with the forraer navigators, they touched at the sarae islands, observed their situation and pro ductions raore carefully, and discovered several new Islands with which Behring and Tschirikow had not fallen in. Though they did not proceed so far to the east as to revisit the country which Behring and Tschirikow supposed to be part of the Araerican continent, yet, by returning in a course considerably to the north of theirs, they corrected sorae capital raistakes into which their predecessors had fallen, and have contributed to facilitate the progress of future navigators in those seas'. Thus the possibility of a coramunication between the continents in this quarter rests no longer upon raere conjecture, but is estabUshed by undoubted ' See NOTE XLII. 310 HISTORY OE AMERICA. BOOK evidence™. Some tribe, or some farailies of wan* ^^ /J' , dering Tartars, frora the restless spirit peculiar to their race, raight migrate to the nearest islands, and^ rude as their knowledge of navigation was, might, by passing from one to the other, reach at length the coast of Araerica, and give a beginning to po pulation in that continent. The distance between the Marian or Ladrone islands and the nearest land in Asia, is greater than that between the part of Araerica which the Russians discovered, and the coast of Kamchatka ; and yet the inhabitants of those islands are raanifestly of Asiatic extract. If, notwithstanding their reraote situation, we admit that the Marian islands were peopled from our con tinent, distance alone Is no reason why we should hesitate about adraitting that the Americans may derive their original from the same source. It is probable that future navigators in those seas, by steering further to the north, may find that the con- , tinent of America approaches still nearer to Asia. According to the information of the baibarous peo ple who inhabit the countiy about the north-east proraontory of Asia, there lies, off the coast; a small Island, to which they sail in less than a day. Frora that they can descry a large continent which, according to their description, is covered with fo rests, and possessed by people whose language they do not understand". By them they are supplied with the skins of martens, an animal unknown in the northern parts of Siberia, and which is never found but In countries abounding with trees. If "> .MuUer's Voyages, tom. i. 248, &c. 2G7, 276, » Ibid. i. 166, HISTORY -of AMERICA. 3 1 1 we could rely on this account, we might conclude book tliat theAmerican continent is separated from ours \^L_/ only by a narrow strait, and all the difficulties with respect to the coraraunication between them would vanish. What could be offered only as a conjec ture when this History was first published, is now knpwn to be certain. The near approach of the two continents to eaeh other has been discovered^ and traced in a voyage undertaken upon principles so pure and so Uberal, and conducted with so much professional skill, as reflect lustre upon the reign of the sovereign by whom it was planned, and do honour to tbe officers intrusted with the execution ofit". It ¦ Is "likewise evident frora recent discoveries. Another that an Intercourse between our continent and^°J"™'^y" America might be carried on with no less faciUty the nonh- from the north-west extremities of Europe. As early as the ninth century, the Norwegians disco- A.D. 830. vered Greenland, and planted colonies there. The coramunication with that countiy, after a long in terruption, was renewed In the last century. Some Lutheran and Moravian missionaries, prompted by zeal for propagating the Christian faith, have ven tured to settle In this frozen and uncultivated re- gionP. To thera we are indebted for much curious inforraation with respect to its nature and inha bitants. We learn, that the north-west coast of Greenland Is separated from Araerica by a very narrow strait ; that, at the bottom of the bay into wbich this strait conducts. It Is highly probable that <¦ See NOTE XLIII, p Crantz" Hist, of Greenl.i. 242. 244, Prevot, Hist, Gen, des Voyages, tora, xv, ,152. not. (96). 313 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK they are united i ; that tbe inhabitants of the t, . ' , two countries have some intercourse with one another; that the Esquiraaux of America per fectly reserablei the Greenlanders in their aspect, dress, and raode of living ; that some sailors who had acquired the knowledge of a few words in the Greenlandish language, reported that these were A.D, l764.«Mnderstood by the Esquimaux ; that, at length, a Moravian missionary, well acquainted with the lan guage of Greenland, having visited the country of the Esquimaux, found, to his astonishment, that they spoke the same language with the GreeU'- landers ; that they were in every respect the same people, and he was accordingly received and enter tained by them as a friend and a brother^ ' By these decisive facts, not only the consangui nity of the Esquimaux and Greenlanders is esta bUshed, but the possibility of peopling America frora the north of Europe is deraonstrated. If the Norwegians, In a barbarous age, when science had not begun to dawn in the north of Europe, pos sessed such naval skill as to open a coramunication with Greenland, their ancestors, as much addicted to roving by sea, as tbe Tartars are to wandering by land, might, at some more remote period, ac complish the same voyage, and settle a colony there, whose descendants might. In progress of tirae, rai^ grate into Araerica. But if, instead of venturing to sail directly frora their own coast to Greenland, we suppose that the Norwegians held a more cau tious course, and advanced from Shetland to the Feroe islands, and from thera tp Iceland, in all iEggede,p.2,3. ^ Crantz' Hist, of Greenl. p.^61, 262, HISTORY of AMEUICA. 313 which they had planted colonies ; their progress book may have been so gradual, that this navigation can- ,^ /^'. . not t)e considered as either longer or more hazar dous, than those voyages which that hardy and en terprising race of raen is known to have performed in every age. 8. Though it be possible that America may have Frobably received its first inhabitants from our continent, |.^i^ tlie either by the north-west of Europe or the north- north-east. east of Asia, there seeras to be good reason for sup posing that the progenitors of all the Araerican nations frora Cape Horn to the southern confines of Labrador, raigrated from the latter rather than the former. The Esquimaux are the only people in Araerica, who in their aspect or character bear any reserablance to the northern Europeans, They are raanifestly a race of raen distinct from all the nations of the American continent, in language, in disposition, and in habits of life. Their original, then, may warrantably be traced up to that source which I have pointed out. But among all the other inhabitants of America, there is such a striking si miUtude in the forra of their bodies and the qua lities of their rainds, that, notwithstanding the di versities occasioned by the influence of climate, or unequal progress in improvement, we must pro nounce thera to be descended frora one source. There may be a variety in the shades, but we can every where trace the same original colour. Each tribe has something peculiar which distinguishes it, but In all of them we discern certain features com mon to the whole, race. It is reraarkable, that In every pecuUarity, whether in their persons or dispo- 314 HISTORY OF AMERICA. book sitions, which characterize the Americans, tbey ^ ^ bave some resemblance to tbe rude tribes scattered over the north-east of Asia, but almost none to the nations settled in the northern extreraities of Eu rope. , We may, therefore, reiex them to the former origin, and conclude that their Asiatic pro genitors, haying settled in those parts of Araerica, where the Russians have discovered the proxiraity of the two continents, spread gradually over its va rious regions. This account ofthe progress of po pulation in Araerica coincides with the traditions of the Mex!lcans concerning their own origin, which, iraperfect as they are, were preserved with raore ac curacy, and raerit greater credit, than those of any people in the New World. According to thera, their ancestors came from a reraote country situ ated to the north-west of Mexico. The Mexicans point out their various stations as they advanced frora this, into the Interior provinces, and it is precisely the sarae route which they raust have held if they bad been eraigrants from Asia. The Mexi cans, In describing the appearance of their proge nitors, their manners and habits of life at that pe riod, exactly delineate those of the rude Tartars, from whom I suppose them to have sprung'. Thus have I finished a Disquisition which has been deeraed of so rauch iraportance, that it would have been improper to orait it in writing the his tory of Araerica. I have ventured to inquire, but r Acosta, Hist. Nat. & Mor. lib. vii. c. 2, &c, Garcia, Origen de los Indios, lib. v. c. 3, Torquemada Monar. Ind. lib. L c. 2, &c. Boturini Benaduci Idea de una Hist, de la Amer, Septentr. § xvii. p. 127. HISTORY of AMERICA. 315 without presuming to decide. Satisfied with offer- book ing cpnjectures, I pretend not to establish any sy- ^^' stem. When an investigatidn is, frora Its nature, ^"^^'"''^ so Intricate and obscure, that it is impossible to ar rive at conclusions which are certain, there raay be sorae raerit in pointing out such as are probable'. The condition and character of the Araerican Condition nations, at the tirae when they beCarae known to racter of the Europeans, deserve raore attentive consideration the Ame- ... . , . . • 1 mi ' "<^*"S i than the inquiry concerning their original, lhe latter is merely an object of curiosity ; the forraer is one of the most iraportant as well as instructive researches wbicb can occupy the philosopher or his torian. In order to coraplete the history of the huraan raind, and attain to a perfect knowledge of its nature and operations, we raust contemplate man in all those various situations wherein he has been placed. We must follow him in his progress through the different stages of society, as he gra dually advances from the infant state of civU life towards its maturity and decUne. We must ob serve, at each period, how the faculties of his un derstanding unfold ; we raust attend to the efforts of his active powers, watch the various movements of desire and affection, as they rise in his breast, and raark whither they tend, and with what ardour they are exerted. Tbe philosophers and historians pf andent Greece and Rome, our guides in this as well as every other disquisition, had only a li mited view of this subject, as they had hardly any opportunity of surveying man In his rudest and * Memoires sur la Louisiane, par Dumont, tom,i. p. 1 19, j 322 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK most early state. In all those regions of the earth ^^- with which they were well acquainted, civil society ^'^"'^ had made considerable advances, and nations had finished a good part of their career befbre they be gan to observe them. The Scythians and Germans, the rudest people of whom any ancient author has transmitted to us an authentic account, possessed flocks and herds, had acquired property of various kinds, and, when corapai'ed with raankind in their primitive state, may be reckoned to have attained to a great degree of civilization. leas im- But the discovery of the New World enlarged proved ^j^^ sphere of contemplation, and presented nations any part to our vlew, hi stagcs of their progress, much earth! ^^^^ advanced than those wherein they have been observed in our continent. In America, man ap pears under the rudest form in which we can con ceive hira to subsist. We behold coramunities just beginning to unite, and raay examine the sen timents and actions of huraan beings In the in fancy of social life, while they feel but imperfectly the force of its ties, and have scarcely relinquished their native liberty. That state of primseval simpli city, which was known In our continent only by the fanciful description of poets, really existed in the other. The greater part of its inhabitants were strangers to industry and labour, ignorant of arts, imperfectly acquainted with the nature of property, and enjoying almost without restriction or control the blessings which flowed spontaneously from the bounty of nature. There were only two nations In this vast continent which had emerged from this rude state, and had raade any considerable progress HISTORY of AMERICA. 317 in acquiring the Ideas, and adopting the institu- book tions, which belong to polished societies. Their ^ ' , government and manners will fall naturally under our review In relating the discoveiy and conquest of the Mexican and Peruvian empires ; and we shall have there an opportunity of conteraplating the Araericans in the state of highest Improvement to which they ever attained. At present, our attention and researches shall be This in- turned to the small independent tribes which cccu- «„"! t'o""" pied every other part of America. Among these, ^^.^ rudest though with some diversity in their character, their manners, and institutions, the state of society was nearly similar, and so extremely rude, that the de nomination of savage raay be applied to them all. In a general history of Araerica, it would be highly iraproper to describe the condition of each petty community, or to investigate every minute circum stance which contributes to form the character of its raerabers. Sucb an inquiry would lead to de tails of iraraeasurable and tiresorae extent. The qualities belonging to the people of all the different tribes have such a near reserablance, that they raay be painted with the sarae features. Where any circurastances seera to constitute a diversity In their character and raanners worthy of attention, it will be sufficient to point these out as they occur, and to inquire into the cause of such peculiarities. It is extreraely difficult to procure satisfying and Difficulty authentic information' concerning natioris while °„g° ;„!'"' they remain uncIvUIzed. To discover their true^o^ation character under this rude form, and to select th« features by which they are distinguished, requires 3 1 8 HISTORY OF AMERICA. b o o K ah cjbseryer possessed of no less impartiality thati .. ^ '] 1 discernment. For, in every stage of society, the faculties, the sentiments, and desires of raen are so accommodated to their own state, that they become standards of excellence to themselves, they affix the idea of perfection and happiness to those attain ments which resemble their own, and, wherever the objects and enjoyments to which they have been accustomed are wanting, confidently pronounce a people to be barbarous and miserable. Hence the mutual contempt with which the members of com munities, unequal in their degrees of improvement, regard each other. Polished nations, conscious of the advantages which they derive from their know ledge and arts, are apt to view rude nations with peculiar scorn, and, in the pride of superiority, will hardly allow either their occupations, their feeUngs, or their pleasures, to be worthy of men. It has seldora been the lot of coramunities, in their early and unpolished state, to fall under the observation of persons endowed with force of mind superior to vulgar prejudices, and capable of conteraplating man, under whatever aspect he appear.s, with a can did and dLscerning eye. from the The Spaniards, who first visited America, and ofThe fait ^^o ^^^ opportunity of beholding its various tribes observers, while entire and unsubdued, and before any change had been raade In their ideas or manners by Inter course with a race of mep rauch advanced beyond thera In iraproveraent, werd far frora possessing the qualities requisite for observing the striking spec tacle presented to their view. Neither the age in which they lived, nor the nation to which they be- HISTORY OF AMERICA. 319 ' longed, had raade such progress in true science, as b o o K inspires enlarged and Uberal sentiraents. The con- 1'^'. querors of the New World were raostly illiterate '^""^ adventurers, destitute of all the Ideas which should have directed thera in conteraplating objects so ex treraely different frora those with which they were acquainted. Surrounded continually with danger or struggling with hardships, they had little lei sure, and less capacity, for any speculative inquiry. Eager to take possession of a country of such ex tent and opulence, and happy in finding it occupied by inhabitants so Incapable to defend it, they hastily pronounced them to be a wretched order of men, formed merely for servitude; and were more em ployed in coraputing the profits of their labour, than In inquiring into the operations of their rainds, or the reasons of their custoras and institutions. The persons who penetrated at subsequent periods into the interior provinces, to which the knowledge and devastations of the first conquerors did not reach, were generally of a sirailar character ; brave and enterprising in an high degree, but so uninformed as to be little qualified either for observing or de scribing what they beheld. Not only the incapacity but the prejudices pf and their the Spaniards render their accounts of the people ^'^^" *^^'' of America extremely defective. Soon after they planted colonies In their new conquests, a difference in opinion arose with respect to the treatment of the natives. One party, solicitous to render their servitude perpetual, represented them as a brutish, obstinate race, incapable either of acquiring reli gious knowledge, or of being trained to the func- 320 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK J^ions pf social life. The other, fuU of pious con- IV. cern for their conversion, contended that, though ''^""^ rude and Ignorant, they were gentle, affectionate, docile, and by proper instructions and regulations might be forraed gradually into good Christians and useful citizens. This controversy, as I haive already related, was carried on with all the warrath which is natural, when attention to interest on the one hand, and religious zeal on the other, aniraate the disputants. Most of the laity espoused the for mer opinion ; all the ecclesiastics were advocates for the latter ; and we shall uniforraly find that, ac cordingly as an author belonged to either of these parties, he is apt to raagnify the virtues or aggravate the defects of the Araericans far beyorid truth. Those repugnant accounts increase the difficulty of attaining a perfect knowledge of their character, and render it necessary to peruse all the descriptions of them by Spanish writers with distrust, and to receive their information with some grains of al lowance. and frora Almost two ccnturlcs closed after the discoveiy stems of ^^ America, before the manners of its inhabitants philoso- attracted, in any considerable degree, the attention of philosophers. At length they discovered that the conteraplation of the condition and character of the Aniericans, in their original state, tended to coraplete our knowledge of the huraan species ; might enable us to fill up a considerable chasm in the history of its progress ; and lead to speculations no less curious than important. They entered upon this new field of study with great ardour ; but, in stead of throvving light upon the subject, they have HISTORY OF AMERICA. 321 contributed in sorae degree to involve it in addi- book tional obscurity. Too irapatient to inquire, they ,^^ ' hastened to decide ; and began to erect systeras, when they should have been searching for facts on which to establish their foundations. Struck with the appearance of degeneracy in the huraan species throughout the New World, and astonished at be- r . holding a vast continent occupied by a naked, feeble, and Ignorant race of raen, sorae authors, of great narae, have raaintained that this part of the globe had but lately eraerged frora the sea, and becorae fit for the residence of raan ; that every thing in it bore raarks of a recent original ; and that its inha^^ bitants, lately called into existence, and stUl at the beginning of their career, were unworthy to be cora pared witb the people of a raore ancient and im proved continent'. Others have imagined, that, under the influence of an unkindly climate, which checks and enervates the principle of life, raan never attainied in America the perfection which belongs to his nature, but reraained an aniraal of an inferior order, defective in the vigour of his bodily frarae, and destitute of sensibility, as well as of force, in the operations of his raind". In opposition to both these, other philosophers have supposed that man arrives at his highest dignity and excellence long before he reaches a state of refineraent; and, in the rude siraplicity of savage life, displays an ele vation of sentiment, an independence of raind, and a warmth of attachment, for which it is vain to • M. de Buffon Hist, Nat. iii, 484, &c, ix, 103, 114. " M, de P, Recherches Philos. sur les Americ, passim, VOL. I. Y 322 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK search among the merabers of polished societies'*. ^^ ' They seem to consider that as the most perfect state '^ of man which is the least civilized. They describe the manners of the rude Americans with such rap ture, as if they proposed thera for models to the rest of the species. These contradictory theories have been proposed with equal confidence, and uncora raon powers of genius and eloquence have been ex erted, in order to clothe thera with an appearance of truth. As all those circurastances concur in rendering an inquiry into the state of the rude nations in Araerica intricate and obscure, it is necessary to carry it on with caution. When guided in our re searches by the intelligent observations of the few philosophers who have visited this part of the globe, we may venture to decide. When obliged to have recourse to the superficial remarks of vulgar travel lers, of sailors, traders, buccaneers, and missiona ries, we must often pause, and, coraparing detached facts, endeavour to discover what they wanted sa gacity to observe. Without indulging conjecture, or betraying a propensity to either systera, we raust study with equal care to avoid tbe extreraes of ex travagant adrairation, or of supercUious conterapt for those manners which we describe. Method In order to conduct tbis inquiry with greater in the in- accuracy, it should be rendered as siraple as possi- quiry, ^,}g_ j^jjjj.^ exIstcd as an individual before he be carae the raeraber of a coramunity ; and the qua lities which belong to him under his forraer capacity * M, Rousseau, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 323 should be known, before we proceed to examine book those which arise from the latter relation. This is ^ ^^' ^ peculiarly necessary in investigating the raanners of rude nations. Their political union is so incora plete, their civil institutions and regulations so few, so siraple, and of such slender authority, that raen in this state ought to be viewed rather as independ ent agents, than as raerabers of a regular society. The character of a savage results alraost entirely frora his sentiments or feelings as an individual, and is but little influenced by his iraperfect subjec tion to government and order. I shall conduct ray researches concerning the manners of the Araeri cans in this natural order, proceeding gradually from what is simple to what is raore coraplicated. I shall consider, I. The bodily constitution of the Americans in those regions now under review. II. The quaUties of their rainds. III. Their do mestic state. IV. Their political state and Insti tutions. V. Their system of war, and public secu rity. VI. The arts with which they were acquaint ed. VII. Their religious ideas and institutions. VIII. Such singular detached customs as are not reducible to any of the forraer heads. IX. Ishall conclude with a general review and estimate of their virtues and defects. I. The bodily constitution of the Araericans, — • The con. The human body is less affected by climate than of their that of any other animal. Sorae animals are con- ''°*'^^ ' fined to a particular region of the globe, and can not exist beyond it ; others, though they may be brought to bear the injuries of a climate foreign to them, cease to multiply when carried out of that y2 324 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B o « K district which nature destined to be theit mansion. i}", Even such as seem capable of being naturalized iri various cliraates, feel the effect of every reraove frora their proper station, and gradually dwindle and de generate from the vigour and perfection peculiar to their species. Man is the only living creature whose frame is at once so hardy and so flexible, that he can spread over the whole earth, become the inhabitant of ^very region, and thrive and mul tiply under every climate. Subject, however, to the general law of NaturCj the huraan body is not entirely exerapt frora the operation of cliraate ; and when exposed to the extremes either of heat or cold, its size or vigour dirainishes. com- The first appearance of the inhabitants of the p exion, jy^^ World filled the discoverers with such asto nishment, that they were apt to iraagine them a race of men different from those of the other hemi sphere. Their complexion is of a reddish brown, nearly resemblingy.the colour of copper y. The hair of their heads is alwaj^s black, long, coarse, and uncurled. They have no beard, and every part of their body is perfectly smooth. Their persons are of a full size, extremely straight, and well propor tioned^. Their features are regular, tliough often distorted by absurd endeavours to improve the beauty of -their natural form, or to render their aspect raore more dreadful to their enemies. In the islands, where four-footed animals were both few and small, and the earth yielded her productions almost sponta- y Oviedo Somario, p. 46, D, Life of Columbus, c, 24, ^ See NOTE XLIV, HISTORY OF AMEUICA. 32.5 neously, the constitution of the natives, neither book braced by the active exercises of the chase, nor In- , ^ vigorated by the labour of cultivation, was extremely feeble and languid. On the continent, where the forests abound with garae of various kinds, and the chief occupation of raany tribes was to pursue it, the human frame acquired greater firmness. Still, however, the Araericans were raore reraarkable for agility than strength. They reserabled beasts of prey, rather than aniraals forined for labour*. They were not only averse to toil, but incapable of it ; and when roused by force frora their native indo lence, and compelled to work, they sunk under tasks which tbe people of the other continent would have performed witb ease''. This feebleness of constitution was universal among the inhabitants of those regions in Araerica whicb we are survey ing, and raay he considered as characteristic of the species there". The beardless countenance and sraooth skin of the American seems to indicate a defect of vigour, occasioned by sorae vice in his frame. He is de stitute of one sign of raanhood and of strength. This peculiarity, by which the inhabitants of-the New World are distinguished frora the people of all other nations, cannot be attributed, as some travellers have supposed, to their mode pf sub- ? See NOTE XLV, ^ Oviedo Som, p, 51. C. Vpy. de Correal, ii. 138, Wafer;s Description, p. 13l. <= U. Las Casas Brev, Eelac. p. 4. Torquem, Monar, i, 580. O,viedo Somario, p. 41, IJistor. lib, iii, c, 6, Herrer^., dee. 1. lib. xi. e. 5. Simon, p. 41. 326 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK slstence''. For though the food of raany Araeri- y^", cans be extreraely insipid, as they are altogether unacquainted with the use of salt, rude tribes in other parts of the earth have subsisted on aliraents lequally siraple, without this raark of degradation, or any apparent syraptom of a dirainution in their vigour. less ap- ^g ^]^g external form of the Americans leads us petite -, to suspect that there is sorae natural debility In their frame, the smallness of their appetite for food has been raentioned by raany authors as a confirraation of this suspicion. The quantity of food which raen consurae varies according to the temperature of the climate in which they Uve, the degreC of ac tivity which they exert, and the natural vigour of their constitutions. Under the enervating heat of the torrid zone, and when men pass their days in indolence and ease, they require less nourishraent tban the active inhabitants of teraperate or cold countries. But neither the warrath of their cli raate, nor their extrerae laziness, will account for the uncoraraon defect of appetite araong the Ame ricans. The Spaniards were astonished with ob serving this, not only in the Islands, but in several pafts of the continent. The constitutional tera perance of the natives far exceeded, in their opi nion, the abstinence of the most mortified hermits*: while, on the other hand, the appetite of the Spa niards appeared to the Americans insatiably vora cious ; and they affirraed, that one Spaniard de- ^ Charlev. Hist, de, Nouv, Fr, iii. 310. • Ramusio, iii, 304. F. 306. A. Simon Conquista, &c, p. 30. Hakhyt, iii. 468, 508. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 3117 voured more food in a day than was sufficient for b O O K ten Americans^. ^^" A proof of sorae feebleness in their frame, still iJ^TvehT- more striking, is the insensibility of the Americans mence of . desire. to the charms of beauty, and the power of love. That passion which was destined to perpetuate life, to be the bond of social union, and tbe source of tenderness and joy. Is the raost ardent in the huraan breast. Thougb the perUs and hardships of the savage state, though excessive fatigue on some occasions, and the difficulty at all times of pro curing subsistence, may seem to be adverse to this passion, and to have a tendency to abate Its vigour, yet the rudest nations In every other part of the globe seera to feel Its influence raore powerfully than the Inhabitants of the New World. The negro glows with all the warmth of desire natural to his climate ; and the most uncultivated Asiatics discover that sensibility, which, from their situation Pn the globe, we should expect them to have felt. But the Americans are, in an amazing degree, strangers to the force of this first instinct of nature. In every part of the New World the natives treat their woraen with coldness and Indifference. They are neither tbe objects of tbat tender attachraent which takes place in civilized society, nor of that ardent desire conspicuous araong rude nations. Even in cliraates where this passion usually ac quires its greatest vigour, the savage of Araerica views his feraale with disdain, as an aniraal of a less noble species. He is at no pains to win her 'Herrera, dec, 1, Ub. ii. c, IG. 328 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK favour by the assiduity of courtship, and still less ^ ^^' , solicitous to preserve it by indulgence and gentle ness s. Missionaries themselves, notwithstanding the austerity of monastic ideas, cannot refrain from expressing their astonishraent at the dispas sionate coldness of the American young men in their intercourse with the other sex''. Nor is this reserve to be ascribed to any opinion which they entertain with respect to the raerit of feraale chas tity. That is an idea too refined for a savage, and suggested by a deUcacy of sentiment and affection to which he is a stranger. Reflections gut j^ inquiries concernins; either tbe bodily or ¦with re- /. . ° . -' . spect to riiental qualities of particular races of men, tbere is * ^*^^' not a more common or more seducing error, than that of ascribing to a single cause, those character-. istic peculiarities which are the effect of the com bined operation of many causes. The cliraate and soil of America differ in so raany respects from those of the other heraisphere, and this difference is so obvious and striking, that philosophers of great eminence have laid hold on this as sufficient to account for wbat is peculiar In the constitution of its inhabitants. They rest on physical causes alone, and consider the feeble frame and languid desire of the Americans, as consequences of the B Hennepin Moeurs des Sauvages, 32, &c, Rocbefort Hist. des Isles Antilles, p. 461. Voyage de Correal, ii. 141. Ra musio, iii. 309. F. Lozano Deser. del Gran Chaco, 71. Falk- ner'e Deser. of Patagon, p. 125. Lettere di P. Cataneo ap. Muratori II Christian. 'Felice, i, 305. "> Chanvalon, p. 5 1 . Lettr. Edif. tom, xxiv. 318. Tertre, ii. 377. Venegas, i. 81. Ribas Hist, de los Triumf. p, 11. HISTORi' OF AMERICA. 329 temperament of tbat portion of the globe which book they occupy. But the influences of political and t_^J" j moral causes ought not to have been overlooked. These operate with no less effect than that on which many philosophers rest as a full explanation of the singular appearances which have been men tioned. Wherever the state of society is such as to create many wants and desires, which cannot be satisfied without Tegula.r exertions of Industry, the body accustoraed to labour becomes robust and patient of fatigue. In a more siraple state, where the demands of raen are so few, and so moderate, that they may be gratified, alraost without any ef fort, by the spontaneous productions of nature, the powers of the body are not called forth, nor can they attain their proper strength. The natives of ChiU and of North Araerica, the two teraperate regions in the New World, who live by hunting, may be deemed an active and vigorous race, when corapared with tbe inhabitants of tbe isles, or of those parts of the continent where hardly any labour is requisite to procure subsistence. The exertions of a hunter are not, however, so regular, or so continued, as those of persons employed in the culture of the earth, or in the various arts of ci vilized life, and though his agility may be greater than theirs, his strength is on the whole inferior. If another direction were given to the active powers of manin the New World, and his force augmented by exercise, he raight acquire a degree of vigour which he does not in bis present state possess. The trutli of this is confirraed' by experience. Wherever the Americans have been gradually ac- 330 HISTORY OF AMERICA. book customed to hard labour, their constitutions become t. /^i robust, and they have been found capable of per forming such tasks, as seemed not only to exceed the powers of such a feeble frame as has been deemed peculiar to their country, but to equal any effort of the natives, either of Africa, or of Eu- Tppe'. The same reasoning will apply to what has been observed concerning their slender deraand for food. As a proof that this should be ascribed as rauch to their extrerae indolence, and often total want of occupation, as to si,ny thing peculiar in the physical structure of their bodies, it has been observed, that in those districts where the people of Araerica are obliged to exert any unusual effort of activity, in order to procure subsistence, or wherever they are employed in severe labour, their appetite is not in ferior to that pf other men, and in sprae places, it has struck observers as remarkably voracious''. The operation of political and raorai causes is still raore conspicuous in raodifying the degree of attachraent between the sexes. In a state of high civUization, this passion, inflaraed by restraint, re fined by delicacy, and cherished by fashion, occu pies and engrosses the heart. It is no longer a > siraple instinct of nature ; sentiment heightenst the ardour of desire, and the most tender emotions of which our frame is susceptible soothe and agitate the soul. This description, however, applies only to those, who, by their situation, are exerapted « See NOTE XLVL " Gumilla, ii.l2.70,247.Lafitau, i.515. Ovalle Church.H.81. Muratori, i. 295. HISTORY of AMERICA. 331 from the cares and labours of life. Among persons book of inferior order, who are doomed by their con- ^^' dition to incessant toil, the dominion of this pas- ^^^^ sion is less violent ; their solicitude to procure sub sistence, and to provide for the first demand of na ture, leaves Uttle leisure for attending to its second call. But if the nature of the intercourse between the sexes varies so rauch in persons of different rank in polished societies, the condition of raan while he remains uncivilized must occasion a vari ation still more apparent. We may well suppose, that amidst the hardships, the dangers, and the simplicity of savage life, where subsistence is always precarious and often scanty, where men are almost continuaUy engaged in the pursuit of their enemies, or in guarding against their attacks, and where neither dress nor reserve are employed as arts of female allurement, that the attention of the Araeri cans to their women would be extremely feeble, without imputing this solely to any physical defect or degradation in their frame- It is accordingly observed, that in those countries of Araerica, where, frora the fertility of the soil, the mildness of the cliraate, or sorae further ad vances which the natives have raade in improve ment, the means of subsistence are more abundant, ^ and the hardships of savage life are less severely felt, the animal passion of the sexes becomes more ardent. Striking exaraples of this occur among some tribes seated on the banks of great rivers well stored with food, among others who are masters of hunting grounds abounding so much with game, that they have a regular and plentiful supply of 332 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK nourishment with little labour. The superior de-- ij'^'j gree of security and affluence which these tribes en- ^"^'^'^ joy, is followed by their natural effects. The pas-. ¦•^ sions implanted in the human frame by the hand of nature acquire additional force ; new tastes and desires are formed ; the woraen, as they are more valued and admired, becorae raore attentive to dress and ornaraent; the raen, beginning to feel how much of their own happiness depends upon them, no longer disdain the arts of winning their favour and affection. The Intercourse of the sexes becomes very different from that which takes place among their ruder countrymen ; and as hardly 'any restraint is iraposed on the gratification of desire, either by religion, or laws, or decency, the dissolution of their manners is excessive'. None of N/^_, race by .such a cruel visitation. Experience, and "^ the Ingenuity of physicians, gradually discovered remedies of such virtue as to cure or to mitigate the evil. During the course of two centuries and a half, its virulence seems to have abated conside rably. At length, In the same raanner with the leprosy, which raged in Europe for sorae centuries, it raay waste its force and disappear ; and in sorae happier age, this western infection, like that frora the East, may be known only by description''. II. After considering what appears to be peculiar Power and in the bodily constitution of the Americans, our ^f *},'p-^.* attention is naturally turned towards the powers and minds. qualities of their minds. As the individual ad vances frora the ignorance and imbecillity of the infant state to vigour and raaturity of understand ing, soraething sirailar to this raay be observed In the progress of the species. With respect to it, too, there is a period of infancy, dpring which se veral powers of the raind are not unfolded, and all are feeble and defective In their operation. In the early ages of society, while the condition of man is simple and rude, his reason is but little exercised, and his desires move within a very narrow sphere. Hence arise two remarkable characteristics of the huraan raind in this states Its intellectual powers are extreraely limited ; its emotions and efforts are few and languid. Both these distinctions are con spicuous among the rudest and most unimproved « See NOTE L, 346 HISTORY OF AMERICA. B o o K of the American tribes, and constitute a striking* ^^^' part of their description. intlik^ What, araong polished nations, is caUed specula- tuai facui- tive reasoning or research. Is altogether unknown limited, in the rude state of society, and never becomes the occupation or amuseraent of the huraan faculties, until raan be so far iraproved as to have secured, with certainty, the means of subsistence, as well as the possession of leisure and tranquillity. The thoughts and attention of a savage are confined within the small circle of objects immediately con ducive to his preservation or enjoyment. Everything beyond that, escapes his observation, or is perfectly indifferent to him. Like a raere aniraal, what Is before bis eyes interests and affects hira; what is out of sight, or at a distance, makes little Impres sion*. There are several people in Araerica whose limited understandings seem not to be capable of forming an arrangement for futurity; neither their solicitude nor their foresight extends so far. They follow blindly the irapulse of the appetite which they feel, but are entirely regardless of distant con sequences, and even of those reraoved in the least degree from imraediate apprehension . While they highly prize such things as serve for present use, or rainister to present enjoyraent, they set no value upon those which are not the object of spme imrae diate want^ When, on the approach of the even ing, a Caribbee feels himself disposed to go to rest, no consideration will tempthim to sell his hammock. '^ Ulloa Noticias Americ. 222. 'Venegas Hist, of Calif, i. 66. Supp. Church. Coll. v. 693. Borde Deser. des Caraibes, p. 16. Ellis Voy. 194, HISTORY OP AMERICA. 347 But, in the mbrning, when he is sallying out to the book business or pastime of the day, he will part with it ,^ ' for the slightest toy that catches his fancy s. At the close of winter, while the impression of what he has suffered from the rigour of the cliraate is fresh in the mind of the North Araerican, he sets himself with vigour to prepare materials for erect ing a corafortable hut to protect hira against the incleraency of the succeeding season ; but, as Soon as the weather becoraes raild, be forgets what is past, abandons his work, and never thinks of it raore until the return of cold compels him, when too late, to resurae it**. If in concerns the raost interesting, and seem ingly the most siraple, tbe reason of raan, while rude and destitute of culture, differs so little frora tbe thoughtless levity of children, or tbe iraprovi dent instinct of animals, its exertions in other di rections cannot be very considerable. The objects towards which reason turns, and the disquisitions in which it engages, raust depend upon the state iri which man is placed, and are suggested by his necessities and desires. Disquisitions, which ap pear the raost necessary and iraportant to raen in one state of society, never occur to those In another. Araong civilized riations, arithraetic, or the art of nuraberlrig, is deeraed an essential and eleraentary science : and in our continent, the invention and use of it reaches back to a period so reraote as is beyond the knowledge of histoiy. But among sa vages, who have no property to estimate, no hoarded 8 Labat Voyages, ii. 114, 115. Tertre, ii, 38.5. '' Adair's Hist, of Amer, Indians, 417. 348 HISTORY" OF AMERICA. BOO K treasures to count, no variety of objects or multi- ^^ ' plicity of ideas to enumerate, arithmetic is a su perfluous and useless art. Accordingly, among some tribes in America it seems to be quite unknown. There are raany who cannot , reckon further than three; and have no denomination to distinguish any number above it'. Several can proceed as far as ten, others to twenty. When they would convey an idea of any number beyond these, they point to the hair of their head, intimating that It is equal to thera, or with wonder declare it to be so great tbat it cannot be reckoned''. Not only the Araericans, but all nations while extremely rude, seem to be unacquainted with the art of computation'. As soon, however, as they acquire such acquaintance or connexion with a variety of objects, that there is frequent occasion to combine or divide tbem, their knowledge of numbers increases, so that the state of this art among any people'may be consi dered as one standard by which to estimate the de gree of their improvement. The Iroquois, in North Araerica, as they are rauch more civilized than the rude inhabitants of Brazil, Paraguay, or Guiana, have likewise made greater advances in this re spect; thougb even their arithmetic does not ex tend beyond a thousand, as in their petty transac tions they have no occasion for any higher num- ' Condam. p. 67. Stadius ap. de Bry, ix. 1 28. Leiy, ibid, ih 1 . Biet. 362. Lettr. Edif. 23. 314. ¦^ Dumont Louis, i. 187. Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iii. c. 3. Biet. 396. Borde, 6. ' This is the case with the Greenlanders, Crantz, i. 225, and with Kamchatkadales, M. I'Abb^ Chapp6, iii. 17. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 34,9 ber'". The Cherokee, a less considerable nation on book the sameCoritinent, can reckon only as far as a hun- ^^" dred, and to that extent have names for the several nurabers ; the smaller tribes In their neighbourhood can rise no higher than ten ". In other respects; the exercise of the understand- No abs- ing among rude nations is stIU more limited. The V^J'^^ first ideas of every human being must be such as he receives by the senses. But In the mind of man, while in the savage state, there seem to be hardly any ideas but what enter by this avenue. The objects around him are presented to his eye. Sucb as may be subservient to his use, or can gra tify any ofhis a,ppetites, attract his notice ; he views tbe rest without curiosity or attention. Satisfied with considering thera under that siraple raode in which they appear to hira, as separate and detached, be neither combines them so as to form general classes, nor conteraplates their qualities apart frora the subject in which they inhere, nor bestows a thought upon the operations of his own mind con cerning them. Thus he is unacquainted with all the ideas which have been denominated universal, or abstract, or of reflection. The range of his un derstanding must, of course, be very confined, and his reasoning powers be eraployed merely on what is sensible. This is so reraarkably the case with the ruder nations of Araerica, that their languages (as we shall afterwards find) have not a word to ex press any thing but what Is raaterial or corporeal. Time, space, substance, and a thousand other "Charlev. Nouv. Franc, iii. 402. « Adair's Hist, of Araer. Indians, 77. See NOTE LI. 350 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK terms, which represent abstract and universal ideas, ^^- are altogether unknown to thein°. A naked sa vage, cowering over the fire in his miserable cabin, or stretched under a few branches which afford him a teraporary sbelter, has as little inclination as ca pacity for useless speculation. His thoughts ex tend not beyond what relates to aniraal life ; and when they are not directed towards some of its con cerns, his raind is totally inactive. In situations where no extraordinary effort either of ingenuity or labour is requisite, in order to satisfy the siraple deraands of nature, the powers of fhe mind are so seldora roused to any exertion, that the rational fa culties- continue alraost dorraant and unexercised. The numerous tribes scattered over the rich plains of South America, the inhabitants of sorae of the islands, and of several fertile regions on the con tinent, corae under this description. Their vacant countenance, their staring unexpressive eye, their listless Inattention, and total ignorance of subjects which seemed to be the first which should occupy the thoughts of rational beings, raade such irapres sion upon the Spaniards, wben they first beheld those rude people, that they considered thera as animals of an inferior order, and could not believe that they belonged to tbe human species p. It re quired the authority of a papal bull to counteract this opinion, and to convince thera that the Arae ricans wei'e capable of the functions and entitled to the privileges of huraanity i. Since that tirae, per sons more enlightened and irapartial than the dls- ° Condam. p. 54. p Herrera, dec, 2, lib, ii. c. 15. 1 Torquem. Mon. Ind. iii, 198. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 351 coverers or conquerors of Araerica, have had an b O o K opportunity of contemplatiing the raost savage of ^^ l^" its inhabitants, and they have been astonished and ^"""^ humbled with observing how nearly man in this condition approaches to the brute creation. But in severer climates, where subsii>tence cannot be pro cured with the same ease, where raen raust unite more closely, and act with gre&iter concert, neces sity calls forth their talents tind sharpens their invention, so that the inteUectual powers are more exercised and improved. The North Ame rican tribes and the natives of Chili, who in habit the temperate region^ In the two great districts of America, are people ol" cultivated and enlarged understandings, when vie wed in compa rison with sorae of those seated in the islands, or on the banks ofthe Maragnon and C^rinoco. Their occupations are more various, their system of po licy, as well as of war, more compie x, their arts more nuraerous. But even among th em, the In tellectual powers are extremely limited i n their ope- ' lations, and, unless when turned direct ly to those objects which interest a savage, are held .in no esti raation. Both the North Americans ana^ Chilese, when not engaged In some of the functions belong ing to a warrior or hunter, loiter away the ir time in thoughtless indolence, unacquainted withany other subject worthy of their attention, or ca'pable of occupying their minds'. If even among \^hem reason is so much circumscribed in its exertii ^ns, and never arrives, in its highest attainments, at ythe ' Lafitau, ii. 2, S52 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK knowledge of those general principles and raaxiras whichr serve as the foundation of science, we raay conclude that the intellectual powers of raan iri the savage state are destitute of their proper object, and cannot acquire any considerable degree of vi gour and enlargement. Active ef- From the same causes, the active efforts of the forts ofthe' . , p i,' , . i 'j Tf mind few mind are tew, and on most occasions languid. It and lan- ^,g examine into the motives which rouse men to guid. activity m civilized life, and prorapt them to perse vere in fatiguing exertions of their ingenuity or strength, we shall find that they arise chiefly frora acquired wants and appetites. These are nuraerous and Importunate ; they keep the mind In perpetual agitation, and, in order to gratify them, invention raust be g,lways on the stretch, and industry raust be incessantly eraployed. But the desires of siraple nature are few, and where a favourable cliraate yields alraost spontaneously what suffices to gratify thera, they scarcely stir the soul, or excite any vio lent emotiof 1 . Hence the people of several tribes in Araerica waste their life in a listless indolence. To be free frora occupation, seeras tobeall theenjoy- ment towards which they aspire. They will con tinue whrile days stretched out in their hamraocks, or seated on the earth in perfect idleness, without ehangifig their posture, or raising their' eyes from " the grpund, or uttering a single word*. Improvi- SuCh Is their aversion to labour, tbat neither the 4ent» hope^ of future good, nor the apprehension of fu ture evil, can surmount it. They appear equally ' Bouguer Voy. au Perou, 162. Borde, 15, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 353 indifferent to both, discovering little solicitude, and book taking no precautions to avoid the one, or to secure ^^" the other. The cravings of hunger may rouse ^""^''"''^ thera ; but as tbey devour, witb little distinction, whatever will appease its instinctive deraands, the exertions which these occasion are of short dura tion. Destitute of ardour, as well as variety of desire, they feel not the force of those powerful springs which give vigour to the raoveraents of the mind, and urge the patient hand of industry to per severe in its efforts. Man, in some parts of Ame rica, appears in a form so rude, that we can disco ver no effects of his activity, and the principle of understanding, which shoulddirectit, seeras hardly to be unfolded. Like the other animals, he has no fixed residence; he has erected no habitation to shelter him from the incleraency of the weather ; * he has taken no raeasures for securing certain sub-- ' sistence; he neither sows nor reaps; but roaras about as led In search of the plants and fruits which the earth brings forth In succession ; and in quest of the garae which he kills in the forests, or of the fish which he catches in the rivers. This description, however, applies only to some Sonje va- tribes. Man cannot continue long in this state of"^'''^''^ feeble and uninformed infancy. He was raade for all these. industry and action, and the powers of his nature, as well as the necessity of'his condition, urge hira' * to fulfil his destiny. Accordingly, araong raost of the Araerican nations, especially those seated in rigorous cliraates, sorae efforts are eraployed, and sorae previous precautions are taken, for securing subsistence. The career of regular industry is be- VOL. I. 2 A 351 HISTORY OP AMERICA. BOOK gun., and the laborious arra has made the fii'st essays ^^' of Its power. Still however tbe Improvident and ^"^''"'^ slothful genius of the savage State predominates. Even among those more iraproved tribes, labour is deemed ignominious and degrading. It is only to work of a certain kind that a man will deign to put his hand. The greater part is devolved entirely upon the women. One half of the community re mains Inactive, while the other is oppressed with the raultitude and variety of its occupations. Thus their industry is partial, and the foresight which regulates It is no less liraited. A remarkable in stance of this occurs In the chief arrangeraent with respect to their manner of living. They depend for their subsistence, during one part of the year, on fishing ; during another, on hunting ; during a third, on the produce of their agriculture. Though expeiience has taught them to foresee the return of those various seasons, and to raake sorae provision for the respective exigencies of eacb, they either want sagacity to proportion this provision to their consuraption, or are so incapable of any coraraand over their appetites, that, frora their inconsiderate waste, they often feel the calamities of faraine as severely as the rudest of the savage tribes. What they suffer one year does not augment their indus try, or render them more provident to prevent si mUar distresses'. This inconsiderate thoughtless ness about futurity, the effect of ignorance and the cause of sloth, accompanies and characterizes man t Charlev. N. Fr. iii. 338. Lettr. Edif. 23. 298. Desdript. of N. France, Osboi-n's Collect, ii. 880. De la Potherie, ii. 63. HISTORY OP AMERICA. 355 in every stage of savage life"; and, by a capricious book singularity in his operations, he is then least soli- ^^ ' , citous about supplying his wants, when the means of satisfying them are most precarious, and pro cured with the greatest difficulty^. III. After viewing the bodily constitution of the Their so. Araericans, and conteraplating the powers of their minds, we are led, in the natural order of inquiry, to consider thera as united together in society. Hitherto our researches have been confined to the operations of understanding respecting themselves as individuals ; now they will extend to the degree of their sensibility and affection towards their species. The domestic state is the first and most siraple Domestic forra of huraan association. The union of the sexes "™°"" araong different aniraals is of longer or shorter du ration in proportion to the ease or difficulty of rear ing their offspring. Araong those tribes where the season of infancy is short, and the .young soon ac quire vigour or aglUty, no perraanent union is forra ed. Nature coramits the care of training up the ' offspring to the mother alone, and her tendern'ess, without any other assistance, is equal to the task. But where the state of infancy Is long and helpless, and the joint assiduity of both parents is requisite in tending their feeble progeny, there a more inti mate connexion takes place, and continues until the purpose of nature be accomplished, and the new race grow up to full maturity. As the infancy of man is more feeble and helpless than that of any " Bancroft's Nat. Hist, of Guiana, 326. 333. ^ See NOTE LII. 2a2 356 HISTORY OF AMERICA. book Other animal, and he is dependent during a much t ^J' . longer period on the care and foresight of his pa rents, the union between husband and wife came early to be considered not only as a solemn but as a perraanent contract. A general state of proralscuous intercourse between the sexes never existed but in the imagination of poets. In the infancy of so ciety, when men, destitute of arts and industry, lead a hard precarious life, the rearing of their pro geny deraands the attention and efforts of both pa rents ; and if their union had not been formed and continued with this view, the race could not have been preserved. Accordingly in Araerica, even among the rudest tribes, a regular union between husband and wife was universal, and the rights of raarriage were understopd and recognised. In those districts where subsistence was scanty, and the dif ficulty of raaintaining a faraily was great, the man confined hiraself to one wife. In warmer and raore fertile provinces, the facility of procuring food con curred with the influence of cUraate in inducing the inhabitants to increase the number of their wives*. In some countries the marriage-union subr sisted during life; in, others, the irapatience ofthe Araericans under restraint of any species, together with their natural levity and caprice, prompted them to dissolve it on very slight pretexts, and often with out assigning any caused. Condition But In whatever light the Araericans considered of women. ^ Lettr. Edif. 23. 318. Lafitau Moeurs, i. 554. Lery ap, de Bry, iii. 234. Journal de GriUet et Bechamel, p. 88. y Lafitau, i, 580. Joutel Journ. Histor. 345. Lozano Dese. del Gran Chaco, 70. Hennepin Moeurs des Sauvages, p. 30. 33. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 357 the obligation of this conti:act, either as perpetual, book or only as temporary, the condition of v-fomen was ^^ ' equally hurailiating and raiserable. Whether raan has been iraproved by tbe progress of arts and ci vilization in society, is a question which, in the wantonness of disputation, has been agitated araong philosophers. That women are indebted to the refinements of polished manners for a happy change in their state, is a point which can admit of no doubt. To despise and to degrade the female sex is the characteristic of the savage state in every part of the globe. Man, proud of excelling in strength and in courage, the chief marks of pre-eminence among rude people, treats woman, as an inferior, with disdain. The Americans, perhaps from that coldness and insensibility which has been considered as peculiar to their constitution, add neglect and harshness to contempt. The raost intelligent tra vellers have been struck with this inattention of the Araericans to their woraen. It is not, as I have already observed, by a studied display of tenderness and attachraent, that the Araerican endeavours to gain the heart of tbe woraan whom he wishes to marry. Marriage itself, instead of being an union of affection and interests between equals, becoraes araong thera tbe unnatural conjunction of a master with his slave. It is tbe observation of an author whose opinions are deservedly of great weight, that wherever wives are purchased their condition is ex tremely depressed^. They become the property and the slaves of those who buy thera. In what- ^ Sketches of Hist, of Man, i. 184. 358 HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK ever part of the globe tbis custom prevails, the ob- ij^'j servation holds. In countries where refinement has ^"^''"^ raade sorae progress, women when purchased are excluded frora society, shut up in sequestered apart ments, and kept under the vigUant guard of their ' masters. In ruder nations they are degraded to the raeanest functioris. Among many people of Ame rica the marriage-contract is properly a purchase. ' Tbe raan buys his wife of her parents. Though unacquainted with the use of raoney, or with such coraraercial transactions as take place in raore ira proved society, he knows how to give an equivalent for any object which he desires to possess. In sotne places, the suitor devotes his service for a certain . time to the parents of the maid whora he courts ; in others he hunts for thera occasionally, or assists in cultivating their fields and forraing their canoes ; in others he offers presents of such things as are deeraed raost valuable on account of their useful ness or rarity". In return for these he receives his wife ; and this clrCurastartce, added to the low esti mation of woraen araong savages, leads hira to consider her as a feraale servant whom he has pur chased, and whora he has a title to treat as an in ferior. In all unpolished nations, it is true, the functions in doraestic economy which fall naturally to the share of women are so many, that they are subjected to hard laboui:, and must bear more than their full portion of the coraraon burden. But in America their condition is so peculiarly grievous, and their depression so complete, that servitude is ' Lafitau Moeurs, Sec. i. 560, &c. Charlev. iii. 285, &c. Her rera, dec. 4. lib. iv. c. 7. Duraontj ii. 156. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 359 a name too mild to describe their wretched state, book A wife among raost tribes is no better than a beast v '^, of burden, destined to every office of labour and fatigue. While the raen loiter out the day in sloth, or spend it in amuseraent, the woraen are con deraned to incessant toil. Tasks are iraposed upon thera without pity, and services are received with out coraplacence or gratitude''. Every circurastance reminds women of this mortifying inferiority. They raust approach their lords with reverence; theymust regard them as raore exalted beings, and are not per raitted to eat in their presence''. There are districts in Araerica where this dominion is so gri^ous, and so sensibly felt, that sorae woraen, in a wild erao tion of raaternal tenderness, have destroyed their feraale children in their infancy, in order to deliver them frora that intolerable bondage to which they knew they were doomed"^. Thus the first institu tion of social life is perverted. That state of do raestic union towards which nature leads the huraan species, in order to soften the heart to gentleness and huraanity, is rendered so unequal as to estabUsh a cruel distinction between the sexes, which forms the one to be harsh and unfeeling, and humbles the other to servility and subjection. It is owing perhaps, in sorae raeasure, to this Their wo- state of depressipn, that woraen in rude nations are prolific. i" Tertre, ii. 382. Borde Relat. des Mceurs des Caraibes, p.21. Biet. 357. Condamine, p, 1 10, Fermin, i. 79. = Gumilla, i. 153. Barrere, 164. Labat, Voy. ii. 78. Chan valon, 51. Tertre, ii.30O. ¦* Gumiila, ii. 233, 238. Herrera, dec, 7. lib. ix. c, iv. seo HISTORY OF AMERICA. B O O K far from being prolific- The vigour of their con- ^^* stitution is exhausted by excessive fatigue, and the ^"^^""^ wants and distresses of savage life are so nuraerous, as to force thera to take various precautions in order to prevent too rapid an increase of their progeny. Araong wandering tribes, or such as deperid chiefly upon hunting for subsistence, the raother cannot attempt to rear a second child uritil the first has'at- tained such a degree of vigour as to be in some measure indeperident of her care. From this mo tive, it is the universal practice of the American' wo men to suckle their children duiing several years ^; and as they seldora raarry early, the period of their fertility is over before they can finish the long but necessary attendance upon two or three children «. Among sorae of the least polished tribes, whose industry and foresight do riot extend so far as to make any regular provision for their own subsist- ' ence, it is a raaxira not to burden themselves with rearing more than two children'' ; and no such nu raerous farailies as are frequent in civilized socie ties are to be found among men in the savage state'. When twins are born, one of thera com raonly is abandoned, because the mother is not * Lafitau, i. 590. Charlevoix, iii, 304. ¦'' Herrera, dec, 6, lib. i, c. 4. 8 Charlev. iii. 303. Dumont, Mem. sur Louisiane, il, 270. Dany's Hist. Natur, de I'Amerique, &c. ii. 365. Charlev. Hist. de Parag. ii. 422. »> Techo's Accourit of Paraguay, &c. Church, Collect, vi, 108. Lett, Edif, 24. 200. Lozano Deser. 92. * Maccleur's Journal, 63. HISTORY OF AMERICA. 36 1 equal to the task of rearing both''. Wlien a mother book dies while she is nursing a child, all hope of pre- y^^", serving its life fails, and it is buried together with ^"'''^"^ her in the same grave'. As the parents are fre quently exposed to want by their own iraprovident indolence, the difficulty of sustaining their cbildren becoraes so great, that it is not uncoraraon to aban don or destroy thera'". Thus their experience of the difficulty bf training up an infant to maturity, araidst the hardships of savage life, often stifles the voice pf nature araong the Americans, and sup presses the strong eraotions of parental tenderness. But though necessity corapels the inhabitants of Parental America thus to set bounds to the increase of their andVlua families, they are not deficient in affection and at- ^"'y-. tachment to their offspring. They feel the power of tbis instinct in its full force, and as long as their progeny continue feeble and helpless, no people ex- '' ceed thera in tenderness and care". But in rude nations the dependence of children upon their pa rents is of shorter continuance than in polished so cieties. When raen raust be trained to the various functions of civil life by previous discipline and education, when the knowledge of abstruse sciences must be taught, and dexterity in intricate arts raust be acquired, before a young raan is prepared to begin his career of action, the attentive feeUngs of a parent are not confined to the years of infancy, k Lett, Edif. x. 200, See NOTE LIII, ' Charlev, jii. 368. Lett. Edif, x. 200, P. Melch. Hernandez Meijjor, de Cheriqui. Colbert, Collect, Orig, Pap, i. ¦" Venega's Hist, of Californ. i, 82. "Gumilla, i, 211. Biet, 390. 360, HISTORY OP AMERICA. BOOK but extend to what is raore reraote, the establish- V J^^' . raent of his child in the world. Even then his so licitude does not terrainate. His protection raay still be requisite, and his wisdora and experience StIU prove useful guides. Thus a perraanent con nexion is forined; parental tenderness is exercised, and filial respect returned, throughout the whole course of life. But in the siraplicity of the savage state the affection of parents, like the instinctive fondness of animals, ceases almost entirely as soou as their offspring attain maturity. Little instruc- ' tion fits them for that raode of life to whicb tbey are destined. The parents, as if their duty Were accoraplished, when they have conducted their chil dren through the helpless years of infancy, leave thera afterwards at entire liberty. Even in their tender age, they seldom advise or admonish, they never chide or chastise thera. They suffer thera to be absolute masters of their own actions". In an American hut, a father, a raother, and their poste rity, live together like persons assembled by acci dent, without seeraing to feel the obligation of the duties rautually arising frpra this connexionP. As filial love is not cherished by the continuance of attention or good offices, the recollection of benefits received in early infancy is too faint to excite it. Conscious of their own liberty, and irapatient of restraint, the youth of America are accustoraed to act as if they were totally independent. Their pa- » Charlev. iii. 272, Biet, 390. Gumilla, i. 212, Lafitau, i. 602. Creuxii His^t, Canad, p. 71. Fernandez, Relac, Hist, de los Chequit. 33. p Charlev. Hist, N, Fr, iii. 273, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 363 rents are not objects of greater regard than other book persons. They treat theni always with neglect, and t^ ^^'_^ often with such harshness and insolence, as to fill those who have been witnesses of their conduct with horror''. Thus the ideas which seera to be natural to raan in his savage state, as they result necessarily frora his circurastances and condition in that period of his progress, affect the two capital relations in doraestic life. They render the union between husband and wife unequal. They shorten the duration and weaken the force of the connexion between parents and children. 1 Gumilla, i,'212. Tertre, ii.376. Cliarlev. Hist, de N. France, iii. 309. Charlev. Hist, de Parag. i. 115, Lozano Descript. del Gran Chaco, p, 68. 100, 101, Fernand, Relac. Histor, de los Chequi^. 426, END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. NOTES AVD ILLUSTRATIONS. NOTE I. p. 8. TYRE was situated at such a distance from the Ara bian Gulf, or Red Sea, as made it impracticable to convey commodities from thence to that city by land- carriage. This induced the Phenicians to render them selves masters of Rhinocrura or Rhinocolura, the nearest port in the Mediterranean to the Red Sea. They landed the cargoes which they purchased in Arabia, Ethiopia, and India, at Elath, the safest harbour in the Red. Sea towards the North. Thence they were carried by land to Rhinocolura, the distance not being very considerable ; and, being re-shipped in that port, were transported to Tyre, and distributed over the world. Strabon. Geogr. edit. Casaub. Ub. xvi. p. 1 128. Diodor. Sicul. Biblioth. Histor. edit. Wesselingii, lib. i. p. 70. NOTE IL p. II. The Periplus Hannonis is the only authentic monu raent of the Carthaginian skill in naval affairs, and one of the most curious fragments transmitted to us by antiquity. The learned and indu.strious Mr. Dodwell, in a disserta tion prefixed to the Periplus of Hanno, in the edition of the Minor Geographers published at Oxford, endeavours to prove that this is a spurious work, the composition of some Greek, who assumed Hanno's name. But M. de Montesquieu, in his I'Esprit des Loix, lib. xxi. c. 8. and 366 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. M. de Bougainville, in a dissertation published tom. xxvi. of the Memoires de rAcademie des Inscription's, &c. have established its authenticity by arguments which to me ap pear unanswearable. Ramusio has accompanied his trans lation of this cuinous voyage with a dissertation tending to illustrate it. Racolte de Viaggi, vol. i. p. 112. M. de Bougainville has, with great learning and ability, treated tlie same subject. It appears that Hanno, according to the mode of ancient navigation, undertook tliis voyage in small vessels, so constructed that he could keep close in with the coast. He sailed from Gades to the island of Cerne in twelve days. This is probably what is known to the moderns by the name of the Isle of Argxiim. It be came the chief station of the Carthaginians on that coast ; and M. de Bougainville contends, that the cisterns found there are monuments ofthe Carthaginian power and in genuity. Proceeding from Cerne, and still following the winding of the coast, he arrived, in seventeen days, at a promontory, which he called The We§t Horn, probably Cape Palmas. From this he advanced to another pro montory, which he naraed I'he South Horn, and which is manifestly Gape de Tres Puntas, about five degrees north of theline. All the cireumstances contained in the short abstract of;his jom-nal, which is handed down to us, con cerning the appearance and state of the countries on the coast of Africa, are confirmed and illustrated by a com parison with the accounts of modern navigators. Even those circumstances which, from their seeming improba bility, have been produced to invalidate the credibility of his I'elation, tend to confirm it. He observes, that in the country to tlie south of Cerne, a profound silence reigfied through the day ; but during the night innume rable fires were kindled along the banks of the rivers, and the air resounded with the noise of pipes and drums, and cries of joy. The same thing, as Ramusio observes, still takes place. The excessive heat obhges the Negroes to take shelter in the woods, or in their houses, during the day. As soon as the sun sets, they sally out, and by torch-light enjoy the pleasure of music and dancing, in which they spend the night. Ramus, i. 1 13. F. In ari other place, he mentions the sea as burning with torrents of fire. . What occurred to M. Adanson, on the same coast, may explain this : " As soon," says lie, " as the NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. . 367 sun dipped beneath the horizon, and night overspread the earth with darkness, the sea lent us its fiiendly light. While the prow of our vessel ploughed the foaming surges, it seemed to set them all on fire. Thus we sailed in a lu minous inclosure, wliich surrounded us like a large circle of rays, from whence darted in the wake of the ship a long stream of a light." Voy. to Senegal, p. 176. This appear ance of the sea observed by Hunter, has been mentioned as an argument against the authenticity of the Periplus. It is, however, a phenomenon very common in warm cli mates. Captain Cook's Second Voyage, vol, i.p. 15. The Periplus of Hanno- has been translated, and every point with respect to it has been illustrated with much learning and ingenuity, in a work pubhshed by Don Pedr. Ro drig, Campomanes, intitled, Antiguedad maritima de Car tago, con el Periplo de su General Hannon traducido h illustrado. Mad, 1756. 4to. NOTE III. p. 12. Long after the navigation of the Phenicians and of Eu doxus round Africa, Polybius, the most intelligent and best informed historian of antiquity, and particularly di stinguished by his attention to geographical researches, affirms, that it was not knovvn, in his time, whether Africa was a continued continent stretching to the south, or whe ther it was encompassed by the sea, Polybii Hist, lib. iii. Pliny the naturalist asserts, that there can be no com munication between the southern and northern temperate zones. Plinii Hist. Natur, edit, inusum Delph. 4to.hb. ii. c. 68. If they had given ftill credit to the accounts of those voyages, the former could not have entertained such a doubt, the latter could not have deUvered such an opi nion. Strabo mentions the voyage of Eudoxus, but treats it as a fabulous tale, Ub. ii. p. 1 55. ; and, according to his account of it, no other judgment can be formed with re spect to it. Strabo seems not to have known any thing with certainty concerning the form and state of the south ern parts of Africa. Geogr. Ub. xvii. p, 1180. Ptole my, the most inquisitive and leamed of all the ancient geographers, was equally unacquainted with any parts of Africa situated a few degrees beyond the eejuinoctial Une ; for he supposes that this great continent was not sur- 368 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. rounded by the sea, but that it stretched, without inter ruption, tdwards the south pole ; and he so far mistakes its true figure, that he describes the continent as becom ing broader and broader -as it advanced towards the south. Ptolemsei Geogr. Ub. iv. c. 9. Brietii Parallela Geogr. veteris et novae, p. 86. NOTE IV. p. 19. A fact recorded by Strabo affords a very strong and singular proof of the ignorance ofthe ancients with respect to the situation of the various parts of the earth. When Alexander marched along the banks of the Hydaspes and Acesine, two of the rivers which faU into the Indus, he observed that there were many crocodiles in those rivers, ' and that the country produced beans of the same species with those which were common in Egypt. From these circumstances, he concluded that he had discovered the source of the Nile, and prepared a fleet to sail down the Hydaspes to Egypt. Strab. Geogr. Ub. xv. p. 1020. This amazing error did not arise from any ignorance .of geography peculiaitto that monarch ; for we are informed by Strabo, that Alexander appUed with particular attention in order to acquire the knowledge of this science, and had accurate maps or descriptions of the countries through which he marched. Lib. ii. p. 1 20. But in his age the knowledge of the Greeks did not exterid beyond the Umits of the Mediterranean. NOTE V. p. 19. As the flux and reflux of the sea is remarkably great at the mouth of the river Indus, this would render the phe nomenon more formidable to the Greeks. Varen. Geogr. vol. i. p. 25 1 . NOTE VI. p. 22. It is probable that the ancients were seldom induced to advance so far as the mouth of the Ganges, either by mo tives of curiosity or views of commercial advantage. In consequence cf this, their idea concerning the position of that great river was very erroneous. Ptolemy places that Notes and illustrations. 369 branch of the Ganges, which he distinguishes by the name ofthe Great Mouth, in the hundred and forty-sixth de gree of longitude from his first mer^ian in the Fortunate Islands. But its true longitude, computed from that me ridian, is now determined, by astronomical observations, to.be only a hundred and five degrees. A geographer so eminent must have been betrayed into an error of this magnitude by the imperfection of the information which he had received concerning those distant regions ; and this affords a striking proof of the intercourse with them being extremely rare. With respect to the countries of India beyond the Ganges, his intelUgence was still more defective, and his errors more enormous. I shall have oc casion to observe, in another place, that he has placed the country of the Seres, or China, no less than sixty degrees further east than its true position. M. d'Anville, one of the most learned and intelUgent of the modern geogra phers, has set this matter in a, clear Ught, in two disserta tions published in Mem. de I'Academ. des Inscript. &c. tom. xxxii. p. 573. 604. NOTE VII. p. 23. It is remarkable, that the discoveries of the ancients were made chiefly by land ; those of the moderns are car ried on chiefly by sea. The progress of conquest led to the former, that of commerce to the latter. It is a judi cious observation of Strabo, that the conquests of Alex ander the Great made known the East, those of the Re mains opened the. West, and those of Mithridates King of Pontus the North. Lib. i. p. 26. When discovery is carried on by land alone, its progress must be slow and its operations confined. When it is carried on only by sea, its sphere may be more extensive, and its advances more rapid ; but it labours under pecijiar defects. Though it may make known the position of different countries, and ascertain their boundaries as far as these are determined by the ocean, it leaves us in ignorance with respect to their interior state. Above two centuries and a half have elapsed since the Europeans sailed round the southern pro montory of Africa, and have traded in most of its ports ; • but, in a considerable part of that great continent, they VOL, r. 2 B 370 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. have done little more than survey its coasts, and mark its capes a'nd harbours. Its interior regions are in a great measure unknown. The ancients, who had a very imper fect knowledge of its coasts, except where they are .washed by the Mediterranean or Red Sea, were accustomed to penetrate into its inland provinces, and, if we may rely on the testimony of Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus, had explored many parts*of it now altogether "unknown. Un less both modes of discovery be united, the geographical knowledge ofthe earth must remain incomplete and inac curate. NOTE VIII. p. 27. The notion of the ancients concerning such an exces sive degree of heat in the torid zone, as rendered it uninha bitable, and their persisting in this error long after they be gan to have some commercial intercourse with several parts of India lying within the tropics, must appear so singular and absurd, tbat it may not be unacceptable to some of my readers to produce evidence of their holding this opinion, and to account for the apparent inconsistence of their theory with their experience. Cicero, who ¦ had bestowed attention upon every part of philosophy kriown t6 the ancients, seems to have beUeved that the torrid zone was uninhabitable, and, of consequence, that there could be no intercourse between the northern and southern tem perate zones. He introduces Africanus thus addressing the younger Scipio : " You see this earth encompassed, and as it -were bound in by certain zones, of which two, at the greatest distance from each other, and sustaining the opposite poles of Heaven, are frozen with perpetual cold ; the middle one, arid the largest of all, is burnt with the heat ofthe sun.; two are habitable, the people in the southern one are antipodes to us, with whom we have no connection." Somnium^cipionis, c. 6. Geminus a Greek philosopher, contemporary with Cicero, delivers the same doctrine, not in a popular work, bo t in his Eitrayaiyy) si; «Pai- vofneva, a treatise purely .scientific. " When we speak," says he, "ofthe southern temperate zone, and its inha bitants, and conceming those who are called antipodes, it must be always understood, that we have no certain know- NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 371 ledge or information concerning the southem temperate zone, whether it be inhabited or not. But from the spherical figure of the earth, and the course which the sun holds between the tropics, vve conclude that there is another zone situated to the south, which enjoys the same degree of temperature with the northem one which we inhabit." Cap. xiii. p, 31. ap. Petavii Opus de Doctr. Tempor. in quo Uranologium sive Systemata var. Auctorum. Amsi. 1705. vol. iii. The opinion of Pliny the naturalist, with respect to both these points, was the same : " There are five* divisions of the earth, which are called zones. All that portion which lies near to the two opposite poles is oppressed with vehement cold and ' eternal frost. Tiiere, unblest with the aspect of milder stars, perpetual darkness reigns, or at the utmost a feeble light reflected from surrounding snows. The middle of the earth, in which is the orbit of the sun, is scorched and burnt up with flames and fiery vapour. Between these torrid and frozen districts lie two other portions of the earth, which are temperate; but, on account of the burn- ifig region interposed, there can be no communication be tween them. Thus Heaven has deprived us of three parts of the earth." Lib. ii. c. 68. Strabo delivers his opinion to the same effect, in terms no less explicit : " The por tion of the earth which lies near the equator, in the tor rid zone, is rendered uninhabitable by heat." Lib. ii. p. 154. To these I might add the authority of many other respectable philosophers and historians of antiquity. In order to explain the sense in which this doctrine was genei'aliy received, we may obsei-ve, that Parmenides, as we are informed by Strabo, was the first who divided the earth into five zones, and he extended the Umits of the zone which he supposed to be uninhabitable on account of heat, beyond the tropics. Aristotle, as we learn like wise frora Strabo, fixed the boundaries of the difierent zones in the same manner as they are defined by modern geographers. But the progress of discovery having gra dually demonstrated that several regions ofthe earth which lay within the tropics were not only habitable, bnt popu lous and fertile, this induced later geographers to circum scribe the Umits of the torrid zone. It is not easy to as certain with precision the boundaries which they allotted- ' 2 B 2 372 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. to it. From a passage in Strabo, who, as far as I know, is the only author of antiquity from whom we receive any hint concerning this subject, I should conjecture, that those who calculated according to the measurement of the earth by Eratosthenes, supposed the torrid zone to com- - prehend near sixteen degrees, about eight on each side of the equator ; whereas such as foUowed the computation of Posidonius aUotted about twenty-four degrees, or some what more than twelve degrees on each side of the equator, to the torrid zone. Strabo, Ub. ii. p. 1 5 1 . According to the former opinion, about two-thirds of that portion of the earth which Ues between the tropics was considered as ha bitable; according to the latter, about one half of it. Witb this restriction, the doctrine of the ancients concerning the torrid zone appears less absurd ; and we can conceive the reason of their asserting this zone to be uninhabitable, even after they had opened a communication with several places within the tropics. When men of science spoke of the torrid zone, they considered it as it was limited by the definition of geogra,phers to sixteen, or at the utmost to twenty-four degrees ; and as they knew almost nothing of the countries nearer to the equator, they might stiU suppose them to be uninhabitable. In loose and popular discourse, the name of the torrid zone continued to be given to all, that portion of the earth which Ues within the tropics. Ci cero seems to have been unacquainted with those ideas of the later geographers ; and, adhering to the division of Par menides, describes the torrid zone as the largest ofthe five. Some of the ancients rejected the notion concerning the intolerable heat of the torrid zone as a popular error. This we are told by Plutarch was the sentiment of Pythago ras ; and we leam from Strabo, that Eratosthenes and Po- ly.bius had adopted the same opinion, lib. ii. p. 154. Pto lemy seems to have paid nO regard to the ancient doctrine and opinions concerning the torrid zone. NOTE IX. p, 47. The court of Inquisition, which effectually checks a spi rit of Uberal inquiry, and of Uterary improvement, where- ever it is estabUshed, was unknown in Pprtugal in the fif teenth century, when the people of that kingdom began NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 373 their voyages of discovery. More than a century elapsed, before it was introduced by John HI., whose reign com menced A. D. 1521. NOTE X. p. 56. An instance of this is related by Hakluyt, upon the au thority of the Portuguese historian Garcia de Resende. Some English merchants having resolved to open a trade with the coast of Guinea, John II. of Portugal dispatched • ambassadors to Edward IV,, in order to lay before him the right which he had acquired by the Pope's bull to the dominion of that country, and to request of him to prohi bit his subjects to prosecute their intended voyage. Ed- i ward was so much satisfied with the exclusive title of the Portuguese, that he issued his orders in the terms which they desired. Hakluyt, Navigations, Voyages, and Traf fics of the English, vol. ii. part ii. p. 2. . NOTE XI. p. 66. The time of Columbus's death may be nearly ascer- ' tained by the foUowing circumstances. It appears from the fragment of a letter addressed by him to Ferdinand and Isabella, A, D. 1501, that he had at that time been engaged forty years in a sea- faring Ufe. In another letter, he informs them, that he went to sea at the age of four teen : from those facts it follows, that he was born A. D. 1447.. Life of Christo. Columbus, by his son Don Ferdinand. Churchill's CoUection of Voyages, vol. ii. p. 484, 485.. NOTE XII. p. 73. The spherical figure of the earth was known to the an cient geographers. They invented the method, still in use, of computing the longitude and latitude of different places. According to their doctrine, the equator, or imaginary Une which encompasses the earth, contained three hundred and sixty degrees; these they divided into twenty-four part?, or hours, each equal to fifteen degrees. The coun try of the Seres or Sinte, being the furthest part of Iridta known to the aincients, was supposed by Marinus Tyrius, 374 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. the most eminent of the ancient geographers befbre Pto lemy, to be fifteen hours, or two hundred and twenty-five degrees to the east of the first meridian, passing through the Fortunate Islands. Ptolemsi Geogr. lib. i. c. 1 1 . If this supposition was well founded, the country of the Se res, or China, was only nine hours, or one hundred and thirty-five degrees west from the Fortunate or Canary Islands ; and the navigation in that direction was much shorter than by the course which the Portuguese were pursuing. Marco Polo, in his travels, had described countries, particularly the island of Cipango or Zipangri, supposed to be Japan, considerably to the east of any part of Asia known to the ancients, Marcus Paulus de Re gion, Oriental. Ub. ii. c. 70. lib. iii, c. 2. Of course, this country, as it extended further to the east, was still nearer to the Canary Islands. The conclusions of Columbus, though drawn from inaccurate observations, were just. If the HUppositioBS of Marinus had been well-founded, and if the countries which Marco Polo visited, had been si tuated to the east of those whose longitude Marinus had ascertained, the proper and nearest course to the East-In dies must have been tO steer directly west. Herrera, dec. I . lib. i. c. 2. A more extensive knowledge of the globe has npw discovered the great error of Marinus, in suppos ing China to be fifteen hours, or two hundred and twenty- five degrees east from the Canary Islands ; and that even Ptolemy was mistaken, when he reduced the longitude of China to twelve hours, or one hundred and eighty degrees. The longitude of the westera frontier of that vast Empire is seven hours, or one hundred and fifteen degrees from the meridian of the Canary Islands. But Columbus fol lowed the light which his age afforded, and relied upon tire authority-of writers, who were at that time regarded as the instructors and guides of mankind in the science of geography. NOTE XIII, p. 96. As the Portuguese, in making their discoveries, did not depart far from the coast of Africa, they concluded that birds, whose flight they observed with great attention, did not venture to any considerable distance from land. In the infancy of navigation, it was not known that birds NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 375 often stretched their flight to an immense distance from any shore. In sailing towards the West-Indian islands, birds are often seen at the distance of two hundred leagues fi'ora the nearest coast. Sloane's Nat. Hist, of Jamaica, vol. i. p. 30. Catesby saw an owl at sea, when the ship was six hundred leagues distant from iand. Nat. Hist, of CaroUna, pref. p.7. Hist. Naturelle deM. Buffon, tom. xvi. p. 32. From which it appears, that this indication of land, on which Columbus seems to have relied with some confidence, was extremely uncertain. This observation is confirmed by Capt. Cook, the most extensive and experi enced navigator of any age or nation. " No one yet knows (says he) to what distance any of the oceanic birds go to sea ; for my own part, 1 do not believe that there is one in the whole tribe that can be relied on in pointing out the vicinity of land.". Voyage towards the South Pole, vpI. i. p. 275. NOTE XIV. p. 107. In a letter of the Admiral's to Ferdinand and Isabella, he describes one of the harbours in Cuba, with all the en thusiastic admiration of a discoverer. — " I discpvered a river which a galley njight easily enter : the beauty of it in duced me to sound, and I found from five to eight fathoms of water. Having proceeded a considerable way up' the river, every thing invited me to settle there. The beauty of the river, the clearness of the water through which I could see the sandy bottom, the multitude of palm trees of different kinds, the taUest and finest I had seen, and an in finite number of other large and flourishing trees, the birds, and the verdure of the plains are so wonderfully beautiful, that this country excels all others as far as the day surpasses the night in brightness and splendour, so that I often said, that it would be in vain for me to attempt to give Your Highnesses a fuU account of it, for neither my tongue nor my pen could come up to the truth ; and indeed 1 am so much amazed at the sight of such beauty, that I know not , how to describe it." Life of Columb. c. 30. NOTEXV. p. 112. *rhe account which Columbus gives of the humanity 376 NOTES AND ILLUSTLATIONS. and orderly behaviour of the natives on this occasion is very striking. " The King (says he in a letter to Ferdinand and IsabeUa) having been informed of our misfortune, ex^ » pressed great grief for our loss, and immediately sent aboard aU the people in the place in many large canoes ; we soon unloaded the ship of every thing that was upon deck, as the King gave us great assistance : he himself, with his brothers and relations, took all possible care that every thing should be properly done, both aboard and on shore. And, from time to time, he sent some of his relations weep ing, to beg of me not to be dejected, -for he would give me all that he had. I can assure Your Highnesses, that so much care would not have been taken in securing our effects in any part of Spain, as all our property was put together in one place near his palace, until the houses which he wanted to prepai e for the custody of it, were emptied. He immediately placed a guard of armed men, who watched during the whole night, and those on shore ¦^ lamented as if they had been much interested in our loss. The people are so affectionate, so tractable, and so peace able, that I swear to Your Highnesses, that there is not a better race of men, nor a better country in the world. They love their neighbour as themselves ; their conversation is the sweetest and mildest in the world, cheerful, and always accompanied with a smile. And although it is true that they go naked, yet Your Highnesses may be assured that they have many very commendable customs ; the King is served with great state, and his behaviour is so decent, that it is pleasant to see him, as it is likewise to observe the wonderful memory which these people bave, and their desire of knowing every thing, which leads them to inquire into its causes and effects." Life of Columbus, c. 32. It is probable, that the Spaniards" were indebted for this officious attentipn, tP the opinion which the Indians en tertained of them as a superipr prder pf beings. NOTE XVI. p. ] 19. Every monument of such a man as Columbus is valu able. A letter which he wrote to Ferdinand and Isabella, describing what passed on this occasion, exhibits a most striking picture of his intrepidity, his humanity, his pru dence, his public spirit, and courtly address, " I would NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 377 bave been less concerned for this misfortune, had I alone been in danger, both because my Ufe is a debt that I owe to the Supreme Creator, and because I have at other times been exposed to the most imminent hazard. But what ' gave me infinite grief and vexation was, that after it had pleased our Lord to give me faith to undertake this enter prise, in which 1 had now been so successful, that my op ponents would have been convinced, and the glory ot Your Highnesses, and the extent of your territory, increased by me ; it should please the Divine Majesty tp stop all by my death. All this would ,have been more tolerable, had it not been attended avitli the loss of thpse men whom 1 had carried with me, upon promjse of the greatest prosperity, who, seeing themselves in such distress, cursed not only their ceming along with me, but that fear and awe of me, which prevented them frpm returning, as they often had resolved to have done. But besides all this, my sorrow was • greatly increased by recollecting tbat I had left my two sons at school at Cordova, destitute of friends, in a foreign country, when it could not in all probability be known that I had done such services as might induce Your High nesses to remeraber them. And though I comforted my self with the faith that our Lord would not permit that, which tended so much to the glory of his Church, and which I had brought about vi'ith s0 much trouble, to re main imperfect, yet I considered, that, on account of my sins, it was his will to deprive me of that glory, which I '^ might have attained in this world. While in this confused state, I thought on the good fortune which accompanies Your Highnesses, and imagined that although I should perish, and the vessel be lost, it was possible that you might somehow come to the knowledgeof my voyage, and the success with which it was attended. For that reason I wrote upon parchment with the brevity which the situa tion required, that I had discovered the lands which I pro mised, in how manj' days 1 had done' it, and what course I had followed. I mentioned the goodness ofthe country', the character of the inhabitants, and that Your High nesses' subjects were left in possession of all that I had discovered. Having sealed this writing, 1 addressed it to Your Highnesses, and promised a thousand ducats to any person who should deUver it sealed, so that ifany foreigner found it, the promised reward might prevail on them not 378 NOTES AND ILLUSIRATIONS. to give the information to another. I then caused agreat cask to be brought to me, and wrapping up the parchment in an oiled cloth, and afterwards in a cake of wax, I put it into the cask, and having stopped it well, I cast it into the sea. All the men believed thai it was some act of de votion. Imagining that this might never chance to be taken up, as the ships approached nearer to Spain, I made another packet like the first, and placed it at the top ofthe poop, so that, if the ship sunk, the cask remaining above water might be committed to the guidance of fortune." NOTE XVII. p. 123. Some Spanish authors, with the meanness of national ? jealousy, have endeavoured to detract from tbe glory of Columbus, by insinuating tliat he was led to the discovery of the New World, not by his own inventive or enter prising genius, but by information which he had received. According to their account, a vessel haying been driven from its course by easterly winds, was carried before them 4 far to the west, and landed on the coast of an unknown country, from which it returned with difficulty ; the pilot, and three sailors, being the only persons who survived the distresses which the crew suffered from want of provisions and fatigue in this long voyage. . In a few days after iheir arrival, all the four died ; but the pilot having been re ceived into the house of Columbus, his intimate friend disclosed to him, before his death, the secret of the dis covery which he had accidentally made, and left him his papers containing a journal of the voyage, which served as a guide to Columbus in his undertaking.. Gomara, as far as I know, is the first author who pubUshed this story. Hist. c. 13. Every circumstance is destitute of evidence to support it. JN either the narae ofthe vessel nor its de stination is known. Some pretend that it belonged to one of the sea-port towns in Andalusia, and was sailing either to the Canaries, or to Madeira ; others, that it was a Bis cayner in its way to England ; others, a Portuguese ship trading on the coast of Guinea. The name of the pilot is alike unknown, as well as that of the port in which he landed on his return. According to some, it was in Por tugal; according to others, in Madeira, or the Azores. The year in which this voyage was made is no less uncer NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 379 * tain. Monson's Nav. Tracts. ChurchiU, in. 371. No men tion is made of this pilot, or his discoveries, by And. Ber- naldes, or Pet. Martyr, the contemporaries of Columbus. Herrera, with his usual judgment, passes over it in silence. Oviedo takes notice of this report, but considers it as a tale fit only to amuse the vulgar. Hist. Ub. ii. c. 2. As Columbus held his course directly west from the Canaries, and never varied it, some later authors have supposed that this uniformity is a prpof of his being guided by some previous information. But they do not recollect the prin ciples on which he founded all his hopes of success, that by holding a westerly course, he must certainly arrive at those regions of the east described by the ancients. His firm belief of his own system led him to take that course, and to pursue it without deviation. The Spaniards are not the only people who have called in question Columbus's claim to the honour of having dis covered America. Some German authors ascribed this honour to Martin Behaim, their countryman. He was of the noble family of the Behaims of Schwarizbach, citizens of the first rank in the Iraperial town of Nureraberg. Hav ing studied under the celebrated John Muller, better known by the name of Regiomontanus, he acquired such knowledge of cosmography, as excited a desire of exploring those regions, the situation and quaUties of wbich he had been accustomed, under that able master, to investigate and describe. Under tlie patronage of the Duchess of Burgundy he repaired to Lisbon, whither the fame of the Portuguese discoveries invited aU the adventurous spirits of the age. There, as we leam from Herman Schedel, of whose Chronicon Mundi a German translation was printed at ISuremberg, A. D. 1493, his merit as a cos mographer raised him, in conjunction with Diego Cano, to the command of a squadron fitted out for discovery in the year 1483. In that voyage, he is said tP have discovered the kingdom of Congo. He settled in the island of Fayal, one of the Azores, and vvas a particular friend of Colum bus. ~ Herrera, dec. l.Ub, i. c. 2. Magellan had a terres trial globe raade by Behaim, on which he demonstrated the course that he proposed to hold in search of the com munication with the South Sea, which he afterwards dis covered. Gomara Hist.c. 19- Herrera, dec. 1 l.Ub. ii.c, 19. In the year 1492, Behaim vibited his relations in Nurern- 380 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. berg, and left with them a map drawn with his own hand, which is still preserved araong the archives ofthe family. Thus far the story of Martin Behaim seems to be well authenticated ; but the account of his having discovered any partof the New World appears to be merely conjec tural. In the first edition, as I had at that time hardly any knowledge of Behaim but what I derived from a frivolpus dissertation ' De vero Novi Orbis Inventore,' published at Francfort, A. D. 1714, by Jo. Frld. Stuvenius, I was in duced, by the authprity pf Herrera, tP suppose that Behaim was not a native of Germany ; but fi'om more full and ac curate inforraation, communicated to nie by the learned Dr. J ohn Reinhold Forster, I am now satisfied that I was mistaken. Dr. Forster has been Ukewise so good as to favour rae with a copy of Behaim's map, as pubUshed by Doppelmayer In his account of the Mathematicians and Artists of Nuremberg. From this map, the- imperfection of cosmographlcal knowledge at that period is manifest. Hardly one place is laid down in its true situation. Nor can I discover from it any reason to suppose that Behaim had the least knowledge of any region in America, He deUneates, indeed, an island to whic;h he gives the name of St. Brandon. -This, it is imagined, may be some part of Guiana, supposed at first to be an island, He places it in the same latitude with the Cape Verd isles, and I sus^ pect it to be an imaginary Island which has been admitted into some ancient maps on no better, authority than the legend of the Irish St, Brandon or Brendan, whose stb^ is so childishly fabulous as to be unworthy of any notlc'eb; Girald. Cambrensis ap. Missingham FlorUegium Sanci- torum, p. 427. The pretensions ofthe Welsh to the discovery of Ame rica seem not to rest on a foundation much more solid. I^;* ; the twelfth century, accordirig to Powell, a dispute having; ¦ arisen among the sons of Owen Guyneth, King of North- ' Wales, concerning the succession to his crown, Madoc, * one of their number, weary of this contention, betook him- , self to sea in quest of a more quiet settlement. He steered ' due west, leaving Ireland to the north, and arrived in an unknown country, which appeared to him so desirable, that he returned to Wales and carried thither several of Jijs adherents and companipns, fhis is sa,id to have hap- NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 381 pened about the year 1170, and after that, he and his co lony were heard of no more. But it is to be observed, that PoweU, on whose testimony the authenticity of this story rests, published his history above four centuries from the date ofthe event which he relates. Among a people as rude and as illiterate as the Welsh at that period, the memory of a transaction so remote must have been very imperfectly preserved, and would require to be confifmed by some author of greater credit, and nearer to the sera of Madoc's voyage, than PoweU. Later antiquaries have in deed appealed to the testiraony of Meredith ap Rees, a Welsh bard, who died A. D. 1477.. But he, too, Uved at such a distance of time from the event, that he cannot be considered as a witness ef much more credit than Powell. Besides, his verses, published by Hakluyt, vel, iii. p. 1,, convey no information, but that M adoe, dissatisfied with his domestic situation, employed himself in searching the "* ocean for new possessions. But even if we admit the au thenticity of Powell's story, it does not follow that the un known country which Madoc discovered by steering west, in such a course as to leave Ireland to the north, was any part of America. The naval skill of the Welsh in the twelfth century was hardly equal to such a voyage. If he made any discovery at all, it is more probable that it was Madeira, or some other of the western isles. The affinity ofthe Welsh language ^vith some dialects spoken in Ame rica, has been raentioned as a circumstance which confirms the truth of Madoc's' voyage. But that affinity has been observed in so few instances, and in some of these is so obscure, or so fanciful, that no conclusion can be drawn from the casual reserablance ofa small number of words. There is a bird, which, as far as is yet known, is found only on the coasts of South- America, from Port Desire to the Straits of Magellan, It is distinguished by the name of Penguin. This word in the Welsh language signifies White-head. Almost all the authors who favour the pre tensions of the Welsh to the discovery of America, men- .tion this as ari lrre§-ag able proof of the affinity ofthe Welsh language with that spoken in this region of America. But Mr, Pennant, who has given a scientific description ofthe Penguin, observes, that aUthe birds ofthis genus have black heads, " so that we must resign every hope (adds he) found ed on this hypothesis of retrieving the Cambrian race in 382 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. the New World." Philos. Transact, vol. Iviii. p. 9 1 , &c. Besides this, if the Welsh, towards the close pfthe twelfth century, had settled in any part pf America, some remains of the Christian doctrine and rites must have been found among their descendants, wheri they were discpvered about three hundred years posterior to their migration ; a period so short, that, in the course of it, we cannot well suppose that all European ideas and arts would be totally forgotten. Lord Lyttelton, in his notes to the fifth book ofhis History of Henry IL, p. 371-, has examined what Powell relates concerning the discoveries made by Madpc, and invali dates the truth of his story by other arguments of great weight. The pretensions of the Norwegians to the discovery of America seem to be better founded than those of the Ger mans or Welsh. The inhabitants of Scandinavia were re markable in the middle ages for the boldness and extent of their maritime excursions. In 874, the Norwegians discovered, and planted a colony in Iceland, In 982, they discovered Greenland, and established settlements there. From that, some of their navigators proceeded towards the west, and discovered a country more inviting than those horrid regions with which they were acquainted. Accord ing to their representation, this couutry was sandy on the coasts, but in the interior parts level and covered with .wood, on \vhich account they gave it the name of Helle- land, and Mark-land, and having afterwards found some plants of the vine which bore grapes, they caUed it Win- land. The credit ofthis story rests, as far as I know, on the authority of the saga, or chronic'e of King Olaus, com posed by Snorro Sturlonides, or Sturlusons, pubUshed by Peiinskiold, at Stockholm, A. D. 1697. As Snorro was bom in the year 1 179, his chronicle might be compiled about two centuries after the event which he relates. His account of the navigation and discoveries of Biorn, and his ccmpanipn JLief, is a very rude confused tale, p. 104. 1 10. 326. It is impossible to discover from him what part of America it was in which the Norwegians landed. Ac cording to his account of the length of the days and nights, it must hav-e been as far north as the fifty-eighth degree of latitude, on some part ofthe coast of Labradore, approach ing near to the entry of Hudson's Straits. Grapes cer tainly are not the production of that country. Tprfeus NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS; 383 supposes that there is an error in the text, by rectifying of which the place where the Norwegians landed may be supposed to be situated in latitude 49°. But neither is that the region of the vine in America. From perusing Snorro's tale, I should think that the situation of New foundland corresponds best with that of the country dis covered by the Norwegians. Grapes, however, are not the production of that barren island. Other conjectures are mentioned by M. Mallet, Introd. kl'Hist. de Dannem. 1 75, 8tc. I am not sufficiently acquainted with the Utera ture of the north to examine them. It seems manifest, that if the Norwegians did discover any part of America at that period, their attempts to plant colonies proved un successful, and all knowledge of it was soon loSt. NOTE XVIII. p. 124. Peter Martyr, ab Angleria, a Milanese gentleman, re siding at that time in the court of Spain, whose letters con tain an account of the transactions of that period, in the order wherein they occurred, describes the sentiraents with which he himself and his learned correspondents were af fected, in veiy- striking terms. ." Pras lastitia proslluisse te, vixique a lachrymis prae gaudio temperasse, quando literas adspexisti meas quibus, de antlpodum orbe latentl hactenus, te certiorem feci, mi suavissime Pomponl, Insinuasti. Ex tuis ipse Uteris colligo, quid senserls. Senslsti autem, tan- tique rem fecisti, qhanti virum summa doctrina insignltum decuit, Quis namque cibus sublimibus prasstari potest ingeniis, isto suavior.? quod condimentum gratlus .f" A me facio conjecturara, Beati sentio spiritus meos, quando accitos alloquor prudentes aliquos ex his qui ab ea redeunt provincia. Iraplicent aniraos pecuniarum cumulis au- gendis miseri avari, Ubidinibus obscoeni ; nostras nos men tes, postquam Deo pieni aliquando fuerimus, contemplando, hujuscemodi rerum notitia demulciamus." Epist. 152. Pomponlo Lasto» NOTE XIX. p. 137. So firmly were men of science, in that age, persuaded that the countries which Columbus had discovered were connected with the East-Indies, that Benaldes, the Cur* 384 Notes and illustrations. de los Palacios, who seems to have been no inconsiderable proficient in the knowledge of cosmography, contends that Cuba was not an island, but a part of the continent, and united to the dominions of the Great Khan. This he de livered as his opinion to Columbus himself, who was his guest for some time on his return from his second voyage ; and he supports it by several arguments, mostly founded on the authority of Sir John MandeviUe. MS. penes me. Antonio Gallo, who was secretary to the magistracy of Genoa towards the close ofthe fifteenth century, published a short account of the navigations and discoveries ofhis countryman Columbus, annexed to his Opuscula Historica de Rebus PopuU Genuensis; in which he informs us, from letters of Columbus which he himself had seen, that it was his opinion, founded upon nautical observations,, that one ofthe islands he had discovered was distant only two hours or thirty degrees from Cattigara, which, in the charts of the geographers of that age, was laid down, upon the authority of Ptolemy, lib. vii. c. 3., as the most easterly- place in Asia. From this he concluded, that if some un known continent did not obstruct the navigation, there must be a short and easy access, by holding a westerly- course, to this extrerae region of the East. Muratori Scriptores Rer. ItaUcarum, vol. xxiii. p. 304. NOTE XX. p. 143. Bernaldes, the Cura or Rector de los Palacios, a con temporary writer, says, that five hundred of these captives were sent to Spain, and sold publicly in Seville as slaves ; but that, by the change of cUmate and their inability to bear the fatigue of labour, they aU died in a short time. MS. penes me. NOTE XXI. p. 156. Columbus seems to have formed some very singular opinions concerning the countries which he had now dis covered. The violent sweU and agitation ofthe waters on the coast of Trinidad led him to conclude this to be the highest part of the terraqueous globe, and he imagined that various circumstances concurred in proving that the sea was here visibly elevated. Having adopted this erroneous Notes and illustrations. 385 principle, the apparent beauty of the country induced hini to fall in with a notion of Sir John MandeviUe, c. 102., that the terrestrial paradise was the highest land in the earth ; and' he believed that he had been so fortunate as to discover this happy abode. Nor ought we to think it strange that a person of so much sagacity should be infiu enced by the opinion or reports of such a fabulous author as MandeviUe. Columbus and the other discoverers were obliged to foUow such guides as they could find ; and it appears from several passages in the manuscript of Andr. Bernaldes, the friend of Columbus, that no inconsiderable degree of credit was given tothe testimony of MandeviUe in that age. Bernaldes .frequently quotes him, and al ways with respect. NOTE XXII. p. 169. It is remarkable that neither Gomara nor Oviedo, the jnost ancient Spanish historians of America, nor Herrera, consider Ojeda, or his companion Vespucci, as the first discoverers of the continent of Araerica. They uniformly ascribe this honour to Columbus. Some have supposed thaf national resentment against Vespucci, for deserting the service of Spain, and entering into that of Portugal, may have prompted these writers to conceal the actions which he performed. But Martyr and Benzoni, both Italians, could not be warped by the sarae prejudice. Martyr was a contemporary author; he resided in the court of Spain, and had the best opportunity to be ex actly informed with respect to all public transactions ; and yet neither in his Decads, the first general history published of the New World, nor in his Epistles, which contain an acconnt of all the remarkable events of his time, dcfes he ascribe to Vespucci the honour of having first discovered the continent. Benzoni went as an ad venturer to America in the year 1541, and resided there a considerable time. He appears to have been animated with a warm zeal for the honour of Italy, his native coun try, and yet does not mention the exploits and discoveries of Vespucci. Herrera, who compiled his general history of America from the most authentic records, not only fdlr lows those early writers, but accuses Vespucci of falsify ing the dates of both the voyages which he made to the VOL, I. 2 C 386 NOTES ANB ILLUSTRATIONS. New World, and of confounding the one with the other, in order that he might arrogate to himself the glory^lPFbav- ,ving discovered the continent. Her. dec, 1. Ub. iv. c. 2. He asserts, that in a judicial inquiry into this matter by the royal fiscal, it was proved by thig|testlmony of Ojeda himself, that he touched at HlspanioJ^ when returning to Spain from his first voyage ; whereas Vespucci gave out that they returned directly to Cadiz from the coast of Pa ria, and touched at Hispaniola on!^ in their second voy^ age ; and that he had finished the voyage in five months ; whereas, according to Vespucci's account, he had em> ployed seventeen months in performing it. Viaggio pri mo de Am. Vespucci, p. 36. Viag. secundo, p. 45. Herrera gives a more full account of this inquest in an other part of his Decads, and to the sarae effect. Her. dec. 1. lib. vii. c. 5. Columbus was in Hispaniola when Ojeda arrived there, and had by that time come to an agreement with Roldan, who opposed Ojeda's attempt to ' excite anew insurrection, and, of consequence, his voy age must have been posterior to that of the admiral. Life of Columbus, c. 84. According to Vespucci's account, he set out on his first voyage May 10th, 1497. Viag. pri mo, p. 6. At that time Columbus was in the coijg; of Spain preparing for his voyage, and seems to have ei^yed a considei'able degree of favour. The affairs of thei New World were at this juncture under the direction of Anto nio Torres, a friend of Columbus. It is not probable, that at that period a commission would be granted to an other person, to anticipate the admiral, by undertaking a voyage which he himself intended to perforiri. Fonseca, who patronized Ojeda, and granted the Ucence for his voy age, was not recalled to court, and reinstated in the direc tion of Indian affairs, until the. death of Prince Jphn, which happened September 1497, (P. Martyr, Ep. 182.,) several months posterior to the time at which Vespucci pretends tP have set out upon his voyage. A life of Ves pucci was pubUshed at Florence by the Abate Bandini, A. D. 1745, 4to. Itis a work of rio merit, written with little judgment, and less candour. He contends for his countryman's title to the discovery of the continent with all the blind zeal of national partiality, but produces no new evidence to support it. We leam from him that Ves pucci's account of his voyage was published as early as NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 387 the year 1510, and probably sooner. Vila di Am. Vesp. p. 52. '--'At what time the name of America came to be first given to the New World is not certain. ^ NOTE XXIIL p. 216. The form employed on this occasion served as a model to the Spaniards in all their subsequent conquests in Ame rica. It is so extra(«dinary in Its nature, and gives us such an idea of the proceedings of the Spaniards, and the •principles upon which they founded their right to the ex tensive dominions which they acquired in the New World, that it well merits the attention of the reader. " I Alonso de Ojeda, servant of the most high and powerful Kings of Castile and Leon, the conquerors of barbarous nations, their messenger and captain, notify to you and declare, in as araple form as I am capable, that God our Lord, who is one and eternal, created the heaven and the earth, and one man and one woman, of whom you and we, and all the men who have been or shall be in the world, are de scended. But as it has come to pass through the number of generations during more than five thousand years, that thCT have been dispersed into different parts of the world, andlare divided into various kingdoms and provinces, be cause one country was not able to contain them, nor could they have found In one the means of subsistence and pre servation ; therefore God our Lord gave the charge of all those people to one man named St. Peter, whora he con stituted the lord and head of all the human race, that all men. In whatever place they are bora, or in whatever faith or place they are educated, rriight yield obedience ,unto him. He hath subjected the whole world to his jurisdiction, and commanded him to establish his residence in Rome, as the moSt proper place for the government of the world. He likewise promised and gave him power to estabUsh his authority in every other part of the world, and to judge and govem all Christians, Moors, Jews, Gentiles, aild all other people of whatever sect or faith they may be. To him is given the name of Po-pe, which signifies admirable, great father and guardian, because he is the father and go vernor of aU men, , Those who lived in the time of this holy father obeyed and acknowledged him as their Lord and King, and the superitir of the universe, The same Pro « ^ rt 388 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. has been observed with respect to tliem who, since his time, have been chosen to the pontificate. Thus it now continues, and will continue to the end of the world. " One of these Pontiffs, as lord of the world, hath made a grant of these islands, and of the -Tien'a Firm^ of the ocean sea, to the Catholic Kings of Castile, Don Ferdi nand and Donna IsabeUa, of glorious memory, and their successors, our sovereigns, with all they contain, as is more fuUy expressed in certain deeds passed upon that occasion, which you may see, if you desire it. Thus His Majesty is King and lord of these islands, and of the con tinent, in virtue of this donation ; and, as King and lord aforesaid, most of the islands to which his title hath been notified, have recognised His Majesty, and now yield obe dience and subjection to him as their lord, voluntarily and without resistance ; and instantly, as soon as they received infonnation, they obeyed the religious men sent by the King to preach to them, and to instruct them In our holy faith ; and all these, of their own free will, without any re compense or gratuity, became Christians, and continue to be so ; and His Majesty having received them gracious ly under his protection, has commanded that they should be treated in the sarae manner as his other subjectsfend vassals. You are bound and obliged to act in the same manner. Therefore I now entreat and require you to con sider attentively what I have declared to you ; and that you may more perfectly comprehend it, that you take such time as is rea,=onable, in order that you may acknowledge the Church as the superior and guide ofthe universe, and likewise the holy father called the Pope, in his own right, and His Majesty by his appoiritment, as King and sov-e- reign lord of these islands, and of the Tierra Firmfe; and that you consent that the aforesaid holy fathers shall de clare and preach to you the doctrines above mentioned. If you do this, you act well, and perform that to which you are bound and obUged ; and His Majesty, and I in his name, wiU receive you with love and kindness, and will leave you, your wives and children, free and exempt from servitude, and in the enjoyment of all you possess, in the same manner as the inhabitants of the Islands. Be sides this, His Majesty wiU bestow upon you many pri vileges, exemptions, and rewards. But if you will not comply, or maUciously delay to obey my injunction, then, NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 389 with the help of God, I will enter your country by force, I will carry on war ag-ainst you with the utmost violence, 1 wiU subject you to the yoke of obedience to the Church and King, I will take your wives and chUdren, and will make them slaves, and sell or displbse of them according to His Majesty's pleasure ; I wiU seize your goods, and do you all the mischief in my power, as rebeUious subjects, who will not acknowledge or submit to their lawful sove Teign. And I protest, that all the bloodshed and calami ties which shall follow are to be imputed to you, and not to His Majesty, or to me, or the gentlemen who serve un der me; and as I have now made this declaration and requisition unto you, I require the notary here present to frant me a certificate ofthis, subscribed in .proper form." lerrera, dec. 1, Ub. vn. c. 14. NOTE XXIV. p. 230. Balboa, in his letter to the King, observes, that of the hundred and ninety men whom he took with him, there were never above eighty fit for service at one time. So much did they suffer from hunger, fatigue, and sickness. , Herrera, dec. 1. Ub. x. c. l6. P. Mart, decad. 226. NOTE XXV. p. 243. Fonseca, Bishop of Palencia, the principal director of American affairs, had eight hundred Indians in property ; the coramendator Lope de Conchillos, his chief associate in that department, eleven hundred ; and other favourites had considerable numbers. They sent overseers to the islands, and hired out those slaves to the Planters. Her rera, dec. 1, Ub. ix, c. 14. p. 325. NOTE XXVI, p. 269. Though America is'more plentifully suppUed with wa ter than the other regions of the globe, there is no river or stream of water in Yucatan. This peninsula projects from the continent a hundred leagues, but, where broadest, does not extend above twenty-five leagues. It is an ex tensive plain, not only without mountains, but almpst with out any inequality pf ground. The inhabitants are sup- 390 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. plied with water from pits, and, wherever they dig thatlj find it in abundance. It is probable, from all those cir cumstances, that this country was formeriy covered by the sea. Herrerse Descriptio Indlse OccidentaUs, p. 14. His toire Naturelle, par M. de Buffon, tom. i. p. 593. NOTE XXVII. p. 272. M . Clavigero censures me for having represented the Spaniards who sailed with Cordoya and Grijalva> as fan cying, in the warmth of their imagination, that they saw cities on the coast of Yucatan adorned with towers and cupolas. I know not what translation of my history he has consulted, (for his quotation from it is not taken from the original,) but I never imagined that any building erected by Americans could suggest the idea of a cupola or dome, a structure which their utmost skiU In architecture was incapable of rearing. My words are, that they fancied the villages which they saw from their ships "to be cities adprned with towers and pinnacles." By pinnacles I ineant some elevation above the rest of the building ; and the passage is translated almost literally from Herrera, dec. 2. Ub. 111. c. 1 . In almost all the accounts of new countries given by the Spanish discoverers in that age, this warmth of admiration is conspicuous ; and led them to de scribe these new objects in the most splendid terms. When Cordova and his corapanions first beheld an Indian vil lage of greater magnitude than any they had beheld in the islands, they dignified it by the name of Grand Cairo, B. Diaz, c. 2. From the same cause Grijalva and his asso ciates thought the country, along the coast of which they held their course, entitled to the name of New Spain, NOTE XXVIII. p. 278. The height of the most elevated point in the Pyrenees is, according to M. Cassini, six thousand six hundred and forty-six feet. The height ofthe mountain Gemmi, in the canton of Berne, is ten thousand one hundred and ten feet. The height of the Peak of Teneriffe, according to the measurement of P. Feuill^, is thirteen thousand one hundred and seventy-eight feet. The height of Chirabp- r'azzp, the most elevated' point of the Andes,^ is tweijty NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 391 thousand two hundred and eighty feet ; no less than seven thousand one hundred and two feet above the highest mountain in the ancient continent. Voyage de D. Juan Ulloa, Observations Astron. et Physiq. tom. ii. p. 114. The line of congelation on Chimborazzo, or that part of the mountain which is covered perpetually with snow, is no less than two thousand four hundred feet from its sum- riilt. Prevot Hist. Gener. des Voyages, vol. xlii. p. 636. NOTE XXIX. p. 279. As a particular description makes a stronger impression than general assertions, I shall give one of Rio de la Plata by an eye-witness, P. Cattaneo, a Modenese Jesuit, who landed at Buenos Ayres in 1749, and thus represents what he felt when such new objects were first presented to his view. " While I resided in Europe, and read in books of history or geography that the mouth of the river de la Pla,ta was an hundred and fifty mUes in breadth, I consi dered it as an exaggeration, because in this hemisphere we have no example of such vast rivers. When I ap proached its mouth, I had the most vehement desire to ascertain the truth with my own eyes ;¦ and I found the matter to be exactly as it was represented. This I de duce particularly from one circumstance : When we took our departure from Monte-Video, a fort situated more than a hundred miles from the mouth ofthe river, and where its breadth is considerably diminished, we sailed a complete day before we discovered the land on the opposite bank of the river ; and when we were in the middle ofthe chan nel. We could not discern land on either side, and saw no thing but the sky and water, as if we had been in some great ocean. Indeed we should have taken it to be sea, if the fresh water of the river, which was turbid like the Po, had not satisfied us that it was a river. Mereover, at Buenos Ayres, another hundred miles up the river, and where itis still much narrower, it is not only impossible to discern the opposite coast, which is indeed very low, but perceive the houses or the tops of the steeples in the Portuguese settlement at Colonia on the other side of the river." Lettera prima, published by Muratori, II Chris tianesimo FeUce, &c. i. p. 257. 392 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS, NOTE XXX. p. 282. Newfoundland, part of Nova Scotia, and Canada, are, the countries which lie in the same parallel of latitude with the kingdom pf France ; and in every part pf these the water of the rivers is frozen during winter tP the thick ness of several feet ; the earth is covered with snow as deep ; almost all the birds fly during that season, firom a climate where they could not live. "The country of the Esr klmaux, part of Labrador, and the countries on the south of Hudson's Bay, are in the same parallel with Great Bri tain ; and yet in all these the cold Is so intense, that even the industry of Europeans has not atterapted cultivation. NOTE XXXI. p. 284. Acosta is the first philosopher, as far as 1 know, whq endeavoured to account for the diflferent degrees of heat in the old and new continents, by the agency ofthe winds which blow in each, Histoire Moral. &c. lib. ii. and ill. M.de Buffon adopts this theory, and hasnot only improved it by new observations, but has -employed his amazing powers of descriptive eloquence in embellishing and placing it in the most striking light. Some remarks may be added, which tend to illustrate more fully a doctrine of much im portance in every inquiry concerning the temperature of yarious cliraates. When a cold wind blows over land, it raust in its pas sage rob the surface of some of its heat. By means ofthis, the coldness of the wind is abated. But if it continue to blow in the same direction, it wiU come, by degrees, to pass over a surface already cooled, and will suffer no longer any abatement of its own keenness. Thus, as It advances over a large tract of land, it brings on all the severity of In tense frost. Let the same wind blow over an extensive and deep sea ; the superficial water must be Immediately cooled to a certain degree, and the wind proportionaUy warmed. But the superficial and colder water, becoming specifically heavier than the warmer water belovv it, descends ; what is warmer supplies its place, which, as. it comes to be cooled In its turn, continues to warm the air which passes NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS, 393 over it, or to diminish its cold. This change of the super ficial water and successive ascent of that which is warmer, and the consequent successive abatement of coldness in the air, is aided by the agitation caused in the sea by the . medianical action of the wind, and also by the motion of the tides. This wlU go on, and the rigour of the wind will continue to diminish until the whole water is so far cooled, that the water on the surface is no longer removed from the action of the wind, fast enough to hinder it from being arrested by frost. Whenever the surface freezes, the wind is no longer warmed by the water from below, and it goes on with undirainished cold. From those principles may be explained the severi'ty of winter frosts in extensive continents ; their mildness in smaU islands ; and the superior rigour of winter in those parts of North America with which we are best ac quainted. In the north-west parts of Europe, the severity of winter is mitigated by the west winds, which usuaUy blow in the months of November, December, and part of January. On the other hand, when a warm wind blows over land, it heats the surface, which raust therefore cease to abate the fervour of the wind. But the same wind blowing over water, agitates it, brings up the colder water from below, and thus is continually losing somewhat of its' own heat. But the great povver of the sea to niltigate the heat of the wind or air passing over It, proceeds from the follow ing circumstance : — that on account of the transparency of the sea, its surface cannot be heated to a great degree. by the sun's rays ; whereas the ground, subjected to their influence, very soqn acquires great heat. When, there fore, the wind blows over a torrid continent, it is soon raised to a heat almost intolerable ; but during Its pas sage over an extensive ocean, it is gradually cooled ; so that on its arrival at the furthest shore, it is again fit for respiration. Those principles will account for the sultry heats of large continents in the torrid zone : for the mild climate of islands in the same latitude ; and for the superior warmth in summer which large continents, situated in the tempe rate or colder zones of the earth, enjoy, when' compared with that of islands. The heat of a climate d^ends iiot 394 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. only upon the immediate effect of the sun's rays, but on their continued operation, on the effect which they have formerly produced, and which remains for some time in the ground. This is the reason why the day is warmest about two in the aftemoon, the summer warmest about the raiddle of July, and the winter coldest about the mid dle of January. The forests which cover America, and hinder the sun beams from heating the ground, are a great cause of the temperate climate In the equatorial parts. The ground not being heated, cannot heat the air ; and the leaves, which receive the rays intercepted frpm the grpund, have not a mass of matter sufficient to absorb heat enough for this purpose. Besides, it is a known fact, that the vegetative power of a plant occasions a perspiration from the leaves in proportion to the heat to which they are exposed ; and, from the nature of evaporation, this perspiration produces a cold in the leaf proportional to the perspiration. Thus the effect of the leaf in heating the air in contact with it, is prodigiously diminished. For those observations, which throw much additional light on this curious subject, I am indebted to my ingenious friend, Mr. Robison, professor of natural philosophy in the university of Edinburgh. NOTE XXXII. p. 284. The climate of Brasil has been described by two emi nent naturaUsts, Piso arid Margrave, who observed it with a philosophical accuracy for which we search in vain in the accounts of many other provinces in America. Both represent it as temperate and mUd, when compared with the cUmate of Africa. They ascribe this chiefly to the re freshing wind which blows continually from the sea. The air is not only cool, but chilly through the night, in so much that the natives kindle fires every evening in their huts. Piso de Medicina Brasillensl, lib. 1. p. ]., 8tc. Margra- vius Histor. Rerum Natural. BrasiUas, lib. viu. c. 3, p. 264. Nieuhoffj who resided long in Brasil, confirms their de scription. ChurchiU's Collection, vol. ii. p. 26. GumiUa, who was a missionary many years among the Indians upon the river Oronoco, gives a similar description of the tem perature of the climate there. Hist, de I'Oienoque, tom. i. p. 26. Pi Acugna felt a very considerable degree of cold NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. SQS in the countries on the banks of the river Amazons. Relat, vol. ii. p. 56. M. Biet, who lived a considerable timein Cayenne, gives a similar account of the temperature of that climate, and ascribes it to the same cause. Voyage de la France, Equinox, p. 330. Nothing can be more different from these descriptions than that of the burning heat of the African coast given by M. Adanson. Voyage to Se negal, passim. NOTE XXXIII. p. 286. Two French frigates were sent upon a voyage of disco very in the year 1739. In latitude 44° south, they began to feel a considerable degree of cold. In latitude 48°, they met with islands of floating Ice. Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes, tom. ii. p. 256, &.c. Dr. Halley fell in with ice In latitude 59". Id. tom. 1. p. 47. Commo dore Byron, when on the coast of Patagonia, latitude 50" 33' south, on the fifteenth of December, which is mid summer in that part of the globe, the twenty-first of De cember being the longest day there, compares the climate to that of England in the middle of winter. Voyages by Hawkesworth, 1. 25. Mr. Banks having landed on Terra del Fuego, in the Bay of Good Success, latitude 55°, on the sixteenth of January, which corresponds to the month of July in our hemisphere, two of his attendants died in one night of extreme cold, and all the party were in the most imminent danger of perishing. Id. ii. 51, 52. By the fourteenth of M arch, corresponding to September In our hemisphere, winter was set in wilh rigour, and the mountains were covered with snow. Ibid. 72. Captain Cook, in Ills voyage towards the South Pole, furnishes new and striking instances of the extraordinary pre^ml- nance of cold in this region ofthe globe. "Who would have thought (says he) that an Island of no greater extent than seventy leagues in circuit, situated between the lati tude of 54° and .55°, should in the very height of summer be, in a manner, wholly covered, many fathoms deep, with frozen snow ; but more especially the S, W. coast ? The yery summits of the lofty raountains were cased with snow and ice ; but the quantity that lay in the valleys is incredible ,• and at the bottom ofthe bays, the coastwas terrainated by a waU of ice of considerable height." Vol. ii. p. 217. 396 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. In some places ofthe ancient continent, an extraordinary degree of cold prevails in very low latitudes. Mr; Boglej in his embassy to the court ofthe Deiai Lama, passed the winter of the year 1774 at Chamnanning, in latitude sr 39' N. He often found the therraoraeter in his room • twenty-nine degrees under the freezing point by Fahren- lieit's scale ; and in the middle of AprU the standing waters were all frozen, and heavy showers of snow frequently feU. The extraordinary elevation of the country seems to be the cause of this excessive cold. In traveUing from Indostan to Thibet, the ascent to the surarait of the Boutan Moun tains is very great, but the descent on the other side is not in equal proportion. The kingdom of Thibet is an elevated region, extremely bare and desolate. Account of Thibet, by Mr. Stewart, read in the Royal Society, p. 7- The extraordinary cold in low latitudes in America cannot be accounted for by the same cause. Those regions are not remarkable for elevation. Some of them are countries de pressed and level. The most obvious and probable cause of the superior degree of cold towards the southern extreraity of America, s.eems to be the form of the continent there. Its breadth gradually decreases as it stretches frora St, Antonio south wards, and from the bay of St. JuUan to the Straits of Magellan its dimensions are much contracted. On the east and west sides, it is washed by the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. From its southern point it is probable that a great extent of sea, without any considerable tract of land, reaches to the Antarctic pole. In whichever of these di rections the wind blows, it is cooled before it approaches the Magellanic regions, by passing over a vast body of water ; nor is the land there of such extent, that it can re cover any considerable degree of heat in its progress over it. These circurastances concur in rendering the tempe rature of the air in this district of America more similar to that of an insular, than to that of a continental climate, and hinder it from acquiring the same degree of summer heat with places in Europe and Asia in a correspondent northem latitude. The north wind is the only Pne that reaches this part of America, after blowing over a great continent. But from an attentive survey of its position, this vvill be found to have a tendency rather to diminish than- augment the degree of heat. The southern extremity NOTES A'ND ILLUSTRATIONS'. $97 of America is properly the termination of the immense ridge of the Andes, which stretches nearly in a direct line from north to south, through the whole extent of the con tinent. The most sultry regions in South America, Guiana, Brasil, Paraguay, and Tucuman, lie many de grees to the east of the Magellanic regions. The level country of Peru, which enjoys the tropical heats, is situ ated considerably to the west of them. The north wind then, though it blows over land, does not bring to the southern extremity of America an increase of"heat collected in its passage over torrid regions; but before it arrives there, it must have swept along the sumraits of the Andes, and comes impFcgnated with the cold of that frozen region. Though it be now deraonstrated that there is no sou therri continent in that region ofthe globe which it was supposed to occupy, it appears to be certain from Captain Cook's discoveries, that there is a large tract of land near the south pole, which is the source of raost of the ice spread over the vast southern ocean. Vol. 11. p. 230. 239, Sec. Whether the Influence of this remote frozen continent may reach the southern extremity of Araerica, and affect its cUmate, is an inquiry not unworthy of at tention. NOTE XXXIV, p. 288. M. Condamine is one of the latest and most accurate observers of the interior state of South Araerica, " Afler descending from the Andes, (says he,) one beholds a vast and uniforai prospect of water and verdure, and nothing more. One treads upon the earth, but does not see it; as it is so entirely covered with luxuriant plants, weeds, and shrubs, that it would require a considerable degree of labour to clear it for the space of a foot." Relatioii abr6g6e d'un Voyage, &c. p. 48. One of the singularities in the forests is a sort of osiers, or vviths, called bejucos by the Spaniards, lianes by the French, and nibbes by the Indians, which are usually employed as ropes in America. This is one of the parasitical plants, which twists about the trees it meets with, and rising above their highest branches, its tendrils descend perpendicularly, strike into the ground, take root, rise up around another tree, aud 398 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. thus raount and descend alternately. Other tendrils are carried obliquely by the wind, or some accident, and form a confusion of Interwoven cordage, which resembles the rigging of a ship. Bancroft, Nat. Hist, of Guiana, 99. These wlths are often as thick as the arm of a man. Ib. p. 75. M. Bouguer's account of the forests in Peru per fectly resembles this description. Voyages au Peru, p. l6, Oviedo gives a slmUar description of the forests in other parts of America. Hist, lib, ix. p. 144. D. The coun try of the Moxos is so much overflowed, that they are obUged to reside on the summit of some rising ground du ring some part of the year, and have uo comraunication with their countrymen at any distance. Lettres Edifiantes, tom. X. p. 187. Garcia gives a fuU and just description of the rivers, lakes, -woods, and marshes in those countries of America which Ue between the tropics. Origin de los Indios, lib. ii. c. 5. ^ 4, 5. The incredible hardships to which Gonzalez Pizarro was exposed ivi attempting to march into the country to the east of the Andes, convey a very striking idea of that part of America in its original uncultivated state. GarcU. de la Vega, Royal. Comment. of Peru, part 11. book lii. c. 2 — 5. NOTE XXXV. p. 290. The animals of America seem not to have been always of a size inferior to those in other quarters of the globe. From anders of the raoose-deer which have been found in America, it appears to have been an aniriial of great size. Near the banks of the Ohio, a considerable number of bones of an iramense magnitude have been found. The place where this discovery has been made Ues about one hundred and ninety miles below the junction of the river Scioto with the Ohio. It is about four miles distant from the banks of the latter, on the side of the marsh caUed the Salt Lick. The bones lie in vast quantities about five or six feet under ground, and the stratum is visible in the bank on the edge of the Lick. Journal of Colonel George Croglan, MS. penes me. This spot seems to be accurately laid down by Evans in his map. These bones must have belonged to animals of enorraous bulk ; but naturalists being acquainted with no living creature of such size, were at first inclined to- think that they-were mineral substances. NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 399 Upon receiving a greater number of specimens, and after inspecting them more narrowly, they are now aUowed to be the bones of an animal. As the elephant is the largest known quadruped, and tlie tusks which were found nearly resembled, both in form and quality, the tusks of an ele phant, it was concluded that the carcases deposited on the Ohio were of that species. But Dr. Hunter, one of the persons of our age best qualified to decide with respect to this point, having accurately examined several parcels of tusks, and grinders, and jaw-bones, sent from the Ohio to London, gives it as his opinion, that they did not belong to an elephant, but to some huge carnivorous animal of an unknown species. PhU. Transact, vol. Iviii. p. 34. Bones of the same kind, and as remarkable for their size, have been found near the mouths of the great rivers Oby, Jeniseia, and Lena, in Siberia. Strahlrenberg, Descript. of North and East Parts of Europe and Asia, p. 402, &c. "The elephant seems to be confined in his range to the torrid zone, and never multipUes beyond it. In such cold regions as those bordering on the frozen sea, he could not live. The existence of such large animals in America might open a wide field for conjecture. The more we contemplate the face of nature, and consider the variety of her productions, the raore we must be satisfied that as tonishing changes have been raade in the terraqueous globe by convulsions and revolutions, of which no account is preserved in history. NOTE XXXVL p. 291. This degeneracy of the domestic European animals in America may be iraputed to some of these causes. In the Spanish settlements, which are situated either within the torrid zone, or in countries bordering upon it, the increase of heat, and diversity of food, prevent sheep and homed cattle from attaining the same size as in Europe. They seldora becorae so fat, and their flesh is not so juicy, or of such delicate flavour. In North America, where the climate is raore favourable, and similar to that of Europe, the quality ofthe grasses which spring up naturally in their pasture-grounds is not good. Mitchell, p. 1 5 1 . Agricul ture is StiU so rauch in its infancy, that artificial food for eattle is not raised in any quantity. During a winter. 400 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. lorig in many provinces, and rigorous in all, no proper care is taken of their cattlei The general treatment of their horses and homed cattie is injudicious and harsh in all the English colonies. These circumstances contribute more, perhaps, than any thing peculiar in the quality of the cli mate, to the degeneracy of breed in the horses, cows, and sheep of many of the North American provinces. NOTE XXXVII. p. 292. , In the year 1518, the island of Hispaniola was aflSlcted with a dreadful visitation of those destructive insects, the particulars of vi'hich Herrera describes, and mentions a singular Instance ofthe superstition ofthe Spanish planters. After trying various methods of exterrainating the ants, they resolved to implore protection of the saints ; but as the calamity was new, they were at a loss to find out the saint who could give them the most effectual aid. They cast lots in order to discover the patron whom they should In voke. The lots decided in favour of St. Saturninus. They celebrated his festival with great solemnity, and immedi ately, adds the historian, the calamity began to abate. Herrera, dec. 2. Ub. iii. c. 15. p. 107. NOTE XXXVIII. p. 294. v The author of Recherches Philosophiques sur les Ame ricains supposes this difference in heat to be equal to twelve degrees, and that a place thirty degrees from the equator in the old continent is as warm as one situated eighteen degrees from it in America, tom. i, p. 1 1. Dr. Mitchell, after observations carried on during thirty years, contends that the difference is equal to fourteen or fifteen degrees of latitude. Present State, &c. p. 257. NOTE XXXIX. p. 294. January 3d, 1765, Mr. Bertram, near the head of St,. John's river, in East Florida, observed a frost so intense, that in one night the ground was frozen an inch thick upon the banks of the river. The Umes, citrons, and banana trees, at St. Augustin, were destroyed, Bertram's Journal, p. 20. Other instances of the extraordinary operations of NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 401 cold, in the southern provinces of North America are col lected by Dr. MitchiU. Present State, p. 206, 8cc. Fe bruary 7th, 1747, the frost at Charlestown was so intense, that a person having carried two quart botties of hot wa ter to bed, in the morning they were split to pieces, and the water converted into solid lumps of ice. In a kitchen, where there was a fire, the water in a jar in which there was a live large eel, was frozen to the bottom. Almost all the orange and olive trees were destroyed. Descrip tion of South CaroUna, 8vo. Lond. 176I. NOTE XL, p. 295. A remarkable instance of this occurs in Dutch Guiana, a country every where level, and so low, that during the rainy seasons it is usually covered with water near two feet in height. This renders the soil so rich, that on the surface, for twelve inches in depth, it is a stratum of per fect manure, and as such has been transported to Barba does. On the banks of the Essequebo, thirty crops of ratan canes have been raised successively; whereas In the West-Indian islands not more than two is ever ex pected from the richest land. The expedients by which the planters endeavour to diminish tills excessive fertility of soU are various. Bancroft, Nat. Hist. ofGuiana,p. 10, &c. -NOTE XLI. p. 306. Muller seems to have beUeved, without sufficient evi dence, that the Cape had been doubled, tom. 1. p. H. &c. ; and the Imperial Academy of St. Petersburgh give some countenance to it by the manner in which Tschu- kotskoi-noss is laid down in their charts. But I am as sured, from undoubted authority, that no Russian vessel . has ever sailed round that cape ; and as the country of Tschutki is not subject to the Russian Empire, it is very imperfectly known. NOTE XLII. p. 309. Were this the place for entering into a long and intri cate geographical disquisition, many curious observations might arise from comparing the accounts of the two Rus sian voyages and the charts of their respective navigations. One remark is applicable to both. We cannot rtly with absolute certainty on the position which they assign to se- VOL, I. 2D 402 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS, veral of the places which they visited. The weather was ¦ so extremely foggy, that they seldom saw the sun or stars ; and the position of the islands and supposed continents was commonly determined by reckoning, not by observa tion. Behring and Tschirikow proceeded much further towards the east than Krenitzin. The land discovered by Behring, which he imagined to be part of the American continent, is in the 236th degree of longitude from tlie first meridian in the isle of Ferro, and in 58° 28' of lati tude. Tschirikow came upon the same coast in longi t. ¦ 241", lat. 56°. Muller, i. 248, 249. The former must have advanced 60 degrees from the port of Petropaw- lowski, from which he took his departure, and the latter 65 degrees. But from the chart of Krenitzin's voyage. It appears that he did not sail further towards the east than the 208th degree, and only 32 degrees from Petropaw- lowski. In 1741, Behring and Tschirikow, both ingoing and returning, held a course which was mostly to the soutli of that chain of islands, which they discovered ; and ob serving the mountainous and rugged aspect of the head lands which they descried towards the north, they sup posed thern to be promontories belonging to some part of the American continent, which, as they fancied, stretched as far south as the latitude 56. In this manner they are laid down in the chart published by Muller, and likewise in a manuscript chart drawn by a mate of Behring's ship, communicated to me by Mr. Professor Robison. But in 1769, Krenitziri, after wintering in the island Alaxa, stood so far towards the north in his return, that his course lay through the middle of what Behring and Tschirikow had supposed to be a continent, which he found to be an open sea, and that they had mistakeri rocky isles for the head-lands of a continent. It is probable, that the countries discovered in 1741, towards the east, do not be long to the American continent, but are only a continua tion ofthe chain of islands. The number of volcanos in this region of the globe is remarkable. There are several in Kamtchatka, and not one ofthe islands, great or smaU, as far as the Russian navigation extends, is without them. Many are actuaUy burning, and the mountains in aU bear marks of having been once in a state of eruption. Were I disposed to admit such conjectures as have found place in other inquiries concerning the peopUng of America, I might suppose tbat this part of the earth, having mani- NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 403 festly suffered violent convulsions frora earthquakes and vol canos, an isthraus, which may have formerly united Asia to America, has been broken, and formed into a cluster of islands by the shock. It is singular, that at the very time the Russian navi gators were attempting to make discoveries in the north west of America, the Spaniards were prosecuting the same design from another quarter. In 1769, two sniall vessels sailed frora Loretto in CaUfornia to explore the coasts of the qountry to the north of that peninsula. They advanced no further than the port of Monte-Rey in lati tude 36. But, in several successive expeditions fitted out from the port of St. Bias In New Galicia, the Spaniards have advanced as far as the latitude 58. Gazeta de Ma drid, March 19. and May 14. 1776. But as the journals of those voyages have not yet been published, I cannot compare their progress with that of the Russians, or show how near the navigators of the two nations have ap proached to each other. It is to be hoped that the en lightened minister, who has now the direction of Ameri can affairs in Spain, wiU not withhold this information from the pubUc. NOTE XLIII. p, 311. Our knowledge of the vicinity of the two continents of Asia and America, which was very imperfect when I pub lished" the History of America in the year 1777, is now complete. Mr. Coxe's Account of the Russian Discove ries between Asia and Araerica, printed in the year 1780, contains raany curious and important facts with respect to the various attempts of the Russians to open a com munication with the New World. The history of the great Voyage of Discovery, begun by Captain Cook in 1 776, and completed by Captains Clerk and Gore, pub lished in the year 1780, communicates all the information that the curiosity of mankind could desire with regard to this subject. At my request, my friend Mr. Playfair, Professor of Mathematicks in the University of Edinburgh, has com pared the narrative and charts of those iUustrious naviga tors with the more imperfect relations and maps of the Russians. The result of this comparison I communicate in his own words, with much greater confidence in his 2 D '>, 404 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. scientific accuracy, than I could have ventured to placfe in any observations which I myself might have made upon the subject. " The discoveries of Captain Cook in his last voyage have confirmed the conclusions which Dr. Robertson had drawn, and have connected together the facts from which they were deduced. They have now rendered it certain that Behring and Tschirikow touched on the coast of America in 1741 . The former discovered land in lat. 58° 28', and about 236° east from Ferro. He has given such a description of the Bay in which he anchored, and the high mountain to the westward of it, .which he calls St. Elias, that though the account of his voyage is much abridged in. the English translation. Captain Cook recog nised the place as he sailed along the western coast of America in the year 1778. The isle of St. Hermogenes, near the mouth of Cook's river, Schumagins Isles on the coast of Alashka, and Foggy Isle, retain in Captain Cook's chart the names which they had received from the Rus sian navigator. Cook's Voy. vol. 11. p. 347. " Tschirikow came upon the sarae coast about 2" 30' farther south than Behring, near the Mount Edgecumbe of Captain Cook. " With regard to Krenitzin, we .learn from Coxe's Ac count of the Russian Discoveries, that he sailed from the inouth of the Kamtchatka river with two ships in the year 1768. With his own shiTp he reached tbe_ Island Oono- laslika, in which there had been a Russian settlement siri,ce the year 1 762, where he wintered probably in the same harbour or bay where Captain Cook afterwards anchored. The other ship wintered at Alashka, which was supposed to be an island, though it be in fact a part of the Ameri can continent. Krenitzin accordmgly returned without knowing that either of his ships had been on the coast of America ; and this is the more surprising, because Cap tain Cook has informed us that Alashka is understood to be a great continent, both by the Russians and the natives ¦ at Oonolashka. "iVccording to Krenitzin, the ship which had wintered at Alaslika had hardly sailed 32° to the, eastward of the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul in Kamtchatka ; but, a.ccording to the more accurate charts of Captain Cook, it had sailed no less than 37° 17' to the eastward of that harbour. There is nearly the same mistake of 5° in the NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 405 longitude which Krenitzin assigns to Oonolashka. It is remarkable. enough, that in the chart of those seas, put in to the hand of Captain Cook- by the Russians on tha^ island, there Was an error of the same kind, and very near ly of the same extent. " But what is of most consequence to be remarked on the subject is, that the discoveries of Captain Cook have fully verified Dr. Robertson's conjecture " that it is pro bable that future navigators in those seas, by steering far ther to the north than Behring and Tschirikow or Kre nitzin had done, may find that the continent of America approaches still nearer to that of Asia." Vol. ii. p. 44. It has accordingly been found that these two continents, which, in the parallel of 55°, or that of the southern ex-, tremity of Alashka, are about four hundred leagues asun der, approach continually to one another as they stretch together toward the north, until, within less than a degree from the polar circle, they are terminated by two capes only thirteen leagues distant. The east cape of -Asia is in latitude 66° 6' and in longitude 190° 22' east from Green wich ; the western extremity of America, or Prince of Wales' Cape, is in latitude 65° 46, and in longitude 191" 45'. Nearly in the middle ofthe narrow strait (Behring's Strait) which separates these capes, are the two Islands of St. Diomede, from which both continents may be seen. Captain King informs us, that as he was sailing through this strait, July 5, 1779, the fog having cleared away, he enjoyed the pleasure of seeing from the ship the continents' of Asia and America at the sarae moment, together with the islands of St. Diomede lying between them. Cook'? Voy. vol. ill. p. 244, " Beyond this point, the strait opens towards the Arc tic Sea, and the coasts of Asia and America diverge so fast from one another, that in the parallel of 69° they are more than one hundred leagues asunder. Ib. p, 277. To the south of the strait there are a number of islands. Clerk's, King's, Anderson's, &,c., which, as weU as those of St. Diomede, may have facilitated the migrations of tiie na tives from the one continent to the other. Captain Cook, however, on the authority of the Russians at Oonolashka, and for other good reasons, has diminished the number of islands which had been inserted in former charts of the northem Archipelago. He has also placed Alashka, or the promontory which stretches from the contitientof Ame^ 406 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. rica S.- W. towards Kamtchatka, at the distance of five degrees of longitude farther from the coast of Asia than it was reckoned by the Russian navigators, "The geography of the Old and New World is there fore equally indebted to the discoveries made in this me- ttiorable voyage ; and as many errors have been corrected, and many deficiencies supplied, by means of these disco veries, so the accuracy of some former observations has been eistablished. The basis of the map of the Russian Erilpire, as far as regarded Kamtchatka, and the eouritry of the Tschutzki, was the position of four places, Ya- kutsh,Ocholz, Bolcheresk, and Petropawlowski, which had been determined by the astronomer Krassilnlcow in the year 1744; Nov. Comment. Petrop. vol. Ui. p. 465, &c. But the accuracy of his observations was contested by M. Engel, and M. Robert de Vaugondy; Coxe, Appfend.i. No, 2, p. 267- 272.; and the former of these geogra phers ventured to take away no less than 28 degrees froiri the longitude, which, on the faith of Krassilnicow's ob servations, was assigned to the eastern boundary of the Russian Empire. With how littie reason this -was done, wiU appear from corislderirig that our British navigators, havirig determined the position of Petrop a wlow"ski by a great number of very accurate observations, found the lon gitude of that port 158° 43' E. from Greenwich, and its latitude 53° l' ; agreeing, the first to less than seven mi nutes, and the secorid to less than half a minute, with the calculations of the Russian astronorner: a coincidence which, in the situation of ' so renaote a place, does not leave an uncertainty of more than four Eriglish miles, and which, for the credit of science, deserves to be particu larly remarked. The chief error In the Russian maps has ' been In not extending the boundaries of that Eiriplre suf ficiently towards the east. For as there -was nothing to connect the land of the Tschutzki and the north-east point of Asia with those places whereof the position had been carefrilly ascertaineid, except the imperfect accounts of Behring's and Synd's voyages, considerable errors could not fail to be introduced, and that point was laid down as not raore than 23° 2' east of the meridian of Petropaw lowski. Coxe, App. i. No. 2. By the observations of Captain King, the difference of lon^tude between Pe tropawlowski and the East Cape is 31° 9';- that is 80° 7' greater than it was supposed to be by the Russian geo- NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 407 graphers." — It appears from Cook's and King's Voy. iii. p. 272., that the continents of Asia and America are usu ally joined together by ice during winter. Mr. SamweU confirms this account of his superior officer. " At this place, viz. near the latitude of 66° N . the two coasts are only thirteen leagues asunder, and about midway between them lie two islands, the distance from which to either shore is short of twenty miles. At this place the natives of Asia could find no difficulty in passing over to the op posite coast, which is in sight of their own. That in a course of years such an everit would happen, either through design or accident, cannot admit of a doubt. The canoes which we saw among the Tschu tzski were capable of performing a much longer voyage; and, however rude they may have been at some distant period, we can scarcely suppose them unequal to a passage of six or se yen leagues. People might have been carried over by accident on floating pieces of ice. They might also have traveUed across on sledges or on foot ; for we have reason to believe that the strait is entirely frozen over in the win ter; so that, during that season, the continents, with re spect to the communication between them, may be consi dered as one land." Letter from Mr. SamweU, Scots Magazine for 1788, p. 604. It is probable that this Iri- terfesting portion of geographical knowledge will, in the course of a few years, receive farther' Improvement Soon after the publication of Captain Cook's last voyage, the great and enUghtened Sovereign of Russia, attentive to every thing that may contribute to extend the bounds of science, or to render it more accurate, forraed the plan of anew voyage of discovery, in order to explore those parts of tiie ocean lying between Asia and Araerica, which Captain Cook did not visit, to examine more accurately the islands which stretch from one continent almost to the other, to survey the north-east coast of the Russian Em pire, from the mouth of the Kovyraa, or Kolyma, to the North Cape, and to settle, by astronomical observations, the position of each place wrorth notice. The conduct of this important enterprise is committed to Captain Bill ings, an English officer in the Russian service, of whose abiUties for that station it wlU be deemed the best eyi- daice, that he accompanied Captain Cook in his last voy age. To render the expedition more extensively useful, an eminent naturaUst is appointed to attend Captain BiU- 408 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. ings. Six years will be requisite for accomplishing the purposes of the voyage. Coxe Supplement to Russian Discoveries, p. 27, &c. NOTE XLIV. p. 324. Few .travellers have had such Opportunity of observing the natives of America, in its various districts, as Don Antonio Ulloa. In a work lately published by him, he thus describes the characterlstlcal features of the race : " A very smaU forehead, covered with hair towards its ex tremities, as far as the middle of the eye-brows ; Uttle eyes ; a thin nose, small and bending towards the upper lip ; the countenance broad ; the ears large ; the hair very black, lank, and coarse ; the limbs well turned, the feet smaU, the body of just proportion ; and altogether smooth and free from hair, until old age, when they acquire some beard, but never on the cheeks." Noticias Americanas, &c. p. 307. M. le Chevaher de Pinto, who resided se veral years in a part of America which UUoa never visited, gives a sketch of the general aspect of the Indians there. " They are aU of copper colour with some diversity of shade, not in proportion to their distance from the equa tor, but according to the degree of elevation of the terri tory which they inhabit. Those who Uve in a high coun try are fairer than those in the marshy low lands on the coast. Their face is round, further removed, perhaps, than that of any people from an oval shape. 'Fheir fore head is small, the extremity of their ears far from the face, their lips thick, their nose flat, their eyes black, or of a chesnut colour, sraall, but capable of discerning objects at a great distance. Their hair is always thick and sleek, and without any tendency to curl. They have no hair on any part of their body but the head. At the first aspect a southern American appears to be mild and innocent, but on a more attentive view, one discovers in his counte nance something wild, distrustful and sullen." MS. penes .-me. The two portraits drawn by hands very different from those ^pf common traveUers, have a near resemblance. NOTE XLV. p. 325. Amazing accounts are given of the persevering speed of tbe Americans, Adair relates the adventures ofa Chlk- kasah warrlor,who ran through ivoods and over mountains. NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS, 409 three hundred computed mUes, in a day and a half and two nights. Hist, of Amer. Ind. 396. NOTE XLVI. p. 330. M. Godin le Jeune, who resided fifteen years among the Indians of Peru and Quito, and twenty years in the French colony of Cayenne, in which there is a constant intercourse witb the Galibis and other tribes on the Ori noco, observes, that the vigour of constitution among the Americans is exactly in proportion to their habits of la bour. The Indians, in warra cliraates, such as those on the coasts of the South Sea, on the river of Amazons, and the river Orinoco, are not to be compared for strength with those in cold countries ; and yet, says he, boats daily set out frora Para, a Portuguese settleraent on the river of Amazons, to ''ascend that river against the rapidity of the stream, and with the same crew they proceed to San Pa blo, which is eight hundred leagues distant. No crevv of white people, or even of negroes, would be found equal to a task of such persevering fatigue, as the Portuguese have experienced ; and yet the Indians, beihg accustomed to this labour from their infancy, perform it. MS. penes me. NOTE XLVII. p. 336. Don Antonio UUoa, who visited a great part of Peru and ChUi, the kingdom of New Granada, and several of the provinces bordering on the Mexican Gulf, while era ployed in the same service witii the French mathematicians during the space of ten years, and who afterwards had an opportunity of viewing the North-Americans, asserts, '" that if we have seen one American, we may be said to have seen them aU, their colour and make are so nearly the same." Notic, Americanas, p. 308. A more early observer, Pedro de Cieca de Leon, one of the conquerors of Peru, who had likewise traver.sed raany provinces of America, affirms tiiat the people, men and women, although there is such a multitude of tribes or nations as to be almost Innumerable, and such diversity of climates, ap pear nevertheless like the children of one father and mo ther. Chronica del' Peru, parte i. c. 19. There is, no doubt, a certain combination of- features, and peculiarity of aspect, which forms what may be called a European or Asiatic countenance. There must likewise he one that 410 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. may be denominated American, common to the whole race. This may be supposed to strike the traveller at first sight, while not only the various shades, which distinguish people of difterent regions, but the pecuUar features which discriminate individuals, escape the notice of a transient observer. But when persons who had resided so long among the Americans concur in bearing testimony to the similarity of their appearance in'every cUmate, we may conclude that it is more remarkable than that of any other race. See Ukewise Garcia Origen de los Indies, p. 54. 242. Torquemada Monarch. Indiana, ii. 57 1 . NOTE XLVIIL p. .339. M. le Chevalier de Pinto observes, that in the interior parts of Brasil, he had been informed that some persons resembling the white people of Darien have been found ; but that the breed did not continue, and their chUdren be came like other Americans. This race, however, is very imperfectly known. MS. penes me. NOTE XLIX. p. 341. The testimonies of different travellers, concerning the Patagonians, have been collected and stated with a consi derable degree of accuracy by the author of Recherches Philosophiques, Sic. tom. i. 281, &c. iii. 181, &c. Since the publication of his work, several navigators have visited the Magellanic regions, and, Uke their predecessors, dlffer_ very widely in their accounts of its inhabitants. By Com modore Byron and his crew, who sailed through the Straits in 1764, the common size of the Patagonians was esti mated to be eight feet, and many of thera much taUer. Phil. Transact, vol. ivii, p. 78. By Captains WaUls and Carteret, who actually measured them in 1 766, they were found to be from six feet to six feet five and seven inches in height. Phil. Trans, vol. lx. p. 22. These, however, seera to have been the very people whose size had been rated so high In the year 1764; for several of them had beads and red baize of the same kind with wbat had been put on board Captain Wallis's ship, and he naturally con cluded that they had got these from Mr. Byron. Hawkesw.i. In 1767 they were again measured by M. Bougainville, whose account differs little from that of Captain WalUs. Voy, 129. To these I shal} add a testimony of great NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 41 1" weight. Jn the year 1762, Don Bernardo Ibegnez de Echavarri accompanied Uie Marquis de ValdeUrios to BUenos Ayres, and resided there several years. He is a very intelUgent author, and his reputation for veracity un- irapeached among his countrymen. In speaking of the country towards the southem extremity of America, " By ¦vvhat Indians," says he, " is it possessed .' Not certainly by the fabulous Patagonians, who are supposed to occupy this district. I have from many eye-witnesses, who have Uved among those Indians^ and traded much with them, a true and accurate description of their persons. They are of the same stature with Spaniards, I never saw one who rose in height twp varas and two or three inches," i. e. about 80 or 81 .332 inches English, if Echavarri makes his computation according to the cara of Madrid. This agrees nearly wltii the measurement of Captain Wallis, Reyno Jesuitico, 238. Mr. Falkner, who resided as a missionary forty years in the southern parts of America, says that " the Patagonians, or Puelches, are a large bodied people ; but I never heard of that gigantic race which others have mentioned, though I have seen persons of all the differerit tribes of southern Indians." Introd. p, 26. M. Dobriz hoffer, a Jesuit, who resided eighteen years in Paraguay, and whp had seen great nurabers of the various tribes which inhabit the countries situated upon the Straits of Magellan, confirras, in every point, the testimony of his brother-missionary Falkner. Dobrizhoffer enters into some detail with respect to the opinions of several authors con cerning the stature ofthe Patagonians. Having mentioned the reports of sorae early travellers with regard to the ex traordinary size of some bones found on that coast which were supposed to be human ; and having endeavoufed to show that these bones belonged to some large marine or land animal, he concludes, " de hisce ossibus crede quic quid libuerit, dummodO, rae siiasore, Patagones pro giganti- busdeslnas habere." Hist. deAblssonibus, vol.ii, p, 19,&c, NOTE L. p. 345. Antonip Sanchez Ribeiro, a learned and ingenious phy sician, pubUshed a dissertation iri the year 1765, in which he endeavours to prpve, that this disease Was npt intro duced frpra America, but took its rise in Europe, and was brpught on by an epldetnical and maUgnant disorder. Did 413 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. I choose to enter into a disquisition on this subject, which I should not have mentioned if it had not been intiraately connected with this .part of my inquiries, it would not be difficult to point out some mistakes with respect to the facts upon which he founds, as well as spme errors in tbe con sequences which he draws from them. The rapid com munication of this disease from Spain over Europe, seems however to resemble the prpgress of an epidemic, rather than that of a disease transmitted by infection. The first mention of it is in the year 1493, and before theyear 1497 it had made its appearance in most countries of Europe, with such alarming symptoms as rendered it necessary for, the civil magistrate to interpose, in order to check its career. — Since the pubUcation ofthis work, a second edi tion of Dr. Sanchez's Dissertation has been communicated to me. It contains several additional facts in confirma tion of his opinion, which is supported with such plausible, arguments, as render it a subject of inquiry weU deserving the attention of learned physicians. NOTE LI.p,a49. The people of Otaheite have no denomination for any number above two hundred, which is sufficient for their transactions. Voyages, by Hawkesworth, li. 228. NOTE LII, p. 355. As the view which I have given of rude nations is ex treraely different from that exhibited by very respectable authors, it may be proper to produce some of the many authorities on which I found ray description. The man ners of the savage tribes in America have never been view ed by persons more capable of observing them with dis cernment, than the philosophers employed by France and Spain, in the year 1735, to determine the figure of the earth. M. Bouguer, D. Antonio d'Ulloa, and D. Jorge Juan, resided long among the natives of the least civilized provinces In Peru. M. de la Condamine had not only the same advantages with them for observation, but, in his voyage down the Maragnon, he had an opportunity of in specting the state ofthe various nations seated on its banks^ in ils vf^st coiirse across the continent of South America, There is a vyonderful resemblance in their representation of tiie character of the Americans. " They are aU ex-. NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 4 j 3 " tremely indolent," says M. Bouguer, " they are stupid, they pass whole days sitting in the same place, without raoving, or speaking a single word. It is not easy to de scribe the degree of their indifference for -wealth, and all its ,advantages. One does not well know what raotive to propose to them, when one would persuade thera to per forin any service. It is vain to offer them money ; they answer, that they are not hungry." Voyage au Perou, p. 102. " If one considers them as men, the narrowness of their understanding seems to be incpmpatlble with the excellence of the soul. Their imbecillity is so visible, that one can hardly form an idea of them different from what one has of the brutes. Nothing disturbs the tranquillity of their souls, equally insensible to disasters and to pro sperity. Though half-naked, they are as contented as a monarch in his most splendid array. Riches do not at tract them in the smallest degree, and the authority of dig nities to which they vpay aspire are so little the objects of their ambition, that an Indian will receive with the same indifference the office of a judge (Alcade) or that of a hangman, if deprived of the former and appointed to the latter. Nothing can move or change them. Interest has no power over them, and they often refuse to perform a small service, though certain of a great recompense. Fear makes no impression upon them, and respect as little. Their disppsitiori is sp singular that there is no method of "influencing them, no means of rousing them from that in difference which is proof against all the endeavours pf the wisest persons ; no expedient which can induce them to abandon that gross ignorance, or lay aside that careless negligence, which disconcert the prudence and disappoint the care of such as are attentive to their welfare." Voyage d'Ulloa, tom.i, 335. 356. Of those singular qualities he produces many extraordinary instances, p. 336 — 347. " Insensibility," says M. de la Condamine, " is the basis of the American character. I leave pthers to determine, whether this should be dignified with the name of apathy, or disgraced with that of stupidity. It arises, without doubt, from the- small number of their ideas, which do not extend beyond their wants. Gluttons even to voracity, when they have wherewithal to satisfy their appetite. Temperate, when necessity obUges them, to such a degree, tiiat they can endure want without seeming to desire any thing. Pusillanimous and cowardly to excess, unless when 414 NOTES AND TLLUSTRATJONS. they are rendered desperate by drunkenness. Averse to labour, indifferent to every motive of glory, honour, or gratitude ; Occupied entirely by the object that is present, and always determined by it alone, without any solicitude about futurity ; incapable of foresight or of reflection ; abandoning themselves, when unaer no .restraint, to a pu erile joy, which they express by frisking about and immo derate fits of laughter ; without object oi: design, they pass their lire without thinking, and grow old without advancing beyond childhood, of which they retain all the defects. If this description were applicable only to the Indians in some provinces of Peru, who are slaves in every respect but the name, one might believe,,that this degree of degeneracy was occasioned by the servile .dependence to which they are reduced ; the example of the raodern Greeks being proof how far servitude may degrade the huraan species. But the Indians in the missions of the Jesuits, and the savages who still enjoy unimpaired liberty, being as limiled in their faculties, not to say as stupid, as the other, one cannot ob serve, without humUiation, that man, when abaridoned to simple nature, and deprived of the advantages resulting from education and society, differs but little from the brute creation." Voyage de la Riv, de Amaz. 52, 53. M. de Chanvalon, an IntelUgent and philosophical observer, who visited Martinico in 1751, and resided there six years, gives the following description of the Caraibs : " It is not the red colour of their complexion, it is not the singularity of their features, which constitutes the chief difference be tween them and us. It is their excessive. simpUcity : itis the limited degree of their faculties. Their reason is not more enlightened or more provident than the Instinct qf brutes. I'he reason of the most gross peasants, that ofthe Negroes brought up in the parts of .Africa most remote from intercourse with Europeans, is such, that we discover appearances of intelligence, which, though imperfect, is capable of increase. But ofthis the understanding of the Caraibs seems to be hardly susceptible. If sound philo sophy and religion did not afford us their Ught, if we were to decide according to the first impression which the view , of that people makes upon the mind, we should be disposed to believe that they do not belong to the same species with us. Their stupid eyes are the true mirror of their souls ; it appears to be without functions. Tneir indolence is ex treme ; they have never the least solicitude about tbe mo- NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS, 4 1 5 ment which is to succeed that which is present." Voyage a la Martinique, p. 44, 45. 51. M. de la Borde, Tertre, and Rochefort confirm this description. "The charac teristics of the CaUfomians," says P. Venegas, " as well as of all other Indians, are stupi-dity and insensibiUty ; want of knowledge and reflection ; inconstancy, impetu osity, and blindness of appetite ; an excessive sloth, and abhorrence of all labour and fatigue ; an excessive love of pleasure and amusement of every kind, however trifling or brutal ; pusUlanimity ; and, in fine, a most wretched want of every thing, which constitutes the real mart, andrenders him rational, inventive, tractable, and useful to himself and society. It is not easy for Europeans, who never were out of their own country, to conceive an adequate idea of those people ; for, even in the least frequented comers of the globe, there is not a nation so stupid, of such contracted ideas, and so weak both in body and mind, as the un happy CaUfomians. Their understanding comprehends little more than what they see; abstract Ideas, and much less a chain of reasoning, being far beyond their power ; so that they scarce ever Improve their first ideas, and these are in genersl false, or at least inadequate. It is in vain to represent to them any future advantages which will re sult to them from doing or abstaining from this or that particular immediately present ; the relation of means and ends being beyond the stretch of their faculties. Nor have they the least notion of pursuing such intentions as will procure themselves some future good, or guard them against future evils. Their wUl is proportional to their faculties, and all their passions move in a very narrow sphere. Ambition they have noncj and are more desirous of being accounted strong than valiant. The objects of arabition with us, honour, farae, reputation, titles, posts, and distinctions of superiority, are unknown araong them ; so that this powerful spring of action, the cause of so much seeming good and real evU in the world, has no power , here. This disposition of mind, as it gives them up to an amazing languor and la!ssitude, their lives fleeting away in a perpetual'inactivity'and detestation of labour, so it likewise induces them to be attracted by the first object which their own fancy, or the persuasion of ano ther, places before them ; and at the same time renders them as prone to alter their resolutions with thesame facUity. They look with indifference upon any kindness done them ; nor is 4]5 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. even the bare reraerabrance of it to be expected from thetili In a word, the unhappy mortals may be compared to . chUdren, in whom the development of reason is not com- • pleted. They may indeed be called a nation who never arrive at raanhood." Hist, of CaUfornia,^ EngUsh Transl. i. 64. 67. Mr. Ellis gives a sirailar account of the want of foresight and inconsiderate disposition of the people adjacent to Hudson's Bay. Voyage, p. 194, 195. The incapacity of the Americans is so remarkable, that Negroes from all the different provinces of Africa are ob- .served to be more capable of improving by instruction. They acquire the knowledge of several particulars which the Americans cannot comprehend. Hence the Negroes, though slaves, value themselves as a superior order of beings, and look down upon the Araericans with con tempt, as void of capacity and of rational discernment. UUoa Notic. Americ. 322, 323, NOTE LIII, p. 361. Dobrizhoffer, the last traveUer I know who has resided among any tribe ofthe ruder Americans, has explained so fully the various reasons which have induced their women to suckle their children long, and never to undertake rear ing such as were feeble or distorted, and even to destroy a considerable number of their offspring, as to throw great Ught on the observations I have made, p. 72, 73. Hist. de Ablssonibus, vol. ii. p. 107.221. So deeply were these Ideas imprinted in the minds of the Araericans, that the Peruvians, a civilized pepple when compared with the barbarous tribes whose manners I am describing, retained thera ; and even their intercourse with the Spaniards has not been able to root them out. When twins are born in any family, it is stiU considered as an ominpus event, and the parents have recourse to rigorous acts of mortification, in order to avert the calamities witlv which they are threatened. When a child is bom with any deformity, they will not, if they can possibly avoid it, bring it to be bap tized, and it is with difficulty they can be brought to rear it. Arriaga Extirpac. de la Idolat. del Peru, p. 32, 33. END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. Printed by R. and A, TAirtoR, Shoe-Lane, Loadan. YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 9002 03579 9106