^esss^ YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY SOME JHOUGHT^iNlfBE" RECENT -CRITICISM .^.S ' s>' *We#nd; works '.*"-'. "OF *-"'' ::v- tfWiffl :^eing. i -A Preface -Newman and The Theory of the Via Media V :'A' Paper eritltle^ ^WMAN 'aW His DjTkACTp^ " ^Read;h; ^aiforethe NewmaySbciety^Novernber i8th,;i&^ wit,h_a,J^er - : in explanation of.N ewmanV use of Jhe term^eason j -?- V'- '-1 >""-, 5" A^Rejiew of Dr' Edwin Abbott's PHitOMYTHUS Reprinted: | .from the Lyceum for July, ' 1891..; ¦ ¦ .. < "j^i'^-^j _ - "J" ?£. .BY' ¦^&EiS» Xi W^SB^I J-" C - - -.-' ' MERTON COLLEGE, OXFORD. " .:"«;-..'-.;.. .-'-.'; '._¦ ¦"VJ-..T- j^e- v.>- -.~Ji--.. ;.-,--^;.J- . ¦--•'.¦¦-,,.¦.¦ ^- .¦--¦> ¦- -...¦¦ .- ^ -. -¦¦"¦¦...':¦ ;r;!. ~\J '-¦:¦¦¦ = -- ^m '-^~l\ ,. 'BY JAMES PARKER rANT^cS, • '¦¦ -.' ' ¦'--. V-* ¦•¦¦:!*. :.'« ¦ i ¦ ¦.'-.-."'& „-< : v; '»¦-> : < ¦si/..,"';)* -.i' iJ i.'ft^. '«? ^mMkm mmmmmmmmmmt. '¦ v'V .'¦'•'.-, ^ J' > ;-;:'¦¦'¦ 'V". ¦',-.?«*? : /V-' iy-' ^,'::\-ij'^/^.'A. -%!.*¦¦'- '^S-.-i;'1 ";>-'---i 'i-Xi v-if-"- '-¦'• ^-";°"' '•¦ '¦¦-',' • I'-v- c:-'V' >¦*¦' ?.«V-^i ¦ £¦£:¦'¦' s ¦!-;• ''''¦'.¦»--»--V-".'- ¦ ;¦*" ,W'V ¦:".'.-..->'i->'>-& -^ t j-'.t„ ;¦. ¦.".'•...-, ;.< ¦¦¦;-'.-?.-. ¦.^¦•- ¦¦¦-•¦•...;¦••¦ . .¦..;• - -. ¦'w-.s. ¦..-••'•-t;.i .-. /¦i v.,.-,-, ^ ":r"y ' " /-¦:iK'^r:^?-V..'-'rX'^:' "' ' ".' '' "' v ':-:,,' - ;'/Woulx> that others had confined themselves to this^-we will riot - '_'-¦ ~ say 'kind fand gentle; \mt—eguitableJone in 'their reproofs ! we speak-,, ";•.> ,i' '',',':"..' not of one- person' or another, but 'of the generality of. those who" - have felt it a duty to. animadvert on recent .converts to the Catholic -.'->.' r. ChurcK.:' /.We;. are riofhere crying, for) mercy, but asking justice, \ -'-..'U v^'5'- -'"demanding, common' English fairness';, we'have" a right to. expect^'. - ¦-"- ,"-v "^ [but we do not find, that considerate* compassionate, comprehensive^ , ' , ^,. „• . •¦judgment, upon their conduct] which, instead of fixing on particular""'. '" v"r"'v1 ,* isolated points in it* views, it' efs .a- whole) —uses the good, which'-"r^-u-;<7,;vi. vis its general character, Jo hide.its.in'cidental faults, makes" one part r -.¦ 'z'- r ., explain another, what is strong here excuse what is weak there, and '<_ -'.-/ ';'- Xi'.*" evident sincerity'of intention atone; for infirmity of performance ;— . i^'i'ii'^. •?,.'; 'which has'a regard to circumstances,- to the trial, of 'an afmost ^<'';.. '.**,.-.> -¦ 7 necessary'.' excitement, to', the necessity of actirig beyond criticism,.'-* C-'i'^-^ yet without- precedent, and of reaching, a certain, object when all--- ' .':; v ,; paths to' itrhaye respectively their' owii. difficulties.*. - We are^not*/". t.\jk;.'"= ~r apologizing; for their great 'and momentous . decision itself, but for. 's~:r. '^'jr -^ '¦&>. the peculiarities "which- have accompanied its execution^ if to do^.'.v'.ii.-' as' much as this, be considered afterr all asking for mercyj not..Tor.v ;j '': *'£¦.-' - equity, it 3s. only such' mercy, to say the least; as the.parties censnri.-^ . -"'ix.'; , ing, as: well as the parties, censured, will require themselves "on "-' '"i. *.,"•.¦>/¦; : a?day to come. In the well-known words of the poet-^ v . , «:,'_. :., ;>• .-; i-Xy:, ....":.-; . . - , - '"-'I-"- -iJtf? ".-.-'' ^\'Zt'' :"••¦' s ' '. , - ( In the course of justice, none of us . - :-, ¦ ; ." -;'l'" ' : . -' .: \'. ".c --' Should see salvation ; we do pray for mercy ; ¦':'. .'I - ~~ ' -^ v ' ^ .. . ¦ ' And that same prayer doth teach us all to render '..' " *¦ '"¦ .,'. , - The deeds of mercy.1 J " ' ' * ; i .' ^ . '-' . : . :"" ' - '¦"¦-. ' ' . -Newman : ; Essays Critical and Historical, vol. ii;; '< ; •¦ ;. -;•,.. SOME THOUGHTS ON THE RECENT CRITICISM OF THE LIFE AND WORKS OF JOHN HENRY CARDINAL NEWMAN, BEING I. A Preface : — Newman and The Theory of the Via Media. 2. A Paper entitled, "Newman and His Detractors." Read before the Newman Society, November iSth, 1891, with a Note in explanation of Newman's use of the term Reason ; 3. A Review of Dr. Edwin Abbott's Philomythus. Reprinted from the Lyceum for July, 1891. 1 BY WALTER K. FIRMINGER, MEE.TON COLLEGE, OXFORD. ¦'iK fjrinlsii for spfjfe^c- dtrrulatirnt BY JAMES PARKER AND CO., Crown Yard, Oxford. " Knowledge has two Extremities, which meet and touch each other. The first of them is pure Natural Ignorance, such as attends every Man at his Birth. The other is the Perfection attain'd by great Souls, who having run through the circle of all that Mankind can know, find at length that they know nothing, and are content to return to that Ignorance from which they set out. Ignorance that thus knows itself is a. wise and learned Ignorance. Those Persons who lie between these Extremities but cannot arrive at that Ignorance which is the effect of Wisdom, have a tincture of Science which swells them with Vanity and Sufficiency. These are the Men that trouble the World, and that make the falsest Judg ments of all Things in it. The Vulgar, and the truely-knowing, compose the ordinary Run of Men : those of the middle Character despise All, and in return are despised of All." — PascaPs Thoughts, Translated by Basil Kennet, D.D., 1731. REVISIONS. Page ix. Passage commencing in line 15 : — "We claim no present, &c," to line 23 : "perfected into one." Please remember that we are not discussing the undoubted infallibility of the One Episcopate (on which see St. Cyprian's treatise De Unitate Ecclesice, and the note on the forgeries appended to the Oxford Translation of the same), but of those dioceses which are collectively known as the English Church. Baptism is the great symbol of our Unity, but Unity must be preserved, and consequently there is a possibility of our ceasing to be in vital communion with the Church of our Baptism. Hence adhesion to the One Episcopate is an extension of the Baptismal obligation. This Unity is, however, organic rather than mechanical — of nature rather than will. Cf. St. Cyril on S. John xvii. 21 : St. Hilary, De Trin. viii. 13, et al loc. As regards " the search for truth," it must be remembered that for the Christian the phrase means nothing more than the devout investigation of Revelation. Page xi. Twelve lines from bottom I wrote the sentence commencing " But facts are prior, &c," under the influence of Dr. Salmon's Infallibility of the Church. The statement is of course deistic and untrue. Page 15. To note d add this quotation from Mark Pattison's Essay, " Phi losophy at Oxford " {Mind, Vol. I. No. 1, p. 85) :— " Long before Dr. New- man gave in his adhesion to the Papal Church, the philosophic basis of his mind had anticipated the Syllabus and the Encyclical." Page 23, note k- For " p. 125 " read <' 112- 116 (Popular Edition)." Page 24, line 1. For " was of the kind " read "was not of the kind." Page 38, note '. For "pp. 34-35" read "pp. 46-47 (Popular Edition). pp. 116— 118 (First Edition, Part IV.)." Page 42, six lines from bottom. On this point may I refer to my pub lished essay, " What then did Dr. Newman do ? " PREFACE. TN reading through the proofs of the first essay in this 1 pamphlet, it occurred to me that the remarks I have made on the subject of the Via Media ought not to find their way to the press unaccompanied by a few words of explanation, and I feel all the more bound to add this ex planation since an admiration for the genius of John Henry Cardinal Newman is likely to be construed as an unreserved acceptance of his teaching. As a member of the English Church, I am not able, of course, to follow Newman through the psychological gymnastics he has so brilliantly described in the Apologia Pro Vita Sua, and in issuing these essays it seems worth while to state the considera tions which, to my mind, invalidate the general argument he advanced in favour of secession from the National Church. The circumstances under which Newman felt it neces sary to formulate the theory of a Via Media, and the suspicion latent throughout the days of the Movement that the theory would not work, are described in my first essay. From the passage there quoted (p. 39) it will be seen that Newman's imaginative hold of Anglicanism could have at no time been strong, and this will easily be accounted for by the fact that, unlike Keble and Pusey, he had come from a family which, although Church-going, belonged to the then numerous class to whom the word Church represented few ideas and barren sympathies. In his work on the Prophetic Office, it is apparent that he had set out on what seemed to him a novel and somewhat doubtful attempt to present the Church with a theory by which it could carry on its existence when the Liberal party had severed its connection with the State. He B 2 IV PREFACE. seems to have been haunted by a suspicion that the "Establishment" is of the essence of the National Church, and that if the Liberals were allowed to work their will, they would inflict a " mortal operation " upon her constitution a. This indeed is one of the lines of attack he developed subsequently to his secession, but even before that gloomy event he seems to have had an implicit fear that things might be as he afterwards thought that he had discovered them to be. The Via Media was never part and parcel of " the theology of a religious imagination:" it never corresponded to the illative sense. He indeed could sympathise with the poetry in which Keble decked his Anglicanism : but then " poetry is the refuge of those outside Catholicism b." The distinction between poetry and the illative sense is by no -neans clear, but it would seem that Newman regarded the former as an artificial means of supplying the life and energy which the latter ought naturally, but for one reason or another in point of fact fails to supply. The point, however, is that Newman never adequately realised the objective existence of the English Church, and consequently he was unable fully to appreciate that his Church -membership was something far above his citizenship. In later days the scandals of the hybrid Jerusalem Bishopric scheme and the Gorham case did much to make his view plausible, but the fact remains that three out of the four contingencies0, which he de clared would destroy the essence of the English Church, have occurred, and the Church, so far from being weak- * Difficulties of Anglicans. Passim. Discourses to Mixed Con gregations, p. 251. b Cf. the important essay on John Keble in vol. ii. of Essays His torical and Critical. Newman's failure to see that his criticism would damage his own theory of Assent renders his brother's re marks on the Grammar plausible. Cf. The Early History of John Henry Newman. c i.e. The removal of the Bishops from the House of Lords ; the State recognition of Ecclesiastical ordinances; the Clerical Disa bilities Act, and legalisation of private prayer meetings. PREFACE. V ened, has, on the whole, been indefinitely strengthened by their occurrence. To these considerations it is only fair to add that the conduct and views of the Bishops of Newman's days were not consonant with any plausible theory of the Church. To appreciate the full significance of this fact it is only necessary to bear in mind the gross pluralism, neglect of obvious duties, and disbelief in their Apostolic mission which stands recorded in even the most ele mentary and impartial histories of the epoch of the Reform Bill. Newman himself records the state of doubt existing in the mind of a Bishop who had read one of the Tracts on the Apostolic Succession, which now-a-days would be thought commonplace, not to say dull. At the time of his secession Newman does not seem to have recognised that the night was dark before dawn. " Until," he had written some years before, " until we can produce a diocese, or place of education, or populous town, or colonial department, or the like, administered on our distinctive principles, as the diocese of Sodor and Man in the days of Bishop Wilson, doubtless we have not as much to urge in our behalf as we might haved." In God's providence he lived to see things otherwise, and on being confronted with the transformation, to declare that the ways of God are inscrutable ! It is a mistake, however, to suppose that Newman left his Church simply because he could not make the Via Media " work." He had discovered, " to his confusion and distress," in the antiquity to which Anglicans so con fidently appeal, not a model to be copied, but a record of and instigation to continuous development, and — alas for " The Via Media of the Anglican Church, p. 18. Perhaps one reason why secessions have been so numerous among Academics is because the art of Diocesan organisation as regards the Univer sities and in some cases the whole laity is " celare artem." But the revival of synods and the institution of Diocesan Societies, musical or for higher religious education, are earnests of the increasing recog nition of a life in the Church for laity as well as clergy. The English Church has now-a-days many a Bishop Wilson in her service. VI PREFACE. his theory !— that the Via Media had been the professed method of heresy. Now it is here that Newman was led astray by his imagination. " Here," he thought, "here are Semi- Arians and Monophysites practising, like us, a Via Media ! " It does not seem to have occurred to him to inquire whether these sects held a true or only a pretended Via Media. The fact that they were willing to make a compromise, and attempt to conciliate both parties, struck his imagina tion, and his judgment was held in fetters. For it is obvious that a true policy of Via Media is not the vulgar one of compromise. It is not a mere giving of so much to one party and so much to another — an attempt to win peace at the expense of truth. It is rather the constant habit, which philosophers have styled the Modern Critical Method, of getting behind two apparent contradictions, with a view to their ultimate reconciliation by a synthesis of what is true, and a cancelling of what is fallacious in either statement. And the right use of this method, and a condemnation of its abuse, is afforded by the history which caused Newman so much consternation. History records that the Semi-Arians placed peace before truth, and like those who teach doctrines thought to be socially useful but intrinsically false, they would have offered to God the unclean sacrifice of a lie. While, then, the Semi-Arians are an instance of that dishonest policy of compromise, the Church's condemnation of Arianism may, on the other hand, he regarded as a Via Media. The whole question may be stated as two contra dictions, antinomies, apparent irreconcilables. The term " Father " may or may not represent an analogy qf the relationship between the First and Second Persons of the Blessed Trinity. If, as the Arian contended, all the ideas which the human mind associates with the term " Father " apply to the First Person, then it is clear that He must be prior in time to the Son. The Church did not attempt to hush the matter up by a compromise, which could only have been struck on the assumption that the Revelation of the Father in the Son is " not worth PREFACE. Vli bothering about." So far from that she condemned Arianism, because a complete application of the human ideas of fatherhood to the Blessed First Person would derogate from the Godhead of the Divine Son. Truth was the sole object of the Church, and in striking directly for the truth she hit upon a Via Media, since her declara tion placed it beyond doubt that the Arian erred in that he failed to perceive that the whole truth cannot be expressed by a single analogy e. Great and subtle as Newman's intellect was, it is only too apparent that he misunderstood the nature of anti nomies and the Via Media. In the Grammar of Assent he gives two statements apparently irreconcilable, and yet in themselves true. Space is infinite ; God only is infinite. A mystery according to him lies in the fact that both statements must be true in themselves, but together they seem incompatible f. It has been argued that these thoughts were suggested to him by his reading of either Kant or Coleridge, but this has been met by his own some what curious statement that neither he nor even Keble and Pusey had read or possessed a work of either of these thinkers s. But whether the antinomies were suggested to him by Origen or Clement, or came from his own subtle intellect, matters little ; the point is that he hardly appre ciated the method by which they may be met. This may be thought a bold saying, but it is borne out by his unfortunate note to a passage in the Via Media : " An extreme is not wrong as such, else there would be something wrong in the idea of Divine Infinity11." There would be something very wrong indeed in the ideas of the theologian who regarded the Divine Infinity as the ex- e Newman in a juvenile C.P.B., quoted in his Letters and Corre spondence, makes similar remarks on the simile " The Lamb of God." ' See below, p. 24. Una letter to W. S. Lilly. Any one who has read Pusey's In quiry into the Probable Causes of Rationalism in German Theology will certainly believe that the Cardinal's memory must have failed him. k The Via Media of the Anglican Church, p. 42. Viii PREFACE. treme negation of limitation. God is surely called Infinite because He is bounded by no other nature than His own. The mere negation of limitation answers more to the nature of evil than any other idea. If then we distinguish between a Via Media and a com promise, we shall also see that a Via Media is but one aspect — the polemic aspect of the search for truth. Fear lessness and honesty are the characteristics of that search, and if (imagined) peace is put before truth the Via Media by its nature becomes impossible. And just as corruption is, in Newman's words, the peculiarity of Rome, so com promise is the peculiarity of the Via Media. There are few men in whom there are not germs of Latitudinarianism, and the majority reck little of their responsibility for the opinions they hold. It is just because the English Church has cherished a tendency to prefer moral worth to adherence to truth, that she has for so long a space found herself face to face with a people for whom she imagines there is no message. She has pursued a passive policy, and has not responded to the many calls she has receivedto speak with no uncertain voice. Even at the present moment she seems but half aware of the hostility she will have to face if she leaves the cause of the agricultural labourer without a word of sympathy. This remark may seem out of place, but in reality it is not so. Voicelessness is a result of a degeneration from principle. The English Church has a message for classes and masses, but for reasons of a not reputable description she fails to deliver her charge. She is silent when she ought to speak, she is disunited when she ought to be united, she tolerates where she ought to expel, because in so many secondary cases she prefers peace to truth. While candidly admitting to the fullest extent the evils which spring from the human use of a divine instrument, I must urge that Newman missed the true alternative when he wrote : — " It is quite true that the ethos or temper of ' Romanism,' when contrasted with Protestantism, is excess, and that Protestantism viewed relatively to « Romanism ' is in defect ; but in a state of things in which PREFACE. ix the mean teaching of a so-called ' Catholic ' truth is non existent, and the choice lies between the one and the other extreme, who would not prefer that Romanism which has an excess of life to that of Protestanism, which is deficient in it ? " Surely the true alternative is not to despair of the golden mean, not to be prodigal because we cannot be perfectly temperate, and prodigality is preferable to 'stinginess.' The mean can perhaps only be com pletely approximated in another world than this, and if so this is but a reason why with greater earnestness we should pray (and work) " Thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven." It is our duty as English Churchmen to try and get as near the mean as we can, not to be first one thing and then another, not to fly to excess of life because excess is preferable to deficiency. We claim no present perfection ; we have wandered often far from the mean. But it is no part of our theory to claim infallibility other than that which is secured to those who whole-heartedly and fearlessly would tread the way by the promise that those who seek shall find. It is no part of our theory that we are united by any other visible unity than our membership in Christ by Baptism by reason of which we are to be " perfec ted into one '." It is not indeed, as St. Augustine so beauti fully says, it is not for what we are, but what we are coming to be, that God loves us. We press towards the mark : and our faculties grow as we use them. All we learn from Science, all we learn from Morals, tell us that balance of principle is a great and fundamental condition of life. In the conduct of the best of men there will be deviations just as there are deviations from the shortest course in the race of the most trained athlete : the principle of progress is the conscious attempt to make those deviations the slighter and the fewer. Regarding Newman's criticism of the Via Media as fallacious, I am bound to confess that the Via Media 1 I use " membership " here to imply organic membership or one ness of life. It is important to draw attention to this on account of the common mistake of separating the notes of the Church from the work of the Holy Spirit. X PREFACE. would in itself be a somewhat weak position for a Church to base itself upon. For, as Newman truly says, " Pro testantism and Popery are real religions: no one can doubt about them : they have furnished the mould in which nations have been cast : but the Via Media, viewed as an integral system, has had no existence except on paper ; it is known not positively but negatively, in its differences from the rival creeds, not in its own pro perties ; and can be only described as a third system, neither the one nor the other, but with something of each, cutting between them, and as if with a critical fastidious ness, trifling with them both, and boasting to be nearer antiquity than either." These words do undoubtedly describe the prima facie appearance of the Via Media, and as I have remarked in the first essay, very few of the great Anglican divines have really attempted to draw up their systems on the lines of a Via Media. It is true that the general policy of the English Church has been to steer clear of Papal or Protestant innovations, but the real positive aim has not been merely a constant evasion of extremes, but a holding to the Doctrine of the Cross k. In striving to remain true to the faith once delivered, the Church has been compelled to free doctrine after doctrine from the corruptions and defections of the maximisers and the minimi.sers respectively, and so a Via Media has been a concomitant of her action, although by no means her direct object1. To suppose that the concomitant was the policy itself is to make the same mistake which led Newman so terribly astray when the Semi-Arian and Monophysite difficulties began to pulverise his Angli canism"1. The passage from Dean Church's Oxford Movement, quoted on pp. 40-1, has been much misinterpreted. He k This sentence will recall Bishop Ken's well-known words. 1 The employment of an analogy being thrust upon one, it is hard to express the case with ease. m An excellent criticism of the passages in the Apologia dealing with the Semi-Arians and Monophysites will be found in the Preface to Canon Bright's Lessons from the Lives of Three Great Fathers. PREFACE. xi wisely remarks that the English Church does not base its claim to the allegiance of Englishmen on the fact (which ought to be recognised) that she offers a sound middle course between extremes, but because, despite all brilliant but one-sided logical counter-theories, she represents most fully to her children " the mind that was in Christ Jesus." He does not, as some controversialists and Reviews have asserted, he does not ask us to be indifferent to logic, or to remain in the Church simply because we were born Englishmen, but, he contends, we have our Sparta, and if our theories represent facts, we shall be compelled to admit that our Sparta, if "a rough and incomplete one," can nevertheless be made to represent the cause of Christ in the world. The appeal from theories to facts always seems a step from a higher to a lower ground, yet after all there is nothing more tragic than an unrealisable ideal, nothing more pernicious than a confusion of the real with the ideal. The English Church represents in this respect the much-abused English good sense which refuses to be blinded to the real state of things by the acceptance of a theory which would make them appear as ab initio otherwise than what they are. The fundamental error of Romanism is that its theories flatter and so misrepresent the facts, while on the other hand there is perhaps a tendency in Anglicanism to under-estimate facts. But facts are prior to theories, and if we look at things in a broad light we shall see that the Infallibilist theory no more represents the Divine governance of the world (which leaves men the freedom of will and intellect to work out their own salvation) than the crudest of a priori sciences represents the whole life of man in his Social, and Political, and Religious relationship. I venture, then, to think that in this Preface I have stated the reasons that will at least account for my non- acquiescence in the whole programme of " Newmanian- ism." Of their sufficiency others may judge, but to me Newman's polemical writings on Anglicanism, though wonderfully eloquent and often ingenious, seem somehow Xll PREFACE. intellectually weak. I sincerely trust that nothing I have said may seem harsh or impertinent, and I should be very grieved if anything I said in controversy should give pain to those who are dear to me in friendship. But a great admiration is a sin against a hero if it is in any sense irrational, and well-intentioned criticism is the highest tribute that can be paid to a genuinely great genius. In conclusion, I must add that the first essay was not written with a view to publication, and I originally sent it to the press with no other purpose than to have some notes on the subject by me in a handy form. As, how ever, there seems but little chance that my notes will be used for the purpose for which they were somewhat ambitiously first intended, I am sending them out for publication with a vague hope that they may be in some way useful to their purchasers. I must not, however, forget to thank the Editor of the Lyceum for his per mission to reprint the Review of Philomythus which first appeared in his columns, and my friend, the Rev. H. J. Browne, S.J., who so kindly " licked it into shape." W. K. F. Rome, Jan. 26th, 1892. 4fefomatt atttr ijts IBttrattors a. IN the course of a discussion which took place at Adding- ton in 1877, Archbishop Tait was asked to give his view of Newman's character, and the reply which he made is remarkable, since it seems in a few sentences to focus much of the hostile criticism that has been made since and even before Newman's death. " I have always,'' he answered, " regarded Newman as having a strange duality of mind. On the one side is a wonderfully strong and subtle reasoning faculty, on the other hand a blind faith, raised almost entirely by his emotions. It seems to me that in all matters of belief he first acts on his emotions, and then he brings the subtlety of his reason to bear, till he has ingeniously persuaded himself that he is logically right. The result is a condition in which he is practi cally unable to distinguish between truth and falsehoodb." What truth there may be in the assertion that Newman built his religious teaching on a "blind faith raised almost entirely by his emotions" will be seen when we come to dis cuss the theory of a "Theology of a Religious Imagination0" he formulated in the Grammar of Assent and described in the Apologia, but the point to be noticed at present is that Archbishop Tait gave a short and lucid account of the impression which Newman's works seem to imprint on students who are not prepared to accept the Tractarian standpoint as philosophically tenable. Leslie Stephen entertains the readers of the monthlies with elaborate proofs of the Cardinal's scepticism, and Dr. Fairbairn, by an ingenious caricature of Bishop Butler's arguments, thinks that the scepticism canjnot only be proved but * Read before the Newman Society, November 15th, 1891, in Mr. A. Blennerhassett's Rooms, Balliol. b Life of Archibald Campbell Tait, Archbishop of Canterbury, vol. i. p. 89. ' Grammar of Assent, p. 171. The expression is Newman's. 14 Newman and his Detractors. accounted for. Dr. Abbott, with far less ability and decent feeling, has also made what may charitably be called a quixotic attack on the giant his imagination has called into existence, and has, like Cervantes' hero, come from the fray with more damage to his own glorious self than the object of his attack. But after all, the line of criticism is iriore or less identical in each case. Newman, complains Leslie Stephen, tenaciously clings to either horn of a dilemma, and although fully conscious of his uncomfortable position, absolutely refuses to admit that he is acting fllogically and therefore unphilosophically : Newman, Principal Fairbairn argues, held Butler's prin ciples of probability the guide of life, and the supremacy of the conscience, and these are mutually contradictory : Newman, writes Dr. Abbott, with an apparent implication that he himself is right with God, and Newman was not and could never possibly have been, — Newman based his religion not on reasonable apprehension, not even on a worthy emotion, but on a degrading sense of craven fear. The argument in each case is in essence identical, and Mr. Meyrick perhaps is unconscious that his criti cism is far from original when he writes in the pages of the Foreign Church Chronicle : — " It is -interesting to see the employment to which Newman put his intellect. It was not the directing force within him, but it was a faculty of extraordinary power which he used like a powerful slave to which he gave his orders, for reconciling to his own conscience any course that his will and affections had previously determined upon. It was so subtle that it befooled him, and easily persuaded him that anything that he chose to do or to say was right. His mind was naturally sceptical, like his brother's, but his affections forced him to resolve, by an act of will, to be a believer, and his intellect was then called on to justify his resolution to himself and to the world. The more that this process went on — and it grew upon him with his years — belief lost the true character of belief and became acceptance. Whether he gave an inward assent to a tenet, or whether he did not, he would accept it if it came from a quarter to which he was inclined to pay deference. We know that in his heart he regarded the doctrine of the Pope's infallibility as the work of ' an insolent and aggressive faction ; ' nevertheless, as soon as it was declared, he accepted it, not with what we understand by belief, but (by the help of his ' grammar ') with assent. So with the dogma of the Immaculate Newman and his Detractors. 1 5 Conception. He accepted it when declared d, and condescended to justify it by arguing in its favour from a known misreading in Irenasus, the true character of which he ignored till he was compelled to acknowledge it. ... . " The record of Newman's life will be a sad one. It will be the record of one who, endowed with great powers, warm affections, strong will, high purpose, and a desire to do right, damaged pro foundly the cause which he had most at heart, and promoted that which he most abhorred." Before proceeding to criticise the view thus baldly stated, it is worth while to quote what Dr. Martineau has to say on the question at issue. " Whence," he asks, " arises that strange mixture of admiration and of distrust of which most readers and hearers of John Henry Newman are conscious ? Often as he carries us away by his close dialectic, his wonderful readings of the human heart, his tender or indignant fervour, there remains a small speck of misgiving which we can never wipe out. The secret, perhaps, lies in this — that his own faith is an escape from an alternative scepticism, which receives the veto not of his reason but of his will. He has, after all, the critical not the prophetic mind. He wants immediateness of religious vision. Instead of finding his eye clearer and his foot firmer the deeper he sinks to the ultimate ground of trust, he hints that the d In regard to this statement, it is important to notice that Newman had not only held but preached the doctrine of the Imma culate Conception. Thus in the Discourses to Mixed Congregations, he says : " First consider that, since Adam fell, none of his seed but has been conceived in sin ; none save one. One exception there has been. Who is that one? Not our Lord Jesus, for He was not con ceived of man, but of the Holy Ghost. I mean His Virgin Mother, who .... never was partaker in fact of Adam's transgression " (Dis course Hi., p. 49). And again, on p. 355, "She never incurred, in fact, Adam's deprivation." These Sermons were preached nearly five years before the Definition of 1854. In the second place, it should be noticed that Mr. Meyrick has quoted the famous letter to Bishop Ullathorne very unfairly, and has drawn from it a conclusion which the Cardinal over and over again in his lifetime was at pains to repudiate. What Dr. Newman condemned as the work of ' an insolent, aggressive faction ' was not the doctrine of the Pope's infallibility (that he himself held im plicitly), but the erection of this doctrine to the rank of a necessary dogma. Cf. the Letters edited by John Oldcastle. Dr. Salmon admits in his Infallibility of the Church the unfair construction which has been placed on these words. 1 6 Newman and his Detractors. ight is precarious, and that your step may chance on the water or the rock in the abysmal realm. The tendency of the purest religious insight is ever to quit superficial and derivative beliefs, and seek the primitive roots where the finite draws life from the Infinite. The awfulness of that position, the direct contact of the human spirit with the Divine, the loneliness of communion when all media of church and usage are removed, do not appal the piety of the noblest mood. With Dr. Newman the order is reversed. He loves to work with the upper strata of the minds with which he deals, detecting their inconsistencies, balancing their wants, satisfying them with the mere coherence and relative sufficiency of their belief, but encouraging them to shrink from the last questioning. With himself, indeed, he sometimes goes deeper, and descends towards the bases of all devout belief; but evidently with less assurance as his steps pass down. The ground feels to him less and less solid as he penetrates from the deposits of recent expe rience into the inner laboratory of the world ; and it is only when he stands upon the crust, and takes it as it is, that he loses the. fear that it rests upon the flood. His certainties are on the surface, and his insecurities below. With men of opposite character, often reputed to be sceptical, doubt is at the tope, and it is as the swaying of water that is calm below, and sleeps in the entire mass within its granite cradle. He seems to say within himself, ' There is no bottom to these things that I can find ; we must put one there ; and only mind that it be sufficient to hold them in, sup posing it to be real.' He deals, in short, with the first truths of religion as hypotheses, not known or knowable in themselves, but recommended by the sufficient account they give of the facts, and the practical fitness of belief in them to our nature. He denies the existence for our mind of anything hviiroBerov, and treats even our highest persuasions as a provisional discipline, wholesome for us to retain, whether they be harmless errors or eternal truths'." I must apologise for inflicting on my hearers so lengthy a quotation, but the extreme beauty of the metaphor and e Doubt can never be " at the top.'' Doubt is essentially a process of the mental under-mmmg. Hence Newman's remark that diffi culties are natural but doubts sinful, is very apposite. But it is Philistinism to spoil the beauty of Martineau's simile. ' Essays, Reviews, and Addresses, vol. ii. pp. 233-4. Dr. Routh • " who has been reserved to report to a forgetful generation what was the theology of their fathers," used to make the fundamental advice to theology students, "Verify your References." The application of this advice to some of Dr. Martineau's quotations from Pusey's Rational Character of German Theology pruduces interesting results. Newman and his Detractors. 1 7 wonder of Dr. Martineau's style, which I venture to think is only occasionally surpassed by Newman himself, must be taken as a sufficient warrant for my so doing. It is by way of being a truism that to understand a man thoroughly you must know something of his prede cessors, and it is still more a platitude to say that accredi ted truths slumber deep. Consequently no excuse is needed for prefacing what I have to say about the genuineness of various portraits which Newman critics have sketched by a few words in explanation of what may be considered one of the most prominent features in nineteenth century religious thought. It is not capable of denial that, inas much as the philosophy of the century has, to so great an extent, been an appeal from the intelligence to the moral consciousness, the work of such thinkers as Carlyle, Browning, and Newman, has a prima facie sceptical bearing, although Newman, in making the moral con sciousness but one of the several departments of the evidence over which the intelligence, like a Platonic justice, must act as judge, can, with far less reason than the majority of his contemporaries, be attainted of scepticism. The thought of the generation which New man in religion, Carlyle in philosophy, and Browning in poetry, resolutely set themselves to destroy, had been of such a nature as to starve the religious and moral emotions, and thereby to deprive the intellect of its proper nutriment. In philosophy men had been striving to realise a positive knowledge of the laws controlling human destiny by collecting the various shreds of de monstrable truth into a vast encyclopaedic system from which the supernatural was to be rigorously eliminated. The theologian conscious of the precariousness of his position had attempted to meet the deist or materialist, as the case might be, on his own ground, and in so doing had forgotten the great fact that true religion is only secondarily a system of philosophy. Even the saintly Butler, for those who are cognisant of his inner life must know that his was a saintly character, had con descended to assume for purposes of resistless argument c 1 8 Newman and his Detractors. that a high state of probability is a sufficient basis for the Christian faith to build on. But, after all, the John sons, Beveridges, Butlers, and Wilsons were a respectable minority ; and Mark Pattison makes little exaggeration when in summing up the results of the eighteenth-century attempt to place theology on a rational basis of external evidence, he writes : — "Theology is— 1st, and primarily, the contemplative speculative habit, by means of which the mind places itself already in another world than this ; a habit begun here to be raised to perfect vision hereafter. 2ndly, and in an inferior degree it is ethical and regula tive of our conduct as men, in those relations which are temporal and transitory. Argumentative proof that such knowledge is possible can never be substituted for the knowledge without detriment to the mental habit. What is true of an individual is true of an age. When an age is found occupied in proving its creed, this is but a token that the age has ceased to have a proper belief in it." '' If the religious history of. the eighteenth century," he continues, " proves anything it is this : — That good sense, the best good sense, when it sets to work with the material of human nature and Scripture to construct a re ligion, will find its way to an ethical code, irreproachable in its contents, and based on a just estimate and wise observation of the facts of life, ratified by Divine sanctions in the shape of hope and fear, of future rewards and penalties of obedience and disobedience. This the eighteenth century did and did well. . . . When it came to the supernatural part of Christianity its embarrassment began. It was forced to keep it as much in the background as possible, or to bolster it up by lame and inadequate reasonings. The philosophy of common sense had done its own work ; it attempted more only to shew, by its failure, that some higher organon was needed for establishment of supernatural truth. The career of the evidential school, its success and failure .... have enriched the history of doctrine with a complete refutation of that method as an instrument of theological investigation *." From a theology of such a nature all that was poetic and pious in man revolted.. The emotion of the soul, like a mountain torrent swollen by winter snows, had broken down the barriers with which the logician sought to impede its course, and now ever increasing sought to carry all before it. The night of the everlasting nay was far passed, and * Essays and Reviews, "Tendencies of Religious Thought in England." Cf. Newman, University Sermons, pp. 194, 199. Newman and his Detractors. 19 the morn of the everlasting yea at hand. " Undine had found her love ; the genius of poetry had kissed the sleeping spring, and as it opened its laughing eyes all the roses exhaled their sweetest perfumes, and all the nightingales sang." The world had woken to the truth that there is something in man greater than history, greater than philosophy, something which can only find monumental expression in poetry or religion. It was the era of German Romanticism, of Goethe's Poetry, of Coleridge's Philosophy, of Scott's novels, and soon of Keble's Christian Yearh, and it was at such a crisis that Newman, deserting his ancestral faith in a God whom James Mill recklessly declared to be " the ne plus ultra of wickedness," freed himself from the horrors of Cal vinism with its gloomy fatalism and implicit deism. If we look back on Newman's history, we shall, I think be convinced of the slight evidence on which most of the criticism depends, and indeed this is perhaps the most fitting way of dealing with those who sceptically cry, shew us some token for good. At any rate, it is the method the Cardinal chose in dealing with Mr. Kingsley, who, like his Hereward, possessed an untiring energy for hitting furiously at what he believed wrong, and, once more like Hereward, found his match at last. In passing on to our story, we can hardly help paying homage to the sincerity without which the Apologia could never have won its cause with the English world as it has done, which alone made possible that wonderfully objective autobiography to be found among the letters in Miss Mozley's volumes. The secret of the completeness of the self-revelation is the love of truth which has never been sinned against. Newman is describing himself not in order that he may win what he always despised and over and over again sacrificed — the admiration of his contemporaries, he is stating what conscience tells him to be the plain history of his religious experience, and he cares little what men may think when '¦ Cf. Newman's Letter to Dr. Jelf in Via Media, vol. ii. p. 386, and Oakley's Tractarian Movement, pp. 11, 12. C 2 20 Newman and his Detractors. God is Judge. " Commit thy way to the Lord and trust in Him, and He will do it. And He will bring forth thy justice as the light, and thy judgment as the noon day." Such letters as have been given to the public, together with the early passages in the Apologia, and the descrip tion of the mind of ' an average child ' in the Grammar of Assent will, I think, give a pretty complete description of Newman's boyhood and early temperament. Writing to him when at Dr. Nicholas' school at Ealing, his mother gives expression to the loving confidence she and her husband placed in their pet child. " I feel," she says, " great comfort in the conviction that you will always act to the best of your knowledge." What a wonderful antici pation of what was to come in later years. This ad herence to what his conscience commanded as right is the mark of Newman's greatness, and at the same time it lent fuel to the flames of self-will and even intolerance which characterised his action in the storm and stress period of the Tractarian Movement. Miss Mozley records how, after an infantile struggle for mastery between mother and son — the loving mother and strong-willed child — she reminded him : " You see, John, you did not get your own way." " No," he replied, " but I tried very hard." You may depend upon it that the boy all along conscientiously believed himself in the right. We shall see at a later period manifestations of the same spirit which almost seem at times to amount to a depressing lack of mental balance. One of the most salient features in Newman's life is the dependence of his character upon his faith. In his boyhood, there is something almost morbid about the hidden life so carefully thrust back behind an outward cover of plodding docility, shewing itself in alternate fits of self-will and noble anger. The religious life is developing at an abnormally rapid rate, and deprived, as it is, of access to those chan nels to which the teaching of his parents barred the way, it naturally diffuses itself into mysticism. " I was," he says, " very superstitious, and for some time previous to Newman and his Detractors. 2 1 my conversion (when I was fifteen) used consciously to cross myself on going into the dark '." You can clearly see in the going out of his mind to the heavenly an evidence of the fact that when self-conscious ness comes with later years, a Church stripped of its sacra mental teaching will not be able to hold him. When he was nineteen he wrote a record of his boyish thoughts and feelings on religious subjects. " I used to wish the Arabian tales were true. My imagination ran on unknown influences, on magical powers, and talismans. I thought life must be a dream, or I an angel, and all this world a deception, my fellow-angels, by a playful device, concealing themselves from me, and deceiving me with the semblance of a material world '." All this, Dr. Abbott tells us, is a substantial proof of credulity ; your hero will in the sequel " fly on the wings of an unbounded scepticism into the bosom of an un- fathomed superstition." What hope for a man who claims for his religion a continuous development, and who boldly makes no hesitation about telling us that as a boy he wished the Arabian Nights were true? I must confess that Newman's early mysticism is to me not so much the evidence of innate credulity as of a deep religious feeling, to which the religion of his parents failed to minister. When I see a girl playing with a doll, I do not take her obvious pleasure in so doing as a proof of a mind naturally prone to credulity, so far from that I am touched and even struck with awe at the fact that the toy is one of the primary channels of an emotion which in due time is to ripen into a mother's love. That I came into the world crying is, I hope, no evidence of a morbid temperament ; on the contrary, I know for certain that my crying re sulted from the expansion of my lungs, which now enables me to laugh as heartily as Carlyle's Professor laughed on a certain memorable occasion. One of the most remarkable facts about Philomythus is, that although it aims a somewhat venomous attack at Newman, from first page to last you will not find a single 1 Apologia, p. 2. J Ibid., p. 2. 22 Newman and his Detractors. word about the Grammar of Assent, save in one place where the reverence in which it is generally held is appealed to as an evidence of Newman's popularity. It is impossible, despite the almost obvious probability, that Dr. Abbott has attacked Newman without having read his principal work. But an account of Newman's boyish faith is surely incomplete if we except from it the masterly account of a child's religion given in the Grammar : — " It is my wish to take an ordinary child, but still one who is safe from influences destructive of his religious instincts. Supposing he has offended his parents, he will all alone and without effort, as if it were the most natural of acts, place himself in the presence of God, and beg of Him to set him right with them. Let us consider how much is contained in this simple act. First, it involves the impres sion on his mind of an unseen Being with whom he is in immediate relation, and that relation so familiar that he can address Him when ever he himself chooses ; next, of One whose goodwill towards him he is assured of, and can take for granted— nay, who loves him better, and is nearer to him, than his parents ; further, of One who can hear him, wherever he happens to be, and who can read his thoughts, for his prayer need not be vocal ; lastly, of One who can effect a critical change in the state of feeling of others towards him. That is, we shall not be wrong in holding that this child has in his mind the image of an Invisible Being, who exercises a par ticular providence among us, who is present every where, who is heart-reading, heart-changing, ever-accessible, open to impetration. What a strong and intimate vision of God must he have already attained, if, as I have supposed, an ordinary trouble of mind has the spontaneous effect of leading him for consolation and aid to an Invisible Personal Power ! " Moreover, this image brought before his mental vision is the image of One who by implicit threat and promise commands certain things which he, the same child coincidently, by the same act of his mind, approves ; which receive the adhesion of his moral sense and judgment, as right and good. It is the image of One who is good, inasmuch as enjoining and enforcing what is right and good, and who, in consequence, not only excites in the child hope and fear, — nay (it may be added), gratitude towards Him, as giving a law and maintaining it by reward and punishment, — but kindles in him love towards Him, as giving him a good law, and therefore as being good Himself, for it is the property of goodness to kindle love, or rather the very object of love is goodness j and all those distinct elements of the moral law, which the typical child, whom I am supposing, more or less consciously loves and approves, — truth, purity, justice, N civilian and his Detractors. 23 kindness, and the like, — are but shapes and aspects of goodness. And having in his degree a sensibility towards them all, for the sake of them all he is moved to love the Lawgiver who enjoins them upon him. And, as he can contemplate these qualities and their manifestations under the common name of goodness, he is prepared to think of them as indivisible, correlative, supplementary of each other in one and the same Personality, so that there is no aspect of goodness which God is not ; and that the more, because the notion of a perfection embracing all possible excellences, both moral and intellectual, is especially congenial to the mind, and there are in fact intellectual attributes, as well as moral, included in the child's image of God, as above represented. " Such is the apprehension which even a child may have of his Sovereign Lawgiver and Judge; which is possible in the case of children, because, at least, some children possess it, whether others possess it or no ; and which, when it is found in children, is found to act promptly and keenly, by reason of the paucity of their ideas. It is an image of the good God, good in Himself, good relatively to the child, with whatever incompleteness ; an image, before it has been reflected on, and before it is recognized by him as a notion. Though he cannot explain or define the word " God," when told to use it, his acts show that to him it is far more than a word. He listens, indeed, with wonder and interest to fables or tales ; he has a dim, shadowy sense of what he hears about persons and matters of this world ; but he has that within him which actually vibrates, responds, and gives a deep meaning to the lessons of his first teachers about the will and the providence of God k." That this may be accepted as a faithful account of Newman's early faith is obvious when we compare it with the Apologia. Dr. Martineau thinks that Newman's mind lacked immediateness of vision ; how completely do these years give the lie to that assertion ! The age of fifteen was a crisis in the Cardinal's life. It was then that the most desired stage was reached. He became converted, and of the genuineness of that re turning to God he never subsequently at any time held any doubts. But although it was not till he had dis covered, first from parochial experience and secondly from the influence of Hawkins, that " Calvinism is not a key to the phenomena of human nature as they occur in the world," he was fully conscious of the fact that his k Grammar of Assent, y. 125. 24 Newman and his Detractors conversion was of the kind which Evangelicals prescribe as imperative if election is to be secured, In 1821, the period when he was most ardently evangelical, he drew up a series of Scripture texts illustrating the various stages of condemnation, terror, Gospel tidings, apprehension of Christ, sense of pardon and salvation, joy and peace, final perseverance ; but he adds in a note : — " I speak of conversion with great diffidence, being obliged to adopt the language of books. For my own feelings, as far as I can remember, were so different from any account I have ever read, that I dare not go by what may be called an individual case." Five years later he added : — "That is, I wrote juxta prcescriptum. In the matter in question, that is, conversion, my own feelings were not violent, but a returning to, a renewal of, principles, under the power of the Holy Spirit, which I had already left, and in a measure acted on when young '." Conversion was, then, for a Newman a very real event, although it did not entail any break in the continuity of his spiritual growth. It took place in 18 16, a year full-fraught with many an indelible memory to be stored up in the boy's memory. "When I was fifteen, (in the autumn of 1816,) a great change of thought took place in me. I fell under the influences of a definite Creed, and received into my intellect impressions of dogma, which, through God's mercy, have never been effaced or obscured. Above and beyond the conversations and sermons of the excellent man, long dead, the Rev. Walter Mayers, of Pembroke College, Oxford, who was the human means of this beginning of divine faith in me, was the effect of the books which he put into my hands, all of the school of Calvin. One of the first books I read was a work of Romaine's ; I neither recollect the title nor the contents, except one doctrine, which of course I do not include among those which I believe to have come from a divine source, viz. the doctrine of final perseverance. I received it at once, and believed that the inward conversion of which I was conscious, (and of which I still am more certain than that I have hands and feet,) would last into the next life, and that I was elected to eternal glory. I have no conscious ness that this belief had any tendency whatever to lead me to be 1 Letters and Correspondence of J. H. Newman, vol. i. pp. 123-4. In the Auto-biography, Newman lays great stress on the " formative influence " of his parochial work at St. Clcnient's. Newman and his Detractors. 25 careless about pleasing God. I retained it till the age of twenty-one, when it gradually faded away ; but I believe that it had some in fluence on my opinions, in the direction of those childish imaginations which I have already mentioned, viz. in isolating me from the objects which surrounded me, in confirming me in my mistrust of the reality of material phenomena, and making me rest in the thought of two and two only absolute and luminously self-evident beings, myself and my Creator™ ; — for while I considered myself predestined to salvation, my mind did not dwell upon others, as fancying them simply passed over, not predestined to eternal death. I only thought of the mercy to myself"." Secondly, " another deep imagination " fell on him in 1816, viz., "that it would be the will of God that I should. lead a single life." The apprehension of these sort of duties is very remarkable in Newman, and his obedience to them is probably the explanation of the remark made to his servant during his illness on the famous Mediter ranean journey in 1833, " I shall not die, " I shall not die," repeated, " for I have not sinned against light, I have not sinned against light0." At Tre Fontane he had written : — But Thou, dear Lord, Whilst I traced out bright scenes which were to come, Isaac's pure blessings, and a verdant home, Did'st spare me and withhold Thy fearful word ; Willing me year by year, till I am found A pilgrim pale with Paul's sad girdle bound p." It is very probable that if instead of being entrusted with collections of letters, memoranda, and those won derful fragments of autobiography, Miss Mozley had been deputed to write a biography, she would have drawn a sharp contrast between the schoolboy and the under graduate. The former is very much more of a character m In Grammar of Assent (p. 178), Newman writes : — " We may be able to master, at least in part, the course of our past history ; its turning-points, our hits, and our great mistakes. We may have a sense of the presence of a Supreme Being, which never has been dimmed by even a passing shadow, which has inhabited us ever since we can recollect anything, and which we cannot imagine our losing. We may be able, for others have been able, so to realize the precepts and truths of Christianity, as deliberately to surrender our life, rather than transgress the one or to deny the other." Cf. " Lead, Kindly Light." " Apologia Pro Vita Sua, pp. 4-5. 0 Ibid., p. 34. » Verses on Various Occasions, p. 133. 26 Newman and his Detractors. than the latter. The poetical mysticism is ever so much more attractive than the hard and cold Calvinism to whose influence John Henry had, with characteristic docility, submitted himself. The schoolboy is a leader; he has his own society with a strict disciplina arcani, and a newspaper full of articles bearing palpable witness to the mastery of ideas over the power of expressing them. The undergraduate is a cadaverous person, studying till his eyesight and finally his health give way. The suc cessful attempt to gain a fellowship at Oriel — and most readers of the letters and correspondence will be surprised by reading the account of what an election at Oriel then implied — is, however, a proof of the greatness which would not accept a disappointment of a humiliating nature as the criterion of his worth. A few years later Newman was one of the examiners in the schools where he had so signally failed to distinguish himself. I do not propose to follow Newman's various doctrinal wanderings during his stay in Oxford. There were at this time two men in England who, starting from very similar conceptions of the immanence of God in the world, the transience and deceptiveness of things seen, the sole reality of the inner world, ended as far apart as men could possibly become. From the pulpit of S. Mary's, on Michaelmas Day of 183 1, Newman gave classical expression to the thoughts which had always haunted him, even as a child 1. " I do not pretend," he says, " to say that we are told in Scripture what matter is ; but I affirm that as our souls move our bodies, be our bodies what they may, so there are Spiritual Intelligences which move those wonderful and vast portions of the natural world which seem to be inanimate ; and as the gestures, speech, and expressive countenances of our friends around us enable us to hold intercourse with them, so in the motions of universal nature, in the interchange of day and night, summer and winter, wind and storm, fulfilling His word, we are reminded of the blessed and dutiful angels. Well then, on this day's Festival, may we sing the hymn of those three Holy ' " Naturally timid and retiring, over-sensitive, and, though lively and cheerful, yet not without a tinge of melancholy in his character, Which sometimes degenerated into mawkishness." Loss and Gain, p. 6. Newman and his Det7-actors. 27 Children whom Nebuchadnezzar cast into the fiery furnace. The angels were bid to change the nature of the flame, and make it harmless to them ; and they in turn called on all the creatures of God, on the angels especially, to glorify Him. Though many hun dred years have passed since that time, and the world now vainly thinks it knows more than it did, and that it has found the real causes of the things it sees, still we may say, with grateful and simple hearts, ' O all ye works of the Lord, O ye angels of the Lord, 0 ye sun and moon, stars of heaven, showers and dew, winds of God, light and darkness, mountains and hills, green things upon the earth, bless ye the Lord, praise Him and magnify Him for ever.' Thus, whenever we look abroad, we are reminded of those most gracious and holy beings, the servants of the Holiest, who deign to minister to the heirs of salvation. Every breath of air, every ray of light and heat, every beautiful prospect, is as it were the skirts of their gar ments, the waving of the robes of those whose faces see God in Heaven. And I put it to anyone, whether it is not as philosophical and as full of intellectual enjoyment, to refer the movements of the natural world to them, as to attempt to explain them by certain theories of science ; useful as these theories certainly are for par ticular purposes, and capable (in subordination to that higher view) of a religious application r." The same thought was placed before English readers that very year in the pages of Sartor Resartus. Nature, Carlyle tells us, is but the "reflex of our own mind's face," the phantasy of our dream, or what the Earth Spirit in Faust names it, the garment of the living God. In beings flood, in actions storm, I walk and work, above, beneath, Work and weave in endless motion ! Birth and death An Infinite motion. Tis thus at the roaring loom of time I ply, And weave for God the garment thou seest Him by. Where did the same thought lead Newman ? where did it lead Carlyle ? Froude, in his Reminiscences of infamous renown, tells us how, on visiting Carlyle ' This is only a quotation from a Sermon, the whole of which might with propriety have been quoted. The whole point is this, that we know more about spiritual laws than material. See the next paragraph but one of the same sermon, "The Powers of Nature," {Parochial Sermons, vol. ii. pp. 358 — 367), and cf. The Arians of the Fourth Century, pp. 75, 76. 28 Newman and his Detractors. a few weeks before his death, they fell to discussing the grounds of belief. Froude confessed that he " could only believe in a God which (sic) did something," whereat Carlyle, with a cry of pain which indelibly impressed itself on Froude's memory, cried, " He does nothing." This was the faith of one who, knowing the great things of God, was too proud and self-sufficient to acquiesce in the simple precept of bathing in Jordan. During his years at Oriel, Newman had come indirectly through Hurrell Froude under the magic influence of Keble. Looking back on the events of the Oxford Move ment we are apt to judge Keble's work superficially. It is hard to say how deep and far-reaching his influence was. Unlike Newman, he had come of a family proud of its non-juror ancestry, and was therefore saved the spiritual birth-pangs which beset his disciple's career. He was a man not only of marvellous faith and fine poetic talent, but of almost unequalled intellectual brilliancy. Coming up at the age of sixteen to an Exhibition at Corpus, which was specially dear to him as being Hooker's old College, before his nineteenth birthday had come round he had won all the University prizes, save, strange to say, the Newdigate (in which he secured an honorary mention), taken a double first, and been elected with the crowning distinction of a Fellowship at Oriel. To the surprise of all, and the mortification of some, he made up his mind to accept a country curacy, and give himself with no reservation to God's service. Hence, despite Newman's immense rever ence (of which we catch a glimpse when in describing his reception at Oriel as a newly-elected Fellow he tells us — ¦ " I bore it till Keble took my hand, and then felt so abashed and unworthy of the honour done me, that I seemed desirous of quite sinking into the ground") — in spite of a feeling amounting almost to awe, Newman, until 1828, seems to have been more under the influence of Whately than anyone elses. But the only person who could nurse the emotion of his seething imagination was • It is not very generally known that Newman wrote a portion of Whately's Logic. Newman and his Detractors. 29 Keble. Consequently the publication of the Christian Year was a turning-point in Newman's development. Speaking a priori, I should judge that the work, while fostering the latent tendencies of thought which were by slow steps leading him on his road to a deeper Catho licism, also prolonged his period of doubt and hesita tion by stirring up in his mind that poetic love which Keble's verse throws round a liturgy an outsider might regard as formally cold and perhaps even lifeless. New man, however, partly in the Apologia, partly in his review of Keble's Lyra Innocentium, tells us that the two main intellectual truths which the Christian Year brought home to him were those which he had previously learned from Bishop Butler. " The first of these was what may be called, in a large sense of the word, the Sacramental System ; that is the doctrine that material phenomena are both the types and the instruments of real things unseen — a doctrine which embraces in its fulness, not only what Anglicans, as well as Catholics, believe about Sacraments properly so called; but also the article of 'the Communion of Saints;' and likewise the Mysteries of the Faith." The second intellectual principle which Newman learned from Keble was that the difficulty which arises from the fact that probability is the guide of life, and that a reli gious man cannot by nature be contented with a ' merely probable God ' " could be met by ascribing the firmness of assent which we give to religious doctrine, not to the probabilities which introduced it, but to the living power of faith and love which accepted it. In illustra tion, Mr. Keble used to quote the words of the Psalm, ' I will guide thee with Mine eye.' This is the very difference, he used to say, be tween slaves and friends or children. Friends do not ask for literal commands ; but from their knowledge of the speaker, they anticipate his half-words, and from love of him they anticipate his wishes '." A good example of Dr. Abbott's method of giving evidence the lie categorical may be seen in the following passage : — " This profound truth, thus simply expressed, demands our close attention ; for it may explain the gradual divergence and ultimate * Apologia, pp. 18, 19. Cf. Arians, pp. 75— 79- 30 Newman and his Detractors. parting between Keble and the man who thought himself at that time his follower. Newman fancied that he agreed with Keble ; but he did not and could not, because he had not the same conception of God. Keble — or Keble as here represented — loved God as a Father, and was content to remain as a child, trusting and believing ; New man feared God as a Judge, and was consequently always asking for literal commands, either direct from God, or indirect through au thorities appointed by Him. Between two theologians, thus differing, however unconsciously, in the fundamental principle of Christianity, there would be no ultimate harmony "." The two principles Newman learned from Keble have been strangely travestied by Dr. Fairbairn. It is, he con tends, flagrantly absurd not to recognise the doctrine of probability the guide of life, and the supremacy of the conscience as naturally contradictory. The argument does not demand very much of our attention for the reason that it is based on an ignoratio elenchi. Principal Fairbairn strangely misapprehends the nature of the problem. The point is this: Newman recognises as clearly as anyone the impossibility of a religion based on mere probability, and therefore finds a basis of certitude, not in the logic of empiricism (to which of course the principle of probability applies), but in the moral consciousness of which the intellect is but a co-ordinate agency. The doctrine of the Grammar of Assent, to which, and not the Apologia, the appeal ought to be made, is very clear on this point. Assent is unconditioned by argument, real assent is an assent given to facts and not inferences about or notions of facts. Real assent is religion, notional assent is theo logy apart from any subjective feeling on the part of the in dividual assenting. The difference is all that lies between the man who admits that " there is no doubt that there is a God," and pious Job who cries from the depths — " Hear, I beseech Thee, and I will speak : I will demand of Thee, and declare Thou unto me. I have heard of Thee by the hearing of the ear : but now mine eyes have seen Thee. Wherefore I abhor myself in dust and ashes.'' The grounds of natural religion with Newman lie-in the voice of the conscience — the silent authority which ° Philomythus, pp. 57, 58. Newman and his Detractors. 3 1 Cicero speaks of as the God ruling within us ; the ground of Christianity in what he calls the "illative sense." To get a healthy contempt for Dr. Abbott, read that lovely sermon, " Love the Safeguard of Truth," and there you will find that Newman's certitude of God's love for us in Christ is not built on the spiritual cowardice which even the devils possess, but on that promise of the Good Shep herd which perhaps more than any other words of the Lord Jesus has found a crevice wherein to rest in al most every heart the Gospel has penetrated. " I am the Good Shepherd, and I know Mine, and Mine know Me. My sheep hear My voice and know them, and they follow Me, and I give them everlasting life, and they shall never perish, and no man shall pluck them out of My hand." But I have said enough in practical description of Newman's " Theology of a Religious Imagination," and I will leave Dr. Fairbairn's present contention with the remark that as probability the guide of life is a metaphysical doctrine and the supremacy of the con science an ethical, that since supremacy and infallibility ( are not one and the same things, and finally since Newman did not make probability the basis of his religion, there is very little point left in the contention that Butler, Keble, and Newman based an elaborate philosophy on two mu tually contradictory hypotheses. {Note in Explanation of Newman's use of the terin Reason.] [Principal Fairbairn occasionally supports his allegation by a single quotation, which as a rule appears stripped of context and footnote, and once was cited from the Apolo gia, when, as a matter of fact, it is to be found in one of the sermons. Newman, urges Principal Fairbairn, said that the reason was a critical and corosive power, hence it is impossible to deny that he was a sceptic. This used practically to be all the Principal's case, which has now, however, received bulky increments. Newman, it should be noticed, uses the word " reason " in three different applications. Sometimes he uses it in its popular application when contrasted with Faith, in 32 Newman and his Detractors. which case reason practically amounts to mere expert- ness in logical argument; sometimes he uses it as an equivalent to a posteriori argument — a faculty of " evi- dence-mongering ;" sometimes he makes it a synonym for the " wisdom of the world " as when reason investigates the subject-matter of religion from a standpoint radically wrong. These distinctions ought always to be borne in mind. The following passages from the University Ser mons seem to give a better idea of Newman's philosophy than can be found anywhere else : — " Now in attempting to investigate what are the distinct offices of faith and reason in religious matters, and the relation of the one to the other, I observe that though it be undeniable that reason has a power of analysis and criticism in all opinions and conduct, and nothing is true or right but what may be justified, and in a certain sense proved by it ; and unless the doctrines received by faith are approvable by reason, they have no claim to be regarded as true; it does not therefore follow that faith is actually grounded on reason in the believing mind itself; unless, indeed, to take a parallel case, a judge can be called the origin as well as the justifier of the innocence or truth of those which are brought before him. A judge does not make men honest, but acquits and vindicates them ; in like manner reason need not be the origin of faith, as faith exists in the very persons believing, though it does testify and verify it. This, then, is the one confusion, which must be cleared up in the question — the assumption that reason must be the inward principle of action in religious enquiries or conduct in the case of this or that individual, because, like a spectator, it acknowledges and concurs in what goes on — the mistake of a critical for a creative. This distinction," he continues in words which throw light on Fairbaim's argument refer red to in the text of my essay, " we cannot fail to recognise as true in itself, and applicable to the matter in hand. It is what we all admit at once as regards the principle of the conscience. No one will say that conscience is against reason, or that its dictates cannot be thrown into an argumentative form ; yet who will, therefore, main tain that it is not an original principle, but must depend, before it acts, upon some previous processes of the reason ? Reason analyses the grounds and motives of action ; a reason is an analysis, but is not the motion itself. As, then, conscience is a simple element in our nature, yet its operations admit of being surveyed and scrutinised by reason ; so may faith be cognisable, and its acts be justfied, by reason, without being in matter of fact dependent upon it ; and as we reprobate, under the name of Utilitarianism, the substitution of reason for conscience, so perchance it is a parallel error to teach that a pro- Newman and his Detractors. 33 cess of reason is the sine qua non for true religious faith. When the Gospel is said to require a rational faith, this need not need more than that faith is accordant to right reason in the abstract, not that it results from it in the particular case." — University Sermons, New Edition, pp. 182-4. For a refutation of the charge that Newman made assent irrational, cf. The Grammar of Assent, p. 81, et passim. Newman accounts for the fact that faith seems to be content with prima facie weak proofs, by the doctrine of the illative sense, which has been beautifully, and, per haps, more clearly explained by Dean Paget, in his Facul ties for Belief and Unbelief. In short, nobody hated the habit of "regarding all truth as a theory" (cf. Arians of the Fourth Century, p. 200) more sincerely than John Henry Newman. But while it is perfectly true that Newman cannot with justice be regarded as a sceptic in the sense which his detractors would apply that expression, yet he did hold that there were mysteries connected with a devout accept- tance of the Christian Faith which the human reason will never subdue. He thus, as in The Arians, p. 152, and The Grammar of Assent, p. 51, states antinomies of thought, which were probably suggested to him by Origen (cf. Origen de Principiis, 1, 2, § 10). But, as he says — " Strictly speaking, the dogma of the Holy Trinity, as a complex whole or mystery, is not the form or object of religious apprehension and assent ; but as it is a number of propositions, taken one by one." A mystery is the combination of two or more propo sitions taken in themselves intelligible but relatively to human intellect incompatible. In this general sense (which the detractors cannot, without being guilty of Stating pointless truisms, have intended their criticisms to be taken) we are all necessarily sceptics, Principal Fair bairn himself included *.] 1 The paragraphs in brackets formed no part of the original text. In addition to the above-mentioned references, cf. the Sermon on " The Mysteries of Nature and of Grace," in Discourses to Mixed Congregations, and "The Genesis of Error" in Contemp. Review, Oct. 1885; and "Intellect, the Instrument of Religious Training" in Sermons on Various Occasions. D 34 Newman and his Detractors. In 1828 Newman was appointed Vicar of S. Mary's, and in his own words came out of his shell and remained out of it till 1841. If I allowed my pen the latitude it has more than once in the writing of the paper attempted to steal, I should not be able to bring my essay to the speedy close which my conscience warns me ought to be at hand. But when you haye traced the formation of a permanent idea in a mind like Newman's, you have im plicitly traced his whole career. He is, after all, a better illustration of the theory of development than even the early ages of Christianity. In the Apologia and the Gram mar he is always reiterating the truth that any alterations in his views in reality left great permanent truths unaltered, though clad in a new form. His secession in '45 was an infinitely less radical change than the slow and gradual revolution which had deposed Calvinism to enshrine Anglicanism. In the Idea of a University he luminously remarks that the very word God involves a theology ; and it is on this truth I have based my description of his mindy. The God the Calvinist prates about is a sulky cynic who watches with superb disdain the victims whom He has called into existence to destroy by a method which paradoxically can never be completed. Newman had never really believed in such a fiction. His early years had been a time of isolation. God loved him, and that was enough, though it was terrible to think that others ' Ina paper read to the Merton College Essay Society, I tried to treat Newman's life by describing first his conception of God, and then the Religious system in which that conception clothed itself ; and then the attempt to read that system into the Anglican formularies, and failing that the secession to Rome. God, Religion, Church are three stages of religious life. " Our naked feelings make haste to clothe themselves in propositions which lie at hand among our store of opinions." (George Eliot, Romola, Chap, xliv.) Cf, Taine's Law of Mutual Dependence formulated in the Introduction to his History of English Literature. See especially pp. 143-6 of Newman's Arians of the Fourth Century. Herbert Spencer's at tempt to penetrate the latent truth of all religions by cancelling their mutual contradictions, is a contradiction of the true evolutionary theory of development, How much 'scientific' truth would escape if such a process were tried on the rival text-books ? Newman and his Detractors. 35 less fortunate than he must suffer. In time he comes to see the grander, the whole truth of Catholicity. Sic Deus delexit mundum. God is not a mere cynical observer, He is what his heart, his illative sense told him all along, the Supreme love. And this is not all. Love must manifest itself, it cannot stand by a mere idler. No one can believe in a God who does nothing. Here Newman's natural love for the mystic came in. What more easy to believe than that the vast world as we see it is a sacrament, an out ward and visible sign of inward and visible verities ? Believe this and positive philosophies and encyclopaedic systems and attourney logic cease to bind man. Pro bability is no longer doubt. " The reality of conversion," exclaims Newman, " as cutting at the root of doubt, a chain between God and the soul, that is with every link complete ; I know I am right. How do you know it ? I know I know." Newman's soul went out for sacramental refreshment, and for a time he succeeded in persuading himself that he could find it in the National Church. There sure enough in her liturgy, in her great Divines, Catholicism stood in all its beauty. But the English Church had fallen on evil times. Its clergy were either ignorant, worldly, and proud — a respectable or political caste, or else simple, ill-trained, and, as Dean Church puts it, of a quietly worldly disposition. Its teaching was misunderstood, its sacraments mal-administered, the decency and order of the sanctuary neglected, the very edifices allowed to crumble into something little better than elaborately con structed outhouses. The Liberal party, flushed from their Reform Bill triumph, had determined to follow up their victory by an attack on Toryism in its very cita del, and Lord Grey cautioned the bishops to get their house in order. Clearly then the time had come for action — in Newman's words, " to stir up the gift that was in us, and betake ourselves to our true mother." This is the storm and stress period of Newman's life. The whole depths of the man were mightily stirred. He goes abroad for the first time, sick and irritated, de- D 2 $5 Newman and his Detractors. termined to see nothing but the light guiding him now o'er moor and fen and crag and torrent : the night is dark, and he is far from home. " England was in my thoughts solely, and the news from England came rarely and imperfectly. The Bill for the Suppression of the Irish Sees was in progress, and filled my mind. I had fierce thoughts against the Liberals. " It was the success of the Liberal cause which fretted me in wardly. I became fierce against its instruments and its manifesta tions. A French vessel was at Algiers ; I would not even look at the tricolour. On my return, though forced to stop twenty-four hours at Paris, I kept indoors the whole time, and all that I saw of that beautiful city was what I saw from the Diligence. The Bishop of London had already sounded me as to my filling one of the Whitehall preacherships, which he had just then put on a new footing ; but I was indignant at the line which he was taking, and from my Steamer I had sent home a letter declining the appoint ment by anticipation, should it be offered to me. At this time I was specially annoyed with Dr. Arnold, though it did not last into later years. Some one, I think, asked, in conversation at Rome, whether a certain interpretation of Scripture was Christian ? it was answered that Dr. Arnold took it ; I interposed, ' But is he a Christian ? ' The subject went out of my head at once ; when afterwards I was taxed with it, I could say no more in explanation, than (what I believe was the fact) that I must have had in mind some free views of Dr. Arnold about the Old Testament : — I thought I must have meant, ' Arnold answers for the interpretation,-but who is to answer for Arnold ? ' It was at Rome, too, that we began the Lyra Apos- tolica which appeared monthly in the British Magazine The motto shows the feeling of both Froude and myself at the time: we borrowed from M. Bunsen a Homer, and Froude chose the words in which Achilles, on returning to the battle, says, ' You shall know the difference, now that I am back again.' " Especially when I was left by myself the thought came upon me that deliverance is wrought, not by the many but by the few, not by bodies but by persons. Now it was, I think, that I repeated to myself the words, which had ever been dear to me from my school-days, 'Exoriare aliquis V — now too, that Southey's beautiful poem of Thalaba, for which I had an immense liking, came forcibly to my mind. I began to think that I had a mission. There are sentences of my letters to my friends to this effect, if they are not destroyed. When we took leave of Monsignor Wiseman, he had courteously expressed a wish that we might make a second visit to Rome ; I said with great gravity, ' We have a work (o do in England.' I went down at once to Sicily, and the presentiment Newman and his Detractors. 37 grew stronger. I struck into the middle of the island, and fell ill of a fever at Leonforte. My servant thought that I was dying, and begged for my last directions. I gave them, as he wished ; but I said, ' I shall not die.' I repeated, ' I shall not die, for I have not sinned against light, I have not sinned against light.' I never hav< been able quite to make out what I meant. " I got to Castro-Giovanni, and was laid up there for nearly three weeks. Towards the end of May I left for Palermo, taking three days for the journey. Before starting from my inn in the morning of May 26th or 27th, I sat down on my bed, and began to sob violently. My servant, who had acted as my nurse, asked what ailed me. I could only answer him, ' I have a work to do in England.' " I was aching to get home ; yet for want of a vessel I was kept at Palermo for three weeks. I began to visit the Churches, and they calmed my impatience, though I did not attend any services. I knew nothing of the Presence of the Blessed Sacrament there. At last I got off in an orange boat, bound for Marseilles. Then it was that I wrote the lines, ' Lead, kindly light,' which have since become well known. We were becalmed a whole week in the Straits of Bonifacio. I was writing verses the whole time of my passage. At length I got to Marseilles, and set off for England. The fatigue of travelling was too much for me, and I was laid up for several days at Lyons. At last I got off again, and did not stop night or day, (except a com pulsory delay at Paris,) till I reached England, and my mother's house. My brother had arrived from Persia only a few hours before." The Sunday following his return, July 14, 1833, Keble preached the Assize Sermon on National Apostacy, and the Oxford Movement had begun. All Newman's work at this great epoch in the history of the Church is marked by a display of temper, which it is hard to blame or unreservedly admire. The rebuke he in after times ad ministered to the temerity of the younger men in the Infallibilist party is pertinent to his own party at this date. " There are those among us, as it must be confessed, who for years past have conducted themselves as if no responsibility attached to wild words, and over-bearing deeds ; who have stated truths in the most paradoxical form, and stretched principles till they were close upon snapping; and who at length, having done their best to set the house upon fire, leave to others to put out the flame z." His conduct at this time he describes as infused with * A Letter Addressed to His Grace the Duke of Norfolk, on Oc casion of Mr. Gladstones Recent Expostulation, p. 2. 38 Newman and his Detractors. a mixture of fierceness and sport. He callously led his opponents into the mire, and left them there. He confesses all this himself: — "This absolute confidence in my cause, which led me to neg ligence or wantonness, also laid me open, not unfairly, to the opposite charge of fierceness in certain steps which I took, or words which I published. In the Lyra Apostolica, I have said that before learning to love, we must 'learn to hate;' though I had explained my words by adding 'hatred of sin.' In one of my first Sermons I said, ' I do not shrink from uttering my firm conviction that it would be a gain to the country were it vastly more superstitious, more bigoted, more gloomy, more fierce in its religion than at present it shows itself to be.' I added, of course, that it would be an absurdity to suppose such tempers of mind desirable in themselves. The corrector of the press bore these strong epithets till he got to ' more fierce,' and then he put in the margin a query. In the very first page of the first Tract, I said of the Bishops, that, 'black event though it would be for the country, yet we could not wish them a more blessed termination of their course, than the spoiling of their goods and martyrdom.' In consequence of a pas sage in my work upon the Arian History™, a Northern dignitary wrote to accuse me of wishing to re-establish the blood and torture of the Inquisition. Contrasting heretics and heresiarchs, I had said, ' The latter should meet with no mercy : he assumes the office of the Tempter ; and, so far forth as his error goes, must be dealt with by the competent authority, as if he were embodied evil. To spare him is a/ false and dangerous pity. It is to endanger the souls of thousands, and it is uncharitable towards himself.' I cannot deny that this is a very fierce passage ; but Arius was banished, not burned ; and it is only fair to myself to say that neither at this, nor any other time of my life, not even when I was fiercest, could I have even cut off a Puritan's ears, and I think the sight of a Spanish auto-da-fi would have been the death of me. Again, when one of my friends, of liberal and evangelical opinions, wrote to expostulate with me on the course I was taking, I said that we would ride over him and his, as Othniel prevailed over Chushan- rishathaim, king of Mesopotamia. Again, I would have no dealings with my brother, and I put my conduct upon a syllogism. I said, ' S. Paul bids us avoid those who cause divisions ; you cause divisions : therefore I must avoid you.' I dissuaded a lady from attending the marriage of a sister who had seceded from the Anglican Church. No wonder that Blanco White, who had known me under such different circumstances, now hearing the general course that I was taking, was amazed at the change which he recognized in me "." • Apologia, pp. 34-5. Newman and his Detractors. 39 The conflict, however, had loosed him from his moorings. He believed firmly and devoutly in the apostolic claims of his National Church, but what was her basis apart from the State ? That was the question which the liberal attack had forced upon him, and to which he made confident reply that the Church of England is a via media between the extremes of Papist and Puritan. Even at the time he seems to have been by no means certain of the success of his theory." "A religious principle or idea, however true, before it is found in a substantive form, is but a theory ; and since many theories are not more than theories, and do not admit of being carried into effect, it is exposed to the suspicion of being one of these, and of having no existence out of books. The proof cf reality in a doctrine is its holding together when actually attempted. Practical men are naturally prejudiced against what is new, on this ground if on no other, that it has not had the opportunity of satisfying this test. Christianity would appear at first a mere literature, or philosophy, or mysticism, like the Pythagorean rule or Phrygian worship ; nor till it was tried, could the coherence of its parts be ascertained. Now the class of doctrines in question as yet labours under the same difficulty. Indeed, they are in one sense as entirely new as Christianity when first preached ; for though they profess merely to be that foundation on which it originally spread, yet as far as they represent a Via Media, that is, are related to extremes which did not then exist, and do exist now, they appear unreal, for a double reason, having no exact counterpart in early timesb, and being super seded now by actually existing systems. Protestantism and Popery are real religions ; no one can doubt about them ; they have furnished the mould in which nations have been cast : but the Via Media, viewed as an integral system, has never had existence except on paper ; it is known, not positively but negatively, in its differences from the rival creeds, not in its own properties ; and can only be described as a third system, neither the one nor the other, but with something of each, cutting between them, and, as if with a critical fastidiousness, trifling with them both, and boasting to be nearer Antiquity than either. " What is this but to fancy a road over mountains and rivers, which h [" This is what the Author thought, before to his confusion and distress he found in early history a veritable Via Media in both the Semi-Arian and the Monophysite parties, and they, as being heretical, broke his attachment to middle paths." Vid. Difficulties of Angl., Lect. xii.] 40 Newman and his Detractors. has never been cut ? When we profess our Via Media, as the very truth of the Apostles, we seem to bystanders to be mere antiquarians or pedants, amusing ourselves with illusions or learned subtleties, and unable to grapple with things as they are. They accuse us of tendering no proof to show that our view is not self-contradictory, and if set in motion, would not fall to pieces, or start off in different directions at once. Learned divines, they say, may have propounded it, as they have ; controversialists may have used it to advantage when supported by the civil sword against Papists or Puritans ; but, whatever its merits, still, when left to itself, to use a familiar term, it may not ' work.' And the very circumstance that it has been propounded for centuries by great names, and not yet reduced to practice as a system, is alleged as an additional presumption against its feasibility. To take for instance the subject of Private Judgment; our theory here is neither Protestant nor Roman ; and has never been duly realized. Our opponents ask, What is it ? Is it more than a set of words and phrases, of exceptions and limitations made for each successive emergency, of principles which contradict each other c ? " The theory too also found little favour with the rank and file of the Tractarians3, and their sympathisers. At the most it was accepted provisionally, and with Newman's secession it was discarded. It then became necessary for his friends to choose between him and the English Church, " and," writes Dean Church, " the choice was made by those who did not follow him, on a principle little honoured or believed in at the time on either side, Roman or Protestant : but the principle which in the long run restored hope and energy to a cause which was supposed to be lost. It was not the revival of the old Via Media ; it was not the assertion of the superiority of the English Church ; it was not a return to the old-fashioned and un generous methods of controversy with Rome — one-sided in all cases, ignorant, coarse, unchristian in many ; it was not the proposal of a new theory of the Church — its functions, authority, and teaching, a counter-ideal to Mr. Ward's imposing Ideal. It was the resolute, serious appeal from brilliant logic, and keen sarcasm, and pathetic and impressive eloquence, to reality, and experience, as well as c The Via Media of the Anglican Church, Introduction, § 12. d It was, writes Mr. Hutton, "a gallant enterprise, but one that for all practical purposes failed. The road was never made, though a tract was marked out over mountains and rivers, and fords were found across the rivers, practicable for a few adventurous men, and which are used by a certain number of stragglers even to the present day." — Card. Newman, p. 75. Newman and his Detractors. 41 history, as to the positive and substantial characteristics of the traditional and actual existing English Church, shown not on paper but in work ; and in spite of contradictory appearances and incon sistent elements ; and along with this, an attempt to put in a fair and just light the comparative excellences and defects of other parts of Christendom, excellences to be ungrudgingly admitted but not to be allowed to bar the recognition of facts. The English Church was after all worth living in and fighting for as any other ; it was not only in England that light and dark, in teaching and in life, were largely intermingled, and the intermixture had to be largely allowed for. We had our Sparta, a noble, if a rough and in complete one ; patiently to do our best for it, for it was better than leaving it to its fate, in obedience to signs and reasonings which the heat of strife might well make delusive. It was our hopeful token that boasting had to be put away from us for a long time to come. In these days of stress and sorrow were laid the beginnings of a school, whose main purpose was to see things as they are ; which learned by experience to distrust unqualified admiration and unqualified disparagement ; not afraid to honour all that is great and beneficent in Rome, not afraid with English frankness to criticise freely at home ; but not to be won over, in one case by good things, to condone and accept bad things, and not deterrent in the other from service, from love, from self-sacrifice, by the presence of much to regret and resist'." There was then throughout the Oxford Movement a suspicion lurking in Newman's mind as to the untenable- ness of the Anglican position his imagination had defined. We have seen it in his work in the Via Media ; we see it in Tract LXXXV., where in dealing with Scripture as the basis of Ecclesiastical Polity he says : — " We have a choice of three conclusions. Either there is no defi nite religious information given us by Christianity at all, or it is given in Scripture in an indirect way, and covert way, or indeed it is given, but not in Scripture. The first is the Latitudinarian view which has gained ground in this day; the second is our own Anglican ground, the third is the ground of the Roman Church. If then men will not content themselves with merely probable (what we may be disposed to call) insufficient proof s of matters of faith and worship, we must be either Latitudinarians or Roman Catholics '." ' Dean Church, The Oxford Movement, pp. 346-7. Cf. Dean Church's Essay on Bp. Andrewes in Masters of English Theology. Cf. Lecky, England in Eighteenth Century, vol. iii. p. 210. ' ' Newman, Discussions and Arguments, p. 1 27, or Tracts for Times, vol. v., Tract lxxxv. p. 15. 42 Newman and his Detractors. It will be observed that a Via Media supplies no cri terion for deciding what is and what is not an extreme, and it must further be noticed that Newman in reality never worked the compromise but, like most great Angli cans, fell back on Antiquity, and what did he find there, but what, as the passage I have just quoted shows, only hints and suggestion of the systematic theology of later times ? The History of the Arians, with its remarkable chapter on creed making, displays the principle of the Economy and Disciplina Arcani, and affords a sort of fur ther illustration of the theory of development. Alas for his Anglicanism, Newman had discovered that Antiquity, like the Bible, gives nothing more than " insufficient proofs of matters of faith and worship." It is possible that the ingenuity of the " Essay on Development of Doctrine " might have been worked in the Anglican interests, but the time had come when the Bishops gave Newman to under stand that his Sacramentalism could no longer find scope in the English Church, and it is to their action and that of the University that the secessions of the next few years are due. I have summed up, as far as ability and pressure of time have allowed me, the main events of Newman's Anglican career, and here I may stop the record. Newman entered the Roman Community with a formed mind. Looking back on the career, it seems to me that the mother's loving anticipation was thoroughly confirmed. " I feel great comfort in the conviction that you will always act to the best of your knowledge." What Newman did for the English Church, what he did for the Roman, are questions I cannot discuss in this place. But what he has done for the nation ought not to pass unmentioned. It fell to his lot to bring two im portant sections of the English nation to know and respect each other : he conferred on both the inestimable gift * As Dr. Salmon shows, the Theory of Development apart from the Infallibilist Theory which can stand or fall by itself, really works in favour of Latitudinarianism. Cf. Infallibility of the Church, Lect. ii. Newman and his Detractors. 43 of a wonderfully pure example of self-sacrifice to the cause of truth. For some years previous to his death, John Henry Cardinal Newman was for most Englishmen a subject for poetic reverence. The old man who had done so much to make the English Church what she is, to bring the ignorant, prejudiced John Bull to see that his Papist neighbour is not necessarily a traitor to the country, who uncomplainingly had borne so much undeserved contumely and persecution, who, despite the unpopularity of his opi nions, was always held vir pietate gravis, the glamour of his ecclesiastical rank, the fascination of his simple life spent as it was in the homes of English thought and English civic life, the music of his prose, the fervour of his verse, nay, perhaps even the portrait of that wonderful face — all these went to make the English folk delight to reverence its lately-discovered hero. But after all said and done, the honour the world is willing to bestow on those whom it considers great is seldom very rationally accorded, and it is only too apparent that in Newman's case the English people were decidedly more influenced by sentiment than by a reasonable appreciation of his merits. But " to pure eyes and Christian hearts" Newman's life will not be without its lesson and encouragement, for it is the his tory of one whose constant prayer is " that in all things he may know God's will, and at all times be ready to fulfil it\" b The farewell sermon at Littlemore — " The Parting of Friends," in Sermons on Subjects of the Day. (Reprinted from The Lyceum for July, 1891.) CARLYLE, in his essay on Diderot, tells us that — "Above all, that faint possible theism, which now forms our common English creed, cannot too soon be swept out of the world. What," he asks, " what is the nature of that individual, who, with hysterical violence, theoretically asserts a God, perhaps a revealed symbol and worship of God ; and for the rest, in thought, word, and conduct, meet with him where you will, is found living as if his theory were some polite figure of speech, and his theoretical God a mere distant simulacrum, with whom he, for his part, has nothing further to do ? Fool ! The Eternal is no simulacrum ; God is not only there, but here or nowhere, in that life-breath of thine) in that act and thought of thine — and thou wert wise to look to it." In this passage we have an expression of one of the best feelings which mark the. thought of the first half of this century— the sense of disproportion. Everywhere men were beginning to perceive that their institutions were ludicrously inadequate to the needs they professed to supply, that the conduct of the world was a wretched satire on its professed principles, that there could be no real advancement of humanity unless these shams were done away with, and the world restored to sincerity and truth. And nowhere was this desire more keenly felt than in the religious world. Men could not help asking themselves whether their talk, of a Catholic Church was not but a gloomy satire when applied to the status quo of the English Establishment, and the process of testing went behind the artificial world of national institutions * Philomythus : An Antidote against Credulity. A Discussion of Cardinal Newman's Essay on Ecclesiastical Miracles. By Edwin A. Abbott, D.D. (Macmillan.) Newmanianism : A Preface to Philomythus. By Edwin A. Abbott, D.D. (Macmillan.) Dr. Edwin Abbotts Philomythus. 45 back to the very belief which slumbered on in the minds of the respectable. " Current phrases, the keynotes of many a sermon," writes Dean Church, "were fearlessly taken to pieces. Men were challenged to examine the meaning of their words. They were cautioned, or ridiculed, as the case might be, on the score of ' confusion of thought' and ' inaccuracy of mind ; ' they were convicted of great logical sins, ignoratio elenchi or 2indistributed middle terms; and bold theories began to make their appearance about religious principles and teaching, which did not easily accommodate themselves to popular conceptions11." It is not, then, hard to see why, at this period of testing, men of deep religious instincts should exhibit feelings similar to those which underly the passage quoted at the head of our article, and that the pious, like Keble and Newman, should question the value of devotion to a Deity whose existence was but probable. On this score the Oxford Tractarians and the author of Sartor Resartus were at one. The feeling of disproportion which we have just de scribed had the effect of compelling men to compare their conduct with the ideals they professed, and to ask them selves whether the Religion whose precepts they implicitly followed was really the Religion of Christ ? The answers were too ludicrously apparent to those who did not chose to play the sophist with their conscience. The stern ethical teaching, the hard doctrinal sayings of Christ were not in tone with the " polished ungodliness " of the modern re'gime. In a very remarkable sermon the dis crepancy was pointed out by John Henry Newman : — " In every age of Christianity since it was first preached, there has been what may be called a religion of the world, which so far imitates the one religion as to deceive the unstable and unwary." b The Oxford Movement, p. 18. Cf. Mark Pattison's Memoirs, pp. 78 — 81 ; Palmer's Narrative of Events connected with The Tracts for The Times, pp. 11, 12, and W. G. Ward and the Oxford Movement, Chapter Hi., and an article of Mr. Pattison's in vol. i. No. 1 of Mind. A good descripfion of the internal condition of the Church at the beginning of the century may be found in the Rev. A. H. Hore's excellent History of the Church of England (Parker and Co.). 46 Dr. Edwin Abbott's Philomythus. In the early ages of Christianity, religion wore too exclusively its darker side; Christians tended to wrap themselves up in the "consuming fire," and forget the infinity of the divine Love0. But now, in these latter days, nous avons change- tout cela. Our society virtues have become, as Burke warned us, but mere abstinences from unpopular vices ; we abstain from immorality because not to do so would offend the sensibility of the cultured fin de siecle: adultery and dirty boots are improprieties, differing in degree a little — in kind not a whit. The old idea of sin is repudiated as superstitious because it in volves such antique (the epithet is sufficiently damning) notions as the responsibility of the individual, or a judg ment to come. It was against this lukewarmness, this contentment with the mere external duties of religion, and the neglect of the cultivation of that spirit of 'holy fear,' that Newman's voice rose in heated protest. As we read Newman's University and Parochial Sermons we become gradually more and more conscious of the man's instinctive feeling of the awful nearness and reality of the Divine Presence and Will. His words are not those of a writer paying scrupulous obedience to the laws of literary art, or of a theologian culling his curatives from a more or less definite supply of dogmas, but rather they are the ex pressions of thoughts lying too deep for words — thoughts which can only find root in hearts attuned to the heart of the preacher. "Cor ad cor loquitur." The same impression which modern readers carry away from New man's volumes is the one which penetrated those who heard the original delivery of the sermons. " He always began," writes Sir F. Doyle in his Reminiscences, " as if he had determined to set forth his idea of the truth in the plainest and simplest language — language, as men say, ' intelligible to the meanest understanding.' But his ardent zeal and fine poetical imagination were not thus to be controlled. As I hung upon his words, it seemed to me as if I could trace behind his will, and press ing, so to speak, against it, a rush of thoughts and feelings which he c See Parochial Sermons, vol. i., " Religion of the Day." Dr. Edwin Abbotts Philomythus. 47 kept struggling to hold back ; but in the end they were generally too strong for him, and poured themselves out in a torrent of eloquence all the more impetuous from having been so long repressed. The effect of these outbursts was irresistible, and carried his hearers beyond themselves at once. Even when his efforts of self-restraint were more successful, those very efforts gave a life and colour to his style which riveted the attention of all within the reach of voice." To understand the writings of Cardinal Newman, the first condition is a knowledge not only of the man, but of the influence by which he was actuated. Dr. Abbott, in his recent attack, has informed us that this influence was one of fear : — " In Newman's writings," he tells us, "there are ample indications that Fear unduly predominated, that in his estimation Fear was not only, as he said it ought to be, ' the predominant grace in the be ginning of Christian life,' but prominent, whether 'grace or not,' to the end of his Anglican career. The Love of God, as it is described in the New Testament, appears to have been either absent or quite latent on him ; and he himself spoke of love as a ' Pre servative Addition' to feard — a kind of afterthought in the scheme of Christian religion. Nor was the absence of Love compensated by any profound trust in God's infinite justice and righteousness." After some more imaginative writing of a similar type, Dr. Abbott remarks : — " Thus the Image of God became for him the image not of a Father, not even of a just Judge, but of a dread inspiring Holiness ; a dazzling Splendour dark with the excess of light ; practically a dark ness; before which he could but prostrate himself in abject awe, prepared for whatever lightnings and thunderbolts might come forth, and prepared to call them 'just.'" If not for other reasons, Dr. Abbott's " Philomythus " is worthy of attention, albeit a sorrowful one, since the work shows how great is the gulf fixed between the Saint and the Logician. We do not propose to follow the example of our admirable contemporary, The Spectator, and give an elaborate criticism of " Philomythus," since we have little confidence in the method of attacking doctrinal details, apart from the theism of which they are d Mr. Hutton thinks that " it degrades love to speak of it as a mere 'preservative addition to a Gospel of fear.'" (Card. Newman, p. 184.) The point is that Newman said that it was a "preservative addition," but not a "mere preservative addition." The Godhead may be said to be a preservative to humility. 48 Dr. Edwin Abbotts Philomythus. but modes of expression. A belief in God involves a theology e, and the character of the theology must be in tone with the belief. If, for instance, we believe in a miracle-working God, we shall not stumble at scriptural or ecclesiastical miracles. Attourney logic, as Carlyle christened it, knows of no miracles : its watchword is science without wonder. Dr. Abbott has not as yet be come wholly a victim to logic, but the author of Robert Elsmere has claimed his " Antidote to Superstition " as an earnest of the ultimate secession of the broad-church or liberal school of theologians to the sublimated positivism f, which is, in fact, the logical outcome of that school, and over which the spirit of Mathew Arnold reigns supreme. The question we have set ourselves is, then, the question — What was the attitude of Newman to his God ? was it the one which Dr. Abbott has so painfully described, of a cowardice, a fear unguarded by love? Perhaps the most noticeable fact in the lives of the saints is the progress through which they all seem mostly to have passed — the progress from Fear to Love. It is noticeable, moreover, that Love, even when it is almost perfected, does not so much cast out Fear as balance it, and assign to it its rightful place. There is, indeed, a fear, of which it has been said that, " There is no Fear in Love ; and that Perfect Love casteth out fear," but this is not the natural Fear of the creature when the presence of the Creator and Redeemer is realized, but the fear which arises from sin persisted in, the fear which the Devils recognise. Far different is the former Fear, the dread which St. Paul (pace Dr. Abbott) has enjoined as the unvarying accompaniment of the working out of our salvation ; for this fear has no existence apart from the love which cherishes it, of which it is a condition. The souls which have been nearest to God, as St. Augustine, and St. Thomas, and even the poor tinker of Elstow, have so notably shown us, experience a shrinking as soon as • See above, p. 25. * Vide Mrs. Humphrey Ward in Nineteenth Century for May, 1891. Cf. the passage quoted from Mark Pattison's contribution to Essays and Reviews, on p. 18, supra. Dri Edwin Abbotts Philomythus. 49 the self-consciousness of the relation is realized. Over the face of the seer who has seen the Beatific Vision must pass the veil of fear : " Woe is me, for I am undone : because I am a man of unclean lips, and I dwell in the midst of a people of unclean lips ; for mine eyes have seen the King, the Lord of Hosts." Now what was Newman, what was his message, to whom was it delivered, are the questions which must be answered before the rationality of his fear can be accounted for. The age to which he spoke we have described ; the message has been hinted at ; but who was Newman ? The story of Newman's childhood is too well known to need a detailed account in this article. It is, after all, only the most salient point in his nature with which we are at present concerned, and that is his firm realization of the immediateness of the Divine Presence. At the age of fifteen he became acquainted with a work of Romaine's, which taught the doctrine of final preservation — a doctrine which a few years later he " denied and abjured," but the work had, nevertheless, a permanent influence, viz. : "In isolating me from the objects which surrounded me, in confirm ing me in my mistrust of the reality of material phenomena, and making me rest in the thought of two, and only two, absolute and lu minously self-evident beings, myself and my Creator!' In 1823 he learned from Butler's Analogy that " The very idea of an analogy between the separate works of God leads to the conclusion that the system which is of less importance is economically or sacramentally connected with the more momentous system *, and of this conclusion the theory, to which I was inclined as a boy, viz., the unreality of material phenomena, is an ultimate resolution.'' While he was thus becoming daily more and more con fident that there was no real world but the ideal, he pro portionately became more and more confident of the fact of a Divine Guidance. 8 Newman held that we really know more about the spirit world than we do about the brute creation. Mr. Hutton in his Leaders in English Religious Thought gives a marvellous quotation to this effect. E SO Dr. Edwin Abbotts Philomythus. " I am obliged to mention, though I do it with great reluctance, another deep imagination, which at this time, the autumn of 1816, took possession of me — that there can be no mistake about the fact, viz. : that it would be the will of God that I should live a single life." This instinct, he tells us, was "strengthened by my feeling of separation from the visible world, of which I have spoken above." In 1827, Keble, after much hesitation, published his lovely Christian Year, and "woke up in the hearts of thousands a new music, the music of a school long un known in England." Dean Church, in his work on " The Oxford Movement," has shown how Keble's influence first worked on Newman through Hurrell Froude, and a glimpse at the Apologia will serve to show us that there is very little in Newman's philosophy of religion which is not also to be found in Keble's. Referring to the Christian Year, Newman writes : " Nor can I pretend to analyse in my own instance the effect of religious teaching so deep, so pure, so beautiful. I have never till now tried to do so ; yet I think I am not wrong in saying, that the two main intellectual truths which it brought home to me were the same two which I had learned from Butler, though recast in the creative mind of my new master. The first of these was what may be called in a large sense of the word, the Sacramental System; that is the doctrine that material phenomena are both the types and the instruments of real things unseen — a doctrine which embraces in its fulness, not only what Anglicans, as well as Catholics, believe about Sacraments properly so called ; but also the article of ' the Communion of Saints ; ' and likewise the Mysteries of the Faithh." The second intellectual principle which Newman learned from Keble, was that the difficulty, which arises from the fact that probability is the guide of life, and that a religious man cannot by nature be contented with a " merely pro bable God " — a difficulty touched on above — " could be met by ascribing the firmness of assent which we give to religious doctrine, not to the probabilities which introduced it, but * For a most beautiful illustration, see The Sermon for St. Michael mas Day, quoted in the Apologia, and see also Grammar of Assent, p. 51, and Arians, pp. 75-79. (Ed. 1890.) See the Essay on John Keble in Newman's Essays Historical and Critical, vol. ii. Cf. above, pp. 26-7. Dr. Edwin Abbotts Philomythus. 51 to the living power of faith and love which accepted it. In illus tration, Mr. Keble used to quote the words of the Psalm, ' I will guide thee with Mine eye.' This is the very difference, he used to say, between slaves and friends or children. Friends do not ask for literal commands ; but from their knowledge of the speaker, they anticipate his half-words, and from love of him they anticipate his wishes." We have perhaps given sufficient quotations to show that Newman built his own personal faith on his own consciousness of the reality of God's Presence, and shall we be surprised, after what we have seen as to the nature of the Divine fear, if we find that the development of the primary religious idea was evolved with fear ? Yet (pace Dr. Abbott) the fear grew up into love by the process which Newman himself has so beautifully described : — "We know that no temper of mind is acceptable in the Divine Presence without love ; it is love which makes Christian fear differ from servile dread, and true faith differ from the faith of devils ; yet, in the beginning of the religious life, fear is the prominent evangelical grace, and love is but latent in fear, and has in course of time to be developed out of what seems its contradictory. Thus, when it is developed, it takes that prominent place which fear held before, yet protecting, not superseding, it. Love is added, not fear removed, and the mind is but perfected in grace by what seems a revolution. ' They that sow in tears, reap in joy ; ' yet, afterwards still ' they are sorrowful, though always rejoicing'.' " Dr. Abbott has wisely abstained from dealing with The Grammar of Assent^, which represents the fully-developed state of Newman's mind, and prefers to pick out such passages as may, isolated from their context, prove his thesis of Newman's spiritual cowardice, from the earlier and professedly immature works. In his eager search he has overlooked a very noble sermon treating " Love " as the "safeguard of Truth against Superstition1." In this 1 Development of Doctrine. Chap, xi., Section 1 . k There is a chapter in Philomythus entitled "A Grammar of Ecclesiastical Assent," but this is made up of Dr. Abbott's chippings. and is in no way a criticism of Newman's Grammar, which is not quoted anywhere throughout the whole book. 1 See also a Sermon on "Obedience without Love" in Parochial Sermons, vol. iv. $2 Dr. Edwin Abbotts Philomythus. sermon Newman takes up a line which is afterwards developed into the doctrine of the illative consciousness of the Grammar of Assent. This illative consciousness is founded on the promise of Scripture : " I am the. Good Shepherd, and know My sheep, and am known of Mine. My sheep hear My voice, and I know them, and they follow Me." In these words Newman found, as many others have found, a certitude which no power of human reasoning could shake, a confidence which, with St. Paul, could say : " For I am persuaded, that neither death nor life, nor angels, nor principalities, nor powers, nor things present, nor things to come, nor height, nor depth, nor any other creature, shall separate us from the love of God, which is in Christ Jesus." Dr. Abbott has written a book which merits the severest criticism, but O the pity of it ! Dr. Abbott is, first and foremost, a scholar, and yet we find that he has attacked the writings of a man whose principal work he has only too plainly left unstudied — perhaps unread. To bring home his charges, he has interpolated quotations with his own miserable glosses, and attempted to twist his author's words into meanings they were never intended to convey. He has inadequately quoted and grossly misconstrued. All this deserves the most detailed and most ruthless exposure ; but we frankly confess that we have no heart for such a task. " Philomythus " has convicted its author of a worse failing than slovenly scholarship, it has proved that he has little or no capacity for gauging the elements of true religion. It has, in fact, not so much weakened our veneration for a " lost leader," as saddened us by a description to be read between the lines of the author himself. " What," we cannot refrain from asking ourselves, "what can a man who speaks so slightingly of rever ential fear know of God ? " Lastly. Dr. Abbott has told us that Newman was thankless. Was this so? Did not his whole life bear out the ancient rule, that those who are forgiven much, love much ? No one was ever more conscious of the guidance of God, of the Divinity shaping our ends, " rough Dr. Edwin Abbotts Philomythus. S3 hew them as we will," and herein was he thankful that God in His mercy, while guiding him " o'er moor and fen and crag and torrent," hid from him the revelation of a destiny which then would have been intolerable. During his famous Mediterranean journey, when as is well known he was powerfully affected by the anticipation of the work which lay before him on his return, he was full of grate fulness to Him, and wrote at Tre Fontane : " But Thou, dear Lord ! Whilst I traced out bright scenes which were to come, Isaac's pure blessing and a verdant home, Did'st spare me, and withhold Thy fearful word, Willing me year by year till I am found A pilgrim pale, with Paul's sad girdle bound." Seventeen years later, thankfulness is still in his heart, for the economy (" What I do thou knowest not now, but thou shall know hereafter "), and thus the man, whom Dr. Abbott tells us knew not the love of Christ, writes from the Oratory of his Master's teaching : " As snow those inward pleadings fall, As soft, as bright, as pure, as cool, With gentle weight and gradual, And sink into the feverish soul. The Sinless One, He comes to seek, The dreary heart, the spirit lone, Tender of natures proud or weak Not less than if they were His own. He takes and scans the sinner o'er, Handling his scholars one by one, Weighing what they can bear, before He gives the penance to be done™." Dr. Abbott has told us of the Cardinal's works that " a young man loving Christ will find in them, as far as I can judge, little strength, stimulus, little sustenance." The judgment lies with a generation which will know Dr. Abbott as little as he knows them. » "St. Philip In His God." Verses on Various Occasions, pp. 298-9.