0> HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. FROM THE INTRODUCTION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE PERIOD OF THE DISRUPTION IIT-IS^L^:^ BY THE REV. ¥. M. HETHERINGTON, A.M., TORPHICHEN. AUTHOR OP THE "imnSTER's FAMILY;" "HISTORY OP THE WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY OP DIVINES," ETC., ETC., ETC. NEC TAMEN CONSDMEBATUR. FIRST AMERICAN FROM THE THIRD EDINBURGH EDITION. NEW YORK: ROBERT CARTER, 58 CANAL STREET, PITTSBURG:— THOMAS CARTER. 1844. CONTENTS. Chapter I. — From the Introduction of Christianity into Scotland to the Commencement of the Reformation, •From the Beginning of the Reformation to the Meeting of the first General Assembly, ....... •From the first General Assembly, in 1560, to the year 1592, and the Great Charter of the Church, .... -From the Great Charter of the Church, in 1592, to the Rati fication of the Five Articles of Perth, in the year 1621, ' . ¦From the Ratification of the Five Articles of Perth, in the year 1621, to the National Covenant, in 1638, .... -From the Subscribing of the Covenant, in 1638, to the Resto ration of Charles IL, m 1660, -From the Restoration of Charles II. to the Revolution of 1688, -From the Revolution, in 1688, to the Treaty of Union, in 1707, -From the Union to the Rise of the Second Secession, in 1752, -From the Period of the Second Secession till the Assembly Chapter II.- Chaptkr III.- Chapter IV.- Chapter V.- Chapter VI.- Chapter VII.- Chapter VIII.- Chapter IX.- Chapteb X.- of 1841, Chapter XI. — From the Assembly of 1841 to the Disruption in 1843, . Appendix, PREFACE. The want of a History of the Church of Scotland, at once concise and entire, has long been felt Separate periods have been very fully treated of by several authors, leaving for their successors little to do but to compress the voluminous records which they had collected ; and ample materials exist to fill up the intermediate chasms, and to continue the narrative down to the present limes. But as no attempt has hitherto been made to compress the histories of these detached periods, to fill up the intermediate chasms, and to continue the narrative, it is a matter of considerable difficulty for any person who has not much leisure to spend, nor ready access to public libraries, to ob tain a connected view of the Church of Scotland throughout its entire history. Seve ral very serious disadvantages have resulted from the want of such a work ; a great degree of ignorance has been allowed to prevail respecting the true principles and sharacter of the Church of Scotland ; her enemies have availed themselves of this ig- •inrance to misrepresent her past conduct, to calumniate the characters of her Reform ers and Martyrs, and to assail her present proceedings, while many of her zealous friends are without the means of vindicating the past and defending the present; and numbers are remaining in a state of neutrality, liable to be misled, who require but accurate information to induce them at once to give their cordial support to the Church of their fatliers. Nor can there be a doubt, that many are at present not merely neu tral but hostile, who would become her strenuous defenders, if they possessed sufficient knowledge of her past and present history. Impelled by these considerations, and by the strong persuasion, that by giving to the public a faithful record of the scriptural principles of the Church of Scotland, her sufferings in defence of the Redeemer's Headship and of Gospel truth and purity, and the mental, moral, and reliffinus blessings which she has been instrumental in confer ring on the kingdom, I should best aid in her vindication and defence, I have endeav oured to supply the long-ft-lt want of a concise, continuous, and entire History of the Church of Scotland. I have not the presumption to imagine that my work will ade quately supply the want. For reasons which seemed to me imperative, I have re stricted myself within the limits which prevent the possibility of giving more than a tolerably full ontline of a subject requiring several volumes to do it justice. Much pe culiarly interesting and instructive matter, — both fitted to illustrate great principles, and characteristic of the interior life and private influence of the Presbyterian Church,-— has been unavoidably, and very reluctantly, withheld, that the continuity of the main outline might not be broken, nor the general impression weakened by minute details. References to authorities have been given in every matter of chief importance, ex cept where these are already well known and universally admitted. It would have been easy to have adduced very many more ; but while a superfluous array of refer ences appears to me to savour of ostentation, and can be of little consequence lo the general reader, for whom chiefly this work is intended, it is believed, that those who wish to prosecute their acquaintanc^with the subject, will find enough to authenticate every statement, and to direct then^to sources where more minute details may be ob tained. I have preferred to quote the testimony of opponents rather than that of friends, in many instances, as less liable to be disputed ; and when several authorities support the same account, I have given the one most generally known, rather than the rarer, that thereader might the more easily verily my statement, if so disposed. The edition of Knox's History of the Reformation to which reference is made, is that which Dr. MCrie regarded as the most authentic. No pains have been spared in the investi gation of every point respecting which conflicting opinions have been entertained ; and in formincr my own judgment I have been guided chiefly by the testimony of those who were°amply acqiudnted with the events which they related, and whose cha:racters give the highest value to their evidence. vi PREFACE. With regard to the sentiments contained in the work, I cannot but be aware, that while stating my own feehngs and opinions, what I have written will not be equally agreeable to aU. I have no wish to give unnecessary offence to any ; but in my opinion, no person ought to attempt to write history, who has not both an honest de sire to ascertain the truth, and sufficient courage to state it freely and impartially 'wh^n ascertained. And it is perfectly impossible to write the History of the Church ot Scotland, without relating events which cannot fail to excite strong moral indignation against the two systems by which that Church has, at different periods, been perse cuted and oppressed. It has been my desire to abstain from unnecessary asperity ot language, even when detailing acts of perfidy and cruelty, rarely equalled in the annals of persecution ; not because I think that Scottish Prelacy has any peculiar claim to be leniently treated, but because the plain and simple statement of the truth will best dis play the spirit and character of that intolerant system. Painful, indeed, has been the task of tracing the course of worldly policy and eccle siastical corruption and despotism, which prevailed throughout the last century and the beginning of the present; and most reluctantly have I felt myself constrained to record the deeds which were done in Scotland during the long reign of Moderatism. But it was felt to be an imperative duty to do so, both as required by historical fidehty, and as rendered peculiarly necessary by the present circumstances of the Church. It would be a very instructive chapter in the history of the errors which the spirit of the world has superinduced upon Christianity, to give a full view of the rise, progress, and com- filete developement of the system which has been called Moderatism. I have not, lowever, sought to do so, further than appeared absolutely necessary for the purpose of displaying so much of^ its real essence and character as might sufficiently prove, that the true Presbyterian Church of Scotland is not justly chargeable with the actions of a secular system, which had its origin in hostile elements, which gradually usurped, and long exercised over her the most cruel and oppressive tyranny, and whose whole procedure was one continuous endeavour to destroy her principles and subvert her con stitution. To those Gentlemen who have kindly favoured me with the perusal of valuable books, to which I could not otherwise have easily obtained access, I take this oppor tunity of returning my grateful thanks. And I now lay my work before the public, in the hope, that what was undertaken solely from a strong conviction of duty to the Di vine Head of the Church, to the Church of Scotland, and to my countrymen in gen eral, may, through the blessing of God, be of some avail in removing ignorance and prejudice, correcting erroneous misrepresentations, and enabling the community to form an accurate conception of the real principles and character of the Church of Scotland. In preparing this edition of the History of the Church of Scotland, it has been thought expedient to continue the narrative of events till the Disruption which took place in May last, and resulted in the formation of what is now termed The Free Church op Scotland, — in which are still preserved entire the constitutional principles, the unfettered freedom, the vital energy, the doctrinal purity, and the spiritual fervency, that have, in its best periods, always distinguished the testimony-bearing Church of our fathers. W. M. H. Free Masse, Torphicbem, October 1843. HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. CHAPTER I. FROM THE INTRODnCTION OP CHRISTIANITY INTO SCOTLAND, TO THE COMMENCEMENT OP THE REFORMATION. Introductory Remarks— Statement of General Princi ples involved in all Church History— Divine Truth innised into the Social System— Opposition from Man's Fallen Nature— Characteristic Principles of different Churches— Of the Church of Scotland— In troduction of Christianity into Scotland— The Cul- dees— Peculiarities of their System— Introduced into England — Ausustine the Itfonk— He and his followers oppose the Culdees — They retire to Scotland — The Prelatic System of Rome introduced — the Culdees at length overborne and suppressed — The leading Tenets of the Culdees— Progress of Popery — Its Wealth and Power— State of Scotland at the Com mencement of the Reformation. There are certain general principles involved in all Church History, greatly more profound in their character and im portant in their consequences than those which appear in, or can he deduced from, the records of Civil History. The civil historian has to deal with man merely as the mortal inhabitant of this world ; and, however deeply his philosophical know ledge of the human mind may enable him to penetrate into those undeclared motives hy which sovereigns and states men are often influenced, and the afiairs of nations controlled, there is still one de partment, and that the mightiest of all, into which it is not his province to enter. He may unravel the twisted intrigues of mere worldly policy ; he may detect and confute the sophistries of worldly wis dom ; but, except he he something more than a philosophical historian, he will remain utterly unable to understand the meaning and the power of conscience, influenced by religion, and impelling men frequently to act directly contrary to every thing which he would deem politic and expedient. Not only this class of motives, hut the course of events also, will often he found to lie equally beyond his reach adequately to compre hend and explain. He will often find means and arrangements apparently the wisest and most sufficient, utterly fail of accomplishing the proposed end ; while Others, which seem ill advised and feeble, will he crowned with the most remarka ble success. Frequently, therefore, must he content himself with recording the course of events, of which the impelling causes and controlling agencies are to him altogether unknown. Man as he is, in short, impelled hy the passions and allured by the interests of his known and common nature, — circumscribed, as he at present appears, within the limits of space and time, of his earthly pursuits and mortal life, — forms the object of the civil historian's important yet incomplete researches. But Church History has to deal with the deeds and characters of men in that very department into which the civil his torian cannot enter. It views man as a moral and spiritual being, fallen from his original condition of purity and happi ness, the slave of guilty passions, degra ded by low and grovelling pursuits, and blinded hy inveterate prejudices, yet ca pable of recovery from his depraved and miserable condition, and at present under a dispensation divinely fitted to restore HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. hi|p to more than the purity and eleva tion" from which he fell. He js seen, therefore, as constantly impelled hy the one or the other of two contending influ ences, directly hostile to each other ; — the one, the influence of his fallen and corrupt nature, striving to perpetuate all its own evil tendencies, and to impede and pervert all the efforts of its opponent ; the other, the influence of revealed religion, of Christianity, striving to expel corrup tion, remove prejudices, and heal the moral maladies of the soul, by the infu sion of the new and sacred principles of eternal truth. Church History has, there fore, for its peculiar province, the infu sion into the soul of fallen man of the sacred principles of divine revealed truth, — their influence in the social system, as they strive to pervade and mould it anew, — the opposition which they meet with from the inherent depravity of the heart, — the struggles of these contending in fluences of good and evil, of the world and religion, — the convulsions occasion ally thereby produced, — and the changes which take place in the aspect and struc ture of society, as the one or the other from time to time obtains ascendency, puts forth its power, and exhibits its na tive character. It is thus evident that the history of the Church of any land is the history of the moral and spiritual life of that land : and that it claims, as its own peculiar domain, that very region of moral and spiritual principles and mo tives into which the secular historian, as such, cannot even enter, and yet without some knowledge of which, much of what is most important in the history of every nation can never be understood and ex plained. In tracing the Church History of any country, we must expect to meet with much that we must both deplore and condemn. For although the principles which Christianity introduces into the soul of man, and thereby into the social system, are in themselves absolutely per fect, yet they are rarely perfectly re ceived, and never have been perfectly developed. Divine truth does not, in deed, contract any portion of human error hy entering into the mind of man ; but the depraved and prejudiced human mind obtains m general only a partial recep tion and distorted view of its great prin ciples. The inevitable consequence is, that its genuine effects are very greatly impaired by the disturbing influence ol human depravity and -prejudice. Some of the most important religious principles are frequently obscured, because they have been either imperfectly understood, or are so opposed to the natural predilec tions of fallen man as to he disliked, and therefore perverted. They do indeed re appear from time to time, as peculiar junctures, under the guiding of Divine Providence, call them forth ; until their true character and value being thus forced upon the perception of the general mind, they are at length received, and oppor tunity thereby given for the similar pro cess "of developement to others, which had been equally neglected or opposed. This is the case, whether such principles have direct reference to the government, the doctrine, or the discipline of the Christian Church, as might easily he shown from the general records of Church History. There is also a necessary continuity of charafter, as of being, in the life and history of any Church ; and that charac ter can never be rightly understood, how ever familiar we may be with the details of its general history, unless we have a clear and true conception of those lead ing principles which have always formed the master element of its essential exist ence. By keeping them steadily in view, we shall be able to trace distinctly all the various changes and alternations of its course, marking and understanding not merely those external events which are manifest to the world, hut those unseen influences which move, and mould, and animate the whole. Even in periods of comparative stagnation, when there seems to be a cessation of all active and vital impulses, the knowledge of what forms the essential characteristics of a national Church may enable us to detect the otherwise imperceptible progress of a deep and calm under-current, preparing for some new and mighty developement of silently-ripened energies, by which the whole structure of society may be convulsed, and constrained to assume a new aspect, more in conformity with the character of its inward moral and reli gious life. Every person who has paid much at- HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. tention to Church History must be aware that, of the great leading principles of Christianity, some have been held in pe culiar reverence, and defended with pe culiar determination, by one national Church, and some by another ; and from this has arisen in each that distinctive characteristic by which the various por tions of the Church general maintain their individuality, notwithstanding their common resemblance. It would require too wide a survey, and perhaps involve a discussion too vague, to point out the dis tinctive characteristics of the chief na tional Churches throughout the Christian world; but there can be little difficulty in making specific mention of that great Christian principle which the Church of Scotland has always striven to realize and defend, — namely, That the Lord Jesus Christ is the only" Head and King op the Chdrch ; whence it fol lows, by necessary consequence, That ITS Govkrnment is dkrived from Him ALONE, AND IS DISTINCT FROM, AND NOT SUBORDIN'ATR IN TfS OWN PROVINCE TO, THE Civil Magistrate. The very remote ness of Scotland from Rome, the seat fiist of imperial, and subsequently of ecclesi astical power, tended to allow for a time a more fee developement of that great principle, and of its legitimate conse quences, than would have been possible had it been more accessible to the influ ence of Roman supremacy. It might, perhaps, be thought by some, that the Presbyterian form of church government, rather than the great principle of the sole Sovereignty of Chiist, has been, and is, the characteristic tenet of the Church of Scotland. But it requires only a little deeper investigation, or profounder thought, to enable any impartial and un prejudiced person to see, that the great principle of Christ's sole Sovereignty must prohibit the Church which holds it from the adoption of any merely human inventions or arrangements in that form of government which He has given to the°Church, his free spiritual kingdom, of which the Holy Scriptures contain the only authoritative enactment and declara tion. It is not our purpose to enter here into the controversy respecting forms of church government, farther than merely to state our full conviction, that it can be proved, and often has been proved, tJiat the Episcopalian, or rather let us term*it now, and throughout this work, the Pre latic form of church government, is one of merely human invention ; whilst the Presbyterian is of divine origin and au thority, and consequently is that which would of necessity be adopted and re tained hy any Church which held as its leading principle the sole headship and kingly dominion of the Lord Jesus Christ. But it is enough at present merely to have stated these general prin ciples, and suggested their application. If the candid reader will bear them in mind during his perusal of the following pages, he will soon he able to decide for himself respecting their truth and theif importance. The first introduction of Christianity into Scotland cannot, it appears, be now exactly asceitained. It would be in vain to refer to the legendary records of an cient Scottish kings, given by some of our historians, as furnishing authoritative information respecting the events of a pe riod so far beyond the boundaries of our nation's authentic annals. Perhaps the earliest indication that the light of Chris tianity had begun to dawn upon the re mote regions of Caledonia, that can at all he depended upon, may be found in the words of Tertullian, who asserts, that "those parts of Britain which were inac cessible to the Romans had become sub ject to Christ." And although we are not to attach to the fervid language of a rhetorician the same degree of credit which we yield to the direct statements of a historian, yet, remembering the ex treme rapidity with which Christianity was propagated throughout the Roman empire in the apostolic age, it is by no means improbable that it should have reached Britain, and even penetrated to the mountains of Caledonia, before the close of the second century. The vio lence of the persecutions which raged in every part of Rome's dominion's during the third century, may readily he sup posed to have driven many of the Chris tians beyond the boundaries of the em pire, and thus to have aided indirectly in the diffusion of the gospel, and especially to have promoted its introduction into the territories of unsubdued nations. Many 10 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. of those persecuted Christians may then have found a refuge among fhe uncon- quered districts of Scotland and Ireland, where they would, of course, endeavour to instiuct the rude but not inhospitable natives in the knowledge of the truth as it is in Jesus. In what manner these early Christian refugees commenced what may be termed their missionary labours among the Scots and Picts, — and whether, as some authors asseit, the greater number of them re sorted to Ireland, and there assembling themselves together, resumed the form of primitive ecclesiastical government to which they had been accustomed, — are questions into which it would be fruitless to inquire, it being now almost impossi ble to arrive at any certainty on these points. The records of those remote times are so obscure and contradictory, that they rather furnish material for con jecture, than data from which any satis factory inferences may be drawn. There are, however, a few points on which all ancient records seem to agree. These, therefore, we may assume as generally admitted facts, although party-writers have endeavoured to deduce from them the most opposite conclusions ; and while we do not venture to claim for ourselves absolute impartiality and freedom from all biassing predilections, we shall do our utmost to guard against the influence of prejudices, — to state nothing but what we believe, after very careful investiga tion, to he the truth, — and to frame no inferences but what seem to us to be nat ural, direct, and inevitable. There is reason to believe, as has been already stated, that the knowledge of Christianity was to some extent commu nicated to the people of Scotland and Ire land as early as towards the close of the second, and more especially during the third, century of the Christian era, in the times of those fierce persecutions which, while they were meant to exterminate, were actually overruled to promote the progress of the Christian religion. There IS no reason, however, to think that those persecuted and banished Christians at tempted at that early period to construct any distinct frame of ecclesiastical govern ment. They seem rather to have dwelt ia comparatively isolated solitude, each lo his own retreat, and each compiunica- ting to his own immediate neighbours afl mu'ch instruction as he could impart, or they could be persuaded to receive. If any dependence may be placed upon the fabulous records of those ages, there were too many convulsions and semi-rev olutions in both Scotland and Ireland, caused by the contensions of rival races and petty monarchies, to have permitted the constiuction of any regular form of church goveinment ; so that for a con siderable period, while Christianity was gradually pervading both countries, it was doing so almost imperceptibly, through the exeitions of individuals, without system and without combination, farther than that invisible but strong har mony which is caused by identity of prin ciple and aim. In this manner Chris tianity might have been, and indeed appeals to have been propagated exten sively throughout the British Isles, before it began to assume the external aspect of a Church, with a regular system and form of government. But when persecu tion ceased, in consequence of the fall of Paganism before the progress of Chris tianity, and Rome began to be regarded as the central seat of ecclesiastical gov ernment, the Bishop of Rome very early assumed a soit of supremacy over the whole Christian Church, and took it upon him to interfere with the arrange ments of the whole Christian world. To this, in all probability, \ye owe the visit of Palladius, about the object and conse quences of which so much fruitless con troversy has arisen. According to the Archbishop Ussher, Palladius was sent from Rome to " the Scots believing on Christ," in the year 431, by Celestine, at that time Bishop of Rome, as their "first bishop," (primus episcopux).* Some writers assert, that by the word " Scol^' we are to under stand the Irish to be meant ; and are fur ther to learn, that Palladius was sent to be Primate of Ireland 1 It is not neces sary to waste space in the discussion of assertions which contain their own refu tation in their absurdity. Whatever else may have been among the secret objects of the Roman Bishop Celestine in the mission of Palladius, it appears suffi ciently evident from the above-quoted ex- " Ussher, Primord., p. 801. See also Jamieson's His. tory or the Culdeea, pp. 7, a HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 11 pression, that the chief one was to intro duce Episcopal government among the Scottish and Irish Christians ; whence it cleaily follows, that previously no such form of ecclesiastical government was known, if indeed there did exist pre viously either organization or govern ment at all, beyond the mental harmony which subsisted among those who held one faith, were animated by one Spirit, trusted in one Saviour, and worshipped one God. Whether the mission of Palladius were chiefly to Ireland or not, it may not now be possible to determine with certainty ; but there is reason to believe that he not only visited Scotland, but that he died there, at Fordoun, in the Mearns.* The very common opinion that Palladius was sent expressly to refute the errors of Pe- lagius, which are said to have become prevalent among the British Christians, we are disposed to regard as without sufficient foundation. The Pelagian heresy was scarcely known till the year 412, and that chiefly among the African Churches ; and it is not at all likely that it had even reached, much less made ex tensive progress among, the simple- minded Christians of Scotland and Ire land, before the year in which the mis sion of Palladius is recorded to have taken place. Nothing certain is known respecting the direct effects produced by the mission of Palladius. It is indeed stated by Mariauus Scotus, that after him St. Pat rick was consecrated hy Celestine, and sent as archbishop to Ireland, where, in the course of forty years, he converted the whole island to the faith ;t but this account cannot be relied on, in conse quence of its opposition to other and more authentic records. There is no proof whatever that St. Patrick had any con nection with Rome ; while there is strong reason to believe that he was a native of Scotland, and that the Christianity which he communicated to Ireland was, both in forms and doctrines, what he had him self been taught hy his Scottish instruct ors. What the form of church govern ment was which St. Patrick instituted in Ireland, appears very plainly, even from the statement of Archbishop Ussher. " We read," says that learned aad candid • Jsmieaoii's Hist. Culd., p. 9. t Ibid., p. 8. prelate, — " we read in Nennius, that at the beginning St. Patrick founded 365 churches, and ordained 365 bishops, besides 3000 presbyters" (or elders).* What kind of bishops these were, is suffi ciently apparent from the fact that there was one for each church, and also from the number of the elders, — about eight to each bishop. It was, in short, manifestly the same institution which ultimately be came the Presbyterian Church of Scot land, — a parish minister, with his session of elders, in each church and parish that had received the gospel. But it is time to quit the regions of dark and half-fabu lous antiquity, and to direct our attention to what, though still obscure, has been brought into somewhat of a more definite form, by those writers who have pre served to us an outline of the aspect of primitive Christianity in Scotland, in the remarks they have made on the Culdees. It is not our intention to investigate at any length the questions which have been so long agitated respecting the origin, the doctrines, and the form of church government of the Culdees, but rather to state briefly and consecutively all that is clearly known concerning them. The name Culdees appears to have been given to those Christians who fled from persecution, and sought refuge in those districts of Scotland which were be yond the limits of the Roman empire. Different explanations have been sug gested of the name itself; some deriving it from Latin, and assuming it to have been an abbreviation of Cultores Dei, worshippers of God ; others from the Gaelic expression, Gille De, servants of God ; and others from the Gaelic Cuil or Ceal, a sheltered place, a retreat. We would combine the two latter opinions, and suppose that the Culdees derived their name from the union of these two facts in their early history, namely, that they were refugees, and dwelt generally in comparatively secret retreats and hid ing-places ; and that they were known to be in a peculiar manner servants of God. Their early possession of the island of lona, and concentration there as their chief seat, we would regard also as the result of a combination of circumstances. * Aiseourse on tlie Religion of the Irish and British, p.TT. 12 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. The same necessity which drove them to Scotland would impel them to seek some tolerably secure place of safety, to which they could at all times retreat from dan ger. The marked and important inter course between the Dalriad Scots and the Irish, which subsisted at that period, would point out some interjacent island as affording easy access to either country and people. For these reasons lona would readily recommend itsetjf to them, as at once a safe retreat, even from its insignificance in point of size, and at the same time allowing free and convenient intercourse with Picts, Scots, and Irish. It thus became their chief residence ; and in it first appeared that form of eccle siastical government, the rudimental prin ciples of which they had either brought with them, or into which Christianity itself naturally tended to mould a society of single-hearted believers. The first definite accounts which have reached us respecting the Culdees are those which relate to Columba, who is said to have been a native of Ireland, and of royal extraction. He is reported to have founded the monastery, or rather abbey, of lona, in the year 563, and to have been himself the first abbot. He took with him, we are told, from Ireland to lona, twelve companions, over whom he possessed no other kind of superiority than that of being president for life. Neither the office nor the designation of bishop, in its prelatical sense, appears to have been known among them. The institution of lona formed, in truth, a re gular presbytery, as it has long existed in Scotland, with this slight difference, that the presidency, or what we term the moderatorship, was permanently enjoyed by the abbot, whom even Bede terms the " Presbyter-Abbott." Upon the death of this permanent president, or presbyter- abbot, the remaining presbyter-monks met and chose a successor from among themselves, to whom was accordingly given the permanent presidency, but without any such rite as that of consecra tion, or any thing which could indicate elevation to an office essentially superior in itself He was, in fact, nothing more than " the first among equals," placed so hy the choice of his brethren, for the pur pose of maintaing order in their meetings together for deliberation and consultation. This peculiarity was well known to the venerable Bede, who terms it "an un usual constitution" {ordo insusilatus), as indeed it must have appeared to one who had been himself accustomed to the constitution of a diocesan and prelatic Episcopacy. It deserves to he remarked, that the number of the council or college of presbyter-monks of lona was fixed at twelve ; and that, when the Culdees formed new settlements, they adhered to the same number. This was, in all pro bability, caused by their veneration for the primitive apostolic council of twelve ; and indicates, either that the Culdees must have reached Scotland in a very early age, while apostolic forms were still uncorrupted and prelacy unknown ; or that they followed the sacred Scrip tures as closely as possible, regarding them as the only and the sufficient stan dard of both faith and ecclesiastical government. We find them also appeal ing to the authority of the Apostle John, in their controversy with the Romanized English clergy respecting Easter, which indicates both the earliness of their origin and the quarter whence they derived their tenets and their institutions. An additional proof of their early origin and unperverted belief and practice appears in the fact, that though generally termed monks by ecclesiastical writers of that age. to whom the term had become familiar, they did not hold the tenet of monastic celibacy, but were married men, and were even frequently succeeded in their official station and duties bj"- their own sons. From this we can scarcely avoid drawing the conclusion, that those who held a form of Christianity so pri mitive, so simple, and so pure, must have branched off" from the central regions and stem of the Christian Church at a very early period indeed, — almost before any corruption had begun to disfigure the institutions, and pollute the doctrines and customs, of the apostles. For these and other reasons the second century^ seems not too early a date to assign to the origin of Christianity in Scotland..' Little is known respecting the pro gress made by the Culdees in propagat'- ing Christianity among the Scots and* Picts, impeded as their efforts must have* been by the almost incessant hostilities in HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 13 which these tribes were engaged. That they did make some progress, however, is certain, from the various semi-monas tic settlements which they formed in the districts inhabited by each people, as at Dunkeld, Abernethy, Arbroath, Brechin, Monimusk, &c. It deserves to be noted also, that in each of these settlements the Culdees retained the institutions of lona already specified, namely, a council of twelve presbyter-monks, with a life-pre sident or presbyter-abbot, chosen from among their own number by themselves, and continuing of the same order, than which they acknowledged no higher. Ahhough the intestine feuds of the Scots and Picts must have greatly retard ed the progress of Christianity among them, yet their^neighbours of the south ern part of the island were in a much worse condition. It is well known that, on the final departure of the Romans from Britain, the enfeebled Britons ap plied to the Saxons for aid against the in vasions of the Scots and Picts ; and were themselves, after a protracted and bloody struggle, completely subdued by their faithless auxiliaries. The effect of these devasting wars was the complete ascen dency of the Sixons in England, and the entire extinction of Christianity in the territories upon which they had seized ; the remainder of the British race, with what of Christianity survived among them, being driven into the mountain fastnesses of Wales, where, accordingly, the relics of the primitive Culdee system continued for a considerable time to exist.* At length there came a period of com parative tranquillity ; and the Christianity which had been preserved in the north ern regions began to find its way south ward. Bede informs us, that Oswald, king of the Northumbrian Saxons, had been himself educated at lona ; and im mediately upon his obtaining the sove reignty, he sent to the Scottish elders (majores natu), requesting them to send him what would now be termed an or dained minister (anlistes), by whose doc trine and ministry his subjects might he instructed in the Christian faith. t From this period and downwards, the Culdees " Keith, Prelhce, pp. viii. and xv. ; Jamieson's Hist. Culd., pp. 35 and 259. „ „ , , t Bede, Hist., lib. iii. c. 17; Jamieson's Hist. Culd., pp. 36, 37. prosecuted their missionary labours among the Saxons with great activity. At first their success was but indifferent. Gorman, their first missionary, was a man of austere manners, and failed to render himself and his ministry accept able to the rude and warlike Saxons. They next sent Aidan, one of the pres byter-monks of lona, having first ordain ed him as a preaching presbyter. He formed a settlement at Lindisfarne, constructing it upon the model of that of lona ; and it became a new salient point from which Christianity might make its aggressive movements into England. Such, nevertheless, was the veneration entertained for lona, and such also, in all probability, its superiority in the means of instructing aspirants for the Christian ministry, that several of the immediate successors of Aidan, in the presbyter-ab- botship of Lindisfarne, were sent thither from the primitive seat of the Culdees. But while the simple primitive Chris tianity of the Culdees was making rapid progress among the Pagan Saxons, a more formidable opposition was preparing to meet it. The attention of Pope Greg ory the Great was accidentally directed to Britain ; and he sent Augustine the Monk, with forty missionary attendants, to attempt fhe conversion of the Saxons. The imposing pomp, and keen subtilty and artifice, of the Italian monk and his associates, speedily acquired an ascen dency which the simple Culdee presby ters could not gainstand. The contro versy respecting the proper time for ob serving Easter, and other points of form and ceremony in which the Culdees dif fered from the Roman Church, was for mally begun by Augustine, in a synod held by him in the year 603. This was the commencement of the corruption and tyranny of the Romish Church in Brit ain. The Romish party continued to advance, employing all the craft and des potism with which they were so familiar, and bearing down their opponents ; and in a synod held at Whitby in the year 662, for the purpose of deciding the con troversy, Colmaii, at that time presbyter- abbot (termed also, in conformity with the names then become prevalent, bishop) of Lindisfarne, was overborne by the ar rogant manner and confident assertions which his opponent Wilfrid had learned 14 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTL.4ND. at Rome ; but rather than abandon the tenets which he had been taught by his elders, as he termed them, he relinquish ed his position at Lindisfarne, and re turned to lona. From this time forward the Romish in fluence made rapid aggressive progress. The adaptation of the Romish system to the natural pride and ambition of man, lent it a mighty impulse : and the Culdees were either allured to exchange their presbyter-abbot for a prelatic and dioce san bishop, or compelled to abandon their settlements and return to Scotland. In deed the name bishop was often applied to the presbyter-abbot of the Culdees by the writers of that period ; and so far as it was applied in its primitive sen^e, it was his due, there being no distinction between an ordained presbyter and a scriptural bishop. Still, their difference from the Romish diocesan bishop, or pre late, was marked even by those writers, in the peculiar appellation, " bishops of the Scots," by which they were desig nated. It is not our intention to trace minutely the encroachments of the prelatic Romish party, as they not only expelled the Cul dees from England, but also, following up the ever-intolerant policy of Rome, as sailed them in Scotland itself, and ceased not their hostile effbits till they procured their final suppression. It deserves, how ever, to be peculiarly observed, that what chiefly excited the hostility of the Romish party was the want of Prelacy among the Culdee.s, even more than their differ ing in other points from the superstitious rites and ceremonies of Popery ; and that the introduction of Prelacy was the di rect means by which the pure scriptural system of worship and government held by the early Scottish Church was at last overthrown. Nor let it pass unmarked, that England's influence and example were the direct causes of the corruption and subversion of Scotland's more an cient and purer faith. This might be rendered evident, beyond the possibility of contradiction, did our limits permit us to trace minutely the successive events which led to this disastrous resuh ; such as the residence for a time in England of some of our most powerful kings, es pecially Malcolm Canmore,and David I., who, returning to Scotland with their minds filled with prejudices in behalf of the pomp and splendour of the English Prelacy, made it their most strenuous en deavour to erect buildings, and organize and endow a hierarchy, which might vie in dignity and grandeur with those of their more wealthy neighbours. The ruinous effects were soon apparent. In vain did the best of the Scottish clergy oppose these innovations ; their more am bitious brethren were but too ready to grasp at the proffered wealth and honour ; and at length, to save themselves from the usurpations of the archbishop of Can terbury, who strove to assert supremacy over the Scottish Church, they yielded up their spiritual liberty to the Roman pontiff, in the year 1 176. It can scarcely fail to strike every thoughtful reader, that the history of the Culdees presents, in its main outline, a very close resemblance to the general as pect and characteristic incidents subse quently exhibited in the history of the Church of Scotland, at and since the time of the Reformation. When left to itself, and free from external influence, the Scottish Church has always been re markable for its simplicity of forms and purity of doctrine, taking the word of God as its sole rule and guide in both ; the wealthier and more worldly Church of England has- always hated and sought to overthrow a Church which contrasted so strongly with its own ex ternal pomp and internal corrupticMa and inefficacy : and the monarchs and nobil ity of Scotland, being Anglicised, have striven to introduce forms of worship, and a system of despotic ecclesiastical government and corrupt doctrine, equally opposed to the simplicity and purity of the Scriptures, and to the grave, manly, and free spirit of the Scottish people. It is at all times a melancholy task to trace the progress of a persecuted, op pressed, and falling cause, whether that cause be of religious or of civil liberty, which, indeed, suffer together and alike, We shall, therefore, very briefly state the most marked incidents in the suppressioB and extinction of the Culdees. Aftei the Synod of Whitby, in the year 662, the Culdees generally either retired from England, or submitted to the institutions and doctrines of Rome, which from that time forward held supreme ascendent^ HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 15 among the English. Soon after that pe riod arose the furious contests between the Scots and Picts, which ended in the complete overthrow of the latter, and their entire national extinction, the con quered and the conquerors becoming so thoroughly blended together, that the Picts ceased to be known as a separate people. It appears that during these wars the Culdees suffered severely. The annals of Ulster state that, in the year 716, "the family of lona was expelled beyond Druin-Albin, by Nectan, king of the Picts." This seems to have been con nected with an attempt by Nectan to intro duce the form of the Anglican Church into his dominions ; as we find that a Saxon priest, Ecgberht, was at the same time placed in lona ; while the Pictish king applied to Ceolfrid, abbot of Gir- vey, for architects to erect a church after the Roman manner. It was probably his intention to transfer the chief seat of ec clesiastical government from lona to Abernethy, his own capital, whereby he might expect that his personal influence would enable him to accomplish his in tended religious innovations. The premature death of Nectan put an end to these attempts ; and lona re covered its shaken supremacy, and en joyed about sixty years of comparative tranquillity. But a more terrible enemy appeared. * The Danes and Norwegians began their piratical invasions of the Western Isles ; and in 801, lona itself was burned, and a great number of the Culdees slain, hy these fierce invaders. About the year 877, the Culdees of lona fled from another Danish invasion to Ireland, carrying with them the relics of Columba. Still a considerable number of the Culdees continued to cleave to the long-hallowed abode of their ancestors, though now sadly shorn of its ancient splendour. But their perils and sufl^er- ings continued ; and iu 905, the Danes again pillaged the monastery, and killed the abbot, with fifteen of his presbyters. In 1059, the monastery was destroyed by fire; but still the devoted Culdees lingered among the scathed ruins of their venerated lona. A large body of them, indeed, appear to have sought refuge in Dunkeld, where thev endeav oured to perpetuate their simple scriptu ral institutions ; but lona continued to be inhabited by Culdees till the year 1203, when " Ceallach built a monastery, in opposition to the learned of the place."* Thus the Romish usurping power seized upon the very citadel ; and this seems effectually to have driven the remains of the persecuted Culdees from lona, which they never again recovered. The only further accounts of them which can he gleaned from the incidental notices, re present them as scattered throughout the districts of the western counties of Scot land, especially in Kyle and Cunning ham ; where, though their name soon became extinct, their tenets were pre served in a great measure pure from pa pal corruption, till about the time that the Lollards, the followers of Jerome and Huss, and of Wickliffe, appeared like the faint day-break of the Reformation. Although we have traced chiefly the fortunes of the original settlement of the Culdees at lona, it must not be forgotten that there were many other similar settle ments of them in Scotland ; and that in latter times some of these were even more prominently the scenes of contest with the encroaching Anglo-Roman Church than was lona, and maintained the conflict for a longer period. In the year 1176, the abbot of Dunkeld per mitted himself to be made a diocesan bishop. It was not till the year 1230, or about that time, that the Culdees of Mo nimusk were deprived of their peculiar privileges; and in the year 1297, the Culdees of St. Andrews made the last at tempt at resisting the usurpations of the bishop of that see, by an effectual appeal to Rome. This, therefore, may be taken as the date of the final suppression, by prelatic and papal fraud and tyranny, of the primitive, scriptural and presby- terian Church of Scotland. Before concluding this brief sketch of the Culdees, it may be expedient to state the main points of doctrine and ritual, as of ecclesiastical government, in which they differed from the corrupt Church of Rome. For although Bede and other writers make most mention of the dis putes and controversies respecting the celebration of Easter, and the peculiar form of the clerical tonsure, and such like idle fooleries, from which some * Jamieaou's Hist. Culd., p. SQL 16 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. have hastily concluded that there was, after all, nothing but the most trifling and unessential distinctions between the Culdees and their Anglo-Roman oppo nents; yet a closer examination may enable us to discover, what a little more reflection would have led us to conjecture, that they differed in some points of vital importance, although the popish and pre latic party, with their usual cunning, con trived to make the public aspect of the controversy one of mere rites and cere monies. It may, indeed, be here stated, as an axiomatic principle, which we shall have frequent occasion of applying and verifying, that the opposers of pure re ligion never venture to assail what is manifestly sacred, if they can obtain the slightest hold of what is merely ritual or civil. From incidental notices, however, it may be gathered that the Culdees were opposed to the Church of Rome in such essential doctrines as the following : — They rejected that dark and tyranni cal tenet of Popery, auricular confession, and also its natural sequents, penance, and authoritative absolution ; confessing their sins to God alone, as believing that He alone could forgive sins. They opposed the idolatrous doctrine of the real presence, or transnbstantia tion ; holding the sacrament of the Lord's Supper to be indeed a healing or dinance and an appointed means of grace to all faithful receivers, but at the same time in its own nature essentially com memorative. They rejected and opposed the idola trous worship of angels, and saints, and relic.i, and all these peculiar superstitious practices by means of which the Roman Church so grossly imposed upon credu lous ignorance, and promoted its own wealth and influence ; and so sensible do they appear to have been in their ap prehension of the danger lest idolatry should creep into their pure system, that they would not permit any of their churches to be dedicated to, or designated by the name of, any saint or angel. They neither admitted praying to saints for their intercession, nor prayers for the dead. For they were persuaded, that while we are in the present world. we may help each other either by our prayers or by our counsels ; but when we come before the tribunal of Christ, " neither Job, nor Daniel, nor Noah, can intercede for any one, but every one must bear his own burden ;" — so scrip tural were their views on these points. They strenuously denied the popish doctrine of works of supererogation ; ut terly disclaiming all merit of their own, and hoping for salvation solely from the mercy of God, through faith in Jesus Christ ; stating as their view of that es sential point of Christian doctrine, " That the faithful man does not live by right eousness, but the righteous man by fahh." It has been already shown that the ec clesiastical constitution and government of the Culdees was diametrically op posed to prelatic Episcopacy ; and it ought to be stated, both as a consequence and as an additional proof, that they were unacquainted with the episcopalian rite of confirmation. * And, as an additional proof of their freedom from superstitious usages of merely human invention, they, in the sa crament of baptism, made use of any water that was conveniently at hand, as did the apostles, rejecting the " conse crated chrism" introduced by the Roman ists, and still retained wherever popish and prelatic institutions prevail.* When to the preceding doctrinal tenets of the Culdees we add their freedom from the pernicious system of an unmarried priesthood, their repugnance to the lordly rule of a disocesan Prelacy, and the scriptural simplicity of their presbyterial form of church government, we cannot fail to be struck with the close resem blance which they bear to the authorita tive doctrines and institutions of the Word of God ; to the opinions and de sires of the great men of the Reforma tion, — of Luther and Melancthon, Calvin and Beza, Cranmer and Ridley, Knox and Melville; and to the constitutional confession and government of the Pres byterian Church of Scotland. And we have been at some pains to extricate, as far as may now be done, the tenets of our old ancestral faith from the confused and faded records of bygone ages, because we regarded that as the best method of ascertaining what were the actual life- germs and essential principles of that • For authorities in proof of the preoedin" state ment of the differences between the Culdees and the Romish Churches, see Jamieson's Hist. Culd chap i HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 17 primitive, apostolic, and scriptural form of Christianity which was so early en joyed by our fathers ; and because we are persuaded that, however much e.x- ternally overborne by the corrupt prelatic Church of Rome, its influence never per ished, but, after having for a season lain concealed, yet not unfelt, within the strong and independent heart of Scot land, while the fierce storms of English invasion and civil broils were sweeping over and devastating the land, it sprang again into energetic action, when the voice of reformation went foith, awaken ing Europe, and became the moving and moulding life-power of our reformed, or rather resuscitated, national Church. We have given the outline of all that is with any degree of ceitainty known respecting the Culdees, in one continued narrative, for the purpose of presenting it to the reader in the most intelligible form, unbroken by reference to contem poraneous events. But some of these demand a portion of our attention, before proceeding with the main course of our narrative. The chief of these we shall now proceed to state with all practical brevity. It has been already stated, that the Christianizing labours of the Culdees were met and borne back from England by the efforts of the Romish Church, which even then was greatly corrupted ; and also, that the system established in EngLind speedily began to be imitated by our own somewhat Anglicised sove reigns and clergy. But it must be ob served, that neither king nor clergy had the slightest intention of subjecting the Church of Scotland to that of England. Indeed, there occur some noble instances of the determined manner in which the Scottish kings repelled the aggressions of the archbishops of Canterbury and York, when endeavouring to e.^ctend their supremacy over the Church of Scotland; in particular, the conduct of Alexander I., in the contest which arose in 1 109, is deserving of the highest approbation. Yet this monarch was, in these attempts at usurpation by the English archbishops, only reaping the fruits of his own inno vations, as it was by him chiefly that bishoprics were first erected in Scotland. During the reign of his successor, David -1., Popery obtained complete foot- 3 ing in Scotland, by the erection of an im mense number of monasteries and ab beys, and the vast wealth which these scenes of corruption speedily acquired. Still, however, the Church of Scotland maintained its independence, refusing to submit to the dictation of that of England. Even after that unfortunate defeat which threw William the Lion into the power of the English monarch, and after he had consented to surrender the indepen dence of the kingdom, that he might re gain his personal liberty, the Scottish clergy refused to submit to equal degra dation. The archbishop of Yoik was now the claimant for this supremacy ; and in the year 1 176, an assembly of the English and Scottish clergy was held at Northampton, on a citation for that pur pose by the Pope's legate. It would ap pear that Prelacy had already begun to do its work, in producing a mean spirit of subserviency ; for not one of the Scot tish prelates ventuied to oppose the arro gant claim of the archbishop of York, But a young canon, named Gilbert Mur ray, rose and addiessed the assembled dignitaries, in a tone of bold and manly independence woithy of his country and his cause, repelling the arrogant preten sions of the arch-prelate, and asserting the freedom of the Church of Scotland.* The result was an appeal to Rome, and the declaration, by a papal bull, of the independence of Scotland, in all matters ecclesiastical, of any other power than the Pope or his legate. Ahhough this incident proves that the national spirit of .1 Scot was still stronger in some than the unnationalising spirit of Popery, yet the result was productive to the country of an evil scarcely, if at all, less than that which it was intended to repel. It un questionably tended to increase the inter course between the Scottish ecclesiastics and Rome, and thereby to introduce more rapidly, and to diffuse more wide ly, the pernicious eriors of Popery. That the Romish system, thus unhap pily introduced, made rapid progress, and speedily became prevalent through out the kingdom, cannot be doubted ; but the records of these things are so meagre, that no specific details can be given. During the fierce wars by which Scot- p.38. Jamieson's Hist. Quid., pp. 240-241 ; S{iotswoai]|. 18 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAKD. land was devastated, in consequence of the attempts of Edward I. of England to annex it to his own dominions, it may be well supposed that little opportunity ex isted for either the improvement of reli gious institutions, or their temporal ag grandizement. But soon after Scotland had secured its national independence, we find fresh indications of the growing power, weahh, and profligacy of the clergy. So early, indeed, as the reign of Malcolm II., which began in U 04, the ecclesiastical courts had obtained the sole right of judging in all matters per taining to dowries and testaments ; and also, the passing of a law, that all men might bequeath property to the Church.* This soon became a fertile source of gain, ignorant people being persuaded by the wily priests, that by such bequests they might secure the salvation of their souls, whatever might have been the criminality of their course of life. Besides, while the priesthood were by these means ac quiring great weahh, they possessed the only education which existed in the coun try, and were by no means desirous of communicating it to either the nobility or the common people. They thus became indispensable in the management of all public matters, and soon engrossed the chief official stations in the kingdom. That some of them discharged tht; duties of these stations with decided ability, need not be denied ; but that they at the same time neglected their sacred duties, and allowed the country to remain in a slate of great ignorance and barbarism, is equally certain. In the meantime the social structure of Scotland had gradually reached the last stage of developement of which such a system was capable. The feudal system had been superinduced upon the patriar chal or clan system Those of the great barons who were of Norman extraction, comprising nearly all the Lowland no bility, maintained the feudal system in all its stern inflexible despotism. The sove reign they regarded as but the highest of their own order, to whom they owed a merely nominal or formal allegiance; each other they viewed as rivals, against whom they might wage open vi^ar or frame machinations, as seemed the safest policy ; and the people they considered • Kegiam Majestatem, pp. 11 and 66. as mere serfs, born to obey, and toil, and bleed, as each haughty tyiant might be pleased to command, "in the Highlands the system of clanship pievailed ; in which, though the systtm itself \\ as per fectly despotic, yet it was somewhat mit igated by the idea essential to it, that there subsisted a family relationship be tween the chief and eveiy clansman ; so that, in theoiy at least, the tie was one of nature's formation, the authority that of a father, and the obedience that ol children. In both the feudal and the clan systems the tendency was to divide the nation, or to keep it divided, into a nUmber of jeal ous and conflicting sections, and to ren der it a constant scene of strife, anarchy, and blood, such as neither the power of the king, which was little more than nominal, nor the supremacy of the laws, which was scarcely recognised except in theory, was able to restrain. The con dition of the body of the people, exposed to the wild violence of factious ai.d im placable nobles, may be more easily im agined than described. Nor is it our purpose to do more than merely suggest the public aspect of affaiis in Scotland previous to the Reformation, leaving its minuter delineation to the professedly civil historian, to whom that province be longs. Reference has already been made to the excessive grants of land and other wealth bestowed upon the Romanized clergy by several of the Scottish kings, especially by David I., and the encour agement thereby given to that avaricious class of men. We have also seen that the ruin of the more ancient and purer faith and discipline of the Culdees was effected by the same instrumentality, — prelates, abbots, and church dignitaries of every name and order, alike detesting a system, the simplicity and purity of which formed a strong and manifest con demnation of their own. At the same time, we are not unaware, that ahhough the encouragement given to the popish system may have at first arisen in a great measure from religious motives operating on minds comparatively ignorant, there may have been not a little of an influence very different in character, by which the Scottish kings were induced to promote the wealth and power of the clergy. They may have regarded the ecclesiasti- HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 19 cal body as the most likely counterbal ance to the exorbitant power of the feudal nobility, which could be organized. And it must be admitted, that in many in stances the prelates of the Church did lend important assistance to the sovereign, and also exercised some influence in im parting civilization to the community. Let it be observed also, that to whatever extent the prelates did counteract the no bility, to that extent they provoked the jealousy of these proud and overbearino- men, who were not unlikely to remem ber past hostilities in a day of retribution, even though that retribution had begun on far other and holier grounds. 'The enormous weahh which the all-grasping Romish Church had acquired, while it confirmed the influence of that Church, tended equally to increase the bitter ha tred of the nobility, who both envied and scorned the wealth and the luxurious in dulgence of the pampered priesthood. The existence of this feeling, and its baneful consequences, we shall have am ple occasion hereafter to display. But instead of continuing our own ob- serv.t^ons, we cannot better conclude this introductory chapter than by copy- ino;, f,-om Dr M'Crie's Life of Knox, the following account of the state of religion in Scotland before the Reformation. " The corruptions by which the Chris tian religion was universally disfigured before the Reformation, had grotvn to a greater height in Scotland than in any other nation within the pale of the Western Church. Superstition and re ligious imposture, in their grossest forms, gained an easy admission among the rude and ignorant people. By means of these, the clergy attained to an exorbi tant degree of opulence and power, which were accompanied, as they always have been, with the corruption of their order, and of the whole system of religion. " The full half of the wealth of the nation belonged to the clergy ; and the greater part of this was in the hands of a few individuals, who had the command of the whole body. Avarice, ambition, and the love of seculiar ^omp, reigned among the superior orders. Bishops and abbots rivalled the first nobility in magnificence, and preceded them in honours ; they were privy-councillors, and lords of session as well as of parlia ment, and had long engrossed the principal offices of state. A vacant bis hopric or abbacy called forth powerful competitors, who contended for it as for a principality or petty kingdom : it was obtained by similar arts, and not unfre- quently taken possession of by the same weapons. Inferior benefices were open ly put to sale, or bestowed on the illite rate and unworthy minions of courtiers, on dice-players, strolling bards, and the bastards of bishops. Pluralities were mukiplied without bounds ; and benefi ces, given in commendam, were kept va cant during the life of the commendator, nay, sometimes during several lives ; so that extensive parishes were frequently deprived, for a long course of years, of all religious service, — if a deprivation it could be called, at a time when the cure of souls was no longer regarded as at tached to livings originally endowed for that pupose- The bishops never on any occasion condescended to preach ; in deed, I scarcely recollect an instance of it mentioned in history, from the erection of the regular Scottish Episcopacy, down to the Era of the Reformation. The practice had even gone into desuetude among all the secular clergy, and was devolved wholly on the mendicant monks, who employed it for the most mercenary purposes. " The lives of the clergy, exempted from secular jurisdiction, and corrupted by wealth and idleness, were become a scandal to religion, and an outrage on decency. While they professed chastity, and prohibited, under the severest penal ties, any of the ecclesiastical order from contractinglawful wedlock, the bishops set an example of the most shameless pro fligacy before the inferior clergy, — avow edly kept their harlots, provided their natural sons with benefices, and gave their daughters in marriage to the sons of the nobility and principal gentry, many of whom were so mean as to con taminate the blood of their families by such base alliances, for the sake of the rich dowries which they brought. " Through the blind devotion and mu nificence of princes and nobles, monas teries, those nurseries of superstition and idleness, had greatly multiplied in the na tion ; and though they had universally degenerated, and were notoriously be- 20 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. come the haunts of lewdness and de bauchery, it was deemed impious and sacrilegious to reduce their number, abridge their privileges, or alienate their funds. The kingdom was swarmed with ignorant, idle, luxurious monks, who, like locusts, devoured the fruits of the earth, and filled the air with pestilential infection ; with friars, white, black, and gray ; canons regular and of St Anthony, Carmelites, Carthusians. Cordeliers, Do- micians, Franciscan Conventuals and Observantines, Jacobins, Premonstraten- sians, Monks of Tyrone and of Vallis Caulium, and Hospitallers or Holy Knights of St. John of Jerusalem; nuns of St. Austin, St. Clair, St. Scholastica, and St. Catharine of Sienna ; with can- onesses of various classes. " The ignorance of the clergy respect ing religion was as gross as the disso luteness of their morals. Even bishops were not ashamed to confess that they were unacquainted with the canon of their faith, and had never read any part of the sacred Scriptures, except what they met with in their missals. Under such masters the people perished for lack of knowledge. That book which was able to make them wise unto salvation, and intended to be equally accessible to ' Jew and Greek, Barbarian and Scythian, bond and free,' was locked up from them, and the use of it in their own tongue prohibited under the heaviest penalties. The religious service was mumbled over in a dead language, which many of the priests did not understand, and some of them could scarcely read ; and the great est care was taken to prevent even cate chisms, composed and approved by the clergy, from coming into the hands of the laity. " Scotland, from her local situation, had been less exposed to disturbance from the encroaching ambition, the vex atious exactions, and fulminating anathe mas of the Vatican court, than the coun tries in the immediate vicinity of Rome. But from the same cause, it was more easy for the domestic clergy to keep up on the minds of the people that excessive veneration for the holy see, which could not be long felt by "those who had the opportunity of witnessing its vices and worldly politics. The burdens which attended a state of dependence upon a re mote foreign jurisdiction was severely felt. Though the popes did not enjoy the power of presenting to the Scottish prelacies, they wanted not numerous pre texts for interfering with them. The most important causes of a civil nature which the ecclesiastical courts had (;on- trived to bring within their jurisdiction, were frequently carried to Rome. Large sums of money were annually exported out of the kingdom, for the confirmation of benefices, the conducting of appeals, and many other purposes ; in exchange for which were received leaden bulls, woollen palls, wooden images, old bones, and similar articles of precious consecra ted mummery. " Of the doctrine of Christianity almost nothing remained but the name. Instead of being directed to offer up their adora tions to one God, the people were taught to divide them among an innumerable company of infeiior divinities. A plu rality of mediators shared the honour of procuring the Divine favour with the ' one Mediator between God and man ;' and more petitions were presented to the Virgin Mary, and other saints, than to ' Him whom the Father heareth always.' The sacrifice of the mass was repre sented as procuring forgiveness of sins to the living and the dead, to the infinite disparagement of the sacrifice by which Jesus Christ expiated sin and procured everlasting redemption ; and the con sciences of men were withdrawn from fiith in the merits of their Saviour, to a delusive reliance upon priestly absolu tions, papal pardons, and voluntary pen ances. Instead of being instructed to de monstrate the sincerity of their faith and repentance by forsaking their sins, and to testify their love to God and man by practising the duties of morality, and ob serving the ordinances of worship author- is."d by Scripture, they were taught that if they regularly said their ave.s and cre dos, confessed themselves to a priest, punctually paid their tithes and church- offerings, purchased a mass, went in pil grimage to the shrine of some celebrated saint, refrained from flesh on Fridays, or performed some other prescribed act of bodily mortification, their salvation was infallibly secured in due time ; while those who tvere so rich and pious as to build a chapel or an altar, and to endooL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 21 it for the support of a priest, to perform masses, obits, and dirges, procured a re laxation of the pains of purgatory for themselves or their relations, in propor tion to the extent of their liberality. It is difficuh for us to conceive how empty, ridiculous, and wretched those harangues were which the monks delivered for ser mons. Legendary tales concerning the founder of some religious order, his won derful sanctity, the miracles which he performed, his combats with the devil, his watchings, fastings, flagellations ; the virtues of holy water, chrism, crossing, and e-xorcism ; the horrors of purgatory, and the numbei'S released from it by the intercession of some powerful saint, — these, with low jests, table-talk, and fire side scandal, formed the favourite topics of the preachers, and were served up to the people instead of the pure, salutary, and sublime doctrines of the Bible. " The beds of the dying were besieged, and their last moments disturbed, by ava ricious priests, who laboured to extort be quests to themselves or to the Church. Not satisfied with exacting tithes from the living, a demand was made upon' the dead : no sooner had the poor husband man breathed his last, than the rapacious vicar came and carried off his corpse- present, which he repeated as often as death visited the family. Ecclesiastical censures were fulminated against those who were reluctant in making these pay ments, or who showed themselves diso bedient to the clergy; and for a little money they were prostituted on the most trifling occasions. Divine service was neglected ; and, except on festival days, the churches, in many parts of the coun try were no longer employed for sacred purposes, but served as sanctuaries for malefactors, places of traffic, or resorts for pastime. " Persecution, and the suppression of free inquiry, were the only weapons by which its interested supporters were able to defend this system of corruption and imposture. Every avenue by which truth might enter was carefully guarded. Learning was branded as the parent of heresy. The most frightful pictures were drawn of those who had separated from the Romish Church, and held up before the eyes of the people, to deter them from imitating their example. If any person, who had attained a degree of illumina tion amidst the general darkness, began to hint dissatisfaction with the conduct of churchmen, and to propose the cor rection of abuses, he was immediately stigmatized as a heretic, and if he did not secure his safety by flight, was immured in a dungeon, or committed to the flames. And when at last, in spite of all their per secutions, the light which was shining around did break in and spread through the nation, the clergy prepared to adopt the most desperate and bloody measures for its extinction. " From this imperfect sketch of the state of religion in this country, we may see how false the representation is which some persons would impose on us ; as if Popery were a system, erroneous, indeed, but purely speculative, — superstitious, but harmless, provided it had not been acci dentally accompanied with intolerance and cruelty. The very reverse is the truth. It may be safely said, that there is not one of its erroneous tenets, or of its superstitious practices, which was not either originally contrived, or afterwards accommodated, to advance and support some practical abuse, to aggrandize the ecclesiastical order, secure to them im munity from civil jurisdiction, sanctify their encroachments upon secular author ities, vindicate their usurpations upon the consciences of men, cherish implicit obe dience to the decisions of the Church, and extinguish free inquiry and liberal science."* To this very masterly summary of the state of religion in Scotland before the Reformation nothing need be added ; and it must convince every reflecting reader, that such a state of matters could not be much longer endured by a people like the Scottish, who, though held in deep ignorance, were naturally shrewd and sagacious, despisers of idleness and luxury, and filled with an indestructable love of liberty, which even their civil feuds and public wars served in no incon siderable degree to stimulate and con firm. And the more protracted and se vere that the burden of spiritual despot ism had been, it was to be expected that it would be followed by a correspond ingly mighty and extensive revulsion and recoil. "Nor should it be forgotten, • M'Crie's Life of Knox, pp. 9-15, 6lh edit. 22 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. II. that widely as Popery had shed its bale ful influence, it had not been able wholly to exterminate the purer faith and simpler system of the ancient Culdees, especially in Ayrshire, and perhaps also in Fife, — the districts adjacent to St. Andrews and lona, — the earliest abodes and the latest retreats of primitive Christianity in Scot land. CHAPTER II. TROM THE BROrNNINQ OP THE REFORMATION TO THE MEETING OF THE FIRST GENERAL AS SEMBLY. From the Bejinning of the Reformation to the Meeting of the flrst General Assembly in 1560— State of Affairs in Rome -Introduction of Wirkliffe's Opinions — Patronages— L(jllards of Kyle— Patrick Hamilton the first Scottish Marlyr — Persecutinns in St. Andrews, Edininirgh, and Glasgow— CMrdinal Beaton— Uarba- rnus Persecution at Perth— George Wishart— His -Preaching — and Martyrdom — Death of Cardinal Bea ton — .Infinemeiu in Ihe G.tlleys— Returns to Scotland— Proree3l. ReTnjirk-«s on the An 1592— Tleferiion nl'ilie Cinis|iirJtry nf \\\vi Po|»iIi I.onis— Diipliciiy ol' rlie Kins— Ex- roiniritiiiicMiiuii itf the Popish l^oi'ilx bv ilie ^> ikxI of Ft R — .\et ill' Ai'olitioii— S«cit*i Mniives ni ihe Kiri^ — JtiiiificiitMin oC (he S\ nod's Seiireiu-f hy the Afsem- My Support !?ive>i lo ihe Kiiifr by ihe (Jhiiu h Pro- pufJil or !i reenlar HiT»iijrcniciii Cur lixfii mid hioal StipfiiiU Heloimiiig Assemlily or 15%— Renew hI of itie NHiiniml (JnveTiaiit Fif^li Alinins Iiom lh& P.ipisli LnnU DeceiKu! rotidiiot of ilie Kniur— Intm-- view btttwffn iht* Ktns and Andrew Mfdviile — .leul- Oli.-y bfilwt'eii the ('oiJi (. Jilid ihe CliHi'ch — Prnfeed- iiiirs HiTMinNt D-Jvid Biark — He derlines ihe JuriNdic- linn ofthe Civtl CniirT, /// ih'- firsi vn-'Harcf—'Vlxe Chnrcli wildresses the K'lia — A 'Kiiimih in Kilinbiirjih — Pi-oceedinnh ofthe Court 'l^s ISiini^iera ol Hd- inhiiryh e\|it'!l*'d — First Ciirrii|>t General Assembly heht Mt Penh - CMnimis>ioners ol Ihf Chlirth Hp- poin'ed lo deliheiMie wiili tlii- Khifr— Pio- o>nl in hiI- niit lte"re>enianves(roni theChiirrh inio Phi liHriieitt, lf!97— Pttniidly niiried in 1598— Cnniiileted in ibOO— Three Milll^(els ^t('rrlly appniiiied to lli>h(ii'ric — 'the Rjt.-ili( on D-irini— The ttinvj-e Ci'iispicHC^ — In jur iotw (;onsei|iiei ces lo the (Ihiir* h— Kobe a Hrnee banislied by the Kin^ — The Coviiifiui Miiiuilly re- ne"e(ibyihe Kiiip— Assembly ol HO,', ihe IhsI Iree Assembly— Ca.-e ol Semple— The AfTe-sinti ol .Innies In tlie Throrie nf Encland- Mmiiploii Ci.nri Ctmier- enre — ProposHls fnr h Union of Scotbim! uml Kn^- litnil — Alnrrn of the Chnreb — Arbitinry Prnro^irtiioii of 'he Assembly- Hetd at Aberdeen in ItJUn. iioi v iih- Kinndiii<; the Ittiyul ProruHaiinn— KHiiishnienl nl the Miiii>ters — Pjnliiiinenl restores Ihe Tenipm alitie.- of Bi>bop> in ItiUti — Anilrew Melville Miniinntied lo l.oii- doii. iiii])ris(>ned Htid bniii^hed- Coiisifini .Mndr-miors appointed Piirtinmint re.siMres the <-ivil .Inrisilic- tion to liishoiiis in I6U9— Cinirl of irt>;h CnTitinini-inn in 1610— Tlie A>'senibly rpMiores the R< rlesisi lieHlJinis- riiriioii of Bishop- in IGIU — This Act riiiilied b\ I'nr- lininent in l(jli — New Confession nf Fanh in 1616 — C»lder\vood banished— Five Arlicles of Perth lu 1013 — Kuiified by Pailiament in 16.1 — Redeciiuna. Although the act of parliament passed in the year 1592, and comnrionly known as the Great Chaiter of the Chinch cf Scotland, whs then, and must alunys be, regarded as a very impoitJint meusiirpj giving legislative s.inction to most of the chief principles ofthe govenimeut and discipline ofthe Church, yet it \v;is not without several decidedly serious defects. It was evasive in its recognition of the Book of Discipline, as if leaving it open to dispute whether the engrossing of some of the provisions of that book, formerly " referred," was lo be regarded as an im- 96 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. IV, plicit sanction of the whole, seeing that the privy council had already "agreed" lo the rest ; or whether it might not be held that every part was excluded except what vvas expressly mentioned. The former view must have been that which was entertained by the Church, and which not merely every man of candour will entertain, but vvhich also every clear reasoner will see to he necessary, other wise the act is selfcontradictory and ab surd. But still, the ambiguity of the act in that respect lias given occasion to the legal sophist, in several periods, to bring forward specious objections against the discipline of the Church of Scotland, on the plea of its wanting full statutory au thority. Another decided evil was the clause which half prohibited the Assem bly from meeting except when the time and place of its next meeting had been appointed by his majesty or his commis sioner; its own authority being enough only when neither the king nor his re presentative was present. This after wards enabled the king repeatedly to sus pend its raeetirl^ altogether ; and, when it did meet vvithout his previous appoint ment, gave some colour to his hostile proceedings against its leading members. But the most injurious part of the act 1592 was that which imposed upon both the Church and the people the intolera ble yoke and enslaving fetters of lay pa tronage. How fatal the " binding and astricting" clause has been to the Church, her whole subsequent history testifies, and perhaps no period more so than the present. The reader will perceive that these de fects in this enactment left the Church still exposed to danger on the very points on which she had been always most fiercely and perseveringly assailed. The freedom of the Assembly, and its right to meet for the discharge of its important duties whenever necessity required, had been gainsaid by Secretary Lethington in Ciueen M iry's days ; had been questioned by the Regent Morton, and had been for a time neutralized or overborne by King James, during the period of the tulchan bishops. This was again placed in peril, and that too, by a regular legislative enact ment, on the strength of vvhich the king might proceed to greater severities and more plausibly than had been formerly done. The evasive nature of the recog nition of the Book of Discipline showed the unchanged hostility entertained by the king and the nobility against a system of moral and religious discipline too pure and uncompromising to find favour in the estimation of dissolute, haughty, and worldly-minded men. That the enforce ment of ecclesiastical discipline would still be resisted, was thereibre abundantly ap parent, notwithstanding the evasive sanc tion of the act of parliament. And it was equally evident that, by the rigid reten tion of lay patronages, the king and the nobility were determined to keep pos session of the means whereby they might either corrupt the Church, or contrive to hold fast her patrimony within their sac rilegious grasp. But although there thus remained these strong elements of antagonism between the king and the Church, there was no urgent reason why they might not have continued in a state of dormancy for an indefinite length of time. 'Ihat the Church did not wish to urge matters to an immediate contest, was evident from the very fact of her receiving the act 1 592, defective as it was, without oppo sition, and even with gratitude. And had the king been sincere in his expres sions of fiendship and estimation, he needed not to, have provoked hostility by an eaily and haish enforcement of the harmful poweis which thqt act enabled him to retain. Their mere existence in the statute-book ought to have been enough to satisfy him that the Church could not, even were she disposed, make any dangerous encroachments upon his cherished prerogatives. And had they been allowed to remain solely as lafent but complete preventive checks against any sudden democratic movement of the Church, the whole of what even his jealousy of his arbitrary prerogative deemed necessary might have been peace fully secured ; and when that jealousy had subsided, he might have removed these defects from the enactment, and thereby p'irfected the constitution of the country, by the harmonious agreement and mutually supporting connection of Church and State ; exerting themselves in their respective spheies, undisturbed by mutual jarrings and suspicions, for tHe advancement of the great end of ^oth^ A. u. i&aa.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 97 --the promotion and the security of the civil and sacred welfare of the nation. Such was not, however, to be the case. A short time was sufficient to show that .Tames had caused the elements of stiife to be retained in the act 1592, expressly for the purpose of putting them into ex ecution on the earliest opportunity, for the overthrow of a Church whose prin ciples, spirit, and discipline were too sacred, independent, and pure, to suit the taste and comport with the habits of a monarch at once crafty and despotic, and of courtiers both avaricious and dissolute. It may seem strange that James, who had experienced so much treachery on the part of his nobility, and been exposed to personal danger from their factious and daring attempts ; and, on the other hand, had found such constant fidelity to his cause, and zeal in his behalf, in every time of peril, from the Church, notwith standing his injurious treatment of it, — that with such strong and repeated proofs vvhich was the more trustworthy party he could still favour the schemes of the treacherous and selfish aristocracy, and distrust and persecute the faithful and disinterested Church. But it has always been the f lult and the misfortune of kings and statesmen to give their countenance to sycophants and mercenary tools, whom they can manage and employ for any purpose, however guilty and base, rather than to men whose principhs are too lofty for them to comprehend, and whose in tegrity is beyond their power to move. And James knew well that he could mould and bias his courtiers by the arti fices of that '• kingcraft" in which he thought himself a most accomplished adept ; but that in the high-soule.d minis ters of the Presbyterian Church, when met together in their own free General Assembly, he encountered men whom neither liis arts could blind nor his threat enings overawe. Hence his deterinina- tion to retain, even in the act recognising and ratifying the liheity of the Churcl), a seerning innocuous clause, by which he might be able to prohibit the meetings of the Assembly, whenever he appre hended from it "a decided opposition to his schemes ; or to call it together when he should have succeeded in coriupiing its members by means of the patronage- enforcing clause. 13 The preceding remarks we have deemed it expedient to make, for the pur pose of placing before our readers clearly the position of the Church after the pass ing ofthe great charter of 1592, and the dangers still to be apprehended from the defects of that enactment, and the perni cious elements vvhich it contained. But we must now resume the narrative, and trace the progress of events. The act 1592 almost took the Church by surprise. The ministers had striven so long for a legislative ratification ofthe liberty of the Church, of General Assem blies, Synods, and Presbyteries, and of discipline, and had met so many disap pointments, evasions, and direct violations of the most solemn promises from the ruling powers, that though they contin ued to strive, they seem almost to have ceased to expect success. They appear to have acted on the great general prin ciple, that for the discharge of known duty man is responsible, — for success he IS not ; and that therefore their duty was to continue their exeitions, and leave the lesult to God, in whose hands are the issues of all events. Yet they have been censuied for accepting a measure vvhich fell so far short of what they sought to obtain, and vvhich contained elements capable of being roused into the most pernicious activity. But it should be con sidered that men who are very far above taking expediency as their rule in mat ters of duty, may, with a safe conscience, accept of a measure comparatively de fective, for vvhich they could not have striven ; regarding it as, though not a Satisfactory, and consequently not a final settlement, yet, upon the whole, a great advancement towards a better stale of matters than had previously existed, and containing a ratification of the most es sential ol their own leading principles. Such appear to have been the sentiments of the most active and influential of the ministeis when this very impoitant act was passed ; and while they disapproved of those points in it vvhich have been spe cified, still, as it went beyond their gene ral expectation, they received it with joy and gratitude. It may be mentioned also that, between the passing of the act and its being publicly prqcUiined, the ene mies of the Church attempted to deny that any such measure either ^^d beed . 98 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. IV. or would be enacted by the parliament ; and their very hostility and opposition would tend to secure for it the more ready and cordial acceptation by all who were friendly to the Church.* A very short time elapsed, after the passing of this act, when the Church had again occasion to show that her intrinsic powers had not been fettered by an act which professed to ratify her freedom ; and that to enter into a solemn compact with the State was not to lay aside her native spiritual independence, and to assume a gilded yoke. Towards the end of the year 1592, the jealousy of all sound- hearted Protestants, and especially of the ministers, — those vigilant guardians both of the purity of religion and of the pub lic welfare, — was strongly excited, partly by the known presence and activity of priests and Jesuits within the kingdom, and partly by indefinite intimations of danger from abroad. The sense of im pending peril, the more alarming on ac count of its unascertained character and extent, alarmed the country in general, but seemed to give no uneasiness to the king. An extraordinary meeting of the ministers was convoked in Edinburgh on the 15th of November, and measures were framed calculated to provide for the safety of the Church and kingdom, by exerting the utmost vigilance for the de tection of the popish machinations ; and to these measures the king gave his ap probation. The necessity and the wisdom of these precautions became very soon evident. Andrew Knox, minister of Paisley, hav ing received secret intelligence respecting one of the popish emissaries, hastened to the island of Cumray, accompanied by a number of Glasgow students and some neighbouring gentlemen, and seized George Ker, brother of Lord Newbattle, as he was on the point of embarking for Spain. A number of letters were found in his possession from priests in Scot land ; and several blanks subscribed by the popish Earls of Huntly, Errol, and Angus, with a commission to William Crighton, a Jesuit, to fill up the blanks, and address them to the persons for whom they were intended. Graham of Fintry was soon afterwards apprehended ; and being both examined before the privy • Melville'a Diary, pp.' 198, and 201. council, they testified to the genuineness , of the signatures, and confessed the na ture and extent of the conspiracy. It ; was, indeed, one of a most perilous and j flagrant character. The king of Spain was to have landed thirty thousand men : on the west coast of Scotland, part of whom vvere to invade England, and the ' remainder, in concert with the forces ', which the three earls promised to have j in readiness, were to suppress the Pro testants, and to procure the re-establish ment of the Romish religion in Scot land.* [1593.] The privy council and the ministers of Edinburgh having thus re ceived proof positive of the dangerous conspiracy existing in the kingdom, is sued letters calling upon the well-affected to hasten to the capital, for the purpose of consulting what steps were to be taken in a matter of such a formidable charac ter. At the same time they earnestly be sought the king, who was at the time ab sent, to hasten to Edinburgh, and aid his faithful subjects in the defence of the commonwealth. The Earl of Angus, unaware that the conspiracy had been detected, happening to come to the capi tal at the same time, was seized and com mitted to the castle. Upon his majesty's arrival, instead of thanking his people for the zeal and vigilance which they had displayed in behalf of the religion and liberties of the country, he broke out into peevish and ill-timed complaints of their conduct in seizing the Earl of An gus, and in convoking the lieges without his previous command, which he resented as a grievous encroachment upon his pre rogative. They answered, as such men might have been expected to answer, " That it was no time to attend on warn ings when their religion, prince, country, lives, lands, and all were brought into jeopardy by such treasonable dealings." But when their whole proceedings were detailed, and the full nature and extent of the conspiracy made known to him, his petulant ' fume passed off, he called Angus " a traitor of traitors," and de clared that the crime of the conspirators was too great for his prerogative to par don, promising to proceed to trial of the accused "with all diligence and se verity." • Melville's Diary, p. 205; Calderwood, pp. 275-280. A. D. 1593.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 99 James now thought it necessary to act with at least the appearance of sincerity. A proclamation vvas iss|ied, specifying the general nature of the detected con spiracy, and commanding all who hated subjection to foreign tyranny to abstain from intercourse with popish priests, on pain of treason ; and to hold themselves in readiness to defend the country, " as they should be certified by his majesty, or otherwise find the occasion urgent" And as some suspicion of the king's sin cerity had been excited by his first ex pression of displeasure with the prompt zeal of his people, he thought proper to pass an act of council, prohibiting all from attempting to procure the pardon of the conspirators. The nation immedi ately testified its delight with the king's conduct, by framing and extensively sub scribing a bond in defence of religion and the government, and preparing zeal ously to protect and support the king and the public peace. The king marched northwards against the conspirators ; but they merely concealed themselves from immediate apprehension ; and the king, notwithstanding his own act of privy council, received favourably those who were sent to- intercede in behalf of the detected traitors. The General Assembly met at Dun dee on the 24th of April, according to their own previous arrangement, and without waiting to be called together by his majesty. The proceedings of that Assembly, although of no great moment, furnished sufficient indication of the growing jealousy between the king and the Church. The Assembly appointed commissioners to present to the king an address and petition, containing several articles in regard to which they craved redress. One was, that he would adopt strong measures for the suppression of the popish party, and in the meantime that they should be excluded from all public official situations, and denied ac cess to his majesty's presence. Another was, that his majesty would consider the great prejudice done to the Church by the erection of the tithes of different pre lacies into titular lordships. The king, on the other hand, by his commissioner, directed the attention of the Assembly to that part of the act 1592 which required its Tneetings to be held by the appoint ment of his majesty, intimating that he could not with honour see that provision infringed ; and further, requested them to make an act prohibiting any minister, on pain of deposition, from uttering in public any animadversions on the con duct of his majesty or the privy council. The Assembly agreed to the provision of the act 1.592, it being reserved to them to meet on their own authority, provided his majesty or his commissioner were not present, and ordained that no minister " utter any rash or irreverent speeches against his majesty or council, but that all their public admonitions pro ceed upon just and necessary causes, in all fear, love, and reverence, under pain of deposition."* These proceedings could give little satisfaction to either party, and indicated but too plainly a mutual distrust, likely ere long to come to an open rupture. Some steps were taken by that Assembly to prevent fur ther dilapidation of Church property, and for the enforcement of discipline and the maintenance of public morality and peace. The parliament met in July, and pro ceeded with the trial ofthe popish lords ; but Ker had been permitted to escape a short while previously; and the parlia ment listened to the offers of submission made by the conspirators, and rejected the bill of attainder against them, on the pretext of want of evidence. Great and general was the dissatisfaction caused by this injudicious lenity to men guilty of repeated acts of treason ; and strong sus picions arose in the minds of many that his majesty's own attachment to the Pro testant faith was but hollow and insin cere. The synod of Fife, at its meeting in September, determined to take such steps as were competent to it, as a church court, towards counteracting the injurious lenity of the king and parliament. On the ground that the Earls of Angus and Errol had, when students at St. Andrews, within the bounds of that synod, sub scribed the Confession of Faith, and thereby rendered themselves amenable to its jurisdiction, and that Huntly had murdered the Earl of Murray within its bounds, the synod of Fife proceeded to pass the sentence of excommunication against these apostate conspirators, and ¦ Booke of the Unifersall Kirk, pp. 385, 380. 100 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP IV. sent intimation of what had been done throughout the country. Intimation was also given, that a general meeting of commissioners from the different counties of the kingdom, consisting of noblemen, gentlemen, burgesses and ministers, was to be held at Edinburgh on the 17th of October. The king was extremely an noyed with these measures. They were so completely in unison with his former declarations against the popish conspira tors, and so naturally resulting from the bond of defence previously subscribed vyith his concurrence, that he could not justly find direct^uU with them, and yet so contrary to hi^recent treatment of the traitors that he could not approve of them. With his usual craft, he attempted to tamper with several of the noblemen and the ministers, to prevent the intimation of the sentence of e.Kcommunicalion, and also to impair the effect of the coming convention. Not succeeding in his schemes, he again dissembled ; and be ing about to proceed tn the borders to suppress some seditious and turbulent af fairs, he promised that he would show no favour to the conspirators. On the very same dty on which this promise vvas given, the king admitted the conspirators to his presence at Fala, and made arrangements with them respect ing their trial. The convention appoint ed commissioners to follow James to Jed burgh, and lay their complaints before him. The reception given by his ma jesty to his f lUhful and zealous subjects vvas very different from that which he had granted to the traitors a few days be fore. He termed the convention an un lawful meeting, complained of the sen tence of excommunication, and even threatened to call a parliament for the purpose of overlhcowing Presbyterian and restoring Prelacy. When he had expended his wrath in idle threats, he grew calmer, and returned to the petition of the commissioners a written answer, containing promises sufiiciently fair, but as idle.* It is unnecessary to dwell upon the wretched tergiversation of the king in this very importanl matter. A con vention of estates was held at Linlithgow in October, and arrangements were made for the final trial of the rebel lords at Holyrood-house in the following month. ¦ Melville's Dairy, p, 208. The conclusion of the trial was the pass ing of what was termed an " act of aboli tion," by which the popish lordS were ordained to ^ve satisfaction to the Church, and to embrace the Protestant faith, or else lo leave the kingdom within a limited time ; the process against them was dropped and consigned to oblivion ; and they vvere declared " free and unac- cusable in all time coming" of the crimes laid to their charge, provided they did not for the future enter into any treason able correspondence with foreigners. This arrangement was equally unsat isfactory lo the Church and to the greater part of the nation. It was well under stood at that time, and might be still, that the determined adherents of Popery could easily obtain absolution from Rome for any oaths or concessions made to Pro testants, provided they continued to plot the destruction of the Protestant religion ; and therefore, that to think of binding such men with oaths and protestations, however solemn, was about as wise as to think of fettering a beast of prey with a skein of rotten siik. Nor vvas it without reason that James was himself distrusted. He had repeatedly broken his most sol emn pledges, and brought his word into such suspicion, that the more earnestly he piolested, the less he was believed. Besides, the ruling motives of his whole policy were well known to such men as Andrew Melville and Robert Bruce. They were aware of his secret inter- couise with England, for the purpose of promoting his succession to the throne of that kingdom ; and they knew that he would hesitate at nothing, however base and deceptive, vvhich seemed likely to forward his views. He knew that there was a strong popish party still in Eng- Lind,and he was desiious of conciliating them and procuring their support, which he sought to do by his lenient treatment of his own popish rebels. To this it may be added, that the political principles of papists were more agreeable to a mo narch so devoted to despotic power and uncontrolled prerogative as James, than could possibly be the free spirit which lived and breathed in the Presbyterian Church of Scotland. For the sime rea son Episcopacy obtained his peculiar fa vour ; as his cunning enabled him to perceive, that he might more easily exer- A. D. 1594] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 101 cise an influence upon prelates who de rived from him their wealth and titles, and who, as seekers of such selfish pre eminence, were likel/ to be worldly- minded and sycophantish men, than lie could ever hope to do upon ministers who, deriving nothing from him, owed him nothing but natural allegiance. And he had another reason for wishing to re store Prelacy ; he thought that his doing so would recommend him to the favour and support of the English prelates, who both hated and feared the Presbyterian Church government of Scotland, as a standing rebuke to their own unscrip tural system. All these reasons combined to induce this crafty yet weak-minded monarch to favour the treacherous abet tors of despotism, civil and religious, and to discountenance the friends of genuine freedom, — a line of policy which he pur sued throughout his life, and left as a dire heritage to his successors, and vvhich they followed with infatuated pertinacity, till the ill-omened race reaped the bane ful fruits of generations of falsehood and oppression, and became extinct after years of exiled, discrowned, unhonoured, and unpitied wretchedness. [1594] It is for the civil histoiian to relate the minor turmoils of the nation ; such as those caused by the turbulent and ambitious earl of Bothwell, the suc cessor in title and in character of him by whom Darnley was muidered and Mary disgraced and ruined, but an illegitimate scion ofthe royal race, being a grandson of James V. The only reason why such events are mentioned here is, that their effects were not unfrequentiv'' felt in eccle siastical matters ; as, for example, where Bothwell, anxious to gain strength, pre tended lo befriend the Church, and thought thereby to procure the support of individual ministers at least, if not of the Assembly, so completely did the Church stand aloof from him and his measures, that he was able to deceive and ensnare bul one minister; and upon the complaint of the king, that minister was deposed, till he should satisfy his majesty and the Church.* The same Assembly vvhich so readily testified its abhorrence of treason, by punishing one of its own members who had been accused of favouring that crime, • Booke of Ihe Universall Kirk. p. 408. dealt in the same manner with those higher delinquents whose greater offence the king seemed more willing to forgive. The sentence of excommunication pro nounced against the conspirators by the synod of Fife, was approved and latified by'the Assembly; but Lord Home, who had also been excommunicated, appear ing and confessing his offence, abjured poperjf, and was released from the sen tence. It deserves to be remarked, that the moderator of the Assembly, Andrew Melville, not being satisfied with Lord Home's professions of repentance, but doubting their sincerity, felt conscientious scruples respecting pronouncing the act of the absolution ; and the Assembly, with a due regard to his feelings, ap pointed another person to discharge that duty: In more modern times, men who made no pretension to tenderness of con science themselves, showed no such tol eration of the conscientious convictions and difficulties of others. Yet this is not strange, though deplorable ; for men nat urally estimate others by their own stan dard ; and he who knows that for him to plead tenderness of conscience would be hypocrisy, regards that plea in others as entitled to no better name. Another instance of the loyalty, public spirit, and energy of the Church may be stated. The popish lords, who had pre viously entered into a treasonable corres pondence with the King of Spain, and who had been so leniently treated by James, were again detected continuing their treacherous plots. The king, irri tated into sincerity, gave commission to the Earl of Argyle to march against the traitors, and subdue them by force, while he himself proposed to proceed by Aber deen, to see the command fully executed. Argyle encountered the rebel lords, but sustained a partial defeat. On the day af ter this conflict the king left Edinburgh, and' marched towards Aberdeen, taking with him Andrew and James Melville, and some other ministers, to witness his zealous discharge of his determination to suppress wholly the popish conspirators. But before any decisive measures had been taken, the money raised by the king for the support of the army was so far expended, that the troops were on the point of being disbanded for want of pajn In this emergency, James Melville was 102 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. IV. sent back to Edinburgh for the purpose of inducing the ministers to raise, by the contributions of their congregations, a sum of money to assist the king. This mission he accomplished with extraordi nary speed and success, and thereby ena bled the king to keep his forces together till the object of the expedition was ef fected, by the demolition of the strong holds of the conspirators. Even this was nearly defeated by the vacillation of the unstable monarch. Scarcely had James Melville left the camp, when James was on the point of frustrating the whole scheme, by yielding to the advice of those who wished hir# to spare the rebels. The energy and high principle of An drew Melville prevailed even in the coun cils of the camp, and saved his sovereign from this disgrace. A little, a very little real wisdom might have enabled James to perceive who vvere his best friends and wisest councillors, and upon whom he might with the greatest confidence depend in any time of emergency ; but unfortu nately for himself and the kingdom, he loved flattery better than advice, and pre ferred courtly sycophants to bold and honest patriots. [1595.] An Assembly was held at Montrose in June 1595, in which no matters of great importance were trans acted ; but some suggestions were brought forward, containing the germs of much possible good, although afterwards em ployed for evil. It was proposed that the acts of Assembly should be examined, and those which had special reference to the practice of the Church extracted, and joined with the Book of Discipline, for the information and guidance of all min isters throughout the kingdom. The pro posal was not carried into execution ; but it served to show how completely the Book of Discipline was regarded by the Church as her standard of government. A commission was also given to certain brethren to inquire into the state of the revenues of the Church in every presby tery, to prevent dilapidations, and to se cure that they should be expended in the support of the ministry, according to their original destination. But the sug gestion of greatest moment arose from a desire to provide a remedy for an abuse which had been productive of great in jury to the cause of religion. From the time of the regent Morton's administra tion it had been customary for men in power to endeavour to throw two or three parishes into one, appointing but one minister for all, and retaining the fruits of the remaining benefices in their own hands ; and also to change the amount of the teind (or tithe) from year to year, so as not unfrequently to compel the minister to leave his charge from posi tive want of the necessaries of life. The act of annexation, and the erection of tit ular lordships, had greatly increased the process of spoliation. To remedy these grievances the Assembly proposed that some of the most intelligent of the min isters from every province should make themselves well acquainted with the af fairs of their own districts, and then con vene in Edinburgh, and draw up a state ment respecting the number of parish churches which ought to be in each pres bytery, the amount of available tithes, by whom held, and on what tenure ; that, acting upon the certain knowledge thus acquired, a continuing form, or durable arrangement, might be made, by which such injurious proceedings might for the future be prevented. This " constant plat," as it was termed, might have been productive of much good had it been carried into effect ; but the king, seeing the anxiety of the Church to have the arrangement made, availed himself of it as a measure, by promising to ratify which he might induce the ministers to coinply with some ensnaring scheme of his own. [1596.] The year 1596 is peculiarly memorable in the history of the Church of Scotland. " It had," says James Mel ville, "a strange mixture and variety; the beginning thereof with a show of profit, in planting the churches with per petual local stipends : the midst of it very comfortable for the exercise of reforma tion and renewing the covenant ; but the end of it tragical, in wasting the Zion of our Jerusalem, the church of Edinburgh, and threatening no less to many of the rest.* The first thing which occupied the attention of the Assembly was an overture from John Davidson, minister of Prestonpans, concerning the necessity of reforming the many prevalent corrup tions of the Church and the country. " Melville's Dairy, p. 222. A. D. 1596,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 103 The overture met with unanimous appro bation, the conscience of every man pres ent convincing him of his own need of humiliation and repentance. Order was given that a written form of confes sion should be drawn up, containing an enumeration of the evils to be reformed, under the four following heads ; corrup tions in the persons and lives of the min isters of the gospel ; offences in his ma jesty's house ; the common corruptions of all estates ; and offences in the courts of justice. On the motion o-f Melville, the means to be employed for reforming ministers, and the censures to be inflicted on them for particular acts of delinquency, were specified. As confession is the pri mary step of reformation, the members of Assembly agreed to meet by theni- selves, for the purpose of jointly confes sing their sins, and " making promise be fore the Majesty of God" to amend their conduct They met accordingly in the Little Church, on Tuesday the 30th of March. John Davidson, the author of the overture, was chosen to preside and lead their devotional exercises. So deeply searching were his words, that they wrought conviction in every heart ; and his earnest and humble confession of sin drew tears of sincere penitence from every eye. While they w^ere in this frame of mind, he called upon them to pause, and in the privacy of their own souls to acknowledge, each man for him self, his personal guilt before God. For a quarter of an hour a solemn stillness reigned, broken only bjj^eep-drawn sighs and heavy, halfstifled sobs, as each man searched apart the dark chambers of his own bosom. After another fervent prayer and impressive address, they rose from their seats at his desire, and lifting up their right hands, they renewed their covenant with God, " protesting to walk more warily in their ways, and to be more diligent in their charges." " There have been many days," says Calderwood, " of humiliation for present judgments, or imminent dangers ; but the like for sin and defection was never seen since the re formation."* As this solemn confession of sin re garded the nation, that it tpight be done nationally, the Assembly ordained that it " Calderwood, pp. 317,318; Melville's Dairy, pp. 232, 233 -. Booke of the tJniversall Kirk, pp. 426-429. should be repeated in the several synods and presbyteries, and that it should also be extended to congregations. This or dinance vvas obeyed with such a degree of readiness and fervour, and with such manifestations of sincere contrition, as proved that it both sprang from and was accompanied by the all-pervading power of the Spirit of God. At Dunfermline the synod of Fife met, and conducted the duties of the solemn transaction in a peculiarly impressive manner. The synod was addressed by David Fergu son, one ofthe first six ministers engaged in the Reformation, and now the sole survivor ; who, after giving a brief ac count of the perils that had been encoun tered, and difficuhies surmounted in that great work, urged his younger brethren to fidelity and zeal in their less hazardous toils and duties. Many a dark and stormy day had the reforming patriarch seen and struggled through ; and his grave words must have sounded to his younger brethren like the voice of warn ing, admonition, and encouragement, breathed forth to his sons by a departing father. Men of the world may smile at the thought ; but we do not hesitate to say, that we regard this solemn confession of sin and renewal ofthe covenant as an ex press means employed by Divine Provi dence to prepare the Church for the wasting conflict in which she vv^as soon to be engaged, — the fiery trial through which she was soon to pass. It was the communication of spiritual strength ena bling her to live through a period of dreary oppression and prostrate suffering, without which she must have perished ; like the food given to Elijah by the angel, to sustain him in his journey through the wilderness, vvhich would otherwise have been " too great for him." The attempt to establish the mode of supporting the ministry on a firm and satisfactory basis, called by the writers of that period the " constant plat," occu pied a portion of the attention of the Assembly. The scheme proposed for consideration vvas drawn up by Secretary Lindsay, and may be seen at length in Melville's Diary.* It deserves the atten tion of public men yet, containing many suggestions which, if carried into effect, • Melville's Dairy, pp. 223.229. 104 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. IV. would greatly promote the welfare ofthe community. But ils principles were too sound, and its arrangements too liberal, to gain the favour of the king and his avaricious courtiers ; who, having seized upon what even this scheme terms " the patrimony of the Church," could not be prevailed upon to make restitution of the pillage. The main principles of Lind say's scheme were the same as those which had been proposed by Knox and the early reformers : — That the whole ^tithes should be regarded as the patri mony of the Church ; and that they should be expended in the support of the ministers ofthe gospel, a national system of education, and the poor of the land. Could this scheme have been carried into effect, it must have prevented many evils, and produced benefits altogether incalcu lable. It would have placed the minis ters in that happy medium, congenial to the spirit of Presbytery, alike remote from the evils and temptations of wealth and of poverty, — rendering the return of Prelacy impracticable, and delivering the Church from those insidious arts by which James sought to gain the aid of the poor and the ambitious. It might also have produced such a harmonious adjustment of all the great interests ofthe community, — at once cultivating the na tional mind and mitigating the bitter evils of poverty and want, — as would have secured the peace and happiness of the commonwealth to a degree that never yet has been experienced in any age or country. But, like every scheme of Christian benevolence devised by the Church of Scotland, and from time to time re-produced by her friends, it was frustrated by the narrow and selfish views of kings and statesmen, who seem never yet to have learned that to secure the nation's good, and not their own aggrandisement, is the very end of their public being, and that, indeed, their own true welfare and that of the community are one. To proceed with our narrative : Ru mours of a near impending Spanish in vasion began to pervade the kingdom. While men's minds were in a state of great anxiety on account of these tidings, and after the king had himself given or ders for military musters, and urged the ministers to exhort their people to take arms, provide supplies, and prepare to meet the meditated attacks, — whilS the public mind was in this state of tremulous excitement, an additional element of alarm was given by the tidings that the popish lords had secretly entered the kingdom. The affairs of the court tended to increase the public distrust and anxiety. Since the death of Chancellor Maitland the administration of affairs had been entrusted to eight persons, com monly called Oclavians, the greater part of whom were either known or suspected Papists. It was at once believed that they were privy to the return of the con spirators, and would exeit themselves to procure for those traitors both indemnity and admission to his majesty's councils ; in which case the nation might speedily be exposed to all the horrors of a popish persecution, of vvhich it had not yet lost the remembrance. It soon appeared that these suspicions vvere too well founded. A meeting of the privy council was summoned at Falk land, to take into consideration an offer of submission by Huntly, for himself and his associates. Certain ministeis, whom the couit judged more complying than the rest, were invited to attend this meet ing, to give their advice. Plausible argu ments were employed by the friends of the exiled noblemen, to induce the council to sanction their return, lest, like Coriolanus and Themistocles, they should join the enemies of their country ; but Andrew Melville, who had of his own accord joined th#tother ministers, uttered a bold and strong remonstrance against receiving into favour convicted traitors and popish apostates, enemies at once of their native country and of the gospel. Melville vvas commanded to withdraw, his presence not having been required, which he did, having thus first exoner ated his conscience. The council came to the resolution that Huntly might be re stored upon his acceding to such con ditions as the king and council should prescribe. This resolution gave so mueh offence, that the king thought proper twice to declare publicly that he did not mean to act upon it ; yet a short time afterwards a convention of estates was held at Dunfermline, and the Falkland resolution there approved of and ratified. His majesty's manifest breach of faith A. D. 1595.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 105 increased the public alarm so greatly, that the commissioners of the Assembly and some country gentlemen met at Cupar iw Fife, and appointed a deputation to wait on the king, and petition him to prevent the evil consequences which must result from such proceedings. It had been agreed that James Melville should be the person to address his majesty, because of his couiteous manner, and the favourable regard which the king had shown him. Scarcely had he begun to speak when the king interrupted him, challenged the meeting at Cupar as seditious, and ac cused them of exciting causeless fears in the minds of the people. As James Mel ville was beginning a reply, couched in his mildest terms, his uncle, Andrew, finding that the occasion demanded a full and uncompromising statement of first principles, quitted the subordinate posi tion which he had been willing for the time lo occupy, and confronting the king, began to address him. James endeav oured authoritatively to command Mel ville lo silence ; but his high spirit vvas roused, and could not be overborne. Seizing the king's robe by the sleeve, in the earnestness of his mind and action, and terming him " God's silly vas.tal," he addressed him in a strain such as few kings have ever had the happiness to hear, " uttering their commission as from the mighty God." " Sir," said he, " we will always hum bly reverence your majesty in public ; but since we have this occasion to be with your majesty in private, and since you are brought in extreme danger of your life and crown, and along with you the country and the Church of God are like to go to wreck, for not telling you the truth and giving you faithful counsel, we must discharge our duty, or else be trai tors both to Christ and you. Therefore, Sir, as divers times before I have told you, so now again I must tell you, there are two kings and two kingdoms in Scot land : there is King James, the head of the commonwealth, and there is Christ Jesus, the King of the Church, whose subject James the Sixth is, and of whose kingdo.m he is not a king, nor a lord, nor a head, but a member. Sir, those whom Christ has called and commanded to watch over his Church, have power arid authority from Him to govern his spirit- 14 ual kingdom, both jointly and severally ; the which no Christian king or prince should control and discharge, but fortify and assist ; otherwise they are not faithful subjects of Christ and mimbeis ofhis Church. We will yield to you your place, and give you all due obedience ; but again, I say, you are not the head of the Church ; you cannot give us that eternal life vvhich we seek for even in this world, and you cannot deprive us of it. Permit us then freely to meet in the name of Christ, and to attend to the inter ests of that Church of which you are the chief member. Sir, when you were in your swaddling clothes, Chiist Jesus reigned freely in this land, in spile of all his enemies. His officeis and ministers convened and assembled for the ruling and welfare of his Church, which was ever for your welfare, defence and pres ervation, when these same enemies were seeking your destruction. Their assem blies since that time continually have been terrible to these enemies, and most sledfast to you. And now, when there is more than extreme necessity for the con tinuance and discharge of that duty, will you (drawn to your own destruction by a most pernicious counsel) begin to hinder and dishearten Christ's servants and your most faithful subjects, quarrelling them for their convening, and the care they have of their duty lo Christ and you, when you should rather commend and countenance them, as the godly kings and emperors did ? The wisdom of your counsel, which I call devilish, is this, that you must be served by all sorts of mt'n, to come to your purpose and grandeur, Jew and Gentile, Papist and Protpstant ; and because the Protestants and ministers of Scotland are over strong, and contiol the king, they must be weakened and brought low by stirring up a pai ly against them, and, the king being equal and indifferent, both should be fain lo flee lo him. But, Sir, if God's wisdom be the only true wisdom, this will prove mere and mad folly ; His curse cannot but light upon it ; in seeking both ye shall lose both ; whereas in cleaving upiightly to God, His true servants would be your sure friends, and He would compel the rest eounterfeitly andlyingly lo give over themselves and serve you."* • Melville's Dairy, pp. 245, 246. 106 HISTORY OF THE CHUUCH OP SCOTLAND. CHAP. IV. The dignity and power of these high sentiments overbore the petulant anger of the king ; his heart was awed, and his soul felt for a space the hallowed energy of sacred truth. He uttered no wrathful reply ; he attempted not to dis pute the principles to which he had been compelled lo listen ; but declaring that the popish lords had returned without his previous knowledge, he pledged his word that the proposals which they had made to the privy council should not be received till they left the kingdom, and that even then he would show them no favour before they satisfied the Church. So ended that remarkable interview be tween the king and Melville, in which the latter' gave free expression to the sen timents and principles which the Church of Scotland has always held as essential to the constitutional freedom and purity of the Christian Church. That such pinciples would not find favour in the eyes of an arbitrary monarch, was not surprising ; but that men who at least affect to be strenuous advocates of religious and civil liberty, should reprehend them as lawless and rebellious, might well ex cite feelings of indignant astonishment, were it not for the painful truth, that men of the world will not perceive and ac knowledge the inseparable connection be tween religious freedom and civil liberty, the former as the sacred cause, the latter as the effect. Religious freedom cannot long exist without producing civil liber ty ; and civil liberty can neither come into being without religious liberty, nor survive it, even for a day. The Church vvas then, and evermore must be, the parent and the guardian of liberty, sa cred and civil, and therefore doubly dear to every free-born and free-hearted Christian man. The solemn pledge of the king was soon found to be, as formerly, a frail secu rity. Steps for restoring the popish con spirators were taken, of which public in timation sufficiently intelligible was given, by the invitation of the Countess of Hunt ly to the baptism of the Princess Eliza beth, and the appointment of Lady Living ston, an adherent to the Romish Church, lo have charge of the person of the royal infant. These ominous proceedings were not unmarked by the nation's vigilant guardians. The commissioners of the Assembly met at Edinburgh in October, and wrote circular letters lo all the pres byteries, pointing out the imminent dan gers of the present crisis, and specifying the measures necessary to be taken, to meet, and, if possible, to avert the peril. These remedial measures were, the ap pointment of a day of humiliation and prayer, — the renewal of the excommuni cation of the popish conspirators, — the summoning of a certain number of ministers from different parts of the king dom, to form, along with the presbytery of Edinburgh, an extraordinary council of the church, lo receive information, de liberate, and convoke, if necessary, a meeting of the General Assembly. This energetic procedure of the Church convinced the court that some thing more than mere deceit would be necessary for the subversion of religious and civil liberty. It was therefore deter mined to make a direct assault upon the privileges of the Church, hoping thereby forcibly to subdue, since they could not guilefully delude her. This intention came first to the knowledge of the com missioners at an interview vvhich they had requested with the king, for the pur pose of endeavouring to remove the jealousies which existed between them. On that occasion, the king told them plainly, that there could be no agreement between him and them, " till the marches of their jurisdiction were rid," and un less the following points were yielded to him : — That the preachers should not in troduce matters of state into their ser mons ; that the General Assembly should not be convened without his authority and special command ; that nothing done in it should be held valid until ratified by him in the same manner as acts of parliament ; and that none of the church courts should take cognizance of any of fence which was punishable by the crim inal law of the land. Some, even in the present day, will think that the Church ought at once to have assented lo these conditions. But those who are adequately acquainted with the history of that period will be well aware, that lo have done so, would have been putting it into the king's power to establish at once a pure despotism ; while those who have studied the nature of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, as contradistinguished from A. D. 1596.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 107 that of civil courts, must also know, that to have complied with the king's de mands would have been yielding up the very essence of every thing which con stitutes a Church, and placing all mat ters of doctrine, government, and disci pline, entirely under his control. Such an institution as that would have been might have been termed the king's Church, but could have been no longer the Church of Christ. The slighest shadow of doubt respect ing the ultimate designs of the court, if any had still remained, was soon removed by the information that David Black, minister of St. Andrews, had been sum moned to answer before the privy coun cil for certain expressions said to have been used by him in his sermons. It was now evident that the entire over throw of the liberties of the Church was intended ; and the commissioners resolv ed to make a firm and united resistance to this premeditated attack. They wrote to the presbyteries lo warn them against any attempt to disunite them, directing their attention particularly to those sub jects likely to be controverted, and to the acts of privy council and parliament by which the liberties of the Church had re ceived the sanction of the civril powers. To avoid, if possible, a direct collision, they endeavoured to persuade the king to abandon the prosecution of Black ; bul finding all their efforts ineffectual, and being well aware that if they did not resist this attempt, it would speedily become a precedent for subjecting the whole jurisdiction of the Church to the arbitrary will of the king, they came to the resolution of advising Black to de cline the judgment of the privy council, as incompetent to decide, in the first in stance, on the accusation brought against him. A declinature having been drawn up to that effect, it was sent through the presbyteries, and in a very short time subscribed by upwards of three hundred ministers. There was now an open and avowed contest between the civil and ecclesiasti cal authorities ; and not merely the peace of the kingdom, but the interests of re ligion for generations were involved in the issue. The Church displayed an extraordinary degree of unanimity m this dangerous crisis: even those who were not peculiarly distinguished for zeal in ordinary cases cast aside their lethargy, and joined warmly in the de fence of the threatened right of the Church. Spotswood himself was, or seemed to be, peculiarly forward to de fend the men and the cause, whom he was afterwards more than suspected of at that very time secretly betraying, and whom he afterwards basely and falsely calumniated. Previous to giving in his general declinature. Black was summon ed before the council, super inquirendis, about unspecified matters into which in quiry was to be made ; and when he ob jected to this mode of procedure as in quisitorial and illegal, he vvas then told that the accusation was restricted to mat ters complained of by the English am bassador, as assailing the character of Elizabeth. So trivial was the first form of accusation, that even the king said he " did not think much of the matter ; only he should take some course for pacifying the English ambassador ; but take heed that you do not decline the judicatory ; for if you do, it will be worse than any thing that has fallen out." The Eng lish ambassador was easily pacified ; but that did not serve the king's purpose ; and accordingly a new charge was brought against him, ranging over the alleged improper language of the three preceding years. In vain did Black pro duce testimonials from the provost and the professors of St. Andrews ; the council was determined to proceed. On the day fixed for hearing the cause, he was as sisted by Pont and Bruce ; but the council rejected the declinature, disre garded the testimonials, found the charges against him proved, and sen tenced him to be confined beyond the Tay, until his majesty resolved what farther punishment should be inflicted. This unjust and oppressive sentence was not pronounced without a very solemn warning having been previously given by the Church. On the morn ing of Black's trial, the commissioners presented to the king and council an ad dress, containing their deliberate senti ments respecting the nature of the con test in which they were engaged, and the momentous consequences which it in volved. A portion of this document must be given, for the vindication of the 108 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. IV. Church of Scotland from the calumnies of her enemits, and for the exposition of the truly Chiistian and patiiotic senti ments by vvhich the ministers were ani mated. " We are compelled, for clearing of our ministry from all suspicion of such linnatural affection and offices towards your majesty and the state of your majesty's country, lo call that great Judge who searcheth the hearts, and shall give recorapence to every one conform lo the secret thought thereof, to be judge be twixt us and the authors of all these ma licious calumnies. Before His tribunal we protest, that we always bore, now hear, and shall bear, God willing, to our life's end, as loyal affection to your ma jesty as any of your majesty's best sub jects wuhiu your majesty's realm, of whatsoever degree ; and, according to our power and calling shall be, by the grace of God, as ready lo procure and maintain your majes'y's welfare, peace and advancement, as any of the best af- feclioned whosoever. We call your majesty's own heart to record, whether you have not found it so in effect to your majesty's straits, and if your majesty be not persuaded to find the like of us all, if it shall fill out that your majesty have occasion in these diffiL'ulties to have the trial of the affection of your subjects again. Whatsoever we have uttered, either in our doctrine or in other actions toward your majesty, it hath proceeded of a zealous affection toward your maji^s- ty's welfare, above all things next lo the honour of God, as we protest ; choosing rather by the liberty of our admonitions to hazard ourselves, than by our silence to suffer your majesty to draw on the guiltiness of any sin that might involve your majesty in the wrath and judgment of God. In respect whereof we most humbly beseech your majesty so to es teem of us and our proceedings, as lend ing always, in great sincerity of our hearts, to the establishing of religion, the surety of your majesty's estate and crown (which we acknowledge to be insepar ably joined therewith), and to the com mon peace and welfare of the whole country. We persuade ourselves, that howsoever the first motion of this action might have proceeded upon a purpose of your majesty to have the limits of the spiritual jurisdiction distinguished from the civil, yet the same is enteitained and blown up by the favourers of those that are, and shall prove in the end, the greatest enemies that either your majesty or the cause of God can have in this country; thinking thereby to engender such a misliking betwixt your majesty and the ministry as shall by time take away all farther trust, and in end work a division irreconcilable, wherethrough your majesty might be brought to think your greatest friends to be your enemies, and your greatest enemies to be your friends. There is no necessity at this time, nor occasion offered on our part, to insist on the decision of intricate and unprofitable questions and processes ; al beit, by the subtle craft of adversaries of your majesty's quietness, some absurd and almost incredible suppositions (which the Lord forbid should enter in the part of Christians, let be in the hearts of the Lord's messengers) be drawn in and urged importunately at this time, as if the surety and privilege of your majesty's crown and auihority loyal depended on the present decision thereof We must humbly beseech your majesty to remit the decision thereof to our lavv- ful Assembly, that might determine there upon according to the Woid of God. For, this we protest in the sight of God, according to the light that he hath given us in his truth, that the special cause of the blessing that remaineth and hath re mained upon your majesty and your majesty's country, since your coronation, hath been, and is, the liberty which the Gospel hath had within your realm ; and if your majesty, under whatsoever colour, abridge the same directly or indi rectly, the wrath of the Lord shall be kindled against your majesty ^nd the kingdom, which we, in the name of the Lord Jesus, forewarn you of, that your majesty's and your council's blogd lie not upon us."* These solemn and evidently heart- wrung remonstrances had no effect upon James and his council : they vvere so in tent upon their great design of humbling the Church, that the earnest pathos and fervent piety of the ministers made no im pression upon their callous and haughty hearts. Still, with astonishing foibear- " Calderwood, pp. 344, 345. A. D. 1596.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 109 ance and patience, the commissioners of the Church continued lo strive for peace, if it could be obtained without the aban donment of sacred principles. Again they sought an interview with his majes ty, for the purpose of attempting an agreement ; but nothing would satisfy the king, except the complete submission of Black to every point ofhis accusation. The ministeis answered with sad and solemn earnestness, " that if the matter concerned only the life of Mr. Black, or that of a dozen others, they would have thought it of comparatively trifling im portance ; but as it was the liberty ofthe Gospel, and the spiritual sovereignty of the Lord Jesus, that was assailed, they could not submit, but must oppose all such proceeding, to the extreme hazard of their livr s." This declaration, uttered by B.-uce in his grave and serious man ner, moved the heart of the king for a moment, till he even shed tears ; and that night he pondered anxiously and rested little, perceiving that his attempt was likely to be followed by consequences which he had not anticipated.* But bis courtly parasitPS soon regained their as cendency : the Lord President Seaton persuaded him that he could not, without loss of honour, abandon the prosecution ; his remorse passed away ; and again he prost'cuted his designs, with even in creased asperity and violence. The king, by a proclamation, ordered the commi?sioners of the Asssembly to leave Edinburgh, declaring their powers unwarranted and illegal ; and an act of council was passed, ordaining the minis ters, before receiving payment of their stipends, to subscribe a bond, in vvhich they promised to submit to the judgment ofthe king and the privy council as often as they weie accused of seditious or trea sonable doctrine; and commanding all man-istrates in burghs, and noblemen and gentlemen in country parishes, to inter- riipt and imprison any preachers whom ihey.should hear uttering such language from pulpits. At the same time a circu lar missive was prepared, for calling a convention of Estates, and a General Assembly, to be held at Edinburgh, on the 15th of the following February, lo take into consideration " the whole order "Calderwood. p 349; Life of Bruce ; Livingstone's Memorable Characters, p. 74. and policy of the Kirk.'' From this it was perfectly evident that the entire over throw of the Presbyterian Church was intended. On the 17th of December, a rumour being spread that the Earl of Huntly had arrived in the capital, and been admitted to the presence ofthe king, the ministers and the citizens became greatly alarmed ; which was increased by the fact, that a charge had just been given to twenty- four of the most zealous of the towns men to remove from Edinburgh. In this state of excitement an evil-disposed person (supposed lo be an emissary of thai; couitier party called the Cubiculars) gave an alarm that the Papists were com ing to massacre the Protestants. Absurd as this outcry would have appeared in a cooler moment, it was enough lo raise a temporary tumult, through the combined influence of fear and imagination. No injury, hovvever, vvas done to any one, either in person or property ; and by the exertions of the ministeis and the magis trates the tumult was speedily quieted This tumult, ahhouffh utleily insignifi cant in itself, gave the king and the cour tiers the opportunity for which they had so long wished, of a colour to their own violent proceedings. Ne.xt morning early the king quitted Holyiood-house and hastened to Linlithgow. Immedi ately upon his departure, a pro(?lamation was issued, requiring all in public office to repair to him at Linlithgow, and com manding all strangeis instantly to leave the capital. Fieicer proclamations im- mediniely followed. The ministeis of Edinburgh were ordered lo enter into confinement in the castle ; the magis trates vvere commanded to apprehend them ; and the tumult was declared to be "aciuel and barbarous attempt against his majpsty's royal person, his nobility, and council, at the instigation of certam seditious ministeis and barons ;" and a\\ who had been accessoiy to it, or should assisi them, were declared to be liable to the penalties of treason. A short tiin^. aflerwards the king entered Edinbuigh at the head of a hostile array, as if he had been taking possession of a captured town, breathing forth denunciations of vengeance, and threatening to raze the city lo the ground, and lo erect a monu ment where it stood, to perpetuate the 110 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP IV. ¦memory of such an execrable treason I The terrified citizens crouched before the storm of royal wrath, surrendered all their rights civil and sacred, subscribed such a bond as the king pleased to im pose, and being sufficiently humbled and enslaved, were, by what Spotswood terms his majesty's unparalleled " grace and clemency," restored to favour. 1597. During this royal and courtly paroxysm the ministers of Edinburgh were advised by their friends to with draw from the capital ; which they re luctantly did, after Bruce had written a very able and eloquent apology for him self and his colleagues. This apology was copied by Spotswood himself, lo aid m its dissemination, and in the copying he contrived to " give it a sharper edge."* A letter written by the Edinburgh min isters to Lord Hamilton, requesting him lo intercede with the king in behalf of the Church, was also falsified, as there is strong reason to believe, by the same treacherous hand, while Spotswood was all the lime pretending the utmost zeal in defending the liberties of the Church. It were well that every reader of Spots- wood were aware of the deceitful and perfidious part acted by that designing and ambitious man, that they might know how little trust is to be reposed in any of his statements, and that writers on the prelatic side might, for very shame, cease lo repeat his gross and malicious fabrica tions. Affairs being in this condition, — the ministers of Edinburgh in exile or con cealment, the citizens humbled and pros trate, and a false imputation cast upon the whole conduct of the Church, — the king proceeded to the execution of his long- cherished scheme. Fifty-five questions respecting the government and discipline of the Church, drawn up by Secretary Lindsay, were published in the name of the king, and a convention of estates and a meeting of the General Assembly were called by royal authority, lo meet at Perth in the end of February, to consider these questions. But the spirit of the Church was not yet broken. Answers lo his majesty's propositions were pre pared by the synods, of Lothian and Fife ; and while the king was requested to pro rogue the extraordinary meeting which • Calderwood, p. 369. he had called, the Presbyteries, in case he should not comply, vvere instructed in the line of conduct which they should pursue ; and not a minister of any note could be prevailed upon to subscribe the bond of submission framed and promul gated by the king.* This prompt and energetic conduct convinced the king that sheer power would never enable him to triumph over men who could suffer and die, but not violate their duty to God. But there was yet one resource ; the General Assembly might be vitiated by the introduction of false, ambitious, and unprincipled bre thren, and thereby the Church made to fall by a suicidal blow. Sir Patrick Murray, one of the gentlemen of the bed chamber, was sent to the northern parts of the kingdom, to visit the presbyteries of Angus, and Aberdeenshire, and to in duce the ministers of those remote dis tricts to subscribe his majesty's bond, and to come to Perth to the ensuing Assem bly. Partly by flatteries and misrepre sentations, and partly by striving to raise a spirit of jealousy in the northern minis ters against the ascendancy of their south- country brethren, the royal emissary sped so well, that, when the Assembly met, it was found that the royal assenlalors formed a majority. The first struggle was on the question, whether this was a lawful Assembly? and after a debate of three days, the affirmative was carried by a majority of votes, some even of the south-country ministers being corrupted by the royal intrigues. His majesty's questions were next taken into consideration ; and such answers were given to the leading propo sitions, which alone were laid before them, as enabled the king to introduce his measures in a more plausible manner than formerly, with the seeming sanction of the Church.t Thus did the king suc ceed in partially accomplishing by strat agem and "kingcraft," lo use his own term, what force and persecution could not effect. The next meeting of the Assembly was held at Dundee, by the kings ap pointment, in May ; and notwithstanding all his majesty's artifice, and the aid of his northern battalions, it was with the utmost • Melville's Dairy, pp. 256, 257. t Booke of the Cniveisall Kirk, pp. 443, 414. A. b. 1598.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. Ill difficulty that he was able to carry his measures. The Assembly of Perth was declared lawful, with an explanation ; its acts were approved, bul with certain qual ifications ; and the additional answers now given to the king's questions were very guardedly expressed. To advance his schemes with an Assembly so much on its guard, required all the peculiar cunning of the crafty monarch ; but craft vvas his element, and false pretences vvere his weapons ; and thus he prevailed over men who were too honest themselves thoroughly to understand his guile. He requested them to appoint a committee of their number, with whom he might ad vise on certain important affairs which they could not at present find leisure to determine, such as the arrangements to be made respecting the ministers of Edinburgh and St. Andrews, the plant ing of vacant churches in general, and the providing of local and fixed stipends, for the ministers throughout the king dom. To this the Assembly agreed, and nominated fourteen ministers, to whom, or any seven of them, they granted power to convene with his majesty, for the above purposes, and to give him ad vice " in all affairs concerning the weal ofthe Church, and entertainment of peace and obedience to his majesty within his realm."* This was indeed, as Calder wood says, " a wedge taken out of the Church, to rend her with her own forces." It enabled the king to frame and mature his devices, and to introduce them into the Church through what might be termed his ecclesiastical council. By their means also, he called before him presbyteries, reversed their decisions, and restored one suspended minister lo his office, — a species of direct interference with ecclesiastical government to which at least one parallel might be pointed out, with this important difference — that what the king prevailed on his ecclesiastical council to do, a modern civil court has done of itself Availing himself of the advantagehe had gained, James induced his ecclesias tical council to present a petition to the parliament which met in December, re questing that the Church might be repre sented, and have a voice in the supreme council of the nation. This petition the • Booke of the Universall Kirk, p. 461. king induced the parliament to grant ; and it was declared that Prelacy was the third estate of the kingdom ; that such ministers as his majesty should please to raise to the dignity of prelates should have full right to sit and vote in parlia ment; and that bishoprics, as they be came vacant, should be conferred on none but such as were qualified and dis posed to act as ministers or preachers. This spiritual power to be exercised by bishops in the government of the Church, was left by parliament to be arranged by his majesty and the General Assembly. Thus the introduction of episcopacy was attempted to be concealed under the pre text of giving to the Church a vole in the national councils, for the security of her rights and the advancement of her welfare. It will be observed by the attentive and intelligent reader, that even in this inno vation there was an intermixture of con stitutional propriety. It was so contrived that the proposal for representatives in parliament came first from the commis sioners of the Church ; and when the parliament agreed lo the request, its en actment provided only that all ministers appointed to prelacies should have vole in parliament ; that is, it restored the po litical rank of prelates, but left to the Church its own province untouched, to restore or not the prelatic office. And had the Church not been so much cor rupted by the king, but refused lo allow ministers to accept of prelacies, the act of parliament must have remained a dead letter, and the scheme proved abortive. It may be added, that the king had a double object in view in the matter, — both to obtain the means of silencing the bold and free admonitions and censures of the Church, by subjecting the ecclesi astical lo the civil judicatories, and to ac quire a body of creatures of his own within the parliament, by whose assis tance he might control all its proceed ings. The measure in short, was a deadly blow aimed at the very heart of liberty, civil and religious, as subsequent events ere long very clearly proved. [1598.] Measures being thus far pre pared, the next step was to prevail upon the Church to accede to the arrange ment proposed by the act of parliament ; and for this purpose the commissioners, 112 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. IV. who were wholly gained over by the king, wrote a circular letter to their brethren, putting the most plausible con struction on the scheme, and in particular representing it as essentialtotheprocuring of legislative sanction to the " constant plat," — the provision for a permanent ministry and fixed local stipends This letter gave rise to long and keen debates in the several synods, particularly in that of Fife, where it vvas strongly opposed by both the Melvilles, by the venerable reforming patriarch Ferguson, and by Davidson, who, pointing out clearly that the proposed parliamentary voter was a bishop in disguise, exclaimed, " Busk, busk, busk him as bonnilie as ye can, and fetch him in as fairlie as ye will, we see him weill eneuch ; we see the horns ofhis mitre."* A meeting of the General Assembly was convoked by the king, at Dundee, in the Month of March 1598, expressly for the purpose of taking the late act of parliament into consideration. The most strenuous exertions were made by his majesty to get the Assembly packed and constructpd according to his mind. The Aberdeenshire legion was again impor tunately summoned to the scene; his own ecclesi istical council was thorough ly trainel for its appointed task ; every means had been used to bring, as elders fiora the presbyteries, those noblemen and gentlemen who had already voted for the measure in parliament ; and even after the Assembly met, several days were spent, before entering into business by his majesty, in holding private per sonal intercourse whh the members, en deavouring to corrupt, intimidate, or ca jole them into compliance. Not even then did he venture to proceed wilh his pernicious scheme, till he had banished Andrew Melville, not only from the As sembly, but even out of the town. The business was then introduced by a speech from his m ijesty himself; in which, after des^antin'^ complicently on the great services he had rendered the Church, and his anxiety still farther to promote her welfare, which, he alledged, could only be done by the proposed mea sure, he solemnly disclaimed any inten tion of bri.iging in popish or Anglican bishops, a,verring that his sole object was, ' Melville's Dairy, p. 289. that some of the best and wisest of the ministry chosen by the General Assem bly, should have a place in the privy council and parliament, to shin judgment on their own afiairs, and not lo stand, as they had too long stood, at the door, like poor suppliants, disregarded and de spised.* The question vvas put in this form, — " Whether it was necessary and expedi ent, for the welfare of the Church, that the ministry, as the third estate of this realm, should, in the name ofthe Church, have a vote in parliament." A warm and protracted debate ensued, all the best and ablest ministers rejecting earnestly that elevation to wealth, rank, and povver, which weak, worldly-minded, and ambi tious men so greatly covet. It was at length carried in the affirmative, by the slender majority of ten, after all the arti fices which the king had employed, and carried chiefly by the votes ofthe elders, a number of whom, it was asserted, had no commission. A protest was then given in by Davidson against the pro ceedings of this and the two foregoing Assemblies, on the ground of their not being free, but overawed by the king, and restricted in their due and wonted privileges; lo which protest upwards of forty ministers adhered. It was then agreed by the Assembly, that fiity-one ministers should be chosen to represent the Church, according to the ancient number ofthe bishops, abbots, and priors ; and that their election should belong partly to the king and paitly to the Church. Bat when resolutions respect ing the manner of electing the parlia mentary representatives, the duration of their commission, their names and reve nues, were proposed, many of the king's party began to waver, alarmed at the consequences of their own act; and it was deemed expedient lo le^ave ihi se mat ters for further consiJeration by the pres byteries, synods, and the next Assembly, vvhich was appointed lo meet at Aber deen in July 1599. Numerous meetings and conferences were held throughout the kingdom ; and the more that the measure was investiga ted, the less was it approved of by the. ministers. In a conference held ai Falk land, the vyhole measure met such a.de- ' CsUdstwood, p. 4)8.. A. D. 1600.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 113 cided opposition, that the king thought proper to prorogue the appointed meet ing of Assembly, and had recourse again to that private influence to which he ovved his previous success. [1599.] In November 1599, another conference was held at Holyrood-house, called by the king, and attended by ministers from all parts of the country. The whole subject vvas then fully dis cussed, chiefly, it appeal's, for the purpose of ascertaining the arguments Mkely to be used against the measure in the next Assembly, that the court party might be prepared with their answers. The sub stance of this remarkable conference is given by James Melville in his Diary, and will well repay a careful perusal, by those who wish to ascertain the real sen timents of the Church of Scotland at this memorable period of her history. The conclusion of this conference was, that James, finding the discussion going de cidedly against him, broke it off in anger, threatening that he would leave the re fractory ministers to sink deeper and deeper into poverty ; and would, besides, ofhis own auihority, put into the vacant bishoprics persons who would accept of them, and who would do their duty to hira and lo his kingdom.* [1600.] On the 28th day of March 1600, the General Assembly met at Mon trose. The most intense interest was felt by the whole kingdom in the meeting and the proceedings of this Assembly ; as it was manifest that upon its decision would depend the continuation or the overthrow of the Presbyterian form of church government in Scotland. The previous conferences had made both par ties aware of each other's arguments, and, in a great measure, of each other's strength ; and each appears to have en tertained strong expectations of success. On the one hand, the staunch Presbyte rians, holding firm by the great princi ples of the Reformation, by the acts of parliament formerly passed in their fa- V0U1-, and, above all, by the clear arid plain language of Scripture, confided in the goodness of their cause, and trusted in the support of their divine Head and King. On the other, the court party, aware of the dislike entertained by ithe sovjeretgn, the jif>bility;, and all the looser- ' MelTi)le'siD«ii>y,pp. 396-308. 15 living part of the community, against the strictness and impartiality of Presbyte rian discipline, and knowing the influ ence which the temptations of wealth, rank, and power must always exercise upon the selfish minds of poor and am bitious men, trusted that, by these con siderations, and by the personal exertions of the crafty monarch himself, the tri umph of their measure would be secured. Andrew Melville had been chosen by the presbytery of St. Andrews as one of their representatives, and went accord ingly to Montrose ; but the king, dread ing his influence and his power of argu ment, strictly prohibited him from taking his seal in the Assembly. He remained, nevertheless, in the town, and gave his brethren the benefit of his advice, during the course of the proceedings. After some preliminary business had been ar ranged, the Assembly proceeded to the consideration of that which was the great object of its meeting, — the propriety of ministers voting in parliament. The opponents of the measure brought for ward a formidable train of arguments against it, such as its supporters felt it impossible to answer ; who thereupon had recourse to evasions, and deceptive endeavours to draw their antagonists from their impregnable position. The king, perceiving -his party evidently losing ground, and the whole scheme exposed to imminent peril, interposed his arbitrary authority, declaring that the preceding Assembly had already deci ded the general question in the affirma tive, that its decision must be held final on that point, and that they had only to determine respecting minor arrangements. This interference on the part of his ma jesty saved his measure from defeat ; for there is reason to think, that if the gene ral question had been then put to the vote, the whole scheme would have been negatived. For, on the subordinate but kindred question, whether the parliamen tary voters should retain their place for life, or be annually elected, it was car ried, in spite of all the influence of .the court, hy a majority of three, in favour of annual election. Yet James, in the exercise of his favourite " Ising-eraft," prevailed upon the oleik "to draw up the minute slating that vote in such a man ner as essentially to change its icaeaning, 114 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. IV. and virtually to grant the very thing vvhich it was intended to reject ; and in this vitiated form he contrived to procure for it the sanction of the Assembly, to wards the close of its sittings, when its vigilance was diminished.* To render the introduction of this measure somewhat less intolerable than it would otherwise have been, the court party agreed to all the " caveats" or cau tions which had been proposed in the conference at Falkland, for protecting the liberties of the Church, and guarding against the introduction of Prelacy. The voters were lo have the name, not of bishops, but of commissioners of the Church, in parliament. The General Assembly, with the advice of synods and presbyteries, were to nominate six in each province, of whom his majesty should choose one, as the ecclesiastical representative of that province. The commissioner was to be allowed the rents of the benefice to which he should be presented, after provision had been made out of them for the churches, colleges, and schools. And, that he might not abuse his power, it vvas provided, — That he should not propose any thing to par liament, convention, or council, in the name ofthe Church, without her express warrant and direction, nor consent to the passing of any act prejudicial to the Church, under the penalty of deposition from his office: That at each General Assembly he should give an account of the manner in vvhich he had discharged his commission, and submit, without ap peal, to the censure of the Assembly, under the pain of infamy and excommu nication : That he should rest satisfied with the part of the benefice allotted to him, without encroaching upon what was assigned to other ministers within his province : That he should lot dilapi date his benefice, nor dispose of any part of its rents, without the consent of the General Assembly : That he should per form all the duties of the pastoral office within his own particular congregation, subject to the censures of the presby tery and synod to which he belonged : That in all parts of ecclesiastical govern ment and discipline, he should claim no more power or jurisdiction than what be- • Calderwood, pp. 438, 439: M'Crie's Life of MelviUe jj. pp. 68-62, longed to other ministers, under the pain of deprivation : That in meetings of pres bytery and other church courts he should behave himself in all things, and be sub ject to censure, in the same manner as his brethren : That he should have no right lo sit in the General Assembly without a commission from the presby tery : That, if deposed from the office of the ministry, he should lose his vote in parliament, and his benefice should be come vacant : And that the very fact of ambitiously soliciting the office should itself, on conviction, be a sufficient cause of deposition and all its consequences. It was ordained, that these " caveats" should be inserted, " as most necessary and substantial points," in the body of an act of parliament to be made for confirm ing the vote of the Church; and that every commissioner should subscribe and swear to observe them, when he was ad mitted to that peculiar appointment.* It will be admitted that these regula tions were well adapted to render the king's measures as harmless as possible, if strictly observed. But, to use the words of Spotswood, " it was neither the king's intention, nor the minds ofthe wiser sort, to have these cautions stand in force ; but, to have matters peaceably ended, and the r'feformation of the policy made with out any noise, the king gave way to these conceits."t And yet these "conceits" were publicly ratified by act of Parlia ment, and Spotswood himself, as well as others ofthe wiser sort," solemnly swore to observe them. Bul lo such an accom plished master of " king-craft" as James, and to such worldly-wise churchmen as Spotswood and his coadjutors, the viola tion of national faith, and the direct per jury of men styling themselves ministers of the gospel, seemed but a slight sacri fice to make for the introduction of their beloved Prelacy into a church and a kingdom, both of which cordially ab horred and dreaded its very name and nature, as equally a corruption of the Christian ministry and an instrument of political despotism. The perfidious designs of the king and the " wiser sort" were very soon dis played. A meeting of the commission ers of the General Assembly was called ' Booke of the Uni^erBall Kirk, pp. 482-487. t Spotswood, •). 435. A. D. 1600.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 115 hy the king in the month of October fol lowing, to have their advice respecting the settlement of ministers in Edinburgh, and lo consult on other matters to be pro posed to parliament for the good of the Church and kingdom. Pursuing his usual policy, the king got James Mel ville and two other ministers appointed on a committee to transact some other business ; and during their absence, he, with the consent of those present, sum marily nominated David Lindsay, Peter Blackburn, and George Gladstanes, to the vacant bishoprics of Ross, Aberdeen, and Caithness. This transaction was carefully concealed from the absent mem bers until the meeting was dissolved ; and the bishops appointed in this clan destine manner sat and voted in the en suing parliament, in direct violation of the cautions to which they had so lately given their consent. But these cautions, though thus early violated, and though their protective povver was thus proved to be ineffectual to prevent the lawless deeds of a treacherous king and perfidi ous churchmen, were not therefore of no avail. Their enactment served to show the mind and the principles of the purer part ofthe Church of Scotland ; and, re maining on the statute-book unrepealed, like the clause of the convention of Leith subjecting bishops to the General Assem bly, they, together with that clause, be ing revived and called into operation in better times, gave lo the Church of Scot land the means and the power of depo sing and excommunicating her perjured betrayers. If the Church of Scotland had been in any doubt respecting the arbitrary inten tions of the king, that doubt must have been completely dispelled by two differ ent works published by the royal author about this time. These were, his Free Law of Free Monarchies, and his Basil- icon Doron, or instructions of the king to his son, Prince Henry. In the former of these productions his majesty expresses with abundant clearness his notions of a free monarchy, which according to him, is the government of " a free and abso lute monarch,"— a king free to do virhat he pleases,— in shorl„a perfect despotism, in which the arbitrary will of the sove reign is above all law; with a parha ment to register and execute his com mands, and a people his passively-obedi ent and unresisting slaves. In the latter, the Basilicon Doron, the extent and na ture of the king's hatred ofthe Presbyte rian Church was revealed, as may be seen from the propositions extracted from that treatise, and condemned by the sy nod of Fife. These propositions were the following : — That the office of a king is of a mixed kind, partly civil and partly ecclesiastical : That a principal part of his function consists in ruling the Church : That it belongs to him lo judge when preachers wander from their text; and that such as refuse lo submit lo his judg ment in such cases ought to be capitally punished : That no ecclesiastical assem blies ought lo be held without his con sent : That no man is more to be hated of a king than a proud puritan : That parity among ministers is irreconcilable with monarchy, inimical lo order, and the mother of confusion : That puritans had been a pest to the commonwealth and Church of Scotland, wished to en gross the civil government as tribunes of the people, sought the introduction of de mocracy into the State, and quarrelled with the king because he was a king : That the chief persons among them should not be allowed to remain in the land: And that parity in the Church should be banished. Episcopacy set up, and all who preached against bishops rigorously punished.* Surely nq man of common intelligence and candour will deny that the Church of Scotland had good reason to be jealous of a monarch who could pen such gross slanders and outrageous opinions ; and yet, at the very same time, the royal dis sembler was publicly and loudly declar ing that nothing was farther from his mind than the introduction ofthe prelatic system into Scotland ! But oaths and laws were in his view fetters of iron to Presbyterian ministers and the commu nity, and threads of gossamer to kings and prelates. The policy of principle he knew not, because he was himself un principled ; but the policy of falsehood, cunning, and sycophancy, he well under stood and practised, and crowdud its whole essence into his favourite ecclesi- " Melville's Diary, p. 295. 116 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP IV. astico-political aphorism, " No bishop, no kirig" which his own comment explains to mean. No bishop, no despot. An event occurred in the same year, 1600, the consequences of which proved exceedingly detrimental to the Church of Scotland. This was that mysterious event known in history by the name of the Gowrie conspiracy, the true nature of which has never been fully unveiled. Leaving the discussion of such topics to the civil historian, to whose province they belong, we proceed to state the baneful consequences to the Church arising out of this strange conspiracy. An order was issued by the privy council, com manding all ministers to give thanks for his majesty's deliverance, according to a prescribed form ; and for not using the very words of that form, the ministers of Edinburgh were called before the coun cil, and candidly acknowledged that they were not thoroughly convinced of Gow- rie's treason, although they respected the king's account of the matter, and vvere willing to express thankfulness that he had been delivered from danger, provided they were not at the same time obliged to express any opinion respecting its nature and extent. Five of them were immedi ately banished from the capital, and pro hibited from preaching in Scotland. Of these, four soon submitted ; but the re maining one, Robert Bruce, not being convinced, would not violate his con science by saying what he did not be lieve, and was banished from the king dom. He was afterwards allowed to re turn to his native country, but not to Edinburgh ; and his offence was never forgiven, — an offence in which nearly all the kingdom, and almost every historian, shared. After his return he was banished for a lime lo Inverness ; then allowed to reside in his own house at Kinnaird, near Stirling ; then removed to the vi cinity of Glasgow, vyatched and perse cuted by the bislkips, and beloved and revered by every good and pious man throughout the kingdom, many of whom, and among Others the celebrated Alexan der Henderson, owed their conversion to his instrumentality. But James could never forgive him for two dire offences ; he had rendered great services to his country, and he had been injured by the king; for the one the sovereign hated him, because it could neither be denied nor compensated ; and for the other, be cause it is natural for malignant men to hate those whom they injure. To this may be added, that the king bore towards Bruce that instinctive antipathy which men of little minds cherish against those in the presence of whom their dwarfish intellect shrinks into its native insignifi cance, rebuked and crouching.* A considerable number of the minis ters throughout the country were brought into much trouble on account of their ex pressing sympathy with the ministers of Edinburgh, and with Bruce in particu lar. And it deserves to be mentioned, that the king availed himself of the con fusion and distress into which this affair had cast the Church, for completing his eversive schemes ; for it was while James Melville and two of his like-minded brethren were conversing with the per secuted ministers of Edinburgh, that James nominated three of his creatures to the vacant bishoprics, as above related.! [1601.] A meeting of the General Assembly was held at Burntisland in May 1601, by the appointment of James, who called it two months earlier than had been previously arranged. He was in duced, probably, to lake this step, partly in consequence of the failure of an em bassy which he had sent to Rome to pro pitiate the papal influence, and partly because of the odium which he had incurred by the slaughter of the Earl of Gowrie, the accusation of treason against whom the mass ofthe nation could not be induced to believe. To this Assembly James Melville sent a letter, pointing out very faithfully the corruptions still re maining in the Church and nation, and urging his brethren lo fidelity in the dis charge of their public duty ; but this letter the king thought proper to suppress. A letter lo the same effect, but expressed in stronger terms, written by the venera ble John Davidson, was read in the Assembly, contrary to his majesty's incli nation. Davidson's letter was instrumen tal in leading the Assembly back to the sacred ground so frequently occupied by its predecessors. They entered into a serious deliberation on the " causes of the general defections from the purity, zeal, and practice of the true religian iiin all ' Calderwood, pp. 444-446. t Ibd., pp. 445, 446. A. D. 1602.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 117 estates of the country, and how the same may be most effectually remedied." The king himself either yielded to, or for a short while participated in, the general feeling. He rose up and addressed the Assembly with great appearance of sin cerity, tears moistening his eyes as he spoke. He- confessed his offences and mismanagement in the government ofthe kingdom; and lifting up his hand, he vowed in the presence of God and ofthe Assembly, that he would, by the grace of God, live and die in the religion pre sently professed in the realm of Scotland, defend it against all its adversaries, min ister justice faithfully to his subjects, reform whatever was amiss in his person or family, and perform all the duties of a good and a Christian king better than he had hitherto performed them. At the request of his majesty, the members of Assembly in a similar manner renewed their vows ; and it was ordained that this mutual vow should be intimated from the pulpits on the following Sabbath, lo con vince the people of the good dispositions ofhis majesty, and the cordiality subsist ing between him and the Church.* .'*' Various other matters were transacted in this Assembly, of little public impor tance, wilh one exception, — a proposal lo review and improve the common transla tion of the Bible, and the metrical version of the Psalms. Into this proposal the king entered with great cordiality, availed himself of the opportunity of displaying his acquaintance with the Scriptures, and his knowledge of their original lan guages, and subsequently set himself lo the task of attempting a new poetical ver sion of the Psalms. Although the king had, in the Assem bly held at Burntisland, made the most solemn declaration of love to the Church of Scotland, yet as soon as his fit of devo tion, and perhaps of remorse, wore off, he returned to his course, and continued to prosecute his measures for the subver sion of that Church which he so often swore lo maintain. Upon the represen tation of his parasite Gladstanes, he con fined Andrew Melville within the pre cincts of the College of St. Andrews ; and he continued to demand from Bruce concessions which he well knew that ¦ Melville's Dairy, pp. 329331 ; Caldorwood, pp. 447-456 ; Booke of the Universall Kirk, pp, 491-499. upright man could never make, that he might have some pretext for continuing lo prosecute and oppress him. And when the synod of Fife met, and proceeded, wilh accustomed sincerity and boldness, lo express complaints and animadversions respecting public matters, the king en deavoured first to circumvent, and then to intimidate James Melville, in neither of which attempts did he succeed. [1602.] The Assembly had been ap pointed to meet in July 1 602, at St. An drews ; but the king, on his own author ity, postponed it till November, changing the place of meeting to the chapel at Holjrrood-house. This arbitrary mode of dealing with the meetings of the Assembly excited considerable apprehen sion, numbers of the most faithful minis ters regarding it as, what in all proba bility it vvas intended for, — a mode of familiarizing the minds of the ministers generally with the idea that the meeting of the Assembly was wholly dependent on the pleasure of his majesty, and might be postponed indefinitely, or altogether disallowed, whenever he should think proper. A protestation against this arbi trary procedure was given in by James Melville. Yet when the Assembly fairly entered upon its duties, it was soon appa rent that a great number of the ministers were still true Presbyterians. Several important acts were passed concerning the visitation, examination, and censure of synods, presbyteries, pastors, and con gregations ; and regulations were framed of a very searching nature, well calcu lated to test the conduct and character of the Church, both office-bearers and ordi nary members, and to prevent that laxity / of discipline and morals which the pre latic party were but too certain to intro duce, should their machinations be suc cessful. In this Assembly's records we find mention of a case of some importance, as indicative of the views of the Church, respecting the appointment of ministers at that period. The synod of Glasgow brought a complaint against Mr. George Semple, who had been presented to the parish of Killelane, and whom the synod had forbidden to intermeddle with the ministry in that parish, for various rea sons, but especially on account of a great dislike which several of the parishioners 118 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. IV. entertained against him. The Assembly inquired into the case, acquitted Mr. Sem ple of the charges brought against his character in general ; but, in respect of the great dislike between him and the parishioners, " think it not good that he be planted minister at the said kirk, and therefore ordained him lo desist there from, and demit the presentation made to him ofthe benefice thereof"* This Assembly vvas the last which was recognised by the Church of Scot land as a free and lawful Assembly, from that lime till the year 1638. And indeed even the Assembly of 1602 can scarcely be called a free Assembly. It was held in the very precincts of the palace ; some of the most influential men in the Church were violently prevented from attending it ; and on several occasions the king and his minions interrupted the proceed ings when these began to take a course of which the despotic monarch and his flatterers did not approve ; as, for instance, when an accusation was brought against Spotswood, that he had been present at the superstitious and idolatrous popish service of the mass, when he was recently in France, the court party interfered, and contrived to prevent the process against him from going forward. [1603.] On the last day of March 1603, intelligence of the death of Glueen Eliza beth having reached Scotland, James was proclained king of Scotland, England, France, and Ireland : and in the High Church of Edinburgh on the following Sabbath, he addressed the assembled peo ple, and once more declared his approba tion of the Church of Scotland, disclaim ing all intention of making any farther alteration in its government. But even in the moment of his exultation on ac count of his easy accession lo such an increase of wealth and power, he relented not in his determination to perpetrate the punishments which he had inflicted on Bruce and Davidson, unless they would confess themselves guilty of an offence in a matter in which they saw nothing guilty or offensive. If they could have flattered and falsified, they might easily have re gained his favour ; that is, they might have regained, by ceasing to deserve it ; but because they could not be other than honest and conscientious men, they could ' Booke of the Universall Kirk, p. 529. not recover the favour of their vain, weak- minded, and obstinate sovereign. The Presbyterian Church of Scotland had little reason to expect that its govern ment and discipline would obtain addi tional favour from a sovereign who had long plotted their overthrow, now that he had obtained a vast accession of weahh and power, and was surrounded by the dignitaries ofthe prelatic Church of Eng land. Still, it was not from the English bishops, so much as from their own treacherous countrymen, that the Scottish ministers were most apprehensive of dan ger ; according to the well-known fact, that the renegade becomes the greatest zealot. The Hampton Court conference between the High Church party and the puritan Non-conformists, which took place soon after James's arrival in Lon don, indicated with sufficient distinctness what might be expected ; especially when his majesty,, in his first speech in _parlia- ment, expressed his lender indulgence of papal errors, and his utter detestation of the puritans, with "their confused form of policy and parity," whom he termed " a sect insufferable in any well-governed commonwealth." The proposal for a union of the two kingdoms gave addi tional alarm to the Church of Scotland, who saw in such a measure, especially after the utterance of such sentiments, the greatest dangei* to the Presbyterian estab lishment. In this dangerous juncture the synod of Fife again put itself boldly in the front of the conflict. When the Scottish par liament met to deliberate upon the propo sal for a union, the synod of Fife applied for liberty to hold a General Assembly ; and when this was declined, the synod addressed the commissioners of the As sembly, reminded them of their duty and their responsibility to the Church at all times, and particularly in this hour of danger. They adjured the commission ers to defend the government of the Church of Scotland, as not resting upon conventional grounds, capable of being changed or altered, but upon Divine au thority, equally as the other articles of religion did ; declaring that they would rather suffer death itself than see the overthrow of the Presbyterian Church. This spirited remonstrance had a most beneficial effect. The parliament passed A. D. 1605.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 119 an act in conformity with its views, de claring, that the commissioners for the union should have no power to treat of any thing that concerned the religion and ecclesiastical discipline of Scotland.* This, it may be remarked, was of the very same nature as the celebrated Act of Security, passed about a century after wards, as the basis of the union then really formed ; and we shall have occa sion to show how little such an act was able to accomplish directly the purpose for which it was intended, bul yet, as in the other instances, of how much service it may finally be productive. A great constitutional principle, law or declara tion, may remain for any indefinite length of time not dead but dormant ; and may at length be aroused into potential activ ity, so as lo realize the full developement of that precious germ which it so long preserved. [1604.] Events very soon proved that the dangers dreaded by the Church were not imaginary. When the time ap proached that the General Assembly should meet, which had been appointed to be on the last Tuesday of July 1604, at Aberdeen, his majesty prorogued it till the conferences respecting the union should be over, and postponed ils meeting till the same month of the following year. But the presbytery of St. Andrews being resolved to exonerate themselves from the blame of allowing their sacred rights lo be violated without remon strance, enjoined their representatives lo keep the appointed meeting, notwith standing the royal prorogation, which they accordingly did ; and finding none present to assist them in holding an As sembly, they look a formal protest that they had done their duty, and that the danger to the privileges and rights ofthe Church, arising from the cowardly neg lect of others, should not be imputed to them. This bold and faithful conduct acted like the kindling of a beacon m the time of a threatened invasion. The next meet- mg of the Synod of Fife bore the aspect sf a General Assembly, so many dele gates from all parts of the kingdom as sembled, to consult what course should ' Calderwood, pp. 479-482; M'Crie's Life of Melvile, vol. i. pp. 108, 109. now be taken in defence of their reli gious liberties. This synodical meeting, and an extraordinary one subsequently held at Perth, went as direct to the cause of these evils as they constitutionally could, charging not the king, but the parliamentary bishops, with hindering the meeting of the Assembly, for the pur pose of prolonging their own powers, and of evading the censures which their conduct had deserved. It was resolved that petitions should be sent from all the synods, requesting his majesty to allow the Assembly lo meet for the transaction 'of important business. The terror and wrath of the parliamentary bishops and expectant commissioners vvere great ; and Gladstanes procured an order from the king to throw the two Melvilles into prison, in revenge for their activity, — an order which the privy council did not deem it expedient at the time to execute. [1605.] But the king had resolved upon his course ; and when the time for the meeting of the General Assembly again drew near, it vvas again prorogued, not withstanding the numerous petitions sent to court, requesting its meeting to be al lowed. And, as if to remove all doubt respecting his design, his majesty, in pro roguing the Assembly, mentioned no time for its next meeting. This rendered it evident that nothing less than its entire suppression vvas intended, and, by inev itable consequence, the overthrow of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland, and the erection of Prelacy. This was directly contrary to the act of parliament 1592, in vvhich it was expressly stipulated that the Assembly should meet at least once every year ; it was contrary even to the acts of parliament and Assembly passed for the introducing of commissioners of the church into parliament, who were annually to render to the Assembly an account of their conduct, subject to cen sure and deposition if they had acted im properly. The suppression of the meet ing of Assembly was a virtual bestowal of permanence in their function on these parliamentary bishops and commission ers, and to that extent was directly ever sive of the constitution and government of the Presbyterian Church. It vvas therefore imperatively necessary for the Church now to oppose these perfidious 120 HISTOEY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, [CHAP. IV. and arbitrary encroachments, and to de fend her sacred liberties, or to be for ever enslaved. When the Assembly was thus pro rogued, the time of its meeting was so near at hand that several presbyteries had already chosen their representatives. The interval was too short to admit of such deliberations and transmission of opinions as would have enabled the whole Church to act in a body, and ac cording to one systematic plan ; but nine presbyteries resolved to send their repre sentatives to Aberdeen, with instructions to constitute the Assembly, and adjourn it to a particular day, without proceeding to transact any business. For it was still hoped that his majesty might be pre vailed upon to alter his course ; and the Church was extremely reluctant to take any exasperating steps, but merely to secure formally its sacred and statutory rights. On the 2d of July 1605, nineteen min isters met, after sermon in the session- house of Aberdeen ; and the king's com missioner, Straiton of Lauriston, pre sented to them a letter from the lords of the privy council, addressed " To the brethren ofthe ministry convened at their Assembly in Aberdeen." The very address of this letter not only authorized the Assembly, but rendered it necessary, that it should be formally constituted before the letter could with propriety be read. This was done accordingly ; and while they were engaged in reading the letter, a messen ger-at-arms entered, and, in the king's name, charged them to dismiss, on the pain of rebellion. The Assembly de claring their readiness to comply wilh this order, requested the commissioner to name a day and place for their next meeting ; and upon his refusal, the mod erator appointed the Assembly to meet again in the same place on the last Tues day of September ensuing, and then dis solved the meeting with prayer. It was afterwards pretended by the commis sioner, that he had prohibited the Assem bly by open proclamation at the market- cross of Aberdeen on the day before it met ; but when Andrew Melville charged him, in presence of the king, with hav ing falsified the date, he had nothing lo answer, and could not produce a single person who had heard the proclamation on that day.* , Is there one man who understands the principles and values the rights of reli gious and civil liberty, that will condemn the proceedings of this much calumnia ted Assembly ? The right of the minis ters of the Church of Scotland to meet at least once a-year in a General Assembly, had been always asserted, had been se cured by acts of parliament, and had re ceived repeatedly the express sanction of his majesty. And when these sacred rights and legislative enactments were attempted to be destroyed by the arbitrary will of the sovereign, on the bare au thority of a royal proclamation, the min isters of the Church of Scotland would have been unworthy of the names they bore, the station they occupied, and the great cause in defence of which they stood forth, had they acted in any other manner than they did, — had they not con fronted every danger, rather than submit to measures which aimed at the estab lishment of a perfect despotism. It does not seem too much to say, that these high principled christian ministers vvere the chosen instruments, in the hand of the Divine Head and King of the Church, for the preservation of that sacred prin ciple, — the right of the office-bearers and members of the Christian Church to meet and deliberate respecting religious matters, and to exercise a spiritual juris diction therein, free from all civil control. And though for a time the strong arm of power might crush the devoted defenders of that sacred principle, the principle it self, when once fully made known and resolutely asserted, was indestructible, because it was true, and because God was its defender. The wrath of the king, when informed of the meeting of the Assembly at Aber deen, knew no bounds. He instantly sent orders to Scotland to proceed with the utmost rigour against the ministers who had presumed to contravene his command. Fourteen of the most emi nent were sent to prison to wait their trial, John Forbes, moderator of the late Assembly, and John Welsh, son-in-law of Knox, being confined in separate dun geons in the castle of Blackness. Acting ' Calderwood, pp. 492-494. A. D. 1606 ] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 121 according to the principles of the Church of Scotland, they declined the jurisdic tion of the privry council in a matter purely ecclesiastical ; and this being, as formerly, regarded as an aggravation of their offence, they were indicted to stand trial for high treason before the Court of the Justiciary at Linlithgow. The able defence of Forbes and Welsh, supported hy the legal reasonings of Thomas Hope, and countenanced by Andrew Melville, could not avail to rescue the victims from the gripe of the tyrant. Every species of corruption was employed by James's un worthy minions to secure a verdict against them, which vvas at length obtained by a majority of no more than three.* Six eminently pious and able ministers were thus condemned and cast into prison, to wait his majesty's pleasure what sen tence should be pronounced. Eight more remained for trial ; and the relentless des pot sent orders to proceed without delay to a repetition of the same perversion of law and justice. But the heart of Scot land began to swell with sympathy for the sufferers ; and the privy council sent intimation to the king, that it would not be safe to proceed with the trial in the present temper and feeling of the nation. James yielded to the remonstrance so far as to release the eight ministers from prison, but banished them to the remotest parts of the kingdom. The six who had been convicted, after suffering fourteen months' imprisonment in the Castle of Blackness, were banished into France. Such were the first-fruits of the intro duction of Prelacy into Scotland, — the violation of acts of parliament, the cor ruption of courts of justice, and the ban ishment of ministers eminently distin guished by personal piety, and by success in the discharge of their sacred diities ; and so early was the foundation laid in Scottish experience for what has become a national proverb, — " that prelatic Epis copacy never appeared in Scotland but as a persecutor." [1606] In the month of February 1606, an evasive attempt vvas made by the king, at the instigation of the bishops, to procure the consent of the synods to five arlicles, intended to secure the bish ops and commissioners from the conse quences of their violation of all the cau. • Calderwood, pp. 499-516. 16 tions they had sworn to observe, and also to admit the power which the king claimed over the meetings of the General Assembly. But although the synods were cunningly summoned to meet on the same day all over the kingdom, so that there could be no interchange of opinion among them, the result was, that only one synod, that of Angus, assented to the proposed arlicles. A parliament was held at Perth in August the same year, for the purpose chiefly of proceeding wilh the restoration of Prelacy. In order to effect this, it was necessary to repeal the statute annexing the temporalities of bishoprics to the crown, and to restore them to those who should be nominated to the episcopal of fice. This intention becoming known, the ministers from all quarters repaired lo Perth, remonstrated against this de sign, and finally gave in a protest to each of the three estates. This protest was signed by forty-two ministers, three of whom not long afterwards accepted bish oprics, to their perpetual disgrace. The protest itself may be seen in Calderwood, and also in the introduction to Stevenson ; and deserves an attentive perusal, as an able embodiment of the opinions enter tained by the leading men in the Church at that period, — opinions which all ages would do well to cherish. An arrange ment was made between the nobility and the prelatic party to the following effect: That the wealth and lands formerly pos sessed by abbots, priors, &c., in virtue of which those persons had voted in parlia ment, and as representing which so many commissioners of the Church had re cently been admitted lo sit and vole, should be alienated from the Church, and erected into temporal lordships ; and that, on the other hand, there should be seven teen prelacies erected, and the bishops restored to all their ancient honours, dig nities, privileges, and prerogatives. In the preamble to the strange and arbitrary act by which this base arrangement was ratified, and which was for a considera ble time kept as secret as possible, his ma jesty is recognized as " absolute prince,. judge, and governor over all estates, persons, and causes, both spiritual and temporal.* A short while previous lo the meeting " Act Pari. Scot. iv. pp. 281-283 ; Calderwood, p. 532. 122 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. IV, of parliament, letters were sent by the king to six of the most distinguished of the ministers who had not been already seized on account of the Aberdeen As sembly. These six were, Andrew and James Melville, William Scott, John Car michael, William Watson, James Bal four, Adam Colt, and Robert Wallace. They were commanded lo repair to Lon don, that his majesty might treat with them concerning such things as would settle the peace of the Church, and would justify to the world the measures which his majesty, after such extraordinary condescension, might find it necessary to adopt for repressing the obstinate and turbulent. The ministers had little doubt what would be the issue. The course of the king's conduct in times past pointed out with sufficient plainness what was his probable design. Like the tyrant of antiquity, James knew that the safest method of reducing a nation to slavery vvas lo begin by cutting off its leading and free-spirited men. Bruce and Welsh were already in exile ; and if the Mel villes could also be removed, he might secure the comparatively easy accom plishment of his favourite scheme, — the overthrow of the Church of Scotland, and the establishment of Prelacy. The heart sickens at the very recital of such a continued course of royal knavery and prelatic treachery ; and we feel compelled lo trace with more rapid and summary course the remaining stages of this disgraceful period of our national history. When the six minis ters arrived at London, they were admit ted to an interview with the king, and questioned respecting their opinion of the Assembly which met at Aberdeen, not withstanding the royal prorogation. Every endeavour was used to draw them into the use of language which might furnish a plausible pretext for instituting proceedings against them ; and at length, on the despicable charge against Andrew Melville, of having written an epigram censuring pointedly the superstitious cere monies vvhich he had been compelled to witness in the Chapel Royal, he was brought to trial as guilty of a treasonable act. Notwithstanding the singularly able and eloquent defence of Melville, he was committed to the Tower, subjected to a tedious imprisonment of four years, and at length allowed to go to Sedan, where he remained till his death. His nephew was also prohibited from returning to Scotland, and the remaining four from returning lo their parishes, although not implicated in the offence charged against him ; but thus the crafty tyrant contrived to cut down the tallest. The king and his bishops thinking themselves now tolerably secure of car rying their measures, hastened with keen speed to the work. Missives were addressed by the king to the several pres byteries, informing them that an Assem bly was to be held at Linlithgow on the lOlh of December, and naming the per sons whom they were to send as repre sentatives. Thus even the choice of their own representatives was lo be taken away before the king could expect to threaten or cajole the Presbyterian minis ters into the rece,ption of his beloved Pre lacy. Some of the presbyteries refused to grant any commission to the king's nominees ; and others strictly prohibited them from taking part in the decision of any ecclesiastical question. When this packed Assembly met, a letter from his majesty was read, recommending the appointment of constant moderators of presbyteries, and thai the bishops should be the moderators of the presbyteries within whose bounds they resided. Even in this carefully -selected Assembly it required all the art of the . king's com missioner, and a repetition of the deceit ful protestations and cautions of the per jured prelates, to carry a measure so re pugnant lo every Presbyterian principle. It was carried, however ; and when sent to his majesty to be ratified, it returned with, an interpolation, appointing the bishops lo be moderators of provincial synods, as well as of presbyteries. Le gal charges were sent to all the synods and presbyteries to admit the constant moderators ; and the synod of Angus confirmed its bad pre-eminence by being the only one that did not refuse.* "Fierce, violent, and outrageous were the at tempts made by the king's agents to force the bishops as constant moderators upon the synods and presbyteries, and in al most every instance unsuccessfully, * Calderwood, pp. 550-554. A. D. 1610.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 123 though many ministers were thrown into prison, and disgraceful tumults raised by the prelatic party. [1607.] The whole of the year 1607 was employed by the prelates and their supporters in their endeavour to force the constant moderators upon synods and ])resbyteries, by every method which ' craft could devise or tyranny execute. [1608.] But the bishops perceiving that these forcible measures were rous ing the spirit of the country, had recourse to a stratagem which wrought more ef fectually. A conference was held at Falkland, between the Prelalists and the faithful presbyterians, with the pretext of attempting lo come to an amicable ar rangement, and put an end lo the strifes and divisions by which the country was distracted. Following up this policy, an Assembly was held at Linlithgow about the end of July, in which the Prelalists repeated their wish for a peaceful and amicable discussion on the points in dis pute, some of them pretending that they began to be of opinion that Prelacy was more agreeable to Scripture than the Presbyterian form of church government. This fallacious pretext produced the de sired effect. It lulled many of the vigi lant Presbyterians into security, or di rected their attention to speculative dis cussions, while their wily antagonists were pressing forward their machina tions practically. [1609.] A parliament was held at Edinburgh in 1609, in which the bish ops were present, but none of the minis ters received intimation of its meeting, that they might, as usual, present their requests to the national legislature. Considerable progress was accordingly made by the prelates in the prosecution of their measures. . Spotswood, now arch bishop of Glasgow, was made a Lord of Session ; and the bishops were empower ed to modify and fix the stipends of minis ters, — a power which they did not scruple to employ for the pupose of bribing ad herents, and of starving antagonists. Thus were the bishops restored by Par liament lo the civil jurisdiction formerly held by the popish prelates. [1610.] On the 1 6th of February 1610 a commission was given under the great seal of the two archbishops of St. An drews and Glasgow, to hold two courts of high Commission. These courts, it may be mentioned here, were united in 1615, when Spotswood was translated to St. Andrews, and thereby became pos sessed of what in popish limes had been the primacy. Never was a more tyran nical court instituted than that of High Commission. It was regulated by no fixed laws or forms of justice, and was armed with the united terrors of civil and ecclesiastical despotism. It had the power of receiving appeals from any ec clesiastical judicatory ; of calling before it all persons accused of immorality, heresy, sedition, or an imaginary offence ; or finding them guilty upon evidence which no court of justice would have sus tained ; and of inflicting any punishment either civil or ecclesiastical, or both, which it thought proper. " As it exahed the bishops far above any prelate that ever was in Scotland, so it put the king in possession of what he had long desired, namely, the royal prerogative and abso lute power to use the bodies and goods of his subjects at his pleasure, without form or process of law : so that our bish ops were fit instruments of the over throw of the freedom and liberty both of the Church and realm of Scotland."* An Assembly was held at Glasgow on the 8th of June, the same year. Pre vious to its meeting, the king, by the di rection of the bishops, sent circular let ters lo the presbyteries, nominating as on a former occasion, their representatives ; and the Earl of Dunbar was sent from London as king's commissioner, well pro vided with golden persuasives lo use in lack of belter arguments. His majesty's dictatorial letter was read ; threats and promises were plentifully employed ; and at length the whole of the prelatic measures were carried, only five votes being given against them. The Aber deen Assembly of. 1605 was condemned ; the right of calling and dismissing As semblies was declared to belong to the royal prerogative ; the bishops were de clared moderators of diocesan synods, and all presentations to benefices vvere appointed to be directed to them ; and the power of excommunicating and ab solving offenders, and of visiting the churches within their respective dioceses, • Melville's Hist, of Decl. Age. pp. 270-276; Calder wood, pp. 616-619. 124 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. IV was conferred on them. Thus did this packed, and intimidated, and bribed con vention (often called the Angelical As sembly, in allusion to the angels, a gold coin used in bribing the mercenary prela lists), consent to the introduction of the corrupt and corrupting prelatic system of church government. Not more strong ly contrasted are Prelacy and Presbytery in their forms and ceremonies, than in the methods by which they were estab lished in Scotland. The faithful preach ing of the gospel, open and manly ar- guraerft, and the pure lives of its teachers, were the means employed by Presbytery to fix itself in the heart of Scotland : ar bitrary power, dissimulation, perfidy, treachery, corruption, and persecution, vvere the methods by which Prelacy was introduced, nourished, and confirmed. Till these facts have perished from the records of history, little else will be re quired by any right-hearted and unpre judiced man, to enable him to answer the question. Which of the two systems is of human invention, and which of divine institution ? The perfidious acts of life Glasgow Assembly were kept for a time concealed till the prelates were ready to have them enforced. Yet great opposition was made in many parts of the country, and the persecution of faithful ministers was resumed. Spotswood, Lambe, and Hamilton, went to London to obtain con secration of their episcopal functions, and that they might aflerwards legitimately consecrate their prelatic brethren. [1612.] Nearly two years elapsed be tween the Glasgow Assembly and the ra tification of its acts by the parliament, in October 1612 ; bul in the ratification the acts were so far changed as to render them more according to the wish of the prelates, especially of Spotswood, who directly asserts that this act rescinded and annulled that of 1592.* By the influ ence of the same ambitious man, also, the Courts of High Commission were subse quently united in 1615, and he was placed at the head of this prelatic inquisi tion. [1616] No Assembly was held till August 1616, when it was summoned to meet at Aberdeen. It is chiefly remark able on account of a new Confession of * Spotswood, p. 518. Faith, drawn up by the prelatic party, sufficiently orthodox in ils doctrines, but meagre and evasive in respect of church government and discipline, for a very evident reason* By this accommoda ting Assembly the popish lords were re ceived into favour, and subscribed the new Confession. "The prelatic party had indeed outgrown the patriarchs of the Reformation. [1617.] In 1617 the king paid a visit to his ancient kingdoms ; expecting, pro bably, to find matters more to his liking under the prelatic sway than formerly. He soon found, however, that the ancient spirit was not wholly fled. A considera ble number of the ministers gave in a protestation against a proposal that the king, wilh the advice of the prelates and some of the ministry, should have power to enact ecclesiastical laws ; and when David Calderwood was summoned be fore the Court of High Commission on account of this protestation, he declined its jurisdiction. Some sharp altercation passed between him and the king, which Calderwood has himself recorded in a very graphic manner, t The result was, that he was banished out ofthe kingdom, and compelled lo depart during the stormy winter weather, the king coarsely saying, that should he be drowned it would save him from a worse fate. A sort of Assembly vvas held at St. Andrews in the end of October, for the purpose of completing the prelatic innovations ; but it proved rather premature, and that com pletion was reserved for the following year. [1618.] On the 25th of August 1618, the General Assembly met at Perth, in obedience to the royal mandate. During the preceding summer months, every possible device which craft or despotism could suggest, had been used to prepare such an Assembly as would be sufficiently subservient ; and when the Assembly met, nothing was left undone to ensure a prelatic triumph. They met in what was called the Little Kirk, in which a long table was placed in the centre, benches arranged on each side of it, and at the head a cross table, with chairs for his majesty's commissioners and the modera tor. "The nobility, gentry, and prelates placed themselves on the benches, leaving ' Calderwood, pp. 666-673. t Calderwood, pp. 681-683, A. D. 1631.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 125 the ministers to stand behind them, un accommodated with seats, as if indicating the subordinate part which they were lo perform ; and Sjaolswood look the mode rator's chair, without being elected to that office. When it was proposed that the moderator should be elected accord ing lo the usual order of procedure. Spots- wood would not permit it, on the ground that as the Assembly was held within the bounds of his diocese, he vvas entitled lo preside. The ministers were then re quired to give in their commissions ; but these commissions were not examined publicly, so that it could not be known whether they were all genuine or not, till the conclusion of the proceedings, when it was ascertained that many of them were not legal. The question was asked by some of the ministers, whether all the noblemen, barons, and burgesses present were to vote, since many of them had no commissions as elders. Spots- wood answered, that all who had come in compliance with his Majesty's missives should vote, although this was directly contrary to the constitution of the Assem bly. The dean of Winchester was then introduced, who read a long letter from the king, strongly recommending the measures which he proposed, and warmly expostulating wilh the Church on account of its reluctance to comply with his sug gestions. The dean followed up this letter with a speech, strenuously urging compliance wilh all the king's desires and suggestions, in a strain of sycophan tic adulation. The struggle immediately began be tween the faithful ministers and the inno vating prelatic party. A private con ference was held for the purpose of put ting the proposed articles into regular form for the consideration of the Assem bly. In the conference Spotswood en deavored to procure the sanction of these articles by a vote, which would have pre cluded the liberty of reasoning in the Assembly, and in this he was partially successful. When the articles were laid before the Assembly on the 27th, a scene of tyrannical violence ensued, such as has been seldom equalled. Spotswood ad dressed the Assembly in the most haughty and domineermg style, urging submission to his majesty's degiies, commanding im plicit and immediate obedience, deriding the idea that any ministers would submit to be expelled from their parishes and stipends rather than yield, and assuring them that the people would not support them, or, if such a thing should happen, " wishing that the king would make him a captain, and never one of these brag- gers would come to the field." Others of the prelates followed in a similar strain and spirit ; and every attempt made by the faithful Presbyterians to reason and argue was overborne by the rude clam ours and taunting jeers of the haughty barons and more haughty prelates. A protestation against such a course of pro cedure was given in by some of the ministers ; but after a few sentences had been read it was cast aside and neglected. The vote was then loudly demanded by the self-chosen moderator, and the king's letter was again read, to overawe the opposing ministers. In putting the vote the question was often crouched in these terms : — " Will you consent to these arti cles, or disobey the king ?" and Spots- wood even declared, that whosoever voted against these articles, his name should be marked and transmitted lo his majesty. Thus surrounded by the half armed re tainers of the nobility, and threatened with the vengeance of the king, the ministers were compelled to proceed to the vole in the midst of confusion and alarm. Even then many stood true and unshaken ; hut the Five Articles of Perth, as they are usually called, were carried by a majority, — one nobleman. Lord Ochiltree, one doctor, and forty-five ministers, voting in the negative. These Five Articles were, — kneeling at the communion, — the observance of holidays, — episcopal (confirmation, — private bap tism, — and the private dispensation of the Lord's Supper. Thus by a formida ble combination of fraud and violence, the king and his minions succeeded in perpetrating another iglaring iinn&vation upon the government, discipline, and ritual of the Presbyterian Church ; yiet so narrowly, that if none had voted ex cept those who had "commissions, tiie attempt would have been deffeated.* These articles being thus forcibly ^carried in the Assembly, the Court of High Commission set about enforcing their ohservg-'nce, by means of civil i^enaijtie? ; • OaldeFwoodi'pp.W-Tlg, 126 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP, IV. thus yielding another practical proof, that civil and religious liberties perish or exist together. [1621.] Trusting that the spirit of the nation was now subdued, after three years of High Commission tyranny, the parlia ment was summoned lo meet in Edin burgh on the 25th of July 1621, chiefly for the ratification of the Five Arlicles of Perth. The faithful ministers who still survived lo watch over the welfare of the Church, endeavoured to move the parliament by earnest remonstrances, but in vain ; the course was predetermined, and the result prepared. At length all preliminary arrangements being com pleted, the parliament proceeded to vote for the ratification or rejection ofthe Five Articles, without deliberation, and as if they had formed but one topic. Even then the opposition was very strong. Fifteen lords and fifty-four commission ers of shires and burghs voted against the measure, and it was carried by a small majority. On Saturday the 4th of August 1621, this vote, subversive ofthe Presbyterian Church of Scotland, was thus carried, chiefly by means of men who had solemnly sworn lo maintain what they had thus conspired lo over throw. This day, sadly memorable in the annals of the Church of Scotland, was marked also by a singular coincident event, recorded by the historians of that lime. The morning had been lowering and gloomy, and as the day advanced the gloom waxed deeper and deeper, as the gathering clouds seemed to concentrate their huge voluminous masses around over the city. At the very moment when the Marquis of Hamilton and the Lord High Commissioner rose to give the for mal ratification to the acts, by touching them with the sceptre, a keen blue flash of forked lightning blazed through the murky gloom, followed instantaneously hy another and another, so dazzingly bright as lo blind the startled and terri fied parliament, in the act of consumma ting its guilty deed. Three terrific peals of thunder foUowed in quick succession, appalling the trembling conclave, as if the thunder-voice of heaven were utter ing denouncements of vengeance against the insulters ofthe dread majesty on high. Then descended hailstones of prodigious magnitude, and sheeted rains so heavy and continuous, as to imprison for an hour and a-half the parliament which had per petrated this act of treason against the King of kings, by subjecting His Church lo an earthly monarch. This dark and disastrous day was long known in Scot land hy the designation of " Black Sat urday," — "black with man's guilt and wilh the frowns of heaven."* We have now reached the close of another period of the Church of Scot land's eventful history,— a period full of instruction for the thoughtful Christian reader. It is painful to peruse the records of a crafty monarch's fraud and tyranny, — of aristocratic selfishness and avarice, — of the perjury and deceit of ambitious and sycophantic churchmen, longing for prelatic pre-eminence in wealth and power, — and of the sufferings to which the true-hearted and noble-minded de fenders of the Church of Scotland were exposed, as they strove faithfully, though ineffectually, to maintain her principles and defend her rights. Yet it affords a signal illustration of the great truth, that the Church of Christ and the world are each other's natural antagonists, and that the more closely a Church cleaves to ils Divine Head and King, obeying His precepts and following His example, the more certain is it to incur the hostility of crafty, irreligious, and wordly-minded men of every rank and station. It shows also, that the greatest danger a Church has to encounter is that arising from internal corruption. King James could not overthrow the Church of Scotland till he had gained over some of its minis ters, and thereby succeeded in corrupting its courts, so as to obtain its own apparent sanction to his successive invasions of its rights and privileges. And it deserves also to be remarked, that even when zeal ously working the ruin of the Church, there was in all the crafty despot's mea sures a strange tacit recognition of one of the leading principles which he sought to overthrow, — the independent right of the Church lo regulate its own procedure on its own auihority. Every one of the destructive acts by which Presbytery was overthrown and Prelacy introduced, was so contrived as to have its origin in some court or commission of the Church, — never first in a civil court ; thereby prac- * Calderwood, p. 783; Bpotswood, p. 542. A. D. 1621.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 127 tically admitting, not only that the Church courts vvere possessed of complete co-ordi nate jurisdiction, bul even that they vvere supreme in ecclesiastical matters. When the parliament even seemed to lake the primary step, it was only in affairs mani festly civil, such as the restoration of the civil emoluments and civil jurisdiction to prelates ; but the existence of the prelatic function itself, and the elevation of minis ters to the prelacy, were matters with which the parliament did not interfere, till the Church had been induced to pass the acts vvhich were competent alone to her jurisdiction. The haired shown by the king lo declinatures of civil juris diction in matters ecclesiastical, may be regarded as a proof that he was aware how constitutionally sound and reli giously just vvas the claim of the Presby terian Church ; and that he, as a tyrant, detested it the more, because of its consti tutional and sacred character. CHAPTER V. PROM THE RATIFICATION OP THE FIVE ARTI CLES OF PERTH, IN THE TEAR 1621, TO THE NATIONAL COVENANT IN 1638. Despotic Letter from the King. — Conduct of his Ma jesty and the Prelates. — John Welch. — Robert Bruce. — Proceedings of the Court of High Commission against the Ministers, Universities, Probationers, and People. — David Dickson. — Robert Boyd. — Rob ert Blair. — The People and Magistrates of Edinburgh. — Death of King James. — Charles I. — Despotic Tem per and proceedings of Charles. — Changes in the Courts of Session and Justiciary. — Commission of Teinds. — Proposed Act of Revocation.— IntenUon to assimilate the Church of Scotland to that of Eng land.— Ambition and Rashness of the younger Pre lates.— Revivals of Religion at Irvine, Stewton, and Shotts.— Growth of Arminianism among the Pre latic Party— Visit of the King to ScoUand.—" Act anent the Royal Prerogative and the Apparel of Churchmen."— Fraudulent manner in which it was carried.- Edinburgh made a Bishopric— Trial of Balmerino— Diocesan Courts of High Commission. —Book of Canons.— Pride and Ambition of the Pre lates.— The Liturgy.— Riot in Edinburgh at its In- troducUon.— Arbitrary Conduct cf the Prelates.— The Feelings of the Kingdom roused.— Alexander Henderson.— The Presbyterians crowd to Edinburgh. —The Privy Council.— Commotions.— Violent Pro clamations.— Increased Agitation.— The Presbyteri ans accuse the Prelates of being the direct Cause of all the National Troubles.— The Formation of the Four Tables.— Deceitful Proceedings of the Privy Council.— Evasive Proclamations.— Pernicious Ad vice given to the King by Spotswood and Laud.— Conduct of the Earl of Traquair.-SkilfUl Manage ment of Ihe Precbyterians.— Duplicity of the Privy Council.— Injudicious Proclamation.- The National Covenant. DuRniG the interval which elapsed be tween the passing ofthe Five Arlicles of Perth in the Assembly 1618, and their ratification by the parliament of 1621, there had been a continual struggle be tween the prelates and the Presbyterian ministers ; the former endeavouring to enforce obedience to these articles by the authority of the Court of High Commis sion ; the latter protesting, refusing obe dience, and resisting, notwithstanding the sufferings to which they were exposed. But still something was wanting lo com plete the power of the prelates, and to give a more legal aspect to their aggres sions ; for the minds of men in general revolted against the glaring tyranny of the High Commission, — a court depend ing solely Upon the arbitrary will and command of the sovereign, but not recog nised by constitutional law. The act of parliament ratifying the Five Arlicles of Perth supplied what had been wanting, and gave a constitutional sanction to the despotism and the treachery of these sub versive measures. It was not the inten tion of either the king or the prelates to allow this power to remain unemployed. A short time after the passing of the act, Spotswood, archbishop of St. Andrews, received a letter from the king, not merely giving full warrant to proceed to extrem ity in the enforcement of the Five Arti cles, bul even urging forward men who were already abundantly disposed to tyrannize over and persecute their bre thren. " The greatest matter," said the king, in this remarkable letter, " the pur itans had lo object against the church government was, that your proceedings were warranted by no law, which now, by this last parliament, is cuMed short ; so that hereafter that rebellious, disobedient, and seditious crew must either obey or resist God, their natural king, and the law of the country. It resteth therefore to you lo be encouraged and comforted by this happy occasion, and to lose no more time to procure a settled obedience to God, and to Us, by the good endeavours of our commissioner, and our other true- hearted subjects and servants. The sword is now put into your hands : go on therefore to use it,.and let it rust no longer, till ye have perfected the service entrusted to you."* Such were the instructions of the infatuated king to his not less infatu ated prelatic minions, for the destruction of a Church which he had termed " the • Calderwood, p. 784. 128 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP IV. sincerest Church in the world," and had repeatedly sworn lo defend. And the enormity of these instructions is certainly not diminished, if, as Calderwood sug gests, and other authors more distinctly assert, this letter was actually a mere transcript of one sent to the king by Spotswood, lo be copied and returned to Scotland, stamped with the royal author ity ,^a procedure which it appears, was often adopted by the treacherous and tyrannical Scottish prelates.* A letter of a similar import was also sent to the privy council, commanding all the offi cers of state to conform, under pain of dismission ; and enjoining them to see that all persons filling any subordinate official'station, members of the Courts of Session and Justiciary, advocates, sheriffs, magistrates of burghs, and even clerks and sheriff-officers, should render im plicit obedience, or be declared incapable of holding office. The Court of High Commission was not composed of men likely to let the sword of double despotism which had been put into their hands rust for want of being used. Its freshly whetted edge was directed keenly against the faithful ministers, and against all who refused to mould their faith according to acts of par liament. And, as if for the very purpose of proving that the cruelty of the king and of the prelates was equally fierce and implacable, its effects were exhibited al-, most simultaneously by his majesty and by them. The celebrated John Welch, who had suffered a banishment of four teen years duration on account of the part he took in the prorogued Assembly of Aberdeen in 1605, had fallen into such a stale of ill health, that a return lo his na tive country was recommended, as the only means of saving his life. By great solicitations he obtained permission lo return lo London ; but when his wife, a daughter of John Knox, obtained an interview with the king, and requested. that her dying husband might be allowed to breathe once more his native air, his majesty, with coarse oaths, refused, un less she would persuade her husband to submit to the bishops. " Please your majesty," replied the heroic matron, lin ing up her apron, and holding it forth as ¦ Wodrow's Collection of Lives, particularly the lives of Gladstanes and Spotswood. if in the act of receiving her husband's decolated and falling head, " I would rather kep [receive] his head there !" — James would not even permit the dying man to preach, till, hearing that he was at the point of death, he in mockery sent permission then, when he believed it could not be accepted. But Welch joy fully hastened to embrace the opportunity of once more proclaiming the glad tid ings of salvation ; and having preached long and fervently, returned to his cham ber, and within two hours rested from his labours, and escaped from the cruel and insulting tyranny of his oppressors. About the same time Robert Bruce, who had been residing for some years in his own house at Kinnaird, having been permitted to return from Inverness, was accused of seditious conduct, and of trans gressing the bounds of his confinement. He vvas imprisoned for a time in the Cas tle of Edinburgh, and then sentence passed that he should again be sent to Inverness, and restricted lo that town and four miles around it during the king's pleasure ; this sentence being accompa nied by the sneering expression, " We will have no more popish pilgrimages to Kinnaird," — in allusion to the frequent intercourse between Bruce and the most pious people of the surrounding country, who resorted to Kinnaird to enjoy the benefit of his instructive conversation. The prelatic party exulted in the oppor tunity of inflicting their mean malicious vengeance upon a man whom the king, in an unwonted fit of truth and gratitude, had pronounced worth the quarter of his kingdom. But what was meant as a punishment to him, became a precious blessing to the people of Inverness and its vicinity, who acquired then a relish for the pure gospel, which there is reason to believe, has never since been lost. [1622.] — Not contented with these se vere proceedings against the venerahle fathers of the Church, the prelates direct ed their attention lo every minister of eminence throughout the kingdom, re quiring from each submission to the Perth Articles. They had a tvyofold purpose in demanding urgently the compliance of such men : hy far the majority of the people regarded these articles with ex treme diislike ; and the jiinelates were w«U aw^e, that ifthey >cffii!tM prevail nipon^ A. D. 1622.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 129 best ministers to subscribe, those ministers would either bring with them the people who were strongly attached lo them, or they would lose that popular influence which they possessed. There was an other alternative which they seem not to have taken into their calculation; they do not appear to have thought it probable that those ministers would continue to re sist, braving the terrors of the Court of High Commission, and by their suffer ings increasing the popular detestation of the prelatic system, much more than all their arguments could have done. They were aware that they would themselves have yielded to any measure, when, by so yielding, they would both escape per sonal suffering and obtain the prospect of personal wealth, rank and power ; and they could not conceive nor credit the higher principles of their antagonists. Bul it has often been the lot of cunning men to overreach themselves ; and such was the lot of the Scottish prelates. The prelates held a Court of High Commis sion early in January 1622, and com menced their despotic course by sum moning before them the Bev. Messrs. Dickson of Irvine, Dunbar of Ayr, Row of Carnock, Murray of Dunfermline, and Johnstone of Ancrum. All these were men of great piety, much beloved by their people, and highly respected in the dis tricts of the country where they respec tively resided. Their submission was therefore earnestly desired by the prelates ; or, at least, their forcible removal lo dis tant parts of the country, where, being unknown; they would possess little influ ence, and their oppressors would the more easily carry forward their pernicious de signs. Of all these ministers, the case of Mr. David Dickson of Irvine seems to have excited the most attention. This eminent man was assailed by the prelates at one time in the language of entreaty, at an other in that of fierce vituperative threats, to induce him lo submit. His own con gregation employed every effort for his protection ; and the earl of Eglinlon per sonally entreated the prelates not to re move him from his charge. But all en treaties were ineffectual ; he had declined the jurisdiction of that despotic court, the High Commission, and this was an offence which could net he forgivaj. He 17 was banished to Turriff, in the synod of Aberdeen, where, however, he continued to exercise his ministry, greatly to the ad vantage of the inhabitants of that district, till he was afterwards permitted to return to Irvine. The other ministers, whose names were mentioned above, were also subjected lo similar penalties, some being banished to one part ofthe country, others to another, and only one, so far as appears, permitted to remain in his own parish, bul strictly prohibited from passing be yond its boundaries.* The tyranny of the prelatic party fell not less heavily on the people than on the ministers ; for the people were every where as much opposed to compliance with the Perth Articles as their pastors could be, and in some places much more so ; for in every parish where the minis ter was prelatic the opposition was of course made 'by the people alone. In such instances the prelatic ministers strove to persuade, or lo force, the people to com ply with the Five Arlicles of Perth ; and as the article which commanded kneeling at the communion was that which was most exposed to public observation, it gave rise lo the greatest part of the con tentions by which the peace of the coun try was destroyed. Many most disgrace ful scenes of strife and confusion took place, even at the communion-table, in consequence ofthe prelatic party attempt ing forcibly to compel the people to sub mit to what they justly regarded as an al titude not warranted by Scripture, and bearing a close resemblance to the idola trous service of the Church of Rome. Notwithstanding all their exertions, they could not prevail upon the people lo com ply. A few, and those in general the least respectable in character, did gratify the prelates by adopting their superstitious ceremonies ; bul by far the greater num ber either ceased to communicate at all, or resorted lo the churches of those min isters who continued to follow the simple and scriptural customs of their fathers. The universities did not escape the vigilance of the prelates, who were aware of the influence which the opinions of eminent professors naturally exercise upon the minds of their students. The celebrated Robert Boyd of Troehrigg was first ahUged to leave Glasgow CxiHege, * Calderwood, pp. 792-794. 130 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. V. in consequence of the hostility of Arch bishop Law ; and having been appointed principal of Edinburgh College, the pre latic party complained to the king, and obtained from his majesty a positive com mand to the magistrates to urge Mr. Boyd to conform to the Perth Articles, on pain of being expelled from his office. He accordingly removed, to the joy of the prelalists, and to the great grief both of the students and of the religious part of the inhabitants. About the same time Mr. Robert Blair was deprived of his pro fessorship in Glasgow, and obliged to re tire to Ireland, where he became minister of Bangour, and was honoured in Jbeing made the instrument of much spiritual good in that country. In addition to the removal of true Presbyterians from the professorships, the prelatic party did all in their power to corrupt the young as pirants to the ministry ; proceeding even to the extent of exacting an oath from these young students, before investing them with the office of preaching, that they would conform to the Perth Articles, and submit to the prelatic form of Church government. This ensnaring oath they rigidly enforced ; and if any conscientious young man expressed unwillingness to bind himself by such an obligation, he was at once rejected. By this process it was hoped, that all the growth of the Church would be directed into the prelatic channel, so that within the course of an other generation it would become univer sal, and Episcopacy \vouId be as firmly settled in Scotland as in England. The prelates do not seem to have been aware of some symptoms which even then were beginning to appear, and speedily assumed a formidable aspect Of these, the two most important were, the alienation of the nobility, and the in creasing direct hostility of the people. Even so early as the Perth Assembly of 1618, the prelates had given offence to the nobility by their haughty and over bearing manners ; and as prosperity did not lend to abate their insolence, it soon became intolerable to the proud Scottish barons. An ill-suppressed jealousy from that time prevailed, which wailed but an opportunity to rise into open strife, — so soon, al least, as the selfish interests of the rival parlies should manifestly bear in opposite directions. That the people were opposed to all their proceedings, the prelatic party were well aware ; bul considering themselves "lords over God's heritage," they disregarded equally the entreaties and the expressions of dissatis faction addressed to them by the poor suffering congregations of the oppressed Presbyterian Church. Spotswood and his coadjutors thought that these popular discontents would soon subside, when they had succeeded in removing from their parishes the most eminent of the ministers who refused to conform to the Articles of Perth. And when they were not startled by sudden outbursts of popular indignation, they flattered themselves that the kingdom was acquiescing in their measures, or at least passively submitting to what could not any longer be success fully opposed. They might have heard, from lime to time, of private meetings for prayer, among the more pious ministers and their adherents ; but they seem in general to have despised those private meetings, being themselves ignorant of the sacred might of prayer. They do not seem to have marked the difference between a ripple on the surface, and a deep, calm under-current: the ripple dies away with the breeze that produced it; but the under-current moves steadily on, imperceptible to the eye, but irresisti ble in its silent and viewless power. [1623.J The tyranny of the prelates continued throughout the year 1623, dis placing non-conforming ministers, insult ing congregations, enforcing the oppres sive enactments of previous years, and re laxing those only which had been made against papists. The intercourse at that time existing between his majesty and the court of Spain, during the negotiations for the marriage of the prince to the Span ish infanta, may have been the cause of this toleration to the adherents ofthe Pa pal Church ; but certainly it had no ten dency to gratify the people of Scotland, who saw more favour shown to the cor rupt Church of Rome than to their own, although the one was prohibited, and the other established, by the most solemn na tional enactments; [1624.] A contest arose in Edinburgh in 1624, which excited considerable at tention, and had no slight effect in deep ening and confirming the popular feeling against the prektic party. It had been A. D. 1625 ] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND, 131 customary for many years, that, previous to the communion Sabbath, a day was ap pointed on which all who were al enmity with each other were summoned to ap pear before the kirk-session, that they might be exhorted to lay aside their strife, give and accept forgiveness, and thereby prepare to make the communion indeed a feast of mutual love. It was usual at the same lime lo institute some general inquiries into the conduct of the members of the session, both minister and elders, with regard to the manner in which they had discharged their duties, each member withdrawing during the in quiry into his course of life and behaviour. While engaged in the discharge of this customary investigation, one of the citi zens complained that Mr. William Forbes, recently appointed minister of one of the city churches, had taught that there might easily be a reconciliation effected between the Church of Rome and the Protestant Churches. This complaint was repealed by other respectable citizens, who requested that Mr. Forbes might be questioned by the presbytery, whether he really meant to teach doctrines subversive ofthe Reformation. Forbes, who had been brought from Aberdeen to Edinburgh expressly on ac count of his high prelatic opinions, was excessively indignant that the people should presume to express disapprobation ofhis doctrine. And his brethren mak ing it a common cause, applied lo Spots- wood, and through him obtained from the king an order empowering a select num ber of the privy council to try those citi zens for their conduct in expressing dis approbation of the doctrine of the minis ters ; and, in particular, for having re quested that the communion might be ob served in the former manner, and not ac cording lo the Articles of Perth. The result was, that William Rigg, one of the magistrates of Edinburgh, was depriv ed of his office, and imprisoned in the Castle of Blackness till he should pay a ruinous fine; and five other highly res pectable citizens were punished, some by imprisonment, others by banishment to remote parts of the country. The prelatic party being somewhat alarmed by the spirit manifested in this trial, complained lo the king that several of the non-conforming ministers who had been deprived of their parishes, were in the habit of resorting to Edinburgh, and holding " private conventicles," whereby the people were stirred up, and the public peace disturbed. In answer lo this com plaint, the king sent a proclamation, pre pared, says Calderwood, as was constant ly reported, by the archbishop of St An drews; in which, after reprehending, in very severe terms, the conduct of the citi zens in listening to the " turbulent persua sions of restless ministers, either deprived from their functions, or confined for just causes," he strictly prohibited all such privats conventicles. A short while af lerwards his majesty sent a letter of cen sure to the magistrates of Edinburgh, reprehending them severely for not giv ing obedience to the Perth Articles, and for remissness in the enforcement of these articles upon others ; threatening to re move from the town the Courts of Session and Justiciary, if these orders were not more punctually obeyed. Every attentive reader of history must often be struck wilh the close similarity in language and sentiment of men who lived in periods very remote from each other. It seems that oppressors are al ways the men who most loudly complain of resistance : the despot most vehemently exclaims against rebellion ; and the sub- verters of pure religion cry out against the turbulence of restless ministers. But it appears lo be very natural, and certain ly it is very easy, for men to disguise a bad cause under a good name, and lo try to blacken a good cause by fixing upon it an offensive designation. [1625] King James had determined to have Christmas celebrated with extreme pomp and ceremony, as a public triumph; and had given orders to that effect ; but the plague breaking out in Edinburgh, suspended his scheme. As Easter ap proached he renewed his commands, lo prepare for celebrating the communion on that day, in conformity with the Arti cles of Perth, threatening very severe punishment to all who should refuse im plicit obedience. But the close of his despotic career vvas at hand. On the 27th of March 1625, he departed this life, leaving behind him a kingdom sunk from glory to disgrace throug>h his mean mis- government ; filled with the elements of private strife and social discord, ferment- 132 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. V. ing and heaving onward lo a revolution ; — ra son, the inheritor of his despotic prin ciples, and of all the evils which they had engendered ;— and a name, lauded by a few prelatic flatterers, who could terni their "earthly creator" the " Solo mon of the age," but scorned by the haughty, mocked by the witty, despised by men of learning and genius, and not hated, only because pitied and deplored, by the persecuted yet loyal and forgiving Church of Scotland. The dealh of King James paralyzed the power of the prelatic party for a time, and allowed many of the persecuted Presbyterians to escape from actual, and also from threatened sufferings. The proceedings against the Edinburgh citi zens were suspended, Robert Bruce re turned from Inverness, David Dickson was allowed lo resume without interrup tion the discharge of his ministry at Irvine, and many other sufferers for the sake of truth and conscience obtained a temporary respite. The direct reason of this cessation of the prelates from their tyrannical procedure was, that the Court of High Commission expired with the monarch, from whose arbitrary will it de rived its existence. The people of Scot land could not fail to perceive, that the prelates were the instigators, and even the perpetrators, of all the judicial despo tism under wliich they had so long groaned ; so that this very cessation of their sufferings would increase their de testation of the system under which they had suffered, and of the men by whom these sufferings had been inflicted. Although the death of one sovereign and the accession of another caused a suspension of the active progress of pre latic domination, till the intentions of the new monarch should be known, and allowed a brief breathing time to the ministers and people, yet the relief was but slight, and the favourable hopes enter tained by the Presbyterians were soon clouded with doubts. Soon after his ac cession to the throne, Charles I. wrote to Archbishop Spotswood, directing him to proceed with the affairs of the Church as formerly, and assuring him that it was his majesty's special will to have all the laws enforced which had been enacted in the former reign concerning ecclesiastical afiairs; and, as if to remove all remain ing doubt respecting his intentions, the king issued a proclamation on the 1st of August, commanding conformity to the Perth Articles, and ordering severe and rigorous punishment to be inflicted on all who dared to disobey. Next month, Sep tember, a royal letter vvas sent to the town-council of Edinburgh, commanding them to choose for magistrates those only who observed the Articles of Perth. By this arbitrary command a sufficiently plain indication was given of the principles held by the young king, and a proof that he meant to carry into effect that despo tism which his father held in theory, but wanted firmness and tenacity of purpose lo enforce. The greater firmness of purpose by which Charles was characterized im pelled him lo the adoption of more deci sive, bul also more dangerous measures, than those which his father had em ployed. One of these, essential to his future schemes, was at the same time both ungracious in itself, and calculated to ex cite the jealousy ofthe nobles with regard to a matter in which they fell peculiarly sensitive. Charles was well aware, that if he expected Prelac}^ lo take ere long the same high ground in Scotland which it occupied in England, he must not merely secure to the prelates their titles, but also reinstate them in the possession of their wealth and power. The first step towards the execution of that design was taken in November 1625, when by proclamation his majesty revoked all the deeds of his father in prejudice of the Crown. This, it was tolerably evident, was preparatory to a resumption of those crown lands, many of them previously church lands, which his father had erected into temporal lordships, and be stowed Upon his unworthy favourites, and upon others whose support he wished to secure. But as no direct consequences immediately followed the proclamation, the jealousy of the nobles partially sub sided, though it did not entirely pass away. [1626.] Although the lung's attention was very much occupied with the Spanish war in which he was engaged with little success, and also with those beginnings of resistance lo his arbitrary conduct in England which ought to have warned him to desist from his dangerous course, A. D. 1628.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 133 he nevertheless found leisure to interfere in Scottish affairs enough to increase the dissatisfaction already prevalent. The Scottish nobles were not sufficiently ser vile for a monach so arbitrary. He re solved, therefore, to make extensive changes throughout the whole public administration of the kingdom, removing men of independent mind, and introduc ing those who would be subservient to his vyill. He remodelled the Courts of Session and the Justiciary, the privy council, and the Lords ofthe Exchequer, placing several of the prelates in the two latter departments; and he erected a Commission of Grievances, which occu pied the position of the Star Chamber in England, reviving also the Court of High Commission, created in the former reign. By these changes the king hoped lo cut off all opposition, and to obtain the means of carrying all his measures into execu tion. These alterations having been made, and a little time allowed for the new officials lo become acquainted with their duties, a convention of estates was held in July the same year, for the purpose of proceeding with the recovery of the tithes and the church lands. But the opposi tion of the nobihty was still too strong ; and all that the convention did was naming four of each estate as a commis sion, to examine the stale ofthe teinds, lo ascertain who were the proprietors, and by what tenure they were held. The titulars and possessors of teinds not relish ing this intended inquiry, sent the Earls of Rothes, Linlithgow, and Loudon, as a deputation lo endeavour lo prevail upon the king to abandon that measure ; but their efforts proved ineffectual. About the same time Charles did one of the few even seemingly prudent acts of his strangely imprudent life. He or dained that such of the ministers as had been admitted before the Assembly of 1618, should not be compelled to conform to the Perth Articles, provided they did not publicly assail the king's auihority and the form of church government ; and that all who had been banished, con fined, or suspended, should be restored to their charges on the same condition ; but that conformity should be strictly enforced on all who had been admitted since 1618, and on every new entrant into the minis try. This measure was one of deep and dangerous policy ; and its steady opera tion would have been far more deadly to the Presbyterian Church than the most direct and fierce persecution. But the intolerant zeal of the prelates could not endure this wary policy, even on account of what made it dangerous, — its lenient aspect. It is probable that this scheme was devised by Spotswood ; but the younger prelates, and those who expected to reach the prelacy, were" beginning to obtain a greater infiuence with the king than his more aged and sagacious coun sellors. [1627.] Early in the year 1627, com missioners from the Church were sent lo the king, to supplicate his majesty for certain importanl alterations and improve ments in ecclesiastical matters. An at tempt was made to give to this deputation the aspect of being a full representation of the whole Church, both the Prelatic and the Presbyterian parties ; but the overbearing conduct of the prelalists caused the Presbyterian commissioner lo withdraw, so that the purpose remained unaccomplished. The commissioners for the teinds also prosecuted their labours, but with little success. Yet a tolerably complete return of the state of teinds throughout the country having been obtained, it was re solved that every man should have liberty to purchase back his own teind at a rea sonable price, and all were required to come to the commissioners for that pur pose. Although this measure was intro duced at first with a view to prepare for the restoration of Prelacy to all its golden honours, it has proved, on the whole, very beneficial to the Church and the people of Scotland, by being instrumental in removing the obstacles which the me thod of levying tithes in kind opposes to national prosperity and peace. [1628.] In the spring of 1628, a meet ing of synod was held in Edinburgh, in which, after long and earnest reasoning, it was resolved lo send a deputation lo his majesty, to entreat release from the com pulsive obligation to comply with the Perth Articles, especially that of kneeling at the communion, lo which the people could not be brought lo submit. But the king expressed himself highly displeased that the people durst presume to petition 134 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. V. against a measure which had his appro bation ; and commanded that condign punishment should be inflicted on the petitioners, to deter others from the like presumption. The result was, there vvas no communion al Edinburgh that year. The king seems to have thought that the public mind was now sufficiently pre pared for the act of revocation which he meditated. In order, however, lo intro duce it as plausibly as might be, he pri vately purchased the abbey of Arbroath from the Marquis of Hamilton, and the lordship of Glasgow from the Duke of Lennox, and gave them to the two arch bishops of St. Andrews and Glasgow, giving to the transaction such an aspect as if these two noblemen had voluntarily surrendered that property. By this and several similar private purchases of es tates, Charles hoped to induce the nobility and gentry to comply with the act of re vocation. But when he sent the Earl of Nithsdale to propose the measure to a convention of estates, with this induce ment, that those who would willingly sub mit should experience his majesty's favour, while the most rigorous proceed ings should be instituted against those who refused, the nobility instantly de termined to resist, and to employ force if arguments should not prevail. It was resolved at a private meeting of the irri tated barons, that if Nithsdale should con tinue lo press the measure, he and his adherents should be assailed and put to death in the open court. So determinedly was this purpose entertained, that Lord Belhaven, a man blind by very age, re quested to be placed beside one of Niths- dale's party, and he w^ould make sure of that one. Being set beside the Earl of Dumfries, and holding him fast with one handj apologizing for doing so, as neces sary for support in his blindness, he clutched fast with the other the hilt of a dagger, which he kept concealed in his bosom, ready to plunge it into the heart of his victim, should the signal for vio lence be given. But the Earl of Niths dale read enough in the stern and frown ing looks of the Scottish barons around him, lo induce him lo suppress the main part of his instructions, and to give up the attempt as hopeldss.* • Burnet's History of his own Times, folio edition of 1724, pp. 20, 21. [1629.] Nothing of peculiar public im portance occurred during the year 1629, — nothing, indeed, except the continua tion of the insolence displayed and the persecutions inflicted on the Presbyterian ministers and people by the prelates. Some attempts were made to induce the king himself to interpose in behalf of his suffering people ; but he paid no atten tion to the statement of grievances which they laid before him. Previous to this time there had been some symptoms of division in the prelatic party, although Spotswood continued lo be regarded as its head ; but now the younger prelates be gan to undermine his influence with the king. The most active of these intriguers was John Maxwell, at that time one ofthe ministers of Edinburgh, and soon aflerwards bishop of Ross. This able and unscrupulous man contrived lo work himself into the confidence of the notori ous Laud, by whose pernicious counsels the king was almost entirely guided. In this manner there arose a decided and growing dissention among the prelates ; and the violence ofthe younger and more impetuous party had the effect of stimu lating the rash despotism of the king, and increasing the hostility of the nobles, who could not brook the insolence and pride of these haughty churchmen. [1630.] In the year 1630, Maxwell, who had been at London on some private commission, brought down from the king a letter to Spotswood, directing him to convene the other prelates, and the most prelatic of the ministers, and lo inform them, that it was his majesty's pleasure that the whole order of the Church of England should be received in Scotland. " This," Wodrow says in his life of Spots- wood, " was the first motion for the Eng lish liturgy in Scotland, in King Charles's reign." The most prudent of the pre lates, apprehensive of the consequences, opposed this measure as too dangerous, considering the already excited stale of the country, and it was postponed. In July the same year, at a convention of estates, the non-conforming ministers gave in a paper of grievances, of which they craved redress ; but though it vvas supported by several of the nobility, it was not permitted to be read. [1631.] The year 1631 is chiefly re markable for the progress made hy the A. D. 1632] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 135 commissioners of teinds, in the discharge of their duly. The landed proprietors began to perceive the advantage of ob taining possession of their own teinds at a moderate price, and many accordingly applied to ^he commissioners, and made the purchase. Some attempts were made this year by the prelatic party to intro duce organs, choristers, surplices, and the other mummeries ofthe cathedral service, with little success. [1632.] Some changes look place .^mong the prelates this year, by vvhich, instead of being strengthened, they were hurried forward to their suicidal doom. Law, archbishop of Glasgow, died, and Lindsay, bishop of Ross, was appointed to succeed him, and Maxwell was raised to the bishopric of Ross. Bul this pro motion only opened the way lo others, to vvhich his elevation to the prelacy ren dered him eligible ; and in a short lime Maxwell became a lord of session, a lord of exchequer, and a member of the privy council; by which accumulation of of fices, belike, he thought that he was most convincingly proving the scriptural char acter of Prelacy, and his own indubitable claims to the'sacredness of pure apostoli cal succession I All further innovations were sus pended for a time, in consequence of his majesty having intimated that it vvas his intention lo visit his ancient kingdom next year, lo be formally crowned king of Scotland, and to make all the arrange ments which might be desirable for pro moting the peace and happiness of that portion of his dominions. The prepara tions for that visit, vvhich were made on the most magnificent scale, so thoroughly occupied the public mind, that almost every thing else was disregarded, all men vieing with each other how they might best do honour to the long-expected visit of their native king. The preceding brief outline ofthe pro gress of public events, from the accession of Charles to the year in which he pur posed to visit Scotland, has been given, that the reader might obtain a continuous view of the external aspect of what was done or attempted. And for the same reason it is now intended to retrace the same period of years, that a continuous view may be obtained of matters im measurably more important than the des potism of kings, the plots of courtiers, and the perfidious ambition of prelates. Reference has already been made to the remarkable effects which frequently attended the preaching of Robert Bruce, both before he was banished from Edin burgh, and in his various places of con finement. Had the prelates understood the influence of a man thus highly honoured by success in his divine Master's work, they would have either left him un touched, or put him to utter silence. But while they sent him, in the wanton ness of their malicious power, from dis trict to district ofthe kingdom, they even compelled him to kindle in many quar ters that sacred fire by which they were destined to be consumed. Many able and fervent young ministers were deeply impressed by what they heard uttered by the venerable man ; and thus his princi ples were infused into the minds of men in the rising prime of life, able and wil ling to expend their unbroken energies in the sacred cause. There were few of the eminent men of that day who did not cheerfully acknowledge how much, un der God, they owed lo Bruce. But there were many other ministers of decided piety, whose labours the Head of the Church also owned and blessed to a very great extent. Of these, David Dickson of Irvine deserves particular mention. It has been already stated, that he was so greatly beloved by his congregation, that when brought before the court of the tyrannical prelates, every effort was made by the devoted flock to secure the enjoyment of their pastor's precious labours. They did not at first succeed ; but in the year 1 624, he was allowed to return to Irvine, and remain there during their majesty's pleasure. Suffering in Christ's cause gives a very deeply spiritual character to a Christain minister's labours. Soon after Mr. Dick son's return to his charge, striking effects began to appear among his people, and in the adjoining parish of Stewarton, where he frequently preached. This re markable revival of vital religion began, it appears, in 1625, and lasted for about five years. " This," says Fleming, " by the profane rabble of that time was called the Stewarton sickness ; for in that parish first, but afterwards through much of that country, particularly at Irvine under 136 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. V. ihe ministry of Mr. Dickson, it was re markable ; where it can be said (which diverse ministers and Christians yet alive can witness), that for a considerable time few Sabbaths did pass without some evi dently converted, or some convincing proof of the power of God accompanying his Word. And truly this great spring tide, as I may call it, of the gospel, was notofashorttime, butof some years' con tinuance ; yea thus, like a spreading moor-burn, the power of godliness did advance from one place to another, which put a marvellous lustre on those parts of the country, the savour whereof brought many from other parts of the land lo see its truth."* Another token for good to the suffer ing Church of Scotland occurred in the year 1628. At a meeting of the synod in Edinburgh in the spring of that year, it had been agreed upon lo apply to his majesty that a general fast might be held all over the kingdom. The ostensible causes adduced for this proposal by the prelates, were the dangerous state of Pro testant Churches abroad, the prevalence of vice and immorahly al home, and to implore the divine blessing upon his majesty's arms being at that time invol ved in hostilities both with France and with the House of Austria. To these causes, the Presbyterians naturally ad ded the consideration of their own suffer ing state, and of the oppressive innova tions forced upon the people. Much of the searching power of the Holy Spirit seems to have been granted to both ministers and people during their solemn fast; and many felt, that in humbling themselves before God, and making an earnest confession of sin, both nalional and individual, they obtained a strength not their own, — a spiritual strength, — preparing them for greater sufferings, and giving earnest of final deliverance. And let any truly pious person imagine the contrast between the cold, formal, and insincere services of the prelalists, and the deep, earnest, heart-wrung supplica tions ofthe Presbyterian sufferers, breath ing the very essence of spiritual contri tion, and he cannot fail to perceive one mighty cause ofthe disrespect with which the former were regarded, and the power- ¦ Fleming's Fulfilling of the Scriptures, vol. i. p. 355. ful hold which the latter possessed of the nation's heart. In no individual instance probably, was the converting power of the Spirit more signally displayed than al the Kirk of Shotts, on Monday the 21st of June 1630. It appears that John Livingstone, a young man of about twenty-seven years of age, who was al that time domestic chaplain to the Countess of Wigton, had gone to attend the dispensation of the Lord's Supper at the Kirk of Shotts. There had been a great confluence of both ministers and people from all the ad joining country ; and the sacred services of the communion Sabbath had been marked with much solemnity of manner and great apparent depth and sincerity of devotional feeling. When the Mon day came, the large assembly of pious Christians felt reluctant to part without another day of thanksgiving to that God whose redeeming love they had been com memorating. Livingstone was prevail ed upon to preach, though reluctantly, and with heavy misgivings of mind, at the thought of his own unworthiness to address so many experienced Christians. He even endeavoured to withdraw him self secretly from the multitude ; but a strong constraining impulse within his mind caused him lo return, and proceed with the duty to which he had been ap pointed. Towards the close of the ser mon, the audience, and even the preacher himself was affected with a deep un usual awe, melting their hearts and sub duing their minds, stripping off inveterate prejudices, awaking the indifferent, pro ducing conviction in the hardened, bow ing down the stubborn, and imparting to many an enlightened Christian, a large increase of grace and spirituality. " It was known," says Fleming, " as I can speak on sure ground, that nearly flve hundred had at that lime a discernible change wrought on them, of whom most proved lively Christians afterwards. It was the sowing of a seed through Clydes dale, so that many of the most eminent Christians of that country could date either their conversion, or some remark able confirmation of their case, from that day."* ' For a more full account, see Gillies'a Collections, vol. i. p. 310, et seq. ; and Fleming's Fulfilling of Ihe Scriptures, vol. i. pp. 355, 356. A. D. 1632.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 137 Mr. Livingstone, the honoured instru ment by which this great work was wrought, was one of those against whom the tyranny ofthe suspicious prelates had been directed. He had been called to be their pastor by the people of Torphichen ; hut because he would not lake the oath of conformity to the Perth Arlicles, Spots- wood would not allow him to be con tinued in the charge. This, indeed, was the current policy of the prelates, — a po licy which may generally be expected to be pursued by every party when contests run high and victory is doubtful. But in the case of the prelates, and indeed in every case of a contest between right and wrong, the most politic measure will prove injurious lo those who employ it. When such men as Livingstone were ex cluded from a parish by the prelates, they were actually compelled to extend their influence over a wider sphere than would otherwise have been either possi ble or right. And not unfrequently, as in his case, they were received into the families of some of the nobility, wljere their unassuming manners and deep per sonal piety produced the most beneficial results, both to their protectors, and lo the cause for which they suffered. In this manner both the ejected ministers and the rejected probationers tended, by their fervent and widely diffused labours, to prepare the great body of the nation for that struggle and revulsion which was ere long to lake place. And when the reader who is at all acquainted with Scot tish ecclesiastical history marks among these home missionaries the names of Livingstone, and Blair, and Rutherford, and Douglas, and Gillespie, and Dunbar, and Hogg, and Dickson, and many others of almost equal eminence, he may easily imagine how mighty must have been the influence which their sufferings and their toils produced in the very heart of Scotland. There is yet another general reflection which must not be omitted, in order lo complete our survey of all the elements then fermenting in the kingdom. Soon after the introduction of Prelacy into Scotland by the machinations of King James, the tenets of Arminius began lo be entertained by those worldly-minded men, as much more congenial to their low notions of Christianity, and their 18 own characters and habits. Bul Armin ianism made little progress till after the ratification of the Five Articles of Perth, when the prelatic parly felt themselves secure, and ventured to follow more open ly the bent of their inclination. In the meantime, a large proportion of the Church of England had greedily imbibed these erroneous tenets, thereby widen ing the division between them and the parly called Puritans. As soon as the Arminian parly were headed by the cun ning, narrow-minded, bigoted and malev olent Laud, they advanced wilh rapid strides lo the possession of uncontrolled power in the kingdom, and especially in the favour of the Sovereign. The younger Scottish prelates, headed by Maxwell, set themselves to emulate Laud, and almost surpassed him in their ardent advocacy of Arminianism. But however this might recommend them to the king and the English prelates, it had a very different effect among lhei^ own country men in general. For the erroneous tenets of Arminius, however plausible m the eyes of men of superficial minds, will never stand the scrutiny of a searching intellect, if directed to the investigation with warm and real interest. Least of all will such tenets give satisfaction to a heart on vvhich the light of God's Word has shone, revealing its desperate wick edness, — to a soul which has been quick ened from its deadness in sin by the life- giving power of the Holy Spirit. In so far, therefore, as Arminianism prevailed among the prelatic party, to that extent were they regarded as weaklings and aliens, by the manly and searching intel lect of Scotland ; and in so far as vital reli gion revived and was diffused throughout the kingdom, to that extent did the right- hearted Scottish nobles and peasantry de test a system which introduced such men, and men who vitiated the oracles of the living God, and strove to reduce the Gos pel of the Lord Jesus Christ to a code of human morality. It is scarcely necessary to add to these mighty elements, this further considera tion, although it had its influence, that the men who were the keenest sticklers for empty forms and ceremonies, — who did not hesitate lo violate their oaths, and strive to compel others to the perpetration of the same crime, throwing a whole na- 138 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. V. lion into suffering and confusion for the attainment of what they themselves ad- milted to be not a matter of conscience, hut merely of convenient and seemly or der, — that these men were generally noto rious for vice, profligacy, Sabbath-break ing, and every species of immorality. Had even the cause been good, the per fidious and tyrannical manner of ils intro duction, and the characters of the men by whom it was introduced, would have ruined it in the estimation of every man who had an eye to discern and a heart to feel. Some of the defenders of Prelacy have said, that Scotland never saw it in its true aspect, — that if we had, we would have received it, and made it cordially our own. Certainly Prelacy never appeared in Scotland but as a tyrannical and per secuting system ; therefore we have little cause to love it. Bul we can see it in England, with all its blushing honours and unblushing abuses thick upon it, — wilh its clergy secularized, and its people uninstructed ; and what we see of it there has no tendency to recommend it to our favourable regard, or to make us lan guish for its reintroduction lo Scotland. [1633.] Such was the state of Scotland, and of the contending parties by which it was agitated when Charles I. prepared to pay a visit lo his ancient kingdom. Had he been disposed to inquire into the stale of the country, with a sincere desire to remedy all proved evils, and redress all manifest grievances, — and had he been able to lay aside his own preju dices, or even to prevail upon himself to investigate matters for himself, and not to trust entirely to the statements of persons who were interested in deceiving him, — the result might have been most propi tious. As it was, it proved highly disas trous. Unfortunately his whole conduct vvas pre-determined before he left Lon don. He wished to enjoy the pageantry of a Scottish coronation ; he intended to hold a parlianient for procuring money ; and he was resolved lo take measures for reducing the Church of Scotland into perfect conformity with that of England. For the management of the latter point he brought with him Laud, who may not inaptly be designated his evil genius, by whose malign influence he was per petually turned aside from the path of safely, and hurried along that of ruin. It is not our intention to describe the pride, pomp and circumstance of his majesty's triumphal procession, his en trance into the capital of his ancient king dom, and the more than semi-popish pa geantry of his coronation. Suffice it to stale, that the most enthusiastic reception was given to their monarch by a people who were almost instinctively loyal, and who were prone lo gratify him in every thing which their higher allegiance lo God could permit Still even in the height of their enthusiastic loyalty, they were compelled to feel, that in the most' importanl matters there existed no har mony of sentiment and feeling between their sovereign and them. The mani fest preference shown by the king to all the rites, ceremonies, and gaudy exhibi tions of Prelacy, strengthened the distrust already entertained, that no good was in tended lo the Presbyterian Church. Ample proof was soon given that these apprehensions were but too well founded. Previous to the meeting of parliament the king arranged matters in the most likely way to secure the accomplishment of his designs. He introduced ten En glishmen into the privy council of Scot land, one of whom was the notorious Laud. The Lords of the Articles were so chosen as to be composed almost en tirely of those who were known to be subservient to the king, and ready to comply with any thing which he might require. All matters being thus arranged, the parliament met for the despatch of business on the 25th of June. Their first act was one granting to Charles a larger subsidy than had ever before been given to a Scottish king. So far all was har mony and good-will ; bul the next meas ure aroused a different spirit. It was in tituled, " An act anent his Majesty's Royal Prerogative,and Apparel of Churchmen." This was a combination of two acts, one passed in 1606, acknowledging the king's supremacy over all persons, and in all causes ; and another passed in 1609, by which King James was empowered to prescribei apparel and vestments to all judges, magistrates, and churchmen. The act 1606 had been but too often en forced, to the sad experience of many A. D. 1633.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 139 banished ministers and destitute congre gations ; but the act 1609, concerning vestments, had been allowed lo lie dor mant. They were now joined together and made one, in the expectation that the strength of the prerogative clause would carry with it the weakness of the other. To this combined act great opposition was made, the Earl of Rothes heading the opposition. Rothes desired that the acts might be divided, expressing his willingness to vole for the prerogative clause, if it stood alone. The king de clared that it was now one act, and that he must either vote for it or against it, as such. Rothes began lo argue, that the second clause was contrary to the liber- lies of the Church, and ought not lo be further considered until at least the mind of the Church should he ascertained ; bul the king rudely interrupted him, com manded the vole to be taken without fur ther reasoning, and, calling for a list of the members, which had been previously prepared, he sternly said, "I have all your names here, and I will now know who are good subjects and who are bad."* The question was then put ; Rothes promptly voted, " Not content." His ex ample was followed by fifteen earls and lords, several barons, and forty-four com missioners of counties and burghs.f Even Burnet affirms that the act was re jected by the majority ; but the clerk of register, knowing well the king's wish, declared that it was carried in the affirm ative. Rothes asserted that the contrary was the case ; but the king, whose at tempt to overawe the parliament must have made him aware of the truth, dis honourably supported the clerk's false as sertion, saying that it must be held good unless the Earl of Rothes would go to the bar, and accuse him of falsifying the record of parliament — an offence which was capital ; and in that case, if he should fail in the proof, he was liable to the same punishment.J This perilous step Rothes declined to lake ; conse quently the act was declared to have passed, though its power was greatly par alyzed by the despotic and nefarious na ture of the transaction, which speedily became known to the whole kingdom. So dissatisfied were the lords, both • Kirkton. p. 30. t Rutherford's Letters, part iii. letter 40. t Burnet's History of his own Times, pp. 21, -k. with this act itself, and the forcible and fraudulent manner in which it had been carried, that they resolved lo present lo the king a supplication, explaining and excusing their conduct, and remonstra ting against the manner in which their freedom to deliberate had been overborne. This supplication was drawn up by Hague, the king's solicitor, himself, as Burnet says, a sincere and zealous Pres byterian. It was read over to Lord Bal merino and the Earls of Rothes and Cassilis. Balmerino disapproved of some expressions in it, and procured a copy, that he might deliberately peruse and al ter it, according lo his own judgment. Rothes carried a copy of it to the king, that he might, if possible, obtain his ma jesty's permission to present it, without further exciting his displeasure ; but the king would not so much as look upon it, and commanded him to. proceed no fur ther in that matter. Accordingly it was not presented, and was regarded by its authors as consigned to oblivion. But it ere long appeared that the king and the prelates could neither forget nor forgive whatsoever thwarted them. In the meantime the oppressed Pres byterian Church of Scotland did not neg lect the opportunity of his majesty's pre sence in the kingdom, and the meeting of parliament, to endeavour lo obtain some redress of their grievances. A number of the most eminent of the ministers re paired to Edinburgh, met togethei, and deliberated in what manner they ought to proceed. It was resolved to present to his majesty and the parliament a petition containing a full statement of the griev ances df the Church, expressed in the most respectful terms, and humbly sup plicating redress. This petition was sup pressed by the clerk register, who was a fierce prelatist ; upon which a new peti tion was prepared, mentioning the one given into the hands of the clerk regis ter, and requesting his majesty to cause it to be read and considered. That the latter petition might not also be suppres sed, Mr. Thomas Hogg, who had been deposed from his ministry at Dysart, by the High Commission, delivered it per sonally to the king. His majesty perused it wilh unmoved countenance, but re turned no answer. Too well the neg lected sufferers saw that no redress was 140 HISTORf CF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. V. to be expected from the king : bul they did not despair ; bul they presented their supplications to the Kang of kings, in the full confidence that He would not re ject their prayers. The remainder of the lime spent by Charles in Scotland tended but to in crease the alienation between him and his best subjects. He studiously neglected, and even insulted, those who had oppo sed his designs ; and heaped honours upon those who had showed themselves willing lo prostrate the liberties of the Church and the kingdom at his feet. At length he took his departure, httle grati fied with the result of a visit from which he had promised himself a vast acces sion of strength. He was already deeply involved in contentions wilh his English parliament ; and he seems to have antici pated, that by his visit to Scotland he would secure the support of that king dom, and be thereby enabled to coerce the people of England into submission to his arbitrary sway. Little did he under stand the character of either country, or the nature of the principles by which at that time both were so deeply moved. There seemed, indeed, to rest upon Charles I. and all his advisers, — those al least in whom he most confided, — a cloud of infatuation, concealing or distorting every truth, and giving a delusive aspect to error. Some may perhaps be disposed to say, that the act respecting the vestments of churchmen was not a matter of such im portance as to justify the opposition made to it. But it must be observed, that the passing of such an act, without consult ing the Church on the matter, involved the whole question respecting the liberty of the Church ; and especially, joined as it was to the clause respecting the royal prerogative, it implied no less than that the power of dictating lo the Church in every matter, whether of vital impor tance or comparatively trivial, was a part of the royal prerogative. In fact, it vir tually admitted, and very soon would have rendered operative, the principle, that the king was the Head of the Church, — a principle directly subversive of the Church of Scotland, which has never admitted any Head but the Lord Jesus Christ alone. [1634.J Previous to the departure of the king, he declared that he had found a man whose high merits deserved that a bishopric should be made for him. This man of rare eminence was Mr. William Forbes, one of the ministers of Edinburgh, — ^ihe same person who had been brought from Aberdeen lo the cap ital, in consequence of his known attach ment to Prelacy and Arminianism, and whose scornful disregard of his respect able parishioners had been the cause to them of heavy fines and protracted im prisonment. In recompense of these mer itorious deeds, Edinburgh was consti tuted a bishopric, and Forbes-appointed its first prelate, — an appointment not cal culated to soothe the oppressed and in sulted citizens. The new bishop deter mined to justify the choice of his ma jesty, by proceeding immediately, in the most rigorous manner, to enforce obedi ence to the Perth Arlicles ; and issued a circular order to all the presbyteries within his diocese, commanding them to conform, on pain of his ecclesiastical censure. The majority of the Edinburgh presbyteries yielded ; but several others not only re fused to comply, but even boldly warned the haughty prelate of the sinful and dangerous nature of his own conduct, in thus wantonly aggrieving the conscience of both ministers and people in matters for which he could find no warrant in the Word of God. Before, however, his fiery zeal had time to proceed lo the ex tremities which he had threatened, he was, happily for his own memory, re moved from the scene by death, and sucr ceeded by Lindsay, bishop of Brechin, to which latter see Sydserf was ap pointed. An event occurred about the same time, the consequences of which proved exceedingly detrimental to the character and schemes of the king. It has been already mentioned, that a supplication had been prepared lo be presented to his majesty, by those lords who disapproved of the act of parliament respecting the prerogative and the attire of churchmen ; and that, though it was not presented. Lord Balmerino retained a copy of it in his own possession. It would appear that Balmerino still entertained hopes of this petition being useful, as explaining to the king the feelings and sentiments actuating a number of his most faithful A. U. 1637.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 141 subjects, and had showed it in confidence to one_Dunmoor, a legal friend whom he trusted, for the purpose of obtaining his aid in modifying its phraseology, so as to he as little offensive to the king as it could possibly be rendered. Dunmoor was allowed to take it home with him, on the promise of keeping it concealed from every one ; but he so far violated his pledge as to show it to Hay of Naugh- ton, on promise of secrecy. Hay surrep titiously obtained a copy, and carried it to Archbishop Spotswood, who immedi ately posted off with it to London, com mencing his journey, according to his custom, on a Sabbath-day. The king, whose own conscience must have se cretly condemned him for the tyrannical and fraudulent manner in which he had compassed the passing of that act, and instigated by Spotswood and Laud, re solved to wreak his vengeance on Bal merino. It required some ingenuity to frame a plausible ground of accusation against that nobleman. This the malig nity of Spotswood supplied, by the dis torted application of one of James's de spotic acts respecting what is termed leas- ing-making, or the crime of sowing dis sention between the king and his sub jects. By this act, writing or saying any thing which might tend to bring dis credit on the king and the government was declared capital ; and even to know who was the author of any such seditious matter, and not to reveal it, vvas held to involve equal guilt, and lo expose to the same punishment. But this latter clause had never been put in execution ; and yet on the strength of it alone was Balme rino lo be tried for his life. The management of the trial was in trusted lo the Earl of Traquair, who was at that time rising rapidly into court fa vour. Traquair was not a man to be de terred by any scruples of conscience from the invidious and dangerous task. He selected such a jury as he thought he could trust, and got some of Balmerino's personal enemies appointed to be asses sors to the justice-general, that he might secure both the declaration of the law and the verdict of the jury. Balmerino defended himself with great ability. When the verdict of the jury was about to be required, Gordon of Buckie,-— then a very aged man, hut who had in his youth been distinguished for daring and reckless ferocity of character, shown es pecially in the murder of " the bonnie Earl of Murray," the good regent's son, — this aged homicide arose, and with a tremulous voice, desired them to consider what they were about. " It vvas," he said, " a matter of blood, and they would feel the weight of that as long as they lived. He had in his youth been drawn into shed blood, for which .he had the king's pardon ; but it cost him more to obtain God's pardon ; it had given him many sorrowful hours, both day and night." The tears, as he spoke, ran down his furrowed cheeks ; and for a time the chill sensation of sympathetic horror held the guilty conclave silent.* But Tra quair, to break the force of this pathetic appeal, reminded them that the question which they had to determine, was simply whether or not Balmerino had concealed his knowledge of the author of a pro duction said to be seditious. The result was, that seven of the jury voted for ac quittal, and seven voted guilty ; the cast ing vole of Traquair secured the con demnation of Balmerino, and sentence of death was immediately pronounced, — the execution to be delayed till the pleasure of the king should be known. Intense had been the interest excited by this trial ; and no sooner was the result divulged than public indignation swelled to a storm. Secret meetings were held, at which plans of the most dating character were proposed. It was resolved that the prison should be forced, and Balmerino set at liberty ; or, if that attempt failed, to revenge his dealh by the slaughter of that portion of the jury by whose verdict he had been condemned. Traquair per ceiving the danger, hastened to the king, informed him of the state of public feel ing, and solicited a pardon for the con demned nobleman, which his majesty re luctantly granted. Scarcely any thing could have been more injurious to the character and the schemes of the king than this trial. It not only proved beyond all doubt the ar bitrary disposition of Charles himself, who could brook no opposition to his de spotic will, not even in the constitutional form of an humble supplication and re monstrance ; bul it also showed clearly, " Burngt'B history of I\i9 oyr^ times, P4>. 24, 2$, 142 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. V. that the main object at which he aimed, in his zeal for the establishment of Pre lacy in Scotland, was, that he might ob tain in the prelates a set of nominal lords, creatures of his own, who would be wholly subservient to his commands, and enable him to reduce the kingdom lo a state of utter slavery. If any thing had been wanting either to excite or to con firm the jealousy of the Scottish nobility, who were already irritated at the arro gance of the prelates, it was supplied by the trial of Balmerino. In it they saw revealed the very heart of his majesty's design, — that a change in church gov ernment was the means, bul absolute des potism the end, al which he aimed ; and much as many of them disliked the se vere impartiality of Presbyterian disci pline, they felt that they had more in common with men who were the friends of freedom, sacred and national, however strongly opposed to that licentiousness which is the bondage of the soul, than they could have with those who could indeed tolerate all immoralities, but were the banded foes of all true liberty, civil and religious. Thus were the nobles, the ministers, and the people, gradually drawn together into one common cause, by the infatuated conduct of their com mon oppressors ; and the remembrance of the manner in which they had in former times asserted and defended their liberties, began again to suggest the idea of a bond of union, whence all parties might derive mutual protection and sup port. But the crisis was not yet come ; and the prelatic party were allowed lo fill up the measure of their guilt. Nor were they slack in their guilty career. They marked not the tempest blackening around the national horizon ; they felt not the ground-swell beginning to heave beneath their feet, < indicative of the coming earthquake. Exulting in their fallacious prosperity, they continued to urge forward with reckless haste the measures which were lo issue in their own destruction. Although they had not been yet able lo enforce obedience lo the Perth Articles, they urged the propriety of having a Book of Canons framed for the government of the Church, and a Liturgy prepared for its form of worship. This Spotswood and the older prelates opposed, regarding the attempt as yet too dangerous ; but the younger and more reckless party, encouraged by Laud, ex pressed their confidence that the attempt might be made with perfect safety. Some difference of opinion also existed whether the English Book of Canons and Liturgy should be adopted, or one framed ex pressly for Scotland ; but upon the repre sentation of the more cautious party, that the very fa^jR)f these new arrangements coming from England would give them the appearance of conveying a studied insult to the national feeling of indepen dence, and thereby greatly increase the hostility against them, it was finally agreed that a Book of Canons and a Liturgy should be framed in Scotland, and communicated to Laud, Juxon, and Wren, for their revision and approval. This matter was finally determined upon in September. About the same time the Court of Exchequer was remodelled, a number of the barons removed, and four of the vacancies filled by the aspiring prelates. [1635.] Early in the year 1635, pre latic ambition obtained another triumph. The Earl of Kinnoul, lord chancellor of Scotland, a nobleman of the antique mould, who had repeatedly checked the arrogance of the prelates, and on one occasion had refused precedency to Spots- wood, even when solicited by Charles himself, died in December of the preced ing year. The high office thus left vacant was conferred on Spotswood, who was thus raised lo the highest pinnacle of rank on which a Scottish subject could be placed. Some of the older prelates dying about the same time, several changes took place, in all of which not wisdom, worth, and learning were ad vanced, bul men of ambitious and intrig uing minds obtained the stations of great est honour and emolument. Elated with this success, they now proceeded to en force an enlargement of their Court of High Commission, for which his ma jesty's letters patent had been a short while pr,eviously obtained. Before this time only archbishops could hold Courts of High Commission: now they were empowered lo hold such courts in every diocese, each prelate in his own, where, assuming to himself any six ministers, he could call before him and sit in judgment upon any person, of whatsoever quality. A. U, 1631.] ¦ HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 143 "These courts," says Burnet, "were thought little different from the Courts of Inquisition."* Sydserf, now made bishop of Galloway, immediately raised one of these courts in his diocese, banished Gor don of Earlston lo a remote part of the kingdom, suspended Robert Glendin- ning, minister of Kirkcudbright, who had reached the venerable age of seventy- nine, and began that persecuting process against Samuel Rutherford, which ended in his banishment to Aberdeen. In April the same year a meeting of the prelates was held in Edinburgh, to see what progress had been made in the framing of the Book of Canons. After the Scottish prelates had brought it as near to perfection as they could, it was sent lo Laud, under the care of Maxwell, bishop of Ross, the leader of the younger prelates. Having obtained the high benefit of Laud's supervision and amend ments, the Book of Canons was confirmed under the great seal, by letters patent bearing dale 23d May 1635. The Book of Canons, thus revised and sanctioned hy the regal fiat, was sent, not to Edin burgh, but to Aberdeen, that arsenal of Scotland's woes, to be printed, and then circulated by the prelates throughout their respective dioceses. The canons con tained in this book were subversive of the whole constitution of the Church of Scotland. The first decrees excommuni cation against all who should deny the king's supremacy in ecclesiastical affairs: the next pronounces the same penally against all who should dare to say that the worship contained in the Book of Common Prayer (a book not yet pub lished, nor even written) was supersti tious or contrary to the Scriptures. The same penalty was decreed against all who should assert that the prelatic form of church government was unscriptural. Every minister was enjoined to adhere to the forms prescribed in the Liturgy, on pain of deposition ; which Liturgy, as before slated, was not yet in existence. It was decreed also, that no General As sembly should be called, bul by the king ; that no ecclesiastical business should even be discussed, except in the prelatic courts ; that no private meetings, which were termed conventicles, and included pres byteries and kirk sessions, should he " Burnet's History of his own Times, p. 26. held by the ministers for expounding the Scriptures ; and that on no occasion in public should a minister pour out the ful ness of his heart to God in extemporary prayer. Many minute arrangements were also decreed respecting the ceremo nial parts of worship, as fonts for baptism, communion-altars, ornaments in church, modes of dispensing the communion eli- ments, the vestments of the clerical order, and all such other idle mummeries as the busy brain of Laud could devise, or the fantastic fooleries of Rome suggest. Such are some of the chief regulations in the Book of Canons ; and yet, although every Presbyterian must- have perceived at once that they were totally subversive of the constitution of the Presbyterian Church, his majesty's declaration was made, with consummate effrontery, to assume them to have been taken from the acts of the General Assemblies held in former years.* Great was the indignation felt all over Scotland when the character of the Book of Canons came to be known ; and innu merable were the- discussions respecting its papistical regulations which immedi ately ensued. The prelatic party en deavoured feebly to defend it ; but their antagonists condemned it unsparingly and in the strongest terms. The nobility vvere secretly gratified to find it so glar ingly offensive, believing that its regula tions never could be enforced, and per ceiving that its failure must shake the credit and diminish the power of the pre lates, whose ambitious usurpation of the highest offices in the State they could not brook. The people almost universally detested the Book of Canons, regarding it as directly popish, and intended to pre pare for the introduction of Popery itself All the hostility, however, thijs increased and extended against the prelatic innova tions, did not break out into any positive tumults ; but it gave an immense addi tional power to the deep under-current of the popular mind, and pointed its course directly against those regal and prelatic measures which were now universally fell to be equally injurious to civil liberty, freedom of conscience, and the purity of sacred worship. [1636.] During the year 1636, the ¦ Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland, edition 1840, pp. 159-164; Cruickshank, vol. i. p. 41; Neale's History of the Puritans, vol. ii. p. 277, &c. 144 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND, [CHAP. V contending parties seemed to be silently mustering their strength, preparatory to a conflict which should prove fatal to the one or the other. But there was this very signi ficant difference between the modes of pre paration, that the prelatic parly strained every nerve to obtain an accession to that political and civil power which was Aeady exorbitant, and upon which alone they seemed to rely for support in the hour of peril ; while the Presbyterians were doubly earnest in their prayers to God, in whose wisdom to guide, and strength to uphold them, they placed all their confidence. The only other me thod adopted by the ministers was, that of informing their people of the nature and course of the proceedings which the prelatic parly were urging forward with such high-handed tyranny. Attempts have often been made lo convict these pious men of the grave crime of neglect ing the most important duly of their office, the preaching of salvation through the Redeemer, and converting the pulpit into a place for uttering seditious and in flammatory harangues. . This is an accu sation easily made, but fortunately as easily refuted. The writings of these culumniated men still exist, and never have been surpassed for the heart-search ing earnestness of practical piety, purity, and depth of devotional feeling, loftiness of spirituality, and even peace-loving gen tleness of temper, which they contain and display. To prove this statement, nothing more is necessary than lo direct the rea der to the letters of Samuel Rutherford, the greater part of which were written in thpse very stormy times, and many of them while he was himself suffering per secution because of his refusal to yield to puelatic despotism. And would these vyatchmen of our Zion have been guilt less, if they had neglected lo warn those over ^hom they had been appointed overseers, that days of sharp and fiery trial were at hand 1 Would they have been true shepherds, if they had seen the wolf about lo break in upon the fold, and given no alarm? True, their silence would have been more favourable to the wolfish invaders ; and, no doubt, by a wolfish conclave their loud and earnest warnings would be veheimently censured and condemned. But let tjiose who still re-echo and renew these accusatiqps be ware, lest they bring upon themselves the suspicion, or confirm the belief, that they, too, belong lo the same ravening and blood-thirsty herd. The prelates, as has been already stated, had procured admission to the privy council, the exchequer, and the courts of session and justiciary, so that at least the half of the civil offices in the kingdom were filled by these aspiring churchmen. The office of lord high treasurer becoming vacant. Maxwell, bishop of Ross, grasped eagerly at that high office, in addition to three other civil offices which he already enjoyed. But the nobility, disgusted with his insatiable ambition, concurred in requesting the king to confer it on Traquair, who was already in high favour with the sovereign. Baffled ambition is the very spirit o^im- placable revenge. From^thal time for ward Ross and Traquair cherished a deadly mutual hatred, and strove to thwart each other's designs. The two rivals strove to counterplot each other about the continuation or the breaking up of the commission for the teinds ; but in this also Traquair proved an overmatch for his antagonist. The prelates had begun lo find, that when the teinds were valued and purchased, they lost the power of drawing the revenues of the diocese into their own possession, nothing remain ing bul what was alloted for the local stipends of the ministers. They there fore now wished the commission termi nated, for their own avaricious ends. But Traquair persuaded the king to continue that court, and even contrived lo persuade several ofthe prelates lo support his views. These contests for wealth and power had engrossed the prelates so much for a time, that the Book of Canons had been allowed allowed to sink into comparative oblivion. This apparent calm in the public mind the prelates seemed to regard as a positive acquiescence by the nation in the progressive changes of church government and discipline which they were labouring lo introduce ; and accor dingly came lo the conclusion that the Liturgy also might now with perfect safety he published and enforced. Some authors assert that Traquair encouraged them to urge forward the Litnrgy, with the very intention of precipitating tikeir ruin ; but tli.i? seenp^ ^cgjCiQJiy cj:^ii^hle, as A. U. 1637.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 145 he was himself certain to share in both the obloquy and the danger. However that might he, the prelates themselves were sufficiently desirous of having their long-contemplated purpose accomplished. A Liturgy, or Book of Public Worship, was framed by the bishops of Ross and Dunblane, on the model of the English Prayer-Book, and sent lo London for the revision of Laud. It was returned with innumerable corrections and additions, all lending to give it a more popish char acter. "I have seen," says Kirkton, "the principal book, corrected with Bishop Laud's own hand, where in every place which he corrected, he brings the word as near the missal as English can be to Latin."* A proclamation was brought from Court by the bishop of Ross, and published by an act of privy- council in December 1636, announcing the completion of the work, and command- mg all faithful subjects to receive wilh reverence, and conform themselves to, the public form of religious service therein contained. To conform to that Liturgy, so popish in ils character, and imposed in Such an arbitary manner, was impossible without being prepared lo yield up every vestige of liberty, civil and religious, and to violate all that conscience held most sacred. [1637.] Even after this last element of strife had been thrown into the surcharged and boiling heart of the community, the long-collected storm of popular indigna tion did not at once burst forth. The proclamation itself was so far premature, that the Liturgy was not yet printed off and ready for distribution ; and although it had been determined that the period of its universal adoption should be at Easter, that period was allowed lo elapse, except that some of the bishops, who had ob tained early copies, began lo use the Liturgy in their own churches about that time. Some of the more wary of the prelates were apprehensive of the com ing tempest, even by the deep preternatu ral stillness by which it was preceded ; while others regarded the stillness as a proof that the spirit of the people was broken and humbled, and that no resist ance would be niade. In May and June a few copies of the Liturgy began to ap pear, and to be circulated about the coun- • tCirktoo, p. 30. 19 ti-y ; which gave lo men the opportunity of ascertaining the real character of the production, and offorming a deliberate resolution how to act when the arisis should take place. In the beginning of July the prelates procured an order from the privy council, empowering them lo raise letters of horning (the technical phrase in Scottish law for a kind of ouW lawry) against the ministers who should manifest reluctance lo receive the Liturgy, ordering them to provide for the use of their parishes two copies of the Service Book each, within fifteen days after they received the order, on pain of being de clared and treated as rebels against the king and the law,* But even in the moment of the closing struggle the spell of infatuation seemed to rest upon the prelates. In every stage of their proceedings something occurred which caused them to throw away the mask, and reveal their true motives, proving that self interest, and not zeal for religion, was their ruling principle. The two archbishops of St. Andrews and Glasgow, Spotswood and Lindsay, were both al that time busily engaged in mak ing such arrangements as would have largely increased their revenues, but would to the same extent have diminished those of the Duke of Lennox and the Earl of Traquair. To prevent this, Tra quair exerted all his court influence ; and, about the middle of July, procured from the king an order to dissolve the commis sion for teinds till further advisement.. By this order all the schemes of the arch-prelates were at once suspended, and their golden harvest subjected to a fatal blight. Both resolved lo journey to London for the purpose of endeavouring lo procure redress, but thought that their prospect of succeeding with his majesty would be greatly promoted if they could carry with them the gratifying intelli gence that the Liturgy had been actually introduced into the Church of Scotland. Up till this time they had been favourable to delay till the angry feelings ofthe peo ple might subside ; but now, when their pecuniary interests were affected, they be came the most urgent to proceed imme diately. They accordragly procured his majesty's letter, requiring the Liturgy to be used in all the churches of Edinburgh, * Baillie's I,eUera, vol, i. p. 3. 145 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. V. and an act of the privy council to en force obedience lo the royal mandate. Spotswood, goaded on by his love of mo- nej^ summoned the ministers together, announced lo them his majesty's pleasure, and commanded them to give intimation from their pulpits, that on the following Sabbath, the public use of the Liturgy ^was to be commenced. One only of the ministers, Mr. Andrew Ramsay, refused ; the rest promised obedience. This announcement sounded to Scot land like a trumpet-call lo arms. During the intermediate week all was anxious, but no longer silent, expectation. Several brief bul vigorous pamphlets appeared, condemning the Liturgy, and the prelates for urging forward that daring innovation without the sanction of either Parliament or Assembly ; numerous meetings for prayer and consultation were held simul taneously, though not by concert ; and the low murmur of indignant Scotland's voice began to be heard like the awaken ing thunders on far distant hills, or the deep sound ofthe advancing ocean-tide. The 23d day of July 1637 was the day on which the perilous experiment was to be made, whether the people of Scotland would tamely submit to see the religious institutions of their fathers wan tonly violated and overthrown, for the gratification of a despotic monarch and a lordly hierarchy. Several ofthe prelates were in the capital, to grace the innova tion with their presence. The attention of the public was directed chiefly to the cathedral church of St. Giles. There the dean of Edinburgh prepared lo com mence the intended outrage on the na tional Church and the most sacred feel ings of the people. A deep melancholy calm brooded over the congregation, all apparently anticipating some display of mingled wrath and sorrow, bul none aware what form it might assume, or what might be its extent At length, ^ when their feelings, wound up to the highest pitch, vvere become too tremu lously painful much longer to be endured. the dean, attired in his surplice, began to read the service of the day. At that mo ment an pld woman, named Jenny Ged- des, unable longer to restrain her indig nation, exclaimed, " Villain, dost thou say mass al my lug I" and seizing the stool on which she had been sitting, hurled it at the dean's head. Instantly all was tumultuous uproar and confusion. Missiles of every kind were flying from all directions, aimed at the luckless leader ofthe forlorn hope of Prelacy ; and sev eral of the most vehement rushed towards the desk, to seize upon the object of their indignation. The dean, terrified by this sudden outburst of popular fury, tore himself out of their hands and fled, glad to escape, though with the loss of his sa cerdotal vestments. The bishop of Edin burgh himself then entered the pulpit, and endeavoured to allay the wild tumult, but in vain. He was instantly assailed with equal fury, and was with difficulty rescued by the interference of the magis trates. When the most outrageous ofthe rioters had been thrust out ofthe church, the dean attempted to resume the service ; but the tumultuary din ofthe mob on the outside, shouting aloud their hostile cries, breaking^ the windows, and fiercely bat tering the doors, compelled him to termi nate the mangled service abruptly. Great exertions were required to protect the prelates from the fury of the excited rioters, whose long-pent feelings had now burst forth in a torrent of ungovernable violence. This riot, as the reader will perceive, bears every mark of having been entirely an unpremeditated burst of popular indig nation. Yet writers on the prelatic side have attempted to represent it as a pre concerted scheme of the leading Presby terian nobility and ministers. It does not seem necessary to enter into the contro versy further than to stale, that their as sertions are directly contradicted by well authenticated facts ; and that although the most searching investigations were instituted by the magistrates of Edinburgh, immediately after the riot, not the slight est trace was found of any pre-arrange- ments having been made, and none but the lowest of the people, whose passions are generally least under control, were found to have been concerned in it In deed it was almost wholly confined to fe males ; and the utmost search of the magistrates enabled them lo delect, appre hend, and commit to prison, only some six or seven servant girls. It was, in fact, merely the resuk of a new outrage given lo feelings long suppressed, and thereby collected into a degree of concen- A. D. 1637.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 147 traled strength, making their final out burst the more impetuous, but also the more natural, — like a spark of fire thrown into a high-piled mass of combustible materials, and causing a sudden and tre- menduous explosion. In the church of the Greyfriars, where the bishop of Ar gyle officiated, no other interruptioh was that day experienced but groans of deep sorrow, and the shriller wailings of lam entation ; bul had one single word or act of violence been used, the sorrow might have been in an instant converted into the wilduproar of fury ; for in such a state of excited feelings the passions of the heart can change with the suddenness of lightning. Great was the consternation and aston ishment of the prelatic party when this unexpected storm of popular wrath dash ed the Liturgy from their trembling hands. They had calculated on nothing worse than a few weak and sullen mur murs from the people, and perhaps the obstinate resistance of a portion of the ministers in different parts of the country, whom they could easily banish and re place by creatures of their own. Bul when matters began to assume a more serious aspect than they had expected, they stood amazed and stupified. No preparation had been made lo overawe and suppress popular tumult ; and al though the rioters were mostly women of the lowest ranks, they began to suspect a more formidable body of antagonists ; and their fears exaggerated the nature and extent of their dangers. Spotswood, whose cupidity had induced him lo urge forward the introduction of the Liturgy, and who had hoped lo carry the tidings of its reception in triumph to London, now thought it expedient to extenuate his failure by transmitting to the king an in flated account of the riot, casting all the blame of its occurrence upon Traquair, who had been detained from the capital on the eventful day by the marriage of a relation. At the same time he put forth his high commission powers in the most vehement manner, laying the town under an episcopal interdict, suspending all public worship, even on the hallowed day of God, because the Liturgy had been rejected. This he did without coni- municaling with the privy council, who, on their part, were sufficiently annoyed at what had taken place, and not in a temper to tolerate either the folly or the arrogance of the mortified and angry primate. They accordingly sent to his majesty their own account of what had taken place, extenuating the affair, and accusing the bishops of having caused it by all by their own vanity and rashness. These mutual recriminations between the privy council and the prelates tended to paralyze the executive at the very mo ment when decision and energy were most required. Meanwhile, the intelli gence of what had taken place in Edin burgh spread throughout the kingdom like the kindling of a beacon-fire, and gave the signal of open resistance to this invasion of their sacred rights, — a signal most willingly received by a high-minded people, thus wantonly injured in what they held most precious. They seemed to perceive, in the paltry riot of Edin burgh, the cloud like a man's hand rising out of the sea, soon to cover the whole skies, and descend in showers of new life and energy. The thrilling fervour of the people told their long oppressed min isters that the day of their deliverance was drawing near, and that they had now bul to guide that strong national feeling which was rising in its might, and would soon, if rightly directed, burst through and sweep away those feeble barriers within which regal and hierarchical des potism had striven to confine it. Nor were they wanting in their duty to the people, to themselves, and to the Church of their fathers, in this momentous crisis. Still it was prelatic infatuation that forced on the contest. Foiled in Edin burgh, the prelates resolved to try wheth er they might not be more successful in the country. Accordingly the two arch bishops determined to compel all the ministers within their bounds to procure and use the Liturgy. Renewing the former imperious mandate, Spotswood charged Alexander Henderson, George Hamilton, and James Bruce, the three most eminent ministers within his diocese, to purchase two copies of the Service Book each, for the use of their parishes, within fifteen days after the date of the charge, under the pain of rebellion. The archbishop of Glasgow gave a similar charge to all the ministers within his bounds. This called into the field of 148 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. V action the man who was destined to be come the leader of his party. Alexander Henderson declared himself willing to purchase the book, that he might make himself acquainted with ils contents ; but refused to promise that he would use it in public, boldly affirming, that in mat ters which referred lo the worship of God, no man could be bound to a blind and servile obedience. Bul as the danger to which they were exposed by this charge was both formidable and near at hand, the ministers resolved lo apply to the privy council for a suspension of the charge itself Accordingly Henderson hastened lo the metropolis, to present a petition in his own name, and in that of his two brethren. He there met with William Castelaw from Stewarton, Rob ert Wilkie from Glasgow, and James Bonar from Maybole, who had been sent by their respective presbyteries for the same purpose, chiefly by the advice of David Dickson and the Earl of Loudon. This meeting, unanticipated, so far as ap pears, encouraged the ministers to go for ward with their petitions, by making them fully aware of the rapidly-extending harmony of sentiment and feeling through out the kingdom. On the 23d of August they presented their petitions lo the coun cil ; and, at the same lime, many letters were addressed to the councillors by no blemen and gentlemen from all parts of the country, requesting that the reading of the Liturgy might not be forcibly im posed on the ministers. The council, by an act dated the 25th, declared, that the letters and charges respecting the Service Book, extended only lo the buying there of, and no further. At the same time the council wrote lo the king, giving him a tolerably full and fair account of the stale of the country, of the universal dissatis faction which the attempted forcible intro duction of the Liturgy had caused, and of the dangerous consequences which might be dreaded were the attempt to en force its reception immediately renewed, or punishment inflicted on those by whom it was opposed. It was left to his majesty, after taking these statements into consideration, lo determine by what means these perilous commotions might be best allayed, and their cause removed or mitigated. To the hetitioners the council gave the additional Satisfaction of a promise, that their supplication should receive a full answer on the 20lh of Sep tember ensuing. The prelates were exceedingly disap pointed and enraged by these proceedings of the council. They now saw them selves deserted by the nobility, and they nevel' had possessed the support of the people. But they relied upon the influ ence of Laud over the king, and upon his majesty's despotic principles, which but too thoroughly coincided with their own ; and in the blind wrath of mortified pride they determined lo persevere in their course. Partly by transmitting false accounts to the king, and partly by Laud's suppressing all the true accounts sent by others, the prelates deceived his majesty, and induced him to send a very sharp reply to the letter of the privy council. In that letter he severely re proved the magistrates of Edinburgh for permitting the riot, and the privy council itself for its feeble management of public affairs ; commanding further, that a suf ficient number of the council should re main in the capital till the reading of the Liturgy should be established; that no magistrate should be chosen for any of the burghs who was not ready to con form, and that the bishops should use the Liturgy in their own churches.* The king's severe and despotic letter again acted like a spark thrown upon a train of gunpowder, or like the kindling of a beacon. Roused, rather than intimi dated, the Presbyterians crowded to Edin burgh from all parts of the kingdom, as to the spot on which the country's wel fare should be lost or gained. In the course of three days, twenty-four noble men, many barons, about a hundred ministers, commissioners from sixty -six parishes, and also from a number of the principal burghs, with many of the gen try from the counties of Fife, Stirling, Lothian, Ayr, and Lanark, arrived in the metropolis, all animated by the same spirit, and resolved to defend the purity and freedom of their national religion.f Less than a month had elapsed since the petitioners against the prelatic innovation * To this last command the bishop of Brechin yielded a singular compliance. He armed himself with pis tols, and taking his own family, all likewise armed, to church before the people were assembled, fastened the doors, And so read the Liturgy in triumph. (BaiUit, vol. i. p. 24.) . t Baillie, p. 15. A, D. 1637] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 149 were only four ministers ; and now the whole kingdom, as by a simultaneous impulse, had started from its apparent H ,?^".^y and poured its confluent streams of hving energy into the capital. In such a mighty and universal movement a thoughtful statesman would have seen, as Sir Philip Sidney did in Holland, the manifested will of God, and would have bowed before the sacred majesty of what he thus perceived lo be a spiritual ele ment, vvhich none but the Divine Spirit could have caused so to pervade the general heart of the community. But sacred principles are incomprehensible to men of secular minds. Instead of all these numerous petitions, it was thought ejcpedient that one should be presented, in which all the petitioners should express their concurrence. This was done accordingly, and prfesented to the privy council by the Earl of Suther land ; and although the council declined lo give ah answer till they should have received his majesty's instructions, the petitions were given to the Duke of Len nox, to be by him presented to the king. Lennox had expressed himself much im pressed by the extent of the national feel ing, declaring that he was sure his ma jesty was greatly misinformed, else he never could persevere in urging a mea sure which was thus alienating the whole of his most faithful subjects ; and hopes were entertained that his mediation with the king would procure a favourable an swer. But not trusting too much to the fallacious visions of hope and court fa vour, the Presbyterians wisely improved the opportunity, when so many of them were together, and drew up several im portant papers, detailing their principles and opinions, by which their unexpected spontaneous harmony of sentiment was confirmed into a thorough union of heart and mind. Soon after the departure of the numer ous supplicants from Edinburgh, sorne popular commotions agitated the city, in consequence of the conduct of the pro vost, who was a determined prelatist, and therefore strove to thwart the people, re pressing their petitions, and still urging the use of the Liturgy, even while it was suspended in other parts of the kingdom. These commotions were not, however, now caused only by the sudden impulses of the lowest ranks, but vvere joined and guided by many of all classes, and were sufficiently formidable to overawe the council, and constrain them lo comply with the wishes of the citizens. Their petitions were received, and a promise was given that they should receive his majesty's answer against the 17th of Oc tober. The intimation of this expected com munication from the king having been sent throughout the country by Archibald Johnston of Warriston, advocate, caused the immediate reappearance of the Pres byterians in Edinburgh, and in still great er numbers than formerly. Commission ers from above two hundred parishes pre sented petitions to the privy council, be fore the tenor of the king's despatches had been divulged. The numerous peti tioners then held meetings to deliberate what further steps were necessary lo be taken. Bul as their numbers were now so great that they could not conveniently meet all in one place, they separated themselves into four divisions, and met in as many different places, each order — noblemen, gentry, burgesses, and minis ters — meeting apart from the others. Each of these meetings was opened with prayer ; after which all were asked indi vidually, whether they disapproved ofthe Service Book. When all had answered that they did, both on account of its mat ter, and the manner in which it had been attempted to be imposed on the country, the ablest and most intelligent proceeded to point out more specifically the erro neous character of the book, and the ag gravated nature of the grievances already sustained, and still further threatened. This judicious procedure tended still more completely lo concentrate and unite the opinions ofthe petitioners.* While engaged in these deliberations they were suddenly informed, that an act of council, proceeding upon his majesty's letters, had been that instant proclaimed, dissolving the standing committee of privy council in so far as concerned the affairs of the Church, and commanding the supplicants to leave town within twenty-four hours, under pain of rebel lion. Another proclamation almost im mediately followed, intended as a punish- ' In these discussions Baillie seems to have acquit. ted himself sreatly to the satisfaction of his auditors, (Baillie, p. 17.) 150 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. V. ment to the city, commanding the privy council and the Court of Session lo be removed from Edinburgh lo Linlithgow till November, and thereafter to Dundee. And still descending with their vindictive measures, another proclamation com manded a book written by Gillespie, en- tilled, " A Dispute against the English Popish Ceremonies," to be called in and burned. It was not difficult to perceive by what hands these proclamations had been fabricated. Indeed, some hints re specting the probable character of the expected communications from his majesty had previously been uttered by the pre lates, who were offended with the former leniency of the privy council, and had represented to the king, that the riots in Edinburgh had been caused by ill-affect ed persons resorting thither from the country. These proclamations had the effect of constraining the Presbyterian petitioners to proceed to a bolder and more decisive step than any they had previously taken, and, instead of continuing lo act merely on the defensive, to become themselves assailants. They resolved to lay before the privy council a formal complaint against the prelates, accusing them di rectly of being the cause of all the trou bles that disturbed the nation, by their lawless and tyrannical attempts to force the Book of Canons and the Liturgy upon an unwilling Church and people. Two forms of the proposed complaint were drawn up, the one by Lord Bal merino and Alexander Henderson, the other by the Earl of Loudon and David Dickson, the latter of which was unani mously adopted. Baillie acknowledges that he was himself the only person who felt any difficulty in agreeing to it, being apprehensive that it went too far ; but after weighing it maturely in his mind, he subscribed it, and never repented of having done so.* It complained of the arbitrary nature ofthe proclamation com manding them to leave the town, while they were peaceably wailing for an an swer lo their supplication. It then pro ceeded lo point out some of the pernicious characteristics of the Books of Common Prayer and of Canons, as containing the seeds of divers superstitions, idolatry, and false doctrine, and as being subversive of | ' Baillie, p. 19. the discipline established in the Church, and confirmed by many acts of parlia ment ; and it concluded by declaring the belief of the complainers, that all these wrongs had been committed by the bish ops, contrary to his majesty's intention, craving that these matters might be brought to trial, and decided according to justice, and that this complaint might be fully represented to his majesty, that their grievances and wrongs might be redressed, and religion permitted to re main as it'had been placed by the princi ples and arrangements of the Reforma tion.* This important document was, in the course of a few hours, subscribed by twenty-four of the nobility, several hun dreds of gentlemen, all the ministers in town, amounting to about three hundred, and all the commissioners of burghs present. Soon afterwards, having been sent to the country, it was subscribed by fourteen nobles more, gentlemen without number, nearly all the ministers in the kingdom, and by every town except Aberdeen, which still continued to retain its most unenviable distinction. The vindictive proclamation removing the courts from Edinburgh caused ano ther temporary riot, and was the means of procuring to the citizens the restora tion of those ministers who had been de posed on account of their opposition to the Liturgy, and also so much control over the town council as to secure some of that body to act as commissioners along with the other supplicants, thereby restoring the link uniting the metropolis to the rest ofthe kingdom. The favour able results of this riot, if riot it ought to be termed, may be partly attributed to the open defence of the conduct of the citizens made by some of the most influ ential of the nobility, as well as lo the fact that people of the highest respecta bility took part in the commotion, and did so avowedly on the most sacred grounds, in the defence of religious purity and freedom. " Let any one," said the Earl of Rothes, " who hath found the com fort, and knoweth the binding power, of true religion, judge if this people deserve that censure and imputation which the bishops would cast upon them for oppo sing their project. Who pressed that t Stevenson, pp. 181, 182. A, D. 1637.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 151 form of service contrary to the laws of God and this kingdom ? Who dared, in their conventicles, contrive a form of God's public worship contrary to that established by the general consent of this Church and state ?" " If any fault or violence have been committed by any of the subjects in resisting or seeking the abolition of that book, they might retort, that the bishops framing, and the council authorizing it, were the first and princi pal causes, necessitating either disobe dience to God, and breach of our laws, or else resisting those evils v/hich would bring the judgment of God on the land."* The next meeting of privy council was held on the 15th of November. Again did the Presbyterians assemble in the capital, and in still increased numbers. The council, apprehensive of a renewal of tumultuary commotions in the town, requested the nobles to use their influence with their friends to induce them to re turn quietly to their homes. The peti tioners signified their willingness to make such an arrangement as would allow the greater part to withdraw, no more re maining than were requisite to conduct all necessary matters, and were empow ered by the whole to act in their behalf Following up this suggestion, vvhich had indeed been so far practically employed before as a matter of convenience, it was arranged, that as many of the nobility as pleased, two gentlemen from every coun ty, one minister from every presbytery, and one burgess from every burgh, should form a general commission, re presenting the whole body of the Pres byterians. Still more to concentrate their efforts, it was resolved that the general body of commissioners should meet only on extraordinary occasions, and a smaller number should be selected, who might reside permanently at Edinburgh, watch ing the progress of events, and ready to communicate with the whole body on any emergency. This smaller commit tee was composed of sixteen persons — four noblemen, four gentlemen, four ministers, arid four burgesses ; and from the circumstance of their sitting in four separate rooms in the parliament-house, they were designated The Four Ta bles. A member from each of these constituted a chief Table of last resort, * Rothes's Relation, p. 15. making a supreme council of four mem bers. In this manner vvas constructed one of the most active and efficient coun cils that ever guided the affairs of any community, vigilant, prompt, and ener getic, placed in the very centre of the body politic, conveying life and intelli gence through its entire frame, and able fo rouse it into instantaneous action at one thrilling call. When these exceedingly judicious ar rangements had been completed, the great body of the petitioners were solemn ly exhorted to return to their homes, to reform their personal habits, to act accord ing to their religious profession, and to be earnest and constant in faith and prayer lo Him in whose hands are the hearts of kings, and from whom alone they could hope for safety to the crown, peace to the country, and deliverance to the Church. These exhortations pro duced a deep impression upon the assem bled thousands, and were at once obeyed. The people quietly withdrew from the scene of agitating anxiety, committing the cause of the distressed Church to the protection of its divine Head and King, fearing God, and having no other fear. About the beginning of December a meeting of privy council was appointed to be held at Linlithgow, lo receive the communications transmitted from his ma jesty by the Earl of Roxburgh. The 'l"'ables were instantly on the alert, and summoned the whole of the commission ers of the Church to the capital, lo be prepared for any emergency, but at the solicitation of Traquair and Roxburgh, consented to abstain from going to Lin lithgow. There is reason to believe that Roxburgh had it in charge to employ every method by which the Presbyteri ans might be weakened ; such as, lo de tach some of their supporters by bribes and promises of preferment, and lo seize and imprison the leading men whom he could not otherwise influence ; but the first method being indignantly rejected, the second was abandoned as loo perilous. Three proclamations were, however, issued by the council ; in one of which his majesty declared his abhorrence of Popery, and his determination to allow nothing but what should tend lo the ad vancement of religion, " as it is presently professed within this his majesty'sancienl 152 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. V. kingdom of Scotland ; and that nothing is, or will be, intended lo be done therein against the laudable laws of that his ma jesty's native kingdom." With this proclamation the Presbyterians saw no reason to be satisfied. It was bul too evident that its language was equivocal, and might be interpreted to mean, that his majesty would allow nothing but what should lend lo the advancement of Prelacy, and that he regarded the laws establishing that system as '' laudable laws," which nothing should be done against They resolved, therefore, to abide by their own plain and unequivo cal complaints, and not to allow them selves to be circumvented and deceived, either by the arts of courtiers or the king craft of the sovereign. In vain did Traquair and Roxburgh endeavour to persuade the petitioners to rest satisfied with the proclamation. Find ing them on their guard in this matter, the next attempt was to induce the peti tioners to divide their petitions, and make application separately, on the plea that by doing so their conduct would bear less the appearance of combination, and be proportionally less offensive to the king. But the Tables were aware of the maxim, " divide and conquer," and therefore re fused to expose themselves and their cause to the danger of division and defeat. Yet once more did the council attempt lo draw the Presbyterians into a snare, re questing them to abandon their accusa tion of the prelates, and to limit their pe tition to the subject of the Book of Can ons and the Liturgy. This stratagem also failed, in consequence of the unalter able resolution of the Tables lo adhere to the principles slated in their complaint, and to regard the prelates as parlies ac cused of high offences against the Na tional Church, which they had striven to subvert by the introduction of a hierarchy not recognised in ils consthution. The privy council then attempted to evade re ceiving the general petition ofthe Tables; bul such was the indefatigable persever ance of the Presbyterian leaders, that the council was in a manner besieged, and compelled lo receive the deputation, and listen lo their complaint Baillie has preserved the speeches of the deputation, which are indeed a noble specimen of , high rehgious principle, loyalty, and elo quence, honotirable alike lo the men and to the cause. They are said to have pro duced such an impression upon Lord Lorn, afterwards Earl of Argyle, as to detach him from the prelatic party, and to incline him to that ofthe Presbyterians, of which he subsequently proved a steady and able supporter. Information of the state of affairs was sent by the privy council to the king, through the Earl of Traquair, accompani ed by Hamilton of Orbiston, who was ap pointed to take charge of the petition and complaint of the Presbyterians. Some faint hopes were entertained, that when his majesty should receive full and ac curate accounts ofthe real state of affairs in Scotland, he might be induced to aban don the pernicious attempt to violate the conscience of an entire kingdom, by forc ing upon the people religious ceremonies to which they were determinedly oppos ed ; and a hierarchy which they both de tested and feared. Bul unhappily for both the king and the kingdom, an evil agency was strenuously at work, prompt ing the misguided and obstinate monarch to provoke his destiny. Sir Robert Spots- wood, president of the Court of Session, hastened to London, and, aided by Laud, prejudiced the mind of the king against all sound and wise council ; and the arch bishop, seconding his son's misrepresenta tions, suggested that the Presbyterians would submit, were his majesty to resort to measures more decisive than any he had yef adopted, — that it required but a proclamation condemning the proceeding ofthe Tables, and prohibiting them, un der pain of treason, to put an end to the whole opposition. This advice was but too congenial to the despotic temper of Charles. It prevailed against the opin ions of those . who counselled a milder course ; and Traquair was commanded to be in readiness to return to Scotland early in the following year, lo hear down all opposition, and see his majesty's or ders carried into effect. [1638.] In the beginning of February 1638, the Earl of Traquair returned from England, bearing with him those arbitra ry commands with vvhich his majesty hoped lo dishearten and disunite the Pres byterians. He was immediately request ed by some of the leading nobles to in form them respecting the nature of the A. D. 1638.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 153 measures which he was empowered to propose ; hut he declined to give any an swer till the meeting ofthe privy council, vvhich was appointed lo be held at Ster ling on the 20lh of February, The Pres byterians, however, had already received secret information respecting the real character of Traquair's commission ; and the intelligence having been speedily sent throughout the country, great num bers began lo flock to Sterling, to act as occasion might require. Traquair en deavoured to dissuade them from thus as sembling in dangerous numbers; and they consented so far as to promise to send Rord Rothes and Lindsay only, as a deputation. Learning soon after that the intended proclamation would not only prohibit any supplicants from appearing before the council, but also would com mand them to be incarcerated as traitors if they should attempt it, they changed their plan, and determined to repair to Sterling in such numbers as should prove a sufficient mutual protection. And as they were resolved that they at least would act honourably, whatever might be the conduct of their antagonists, they sent information of this change of purpose to Lord Traquair. Somewhat irritated al the failure of his stratagem, Traquair told them that by asking loo much they were defeating their own object ; that if they had contented themselves with sup plicating release from the Book of Can ons and the Liturgy, they might have been successful ; but bis majesty would not suffer one ofhis estates to be brought under subjection to them. This hasty answer confirmed all their apprehensions. It showed the king's determination lo re tain Prelacy under the designation of one of the estates of the kingdom, — an estate essentially subservient to him, by the dex terous use of which he might vitiate every court, undermine all the bulwarks of lib erty, and succeed in establishing a perfect and absolute despotism, civil and religious. This, indeed, there is every reason to be lieve, was his majesty's unavowed but real design, — a design happily frustrated by the promptitude, firmness, and energy which God bestowed upon our Presbyteri an ancestors. Traquair had now but one resource left, and that an abundantly mean one, — to attempt the accomplishment by stealth 20 of what dissimulation and threats had failed to effect. He resolved lo hasten under night to Sterling, and there issue the proCTamation, before the Presbyteri ans ctfuld arrive, on the morning of the 20l^, which happened to be a Monday. Even this proved abortive. His design was detected ; the zealous Presbyterians sent two of their number to anticipate this new movement ; and when the members of privy council appeared in Sterling to publish the proclamation, they were met by the Lords Home and Lindsay, who read a protest, and affixed a copy of it on the market-cross, beside that of the pro clamation, leaving them there, bane and antidote together. Nothing could have been more injudi cious than his majesty's proclamation. The Presbyterians were all along ex tremely unwilling lo believe, and still more so to affirm, that they regarded the king as in any degree the direct cause of their troubles, accusing the ambitious and corrupt prelates of being both the instiga tors and the agents in all the innovations which had been made, and the oppres sions under which the country had groan ed, ever since the institution of their in quisitorial and despotic Courts of High Commission, But in this proclamation the king declared " that the bishops were unjustly accused as being authors of the service book and canons, seeing whatever was done by them in that matter was by his majesty's authority and orders." The proclamation further expressed entire ap probation of these innocent books ; con demned all meetings and subscriptions against them, prohibiting all such pro ceedings, under pain of rebellion ; and ordaining that no supplicant should ap pear in any town where the council were sitting, under pain of treason.* In this manner did the king openly take upon himself all the blame of those measures against which the great body of the nation had petitioned and complained, as if to tell the kingdom that no redress should be granted to any of their grievances. It might have been thought that the depths of meanness and duplicity had now been explored. But the council found a still lower deep. Great nuni- bers of the Presbyterians had arrived in Sterling before the day vvas far advanced; * BailUe, pp, 32, 33. 154 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. V, and the council entreated their leaders to persuade them to withdraw, lest any tu muk should arise ; promising th|it no act of ratification should be passed, and that their protest and declinature against the prelates sitting as members of council should be received. Yet no sooner had the mass of the supplicants withdrawn, than the council admitted two of the pre lates, ratified the proclamation, and re fused to receive the protest and decl inatu re ; thus violating their own pledged honour, and degrading the faith of courts beneath the level of common falsehood. Several high-minded nobles, who had hitherto supported the prelatic measures, recoiled from the contamination of this act, and soon aflerwards joined the Presbyterians. The publication of this proclamation in other towns was met with equal prompti tude by a protest ; and thus, according to the received opinions on such matters in Scotland, the binding force of the procla mation was neutralized, till the subjects of which it treated should be freely and fully discussed in Parliament and As sembly. These proceedings hastened on the crisis. The Presbyterians now saw clearly that the king himself was deter mined to support the prelates, and ruin them, if in his power. Unless, therefore, they were prepared to bow their necks beneath prelatic despotism in the Church, and arbitrary power in the State, they must maintain their position ; and to do so without a more decided and permanent bond of union than that which the Tables afforded was impossible. So reasoned the nobility. On the other hand, Henderson, Dickson, and some more of the leading men among the ministers, looking more deeply into the matter, became convinced that the Church and the nation were suf fering the natural and penal consequences of their own defections. And calling to mind ho w greatly God had blessed the pre vious Covenants, in vvhich the nation had bound itself by the most solemn obligations to put away all idolalry, superstition, and immorality, and to worship God in sim plicity and faithfulness according to his own Word, they arrived at the important conclusion, that their duly and their safety were the same, and would consist in re turning to God, and renewing their cove nant engagements to Him and Hi* holy law. This great idea re-assured their minds ; yet they were aware that it would require to be cautiously introduced to the notice of the weaker and less decided of the bre thren. A public fast was intimated, in which the confession of the defections of the Church and nation formed naturally a leading subject of the addresses which the most eminent of the ministers were se lected to deliver lo crowded audiences of earnest and deep thinking men. In this manner the idea of renewing the Cove nant was infused into their minds, while the sacred duties in which they vvere en gaged had for a time entirely banished all narrow, selfish, and worldly consi derations. On the immediately following day, Monday the 26th of February, the subject was openly mentioned ; and it was found that already there was a strong and very prevalent inclination to renew the Covenant. Alexander Henderson and Johnston of Warriston were ap pointed to draw it up, and Rothes, Lou don, and Balmerino to revise it. The utmost care was taken that it should con tain nothing which could justly give offence to-^.ven'rthe most tender and scru pulous conscience. Objections of every kind were heard and considered, and forms of expression altered, so as to re move whatsoever might seem liable to objection. Baillie and the brethren of the west country appear to have been the most scrupulous, but all their difficulties were removed or answered. The Covenant consisted of three parts ; the first, the Old Covenant of 1581, ex actly as at first prepared ; the second, the acts of Parliament condemning Popery, and confirming and ratifying the acts of the General Assembly, — this was written by Johnston ; and the third, the special application of the whole to present cir cumstances, — ^this was the production of Henderson, displaying singular clearness of thought and soundness of judgment. Al length the important day, the 28th of February, dawned, in vvhich Scotland was lo resume her solemn covenant union with her God. All were fully aware, that on the great transaction of the day, and on the blessing of God upon it, would depend the welfare or the woe of the A. D. 1638.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 155 Church and kingdom for generations to come. By day-break all the commis sioners vvere met; and the Covenant being now written out, it was read over, and its leading propositions deliberately examined, all being invited to express their opinions freel3'-, and every objection patiently heard and answered. From lime lo lime there appeared some slightly doubtful symptoms, indicative of possible disunion ; hut these gradually gave way before the rising tide of sacred emotion with which almost every heart was heav ing. Finally, it was agreed that all the commissioners who were in town, with as many of their friends as could attend, should meet at the Grayfriars church in the afternoon, to sign the bond of union with each other, and of covenant with God. As the hour drew near, people from all quarters flocked lo the spot ; and be fore the commissioners appeared, the church and churchyard were densely fil led with the gravest, the wisest, and the best of Scotland's pious sons and daugh ters. Wilh the hour approached the men ; Rothes, Loudon, Henderson, Dick son, and Johnston appeared, bearing a copy of the Covenant ready for signa ture. The meeting was then constituted by Henderson, in a prayer of very re markable power, earnestness, and spirit uality of lone and feeling. The dense multitude listened with breathless rever ence and awe, as if each man felt him self alone in he presence of the Hearer of prayer. When he concluded, the Earl of Loudon stood forth, addressed the meeting, and stated, explained, and vindi cated the object for which they were as sembled. He very judiciously directed their attention to the covenants of other days, when their venerated fathers had publicly joined themselves to the Lord, and had obtained support under their trials, and deliverance from every dan ger ; pointed out the similarity of their position ; and the consequent propriety and duty of fleeing to the same high tower of Almighty strength ; and con cluded by an appeal to the Searcher of hearts, that nothing disloyal or treason able was meant, Johnston then unrolled the vast sheet of parchment, and in a clear and steady voice read the Cove nant aloud. He finished, and stood silent. A solemn stillness followed, deep, unbroken, sacred. Men fell the near presence of that dread Majesty to whom they were about to vow allegiance ; and bowed their souls before Him, in the breathless awe of silent spiritual adora tion. Rothes at length, with subdued tone, broke the silence, stating that if any had still objections to offer, they should repair if from the south or west parts of the kingdom, to the west door of the church, where their doubts would be heard and resolved by Loudon and Dickson ; if from the north and east, to the east door where the same would be done by Hen derson and himself, "Few came, pro posed but few doubts, and these few were soon resolved." Again a deep and solemn pause ensued ; not the pause of irresolution, but of modest diffidence, each thinking every other more worthy than himself to place the first name upon this sacred bond. An aged nobleman, the venerable Earl of Sutherland, al last stepped slowly and reverentially forward, and with throbbing heart and trembling hand subscribed Scotland's Covenant with God. All hesitation in a moment disappeared. Name followed name in swift succession, till all within the church had given their signatures. It was then removed into the churchyard, and spread out on a level grave-stone, to obtain the subscription of the assembled multitude. Here the scene became, if possible, still more impressive. The intense emotions of many became irrepressible. Some wept aloud ; some burst into a shout of exultation ; some, after their names, ad ded the words, till death ; and some opening a vein, subscribed with their own warm blood. As the space became filled, they wrote their names in a con tracted form, limiting them at last to the initial letters, till not n spot remained on which another letter could be inscribed. There was another pause. The nation had framed a Covenant in former days, and had violated its engagements : hence the calamities in which it had been and was involved. If they, loo, should break this sacred bond, how deep would be their guilt I Such seem to have been their thoughts during this period of silent com muning with their own hearts ; for, as if moved hy one spirit,^and doubtless they 156 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VI. were moved by the One Etemal Spirit, — with low heart-wrung groans, and faces bathed in tears, they lifted up their right hands to heaven, avowing, by this subhme appeal, that they had now "joined themselves to the Lord in an everlasting Covenant, that shall not be forgotten,"* CHAPTER VI, PifOM THE SCBSCRIBING OP THE COVENANT IN 1638, TO THE RESTORATION OF CHARLES II. IN 1660, The Covenant Subscribed throughout the Kingdom with great zeal— Plans of the Prelalists — AppIicaUons of both Parties to the King — The Covenant Subscribed in the Highlands — The King resolves to enter into temporizing Negotiations with the Covenanters — The Marquis of Hamilton appointed Lord High Commis sioner — Deceitflll and fruitless Negotiations of Ham ilton — Preparations for a Meeting of Assembly — The General Assembly of 1638 held at Glasgow — Struggles of Hamilton — Triumph of the Assembly — Summary of its most important Acts — Reflections— Supplication to the King — ^His Resentment, Schemes of Revenge, and Preparations for War — Deliberations and Prepa rations ofthe Covenanters — Montrose at Aberdeen — The King resolves to invade Scotland — The Cove nanters arm — Their appearance at Dunae Law — The King enters into a Treaty — Defection of Montrose — The King displeased with the Proceedings ofthe As sembly and Parliament — Prepares again for War — The Covenanters prepare also — Contentions in the Assembly respecting Private Meetings of a Religious Character — Reflections — The Army of the Covenan ters enter England — The Scottish Commissioners in London— The Idea of Religious Uniformity in the Two Kingdoms suggested — Repeated in the Assembly — First Commission of Assembly — The Covenanters resolve to enter into Treaty with the English Parlia ment— The Solemn League and Covenant — Re flections — The Westminster Assembly of Divines — Contemporaneous Events in England and Scotland — ^Montrose — Charles in the Army of the Cove nanters — The Confession of Faith — The Engage ment — Divisions ia Scotland — ^Death of Charles I. — Loyalty of the Covenanters — Charles U. pro claimed King — Signs the Covenant — Cromwell in Scotland- Suppression of the General Assembly — Internal State ofthe Church— Divisions — ^Resolution- ers and Protesters— Restoration of Charles IL Never, except among God's peculiar people the Jews, did any national trans action equal in moral and religious sub limity that which was displayed by Scot land on the great day of her sacred Na tional Covenant. Although it was com puted that there could not be less than sixty thousand people from all parts of the kingdom assembled at that lime in Edinburgh, there was not the slightest appearance of confusion or tumult ; and on the evening of that solemn day, after hours of the deepest and most intense emotion, when every chord of the heart and every faculty of the mind had been • For a more full account se^Baillie's Letters, Rothe's Relation, Row's Ifistory, Alcoa'a-Life ofHeoderson, &c. excited lo the utmost pilch of possible en durance, the mighty multitude melted quietly and peacefully away, each to his own abode, their souls filled with holy awe and spiritual elevation, by the power of the sacred pledge which they had mu tually given to be faithful to their coun try and their God. What but the Spirit of God could have thus moved an entire people to the formation of such a bond, in which every worldly consideration was thrown aside, every personal interest trampled under foot, every kind of peril calmly confronted, solely for the main tenance of religious truth, purity, and freedom ? Worldly politicians might well stand amazed ; selfish and ambitious prelates might be confounded and ap palled ; and a despotic sovereign and his flatterers might cherish fierce resent ment, when they heard of the wonderful transaction : and men of similar views, characters, and feelings, may still pour forth their virulent invectives against Scotland's Covenant, and the men who framed and signed it, obeying the divine impulse by which they were guided and upheld ; but we do not hesitate to state our opinion, that the subhme deed of that great day will ever, by all who can un derstand and value it, be regarded as the deed and the day of Scotland's greatest national and religious glory. On. the next day, the 1st of March, the Covenant was again publicly read in a large meeting of those who had come too recently to the capital to have had leisure to take its main propositions into sufficiently deliberate consideration. Freely were its principles slated, that no man might bind himself to a measure the full nature of which he did not compre hend ; and yet so remarkable was the unanimity of the meeting, that about three hundred ministers at once added their names to the large number already subscribed. The Covenant was then carried to the most public parts of the city, to afford an opportunity to people dwelling in the different districts of ad ding to it their signatures ; and where- ever it appeared, it vvas hailed with joy ful welcome, as a bond of unity and a pledge of sacred peace. Great numbers are said to have followed it from place to place, imploring the blessing of God upon it^ vdih gushing tears and fervent A. D. 16S8,] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 157 supplications, that this return of their country to its ancient covenant union wilh Go* might be the means of averting the Divine indignation, and procuring deliverance from their calamities. Copies of it werg soon afterwards written, and sent to every part of the kingdom, that by being universally signed, it might be come indeed a National Covenant. It was almost everywhere received with feelings of reverence and gratitude. No compulsion was required to induce men to subscribe a bond, the placing their names on which they held to be at once a high honour and a solemn duty ; nor would compulsion have been permitted, had it been required. " The matter was so holy," says the Earl of Rothes, " that they held it lo be irreligious to use vio lent means for advancing so good a work." And in his answer to the Aber deen Doctors, Henderson says, that " some men of no small note offered their subscription, and were refused, till time should prove that they joined from love to the cause and not from the fear of man."* Before the end of April there were few parishes in Scotland in which the Covenant had not been signed by nearly all of competent age and charac ter. It deserves to be staled, in confir mation of the thoroughly religious character both of the Covenant itself, and of the feelings regarding it or those by whom it was subscribed, that Baillie, Livingstone, and every writer of the period of any respectability, agree in de claring that the subscribing of the Cove nant was everywhere regarded as a most sacred act, and was accompanied in many instances with remarkable mani festations of spiritual influence, and in all with decided amendment in life and man ners. It awed and hallowed the soul, imparled purity to the heart, and gave an earnest and foretaste of peace, — that peace which the world can neither give nor take away, — ^peace of conscience and peace with God. We do not affect to conceal that some slight instances of popular violence took place in some parts of the country, where either the people had previously suffered injurious treatment from the prelates and their partizans, or where attempts were made hy that parly forcibly to prevent • Answers to the Aberdton Vtieiton,' *«., 'p- 9. the signing of the Covenant. Bul these scenes of intemperate zeal or petty retali ation were almost entirely the sudden ebullitions of passion among a few women and boys, unattended by serious conse quences. Not an instance is recorded of personal injury having been sustained by a prelatist, but one, and that to a very trifling extent* And when it is remem bered how long the country had groaned beneath the prelatic yoke, — how many of the most faithful ministers had been banished from their attached congrega tions, — and how much injurious and op pressive treatment both ministers and people had suffered from the Court of High Commission, — the chief cause of wonder is, that so little of a vindictive spirit was displayed by the nation, when arising in its might, lo shake off the gall ing domination of its proud oppressors. Bul this truly glorious blending of strength and forbearance, of judgment and mercy, was merely a new manifesta tion of the Presbyterian spirit and princi ples, first shown at the Reformation, when Popery was overthrown, but the popish priesthood spared, — repeated in this, the Second Reformation, when Pre lacy was condemned, but the prelatic fac tion rarely exposed lo the slightest degree of that retaliation which they had so wantonly provoked, — again lo be re-ex hibited in still more trying circumstances by the truly Christian-minded Presbyte rians, but never imitated by their antago nists in their periods of triumph. "The Presbyterian Church of Scotland has often suffered persecution, bul has never been guilty of committing that great crime. The prelates had always declared, when urging forward theif innovations, that the greater part of the nation would readily receive the Canons and Liturgy, and that the opposition was that merely of a very few, who might be safely despised ; but now, when the Covenant was received with such cordiality and gratitude throughout the kingdom, they were overwhelmed with shame, conster nation, and despair, mingled wilh bursts of fury and passionate longings for re venge. Spotswood, who better under- '~Even the j}relates, in their artiches of informatiffli, mention only four instances of popular violence. (Burnet's Memoirs of the Duke of Hhmilioii, p. M.) Other authors mention about as many more, but not so well autbentic&ted. 158 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND [CHAP, VI. Stood the character of his countrymen than the younger prelates,#Bxclaimed, " Now all that we have been doing these thirty years past is thrown down al once;" and, yielding to despair, he fled to Lon don, and remaining chiefly there in a state of gloomy dejection, survived the ruin of his pride and power little more than a year. The privy council felt almost equally paralyzed. After a deliberation of four days at Stirling, during which they were receiving hourly intelligence of the rap idly-extending influence of the Covenant, they resolved to send to the king informa tion of the state of affairs, suggesting the necessity of listening to the remonstran ces of the aggrieved nation, and giving promise of redress, to the extent at least of refraining from the enforcement of the Book of Canons and Liturgy, and miti gating the despotic conduct of the High Commission. About the same time, the Covenanters, as they began to be desig nated, and as we may henceforth term them, sent a deputation to London, to give his majesty a faithful representation of the real state of public matters, and of the views and wishes of his oppressed subjects. The prelates were already in London ; so that the representatives of all parties in Scotland were at one time within the precincts of the court, afford ing an opportunity to his majesty of ob taining full and accurate information of the condition of the kingdom, had he been disposed to seek it. Bul he had al ready listened to the partial statements of the prelates, and formed his determina tion. They, anxious to extenuate their own failure, had still represented the Covenanters as weak in station, influence, and numbersj and, however violent in their procedure, forming bul a small fac tion in the kingdom. They had sug gested that the north was steady lo his majesty's interest ; and that the south was so divided, that if the powerful fami lies of Hamilton, Douglas, Nithsdale, and some others, should raise their forces, and form a junction with Huntly and the Highland chiefs, the Covenanters might be easily overpowered, and the whole kingdom brought into complete subjec tion lo his commands.* Such were the counsels of the prelates, who seem to have ' Baillie, vol. i. pp. 70, 71. regarded a civil war as a slight matter, provided they could recover that wealth and power vvhich they had so g;rievously abused. Unfortunately their pernicious" advice sunk deep into the mind of Charles, impelling him to those measures which involved the kingdom in the mis eries of revolutionary strife, and issued in the dealh of the beguiled and infatu ated monarch. Well indeed may Pre lacy canonize as a martyr the sovereign who perished, the victim of its dark, bloody, and fatal policy. The Earl of Haddington, to whom the Covenanters had sent their deputation, and with whom they maintained a secret bul very constant correspondence, was aware of the advice which had been given to the king, and of the measures which were in contemplation. Orders had been given to seize Livingstone the moment he arrived, and to throw him into prison ; but Haddington concealed him, presented the supplication of the Covenanters, which was, however, re turned unopened ; and sent the messen ger back to Scotland, with private infor mation of the secret designs of the court. The Covenanters lost no lime in counter acting the dangerous policy recommend ed by the prelates. Deputations were sent to those districts of the country where the Covenant had been but partially signed, and on the support of which the prelates mainly relied for the ultimate triumph of their cause. These deputa tions met with success beyond their most sanguine hopes. In some of the seats of learning, as at St. Andrews and Glasgow, the ministers and professors subscribed but partially ; but even in these towns, the magistrates, burgesses, and citizens joined their countrymen almost univer sally. Even in the Highlands the Cov enant was welcomed wilh perfectly amaz ing cordiahty. Clans that rarely met but in hostile strife, and, if they did so meet, never parted without exchanging blows, met like brothers, subscribed the bond of national union, and parted in peace and love. Nowhere weis this un wonted bul most lovely sight more sig nally displayed than at Inverness. There the fierce feuds of ages melted and disap peared beneath the warming and renew ing power of that Divine influence vvhich so strongly and brightly shone around A. D. 1637.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 159 the Covenant, as the snows melt from their native mountains, when the summer sun is high in the smiling heavens. Thus did her sacred Covenant first make Scotland truly a nation, melting and fusing into one united mass the het erogeneous and jarring elements which had previously lain partially compacted together in space, bul uncombined, and mutually repelling and repelled. "Then, too, was seen a portion ofthe good which God brings out of what man intends for evil ; for then was seen some ofthe fruits of the zealous and faithful labours, among these warm-hearted Highlanders, of the pious ministers who had been from time to lime lorn away from their own con gregations, and banished to the remote regions of the north, there in tears to sow a seed which was now springing up in gladness. James and the prelates had sent Bruce, and Dickson, and Ruther ford, and others, lo Inverness, Aberdeen, and other Highland districts, as if to show the inhabitants what true religion was, and thus lo prepare them for the Cove nant, although they did not mean it so. Bul such has often been the mysterious course of all-wise Providence, to pour contempt upon the wicked desires of un godly men, overruling their machination, and causing them to promote the very cause which they are seeking to destroy. Meanwhile the king was busily en gaged in concerting his schemes ; and for a time it seemed as if he were truly desirous to learn the real state of matters before he should come lo a final determi nation. He sent orders to the Earl of Traquair, Roxburgh, and Lorn, to repair to London without delay ; and he re quired from the most eminent Scottish lawyers a legal opinion whether the con duct ofthe Covenanters were not treason able. Sir Thomas Hope, then Lord Ad vocate, and two other distinguished law yers, gave their opinion, that there was nothing decidedly illegal in the proceed ings of the Covenanters, Lord Lorn also spoke very strongly in defence of these injured and calumniated men ; and laid before his majesty a full account of the actual state of the country. About the same lime the king received the un welcome intelligence, that the Covenant had been received with enthusiastic de light, even in those parts of the country where the prelates had assured him it would be indignantly rejected. This ren dered the prelatic cry for war a more doubtful question ; especially as the En glish nobility concurred in recommend ing peace, being better aware of the wide-spread discontent existing in that kingdom also, than was its blindly-obsti nate sovereign. Perceiving that he must for the pres ent abandon his warlike designs, the next care of the king was to engage the Cov enanters in negociations, partly in the hope of dividing them, and partly to gain time till he might muster power enough forcibly to overwhelm them. He resolved, therefore, lo appoint a commissioner to treat with his Scottish subjects, to hear their grievances, and, if he could not flatter and delude them into submission, at least to lull them into security, or wear them out by procrastination. The choice of a person to undertake this difficult task was a matter of vital importance, as ils success would greatly depend upon his skilful management. • At last the Mar quis of Hamilton was appointed lord high commissioner, and intrusted with the haz ardous and disreputable enterprise of at tempting to deceive or overawe a nation famed for courage and sagacity, and now doubly vigilant and thoroughly united. Aware of the perilous nature of the task, Hamilton would willingly have declined it ; bul the king would take no denial, and he was obliged to prepare to meet it as he might. For this reason he strove to secure himself against the possible consequences of the dark intrigues in which he must be involved ; and know ing well the character of those who were urging the king to the adoption of hostile measures, one of Hamifton's first steps was to secure the absence from the court of all the Scottish courtiers, and espe cially of the prelates. After he had seen them all sent off, he left London himself; but not thinking his protection yet suffi ciently secure, he delayed his journey at Berwick, and remained there till he had procured from the king private instruc tions, ample powers, and a secret pardon for whatever he might say or do in the matter, which might be represented by his enemies as contrary lo the king's in tentions. In that strange specimen of state diplo- 160 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VI. macy, the real intentions of the king are revealed, and are enough lo 'cause any man of common honesty to blush for shame. It states, that Hamilton was ex pected, and even required, to enter into the most intimate intercourse wilh the Covenanters, — to pretend friendship and compassion, — and to throw them off their guard and detect their schemes, that he might the more easily circumvent and overpower them. "For which end," says his majesty, " you will be necessi tated to speak that language which, if you were called lo account for by us, you might suffer for it. These are therefore to assure you, and, if need be, hereafter to testify to others, that whatsoever ye shall say to them to discover their inten tions, ye shall neither be called in ques tion for the same, nor yet it prove in any way prejudicial to you."* It may be hoped (hat a high-minded nobleman, such as Hamilton, would feel it indeed a degrading and irksome employment, when thus required lo act the part of a spy and a deceiver ; and when courtly and prelatic historians assail the Cove nanters in the language of vituperation and reproach, they may be reminded that the whole conduct of Charles was a tissue of despotism and treachery, fatal to his character and ruinous to his cause. The Covenanters received warning of the secret intentions of the king, and of the real object of Hamilton's commission ; but though thus aware of the treacherous devices to be put in motion against them, they resolved lo act as became their sa- ered cause, and, whilst guarding against deceit and guile, to make their own course one of truth and rectitude. For this reason they drew up and promulga ted two papers, of a public nature. The one was sent to the nobles at court, stating plainly the articles required for the peace ofthe Church and kingdom of Scotland, that they might be aware what was de manded, and be prepared to advise his majesty accordingly. The other con tained a general statement of the plan of procedure which would require lo be followed in the approaching negociations with the .high commissioner ; and was sent through the kingdom, to prevent di vision of sentiment, and to secure that " Hardwicke's State Papers, vol. ii, p. 141. unity of heart, mind, and effort, which was essential to their safety. On the 10th of May the king sent to the Scottish privy council intimation of his commission to the Marquis of Hamil ton, requiring them all to meet his Grace at Dalkeith on the 6lh of June, to render him all due honour, and lo support him in the discharge of his high trust. The Covenanters, on their part, sent informa tion of the approaching negociations to all their supporters, requiring them to come lo Edinburgh in such numbers as should protect them from any meditated hostile attempt. And still placing their trust in the Divine guidance and support, a general fast was appointed to be held on the 3d of June, to humble themselves before God, and to supplicate his protec tion. The fast was kept in the most sol emn and impressive manner, and had a powerful effect in preparing the kingdom for the approaching struggle, enabling them lo keep their position on ground avowedly sacred. At the same time, the Covenanters, whose councils were still guided by the Tables, resolved that they would not attend the commissioner at Dalkeith, bul would remain in a united body at Edinburgh, and by that means avoid the danger of being divided by the subtle insinuations of their crafty oppo nents. Having received information that the king meant to subdue them by force, they judged it expedient lo prevent that force from being concentrated in the heart of the country ; and therefore placed a guard on the -Castle of Edinburgh, that it might not receive any large supplies of provisions and military stores. Hamilton at first refused to come to Edinburgh, which was completely in the possession of the Covenantors ; but after some concessions had been made, he con sented to make the Palace of Holyrood his residence. Accordingly it was con certed that on the 19th of June the Mar quis of Hamilton sl>oald make his public entry into Edinburgh in state, as lord high commissioner from the king. The Covenanters prepared to give him a state ly reception. Both parties agreed that he should approach by Musselburgh, along the level sea-line, — a circuitous route, hut one peculiarly adapted for dis play, 'All tjie iiobks who had signed A. D. 1638.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 161 the Covenant, gentry from all parts of the kingdom, the magistrates of Edinburgh, all the ministers who had assembled in the capital, and an immense multitude, loosely calculated at about sixty thousand, went out lo meet the commissioner, and arranged themselves along the beach, covering the undulating outline wilh a more numerous assemblage of people than had been seen in Scotland for centu ries. As Hamilton rode slowly along the line of this vast mass of his collected countrymen, hearing on every side not the fierce battle-cry of armed men, nor the giddy shouts of mere holiday rejoic- ers, but earnest and fervent prayers for the preservation of the liberties and reli gion of the country, he was deeply/ mov ed, and could not suppress tears of sym pathy, declaring his strong desire that King Charles himself had been present to witness a scene so aflecting, and even sublime. On a little eminence near the end of this extended multitude, stood up wards of five hundred ministers, wearing their cloaks and bands, and prepared to address the commissioner ; but when he came to the place where they stood, he declined receiving their addresses in pub lic, bowed to them, and uttering a single complimentary sentence, continued his progress. From what he had seen on that single day, the commissioner must have learned that the stale of Scotland had been griev ously misrepresented to his majesty ; that there were not, in truth, two parties in the country, but on the one side a Presby terian nation, and on the other a prelatic faction, contemptible in numbers, despica ble in character, and detested on account of their long career of treachery and des potism. But he knew that the king had placed himself al the head of that base and weak faction, and was prepared, for their sakes, and to gratify his own arbitrary temper, lo trample upon the dearest rights and most sacred privileges of an entire kingdom ; and he vvas constrained to sup press his generous sympathy, and to re sume the course of heartless and tortuous policy wilh which he was commissioned. And now began the unequal contest between diplomatic craft and the straight forward honesty of honourable and reli gious men, — unequal, inasmuch as the wily dissimulation of Resigning craft 21 is perpetually over-reaching or betraying itself, while unbending integrity of pur pose goes right onward to its aim, and. having nothing to conceal, is in no dread of detection. We cannot afford space to follow the contending parties through the shifts and changes of their varying nego tiations, but must confine ourselves lo a brief statement of the most important points of the complicated proceedings of that eventful time. In an early interview vvhich they ob tained, the Covenanters informed the com missioner that all negotiations would prove fruitless, unless he were empow ered lo grant a free General Assembly, in which their complaints respecting the innovations introduced by the prelates, and the conduct generally of those men, might be investigated, judged of, and, if proved culpable, censured and con demned according to their demerits, — and a parliament, by which acts proved lo be unconstitutional might be rescinded, and redresses authoritatively and conclu sively granted. Hamilton replied, that he would answer their statements and ve- quesls by a proclamation. They prompt ly gave him lo know, that they would be in readiness to meet eveiy proclamation with a distinct protest, to whatsoever ex tent it should fall short of the necessities of the case and the just demands of the nation. The commissioner seemed dis posed lo try the resolution of the Cove nanters. He commanded preparations to be made for issuing the proclamation ; and the Covenanters made similar ar rangements to meet it with their protest, the nobility and gentlemen mustering in consideiable numbers around their offi cial representatives, each man wilh his sword loosened in its sheath, in readiness to repel any sudden attack by the mili tary attendants of the commissioner. See ing the determined front displayed by the Covenanters, Hamilton changed his pro cedure, abandoning the proclamation, and resuming the path of crooked and wily dissimulation.* It is always more difficult for a cpn- ning man to understand honesty, than for an honest man to delect craft. Ham ilton could not comprehend the designsof the Covenanters ; but they. could easily see throiigh his thin evasions. He now TBsilfie, Bmnet,,And Stev«iiaoii. 162 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VI. thought it expedient to offer them both an Assembly and a Parliament, provided they would abandon the Covenant. They answered, that they would as soon re nounce their baptism. And at the request of the I'ables, Henderson wrote an able paper, containing a clear and strong statement of the reasons why they could neither rescind nor after in the slightest degree their sacred Covenant. Still more completely to convince the commissioner of the futility of any such expectation, they prepared a supplication, in which the request of a free General Assembly and a Parliament was publicly and avow edly stated as that without which they could not be satisfied ; and al the same time they caused another paper to be ex tensively circulated, containing sugges tions of the measures which it might be necessary to adopt, should the commis sioner resort lo force, or protract the ne gotiations to an intolerable length. In these suggestions a significant hint vvas given, that both a General Assembly and a Parliament might possibly be called, without the royal authority, if that were much longer withheld ; and also, that if violence were used for enforcing obedi ence, a committee might be chosen, to consider what vvas fit and lawful to be done for the defence of their rehgion, laws, and liberties. These bold and energetic measures startled the commissioner, and convinced him that any -longer continuation of his temporizing policy would be in vain, and that his majesty must either yield lo every one of the main points demanded by the Covenanters, or must prepare to subdue them by open force. And as his instructions did not enable him to proceed to either of these alternatives, he deter mined to return to London, give the king a full account of Scottish affairs, ascertain the slate of the royal preparations for the commencement of hostilities, and return fully empowered lo act as necessities might require. This was indeed the only course which he could now pursue ; but even this was to be marred by double dealing. On one day he left town, and proceeded a few miles on his journey : on the next, supposing the Covenanters now off their guard, he hastily returned, and proceeded lo publish a declaration of his majesty's intentions, plausible, but char acteristically evasive. It promised that the Liturgy should not be pressed but in a fair and legal way; that the High Commission should be rectified by the aid ofthe privy council, so that it should not impugn the laws, nor be a just griev ance lo loyal subjects ; and that whatso ever concerned the peace and welfare of the Church should be taken into consid eration in a free Assembly and Parlia ment, which should be called with his majesty's first convenience. The Cove nanters had experienced his majesty's du plicity too often to be deluded by so flimsy a pretext. They met it therefore by a protestation, which had been previously prepared for any sudden emergency, and which this weak stratagem gave them a fair opportunity to publish. Hamilton seems, nevertheless, to have imagined he had gained his point, and pressed the privy council to ratify this declaration. Many consented ; but the Covenanters having given to each member of council a paper containing reasons against its ratification, they vvere induced by its pe rusal to rescind the act of ratification. Rothes, Montrose, and Loudon obtained an interview with the commissioner him self, presented to him these reasons, and urged upon hira the necessity of a more frank and conciliatory course. Hamilton, irritated by his failure, replied lo them in a haughty and dictatorial tone. This drew from Loudon the bold declaration, that they knew no other bands between a king and his subjects but those of religion and laws : if these were violated, men's lives were not dear to them. Overborne by threatenings they would not be, for such fears were past with them.* After this abortive attempt, the Marquis of Ham- ihon left Scotland on the 8th of July, and went to London for fresh instructions. During the course of these fruitless ne gotiations the king maintained a constant intercourse by letters with the commis sioner; and it is painful lo peruse these glaring proofs ofthe infatuated monarch's disgraceful and perfidious dissimulation. A few instances must be given, in proof of this assertion, and in vindication of the Covenanters. " I give you leave to flat ter them with what hopes you please ; your chief end being now to win time, unlU I be ready to suppress them." — " I ' Baillie, vol, i. p, 9i2. A. D. 1638.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 163 have written this to no other end than to show you that I will rather die than yield to those impertinent and damnable de mands." — "I do not expect that you should declare the adherers to the Cove nant traitors, until you have heard from me that my fleet hath set sail for Scotland. In a word, gain lime by all the honest means you can, without forsaking your grounds." — " There be two things in your letter that require answer, to wit, the answer to their petition, and concern ing the explanation of their damnable Covenant." In another letter, after stating how far his military preparations were in readiness, and what was their amount, his majesty adds, — " Thus you may see that I intend not to yield to the demands of those traitors the Covenanters."* All these and many similar instructions lo the commissioner lo prevaricate, lo deceive, and to gain time, while the king was busy levying forces, collecting military stores, preparing a fleet, and hiring foreign troops lo suppress his. faithful subjects by this combination of treachery and power, were sent to the Marquis of Hamilton privately, while that nobleman was en gaged in pacific negotiations with the Covenanters, History can scarcely fur nish an equal instance of a monarch's faithlessness, dissimulation, and fore thought despotism. Bolder tyranny the world has often seen, but rarely any so deliberately dishonourable. And as these private instructions to the commis sioner were all to a considerable extent known to the Covenanters, it cannot ap pear strange that they received every pro posal wilh suspicion, and expressed dis trust of every declaration, how strong soever might be its asseveration, and lo whatsoever extent it might wear the as pect of sincerity. While the king and the marquis were using every " honest means" to gain time, the covenanters took care to lose none. Aware that the king intended to send some forces to the north, lo co-oper ate wilh those which Huntly was ex pected to raise, they resolved to paralyze effectually that right arm of prelatic and regal tyranny, during the breathing space allowed by the absence of the com missioner. And as Aberdeen, by the in fluence of Huntly and of ils cloistered " Burnet's Memoirs of the Hamiltons, pp. 46-68. sages, had yet stood out against the Cov enant, Henderson, Dickson, and some others, were sent to try whether the dreary darkness which brooded over that town and neighbourhood, might not be partially dispelled. The deputation was al first bul coldly welcomed ; permission to preach in the city churches was re fused ; and the doctors strove lo engage them in a fruitless scholastic disputation. Bul the deputation was composed of men of energy and decision. They returned brief answers to the sophistic subtleties of their learned opponents ; and since the churches were refused, they preached in the open air, explained the Covenant, and produced arguments for its subscrip tion. At the close of their addresses the Covenant was produced for signature ; and that evening about five hundred re spectable citizens adhibited their names. They then traversed the adjacent coun try ; and within little more than a week, forty-four ministers, many gentlemen, and a large proportion of the people, signed the Covenant, Returning lo Aber deen, they again preached where they had done before, and obtained a consid erable number of additional adherents lo the sacred cause. Having thus, by the powerful demonstration of the Divine Spirit accompanying their exertions, suc ceeded in pouring a stream of light and life into those regions of previous gloomy stagnation, they returned to Edinburgh, leaving in the town and vicinity of Aber deen a power sufficient to prevent the possibility of any great hostile combina tion there. The Marquis of Hamilton returned lo Holyrood-house on the 10th of August, furnished, indeed, with ampler powers to treat than before, but still enjoined lo use every diplomatic stratagem. One new artifice by which it was hoped the Cove nanters might be divided, was the re-pro mulgation ofthe Confession or Covenant of 1581. If this could be got numer ously signed, it might either neutralize the Covenant recently produced, or so di vide the nation as to enable his majesty to balance one part of the kingdom against another, and so to reduce both un der his power. But that vvhich was first put in operation was a set of demands which Hamilton gave to the Tables, re quiring written answers to them before 164 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VI. he would consent lo call an Assembly. These demands were at first eleven in number, but subsequently were reduced to two ; first, that no layman should have voice in choosing the ministers to be sent from the presbyteries to the General As sembly, nor any bul the ministers of the same presbytery ; the second, that the Assembly should not go about to deter mine things established by act of parlia ment, otherwise than by remonstrance or petition lo parliament. If Hamilton could have obtained the assent of the Covenant ers to these propositions, his victory over them would have been secure. By the first, the ministers would have been di vided from the laity, and left powerless in the hands of their enemies ; by the second, all the innovations of James's reign would have been confirmed, as they had all been ratified by parliament. But although the leading Covenanters easily perceived the fatal character of theise propositions, it vvas not so easy lo unite the whole body in returning proper answers. The first had nearly accom plished the commissioner's insidious de sign. Many of the ministers looked with some degree of jealousy upon the power of the laymen, and would not have been displeased to see that power diminished. For that reason they were disposed to as sent to the first proposition ; while the other three Tables would by no means comply with any such measure. At length, chiefly by the skilful manage ment of Henderson and Dickson, this dangerous discussion terminated in the rejection of the commissioner's demands, and in the restoration of that unanimity of sentiment and purpose among the Cov enanters which constituted their strength. The danger thus encountered, and the re-union thus produced, both tended to point out to the Covenanters the path al once of duty and of safety. They now resolved to bring matters lo a crisis, and to compel the commissioner lo abandon his deceitful policy, by avowing their de termination, that, if the royal mandate were further delayed, they would call a General Assembly, on the sole authority which every Christian Church must be held intrinsically to possess, for the pur pose of regulating all matters of worship and discipline, according to the institu tions of the gospel, and the example of the apostles. The reasons on which this decisive resolution vvas based were pub lished in their own defence, and for the instruction of all their adherents, and are still deserving of a thoughtful perusal by every Ifue Presbyterian.* Hamilton now felt that temporizing policy would no longer be endured, and also that his anticipations of creating a disunion among the Covenanters were at an end. But their demand went beyond his powers to grant, and was perilous to refuse, lest a refusal should impel them to put their purpose into immediate exe cution. He requested, therefore, a delay of twenty days, that he might return lo the king, and obtain a final answer, prom ising to be again in Scotland with his majesty's ultimate decision before the 20th of September. The Covenanters consented lo this delay, and employed the intermediate time in sending instruc tions to every presbytery how to proceed in the election of members for the ap proaching Assembly. This was neces sary, in consequence of the lengthened period which had elapsed since an As sembly had been held at all, there hav ing been none since 1618 ; and as all the Assemblies since 1597 had been more or less corrupted by regal interference, the proper course of procedure, in the calling of a free Assembly according to pure Presbyterian principles, had almost sunk into oblivion. These instructions were of the utmost importance, both in guiding the proceedings of the Cove nanters throughout the kingdom, and in furnishing them with information on to pics certain to come under discussion in the ensuing Assembly, with which many were at that time very little acquainted. Having taken these preliminary steps, the Covenanters waited calmly the return of the commissioner, and the ultimate an swer of the king. When the commissioner returned from London, a deputation from the tables waited on him at Dalkeith, and were told in general terms that his majesty had granted all their requests, but that the particulars could not with propriety be divnilged till they had been communicated lo the privy council. The council met the same day, when his majesty's letter * These reasons are to be seen in Stevenson, edit ISW. pp. 313,^6. A. D. 1638] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 165 was produced, requiring them to sub scribe the Covenant or Confession of 1581, vvhich, as it contained chiefly an abjuration of Popery, was often termed the Negative Confession. The utmost efforts of Hamilton could not prevail upon more than about thirty of the council lo subscribe, and that not till a clause vvas added, declaring that the subscribers un derstood it according to its original mean ing, when, as the reader will recollect, even tulchan Episcopacy had been con demned and abolished, presbyteries erected, and the Second Book of Disci pline entered on the records of the As sembly, Even thus explained, the com missioner entertained some hope that it might either cause division among the Covenanters, or al least produce a similar compact union of the royal and prelatic party ; and wilh this view he published an act of council, calling upon all loyal subjects lo subscribe the king's Covenant, with a general bond, resembling that of 1589. Commissioners were appointed to convey this rival Covenant through out the kingdom, and every artifice vvas employed lo procure the utmost possible number of signatures, Bul the Presby terian Covenanters, perceiving clearly the intention of the commissioner, met tha proclamation of the king's Covenant hy a protestation and a warning against the ensnaring tendency of this new de vice ;* and sent a deputation lo every presbytery, wilh a copy of the protesta tion, and instructions how to act. So successful were these precautionary mea sures, that the king's Covenant obtained no more than about twenty-eight thou sand signatures, of which number twelve thousand were procured in Aberdeen and its vicinity by the strenuous exertions of Huntly. This new stratagem had con sequently no other effect than that of proving, even by an arithmetical demon stration, the weakness of the prelatic faction. The next step of the privy council was the publication of two importanl acts, — the one calling a General Assembly to be held at Glasgow on the 21sl of No vember, and warning the bishops and other commissioners of kirks to attend ; the other summoning a parliament to ¦ This able document is preserved by Stevenson, pp. 296,264. meet al Edinburgh on the 15th day of May 1639, for settling and confirming peace in Church and Stale. The king's declaration was then publicly proclaimed, in which his majesty prohibited the en forcement of the Book of Canons, the Liturgy, and the Five Arlicles of Perth ; abolished the Court of High Commis sion ; declared all persons subject to the trial and censure of the competent judica tory ; allowing free entrance into the ministry vvithout the taking of any other oath than that contained in the act of parliament ; granted a general pardon of all offences which had arisen out of the recent contentions ; appointed a fast to avert the Divine displeasure, and pro cure a peaceable enri to the distractions of the Church and kingdom ; and re commended the subscription of the Con fession and Covenant of 1581. Had these terms been granted al the beginning of the negotiations between the king and the Covenanters, they would have given universal satisfaction, and been received wilh equal joy and grati tude. But after the many repeated in stances of tergiversation and insincerity which had been detected, the Covenan ters were compelled lo regard every de claration of the king's with suspicion, and to look narrowly into every one of his promises, lest it should contain some evasive expression, by which it might be nullified, or even reversed. And un happily even this plausible declaration of his majesty's sentiments did contain such neutralizing and evasive elements. It was understood to subject the prelates to the trial and censure of the Assembly ; but it cited them to appear as constituent members of that very court by vvhich they were to be tried ; and the urgency with which the king pressed the subscription of the Covenant of 1581, showed clearly that he expected, by its instrumentality, to divide and conquer the Presbyterian Covenanters ; besides that the bond con tained an insidious clause for the mainte nance of religion " as at present pro fessed," — a clause manifestly susceptible of such a construction as would convert it into one for the defence of Prekcy. The Presbyterians, therefore, resolved that they would no longer submit lo such paltering in a double sense ; that they would lake care lo have the Assembly 166 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VI. framed and constituted according to the fundamental and imperishable principles of the Presbyterian Church; and that the prelates should be tried and censured according to their demerits, and Prelacy itself entirely abohshed, so that their Na tional Church might be delivered from bondage and oppression, and established once more on a basis which no law can give, and ought not to attempt removing, — ^the warm affections of An intelligent, truly loyal, and earnestly religious people. Great anxiety was felt by all parlies, in the interval between the calling and the meeting of this most important General Assembly. Notwithstanding the artifices of the commissioner, and the exertions of the prelatic parly, the Covenanters were eminently successful in securing the re turn of the most able and faithful of the ministers as commissioners, and the most zealous and influential of the nobility and gentry as ruling elders ; so that before the Assembly met they vvere assured of its freedom and integrity, so far as de pended upon the majority of its members The mode in which they vvere to proceed against the prelates was a matter which required much and careful deliberation. The Earl of Rothes, and some other lead ing men ofthe Tables, petitioned the com missioner for a warrant lo command the prelates to appear before the Assembly to stand trial for the offences charged against them ; but this he refused to grant. The Covenanters were not, however, to be thus defeated in a point of such vital mo ment. It was arranged that a complaint should be prepared in form of a libel or regular accusation, to be laid before the Assembly by a considerable body of the nobility, gentry, burgesses, and ministers, who were not members of that court The accusation embraced both their offi cial and personal delinquencies. The first part of the charge referred to the " caveats " or cautions passed in the As sembly 1600, and ratified by King James, the ostensible object of which was lo guard against the abuse of their powers by the prelates and commissioners of the Church, at that time introduced to parlia ment ; but the real intention having been lo delude the Church by the semblance of a security vvhich could be easily bro ken through or set aside. These ca veats, however, had been allowed to remain unrepealed, and now formed a leading element in the accusation against the prelatic party, by whom every one of them had been repeatedly violated. The prelates were accordingly charged col lectively with having transgressed these caveats, usurped a lordly supremacy over the Church, taught heretical and false doctrines, and, personally, with having been guilty of irreligious conduct, and the perpetration of the grossest im moralities, which were distinctly specified according to each individual case. The accusations were sent to each of the pre lates, and also lo all the presbyteries, where they were directed to be read pub licly in every church. The prelates prepared an elaborate de fence, bearing the general form of a de clinature of the Assembly's jurisdiction, wilh their reasons for that line of proce dure ; vvhich were said lo have been sent to court, and revised by the sovereign's own hand. All being now nearly pre pared, and the lime at hand, the commis sioner made his last attempt lo interfere with the construction of the Assembly, by endeavouring to bring as many of the members as possible under such legal processes as might incapacitate them from taking their seat. This was instantly met by a remonstrance so strong, pointed, and resolute, that Hamilton felt the inex pediency, and even danger, of carrying this last scheme into effect. The only remaining part of the pre parations made by both parlies is one which scarcely falls within our province to relate, as being more nf a civil, or ra ther military, than of an ecclesiastical character. Allusion has already been made lo the large naval and military armaments in preparation by the king. These were vigorously prosecuted by his majesty, in the midst of all his pacific de clarations ; and as this was well known to the Covenanters, they began lo consi der themselves entitled to prepare for the defence of their civil and religious liber ties, so manifestly endangered. With this view, arms, ammunition, and provi sions vvere quietly collected by the no bility and many of the towns ; and Gene ral Leslie, a veteran officer of great skill and courage, who had served long under Gustavus, king of Sweden, was called home to take command of the army, if A. D. 1638.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 167 they should finally be compelled to rise in self defence. The Marquis of Hamilton was well aware that the crisis could no longer be retarded ; but how best to meet it cost him many an anxious thought Gladly would he have prorogued the meeting of Assembly, but that he vvas aware that the Covenanters had determined to hold it, even though he should attempt its proro gation. He resolved, therefore, al last to allow it to be held according to the pro clamation already issued, and lo do his utmost to bias, control, or overawe it, so as lo prevent, if possible, the condemna tion of the prelates ; and should all his efforts prove ineffectual, he would dissolve it, with this advantage, that time had been gained, and his majesty's preparations for actual war would be in a state of greater forwardness. On the Friday before the meeting of Assembly, the Covenanters, both those who were members of Assembly and those who vvere their friends and sup porters, came in great crowds to Glas gow ; and on the next day the commis sioner and his friends entered town from Hamilton, and were met with much ap pearance of respectful and stately courtesy by the Presbyterian chiefs. The mar quis had then another opportunity of see ing how completely the cause which he was commissioned lo circumvent or op press was the cause of the Scottish nation. Little more than a year had elapsed from the time when four humble petitioners met at the door of the privy council, to supplicate for protection against the op pressive conduct ofthe prelates ; and now his majesty's lord high commissioner be held arrayed against these men, or rather against that abjured system, the irresisti ble might of all the physical, mental, moral, and religious strength of a united people. We may imagine how his heart must have sunk within him when he contemplated the task imposed upon him by his infatuated sovereign, — the task of deluding or coercing his sagacious and high-minded countrymen, and of tram pling in the dust those civil and religious liberties which were lo them dearer than life itself, — a task which no foreign power had been ever able by its utmost efforts to achieve, and which he must have seen lo be equally ungracious and desperate. The Assembly had been indicted lo meet on the Wednesday ; and the three intervening days were spent in making preliminary arrangements, and espe cially, on the part of the Covenanters, in humbling themselves before God, and imploring his direction and support through the arduous duties in which they were about to engage, and for the right discharge of which they felt their own wisdom to be indeed utterly insufficient And it ought, to be carefully remarked, for the instruction of all succeeding ages, that during the whole course of their ne gotiations and deliberations, humble ac knowledgments of their own folly and weakness, earnest prayer to God, and strong faith in his heavenly guidance, were always the master elements by which their actions were guided and their hopes upheld. On Wednesday the 21st of November 1638, the General Assembly met, and commenced the discharge of its all-im portant duties. We cannot afford space to give more than the briefest outline of its proceedings ; which, however, is the less lo be regretted, since the very fact of iheiT extreme importance has caused them to be very fully recorded by many authors whose works are in general circulation.* Both parties, the commissioner and the Covenanters, acted warily, yet firmly, from the very first hour on which the Assembly met. They were equally well aware, that a false movement on either side would give to the antagonist an ad vantage vvhich it might not be possible to counteract; and, like two contending armies led by skilful^ generals, they watched each other's operations with deep, calm, forecasting prudence, cool re solution, and deliberate energy. The choice of a moderator vvas to the Assem bly, in such a juncture, a matter of great moment, but not of doubt, except on one account. Alexander Henderson was uni versally admitted to be beyond all com petition the fittest man, for knowledge, gravity, self-command, and soundness of judgment ; but they dreaded to lose his ability in debate by placing him in the " See Baillie. Stevenson, Buruet, Peterkin's Records of the Kirk of Scotland, &c., &c. 168 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VI. modeJatbr's chair. Yet the necessity of having at their head a man who could both direct their own deliberations and defend them lo the commissioner with courtesy and firmness, overruled all other , considerations, and he was unanimously chosen to occupy that post of honour, toil, and danger. The commissioner wished to have had the commissions of the members scruti nized before the choice of a moderator ; but this the Assembly very properly re sisted, as vvithout a moderator their pro ceeding would have been informal and invalid. Again, the regular course of proceedings was interrupted by a propo sal from his grace to have the declinature of the prelates read, before the Assembly had been duly constituted ; but this, too, was rejected on the same general princi ple. Yet once more did Hamilton at tempt to vitiate the court, by demanding six assessors with him, to take part in the deliberations, and to vole on all questions ; and still the Assembly kept its position, and would enter on no public business till a moderator of their own choice had been formally placed in the chair. The marquis at length gave way, protesting, meanwhile, against the decision of_the Assembly on each of these points, and being met by counter protestations ; and, as above related, the Assembly chose for its moderator, Alexander Henderson. The choice of a clerk caused a new strug gle ; but again the Covenanters prevailed, and Archibald Johnston was placed in that office. The contest still continued, and on what appeared mere matters of arrangement. The declinature of the prelates was now brought forward by the commissioner, and requested lo be read before proceed ing with fhe trial of the commissions of members ; but as this paper contained a protestation against the whole members, and would have borne the aspect of a dis qualification of them all, the Assembly re fused to hear the declinature till the com missions had been all tried, that the court might be placed in a state of valid integri ty before bearing a paper on the contents of which it must pass judgment. These preliminary points having been thus arranged, the decisive movement could no longer be delayed. The declina ture of the prelates was presented to the Assembly by Dr. Hamilton of Glassford, who appeared as their procurator. An in stantaneous effect took place, which they appeared not to have foreseen. The Cov enanters look instruments, that by this ve ry declinature the prelates had acknow ledged their citation, had appeared by their procurator, and that therefore, their personal absence was wilful. Dr. Hamilton was accordingly cited apud acta, and they were recognised as at the bar of the As sembly. A committee was then appoint ed to answer the declinature ; and when the marquis protested against this proce dure, a counter protest was immediately produced. The next was the seventh day of the Assembly's meeting ; and both parties were conscious, that upon the events of this day would depend the issue of their long and arduous struggle. A slight preliminary skirmish engaged their attention on the early part of the day. This was caused by the Assemb ly's committee pronouncing their opinion that the five books which had been pro duced, purporting to be the records of the Church from the time of the Reforma tion, were genuine and authentic. This the lord high commissioner opposed, well knowing that if these records were sus tained as authentic and authoratative, they would furnish principles, regulations, and precedents amply sufficient to justify the condemnation of the prelates. But the Assembly, deeply grateful lo that divine Providence which had signally preserv ed these records, aud caused their resto ration to the Church in such a momen tous crisis of its history, received thesfc precious volumes gladly, and gave to them the stamp of unanimous approba tion. The answers to the declinature of the prelates were then read, and approv ed of by the Assembly, although Dr. Balcanquhal, the commissoner's clerical adviser, attempted to lead the discussion away from the matter in hand, and to in volve them in scholastic subtleties. The moderator now put the question to the As sembly whether they found themselves competent to sit injudgmenlon the case of the prelates, notwithstanding' their decli nature. The commissioner immediately declared, that he could not permit the As sembly to persevere in this course of pro cedure, so contrary to the express inten tions of his majesty. He complained that A. D. 1638.] H-STORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 169 the Assembly was vitiated by the intro duction of what he termed lay elders, and by undue influence used in the election of members ; and he required the Assem bly lo dissolve, promising to procure from the king authority for the meeting of an other, in which all such evils might be avoided. Against this Henderson, Rothes, and Loudon reasoned and protested, ex pressing al the same time their deep re gret if his grace should forsake the As sembly, but their determination to con tinue its sittings till it should have accom phshed those important duties for the dis charge of which it had been called. The commissioner put an end to the discussion hy saying, " I stand to the king's prerog ative, as supreme judge over all causes civil and ecclesiastical : to hirn the Lords ofthe clergy have appealed, and therefore I will not suffer their cause to be further reasoned here." This he uttered with great apparent emotion, even with tears, in which he was joined by many, who thought they saw in his departure the final dispelling of all their hopes of a pa cific settlement to those troubles by which the Church and the kingdom had been so long afflicted and oppressed. The Marquis of Argyle (the same no bleman hitherto designated Lord Lorn, but who had succeeded to the higher title by the recent death ofhis father) attempted to avert or delay the crisis, by introduc ing a discussion respecting the two ap parently conflicting Covenants ; but Ham ilton waived the subject, and called on the moderator to dissolve the meeting l)y prayer. This Henderson refused to do ; upon which the commissioner protested in his majesty's name against whatever might be done by the Assembly, declared it dissolved by the same auihority, and prohibited all further proceedings. The Earl of Rothes immediately produced a protestation against the departure of the commissioner, and his attempt to dissolve the meeting in this summary manner, while its most important duties vvere still unfulfilled. Argyle remained after the commissioner retired, and thus gave his countenance to the Assembly in this hour of peril. Nothing daunted or confused by what had taken place, Henderson ad dressed the Assembly in a very noble speech, full of the calm magnanimity of the Christian character, and instinct wilh 22 the sacred principles of spiritual and eter nal truth. Several other eminent mem bers of this great Assembly spoke, and all in a similar spirit of Christian faith and Christian fearlessness. At this mo ment of deep and wide-spread emotion, an incident occurred, simple in itself, yet rising into the region of true moral sub limity. Lord Erskine, son of the Earl of Mar, a young nobleman of high char acter and distinguished talents, rose from the gallery where he was seated among the youthful nobility, and requested per mission to address the Assembly. He then declared, while the starting tears at"- tested the sincerity of his declaration, that he had hitherto abstained from subscrib ing the Covenant, against the light and the conviction of his own conscience ; begged that he might now be allowed to affix his name lo that sacred bond ; and implored the Assembly to pray that his sin in resisting the call of duty might be forgiven him. Several others followed the example of this noble youth ; so that, at the very moment when the frowns of royal wrath were darkening over the As sembly, the light of God's favour shone upon it, and the impelling power of the Spirit of truth, in answer to their earnest prayers, sent to the rescue the glowing energies of ingenuous youth, like a fresh stream of new life pouring ils warm might into the sacred bosom of Scotland's reviving Church. The moderator, availing himself of this encouraging event, put the question. Whether the Assembly would adhere to the protestation against the commissioner's departure, and continue together till they should have concluded the important busi ness on account of which they had met ? This was carried almost unanimously ; there being only three or four opposing voles. The next question was. Whether the Assembly found themselves compe tent judges of the prelates and their ad herents, notwithstanding their declina tures and protestation ; and this also was unanimously carried in the affirmative, or, if not unanimously, wilh only three or four dissentient voices. The struggle was now at an end ; and the Assembly proceeded regularly and calmly forward lo the completion of its remaining business. Next day the Mar quis of Hamilton issued a proclamation, 170 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VI. commanding the Assembly to dissolve ; which was, as usual, met by a protesta tion, and no further notice was taken of the matter. The remaining deeds of the Assembly may be stated in a few senten ces. An act was passed, annulling all the corrupt Assemblies by which Prelacy had been introduced, — those, namely, of the years 1606, 1608, 16)0, 1616, 1617, and 1618. As a necessary consequence, all the innovations and changes made by these Assemblies were declared illegal, and all the obligations imposed on ministers by their authority pronounced no longer binding. An act was passed, condemn ing the Five Articles of Perth, the Book of Canons, the Liturgy, and the Book of Ordination, as introduced without war rant of either civil or ecclesiastical autho rity ; and the Court of High Commission also, as having neither act of Assembly nor of Parliament in its support, and re gulated by no law, human or divine. Then directing their attention to the de ceptive use which had been attempted lo be made of the Confession or Covenant of 1581, it was clearly proved from the language of acts of Assembly before and at that time, that diocesan Episcopacy had been and was then abjured and con demned by the Church ; and upon this demonstration the Assembly passed an act, declaring, " that all Episcopacy dif ferent from that of a pastor over a parti cular flock was abjured in this Kirk, and is to be removed out of it," Baillie in forms us, that he was himself the only person who hesitated to vote for this mo tion ; and that his hesitation went no fur ther than to give a brief explanation of his views.* This trial of the prelates had been prosecuted for many days with great care and deliberation ; and all the accusations having been fully proved, the moderator was appointed lo pronounce the sentence of Assembly. This he did, after having preached a sermon suitable to the occasion, in what Bailie terms, " a very grave and dreadful manner." Eight were deposed and excommunicated ; four merely deposed ; and two deposed from the prelatic station, but allowed to offici ate as pastors of single congregations. Diocesan Episcopacy, or rather Prelacy (as we have all along preferred to term it, as its proper designation), having been • Baillie, vol. i. p. 158. thus condemned and abolished, the next step naturally was the passing of an act restoring to kirk-sessions, presbyteries, synods, and General Assemblies, the full enjoyment of those constitutional privi leges, liberties, powers, and jurisdictions, according to the Book of Discipline, of which they had been deprived by prelatic usurpation. In completing the restoration of the Presbyterian Church, the Assem bly did not forget certain points which at such a time might have seemed of com paratively minor importance. The prin ciple that no person be intruded into any parish contrary lo the will ofthe congre gation, was re-enacted ; and presbyteries were directed to see that schools were provided in every landward parish, and such support secured to schoolmasters as should render education easily accessible to the whole population of the kingdom. Many other beneficial enactments were made, which our limits will not permit us to enumerate. Al length, on Thursday the 20th of December, this great and truly noble General Assembly having brought all these important matters lo a satisfactory conclusion, prepared lo close its labours. The next Assembly was appointed lo meet at Edinburgh on the third Wednes day of July, 1639, in virtue of its own intrinsic powers, whether it should be called by his majesty or not ; with this reservation, that if the king should of his own accord call a meeting ofthe Assem bly on a different day, they should with all dihgence and respect attend the lime and place of his majesty's appointment. Several grave addresses and admonitions were then delivered by the moderator and other venerable members ; and after prayer, praise and the apostolical bene diction, Henderson pronounced the As ssembly concluded, adding these remark able words, " We have now cast down the walls of Jericho. Let him that re- buildeth them beware nf the curse ofHiel the Bethelite." We have traced with some minuteness, and with feelings of deep veneration and gratitude, the proceedings of this ever- memorable General Assembly. And when our readers mark with what calm ness, prudence, solemnity, and earnest ness of devotional feeling its whole pro ceedings were conducted, — how much A. D. 1638.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 171 patience, in the midst of innumerable attempts to retard, violate or disturb its progress, — how little of vindictive spirit against the prelates from whom many of the members had sustained great personal '"juryj — how steadily they maintained the principles of loyalty to a monarch by whom, al the same time, they had loo much reason to believe they were both hatred and betrayed, willing to regard him as deceived, and not intentionally tyrannical, — how generously, in the midst of all their harassing anxieties, they directed their attention to the wants and the welfare of the whole population of their beloved native land, securing, lo the utmost of their povver, to the poor man those inestimable blessings, the free and pure preaching of the Gospel, and the education ofhis children, — and, above all, how nobly, fearlessly, and piously, Scotland's National Church vindicated the sole sovereignty of the Lord Jesus Christ, her only and Divine Head and King, — it must, we think, be humbly and gratefully owned, that much of the pres ence and the power of the Spirit of wis dom, peace and truth, was there ; and that a glory, sacred and imperishable, must ever rest on the memory of that ven erable General Assembly whom God honoured to accomplish Scotland's Sec ond Reformation. It would be inexpedient lo interrupt the progress of the narrative hy any pro tracted disquisitions ; but we trust we may be forgiven for directing the atten tion of the reader to one or two important lines of thought. The whole proceed- ^ings ofthe Assembly of 1638 present the most signal illustration that could be con ceived of one of our introductory remarks, namely, the re-appearance al peculiar junctures, of those great principles vvhich constitute the moral and religious life of a nation, although they may have been • for a time so much obscured and over borne, that a superficial observer might have thought them sunk into entire and perpetual oblivion. "The great principles of the Reforma tion had pierced into the very core of Scotland's heart, and had there deposited their vital energies ; but their growing development had been at first obstructed by the selfishness and rapacity of the no bles, and subsequently fettered and cast into dark imprisoned torpor by the kincr himself, who wished lo substitute a frame of church government and discipline of an entirely different and uncongenial na ture. But though thus repressed, and ap parently dormant, these principles were not extinct. They formed the hidden life of Scotland still ; awaiting bul the time when the Divine Spirit, by whom they had been breathed into the nation, should again revive, awaken and call them forth, and the hand of Providence should rend asunder the fettering cerements within which they had been starkly swathed, and bid them live and act anew. In the second Reformation there was not one principle called into action which had not been either in active operation, or at least distinctly stated, in the first. Nor was there a single step taken for which there could not be shown both a prece dent in the previous history of the Pres byterian Church of Scotland, and a direct authority from Scripture. And even in those parts of their proceedings which to some have appeared most questionable, such as continuing to sit notwithstanding the departure of the commissioner, and the deposition and excommunication of the prelatic party, their conduct will be found, when fairly examined, to have been altogether beyond the reach of cen sure, — nay, deserving of the highest ap probation. To the king, in all civil mat ters, they rendered the most implicit obe dience ; while they calmly but resolutely refused lo yield him that obedience in re ligious matters, which could not have been granted without violating their alle giance lo Christ, as the only Head and King of the Church, At the same time they most pointedly not only adigitted the right, but asserted the duly, of a Christian sovereign to defend the liber ties and maintain the purity of a Christian Church. They clearly distinguished be tween his power in the Church, as a member of it and nothing more, and his power lo regulate external arrangements, and enact and enforce national laws, con- cerning the Church, as a Christian king, bound by his own solemn oaths to be a nursing father to the Church, to protect and cherish it, and by that means, and through ils unfettered instrumentality, best to promote the moral and religious welfare of the kingdom. And in the de- 172 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VI. Jiosition and excommunication of the pre- atic party, nothing vvas done but what was in direct accordance with many acts both of Assembly and of Parliament ; and, what is of infinitely greater impor tance, all was founded on the explicit au thority of the Word of God. Before a single prelate was deposed or excommu nicated, he was proved, by incontrover tible evidence, to have been guilty of false doctrine, of introducing popish cere monies, of attempts to subvert the church government and discipline which he had sworn to maintain, of tyrannical viola tions of national laws, and of such gross personal crimes and immoralities as ren dered him utterly unworthy to hold any office in a Christian Church. Even then, so tenderly were those abandoned men treated, that a regular form of procedure was appointed for their expression of pen itence and restoration lo the Church, as members and ministers, should they be moved to repentance, and seek to be re stored. Pride is not a sentiment which any human being ought ever lo cherish, and therefore we dare not say that Scot land has reason lo be proud of the great men who composed that Assembly and conducted its proceedings ; but we will say, that every true Presbyterian must ever hold them in the highest esteem and veneration, while with humble gratitude we adore the gracious and merciful Re deemer, who shed down on them so abundantly the promise of the Father, the Holy Spirit, enlightening, guiding, and supporting them in their truly glori ous defence of the unalienable preroga tives of his spiritual kingdom. [1639.] The Covenanters had now completely taken their ground, from which they well knew that they could not retreat ; but they were anxious lo avoid hostilities if possible. For this rea son, several of their leading men wailed on. the Marquis of Hamilton, before his departure from Edinburgh, to entreat his firiendly mediation with the king. Ham ilton was loo well acquainted with his majesty's sentiments and intentions lo an ticipate any fkvourable result; and there- fbre not only refused lo undertake the task of attempting to mitigate the king's resentment, but replied to the Covenant ers in terms of reproach and threatening. But they were too earnestly desirous of peace to be deterred from prosecuting their loyal and pacific course by one un gracious refusal; and they accordingly determined to send their supplication to his majesty himself, by one of their own body, however perilous the enterprise. The supplication was couched in the most dutiful and submissive language, putting it in the king's power to come lo an ami cable arrangement with his faithful sub jects, not only without submitting to any humiliating conditions, but with ample security to his honour and dignity. A lit tle, a very little, more judgment and less passion on the pari of his majesty might even then have put an end to all existing contentions, and prevented the subsequent miseries and sufferings both of the nation and of the ill-starred monarch. Mr. George Winram of Liberton undertook the hazardous duly of carrying the sup plication lo London, and of attempting to have it presented to the king, although aware that his life would be endangered by the unwelcome mission. His majesty thought proper lo permit it lo be read to him by the Marquis of Hamilton ; but the only answer he returned was by ut tering, in a tone between indignation and mockery, the Scottish proverb, " When they have broken my head, they will put on my oouli" The supplication vvas pre sented on the 1 5th of January ; and al though Winram waited till the middle of March, he could obtain no other answer ; but his presence in London so long ena bled him to transmit to Scotland valuable information respecting the king's designs and preparations. As the displeasure of the king was so great, so his preparations for war were on a scale so extensive as to indicate clearly that he intended nothing less than the complete subjugation of the kingdom. His majesty's plan was, to levy an army of thirty thousand infantry and six thou sand cavalry ; lo put strong garrisons in ' Berwick and Carlisle ; to send a division of five thousand men to Aberdeenshire to form a junction wilh the Marquis of Huntly, who might either divide the Covenanters, or operate on their rear ; to send a strong fleet under the Marquis of Hamilton to the Frith of Forth, for the purpose of blockading the harbours, intercepting supplies of arms and ammu nition, and spreading alarm along the A. D, 1639.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 173 coasts of Fife and Lothian ; and having completed these arrangements, to place himself al the head of his main army, and advance into Scotland in such force as to bear down all opposition. To com plete the scheme, the Earl of Antrim was lo raise at least ten thousand men, and invade Argyleshire ; and the Earl of Strafford was to take the command of a naval armament, and with it to sail up the Frith of Clyde, to rouse and encour age the Marquis of Hamilton's adher ents, and to sweep the seas and devastate the shores of the west of Scotland.* To meet the heavy expenditure of such ex tensive preparations, the king resorted to the natural but unconstitutional process of procuring supplies of money from the private resources of those who approved of the object for which war was to be waged ; and, as was to be expected, the English bishops contributed liberally for the support of this hierarchical war. Nor were the Covenanters blind lo their perilous condition. However re luctant to resort lo even a defensive war, they felt it to be their duty lo put them selves into the best state for either defend ing their civil and religious liberties, like men who knew their value, or at least ex hibiting such a resolute and imposing front as should induce his majesty to grant favourable terms rather than haz ard an encounter where victory was un certain and defeat would be ruinous. But as it was in their estimation a matter of the utmost importance to clear their pro ceedings from the imputation of rebellion so pertinaciously charged upon them by their enemies, they published an " In formation to all good Christians within the kingdom of England," vindicating their past conduct and their present in tentions from the calumnious aspersions of the prelatic parly. This paper was extensively circulated in England, and was successful in removing many preju dices, and awaking a considerable feel ing of approbation. To counteract this, the king employed Dr. Ba:lcanquhal, who had been Hamilton's clerical advi ser at the Glasgow Assembly, to write an account of the whole of the proceed ings in Scotland which had led to the present stale of affaiis. This paper, after • Burnet's Memttirs; p. 113. being revised by Charles himself, was published as a royal manifesto, and is known by the title of " I'he Large De- clarEttion." A proclamation was atom the same time published by the king, of the same purport, which was also speedily answered by the Covenanters ; and the answer was perused with great attention and considerable sympathy in England. Having thus done every thing in their power lo prove the goodness of their cause and their own earnest desire of peace, the Covenanters proceeded lo de liberate concerning the propriety of even a defensive war. Considerable numbers of them entertained the opinion, that re sistance to the civil magistrate was un lawful for Christians, how .despotic and oppressive soever might be his conduct. And so far as suffering the penalties of even an unjust and tyrannical law was involved in the question, the majori ty would have submitted, wilh no other kinds of opposition than those of remon strances and supplications, though there vvere others who held bolder opinions on that subject. But all were compelled to perceive that the king had much more in view than to allow them even the hard alternative of obedience or punishment, which in matters distinctly religious must always subject men to penalties, till the civil magistrate can be prevailed on to relax his requirements. The inten tion of his majesty, it was easily seen, was positively, to compel them to adopt all those changes in religious worship which he might think proper to intro duce, and to prohibit absolutely and un conditionally those modes of worship which-they believed to. be most accordant with the Word and will of' God. The alternative was not obedience, or the for feiture of certain civil advantages and the infliction of certain temporal penalties ; bul obedience, or imprisonment, exileand death ; or rather it was, obey the king, though you should thereby be disobe dient lo God. Wilh deep and anxious sohcitude they set themselves to the in vestigation of this momentous question; and, after the most profound and studious perusal of eminent divines and jurists, and especially of the Bible, they arrived at the conclusion, that a Christian people were ; entitled to take up arms in defence 174 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP, VI, of their religious liberties against any as sailant.* We do not attempt lo give even an out line of the elaborate writings of the Cove nanters on this highly important ques tion ; chiefly because the most of their leading propositions have long been re ceived into the national mind, and even form essential elements in the British constitution, so far at least as civil liberty is concerned. They were, however, at the time, far beyond the general senti ments of the age, — loftier, nobler, and more true than those, the defence of which rendered illustrious the boasted Hambdens and Sidneys of England. But we deem it right to direct the atten tion ofthe reader to this almost startling truth, that while the empire at large has imbibed and ratified their sentiments wilh regard to civil liberty, which was with them in reality a suftordinate considera tion, those sacred principles of religious freedom, of sole allegiance lo Christ in matters of faith, in defence of which alone they resolved lo confront their earthly sovereign, have not yet been thoroughly received into the nalional mind, and have never been regarded with equal favour by the historian, the philosopher, or the statesman. Why has this been the case? Be cause, while all men can so far under stand their natural rights, and value their civil liberties, no man can understand sacred rights and value spiritual liberties till he has been made a freeman of the Lord. Therefore is the main principle of the Covenanters still assailed, and must be still defended, though we trust no longer wilh the weapons of earthly warfare. A man may lose his civil liberties, or submit to civil wrongs, and be a Christian still ; but a Christian can not yield up his religious liberty without committing grievous sin, sinking into the condition of a slave, and forfeiting his hopes of heaven. Having thus arrived at the important conclusion that it was their clear and im perative duty lo defend their religious liberties, the Covenanters commenced their preparations for defence with great promptitude and energy. A committee, on the plan of the Tables, was appointed to sit at Edinburgh, and to exercise full Baillie, vol. i. p. 189. executive powers, holding correspon dence with subordinate committees in every county, and giving simultaneous directions to the kingdom. And as the ministers had now become almost univer sally convinced of the lawfulness of a de fensive war, they no longer felt any hesi tation in recommending that measure to the people, rousing their courage, and stimulating their religious zeal. Arms and ammunition were procured in consi derable quantities ; the most experienced officers were distributed throughout the kingdom, lo instruct others, and lo begin, if not the actual levies of troops, at least the occasional training of such men as expressed willingness to serve when re quired. It was debated whether assis tance should be sought from foreign powers ; bul this was overruled, as of a more questionable character than merely standing on their own defence ; and the utmost that was permitted was, that let ters might be written lo certain continen tal kings and stales, requesting them lo intercede with Charles on behalf of his Scottish subjects. Even this was very partially done. The letter to the king of France was written and subscribed by a few of the nobles, but never forwarded to its destination, though the bare fact of its having been written and signed ex posed the Earl of Loudon to the extreme peril of his life a short while afterwards. But while the country was thus rapid ly arming in self-defence, it was resolved that theirs should not be the first overt act of hostility. They even submitted to several minor outrages of a warlike na ture, willing to postpone the actual colli sion to the latest possible period, in the faint hope that some pacific arrangement might yet be made. Many Scottish mer chants and travellers were seized in Eng land and Ireland, and treated as rebels ; the Marquis of Huntly seized upon the city of Aberdeen, and put it in a state of fortified defence; and the Popish lords began to arm in different quarters of the kingdom ; while English troops were not only assembling rapidly at York, but also hovering in threatening bands along the borders, and the Irish were preparing lo invade the western coasts. At this lime the castles of Edinburgh and Dum barton were both in the hands of the roy alists; but as the Covenanters perceived A. D. 1639,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH- OF SCOTLAND. 175 the danger of leaving these strong fortress es in the possession of their enemies when they should be compelled lo march southward lo repel the invaders, it was determined lo anticipate and remove that peril. They were accordingly both seized on the same day ; and so well had the Covenanters laid their schemes, that these importanl strengths were secured without the loss of a single life. Dalkeith was also taken without a blow, and a large quantity of military stores fell into the hands of the captors. The Earl of Montrose was sent lo the north, lo coun teract the influence of Huntly ; and as Montrose was not so scrupulous as the other leaders of the Presbyterians, he speedily reduced Aberdeen, forcibly com pelled the citizens lo subscribe the Cove nant,* and having obtained possession of Huntly himself, not by the most honoura ble means, carried that dangerous noble man with him to Edinburgh, To complete their defensive arrange ments, they resolved to fortify Leith, and by that means to protect the capital from assault by sea. As this was an object of great importance, it was undertaken and carried forward with corresponding en- erg3'. The nobles of the Covenant began the works with their own hands, which were prosecuted night and day without intermission, all classes and ranks vieing wilh each other in carrying forward the labour, and even ladies of distinction stimulating the enthusiastic ardour ofthe men by personally sharing in their toils. In an almost incredibly short period Leith was completely fortified ; and the towns along the Fifeshire coast were put in a state of defence by the erection of batteries on the most commanding positions. These prompt and decisive measures put an end to the king's hopes of paralyz ing the Covenanters by internal disunion, and there remained but two alternatives, — either lo subdue Scotland by the force of English and Irish arms, or lo treat with it on fair and equal terms. Unhap pily Charles chose the former alternative, even though there were not wanting symptoms which ought lo have caused him to pause in his perilous enterprise. Indications sufficiently intelligible were • It deserves to be noted, that this was the flrst in stance in which any were compelled to subscribe the covenant, and that this was done by Montrose on his own sole authority. given to him, that the high heart of Eng land was disinclined to the invasion of Scotland in such a cause. Many saw clearly that the king's success in subju gating the Scottish Covenanters would enable him to forge for themselves the fetters of absolute despotism ; and not few entered more deeply into the question, and perceived in his attempt the real spirit of Popery, regarding it as a distinc tion of little moment whether a foieign prelate or a native monarch should as sume and exercise- that lordship over the conscience which belongs to God alone. Some of the nobility declared that they would not aid in the invasion of Scotland till the consent of parliament had been sought and obtained ; and, in general, the supplies of both men and money fell far short ofthe king's expectations. Still, as Charles could not believe that the Cove nanters would dare to meet him on the field, he adhered to his warlike resolu tions ; and, having mustered his forces at York in the beginning of April, he sent the Marquis of Hamilton with a fleet to the Frith of Forth, and began his own march at the head ofhis army, lo invade his ancient kingdom. After a series of ominous delays, the Marquis of Hamilton arrived with his fleet in the Frith ; but no sooner vvas he descried, than the beacons were lighted, and brave men rushed from all quarters to the points of danger, like descending mountain torrents. Instead of being able to effect an " awful diversion," as the king had commanded him, by landing and laying waste the country "with fire and sword,"* he found himself actually sur rounded by forces immensely superior to his own. All his efforts were therefore reduced to a paper warfare, in which, as formerly, he found himself overmatched by his able antagonists. Al length he was summoned to meet the king near Berwick, to strengthen the operations by land, since his attempts by sea vvere so ineffectual. When the parliament met in Edinburgh, it was immediately prorogued by the king ; and to this prorogation they yielded without the slightest opposition, contrary to the expectation and the wish of their enemies. But in this they merely acted in accordance wilh their own%igh and well-defined principles ; they yielded • Burnet's Memoir, pp, 121-123, 176 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VI. to the king all due and constitutional obe dience in matters purely civil, refusing only that obedience in spiritual matters to which he was not entitled, and which they could not render without sin. Another slight alarm was raised in the north by the reising of Huntly's adher ents, who seized Aberdeen, and threaten ed a descent upon the southern provinces. This was again speedily suppressed by Montrose, who now treated the inhabit ants of Aberdeen and the adjacent coun try with considerable severity, levying a heavy contribution, and committing some acts of pillage upon the defenceless inhab itants, inconsistent with his present reli gious profession, though sufficiently na tural to his real character, as afterwards developed. War was now begun ; but still the Covenanters were anxious for peace, if it could be obtained without the sacrifice of religious purity and truth. Repeatedly did they send deputations to his majesty, while on his march ; but the haughty monarch refused to listen to their supplications, and would hear of nothing but the renun ciation of the Covenant and the Glasgow Assembly, and an unconditional submis sion to his royal will. It was now time to move forward in their united might ; hut, animated by the same religious spirit which had guided all their past conduct, they would not go till they had done their utmost to secure the hope that God had gone before them. A solemn fast was held, and many earnest prayers vvere offered up lo the Lord of Hosts, implor ing Him to guide all their movements, anad to crown them with victory in that sacred cause which they regarded as most truly His own. The committee Bext issued directions lo the kingdom to uegulate the conduct of their adherents in tke muster and the march to head-quar ters. They then marched forward in two divisions ; the main body, under General Leslie, halted at Dunglas ; and a strong detachment, under Monro, took up a position at Kelso. The latter body came first into contest with a division of the king's forces, which had been sent forward to publish a proclamation, and at sight of the Scottish troops, turned and fled With great precipitation; — proving thereby, not their want of courage, but their want of inclination to fight m such a quarrel. The result of this rencounter, and the nature of the loyal proclamation com manding them lo lay down their arms within eight days, on pain of being de clared rebels, their lands forfeited, and a price set on their heads, convinced the Scottish leaders that their reluctance to proceed lo hostilities vvas regarded by the king as caused by fear, and not the effect of conscientious loyalty. They determin ed lo relieve his majesty from this mis take, and accordingly advanced to Dunse Law, where they encamped within sight of the royal army, at a distance of little more than six miles. When they first pitched their tents on Dunse Law, on the 1st of June, the army was about twelve thousand strong, bul in a few days it was increased to nearly twice that number, full of courage, and confident in the goodness of their cause. The army of the Covenanters present ed such a spectacle as has been rarely witnessed. The hill on vvhich they had taken up their position is of a conic form, about a Scottish mile in circumfer ence, rising gradually lo the height of a bowshot, where it terminates in a plain of nearly thirty acres in extent, l^his level summit was bristled round with forty field-pieces, commanding the two roads that led to the capital. Around the sides of the hill were pitched the tents of the army, each regiment in its own respect ive cluster. A banner-staff was planted firmly at each .captain's tent-door, from which floated the Scottish colours, dis playing not only the national arms, but also this inscription in golden letters, " FOR Christ's crown and covenant," explanatory of the sacred cause for which this dauntless banner was again spread on the winds. A minister of the highest character and abilities vvas attached to each regiment ; and regularly as morn ing dawned and evening fell, the troops were summoned, by beat of drum, or sound of trumpet, to their devotional du ties, which were conducted generally by the same reverend pastors to whose pray ers and exhortations they had listened on days of Sabbath stillness, among their own rural and peaceful homes. The arniy was.mo8t«lBboeate productioBsof Omit chief writers. 25 earlier stages of this great contest beo'an to be rent asunder by political intrigues. Although the Covenanters had been compelled to abandon the king on ac count of his impregnable obstinacy, they still cherished sentiments of devoted loy- alt}"- to him as their sovereign, and a sin cere attachment to monarchy, as, when duly limited, the best form of civil government. They deplored the king's willfulness ; they mourned the ruin which it was bringing on the whole country ; they remonstrated with the Eng lish parliament, and did every thing lo procure the safety of the king and the peace of the kingdom which it was in their power lo do, short of violating their National Covenant. But the intrigues of the Hamihonian party began to prevail in the Scottish parliament. Lauderdale joined them, regardless of his Covenant vow ; and even Loudon was for a time carried away in the tide of defection. The Duke of Hamilton was still the os tensible head of the royalist party in Scotland ; but his brother the Earl of Lanark, surpassed him both in zeal and activity, and was the prime mover in all the intrigues of the party. At length, in a private interview with King Charles al Carisbrook Castle, in the Isle of Wight, on the 27th of December, a secret treaty was concluded, in which Lianark and Lauderdale, in the name of their party, engaged to raise an army in Scotland for the purpose of assisting his majesty in his attempts to regain possession of the English throne, — his majesty engaging, on his part, lo confirm Presbyterian church government for three years, till an assembly of divines, aided by twenty commissioners of his nomination, should frame such a form of church government and discipline as they shoii'ld find to be most agreeable to the Word of God. He engaged also, that all schism and heresy should be effectually suppressed. This private treaty, known by the name of the Engagement, caused the overthrow of the Church and kingdom of Scot land.* [1648.] Early in 1648 the rumour of the Engagement began lo transpire in Scotland ; and when the parliament met in March, and the terms of this private treaty were divulged, a vehemeot disunit- * Burnet's Memoirs, p. 3S1. 194 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VI. ing struggle began. The faithful. Cove nanters perceived at once, that the En gagement involved the violation of their most solemn vows. The Commission of the Church immediately met, and de liberated what steps ought to be taken in this new crisis. They did not deliberate long. They felt the deep power of the Covenant upon their souls too mighty for any earthly consideration to shake ; and, accordingly they framed a declara tion, pointing out the sinfulness of an Engagement which involved direct per jury, and must draw down the Divine displeasure on both Church and State. But the purely political or royalist party had obtained the ascendency in the par liament ; and the earnest remonstrances of the sincere Covenanters were disre garded. The arguments of the minis ters confirmed those of the nobility who regarded religion as of more importance than any earthly consideration, and brought back some whom political and personal motives had led astray, among whom was the Earl of Loudon ; but the majority held on their course, and deter mined to fulfill the Engagement to the utmost of their power. The Assembly met al Edinburgh on the 12th of July, and made choice of George Gillespie to be moderator. They not only approved of the declaration and other similar writings of the Commission, but passed an act condemnatory of that act and declaration of the parliament which enjoined all subjects to suhbribe a bond, equivalent to an oath, in support of the Engagement. They further pub lished a declaration and exhortation lo all members of the Church of Scotland, pointing out the unlawfulness of the En gagement, and warning against the dan gers in which it would certainly involve the Church and nation. An able an swer was also written to the committee of estates, proving by scriptural arguments that the Engagement was inconsistent with the safety and security of religion. And, as the Harailtonian faction was well aware of the power which the Church had recently put forth, when it raised the kingdom like one man for the defence of religious liberty, they employed every artifice to bring as many ministers as possible to their side, by that mean; either to procure support or to neutralize opposition. To meet this dangerous divisive policy, the Assembly passed an act censuring those ministers who either favoured the Engagement openly, or ab stained from pointing out its sinfulness, and warning their people against enter ing its bond. A respectful but firm sup plication was also written lo his majesty showing the insufficiency of the conces sions promised by him in the Engage ment, and its positive sinfulness, as tend ing to involve the kingdom in perjury ; and imploring him to comply wilh the Covenant, and thereby to enable them, wilh a safe conscience, to give him that support which their sincere loyalty and affection prompted them to bestow so far as their duty to God would permit.* From this time forward Scotland pre sented a melancholy contrast to the ten preceding years, in which strict adher ence to the Covenant had given it union and strength irresistible. It was now di vided into three contending parties. First, the sincere Covenanters, led in the parliament by Argyle and Loudon, and in the Church by Rutherford and Gilles pie ; second, the framers of the Engage ment, led by Hamilton, Lanark, and Lauderdale, who wished to lake an in termediate position, and who were joined by a considerable number of the minis ters, of whom Baillie was the most res pectable. The third parly was headed by Traquair and Callender, and was composed chiefly of those who were de termined royalists of the cavalier caste, and paid little respect to either oaths or treaties, provided they could get their purposes accomplished. The two latter parties were easily induced to coalesce, and their junction gave them a decided preponderance in the political councils of the nation. That the genuine Covenant ers could not unite with such men, will excite neither wonder nor surprise in the minds of those who are able lo appreci ate their principles ; and that the chiefs of the Engagement should attempt to overwhelm them l;y invectives, and try to represent them as seditious and fanati cal, is only what was lo be expected. But that men can yet be found lo repeat such slanderous calumnies, might appear incredible, were it not matter of daily oc currence. ' Records of the Church of Bcotland, pp. 497.B06, SIS. A. D, 1649,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND, 195 They were, and are, accused of an un warranted and intolerable interference with civil matters, with which the church men of them al least had nothing to do. But was not the whole struggle of that memorable period expressly on account of religion ? Had it not been from the first a religious contest on both sides ? And was not their bond of union strictly a religious covenant 1 Nay, the Hamil- tonian party sought to inveigle the minis ters into approbation of the Engagement, finding no fault with their intermeddling with such matters, provided they would support that measure ; and when . the ministers could neither be deceived nor overawed, bul continued steadfastly to adhere to their solemn vows, warning others of the guilt and danger of perjury, then only were they accused of overstep ping their province, and interfering with what was beyond their jurisdiction. Pol iticians have in all ages and countries shown themselves willing enough lo em ploy and praise the ministers of religion, provided they would act as sycophants and tools ; but when they act as the vi gilant watchmen of sacred rights, warn ing the nation of coming danger, then they are exposed to the most virulent and vituperative censure ; then are they charged with arrogant presumption in of fering their opinions on those public measures which essentially affect the in terests of religion ; then they are branded as men who wish lo subvert the order of society, and bring the State into subser viency to the Church. So was it in the days of our ancestors, — so is it now — and so will it ever be, as long as there is need for the Christian precept, " Be not conformed to the world." One of the direct results of this divis ion between the Covenanters and the mere politicians, was the necessity of ap pointing new commanders to the hastily- levied and ill-equipped army of the En gagers ; for neither the Earl of Leven nor David Leslie would abandon the Covenant. The Duke of Hamilton, therefore, was made general. — led his army into England, — was defeated by Cromwell, — and died on the scaffold, — the unhappy victim of ill-judging devo tion lo his sovereign's person rather than his cause.* Even before the army of the ¦ Burnet's Memoirs, p. 400; Ibid., pp. 367, 375. Engagers had left Scotland, there were symptoms of insurrection among the people, who, refusing to join the En gagement, were severely harassed by those employed to levy troops. A small band of insurgents assembled at Mauch line, but were easily suppressed by Mid- dleton. As soon as the tidings of Hamil ton's defeat reached Scotland, the oppo nents of the Engagement assembled, as sumed arms, and, led by the Marquis of Argyle and the Earls of Cassilis, Eglin lon, and Loudon, advanced towards Ed inburgh in such strength as the remain ing Engagers could not hope successfully to resist. By this, termed the Whiga- more's Raid, a complete change of ad ministration was effected, and the Cove nanters acquired the ascendancy in the Scottish parliament. The new adminis tration easily convinced Cromwell that they were in no respect accessory lo the Engagement which had caused the inva sion of England by the Scottish army ; and thus hostilities between them and that remarkable man were for the time averted. [1649.] The Scottish parliament met on the 4th of January 1649, and pro ceeded to take steps for the peace and se curity of the kingdom. One of these was of a very stringent nature, and has been much censured. It was obvious lo all, that the late Engagement could not have been framed if all men in power had been Covenanters, and had remained true lo their vows. While therefore, the new parliament repealed all the acts that had been made for its enforcement, and ratified the protestation against it, this was naturally followed by the idea, that unless men of such principles were ex cluded from places of public trust and influence, the very same evil might at no distant date return. An act was accord ingly passed, called the Act of Classes, on account of its dividing into four sep arate classes, according to their respective degrees of delinquency, the characters of persons not lo be intrusted with power. Men will term this act one of bigotry and intolerance : it evidently aimed at the construction of what the world has nsver yet seen, — a Christian government, com posed of men whose ruling principle should be lo " fear God and honour the king," 196 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VI. While this parliament was sitting, they reived intelligence that the English paHiament, now moulded according to the mind of the army, was about to pro ceed wilh the trial of King Charles. The most strenuous exertions were made by the truly loyal Covenanters to pre vent the fearful event in which a trial by such men would too surely issue. But all their endeavours were in vain ; and the English parliament, having first bro ken the Solemn League and Covenant, consummated their guilt by the decapita tion of their king. It is impossible not to deplore the fate of that unfortunate, ill- advised, and obstinate monarch ; but it is as impossible to deny that his insin cerity and double-deahng caused his over- ihTow and death. For when, by the dis covery of private correspondence, it was clearly proved, that in the very act of framing treaties he was devising schemes for setting them aside, it became plain to his antagonists that they must ultimately become the victims of a monarch whom no treaties could bind, unless they secured their own lives by the death of their im placable foe. The leaders of the English parlia ment and army were, besides, men of re publican principles, and desired the abo lition of the monarchy itself Not so the Scottish Covenanters. They, even by the terms of their Covenant, were the vowed supporters of a monarchy based upon and pervaded throughout by Scripture principles. No sooner, theretore, did they receive the melancholy intelligence of their sovereign's death, than they has tened to proclaim his son king, by the de signation of Charles II. ; not omitting, however, in their proclamation, the sig nificant intimation that their support of his pretensions to the throne would in volve the necessity of his subscribing the Covenant. This proclamation was made on the 5th of February. At the same time, the Confession of Faith was for mally ratified by parliament. On the 9th of March 1649, the Scot tish parliament passed an act abolishing patronage in the Church of Scotiand, " as being unlawful and unwarrantable by the Word of God, and contrary to the doctrines and liberties of this Church ;" recommending lo the General Assembly to determine upon a settled rule for the appointment of ministers for all time coming.* It «vill be observed, that in this instance the parliament acted according to the dictates of sound reason and constitutional principle. So far as pa tronage was considered as a civil right, it vvas for the civil power to restrict or abolish it; but as the appointment of ministers was clearly an ecclesiastical matter, it was not for parliament to inter fere with it, but merely to call on the Assembly to state its own method, and then give to that such civil ratification as should carry with it the civil consequen ces which it involved. And it was a par liament composed almost wholly of Cov enanters, by which this truly liberal and enlightened act was passed. The General Assembly met at Edin burgh on the 7th of July 1649. This Assembly emitted several able declara tions respecting the religious affairs of the kingdom, the prevailing errors and abuses, and the best methods of promo ting and maintaining peace, righteous ness, and purity, which are the essential elements of national welfare. A letter was also addressed to the young king, who vvas still on the Continent, warning him earnestly against listening to the evil council of those who had already plunged the kingdom into the horrors of war, and beseeching him to sanction those great National Covenants, which would open the door for him to enter upon his royal government with the favour of God and the cordial love of his faithful and loyal subjects. Another act was passed regarding the reception, on proof of re pentance, of those who had been sus pended from church privileges on ac count of their connection wilh the En gagement, and generally of all those who, from prelatic and despotic predilec tions, had opposed the Covenant, and were known by the designation of " ma- lignanls," by which was meant, persons ill-affected towards the progress of reli gious reformation. Then taking up the subject of the appointment of ministers, according to the request of the parlia ment, the Assembly passed an act, enti tled " Directory for the Election of Min isters." The chief points of that direc tory are, that the session, which at that time was elected by the congregation, * Acts of Parliament, see Appendix. A. D. 1650.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 197 should elect a minister, and intimate their election lo the congregation for their ap probation. If they consented, the pres bytery were to proceed lo the trial of his qualifications ; if a majority dissented, the presbytery were to judge ofthe same, and, unless they found the dissent to be founded on causeless prejudices, another election was lo take place ; bul if a mi nority dissented, without being able lo verify their ground of objection, the trials and ordination should proceed, all possi ble diligence and tenderness being used to bring all parties lo a harmonious agreement. In the case of a disaffected or malignant congregation, the presby tery was to provide them with a minister.* It will be seen at a glance, that this well- known act was in perfect harmony wilh the constitutional principles ofthe Church of Scotland, as contained in the writings and declarations of the early fathers of the First Reformation, and in the First and Second Books of Discipline ; and as by its means they were now finally brought into full developement and free operation, it formed the concluding act of the completed Second Reformation. The Church of Scotland may now be said to have reached mature organiza tion, but it was a period when the whole kingdom was so completely filled with elements of strife, threatening an imme diate and tremendous convulsion, that it could not obtain one peaceful day in which lo exhibit the free movements of its graceful and majestic form. Yet it was well — it vvas providential — that it had obtained this full developement before it was assailed by that terrific storm which smote it lo the earth, and by which, at an earlier stage of its existence, it might have been utterly destroyed. All its vi tal powers were now called into native operation ; all its arrangements were completed ; and it might have been ex pected that it was about to enter on a glo rious career of pure, faithful, and ener getic zeal, in establishing the reign of religion in the hearts of the entire com munity. But the kingdom of Christ has ever been a suffering kingdom ; and it may be, that when a church has most nearly realized the character and aspect of the true gospel Church, then is its hour at hand, not of triumph, bul of ' Acts of Assembly, see Appendix. sharpest and most fiery trial. It may be further remarked, that by this time sev eral of the great men who had been chiefly instrumental in effecting the Sec ond Reformation, had been called lo their final rest. After the death of Hen derson, Gillespie was the man of great est influence ; bul he, too, died in De cember 1648. Baillie was not only timid and wavering, but naturally inclined to follow the guidance of men of worldly rank and povver, and lo sacrifice princi ple al the call of what he deemed expedi ency. Rutherford did not possess that cast of mind requisite for the manage ment of great affairs in times of difficulty. Robert Douglas appears to have been the fittest man lo have led the councils of the Church ; but he was deficient in pen etration, confided too easily in other men, and did not sufficiently follow the dictates of his usual sound judgment, James Guthrie and Patrick Gillespie were both men of great abilities and decided piety ; but both were somewhat too impetuous in temper, and liable to speak and act with injudicious rashness, more likely to lead the Church into additional dangers than to extricate her from those with which she was already surrounded. In these adverse circumstances, the Church was left lo encounter her long and fiery trial, that both her endurance and her preservation might be manifestly the re sult, not of man's wisdom, but of the im perishable life infused into her by her Divine Head. [1650] Commissioners had been sent to Holland in the preceding year, to treat with Charles II., but had returned with out coming to any satisfactory conclusion. Early in the year 1650, the parliament again sent commissioners to Breda, where the young king at that time was, once more lo enter into negotiations with him on the foundation of the Covenant. The commissioners found Charles surrounded with dissolute and unprincipled men, likely enough to lead him into evil, had he not been inclined, or to strengthen those evil inclinations which were already but too apparent in his whole conduct and character. He was at that very time listening to the sanguinary councils of Montrose, by whose means he hoped to gain Scotland, without any treaty, the terms of which might hamper his future 198 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VI. proceedings. The intelligence of Mon- tr^e's defeat and capture, reached him in time to induce him to comply with the requirements of the Scottish parliament, though not till he had convinced the more faithful of them that there was no thing to be expected from him bul dupli city and gross licentiousness. Living stone, who was one ofthe commissioners from the Church, gives us ample proof that Charles had broken the treaty, both in its spirit and its letter, even before he left Breda.* Indeed, the treaty might justiy have been declared null by the Scottish parliament. In the capture of Montrose a commission was found from the king, giving him authority to levy troops, and subdue the kingdom by force of arms ; and so highly did the parlia ment resent this treachery, that they sent to recMl their commissioners ; bul the one into whose hands this document fell con cealed it from the rest, and by showing it privately to the king, convinced him that he could no longer safely temporize. He accordingly hurried on board, and set sail for Scotland in company with the commis sioners, bringing with him also a number of the very men whom the Act of Classes had declared incapable of public trust. Before ne landed, Charles subscribed the Solemn League and Covenant ; although Livingstone, who doubted bis sincerity, vvas anxious that it should be postponed till his majesty should reach Scotland, and give some satisfactory proofs of his sincerity. The young king landed on the 16th of June 1650, near the mouth of the river Spey, and advanced to Stir ling, where he was met by the chief no bility of the kingdom. Bul instead of producing peace and unanimity in' Scotland, the arrival of Charles was a signal for the instantane ous outbuVst of strife and confusion. His loose, licentious habits, and depraved heart, were not likely to conciliate the affections and respect ofthe Covenanters ; while he could not brook what he re garded as the unnecessary strictness of their opinions and manners. And al though he complied with all the stipula tions of the parliament, and affected re gard for the ministers, it was but too apparent to all men of penetration that he both hated and despised all the best men of " Life of Livingstone, pp. 31-36. the kingdom. In the meanwhile the As sembly met at Edinburgh in July ; but its records have not been published. We learn, however, from other sources, that great dissatisfaction was expressed by the more zealous of the ministers wilh the whole behaviour of Charles, both in his deceitful conduct towards the commis sioners at Breda, and since his arrival in Scotland. A commission was appointed to deal with those who had taken part with Montrose, and several ministers vvere deposed for that and Utoilar of fences. The proceedings of this Assem bly were interrupted by the approach of Cromwell, who was advancing at the head of a veteran army, lo expel the young king. Charles now thought it was necessary to give greater satisfaction to the Church, in order to procure a more cordial and universal support But the mode of doing so led to a complete and deplorable fail ure. He was advised lo make a new declaration, such as should satisfy the desires of the most scrupulous. This advice was given both by his secular friends, and by the wary and semi-politi cal party in the Church. In this declara tion, subscribed by the king in August at Dunfermline, Charles avowed that he renounced Popery and Prelacy, and " would have no enemies but the enemies of the Covenant, — no friends but the friends of the Covenant." Patrick Gil lespie requested the king " not to sub scribe that declaration, no, not for the three kingdoms, if he were not satisfied in his soul and conscience, beyond all hesitation, of its righteousness." " Mr. Gillespie, Mr. Gillespie," answered the king, " I am satisfied, I am satisfied, and therefore will subscribe."* This ample declaration produced an effect directly the reverse of that anticipated by its worldly-wise advisers. Instead of com pletely satisfying the scrupulous, it con firmed their suspicions of the king's sin cerity. This men of the world stigma tize as intolerant and narrow-minded distrust, but in worldly transactions they act upon the same principle. Is there anything which more certainly awakens suspicion of a man's sincerity than his strong and vehement professions of zeal ous friendship lo a person or cause to * Cruickshank, p. 58 ; Hind let Loose, p. 98. A. D. 1650.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 199 which his whole previous conduct and his known sentiments have been de cidedly hostile ? So thought and fell the more scrupulous ministers ; and, as rea son perceives, and subsequent events tes tified, they thought and felt rightly. The explanation of the whole matter may be briefly staled. There were then, as there always have been, two great par ties of public men ; the one composed of those who judge and act according to principle; the other, of those who are guided by expediency. The first, led by P. Gillespie, J. Guthrie, S. Rutherford, and Warriston, were anxious not to press the king to the subscription of the Cove nant till they should have some evidence that he was in such a state of mind as might render it in him indeed a religious act, correspondent lo the nature of the solemn obligation which it involved. Till that lime they were perfectly willing that he should be their king ; but should re main as much as possible aloof from all intercourse with profene and irreligious men. The other party thought it inex pedient to be so strict. 'They considered it enough if the king should subscribe the Covenant literally, however little his mind might be accordant with ils spirit ; not, apparendy, perceiving, that this would be an act of profane impiety, to which they could not hope the blessing of God to be given. Their worldly pru dence suggested to them the absolute necessity of a complete national union, to resist the formidable invasion of the dreaded Cromwell ; but they failed to perceive, that a union not of principle, but of compromise, can never be firm and permanent. They were wiUing to tam per with the sacredness of an oath, in order to frame a political bond ; and by this unhallowed expedient they forfeited the protection of Him whose Covenant they thus profaned. They ought to have remembered that the Covenant of 1638, which had proved an ark of safety in a not less stormy sea of troubles, was sacredly guarded, as fir as possible, from being subscribed by any of whose purity of character and devotion to the cause suspicions were entertained. The one party,_ in short, viewed all political and national transactions through the clear medium of religion, and therefore saw them in their true character and aspect : the other viewed religion itself through the turbid and warping medium of politi cal expediency, and therefore saw neither religion nor politics in their true nature, bearing, value, and reciprocal influences. It may be that the strictly religious party were too rigidly severe ; but unquestion ably their error was immeasurably less than that of those who, following the sug gestions of short-sighted human policy, urged upon the king an oath, which for him to take was perjury in the very act, and the inevitable consequences of which were an impious mockery of Heaven, and the putting of power into the hands of men by whom it was certain to be abused. When Cromwell approached Edin burgh he was confronted by the Scottish army under the command of David Les lie ; and so skilful were the mo'^ements of Leslie, that Cromwell found it impossi ble either to draw him to a battle j or to produce any impression on his lines. The English general was constrained to retire, and was placed in the utmost peril by the masterly position taken up by the Scottish array near Dunbar, But urged by the importunities of the committee of estates, Leslie descended from his com manding position ; and before his army had recovered from the confusion of this ill-limed movement, it vvas assailed by Cromwell, thrown into disorder and com pletely routed. This disastrous battle was fought on the 3d of September 1650. The shattered Scottish army rallied at Stirling, while Cromwell advanced deli berately, securing his conquest as he moved. Soon after this disastrous con flict a measure was proposed in the Scot tish parliament, which had the effect of completely rending asunder the strength of the kingdom. This was the proposal to modify or rescind the Act of Classes, so as lo admit to the ariny those who had been by that act declared incapable of public service, and by that means to re pair the loss incurred by the battle of Dunbar. The difficulty was lo procure the consent ofthe Church to this repeal; for since many ofthe malignants, as they were termed, had been excommunicated, and since, by the law of the land, no ex communicated person could be employed in public service, it was necessary to have the excommunication taken off before the 200 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VI. parliament could grant them re-admis sion. But the Church was by no means satined that such men would form any real accession, of strength, though they would swell the numerical forces of the kingdom. About the same time a consi derable body of troops vvas raised in the western counties, composed chiefly of men whose opinions coincided with those ofthe strictly religious Covenanters, A long and pointed remonstrance, written by P, Gillespie, vvas addressed by them to the committee of estates, censuring their rashness in admitting the king to dese crate the Covenant by swearing contrary to his known intentions — "teaching his majesty dissimulation and outward com pliance, rather than any cordial conjunc tion with the cause and covenants ;" and charging this and similar violations of their vows as the cause of the nation's heavy calamities. This western remon strance gave great offence to the prudent politicians of both Church and State. A meeting of the committee of estates soon afterwards, al Stirling, was induced to censure this remonstrance ; and in December, at Perth, an ensnaring ques tion was put lo a very thin meeting of the Commission of Assembly, respecting what persons should be permitted to rise in arms and join the forces of the king dom against the invaders. In answer to this, the Commission passed two resolu tions favourable to the admission of all fencible persons in a time of such great and evident necessity, with the exception of excommunicated and profane persons, and of such as were professed enemies and opponents ofthe Covenant. Instantly the parliament, without regarding the ex ceptions, passed an act rescinding the Act of Classes, and throwing open all places of public trust and power to the malig nants, upon their making such profes sions of regret for past misconduct as such persons made no scruple of doing', without entertaining the remotest inten tion of any change for the future.* These resolutions were openly con demned by J. Guthrie and his colleague David Bennet, both from the pulpit and in a letter to the Commission, in which they protested against the recent resolu tions, which were, in their view, a sinful junction with the malignants. From ' Balfour's Annates. this time forward the two parties in the Church were known by the names of Resolutioners and Protesters ; the former being those who were carried away by secular and prudential views of expe diency; the latter, the uncompromising adherents of the Covenant. Many of the Resolutioners vvere men of great piety and worth, but somewhat deficient in firmness and decision of character ; lovers of peace to such an extent, as to be will ing to sacrifice some of their own princi ples for its attainment. Of these David Dickson was one ; but some years after wards, when the perfidy of Charles and the malignants had become evident, he, on his death-bed, acknowledged his error, and admitted that the Protesters had seen these matters in a truer light than the Resolutioners had done. On the other hand, there is reason to believe that the Protesters injured their own good cause by the somewhat intemperate vehemence of this proceedings. [ 1 65 1 .] The repeal of the Act of Classes had greatly increased the number of the adherents of Charles ; and it was deter mined to delay his coronation no longer. Accordingly he vvas publicly crowned at Scoon on the 1st of January 1651. A sermon was preached before the cere mony by Robert Douglas ; and the crown was placed upon his head by the Mar quis of Argyle. The National Covenant and the Solemn League and Covenant were then read, and the king solemnly swore lo observe and keep them both. The oath to defend and support the Church of Scotland was then adminis tered to him ; and kneeling and holding up his right hand, he uttered the follow ing awful vow : " By the Eternal and Almighty God, who liveth and reigneth for ever, I shall observe and keep all that is contained in this oath !" Following up their policy, they endea voured lo suppress all opposition ; and ordered Guthrie and Bennet to repair to Perth, and answer to the king and the committee of estates for their having dared to preach against the resolutions, and for their letter to the Commission. They appeared ; bul it vvas to give in a declinature of his majesty and the council as proper judges of doctrine and of the discharge of duties strictly ministerial. They were restricted to Perth and Dun- A. D, 1653,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 201 dee for a short time ; bul however wiU ing to wound, their antagonists were as yet afraid to strike, and the prosecution was allowed to drop.* An Assembly was appointed to meet at St. Andrews in July, whence it was trans ferred lo Dundee ; but intimation was at the same time given, that all who were not satisfied with the resolutions should be cited to the General Assembly, as lia ble to censure. This rendered the Pro testers incapable of being members, was a virtual prejudging ofthe question between them and their brethren, and completely vitiated the character of the Assembly as a deliberate body. Against this course of procedure the Protesters again pro tested, denying the freedom and lawful ness of the Assembly itself For this, James Guthrie, Patrick Gillespie, and Jan;es Simpson were deposed ; bul, pro testing against this sentence, they con tinued to discharge their ministerial func tions.! The small western army was sup pressed by Cromwell without difficulty ; and Strachan, one of its leaders, a man of unstable mind, joined the usurper. While in Glasgow, Cromwell attended the churches of some of the Presbyterian ministers, who did not hesitate to pray for the king, and lo term the protector a usurper lo his face. Some of his Inde pendent preachers held a disputation in his presence with the Presbyterian minis ters, on the principles of church govern ment, to vvhich that singular man listened with great apparent interest. It is prob ably that the Protector's intention in thus entering into personal and familiar con tact with the people, and especially with the ministers of Scotland, was for the pur pose of obtaining the means of forming his opinion respecting their character and principles on the sure ground of his own penetrating discernment. He knew that the king and his parly could not be trusted ; and he was anxious to ascertain whether the other party, though opposed to him in many points, might not be so far conciliated as lo submit peacefully to his government when they should per ceive resistance lo be hopeless. That this was the real design of Cromwell, it would be hazardous to affirm; but the conjecture has this to recommend it, that ¦ Cruickshank, vol. i. p. 63. t Lament's Diary, p. 40. 26 completely accounts for the conduct of that deep-thinking and far-seeing man, during his slay in Scotiand, and after his return to England, in his public treat ment of the former country. Having made his observations, and formed his plans, Cromwell proceeded to put them in execution. Charles had taken up a strong position in the vicinity of Stirling, which the pro- lector perceived it would be dangerous lo assail. He therefore turned the position ofthe king's army by crossing the Firth al Queensferry ; and marching north wards, seized upon Perth, and cut the king off from his supplies. Charles re solved upon a daring and desperate at tempt to gain or lose the whole kingdom. He broke up from his camp at Stirling, and marched with all the expedition in his power into England, hoping that the royalists there would rise and join him before Cromwell could approach. But they were too much dispirited to make the attempt ; and Charles was overtaken and defeated at Worcester, on the 3d of September 1651, exactly a year after the battle of Dunbar. The king fled, and, after a number of perilous adventures, escaped to France, lo mourn his blighted hopes, or rather to waste his unhonoured youth in dissipation and licentiousness. Cromwell did not think it necessary to return lo complete the subjugation of Scotland, but left that task, no longer a difficult one, to General Monk. [1652.] "The unhappy contest between the Resolutioners and the Protesters con tinued to divide the Church so completely, that it no longer presented a rallying point for either of the pohtical parlies. The Resolutioners were the more numer ous ; but the Protesters were favoured by the English, so that their power re mained nearly balanced. An Assembly was attempted lo be held al Edinburgh in July 1652, the Resolutioners assuming the right of calling, constituting, and con ducting it, which was opposed by the Protesters, with a new protestation, sub scribed by sixty-five ministers and about eighty elders. After spending about a fortnight in useless altercations, it dis solved, and ils acts were not, recorded.* [1653.] Another attempt was made lo hold an Assembly at Edinburgh in July ¦ Lament's Diary, p. 55. 202 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VI, 1653, but Lieutenant-Colonel Cottrel, at the head of a body of troops, entered the house where the ministers were assem bled, demanded on whose authority they met, — whether that of Charles or the pro tector? and, after the interchange of a few sentences wilh the moderator, Mr, D. Dickson, ordered them to leave the house, led them through the streets surrounded by a band of soldiers, till he had con ducted them a mile out of town ; and then commanded them to depart lo their re spective homes within the course of a day, otherwise they should be held guilty of a breach of the peace, and hable to pun ishment. In this manner was the Gen eral Assembly also laid prostrate beneath the power of the iron-handed ruler of the English Commonwealth.* No further violence was used by Crom well against the Church of Scotland. Some of the Resolutioners vvere exposed lo danger, because they would not cease lo pray for the king ; but no force vvas used to prevent them, and no punishments were inflicted. Synods and presbyteries continued to hold their meetings as for merly, subject lo an occasional visit from some of those strange enthusiasts who abounded in the English army, and were equally disposed for polemical as for mil itary contests. The contentions, mean while, between tiie Resolutioners and the Protesters continued lo rage withunabated bitterness, although with much less per nicious results than would have taken place had the Assembly been regularly meeting from year to year. In that case, this schism, the first which had taken place in the church of Scotland since the Reformation, must have led lo the posi tive expulsion of the weaker party, and thereby to an incurable division in the Presbyterian Church. As it was, amid all their contests, they were perpetually holding meetings to treat of a termination to their unseemly strife, and the forma tion of a brotherly union. Yet there was a constant endeavour by each party to increase its own strength by every prac ticable method, and to weaken its antago nist. In this the Protesters were more successful than their opponents. Patrick Gillespie was appointed to the principal- ship of Glasgow College, where his influence had a strong effect in drawing " Lament's Diary, pp. 69-71. the Students and the young preachers to espouse his parly. Rutherford was pro fessor of theology at St. Andrews, where his influence was still more direct and ex tensive. Even at Aberdeen, a .large pro portion of the young aspirants to the ministry attached themselves to the party of the Protesters. In this manner the youth and growth of the Church was di rected in a very decided manner lo that party which was unquestionably the most distinguished for piety and zeal ; which was another preparative for the great ap proaching trial. [1655.] Another circumstance which contributed not a little lo strengthen the Protestors, was the direct and authoritative support given to them by Cromwell, In 1655 Cromwell gave a commission to Gillespie and some of his brethren, em powering them lo settle the affairs of the Church, This curious document proves, that wilh all his previous attachment to the Congregational system, the protector was in favour of an Established Church ; and while it was obviously intended to exclude all but Protesters, it expressly provided that, in the induction of minis ters, respect should be had to the choice of the most religious part of the people, though that should not be the majority.* Baillie complains much of the severe pro ceedings of the Protesters, in deposing some ministers, rejecting aspirants, and settling young men of their own parly in preference to Resolutioners ; bul even with all his querulous complaints, it is plain that they acted a much more lenient and impartial part than they had it in their power to have done, and than their opponents did, at the commencement of the struggle, when they set the example of deposition. Many unseemly contests undoubtedly took place ; and at times the Protesters, supported by the English troops, appear to have dealt harshly to wards some of their keen opponents ; but, nevertheless, from all that has been re corded respecting that period, it appears that it was one of remarkable religious prosperity. The very contention of the two great parties rendered indifference in religious matters impossible on the part of either pastors or people. And although the General Assembly was suspended, no other part of church government and dis- • Nicoll's Diary, pp. 163-166. A, D. 1653.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 203 cipline experienced the slightest interrup tion ; or, rather, every other part was thrown into more intense and vigorous ac tion. The whole vitality of the kingdom seemed to be poured into the heart of the Church, and all the strong energies of the Scottish mind were directed to re ligious topics in a more exclusive manner than they had ever previously been. The very fact of the kingdom's complete civil prostration beneath the power of Cromwell closed every other avenue of thought and action, and even compelled men to give their entire being to the pur suit of earnest, fervent, personal religion. '• I verily believe," says Kirkton, " there vvere more souls converted to Christ in that short period of lime, than in any season since the Reformation, though of triple its duration ;"* and keeping the above considerations in mind, we may admit that the account which he gives of the state of religion at that time in Scot land, though highly coloured, is never theless, in all its main lineaments, a faith ful representation of the truth. Throughout the whole of Scotland during the period of Cromwell's domin ation, there prevailed a degree of civil peace beyond what had almost ever before been experienced. This, loo, should be taken into account, when we peruse the memoirs and annals of the period ; for there being no great public events lo record, these gossiping chroni clers filled their pages with minute de tails respecting the contests between the two parties in the Church, for lack of other materials to employ their talent for journalizing. It ought to be remembered also, that although the Protesters enjoyed the favour and support of the protector to a considerable extent, and might have done so much more if they had wished it, they never compromised their principles, nor stooped to flatter the usurper. Very few of them were prevailed upon to take the " tender" or acknowledgment of his authority and that of the English Com monwealth, vvithout a king or House of Lords, because they regarded it as im plying a violation of the Covenant.t Patrick Gillespie appears to have been the only minister in Scotland that ever prayed publicly for the protector. It ' For a more ample account see Kirkton, pp. 48-65. t Rutherford opposed the tender very keenly. La- mont's Diary, p. 51. is further to be remarked, that when we read the" writings of that period, we per ceive al once a striking difference between those ofthe Resolutioners and those ofthe Protesters. The writings of the Protes ters are thoroughly pervaded by a spirit of fervent piety, and contain principles of the loftiest order, stated in language of great force, and even dignity, of which we find bul few similar instances in the productions of the Resolutioners. To prove this assertion, it is enough to name the works of Rutherford, Blair, Binning, Guthrie of Fen wick, Durham, Traill, Gray, Guthry of Stirling, and many others, scarcely their inferiors. Among the Resolutioners, we find none deserv ing to be matched with these, bul Leigh ton, who afterwards became a prelate David Dickson, who acknowledged tha his party had erred ; and Robert Doug las, who also lived long enough to see that he had been mistaken and deceived. Before quitting the subject of the Reso lutioners and Protesters, there is one point lo -which it is desirable that the reader's attention should be directed. It will be remembered that the direct topic which caused the contest between the two parties was the question respecting the propriety of repealing the Act of Classes, and admitting men of all professions in religion, and all varieties of character, into the army, and lo other places of power and influence in a time of such danger. This the political-expediency party resolved to do, and against this the strict Covenanters protested. It is evi dent that the difference of opinion between them arose from the different positions from which they viewed the same sub ject. Both vvere fully aware of the peril ous state of the nation, and of the neces sity of adopting some strong measure to meet the emergency. But the one party trusted chiefly in a combination of human strength, though obtained by a sacrifice of religious principle ; the other, in the confession and abandonment of past er rors, the restoration and more strict enforcement of religious purity, and that calm trust in the protection and the strength of God, under which, by such procedure, they hoped to place their cause. The one party regarded national division as the main cause of the nation's weak ness ; the other ascribed their calamities 204 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VI. to the prevalence of national sins, espe ciaUy lo that violation of the 'National Covenant which consisted in entrusting its enemies with the power to do it injury. It is needless for shallow thinkers to imagine they can decide the question summarily, by terming the one parly men of enlightened and liberal sentiments, an^ the other narrow-minded and intol erant bigots. The Covenanters had seen the storm of war borne back innocuous from' their mountain bulwarks bul a few years before, when not a man was allowed to take up arms in the sacred cause of re ligion who was not believed to be person ally under its influence. They had, besides, the analogy of all scriptural his tory in their favour ; so that the views they held appeared to have the sanction of recent facts and of the Word of God. And had their opponents been as truly patriotic as they pretended, instead of seeking political influence before they would lend their aid, might they not have formed themselves into a separate array, hung on the enemy's flanks and rear, distracted his attention, cut off his sup plies, and thereby promoted in the most liberal and unselfish manner, and to the utmost of their power,, the rescue of their country from the strong invader ? This would have entitied them to the honour able appellation of men of truly enlight ened minds and genuine patriotism ; bul their whole conduct, then and subse quently, proved them to have been influ enced chiefly by ambitious, selfish, and despotic principles. Let the reader take up the question, and muse upon it deeply, in the form of the following hypothetic proposition : — Are there not principles and rules appli cable to wars strictly religious, by which all operations should be governed and di rected, essentially different from those in volved in ordinary warfare ? What we mean to suggest is this : that in wars slrictiy religious, which are of course solely defensive (for religion may not be propagated by the sword, although it may, in extraordinary cases, be so defended), no principle of merely secular policy can be admitted without vitiating the cause ; no principle can be held and acted upon which has not the clear warrant of the Word of God, either in stated precept or recorded example. On the other hand. in ordinary warfare, means may be em ployed, and results anticipated, more ac cording to the calculations and arrange ments of human wisdom, skill, and ge nius. Not that, in the latter case, the over ruling influence of Providence is more in abeyance than in the former, but that its direct power is less conspicuously display ed. Now, the Covenanters regarded the war as as of a strictly religious charac ter, otherwise they would not have en gaged in it at all ; and therefore they could not, they dared not, employ means on which they could not implore and ex pect the blessing of the Lord of Hosts, Men of no religion may deem this view fanatical ; but it will require more than the usual amount of reason and philoso phy — we speak not to such men of reli gion — which they bring to bear upon the subject, before they prove it to be either irrational and absurd, or inconsistent with the providential government of the "Most High, who doeth according to his will in the armies of heaven, and among the in habitants ofthe earth," It is unnecessary to dwell on the minor details which look place during the re mainder of the Protectorate. After the death of Oliver Cromwell a series of in trigues commenced, which ended in the restoration of Charles II. In Scotland these intrigues were chiefly guided by Robert Dougfos, the leader of the Reso lutioners, through the instrumentality of James Sharp, who at that time affected, perhaps entertained, as thoroughly as such a man could, a warm zeal for the interests of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland. Monk, who had remained in Scotland since its subjugation by Crom well, appeared for a time to favour the Presbyterian cause, and continued to hold intercourse with Douglas through the medium of Sharp. The epistolary cor respondence between Douglas and Sharp, preserved in Wodrow, clearly proves the duplicity, selfishnes, and treachery of Sharp, and prepares us for the dark and cruel tyranny which that hollow-hearted and ruthless man subsequently exercised towards the Church which he had first betrayed, and then set himself to perse cute.* * For a very flill, accurate, and impartial view ofthe period that elapsed between the death of Charles 1. and the restoratien of Charles IL, the reader is refeired A. D. 1660.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND, 205 Charles II, entered London in triumph on the 29th of May 1660 ; and with his restoration to the sovereignty begins a new era of the Church of Scotiand's his tory, the record of which is one of suffer ings, and lamentations, and woe. CHAPTER VII. FRCM THE RESTORATION OF CHABLES II. TO THE REVOLUTION OF 1688. State of Affairs at the Restoration — James Sharp- Council of State — Apprehension of Argyle and of James Guthrie — Middleton's Parliament — Oath of Allegiance — Act Recissory— Proceedings of the Church— Trial and Execution of Argyle and Guthrie — Deposition and Banishment of several Ministers — Proclamation of the King's determination to restore Prelacy — Consecration of four Scottish Bishops in London — Prohibition of all Presbyterian- Church Courts — Proceedings of the Prelatic Parliament- Oaths and Declaration against the Covenant — Refor mation — Diocesan Meetings — Act of Glasgow — Ejec tion of nearly Four Hundred Ministers — Conse quences — Trial and Death of Warriston — Re-erection of tlie Court of High Commission — Persecutions — Proclamation against Conventicles — Causes of the Rising of PenUand— The Rising itself, Discomfiture, and Fatal Consequences — Martyrdom of Hugh M'Eail and others — Severities of the Army— The Bond — Mitchell's Attempt— Increased Severities — The First Indulgence— Dissentions caused by it — Field-preach ing— The Accommodation proposed by Leighton — Continued Persecution — Second Indulgence— Pro ceedings against Conventicles and Field-preaching — The flighland Host — ^rbarities committed by them — Continued Persecution, Instances — Death of Arch bishop Sharp — Declaration of Rutherglen— Battle of Drumclog — The West-country Army — Dissensions — Battle of Bothwell Bridge — Trials, Executions, and Increased Oppression — General Persecution, In stances — The Society People — Queens-ferry Paper and Declaration of Sanquhar — Skirmish at Ayramoss — Death of Cameron and others — The Torwood Ex communication — Trial and Death of Careil — Perse cutions and Martyriioms, Instances — The Test — Pro ceedings against Argyle — HisEscape — Circuit Courts — Murders in the Fields — Proceedings against the Society People — Their bold and resolute Conduct- Death of Charles n. — James Vn. — Unsuccessful At tempt of Argyle — His Capture, Trial, and Execution — Dunottar Castle — Transportation to the Colonies ns Slaves— The King's Letter to Parliament — Schemes for restoring Popery — Acts of Indulgence— Tolera-- tion — Liberty of Conscience — ^Trial nnu Execution of Renwick — The Society People— Letter of the Scot tish Prelates to the King— Letter of the Presbyterian Ministers to the Prince of Orange— The Revolution. [1660.] The Restoraiion of Charles II. to the throne of his ancestors, without the guard of precautionary conditions of any kind, and the strange frenzy of extrava gant loyalty which seized upon the whole kingdom like some uncontroll able epidemic, so strongly contrasted with the conduct and temper exhibited by the nation bul a few years before, would require for the explanation of to the "History of the Church of Scotland during the Commonwealth," by the Rev. James Beattie, recently published. a change so sudden and so great, an investigation more minute, searching, and profound, than it has ever yet received. Into that subject, however, we cannot en ter, further than merely to remark, that for the fundamental error of restoring the king to full power, without any prelimit- ing (conditions for regulating the exercise of that power, the Church of Scotland, as a body, was not lo blame. So early as the 6th of February 1660, six of the lead ing ministers met in Edinburgh, and agreed to send Mr. James Sharp to London, to hold intercourse with Monk, according to that wily politician's desire ; and gave lo him instructions by which he was to regulate all his stipulations in be half of the Church of Scotland.* At that lime the design of restoring the king had not been divulged ; but these instructions were equally applicable whatever form of civil government should be established, — a matter with which the Presbyterian Church did not wish directly to interfere, though decidedly favourable lo monarchy. Sharp seems lo have been chosen as the agent ofthe Church at this juncture, be cause of his success in some previous ne gotiations during the time of Cromwell, when he had been sent by the Resolu tioners to counteract the influence of the Protesters. His conduct on that occa sion gave great satisfaction lo his party, and is praised in the most extravagant terms by Baillie, who calls him " that very worthy, pious, wise, and diligent young man, Mr. James Sharp.'^ His character was better understood by Bishop Buniet ; and as it is difficultfor a Presbyte rian to mention his name and character in such terms as he deserves, without being thought lo be influenced by violent and vindictive feelings, it may be expedient to quote the language of the prelatic histo rian. " Among these, Sharp, who was em ployed by the Resolutioners of Scotiand, vvas one. He carried with him a letter from the Earl of Glencairn to Hyde, made soon after Earl of Clarendon, re commending him as the only person ca pable to manage the design of setting up Episcopacy in Scotland ; upon which he vvas received into great confidence. Yet, as he had observed very carefully the suc cess of Monk's solemn prolestations - Wodrow, Dr. Burn's edit, p, 5. 206 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VU. against the king and for the common wealth, it seems he was so pleased with the original, that he resolved to copy after it, without letting himself be diverted from it by scruples. For he stuck neither al solemn protestations, both by word of mouth and by letters (of which I have seen many proofs), nor at appeals lo God of his sincerity in acting for the Presby tery, both in prayers and on other occa sions, joining wilh these many dreadful imprecations on himself, if he did prevari cate. He was all the while maintained by Presbyterians as their agent, and con tinued lo give them a constant account of the progress of his negotiation in their service, while he was indeed undermin ing it. This piece of craft was so visible, he having repeated his protestations lo as many persons as then grew jealous of him, that when he threw off the mask, about a year after this, it laid a founda tion of such a character of him, that no thing could ever bring people lo any tol erable thoughts of a man whose dissimu lation and treachery was so well known, and of which so many proofs were to be seen under his own hand."* To this nothing need be added regard ing the man ; but what must be thought of the system which needed such a man and such arts for its introduction ? Yet, let this be said, — few, very few. Episco palians have ever expressed their appro bation of either Sharp or his treachery lo the Church of Scotland ; and no system is justly chargeable for all the faults of its adherents. In truth, men are always either better or worse than their system or their party. A good man may be at tached to a bad system or party ; but he will avoid as far as possible what is evil in it, and cleave chiefly to what is good, and will accordingly be better than his system or his party. A bad man may be attached to a good system or party ; but he will acquire and exhibit little of what is good in it, and will draw forth, embody, and display peculiarly what is evil, and will therefore be worse than his system or party. Thus Sharp, and the greater part of the Scottish prelates, were worse than their system, unscriptural as we be lieve that system of Church government lo be, and as we think its unreluctant • Burnet's History of his Own Times, vol. i. p. 92. employment of such men sufiiciently proves it. The correspondence which took place between Douglas and Sharp, during the residence ofthe latter in London, is high ly instructive, both in showing the views entertained by the .large party in the Church of Scotland, whose counsels were directed by Douglas, and in detecting the duplicity of Sharp. A very able paper was transmitted by Douglas to Sharp, on the 26th of March, containing the matur ed opinions of that sagacious man con cerning the settlement ofthe government in the three kingdoms. In that document, Douglas proceeds strongly to advocate the restoration of Charles, and the estab lishment of the Presbyterian form of church government in Scotland, Eng land, and Ireland ; admitting, at the same lime, the perfect right of England and Ireland to determine for themselves, and disclaiming all intention of using force. Yet in the same paper, he does not hesi tate to lay it down as an incontrovertible proposition, that " Episcopacy and other forms are men's devices, but Presbyterian government is a divine ordinance."* Such, indeed, was the general opinion of the period. It was at a considerably subsequent time that tffe idea of defending Prelacy, on the ground of its being a di vine institution, began to grow prevalent, though it had been previously held by a few ; and it was, of course, solely on the ground of its political capabilities that kings and statesmen were so anxious to have it established. Sharp easily per ceived in what direction the politicians were endeavouring to steer ; but he did every thing in his power to conceal it from Douglas, lest some strong resolution should be adopted by the Church of Scot land, and his design frustrated. Doug las proposed that a commission should proceed to London to make the mind of the Church clearly known ; but Sharp urged the inexpediency of such a step with so much plausibility, that it was abandoned. He knew well, that if Doug las himself had been on the spot, his own machinations would have been discover ed, and all his golden hopes at once des troyed. In the meantime, Douglas had enough " Wodrow, vol. i, p, 16, A. D. 1661.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 207 to do to manage matters at home. The majority of the Resolutioners placed full confidence in him, and allowed themselves to be directed according lo his judgment ; hut the Protesters could not be moved from their position. They distrusted the king, the courtiers, and their brethien of the opposite party in the Church, and would not unite with them in the meas ures they were proposing. This contin ued antagonism was productive of the most pernicious results. It kept the Church of Scotland in a stale of equipoise, or rather paralysis. Neither party could give utterance to what might justly be re garded as the national mind ; for their opinions mutually counterbalanced each other, so that the nation seemed to have no decided will or wish on the' subject. This was exactly the condition in which the most deadly enemy of the Presbyteri an Church could have wished it to be placed. Had either party possessed a decided preponderance, the politicians would not have dared lo assail it; or, had they been able to unite, as in the early days of the Covenant, they might have bid defiance to every assailant In numbers the Protesters were the weaker party, bul in unwavering integrity of principle and character the stronger. They could not form a coalition wilh the Resolutioners without a sacrifice of prin ciple and conscience ; while the other party might have joined them without sacrificing any thing but expediency and pride. They were destined to be more united ere long ; but not till both had been thrown into the furnace. It deserves to be particularly remarked, that the Protesters made repeated ad vances to their brethren, and that Doug las was prevented from complying wilh their proposals for a u nion, chiefly through the insidious pohcy of Sharp, who con tinued to assure him that the safety of the Church would consist in its majority keeping aloof from the Protesters, against whom the king cherished an irreconcila ble enmity. He intimated also his ma jesty's willingness lo ratify the proceed ings of the Assembly of 165' , in which the Protesters had been r -demned, re garding this as a clear piool ofthe royal feeUngs, Wilh one other remark we shall con clude these comparatively preliminary notices of the slate of affairs al the Resto ration, The whole nature of the great convulsion through which the nation had passed had tended to draw forth into the most marked contrast two very opposite states of mind, or aspects of character. The essential subject of the contest was religion ; the one party seeking to govern and restrain it; the other striving to pro cure for it not only freedom, but suprema cy in its own department. Of necessity, the defenders of religion were men of graver manners and more thoughtful minds than ils opponents. Bul in the heat and anger of the struggle many joined each party who valued little the intrinsic nature of the subject in dispute, and deemed it enough to assume the ex ternal characteristics of the party which they joined. The consequence was, that such adherents presented the most ridicu lously exaggerated caricature of their re spective parlies ; so that a stern and gloomy fanaticism came to be regarded as the characteristic of a Presbyterian, while drinking, swearing, and licentious ness of every kind were the tokens by which a royalist was known. Accord ingly, the restoration of the king was a signal for the universal display of these characteristics of loyalty. " A spirit of extravagant joy," says Burnet, " spread over the nation, that brought on with it the throwing off the very professions of virtue and piety. All ended in enter tainment and drunkenness, which over run the three kingdoms to such a degree, that it very much corrupted aU their mor als."* " Men did not think," says Kirk ton, " they could handsomely express their joy, except they turned brute: fcr de bauch ; yea, many a sober man was templed lo exceed, lest he should be con demned as unnatural, disloyal, and insen sible."! The effect may be easily ima gined, both in degrading the royalist par ty, and in disgusting their opponents, driving them to the opposite extreme, and rendering the chasm between them more wide, deep, and impassable. It will ac count also for much of the exaggerated language used by party writers on both sides, while describing not the essential characteristics, but the distorted carica tures, of the two contending parties, ' Burnet's History of his Own Times, p, 9a t Kirkton, p, 65, 208 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VII. Little more than a month was sufficient to ripen the schemes of those who wished to establish an arbitrary government, and to give them courage to commence the putting of these schemes into execution. A council of slate was formed for the ad ministration of affairs in Scotiand, com posed of men decidedly hostile lo the Presbyterian cause. The Earl of Mid- dlelon, a fierce, rude, and unprincipled soldier of fortune, was made commission er for holding the parhament, and gener al of the forces, and thus head of both the legislative and executive departments. The Earl of Glencairn was chancellor ; the Earl of Lauderdale, who had been one of the commissioners to the West minster Assembly, was appointed secre tary of state ; the Earl of Rothes, son of the celebrated Rothes, who gave such im portant aid in the time of the Covenant, vvas president of the council ; the Earl of Crawford, lord treasurer ; and Sir Archi bald Primrose, clerk register. Private instructions were given to Middleton to try the inclination of the country for Pre lacy, and to devise the best method of in troducing it. For this purpose it was ne cessary to remove those whose opposition might have been formidable. The Mar quis of Argyle was justly regarded as the most powerful supporter of the Cove nant ; and he had many enemies among the Scottish nobility, in addition lo which the king himself regarded him with de cided hostility. Argyle, nevertheless, unconscious of evil, repaired to London, and requested an audience of the king ; but no sooner was Charles informed of his arrival than he commanded him to be committed to the Tower. This took place on the 8th of July. On the 14th of the same month, orders were sent to Edinburgh to imprison Sir James Stew art, Sir John Chiesly, and Sir Archibald .Johnston of Warriston. The two former were seized, but Warriston made his es cape, although a proclamation was im mediately issued, offering a reward for his apprehension, and subjecting every person who should conceal him to the penalties of treason. On the 23d of August, the committee of estates met in Edinburgh, lo com mence the administration of national af fairs. The first act gave but too clear an indication what the course of their proce-i dure was likely to be. Ten ministers and two elders had met that day in the house of a friend in Edinburgh, for the purpose of framing a humble address and supplication to the king, congratulating his return, expressing their loyalty, re minding him of his own and of the na tion's Covenant, and praying that his reign might be prosperous. They were all Protesters, and had determined upon taking this step in consequence of the op posite party, beguiled by Sharp, refusing to join with them in a general address from the whole Church, Their intention vvas, to transmit the supplication to their brethren throughout the country, that it might obtain as many signatures as possi ble, and then to call a larger meeting, from which it might be sent lo his majes ty. No sooner did the committee receive intelligence of this private meeting, than they sent a party of soldiers, seized their papers, and committed themselves to pri son, from whence one of them, James Guthrie, came not out but to trial and ex ecution.* It was remarked, that this vio lent and illegal apprehension of these ministers took place on the very day of the month on which, exactly an hundred years before, the Scottish parliament had passed an act abolishing Popery, and per mitting the free progress of the Reforma tion. They were now attempting to abolish Presbytery at the command of a king who vvas secretly a papist, and who would have been glad to have brought the nation once more into the dark and enslaving bondage of the Roman apos tacy. In the beginning of September Sharp came from London, and brought a letter from the king, addressed to Robert Doug las, but to be communicated to the Pres bytery of Edinburgh. It was prepared, as Wodrow states, by Sharp himself, and was cunningly adapted to gratify the Resolutioners, and to throw all blame upon the Protesters. It produced the ef fect intended. All suspicion was lulled asleep, the most extravagant expressions of delighted gratitude were poured forth, and copies of it were sent to every pres bytery, to prove lo the kingdom the truth ful fidelity of his majesty, and to show how groundless and unjust were the jealoussuspicionsof the Protesters. Yet • Wodrow, VOL i. pp. 66-52. A. D. 1661.] HISTORY OP JHE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 209 the letter contained expressions of a character so manifestly evasive that it might well have excited suspicion, even had there been no previous cause of dis trust. It startled the unscrupulous Mid dleton, who declared that he thought it beneath the dignity of a king thus to equivocate with his people and deceive them.* Some proclamations were, about the same time, issued by the committee of es tates against all unlawful meetings and seditious papers, all seditious slanderers of his majesty's government, and all re- monstralors and their adherents. It was evident against whom these were fulmi nated, and for what purpose ; but the committee could stoop to still meaner em ployment. About the middle of Septem ber a proclamation was issued against Rutherford's " Lex Rex," and J. Guth rie's " Causes of God's Wrath," and all were ordered to bring in their copies of those books, that they might be burned. They would have shown more wisdom by either leaving these works unnoticed, or by appointing their ablest reasoner to try his strength in answering them. The principles and arguments -of the " Lex Rex" have not yet received, and will not soon receive, a refutation ; and it had been well if the committee had so regu lated their conduct as to avert that Divine wrath, the causes of which had been so forcibly stated by Guthrie. In October a proclamation was issued calling a parliament to meet in Decem ber, which was subsequently prorogued till January, lo allow m.ore time for the maturing of the measures then to be pro posed. In that proclamation there were some ominous intimations of the spirit by which it was likely to be pervaded. The royal prerogative was mentioned as that "by which alone the liberties of the peo ple can be preserved ;" the people were significantly told, that petitions or addres ses were to be made only to the parlia ment or committee of estates ; and an act of indemnity was promised after the hon our of the king and the prerogative of the crown should have been asserted. In the time which elapsed before the meeting of parliament, every kind of exertion was made, by bribery, intimidation, and party influence, lo procure the election of per- • Burnet's Own Times, vol. i. p. 109. 27 sons entirely at the devotion of the court ; and as no act of indemnity had yet been passed, many of the staunch adherents of the Covenant were deterred from seek ing to be elected, and some of them were cited before the parliament, to prevent them being returned as members. The result was thei' election of a parliament, the decided majority of whicn was com posed of royalists and malignants, as those were termed who had been either the direct opponents of the Covenant, or who had deserted it, and were the more bent on its entire destruction ; together with a considerable number of persons whose estates had been ruined during the preceding troublous limes, and who were prepared to support any measures by which they could hope to repair their broken fortunes. [1661.] — The new parliament was opened by the Earl of Middleton, as re presentative of his majesty, on the ] st of January 1661, and proceed to the des patch of public business on the 4th of that month. Some of the proceedings of this parliament require to be attentively considered, in consequence of the subver sive use made of them al a subsequent pe riod. The very constitution of the par liament was vitiated from the first. An act had been passed in 1651, when the king himself was present, requiring eve ry member of all succeeding parliaments to sign and subscribe the Covenant be fore entering upon business, without which its constitution, and all its acts, vvere declared void and null. This was not done ; hut instead of it another oath vvas proposed, termed in its title " an oath of parliament," and in the body of the act " an oath of allegiance." In it there' occur the following expressions : — " I ac knowledge my said sovereign only su preme governor of this kingdom over aU persons and in all causes," " and shall at my utmost power defend, assist, . and maintain his majesty's jurisdiction afore said, against all deadly, and never decline his majesty's power and jurisdiction. There can be no doubt that these clauses admitted of a double interpretation. So far as their meaning apphed lo civil mat ters alone, they would not have been op posed by any of the Covenanters ; but there was no such limitation specified, and therefore it was evident, that the first 210 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH ,PP SCOTLAND, [CHAP. VII. might be construed to admit his majesty's supremacy in ecclesiastical causes as well as in civil matters ; and that the second was intended to prevent the decUning of the king's jurisdiction in religious affairs, as the Church of Scotiand had always done. Subsequent events proved that such was the express intention of the oath ; but it was thought proper to con ceal this for a time ; and when the Earls of Cassilis and Melville, and the Laird of Kilbirnie, refused to take the oath with out its being understood as not extending the royal supremacy beyond civil matters, they were allowed lo take it in that limit ed sense, but not permitted lo have their explanation recorded. Middleton and the Chancellor Glencairn publicly declared that the oath was not intended to give his majesty any ecclesiastical, but only a civil supremacy ; yet a short time afterwards, when the Presbyterian ministers ex pressed their willingness to take it in this sense, they were not allowed.* Having thus established the king's su premacy, they proceeded lo evolve its consequences by a series of acts as con sistent wilh the strong premise as the most rigid logic of despotism could re quire. They declared it to be his majes- t^s prerogative to choose all officers of state, councillors, lords of session ; to call hold, and prorogue, and dissolve all par liaments, conventions, and meetings ; and that all meetings held without the royal warrant are void and null ; that no con vocations, leagues, or bonds, can be made without the Sovereign ; and that to the king belongs the sole power of making peace and war. A tolerable broad foun- .dation was thus laid for the erection of absolute despotism ; bul some obstructions needed to be taken away. The chief of these was the Solemn League and Cove nant ; and an act was accordingly passed, absolving the lieges from its obligation, and prohibiting its renewal without his majesty's special warrant and approba tion. Another act was passed, approving of the Engagement in 1648, and con demning the conduct of those who oppos ed it, terming them " a few seditious per sons." And to concentrate and confirm all the arbitrary acts already passed, an other was framed, requiring not only all persons in civil official 'stations, hut " all • Wodrow, vol, i, pp, 92, 93. Other persons who shall be required by his majesty's privy-council, or any having authority from them, to be obliged to take and swear the oath of allegiance, and the acknowledgment of the king's prerogja- live." The next act of this reckless par liament was the act recissory, not merely repealing certain acts of parliament for reasons stated, bul at one broad sweep an nulling all the parliaments held since 1633, with all their proceedings, and thus totally abolishing all the laws made in fa vour of the Presbyterian Church, as well as those in favour of civil liberty, which had been enacted during the late reign, and many of them with the full sanction ofthe king himself " This," says Burnet, " was a most ex travagant act, and only fit to be concluded after a drunken bout. It shook all possi ble security for the future, and laid down a most pernicious precedent."t Nothing could more clearly prove the intimate connection between civil and religious liberty than this very act. The whole design of this parliament was to destroy the Church of Scotland ; but in the at tempt to accomplish this deed they were under the necessity of destroying not on ly all the existent laws of the. land, hut all the security which law itself can give, by not only repealing laws, but even an nihilating the legislature of the kingdom. Such conduct amounted to a virtual disso lution of the social compact, by putting an end to all trust in public deeds, and leaving to men no alternative but sub mission to absolute despotism, or the wild recoil of utter anarchy. Yet even this glaring violation of all legislative princi ples was carried, after some oppsilion, in this "drinking parliament," as it was commonly termed, in allusion to the in temperance of Middleton and the royalists. Since by the act recissory the whole government of the Church of Scotland Was virtually overthrown, another act was passed, " concerning religion and church government," in which his majes ty declares his intention to secure the go vernment of the Church " in such a frame as shall be most agreeable to the Word of God, most suitable to monarchical go vernment, and most complying wilh the public peace and the quiet of the king dom ;" " in the meantime allowing the • Burnet's Own limes, p, 119. A, D. 1661,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 211 present administration by sessions, pres byteries, and synods." There could be little doubt as lo the meaning of this act, in which the settlement of church govern ment was left to the king, and the Pres byterian form "allowed" lo remain evi dently no longer than till his majesty's plans should be fully matured. And a sufficient indication was given what was the nature of these plans, by an act ap pointing the 29lh of May lo be kept as a solemn anniversary thanksgiving for his majesty's restoration ; and another restor ing patronages and presentations, "as what they knew had been still a dead weight upon, and really inconsistent with, the Presbyterian Estabhshment.'"* Such is a brief outline of the public acts of Middleton's parliament, especially wilh regard to the Church. It might seem strange that such acts could have been passed by any parliament composed of men not actually born in slavery, and so habituated lo bondage as lo have be come enamoured of their chains, and eager to impose the same ornaments upon all others. Where were Scotland's bold and free barons, who had never been ac customed to bend their haughty necks beneath the arbitrary yoke of any sove reign ? Some of the best were dead, or in disgrace and danger ; others vvere plunged in debt, and eager to repair their shattered fortunes by court favour; and a large majority of them were addicted to those glaring vices which had become the badges of the royalists, — drunkenness and immorality, — which they knew the Presbyterian Church would censure ; and therefore they were eager lo destroy a Church whose purity they both feared and hated. "Vices of all sorts," says Burnet, " were the open practices of those abouttheEarlof Middleton, Drinking was the most notorious of all, which was often continued through the whole night till the next morning," They came to the parliament reeling from the over-night debauches, and passed acts subversive of the whole civil and religious constitution of the country with less care than they bestowed upon their preparations for the next scene of revelry and wickedness. It vvas not strange that such besotted slaves of sin were the enemies of religious free dom ; and that, in their hatred of religion, • Wodrow, vol, i, p. 106. they were ready to sacrifice civil liberty in their fierce desire to subject the preach ing ofthe gospel and the discipline ofthe Church to equal thraldom, "This, while it explains their conduct, stamps the brand of infamy more deeply both on the men, and on the system which such men and such measures were employed lo in troduce. But where was the Church of Scot land, that it did not raise aloud its voice in bold and indignant condemnation of such proceedings ? It was paralyzed by its own unhallowed internal divisions. The Protesters were awed into compara tive silence by the seizure and imprison ment of James Guthrie, their ablest and boldest leader ; and the Resolutioners were still partly possessed by the blind spirit of party contention, and partly be guiled by the wily subtleties of the traitor Sharp, Yet some attempts were made by the ministers to prevent the utter sub version of the Church. The ministers of Edinburgh presented petitions, suppli cations, and remonstrances, against the act recissory and other acts of similar character, but vvithout effect. When the synods began to hold their meetings in April and May, endeavours were made to frame addresses to the parliament res pecting the danger lo which the Church was exposed by the recent enactments ; bul as those addresses were generally proposed by the Protesters, the Resolu tioners opposed them, urging the feeble bul pernicions plea, so commonly used by men of time-serving and undecided character, that it was unseasonable and unexpedient to apply to parliament in the present circumstances.* Such was the case in the synod of Glasgow ; and though the Protesters could have carried their measure by a majority, yet, to pre vent the appearance of division, they agreed to delay, and meantime lo utter an equivocal declaration, such as men of all views might support. This declara tion was of course futile, and they were prevented from holding another meeting ; which ought to be a warning to the Church to be equally prompt and decided in her Divine Master's cause, and never to defer till to-morrow the sacred dul;y of to-day. The synod of Fife, which had in for- • Wodrow, vpl, i, p, iI7, 212 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP, VII. mer days often borne the brunt of the conflict in times of danger to the Church, were engaged in preparing a petition for a new act, ratifying the privileges of the Church, when they were interrupted by the Earl of Rothes, ordered to depart, and obeyed the order vvithout a protestation against this infringement- of the shadow of liberty left by the late parliament. The synod of Dumfries was interrupted and dissolved in the same forcible man ner, and yielded with equal submissive- ness. The synod of Galloway better maintained the character of the Church of Scotland. Mr. Park, the moderator, protested against this procedure, as an in jurious encroachment upon the spiritual liberties of a court of Christ, incompftent to the civil magistrate ; and refused to withdraw till he had regularly dissolved the meeting with prayer. The synod of Lothian was so far overawed by the pre sence and the interference of the court, as to suspend six or seven faithful and pious ministers ofthe Protesters, on the absurd and groundless charge of rebellion. And the synod of Ross deposed the celebrated Thomas Hog, minister of Kiltearn, al though he had not signed the protestation, but merely because he was known to be opposed to Prelacy, for the honours and emoluments of which some of these northern brethren were longing. Yet so strong is conscience in hearts not ut terly seared, that the moderator, a keen prelatist, in pronouncing the sentence of deposition, did it with an air of veneration, and in tones of deep respect, reminded the venerable man, that Christ himself had suffered great wrong from the scribes and pharisees.f The synod of Aber deen, as Burnet tells us, was the only body that made an address looking to wards Episcopacy, — so consistently did it preserve ils bad pre-eminence, as the least enlightened part of Scotland, and the first to return to its scarcely half broken darkness. Having by these unconstitutional en actments prepared the way for the entire overthrow ofthe Church of Scotiand, the parliament proceeded to ratify their des tructive acts with the blood of some dis tinguished victims. The first of these in time, as well as in rank, was the Mar quis of Argyle. That distinguished no- " Wodrow, vol. i. p. 129. bleman had been too firm and steady an adherent to the Presbyterian cause to find favour with the king and the prelatic party : he was too powerful lo be per mitted to remain in the enjoyment of lib erty and life ; and the Earl of Middleton hoped to obtain a grant of his forfeited estates. In addition to these public causes of hostility against Argyle, the king cherished a personal hatred of him, partly because Argjtie had checked some of his licentious conduct when formerly in Scotland, and partly because he had himself broken his promise to marry Ar- gyle's daughter, and consequently hated the man whom he had injured.* His indictment, however, carefully avoided allusion to the real causes for which his life was sought, and bore reference to his public acts, — first, during the late civil contentions, — secondly, with regard to his treatment of the royalists, and partic ularly of Montrose, — and thirdly, his concurrence with Cromwell during the period of the protectorate. Argyle de fended himself with great eloquence and force of reason, so as nearly to baffle the malice of his enemies, although his death had been determined even before his trial commenced. To secure his condemna tion. Monk sent to the Scottish adminis tration some private letters in which Ar gyle had expressed concurrence with his government. By this base act Monk se cured the condemnation of a man whose guilt, if guilt it could be called, was im measurably less than his own, Argyle having only submitted to a power which he could not successfully oppose, wielded by Monk himself The sentence was passed, adjudging him to be guilty of high treason, and condemning him to be beheaded, and his head to be affixed in the same place where that of the Mar quis of Montrose had been. He received the sentence kneeling ; and then rising, said, " I had the honour to set the crown upon the king's head, and now he has tens me to a better crown than his own."t Between the time of his condemnation and his execution, Argyle enjoyed not merely tranquillity of mind, but such a perception ofthe love of God as filled his soul wilh heavenly gladness, and wilh the very peace of God, When his lady and ¦ Kirkton, p. 50. t Wodrow, vol, i. p. 150, A. D. 1661,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND, 213 some of his friends exclaimed against the cruelty of his enemies, he replied, " For bear, forbear ! truly I pity them ; they know not what they are doing ; they may shut me in where they please, bul they cannot shut out God from me," To some ministers who were with him in the prison he said, that shortly they would envy him who was got before them, adding emphatically, " Mind that I tell you ; my skill fails me if you who are ministers will not either suffer much or sin much ; for though you go along wilh these men in part, if you do not do it in all things, you are but where you were, and must suffer ; and if you go not at all with them, you shall but suffer ;" — words worthy to be held in lasting re membrance, for the deep wisdom vvhich they contain. On the day of his execu tion, the 27lh of May, his soul was filled with all a martyr's holy and inexpressi ble joy. " What cheer, my Lord !" said the Rev, Mr. Hutchison. " Good cheer. Sir ; the Lord hath again confirmed and said to me from heaven, " Son be of good cheer, thy sins are forgiven thee.' " And when taking leave of his friends, after having freely stated that he was naturally of a titnid disposition, but that God had taken away all fear from him, he said, " I could die like a Roman, but choose rather to die as a Christian." He as cended the scaffold with steady step, calm pulse, and unmoved countenance, spoke a grave and earnest address to the assem bled multitude, breathed forth a fervent prayer, kneeled down beneath the sharp axe of the decapitating instrument, prayed, gave the signal, the weapon fell, and his spirit returned lo God who gave it So fell the first and noblest Scottish victim of royal tyranny and prelatic am bition, leaving behind him a name and character which enemies have in vain striven to blacken and depreciate ; whic;|i needs no other vindication than a simple statement of the truth ; and which Scot land still holds, and long will hold, in deep and affectionate remembrance. The next victim was James Guthrie, minister of Stirling, of whose seizure and imprisonment mention has already been made. The chief accusation against him vvas his declinature of the king and coun cil's competency to judge, in the first in- itoace, respecting matters purely ecclesias- ical, such as presbyterial acts and letters , preaching, and the discharge of what belonged peculiarly to the ministerial function. This declinature had been pre sented to the king and council at Perth in February 1651 ; and though the king had managed to procure a sentence of de position against hira in the packed As sembly of St Andrews and Dundee, yet as that assembly was not recognised as free and lawful by the Church, the sen tence fell into abeyance, and Guthrie con tinued to discharge his ministerial duties, till he was seized by the Committee of of Estates, as above related. When brought to trial, he defended himself with such eloquence, knowledge of law, and strength of argument, as utterly amazed his friends and confounded his enemies. He proved clearly that his de clinature was agreeable to the Word of God, lo the Confession of Faith, accor dant with the doctrine and practice of the Church of Scotland from the period of the Reformation, and confirmed and sanc tioned by many acts of parliament, and therefore had the support of both divine and human laws. His enemies could not answer his arguments, nor prove the relevancy of their own accusations ; but he had been the leader ofthe Protesters ; his death might strike terror into that truly Presbyterian party, and induce them to yield ; and he had. pronounced sentence of excommunication on the Earl of Middleton many years before, for which that vindictive man sought to be revenged. He was therefore pronounced guilty of high treason, and condemned to die as a traitor, on the first of June. " My lord," said this eminent man to his partial judge, " my conscience I can not submit ; bul this old crazy body and mortal flesh I do submit, to do wilh it whatsoever you will, whether by death, or banishment, or imprisonment, or any thing else ; only I beseech you lo ponder well what profit there is in my blood. It is not the extinguishing me or many others that will extinguish the Covenant and the work of reformation since the year 1638. My blood, bondage, or ban ishment will contribute more for the pro pagation of those things than my life or liberty could do, though I should live many years." Bul his persecutors would have their malice gratified, and their 214 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VII. thirst for blood satiated. The Christian martyr is beyond the reach of fear. So was it with Guthrie. On the day of his execution he was not merely serene, — he vvas unusually cheerful. " He spoke," says Burnet, " an hour upon the ladder, with the composedness of a man that was delivering a sermon rather than his last words. He justified all he had done, and exhorted all people to adhere to the Covenant, which he magnified highly." When on the scaffold, adds another rela tion, he lifted the napkin off his face, just before he was turned over, and cried, " The Covenants, the Covenants, shall yet be Scotland's reviving." Thus died the Rev. James Guthrie, who may, with strict propriety, be termed the first Scottish martj'r for Christ's Crown and Covenant, inasmuch as the very essence of the accusation brought against him consisted in his declining lo subject Christ's kingly and sole dominion over his Church lo the arrogated supre macy of any earthly court or monach. In this, indeed, he but followed the ex ample of Knox, and Melville, and Bruce, and Black, and Welch, and Calderwood, — in short, of all the great and pious men of both the First and Second Reforma tions of the Church of Scotland ; but he was the first who died for that great and sacred truth, for which others had suf fered bonds, affliction, and banishment. He died ; but the cause for which he suffered martyrdom cannot die. It is living now, and once more putting forth those sacred energies before which all human opposition must ultimately be con sumed like stubble in the flames. It is, indeed, the chief of those great principles which form the essential characteristics of the Church of Scotiand, inclosed im- perishably within ils very heart, disap pearing in limes of defection or of leth argy, but reviving and putting forth its undiminished might ever when the re awakening call of God quickens its vital and eternal powers. Another victim was sacrificed along with Guthrie, named WiUiam Govan, who was accused of being implicated in the death of Charles I. But though this was not proved against him, he had been engaged in the Western Remonstrance, and generally had favored the Protesters, which, in the estimation of Middleton's parliament, were crimes of unpardonable enormity. The parliament seemed to think that blood enough had been shed for the pre sent ; but their tender mercies were still cruel. Several ministers of distinguished talents and character were apprehended, cast into prison, and finally banished. Of these, the most remarkable were M' Ward of Glasgow and Simpson of Airlh, who were both banished to Holland. Mon- crieff of Sconie and Trail of Edinburgh were deposed from the ministry, and ex posed to many sufferings and dangers, in addition to the protracted imprisonment which they had endured. Bul Patrick Gillespie was more leniently treated, partly in consequence ofhis having many friends in the parliament, and partly be cause he made submissive acknowledg ments of having given offence to his majesty by the Remonstrance, which none of the other sufferers could be in duced lo make. He was deposed from the ministry, and confined to Ormiston and six miles round it, but exempted from severer punishment Yet he was, of all the ministers, the most disliked by the king, chiefly because of the direct intercourse which he had held with Cromwell. When his majesty heard that Guthrie had been put to dealh, he asked, " And what have you done with Mr. Patrick Gillespie ?"— adding, "Well, if I had known you would have spared Mr. Gil lespie, I would hav^e spared Mr, Guthrie." The true explanation of Patrick Gilles pie's conduct appears lo be this : he was at least as much a man of the world as he was a Christian minister, and aUowed his conduct to be swayed as much by political motives as by Christian princi ples, A man of such a mixed character will rarely act with thorough consistency, and generally his worldly and self-inte rested motives will, in the hour of danger, obtain the ascendency over those higher principles which they had been too often permitted to intermingle wilh and vitiate. The deadly gripe of the parliament was attempted lo be laid on a man of a very different mould, — the .heavenly- minded Rutherford. Not content with burning his work entitied " Lex Rex," they summoned him lo appear before them at Edinburgh, to answer to a charge of high treason. He was at that time A, D. 1661,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 215 lying on his death-bed. "Tell them," replied he, " that I have received a sum mons already to appear before a superior Judge and judicatory, and I behove to ' answer my first summons ; and ere your day arrive, I will be where few kings and great folks come." It was now thought that the Presby terian spirit of Scotiand was sufficiently humbled, and that Prelacy might be in troduced without further delay. Some of the leading men pressed the king to proceed forthwith with the intended change of church government in Scot land, and Sharp prepared for another journey lo London, to complete his treach ery. Before his departure he had the dissimulation, or the effrontery, lo visit Robert Douglas, and pretend that the king wished to make that distinguished man Archbishop of St. Andrews. Doug las answered that he would have nothing to do with it ; and when Sharp rose to withdraw, Douglas called him back and thus addressed him, " James, I see you will engage, — I perceive you are clear, — vou will be Bishop of St. Andrews ; lake it, and the curse of God wilh it ;" — and laying his hand heavily on the apostate's shoulder as he spoke, moved him to the door.* The subversive process now went on rapidly. A new privy council was formed for the permanent management of public affairs in Scotland. Soon after the meet ing of the council, a letter, bearing date the 14th of August, was sent by his ma jesty to them, declaring his " firm reso lution to interpose his royal authority for restoring the Church of Scotland lo its rightful government by bishops." This letter was published by proclamation with the addition of penalties, to which all should be liable who might fail in ren dering obedience. Such was the result of his majesty's often-repeated oaths and declarations to maintain and defend the Presbyterian Church of Scotiand. And it deserves to be remarked, that this, pro clamation was of the most arbitrary char- racier, resting the whole change upon the royal prerogative alone, without re ference to the advice of council, parlia ment, or Assembly. This, indeed, was the natural resuh of the absolute preroga tive which had been made the ruling • Kirkton, p. 136. principle of the whole preceding parlia mentary enactments. "The arbitrary wUl of the sovereign had been distinctly de clared to be the source of all authority ; and the repealing of acts and annuUino- of parliaments having left no other source of authority, the language of despotism was the fitting medium for declaring the restoraiion of Prelacy. All preliminary steps were now com pleted ; and Sharp again hastened to London, to receive episcopal consecra tion, taking with him some of his bre thren, who, like himself, were ready to purchase Prelacy at the cost of perjury. These were, Andrew Fairfoul, James Hamihon, and Robert Leighton. Of the character of Sharp it is unnecessary lo write a single word. Fairfoul appears to have been vain, facetious, somewhat learned, and loose in his moral conduct. Hamilton was a weak, trimming, un principled man, equally readly to pretend extreme zeal for the Covenant, and to adjure and betray it. Bul what had Leighton to do in such company, and on such an errand ? That pious, amiable, modest, and gentle-hearted man seems lo have been selected expressly to present to Scotland the abstract possibility that a prelate might be a man deserving of es teem and love. It might be, too, that some of more sagacious mind might anticipate from Leighlon's moderation and kindliness of heart, a greater in fluence in recommending Prelacy, than could be expected from the arbitrary and oppressive conduct and disreputable char acter of his brethren. When they arrived at London, it vvas ascertained that Sharp and Leighton had not received episcopal ordination, having been both ordained since the abolition of Prelacy in Scotland. The English bis hops refused to consecrate them lo the prelatic office till they should be re- o,rdained as deacons and priests. This Sharp al first opposed, as contrary to the precedent in 1610, when Spotswood had not been required to receive prelatic or dination before his elevation to a bishop ric. Bul the English prelates had begun to insist on the Divine institution of Pre lacy, — a notion introduced into the Eng lish Church by Bancroft, and carried to its extreme height by Laud, but which the great and good men of England's 216 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VII. Reformation never entertained. Leigh ton regarded the whole matter as an indifferent ceremony, which might be omitted or performed, according lo the custom of different churches ; and Sharp was too intent on reaching the summit of his ambition to offer any protracted resis tance. On the 12th of December 1661, these four men were formally consecrated to the episcopal office, and concluded the service of the day with feasting and re velry, to a degree which shocked the heart of Leighton. He said to Burnet, " that in the whole progress of that affair there appeared such cross character of an angry Providence, that how fully soever he was satisfied in his own mind as to Episcopacy itself, yet it seemed that God was against them, and they were not like to be the men tbat would build up his Church ; so that the struggling about it seemed to him like a fighting against God.* It was not strange that he should come lo that conclusion ; but it was strange that he persevered so many years in what he regarded as little better than fighting against God, till at last he was constrained to abandon the fearful at tempt, wounded in conscience, and almost broken-hearted. [1662.] On the 2d of January 1662, the council received a letter from his majesty, announcing the consecration of the prelates, and prohibiting the meeting of Synods, Presbyteries, and Kirk-Ses sions, till they should be authorised by the archbishops and bishops ; calling upon the nobility, gentry, and burgh ma gistracy, to give all countenance and en couragement to the bishops, and threaten ing that severe and exemplary notice would be taken of every one who should presume to reflect or express any disre spect to their persons, or the authority wilh which they were intrusted. This was speedily follovved by a proclamation from the council of the same tenor, and a let ter to sheriffs and magistrates throughout the kingdom, intimating the prohibition of all meetings of Synods, Presbyteries, and Sessions, till they should be ordered by the bishops. By this proclamation the Presbyterian Church was more com pletely overthrown than it had been during the reign of James VI. ; for then • Burnet's Own Times, vol. ii. pp. 140, 141. Synods, Presbyteries, and Kirk-Sessions continued to meet by virtue of their own intrinsic powers, cramped merely wilh constant moderators, possessing a nega tive upon the proceedings of these church judicatories. But now they were not to be held at all, tiU called by the prelates, and to possess no power except what these despots should be pleased to grant One good effect resulted from this ar bitrary proclamation ; it put an end to much of the rivalry which bad existed between the Resolutioners and the Pro testers, though too late lo be of much avail. Robert Douglas exclaimed, "Our brethren the Protesters have had their eyes open, and we have been blind ;" and David Dickson said, " The Protesters have been much truer prophets than we." Wood of St. Andrews, also, who had maintained a long and painful contest with Rutherford, acknowledged that he and his party had been mistaken in the views they took of matters. But their disunion had been of too long continua tion to admit of a ready and cordial coa lition, even in such a time of general danger and distress. Sorrow and dejec tion filled the minds ofthe great majority, instead of that prompt and decisive energy which might even yet have prevented the subversion ofthe Church, had it been put forth as in the early days of the Cove nant. In a stale of silent stupor they generally submitted to the blow ; a very few Presbyteries only having the courage to meet and protest against this invasion of their spiritual liberties. Why had the Church of Scotland so soon lost ils primi tive spirit, and sunk into such cowardly despair ? Because it had sinned in passing these baneful " Resolutions," ex pressive of acquiescence in the schemes of deceptive expediency devised by worldly politicians ; and therefore were its councils distracted, and its strength was become weakness. The fiercest storm of royal wrath and prelatic revenge was "indeed directed against the high- principled and clear-sighted Protesters ; bul who will say that it was not better to die the noble death of a Christian martjT, like Guthrie, than to sink, like Baillie, to the grave, beneath the piercing anguish of a disappointed and a broken heart ? " Pray," said the Earl of Loudon to his A. D. 1662.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 217 pious countess, "that I may die before the meeting of parliament, when I must either sin or meet the fate of Argyle." On the 8lh of April, Sharp and his three brother prelates reached Berwick, having travelled from London all in one coach ; but there Leighton left them, being thoroughly weary of their company, and hastened privately to Edinburgh, to escape the infamy of that pompous pro cessional entrance which the others courted and obtained. Soon after their arrival, six others were consecrated lo the prelatic function, but without that re- ordination to which Sharp and Leighton had submitted, as if to prove the incom patibility of Prelacy lo the Scottish char acter, and the impossibility of manufac turing bishops in Scotland according to the high episcopalian rules. When the parliament met, a deputation was sent to invite the prelates lo take their seats, as the third estate of the realm. The very first act passed by this parliament, which met on the 8th of May, was one " for the restitution and re-establishment of the ancient government of the Church by archbishops and bishops." After a false preamble respecting the evils sustained by the community during the late rebel lion, as the late Reformation is termed, in consequence of casting off the " sacred order of bishops," that order is restored lo all ils accustomed dignities, privileges, and jurisdictions, and to all power of or dination, censure, and discipline, " which they are to perform wilh advice and assist ance of such of the clergy as they shall find to be of known loyalty and pru dence." The act further annuls every kind and degree of church power and jurisdiction "other than that which ac- knowledgeth a dependence upon and subordination to the sovereign power of the king as supreme."* This, certainly, was enough to gratify the utmost desire of the most thorough Erastian, ancient or modern, and might be studied with ad vantage by those who regard the Church as purely the " creature of the State." No wonder that the men who had sworn to maintain Christ's kingly government of his Church regarded Prelacy, thus in troduced, and avowing no allegiance but that due lo an earthly monarch, as in volving a virtual transfer of the Divine * See the act in Wodrow, vol. i, pp. 257, 268. 28 Redeemer's eternal crown to the brows of a sinful and mortal man. An act was also passed " for the preser vation of his majesty's person, author ily, and government ;" probably one of the most pure pieces of despotism that ever emanated from any legislative body. It involves in the guilt of treason " all covenants and leagues for reformation ;" brands the covenants as unlawful oaths against the fundamental laws and liber ties of the kingdom, though the king himself has sworn them ; stigmatizes all prolestations and petitions as unlawful and seditious: rescinds the acts of the Assembly of 1638, and all ratifications of them ; prohibits, on the severest pe nalties, all writing, speaking, painting, preaching, praying, &,c., tending lo stir up a dislike of his majesty's royal prero gative and supremacy in cases ecclesias tical, or the government of the Church by archbishops and bishops. Such are the leading clauses of this arbhrary act, unquestionably a fine specimen of pre latic legislation, and a sufficient proof that in Scotland al least, tyranny and Prelacy are inseparably connected. Bul their schemes were not yet fully devel oped. Another act prohibited any per son to teach in universities, or to preach, keep schools, or to be tutors lo persons of quality, who did not own prelatic gov ernment, and obtain a license from the prelates. By another act, all persons in pubhc trust were ordained to sign a de claration condemning as unlawful all leagues and covenants among subjects, upon any pretext whatever ; and particu- \aiAy the National Covenant and the So lemn League and Covenant, which were declared by the subscriber to be of no obligation upon himself or any of the subjects. It did not seem to the prelates enough for a man to say that he ceased to regard the Covenants as binding upon himself he must also affirm the same of others, though he could know nothing of their conscientious opinions. One can not help conjecturing, that the prelates, somewhat uneasy under their own perju ry, were anxious that the whole king dom should be plunged into similar guilt, or that men should become as accustomed lo oaths, as lo regard their violation as a matter of no real moment, inferring nei ther guilt nor infamy. One or other of 218 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VH, two consequences such a multiplicity of ensnaring and "often self-contradictory oaths were sure to have: they would either involve t||e nation in wide-spread irreligion and immorality, or would bring into trouble, poverty, and suffering, all who venetated the sanctity of an oath. For it has always been observed, that where these solemn bonds are made too common, they cease to bind : they are iron fetters to the good, but threads of gossamer lo the bad, A government which multiplies oaths of office, proves itself lo have littie consciousness of their awful sanction, manifests distrust of its subjects, and holds forth a snare to tempt ambitious and self-interested men lo the commission of perjury. So was it with the Scottish prelatic parliament. The numerous oaths which they imposed shut out from places of public trust nearly all men of the highest worth, opposed no obstacle to the admission of the wicked, and became directly instrumental in the infliction of the most extensive and re lentless persecution. The act of indemnity, so long expect ed, came al last, but came in a character which sufficiently proved its paternity. In addition to a list of persons excepted from the benefit of this act, it had, in the form of an appended exception, what was in reality another act, .empowering a committee to impose fines upon as many as they thought proper, and lo whatsoever amount they pleased. A list of persons to be fined was accordingly made, including all who were known or suspected to be favourable lo the Presby terian Church. The avowed object of this list was, by means of these fines, to depress the Presbyterians and enrich the royalists and the favourers of Prelacy. The parliament terminated ils sittings by passing an act, the effect of which was the immediate ejection of the ministers of Edinburgh, and of several other ministers in different parts of the country soon after, who held the laws of God in higher esti mation than acts of parliament. When the parliament rose, the privy council assumed the management of pub lic affairs, and proceeded to enforce those arbitrary enactments in a congenial spirit. They published an act respecting dioce san meetings, commanding all ministers to repair to the meetings which the pre lates were about to hold, to give their con currence to them, and to refrain from holding any other ecclesiastical meetings on pain of the censures provided in such cases. These diocesan meetings were generally termed the Bishop's Courts; and notwithstanding the threatenings of the privy council and the prelates, very few of the ministers attended them. In deed, they could not, without abandoning all their Presbyterian principles, and, in particular, that principle essentially Pres byterian, that all ecclesiastical jurisdic tion is derived from Christ alone, where as the jurisdiction of the prelates was avowedly derived from the king alone, so that to attend the diocesan meeting would have been lo violate their allegiance to Christ* The case was different during the semi-prelacy established by King James ; for then the Presbyterian church courts had not been suppressed, but mere ly invaded, and the ministers held it even their duty to retain as much of their priv ileges as they could, to keep possession of their sacred judicatories, and to resist the invading prelates to the utmost. But now these judicatories had been wholly abolished, were attempted to be recon structed on prelatic principles alone, and could not be so much as entered by a true Presbyterian, without abandoning all his own most sacred principles, and doing violence to his conscientious convictions. But the wild career of Middletqp was now near its close, although, like an eastern tornado, its last fierce burst of fury was the most destructive. There hati, from the lime of the king's restoration, been a constant rivalry between Middle- ton and Lauderdale, and each had been continually plotting lo ruin the power of his rival, Lauderdale's situation near the person of the monarch gave him an ad vantage which Middleton attempted to counterbalance by his zeal in the destruc tion of the Presbyterian Church ; and this had stimulated him to press forward his pernicious schemes with a degree of pre cipitation too impetuous to admit of taking a deliberate estimation of their possible consequences in case of failure or recoil. Having finished his tyrannical labours in the parliament and council, he began a tour through the west of Scotiand, for the double purpose of enjoying the festive en- * See Apologetical Relation, section viii. pp. 91-100. A. D, 1663,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 219 tertainments given to him by the obsequi ous nobility, and of urging upon the Pres byterians the declaration recently passed by parliament. When he came lo Glas gow, the archbishop, Fairfoul, laid before hira the most grievous complaints, that none of the younger ministers within his diocese, entered since 1 649, had attended his courts, or acknowledged his prelatic superiority ; that he was exposed lo the odium which attends that office in Scot land, but possessed nothing of its power; and that, unless some more effectual steps vvere taken, the prelatic office itself would sink into general contempt, Middleton requested him to state his plan, and he would immediately put it in execution, Fairfoul proposed that an act of council might be passed and proclaimed, peremp torily banishing all the ministers who had entered since the year 1649, from their houses, parishes, and respective presbyteries if they did not before the 1st day of November ensuing, procure pre sentations from the patrons, and present themselves to the prelates to receive colla tion and admission to their charges ; as suring the commissioner, that there would not be ten in his diocese that would not rather sacrifice their principles than lose their stipends,* The result proved the folly of a prelate judging Presbyte rian ministers by his own standard. The council met at Glasgow on the 1st of October, and passed an act, known by the designation of " the Act of Glasgow," in exact conformity with the archbishop's suggestions. Burnet informs us, that the Duke of Hamilton, who was one of the council, told him, that " they were all so drunk that day thai they were not capa ble of considering any thing that was laid before them, and would hear of no thing but the executing the law without any relenting or delay"! The Presby terian ministers obeyed the law. They submitted to the very letter of its penaUy. On the last Sabbath of October they preached and bade farewell to their deep ly-attached congregations ; and on that day, as Burnet states, above two hundred churches were al once shut up, and aban doned equally by pastors and by people. " I believe," says Kirkton, " there was never such a sad Sabbath in Scotland, as • Wodrow, vol. i. p. 282. vol. i. p. 154. t Burnet's Own Times, when the poor persecuted ministers took leave of their people."* In many instan-. ces the congregations could not repress their feelings, but wept aloud, till their lamentations resembled the wild wailings of a city taking by storm. This desola ting blast fell first on the western coun ties, but it soon extended over the south ern and midland parts of the kingdom, till it caused the ejection of nearly four hundred ministers in the course of a few months, involving a large portion of Scot land in sudden spiritual destitution.! Great was the astonishment, and even consternation, felt by the prelatic party at the wide devastation caused by the Act of Glasgow. They had committed the grievous error which unprincipled men are so apt to do, of concluding what the Presbyterian ministers would do by what they would themselves have done in sim ilar circumstances, and they saw their error when it was too late easily to repair it. They could not but perceive that the unpopularity of their proceedings would be very greatly increased by the firm and high-principled conduct of the ministers, submitting readily lo the loss of all that human nature holds dear, rather than they would violate their sacred principles. The more wary of the prelates, and in particular Sharp himself, had intended to follow a very different method for the se curing of their triumph over the Presby terian Church, Their plan was gradu ally to depose the leading men of the Presbyterian ministers, not more rapidly, nor in greater numbers, than they would be able to supply with successors of toler able education and character, so that in the course of a generation, an entire change might he effected by almost im perceptible degrees, and Prelacy quietly but firmly be established. This danger ous policy was at once rendered impossi ble by the Act of Glasgow ; and that there is littie reason to doubt, that while the most sagacious ofthe prelatists deplor ed the sudden precipitation ofthe struggle, the Presbyterians, amidst all their suffer ings, rejoiced at the false movement of their enemies. Need we hesitate to say, that God confounded the councils of • Kirkton, p. 160, t Wodrow gives a list of ejected ministers, amount ing to 412, but several of them had been deposed before the Act of Glasgow, so that the number cast out by that Act fell somewhat short of 40O, See Wodrpw »ol, i. pp. 324-329. 220 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VU. Ahithophel, and caused the crafty to be ,taken in their omi snares ? An attempt was made by the council to Retrieve this f|Jse step, by an act passed at Edinburgh on the 2.3d of December, extending the term within which minis ters might receive presentation and colla tion, to the 1st day of February 1663; but the penalties for non-compliance were not relaxed, and a fine of twenty shillings Scots was ordered to be exacted from all the people who did not attend their parish churches. As the testimony of an adver sary is always held peculiarly valuable, we may here conclude our account of the proceedings of this year by extracting Bishop Burnet's statement of the conse quences resulting from the Act of Glas gow. " There was a sort of an invitation sent over the kingdom, like a hue-and-cry, lo all persons to accept of benefices in the west. The livings were generally well endowed, and the parsonage-houses were well built, and in good repair. And this drew many very worthless persons thith er, who had little learning, less piety, and no sort of discretion. The new incum bents who were put in the place of the ejected preachers, were generally very mean and despicable in all respects. They were the worst preachers I ever heard ; they were ignorant to a reproach ; and many of them were openly vicious. They were a disgrace to their orders and the sacred functions, and indeed were the dregs and refuse of the northern parts. Those of them who rose above contempt or scandal were men of such violent tem pers, that they were as much hated as the others were despised. " The former incumbents, who were for the most part Protesters, vvere a grave, solemn sort of people. Their spirits were eager, and their tempers sour ; but they had an appearance that created re spect. They were related to the chief families in the country either by blood or marriage, and had lived in so decent a manner that the gentry paid great respect lo them . They used lo visit their parishes much, and were so full of the Scriptures, and so ready at extempore prayer, that from that they grew lo practise extempore sermons. They had brought the people lo such a degree of knowledge, that cot tagers and servants would have prayed extempore. By these means they had a comprehension of matters of religion greater than I have seen among people of that sort any where. As they (the ministers) lived in great familiarity with their people, and used to pray and to talk oft with them in private, so it can hardly be imagined to what a degree they were loved and reverenced by them."* Let the candid reader look on these two pictures, drawn by the hand of a pre late from personal observation and know ledge, and say whether it was possible that the people of Scotland could regard wilh favour a system, the unconstitutional and tyrannical introduction of which drove lo the wilds their own faithful, pious, and beloved ministers, and forced upon them the desecrating services of such an irreligious and immoral crew of the very lowest spawn of Prelacy. But these curates, as they were designated somewhat incorrectly, had obtained " pre sentations from patrons and collation from the bishops ;" and these qualifications would, in the estimation of some people, cover any multitude of sins. Others, however, will be disposed to think, as the bereaved and oppressed people of Scot land did, that the very fact of patrons and prelates so readily concurring to thrust such men into churches, which their presence could only desecrate, furnished a very strong proof of the unchristian origin of both patronage and Prelacy, Will any sane man say, that that system is of divine origin which directly expels from the Church such men as Douglas, Traill, and Hulcheson of Edinburgh, Livingston of Ancrum, Blair of St, An drews, Wylie of Kirkcudbright, Welch of Irongray, and Brown of Wamphray, and forces into it such men as even Bur net cannot write of without contempt? But we must proceed, though the heart sickens at the consciousness ofthe dread ful character of the narrative on which we are now more distinctly lo enter. So strong, indeed, is our reluctance to dwell on scenes of almost unmingled horror, — so great is the repugnance which we feel to relate the bloody and inhuman brutali- tieslierpetraled hy Prelacy in Scotiand, — that we purpose to sketch the outline of prelatic persecution as briefly, and with as little reference lo ils darker ter- * Burnet's Own Times, vol. i, pp, 156-158, A. D. 1663.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 221 rors, as may be possible, consistently with « the historian's duty, [1663.] The year 1663 began wilh great haidships to both the ejected minis ters and the deprived people of Scotland. The ministers were compelled lo leave their houses, the scenes of their ministry, the people whom they had been accus tomed to instruct with such anxious and successful care in the knowledge of the way of salvation, — all that they held dear on earth, and much that had been to them both earnest and foretaste of heaven, — and to hasten away to other districts, chiefly to those north of the Tay, in the depth of a stern, inclement Scottish win ter, because they would not bring upon their souls the guih of perjury. "The people vvere al once deprived of the high ly-valued labours of their beloved pas tors, al the very time when the course of religious instruction lo which they had been accustomed was producing its most beneficial effects, and when they were become most able to appreciate truly the worth of an evangelical ministry. It soon became a question of deep moment, whether they could conscientiously attend the churches where the prelatic curates preached, bul not long a question of diffi cult solution. Great numbers of the peo ple were beyond all comparison better acquainted with their Bibles than the curates were ; and it would be insulting to the memory of the Scottish Covenant ers lo compare them, in point of moral character, with the dissolute and licen tious creatures of the prelates. To attend the ministry of such persons was abso lutely impossible for men who had any feeling of what was due to the hallowed day of God, and lo the sacred nature of religious ordinances ; nay, even their re gard to the welfare of their own souls forbade them lo listen to men whose whole conduct was such as to render their interference with holy things a hideous profanation. The people therefore re fused to attend the ministry of the curates, whom they could not look upon without equal disgust and indignation. It will be remembered, that the Glas gow Act included directly only those ministers who had entered into their charges since 1649. But there were considerable numbers of more aged min isters, who had entered previous to that year, and who were accordingly left for a lime in the possession,of their parishes. To the churches of these men the people* flocked from great distances when their own ministers were cast out, and thus continued for a time to obtain instruction lo which they could listen without viola tion to their consciences. Some of the ejected ministers also were allowed to reside in their parishes, though not in the manses or parsonages ; and the people collected together In great numbers at. those hours in which they were accus tomed to have family worship, that they might enjoy the private expositions and prayers of their beloved pastors. To such an extent did this proceed, that often no room could be obtained large enough to contain the assembled worshippers, who were constrained, both minister and people, to betake themselves to the open air, there to adore the God who made heaven and earth. This was the origin of what were termed conventicles and field-meetings in Scotland, against vvhich, a few years afterwards, the rage of the persecutors burned so fiercely. Even at the very beginning of this method of seeking the benefit of a gospel ministry, the people were exposed to abusive treat ment. The act of 23d December had imposed a fine upon those who did not attend their own parish churches ; and the rude soldiery, instigated by the cu rates, began the practice of intercepting people on their way lo the churches of the old and unexpelled ministers, and ex acting the fine specified in the proclama tion. Other occasions of persecution also began to be common. In several in stances, the people, especially the females, opposed the entrance of curates forcibly, till their resistance was overcome by military poWer. This the wiser part of the Covenanters deplored, as calculated to give some colour of justice to the harsh retaliation inflicted by the armed supporters of the prelatic intruders ; but the prelatists were not slow in availing themselves of every opportunity of inflict ing vengeance upon their opponents. Allusion has already been made to the political rivalry between Middleton and Lauderdale, and to the effect which it had in stimulating the former lo press forward the establishment of Prelacy upon the ruins of the Presbyterian Church, as the 222 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VU. best method, in his opinion, of securing the favour of the kmg. His majesty, » however, saw clearly that the Glasgow Act was an impolitic measure, more likely to injure the cause of Prelacy than to promote it ; and, though well enough satisfied with Middleton's zeal, was by no means disposed to hazard the failure of his schemes for any regard to the for tunes of his most zealous adherent Lau derdale availed himself of this opportu nity to assail his rival, and prepared for a final effort lo overthrow him. The ava rice of Middleton supplied what was wanting for his ruin. The king thought proper lo send lo the Scottish council a letter suspending the payment of the fines imposed on non-conformists ; bill Middleton, eager to get hold of the money, prevented the proclamation of his majesty's letter postponing the term of payment. This Lauderdale represented as a daring violation of the royal prero gative ; and the king, offended more with this tampering with his authority, than wilh all the despotic proceedings of Mid dleton against the liberties of the people, deprived him of that power which he had so greatly abused, and sent him in a kind of honourable banishment lo Tan gier, where he soon afterwards died in consequence of a fall.* Lauderdale became now the chief manager of Scottish affairs ; bul this brought no mitigation to the sufferings of the Presbyterians. He had, indeed, been himself at one time not only a Covenant er, but even one of the commissioners from the General Assembly to the West minster Assembly of Divines ; and al the Restoration he at first advocated the establishment of the Presbyterian Church as that of the three kingdoms.f Per ceiving the king's rooted aversion to the Presbyterian Church, Lauderdale, with the supple pliancy of a courtier, aban doned his cause, and, with the spirit of a renegade, became the deadly persecutor of the religion from which he had apos tatized. And now, when elevated to the chief power in Scotland, he deemed it expedient to remove any lingering suspi cion which might still attach to him on account of his former conduct, by taking • Burnet's Own Times, vol. i. pp. XO-HSS. T It was at that time that the King uttered the well- known expression, "Presbytery is not a ieligion for a geittleman." , prompt and effectual measures for the suppression ofthe Church which he had most solemnly vowed lo defend. A parliament was held in Edinburgh, on the 18th of June, at which Lauderdale was present, to commence his career of power, assisted by the Earl of Rothes, with whom he was in close political con nection. The first act of the new admin istration was one which paralyzed the parliament, by restoring the old method of electing the Lords of the Arlicles. The second was intituled, an " Act against Separation and Disobedience to Ecclesiastical Auihority." Its object was, to prevent people from leaving the curates and following the ejected ministers ; and to effect that purpose, it declares of the latter, " that their daring to preach, in contempt of the law," is sedition, and they are subjected to punishment as seditious persons ; while all men are enjoined to attend " such ministers as by public au thority are or shall be admitted to their parishes," those who absent themselves being liable lo be fined, each nobleman, gentleman, and heritor, the fourth part of a year's rental, and each tenant the same proportion of his moveable property, de ducting the payment of the rent due to his landlord : and each burgess to lose the liberty of trading within burgh towns, and the fourth part of his movea ble property. This act was commonly termed " The Bishop's drag-net," and formed the foundation of a great part of the oppressive exactions afterwards levied throughout the kingdom. The privy council were directed to be careful to see this act put in due execution, by inflicting not only the specified censures and pen alties, but also such other corporeal pun ishments as they should think fit, — a clause of dark import, destined ere long to be interpreted and enforced with terrific cruelly. Another act was passed, enforcing the signing of the declaration condemnatory of the Covenants, without which no per son was eligible to places of public trust ; lo which was now added, that those who should refuse to sign it should " forfeit all the privileges of merchandising and tra ding." From this it seem,s lo have been the dire policy of Lauderdale and the prelates, to render it impossible for any man even to live in the kingdom without A. D. 1663.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 223 submitting to Prelacy. The last act of any importance passed by this servile parliament was one for establishing a na lional synod, modelled after the plan of the English convocation, bul still more abortive, inasmuch as it was never once held, the prelates finding that their work could be more expeditiously and effectual ly done by the privy council itself, and by the Court of High Commission, vvhich was soon afterwards revived. Lauder dale finished this parliament by the vain parade of an act, offering to his majesty an army of twenty-two thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry, if necessary, to aid in the preservation of Christen dom against the Turks ; unless, indeed, the act had a private interpretation, and was designed to show the king that an army could be raised for him in Scot land, in case his English subjects should grow refractory. During the sitting of parliament, the privy council thought proper to meet and pass some acts manifestly beyond their powers, especially while the superior legislative body was assembled. The two archbishops had been by this time made members of the privy council, and to this may be fairly ascribed both its encroachment upon parliamentary privi leges, and the despotism of its acts. The first, which was proclaimed on the 13lh of August, is known as " The Mile Act." It commands all the ministers included within the Act of Glasgow " to remove themselves and their families, within twenty days, out of the parishes where they were incumbents, and not to reside virithin twenty miles of the same, nor within six miles of Edinburgh or any cathedral church, nor within three miles of any burgh royal within the kingdom," under the penalties of the laws against movers of sedition. Every person must see that it was physically impossible to comply with the terms of this act, coupled with a former one which prohibited any two of the ejected ministers from residing within the boundaries ofthe same parish. Four hundred spots such as the act de scribes could not have been found within the kingdom, though all its lonely wilds had been selected with geographical ex actness. But it requires no comment lo point out the blundering cruelly of these aWrd tyrants. Another act of council was passed on the 7th of October, vvhich rendered the despotic series nearly com plete. Its first part was directed against the Presbyterian ministers who had fled from Ireland to escape the prelatic perse cution there, rendering them liable to the penalties of sedition if they dared to reside or preach in Scotland : its second part directed the curates to read out from the pulpit lists of such people in their parishes as absented themselves from public wor ship in these parishes, which intimation should be sufficient ground for proceeding against such persons if they did not in stantly submit ; and not only magistrates, but " officers of the standing forces," are required lo give their assistance to minis ters in the discharge of their office, to put the law in execution, and to enforce the penalties expressed in the acts of par liament and council.* The effect of this was, to authorise the curates lo act as spies and informers against their parish ioners, and the army lo act as execution ers of the law almost on their own re sponsibility, — functions which both these classes of persons soon proved themselves equally ready to perform wilh the most ruthless cruelty. The only public instance of actual mar tyrdom which occurred this year was that of Warriston. He had escaped from the hands of his enemies about two years before, and had fled to the continent for safety. While he was at Hamburg, he had an attack of sickness, and was at tended by Dr. Bales, who had been one of the king's physicians, and was by him subjected to such improper medical treat ment as to deprive him almost entirely of the use of his faculties.! His memory departed to such a degree that he could not remember what he had said or done a quarter of an hour before. In this de plorable condition, the wreck of his former self, he was basely given up by the French monarch to an emissary Of Charles, brought lo Edinburgh, tried, and condemned to death. The pitiable spectacle of the helpless old man, re duced lo premature imbecility by the treacherous conduct of the royal physi cian, failed to excite the compassion of his persecutors ; nay. Sharp and the other prelates triumphed in the weak and • Wodrow, vol. i. pp. 341-343. t Apologetical Relation, pref. 224 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VII. wavering accents of him whose bold and fervid eloquence had often formerly held Assemblies and • parliaments mute in silent admiration. Bul God did not for sake his aged servant when compassed round with his exulting and merciless enemies. The night before his , execu tion he was visited with that deep, calm, refreshing sleep, which the Father of mercies " gives to his beloved," and awoke in the morning marvellously re stored. His memory returned, and all his faculties were remarkably revived, while his soul was filled with that " peace of God which passeth all understanding." He prepared a speech, which he read with clear and audible voice on the scaf fold, where also he prayed aloud with such fervour, liberty, and power, as as tonished every auditor. His last accents vvere those of prayer and praise ; and almost vvithout a struggle he expired, with his clasped hands held up to heaven in the altitude of adoration* The more general sufferings of the Church this year consisted in the expul sion of a great number of the best minis ters from their parishes, the intrusion of the curates, and the grief which over whelmed the bereaved people. At Kirk cudbright and Irongray the women op posed the entrance of the curates in a very determined manner, which drew down, not only upon themselves, but upon the whole parishes, and even districts of country which they inhabited, the severe displeasure ofthe council and the prelates, and gave occasion lo the exaction of very heavy fines from persons suspected of be ing attached to the Presbyterian Church. The two deadly elements recently intro duced by the prelates began to do their work. The curates began to prosecute their congenial labour of acting as spies and informers, conveying private informa tion to the ruling powers against every man whom they knew or suspected to be opposed to their base ministry and baser characters, keeping a list of all such per sons, and delating them from time to lime, as their malicious dispositions prompted them. The army also began to be exten sively employed in the levying of fines, in which they were cheered on by the curates with inhuman eagerness. Orders had been given by the privy council ¦ Naphtali, pp. 177-182. to Sir James Turner to lead a body of troops to the west and south of Scot land, to levy fines and compel submis sion to the prelates. Sir James was a fit instrument for their purposes. He was a military adventurer, selfish, cruel, and unprincipled, ready to sell his sword to whatever parly would pay the highest price for it, and regarding no law, human or divine, except the orders of his supe rior in command, as he has himself dis tinctly stated. "This mercenary soldier received orders to follow the directions ofthe curates, and to pillage the defence less country people to the heart's content of their oppressors. In this Turner and his " lambs" rejoiced as a bloodless cam paign, where they might without danger indulge all their vicious propensities, as if in an enemy's country, and receive the thanks of the council for their service. When sent lo any refractory Presbyte rian to levy the imposed fine, if it was not instantly paid, they look free quarters in his house, revelled in riot and drunken ness, destroyed much more than the amount demanded, and inflicted the most wanton insults and barbarous outrages on the unoffending people, without distinc tion of age or sex, or, rather, wilh such distinctions as age and sex rendered possi ble. One of the most common of the practices of these plunderers was, to go to some public-house in the vicinity of a church where a Presbyterian minister not yet ejected preached, and after drink ing till nearly the time when public wor ship terminated, then lo hasten lo the church, place themselves al the church- door, and demand of every person upon oath, as they came out, whether they be longed to that parish. If they could not say they did, the fine was immediately exacted, and when money could not be obtained, they seized upon their Bibles, hats, bonnets, plaids, and any part of their clothing which could easily be car ried away and sold ; returning from the violated house of prayer laden with booty, as from a sacked and plundered city. [1664.] The beginning of the year 1664 was signaUzed by the re-erection of the Court of High Comm ission. Sharp , it appears, was not satisfied with the privy council, which, in his opinion, did not display sufficient zeal and activrity in the suppression of the Presbyterians. In A. D. 1664.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 225 particular, he entertained suspicions of the Earl of Glencairn, the chancellor, re garding his infiuence as tending to retard and mitigate the course of persecution. He therefore hastened lo London, and prevailed upon the king to grant a com mission for the re-erection of that dread ful court, to which should be intrusted the execution of all laws concerning ecclesiastical matters. This commission was obtained on the 16th of January 1664, and was, if possible, more arbitrary in its character than its predecessor had been. Its basis vvas the essence of des potism. " His majesty, by virtue of his royal prerogative in all causes, and over all persons, as well ecclesiastical as civil, has given and granted," &c. In this commission there are nine prelates and thirty-five laymen ; the quorum is five, of which one must be a prelate. They were empowered to summon before them and punish all the deposed ministers who presumed to preach, all attenders of con venticles, ftU who kept meetings at fasts and the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, and all who write, speak, preach, or print against Prelacy. They were empowered to inflict censures of suspension and de position ; to levy fines and imprison ; to employ magistrates and military force for * the apprehension of their victims ; and finally, " to do and execute what they shall find necessary and convenient for his majesty's service in the premises."* Surely the heart of Sharp must have leapt for joy when placed at the head of this court of absolute despotism. This was certainly prelacy restored lo its full glory, under the dignified auspices of a perjured apostate. The proceedings of the Court of High Commission vvere such as were to be ex pected from its spirit and construction. It at once assumed the power of both the swords, and acted equally as an ecclesi astical and as a civil court. Holding the most intimate intercourse with the curates, who formed an organized espionage co extensive with the nation, the Court of High Commission obtained information respecting every sincere Presbyterian throughout the kingdom, summoned every one whom it was their pleasure to oppress, and, without the formalities of citing witnesses and heating evidence, ' • Wodrow, VOL i. pp. 384-386, 29 either passed sentence upon the bare ac cusation, or required the oath of supre macy to be taken, and, upon its being refused, inflicted whatever sentence thev thought proper, short of death. Some were reduced to utter poverty by fines ; some were imprisoned till th( y contracted fatal diseases ; some were banished to the remotest and most unhealthy and inhos pitable parts of the kingdom ; and some were actually sold for slaves,* Of the great numbers summoned to appear be fore this terrible court of inquisition, not one is recorded lo have escaped without suffering punishment, and often to an ex treme degree of severity. One addition was made to the persecu ting acts already in force against the ejected ministers, to the effect that no per son should give charitable relief to them in their absolute starvation, on the pain of being regarded as disaffected, and movers of sedition. This appears to have been done al the instigation of Alexander Burnet, archbishop of Glasgow, who said that the onlj' method to be taken with the fanatics, as he was pleased to call them, was lo starve them out.f About' the same time a party of soldiers were sent to the parish of Dreghorn, to quarter upon the people, and compel them, by direct force, to attend the preaching of the curate, who had been thrust into the parish after the expulsion of its former minister. This seems the climax of in trusion ; first, to force an unworthy crea ture into a parish contrary to the strongly- expressed dissent ofthe congregation, and then, when they abstained from attend ing his profanation of the ministry, to send a band of armed men to drive them like a flock of sheep to the place, not of worship, bul of desecration. [1665] The persecution of the Pres byterians continued during the year 1 665 with unabated rigour ; but the persecu ting system was now so completely ma tured, that littie addition could be made lo it. The prelates continued to let loose the soldiery upon the country, and to en courage them to those excesses in outrage and plunder lo which they were, of their own accord, sufficiently prone. The death of the Earl of Glencairn, in the preceding year, gave Sharp hopes of ob taining the chancellorship ; bul this was * Wodrow, vol. i. p. 390. t Kirkton, p. 21& 226 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP, VII. frustrated, as the Scottish nobility began to be disgusted with the arrogance of that aspiring arch-prelate. The Earl of Rothes was intrusted with the general management of Scottish affairs, under the control of Lauderdale ; and so far as Rothes was personally concerned, the persecution was somewhat relaxed ; but in the Court of High Commission, and in the privy council, the prelates continued to exercise the chief sway. Some dim apprehensions appear to have been enter tained, that the continued course of pre latic tyranny might at last provoke the country to rise into resistance ; for, dur ing the summer of this year. Sir James Turner was empowered to search the houses of the people for arms, and carry them forcibly away. The act of fines was also renewed, that this method of wearing out the Presbyterians might still be an available weapon in the hands of the prelates. On the 7th of December, a proclamation was issued by the council " against conventicles." This proclama tion was of the same general import as those which have already been specified, prohibiting the preaching, or even private meetings for worship, ofthe ejected min isters ; only that it went considerably beyond them in the power which it gave of inflicting punishment, not only to the privy council, but lo all such as had or should have his majesty's commission to that effect. This was speedily interpreted to imply, that even a private soldier, be cause he acted under the royal authority, might, al his own discretion, seize, fine, drag to prison, or punish, " as he should think fit," any person who either held a conventicle, that is, worshipped God, others being present and joining in wor ship, attended one, or allowed one to be held in his house. The fearful use soon made of this proclamation we shall have occasion to relate. [1666] The year 1666 is sadly mem orable in the annals of the Church of Scotland. During the space of the six preceding years. Prelacy had been speed ing on in its career of oppressive cruelly, trampling under foot the dearest rights and privileges, civil and sacred, of the Presbyterian people. It seemed as if there was a positive determination to drive the country beyond all possible en durance, that they might have the oppor tunity of exterminating the population, if they could not otherwise extirpate Pres bytery. Early in the spring, Sir James Turner was again sent to devastate the south and west of Scotland. Nithsdale and Galloway were the chief scenes of his wasting visitations on this occasion ; and his oppressive conduct far outwent any of his previous campaigns. The soldiers availed themselves of the exten sion of their powers which the late act against conventicles seemed intended lo give, and exacted fines at their pleasure from each and all. Gentiemen were made answerable for their wives, chil dren, servants, and tenantry ; and tenants were fined if their landlords were held to be disaffected. Like a swarm of eastern locusts, the soldiery literally devoured the country, wasting what provisions they could not use, and reducing the misera ble inhabitants lo utter starvation. If any person dared to complain, the only an swers were neglect or increased abuse. In the course of a few weeks tlie sum of fifty thousand pounds Scots was raised in the west ; and the exactions in Galloway vvere still more oppressive, and the pres ence ofthe plunderers of longer continu ation.* Seven months had this excessive bar barity continued, not only with unabated vigour, but even increasing in its severity in proportion as the exhausted state ofthe country rendered it more difficult to levy fines from a people already reduced nearly to starvation ; when one act of shocking brutality put an end to the patient endurance of intolerable wrongs, and compeUed the country to rise in the attitude of self-defence. On the 13th of November, while four countrymen, who had been wandering in concealment from the devastators, were taking some refresh ment in the village of Dairy, in Upper Galloway, information was brought to them that three or four soldiers were in flicting the most barbarous abuse upon a poor old man, whom they had seized in order to compel him to pay the ruinous fines which they demanded. They has tened to the spot, and found the aged vic tim lying on the ground bound hand and foot, and the soldiers proceeding to strip him naked, in order lo execute their hid eous threat of stretching him upon a red- • Wodrow, vol. ii. p. S , Naphtali, pp. 125, 126, 235. A. D, 1666,] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 227 hot gridiron. The voice of outraged hu manity was louder than the cold whisper of cowardly prudence, and they inter posed lo rescue the venerable sufferer. The soldiers turned upon them with drawn swords, so that they were com pelled to fight in their own defence. A brief struggle ensued, in which one of the soldiers was wounded ; upon which his comrades yielded and were dis armed.* The reflection of a few moments shovved the countrymen in what immi nent peril they had placed their lives by this unpremeditated act of humanity. They knew well that their deed would be designated rebellion, and that they need not hope for mercy, should they be seized. The people of the village and neighbourhood were equally well aware that they would be counted participators in the crime because they had not sup ported the soldiers. Tamely lo yield, would, they knew, be death ; to rise gen erally in self-defence might secure more favourable terms, and, if unsuccessful, could but be death. They resolved, therefore, to adopt the more manly and rational alternative of self-defence ; and early next morning surprised a parly of about a dozen soldiers, who were quar tered in the vicinity, before they were aware of the seizure of their comrades. One soldier, who would not yield, was killed in the struggle ; the rest submitted, and were disarmed and made prisoners. Several of the neighbouring gentiemen now joined the insurgents, and they marched hastily lo Dumfries, where Sir James Turner was, made him prisoner, and disarmed all the troops who where wilh hira. They then proceeded in a body to the market-place, and publicly avowing that their object was self-defence alone, they drank his majesty's health, and prosperity lo his government, to manifest their unshaken loyalty. And in proof of their humanity, it must be re corded, that notwithstanding the intense and protracted oppression to vvhich they had been subjected, no violence was of fered even to Turner, who had been the chief agent of the persecution. One Gray, an Edinburgh merchant who hap pened to be in Dumfries, and joined them there, proposed the putting Sir James lo • Kirkton, p. 230; Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 17. death ; but this was withstood by Neilson of Corsack, whose property had been al most utterly ruined by the soldiery. Having received a smaU addition lo their numbers at Dumfries, they resolved to march towards Ayrshire, in order to form a junction with the grieviously op pressed inhabitants of that district, on whose sympathy and support they confi dently calculated. They accordingly marched forward in that direction, and meeting with Colonel Wallace, put them selves under his command. But they were miserably disappointed in their ex pectations. The spirit of the west coun try seemed to be completely broken ; and instead of rallying round the standard of religious liberty, they remained quietly in their homes, waiting the issue, willing lo avail themselves of freedom, should it be gained, but unwilling to expose them selves to danger in the attempt to snap asunder the chains of slavery. The small band of insurgents moved from place to place, according to their expecta tions of being joined by their country men, but everywhere experienced the same discouragement. It was al length seriously debated, whether they ought not to separate, and seek comparative safety in a private return to their own abodes ; for the rising had been so sudden and un expected, that there existed no precon certed understanding among the suffer ers in the different parts of the country ; and very many considered the enterprise as far too important to be undertaken without the previous arrangements which would secure a wide-spread simultaneous movement. To this it may be added, that a number of leading gentlemen in the west had a short time before been seized on suspicion, by an order of the council. In the meantime the alarm of the pre lates was great. The Earl of Rothes had gone to London a day or two before the commencement of the insurrection ; and Sharp himself had, in consequence, become the head of the privy council. Immediately upon the intelhgence reach ing Edinburgh, the council met, de spatched the tidings lo the king, and gave orders to raise an army for the suppres sion of this dreadful rebellion and " hor rid conspiracy," as they termed it in their terror, Dalziel of Binns was appointed 228 HISTORY 9F THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VII, to the command of the army ; and all no blemen, gentlemen, and magistrates were urgentiy ordered to put the country in a slate of defence, Edinburgh assumed the appearance of a beseiged city ; Glas gow the same ; the ferries of the Forth were secured ; and Stirling' bridge bar- ricaded so as to resist the approach of an army, A guihy conscience sounds a loud alarm, and the prelates appear to have believed that the whole kingdom was about to rise in arms, and inflict that vengeance which their own hearts told them that they so fully deserved. • So prompt and extensive vvere their defen sive measures, that long before the insur gents had obtained any considerable ac cession lo their strength, Dalziel's army had mustered at Glasgow in far more than sufficient force both to crush them and to overawe the western counties. The small and unsupported band of Presbyterian sufferers, learning that the army was approaching, and receiving little assistance from their friends, drew towards the hilly part of the country, marching from Cumnock by Muirkirk lo Douglas, where they halted, and con sulted whether they should there disperse or continue in arms. The result of their deliberations was a firm determination to persevere, and either to secure their reli gious liberties, or to fall in their defence. They could not, they said, expect a clearer warrant lo rise in self-defence than they at present had, when every thing dear lo them as men and Christians was at stake. They were persuaded that the hand of Providence vvas in the matter ; that there was a distinct call of sacred duty for them to go forward ; and whether it might be God's pleasure to assert His own cause by their means at that time, by granting them victory and deliverance, though but an handful, or to employ them merely as suffering wit nesses for the truth, still it seemed to be their duty to persevere, till they should have as clear a warning to desist as they already had to begin the enterprise. " We will follow on," said these heroic Christian soldiers, " till God shaU do his service by us ; and though we should all die at the end of it, we think the giving of a testimony enough for all."* ¦ Wallace's Narrative, in M'Crie's Lives of Veitch and Brysson, p. 402. They then marched to Lanark, where they halted till they renewed the Cove nant, and prepared and published a de claration setting forth the cause of their appearing in arms, and vindicating them selves against the charge of rebellion. By this time Dalziel was close at hand, and they had no choice but to give him battle, or make a rapid march on Edin burgh. In the hope of being joined by friends as they advanced, they resolved still to shun an engagement, and continue their forward movement. After a dread fully fatiguing march through the path less moors between Lanark and Bath gate, they arrived at the latter place, late al night, and when they arrived, finding no shelter, were compelled to continue their exhausting march. When morn ing dawned, it was found that the half of their little army had melted away, worn out by excessive fatigue, and their spirits exhausted by this destructive march of a day and night, drenched with heavy rains, and without food, shelter, or repose. Next day they continued their march to Collington, about three miles from Edinburgh ; but there they learned that no assistance was to be expected from that town, nor from their friends in the east country. A messenger came to them there, sent by the Duke of Ham ilton, lo persuade them to lay down their arms, in the hope of an indemnity which the duke promised to endeavour to pro cure. Bul as no mention was made of redressing their grievances, they refused to submit to such terms. Again the former messenger, the laird of Black wood, returned, and offered Dalziel's word of honor for a cessation of arms for a day, till a letter might be sent to the privy councU, to ascertain what answer could be given to their demands. There is reason to believe, that this cessation of arms was offered by Dalziel as a strata gem, to keep them in suspense, till he should be ready to assail them ; and no ¦ answer was returned by the council to their demands, the object being to keep them in suspense. Colonel WaUace seems to have sus pected the design of his antagonists, and therefore began to retreat, taking the di rection most likely to enable him to re tire in safely. He moved towards higher I grounds, less accessible to cavalry, round- A. D. 1665.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 229 ing the shoulder of the Penlland Hills, intending to retreat by Biggar, along the skirts of the mountain range. Towards evening, on the 28lh of November, he hailed on the side of a ridge called Rul- lion Green, to call in the stragglers and to refresh the men. Scarcely had he taken up this position when the van of Dalziel's army appeared, which had ad vanced through a pass farther westward, with the evident design of cutting off the retreat of the Covenanters. Wallace's army did not exceed nine hundred, while Dalziel's was at least thrice as numerous. But as Wallace had taken up a strong position, his antagonist hesitated some time before proceeding lo the attack. At length a party of the royal cavalry advanced lo charge the Covenanters, who detached an equal number to meet them. A sharp encounter took place on the level ground between the armies till the royalists recoiled and fled. Again did they assail the Covenanters, and again vvere beaten back to their main army. A third charge proved equally unsuccessful. But by these successive encounters the Covenanters had been drawn from their position, nearer to the plain ; and Dalziel now put his whole force in motion to assail them. Wallace hesitated a moment whether to resume his position and act on the defensive, till night should terminate the conflict ; but, aware that the next morning would find his own force diminished, and that of his enemy increased, while, even if defeated, the nature ofthe ground, and the fading hght, would enable him to retreat with little loss, he resolved lo meet the shock. While Dalziel was advancing, the Cov enanters spent the grim battie-pause in prayer, and then stood ready for the final struggle. Once more did they beat back their first assailants ; but while their left wing and main body vvere pressing vic toriously forward, their right was de feated, and Dalziel, charging with an overwhelming force on their unprotected flank, threw them into inextricable con fusion, and pursuing his advantage, scat tered their broken ranks, and drove them precipitately from this well-fought field.* The pursuit was not continued long, for night speedily closed in, casting its favouring shades over the wearied and ¦ Wallace's Narrative, pp. 415-419. broken Covenanters. A considerable part of Dalziel's cavalry was composed of gentlemen, who were not eager to shed unnecessarilji- the blood of their persecuted and unfortunate but brave countrymen. About fifty were killed in the battle, and as many taken in the pursuit. The soldiers, after the conflict, stripped the dead and dying, and left their naked bodies exposed to the chill severity of a November night, freezing their blood before life was quite extinct. Next day the prisoners were dragged to Edinburgh, the army entering the town in triumph, as if they had achieved a glorious victory over fierce invaders, the citizens gazing on the hapless victims through tears of unavailing pity. They were cast into prison till the privy coun cil should determine what punishment should be inflicted. Thus was suppressed that unpremeditated and ill-supported in surrection, commonly termed the Rising of Penlland, taking its designation from the place where the battie was fought. And now began a scene of horrors, which may not be altogether passed over, and yet which sickens the heart too much to permit us to dwell on its dread ful details. The cowardly terror of the prelates had been extreme, and now their thirst of vengeance could not be satis fied. Rothes was still in London ; consequently, till his return. Sharp re tained the presidency of the councU, and all its acts were issued in his name. First, the lord -treasurer was or dered to secure the property of all who bad been at Pentland, which was equiv alent to an act of general confiscation of the greater part of Galloway and Ayr shire. Next, General Dalziel vvas com manded 10 " search for and apprehend all persons who had been in arms with the rebels, or were suspected, or who had given shelter or assistance to them ;" and was empowered to quarter upon their lands with his forces. Soon afterwards a proclamation vvas issued, forbidding all subjects to correspond with or conceal the persons of a great number of gentle men, ministers, and elders, mentioned by name, or, " any others concerned in the late rebellion ;" and commanding them to pursue, seize, and deliver them up lo justice, on pain of being regarded as equally criminal ; and the prelatic cu- 230 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. vn. rales were particularly enjoined to furnish lists of all suspended persons, — an employ ment worthy of such men, and in which they engaged with great alacrity and zeal. The trial of the prisoners was then begun, — a trial in which condemnation had been predetermined before evidence was sought. Eleven of them were brought before the Court of Justiciary ; and, after a brief form of trial, were condemned to he hanged, and their heads and right hands cut off and disposed of as the council might see fit. One of them died of his wounds before the day of execu tion : the other ten were hanged on one gibbet on the 7th of December. Their heads were fixed up at Kirkcudbright, Kilmarnock, and Hamilton, and their right hands at Lanark, because they had sworn the Covenant there. The joint testimony and dying speches of these martyrs for Christ's crown and covenant are recorded in Naphtali, and prove con vincingly that it was indeed for the cause of religion that their blood was shed.* Other five were tried without the aid of counsel, and put to the same death on the 14th of December. The death of John Neilson of Corsack demands more particular mention. He vvas a gentleman of considerable property in Galloway, of superior talents, and of unblemished character. But in this last particular consisted his unpardonable crime. He was too much of a Christian for the curates, and consequently he was included in their list, and exposed to the ruinous exactions of Sir James Turner and his brutal soldiery. When the people of Galloway rose in self-defence, he joined them ; and, notwithstanding the cruel treatment whieh he and his family had received from Turner, Mr. Neilson argued strenuously and successfully against the proposal of some to put the oppressor to death. As the prelates could not con ceive that the persecuted Presbyterians would have dared to rise in self-defence unless there had been a widely extended conspiracy, they determined to extort a confession of the nature and extent of this plot from such of the prisoners as were certain lo be acquainted with it if it existed. For this reason they resolved lo put Neilson to the torture of the boot In vain did they crush his leg in this • Naphtali, pp. 182-192. fearful engine of torture ; shrieking na ture attested his agony, bul his soul was clear of the guilt wherewith he was charged, and he would not blacken it by making a false acknowledgment of a crime of which he was innocent When the persecutors found that they could ex tort nothing from bim but groans and anguish, they condemned him to suffer, along wilh his guiltless friends, the shorter pangs of death.* Hugh M'Kail was the next victim of torture. He was a young preacher, learned, eloquent, and eminently pious. He had been but a short while wilh the insurgents, and had left them before the day of the battle, unable to endure the fatigue to which they were exposed ; but he had, on one occasion, when preaching, and having cause to speak of the suffer ings of the Church in all ages, said, that it had been persecuted by a Pharaoh on the throne, a Haraan in the State, and a Judas in the Church ; and though he made no application of this statement, it had reached the ears of Sharp, was thought himself alluded to under the character of Judas. For this he would have been laid hold of at the time, had he not gone abroad, and escaped for a little the prelate's rage. Bul he was now in the hands of his enemy, and was to suf fer the dire effects of implacable revenge. When he was brought before the council, he vvas interrogated respecting the leaders of the insurrection, and what correspondence they bad, either at home or abroad. He declared himself utterly unacquainted with any such correspon dence ; and frankly slated how far he had laUen part in lheir,proceedings. The instrument of lotture was then laid before him, and he was informed that, if he did not confess, it should be applied next day. On the following day, he was again brought before the council, and again ordered to confess, on the pain of imme diate torture. He declared solemnly that he had no more to confess. The execu tioner then placed his leg in the horrid instrument, applied the wedge, and pro ceeded to his hideous task. When one heavy blow had driven in the wedge, and crushed the limb severely, he vvas again urged lo confess, but in vain. Blow after blow succedeed, at consider- • Wodrow, vol. ii., p. 63. A. D. 1665.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 231 able intervals, protracting the terrible agony ; bul still, with true Christian for titude, the heroic marlyr possessed his soul in patience. Seven or eight succes sive blows had crushed the flesh and sinews to the very bone, when he pro tested solemnly in the sight of God, that he could say no more, though all the joints of his body were in as great tor ture as that poor leg. Yet thrice more the wedge was driven in, till the bone itself vvas shattered by its iron compres sion, and a heavy swoon relieved him from longer consciousness of the mortal agony. He wets carried back to prison ; and soon afterwards condemned to death. Between the day of his condemnation and that of his death, his mind was in a continual stale of holy joy and heavenly peace. When brought lo the place of execution, he was more than serene ; he vvas filled with unutterable transport. His last speech breathed the very spirit of the Christian martyr's triumph : its conclusion is inexpressibly sublime. "And now I leave off lo speak any more to creatures, and turn my speech to thee, O Lord. And now I begin my intercourse with God, which shall never be broken off Farewell, father and mother, friends and relations ; farewell, the world and all delights ; farewell, meat and drink ; farewell, sun, moon, and stars. Wel come, God and Father ; welcome, sweet Jesus, the Mediator ofthe New Covenant ; welcome, blessed Spirit of grace, and God of all consolation ; welcome, glory ; welcome, eternal life ; welcome, death. O Lord, into thy hands I commit my spirit ; for thou hast redeemed my soul, Lord God of truth."* Thus passed from earth, on the 22d of December 1666, one of the brightest, purest, and most sanctified spirits that ever animated a mere human form ; a victim to prelatic tyranny, and a rejoicing martyr for Christ's sole kingly dominion over his Church, and for that sacred Covenant in which the Church of Scot land had vowed allegiance to her Divine and only Head and King. Till the records of time shaU have melted into those of eternity, the name of that young Christian marlyr wiU be held in most affectionate remembrance and fer vent admiration by every true Scottish • Naphtali, pp. 21^234. Presbyterian, and will be regarded by the Church of Scotland as one of the fairest jewels that ever she was honoured to add lo the conquering Redeemer's crown of glory. It is almost too disgraceful lo human nature to record, that before the death of M'Kail, and after several executions had taken place, a letter came from the king, prohibiting any more live^ from being taken ; but Sharp and Burnet suppressed this letter till after the death of M'Kail, so that they may justiy be charged wilh the cold, deliberate murder of that guiltiess youth, and of violating the most sacred prerogative of the crown, that they might perpetrate the monstrous deed.* This barbarous conduct of Sharp, which was generally known at the time, tended greatly to increase the detestation in which he and his coadjutors were held by the people. Indeed, the sufferings of the unfortunate victims who vvere put to death after the Pentland insurrection, and especially their dying speeches, produced a deep impression throughout the whole of Scotland. It was easy to brand the insurrection with the name of rebellion, and to assert that the victims suffered on account of their having been guilty of treason ; but the conduct of the men themselves on the scaffold, the speeches they uttered there, and the written testi monies they left behind them, wrought conviction in the hearts of their sympa thizing countrymen, and awoke a re sponse which acts of privy council could no more check than they could stem the rising tide. Men began to ask, whether that could be a bad cause for which such martyrs suffered so heroically ; and whe ther that could be a good cause vvhich re sorted to such methods to secure its triumph? And many who had disliked and opposed the west country Whigs, as they were sometimes termed, began to entertain a still stronger dislike to the prelates, who had displayed such a relent less and persecuting spirit, and such utter disregard of all liberty, civil and reli gious. It is not, we trust, necessary to vindicate ihe Pentland insurrection now : for the very same principles which urged these martyrs of civil and religious liberty to take up arms in their own defence, • Wodrow, vol. ii, p. 38; Kirkton, p. 255; Memoirs of Veitch, p. 37 ; Burnet's Own Times, vol. i. p. 237. 232 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VH. were afterwards espoused by the whole empire at the Revolution, and cannot now be gainsaid by any man who is not in his heart a tyrant or a slave. [1667.] Soon after the privy council had glutted their vengeance wilh the public execution of a considerable num ber of persons both at Edinburgh and in different parts of the country, the army was sent to the disaffected districts, under the command of General Dalziel. with full powers to him to gratify his savage disposition by inflicting whatsoever bar barities he pleased upon the unoffending people. It was not necessary for him lo go through the tardy process of a trial ; the previous acts of council had given lo persons bearing his majesty's commis sion, powers which a little straining would make amply sufficient for all ty rannical purposes ; and Dalziel felt no difficulty in straining them lo the utmost, and putting the whole country under military latv. At Kilmarnock, where he took up his head-quarters, he not only let loose the soldiery, — he hounded them on with the Kiost relentiess ferocity. Sus picion of having been wilh the insurgents, or given them food, or of entertaining favourable sentiments with regard to them and their cause, was by him consi dered proof enough, on the strength of which he might inflict any punishment which caprice or cruelty might dictate. Money vvas extorted from those who had any; upon others the troops were quar tered till they had "eaten up" every kind of sustenance, and reduced their victims to starvation ; numbers were crowded into a dungeon in the prison so densely, that they could only stand upright day and night, though sick and dying from ils noisome and pestilential vapours ; some vvere, without trial, and upon the bare orders of the general, shot dead, stripped naked, and left weltering in their blood upon the spot were they had thus been murdered ; and one woman, merely because a man had fled through her house and escaped the pursuit of the soldiers, was cast into a pit swarming with no.xious reptiles. In Galloway, the military command was intrusted to Sir William Bannatyne instead of Sir James Turner; bul the change was even for the worse lo the per secuted Presbyterians. To all the cruelties of Dalziel or Turner, Bannatyne added the most atrocious indulgence in lascivi ous licentiousness, both in his own con duct and that of the soldiery. Female chastity was exposed to every nameless outrage, the presence of parents or hus bands being no protection to young mai dens or married women, bul exposing to insult, wounds and death, those men who presumed to defend their daughters, their sisters, or their wives, from the infamous attempts of Bannatyne and his brutal crew.* That in acts of mere cruelty Bannatyne vvas not inferior to Dalziel himself, appears from his treatment of a woman in the parish of Dairy, whom he tortured by tying matches betwixt her fingers and setting them on fire, because she was supposed to have assisted her husband in escaping from the hands of his pursuers. To such an extent did they proceed in their barbarity, that one of her hands was entirely destroyed, and she died of the effects ofthe torture within a few days. But the prelates and the council had another object in view than merely the gratification of their cruelty. They wished to secure lo themselves and their friends the properly of those who either had been, or were suspected of having been, concerned in the Penlland rising. They therefore contrived to procure an opinion from the Court of Session, that persons accused of treason might be con demned in absence, a sentence of death passed upon them, and their estates for feited. In consequence of this unprece dented opinion, the property of the most considerable gentiemen in several dis tricts of Clydesdale and Galloway fell into the hands of these rapacious persecu tors, and in a short time Dalziel and his Ueutenant, Drummond, received the es tates of Caldwell and Kersland, as a re ward for their services. But symptoms of a change of measures began to appear. Several of the nobility had become weary of this incessant course of persecution in which they were kept by the prelates, as well as disgusted with the pride of these domineering church men. The majority of the council was composed of prelates and officers in the army ; and the Scottish barons felt them selves insulted and degraded by the con- ¦ Wodrow, vol. ii. p, 15, A. D. 1667.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 233 duct and the company of such men. Lauderdale was quite aware of this slate of matters, and contrived to countermine the prelatic party, and lo procure a letter from the king to the council, giving per mission lo imprison and try all suspected persons, but not sanctioning the arbitrary forfeitures ; and at the same lime an inti mation vvas given lo Sharp to confine himself to his own diocese, and not inter meddle with public affairs. This disap pointment checked their zeal considera bly ; and when, some time afterwards, a positive order came from his majesty, commanding the army to be disbanded, with the exception of the guards, they were in despair, Burnet, archbishop of Glasgow, exclaiming, " Now that the army is disbanded, the gospel will go out of my diocese."* What idea that arch- prelate entertained of the gospel, may be easily conjectured. Now that the army was to be disbanded, it came to be a seri ous question with the privy council how the country was to kept in peace without a military power. It formed no part of their scheme to promote peace by abstain ing from committing outrages upon the country. But they were divided between the enforceinent of the declaration and the framing of a new document lo be termed the Bond of Peace, Chiefly through the influence of Sir Robert Murray, the council determined upon the bond of peace, which was accordingly passed. About the same lime an act of indemnity to those who had been con cerned in the late insurrection was trans mitted from the king, and also passed by the councU, but clogged with so many ex ceptions that it proved an indemnity in name rather than reahty. " In the be ginning," says Wodrow, " it pardoned all ; in the niiddle very few ; and in the end none at aU." Both the act of in demnity and the bond of peace were pub lished on the 9lh of October. The bond of peace varied somewhat in its forms, but its chief provision was, that the person taking it bound and obhged himself lo keep the public peace^ and not to rise in arms against or without his majesty's authority ; and in the act of council enforcing it, noblemen, gentie men, and heritors were compelled to be come bound for themselves, their tenants, • Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 89. 30 and servants, under the penalty of a full year's rent. The enforcement of this bond vvas likely enough to fill the coffers of the treasury ; but there was another effect which it might have had, and was probably intended to have, — it caused not a littie discussion among religious and conscientious people whether it might be taken wilh propriety. It was so compre hensive in its terms, that it might be ex plained as consenting lo the existing forms of government in the Church, as well as in the State ; and if so, none who were opposed to Prelacy could with sin cerity subscribe any such bond. The differences of opinion entertained by the Presbyterians concerning the bond of peace, did not produce any dissensions among them ; and it was not long till very different measures jjut an end to the danger of disunion on that account. The council, during some of their sittings towards the close of the year, gave proof of their critical acumen by emit ting a proclamation against Brown of Wamphray's " Apologetical Relation," and the well-known book called " Naph tali, or the Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland." These works, however, sur vive, notwithstanding the impotent wrath of men who hate the truth because it con demns them, and will survive so long as truth is valued, martyrs held in honour, and tyranny abhorred. [1668.] In the beginning of the year 1668, the council, in which the prelatic party had for a time lost their ascendency, thought proper to inquire into the con duct of Sir James Turner, whose cruelty and oppression had caused the insurrec tion, and of Sir William Bannatyne, whose still greater enormities were not unlikely to provoke another similar at tempt. Turner proved that he had not exceeded his commission ; but yet he was deprived of his military rank, as some atonement to the feelings of the country. Bannatyne was convicted of having per petrated such barbarities as humanity could not endure, and he was sentenced to banishment. He retired lo the conti nent, and was soon afterwards killed by a cannon-ball al the seige of Grave. But while the council thought proper to re move these bloody men from places of trust, there was tittle abatement in the severities employed against tjiose who 234 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VII. had been concerned in the late insurrec tion, or those who refused to subscribe the bond of peace. In a letter to the king, mention is made of the numbers who had yielded, and of those who still held out ; and in a private letter from Tweeddale to Lauderdale, it was more minutely staled, that two hundred and eighteen had submitted, three hundred and nine refused, eighty had been killed in the the field, forty executed, thirty-one had died in the counties of Galloway and Dumfries, thirty had fled, and twenty forfeited ; amounting to about seven hun dred sufferers out of a small army not exceeding nine hundred when broken at Pentland.* The acts against conventicles were this year enforced with greater rigour than they had previously been, in consequence of the repeated complaints ofthe curates, that some of the ejected ministers con tinued to preach, and that where such was the case, the people almost univer sally deserted their own ministry. War rants were accordingly issued to appre hend all ejected ministers, or others, who should keep conventicles ; and the magis trates of burghs were obliged to sign a bond to pay a certain sum if a conventicle should be held within their jurisdiction. Several eminent ministers were seized in consequence of this increased severity, of whom the most distinguished were, Mi chael Bruce, who had been a minister in Ireland, Thomas Hogg, minister at Kil tearn, and John Wilkie, a very aged man, whose infirmities rendered him phy sically incapable of committing the al leged crime for which he was oppressed, not having been out of his own house above twice during the course of a whole year. Notwithstanding these severities, the oppression of the Presbyterians was con siderably relaxed upon the whole, and there appeared some probability that even more favourable terms would be granted. But an incident occurred which had a most injurious effect in every point of view, both in leading to a renewal ofthe persecution, and in giving a degree of plausibility to the accusations urged against the Presbyterians. This was an attempt made by a preacher of the name of James Mitchell to assassinate Arch- ' Wodrow vol. ii. p. 107 ; Sir J. Turner's Memoirs. bishop Sharp. Mitchell had been to some extent implicated in the insurrection which was suppressed at Pentland, and was excepted from the indemnity. After having wandered about for some lime in daily peril of his life, and having seen many of his friends perish on the scaf fold, others driven into banishment, their property confiscated, and their families reduced to starvation, the sense of intol erable wrong, national and individual, so far influenced his mind, that he determin ed to avenge his suffering country upon the perjured and relentless author of her sufferings. This determination he dis closed to no person, but provided himself privately wilh a pair of pistols, and watched for an opportunity of meeting with Archbishop Sharp. On the 1 1th of July he perceived the primate's carriage ready for its owner's reception, and im mediately look up such a position as might place the person of his enemy within his reach. The archbishop en tered the coach and look his seat ; Mit chell stepped forward, aimed, and fired the pistol ; but al that moment Honey- man, bishop of Orkney, in entering the carriage, stretched forth his arm, and re ceived the ball in his wrist Thus it was turned aside from Sharp, and the excited sufferer saved from the commission of a great crime. The cry immediately rose that a man was killed, and people began to rush to the spot where the deed had taken place ; but when this cry was met by the response " that it was only a bishop," the crowd quietly dispersed. Mitchell escaped from observation and pursuit, and remained undetected for seve ral years.* This criminal attempt by a man whom persecution had driven nearly mad, was productive of very injurious consequences to the cause of Presbyterians. For al though, as a party, they were not in the slightest degree implicated in Mitchell's guilty attempt, it was charged against them ; and on the pretence of searching for the assassin, or for persons concerned, as was alleged, in a murderous conspira cy of which he was merely the agent, great numbers of people were brought into trouble, and subjected to grievous hardships. Several persons were appre hended on suspicion ; and, among others, ¦ Wodrow, vol. ii. pp. 115, 116 ; Naphtali, pp. 250-260. A. D. 1669.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 235 three women, two of whom were widows. One of them, a minister's widow, was threatened with the torture of the boot, * vvhich would have been inflicted had not Rothes jestingly said, " It was not proper for gentlewomen to wear boots." She was, however sentenced lo be imprisoned, and ihen banished to the colonies.* [1669] — The proceedings against con venticles, as they were called, continued during the early part of the year 1669 ; and in order to enforce the suppression of these meetings as effectually as the want of a sufficient military force would admit, there were appointed collectors of fines, who were sent to the several disaf fected districts. But these collectors fell far short of the soldiery in their exac tions ; so that the Presbyterians obtained some mitigation of their sufferings. The archbishop of Glasgow exerted himself to the utmost lo oppress the non-conform ing ministers ; bul when they were called before the council, their defence was so calmly urged, and with such strength of reason, that the proceedings against them were allowed to drop, greatly to the mortification of the disappointed arch bishop. But the chief event of this year was the passing of the first indulgence. It has been already mentioned, that the nobility had become weary of the continued course of persecution in vvhich the intolerance and cruelty of the prelates kept them en gaged ; and that Sharp's duplicity and tyranny had al length impelled the king to prohibit his further interference in the affairs of the nation. In England, also, a more temperate line of policy had been pursued since the fall of Clarendon ; and Charles himself had become impatient of the continual complaints addressed to him from all quarters against prelatic cruelty, and had expressed his intention to be no longer the king of a party, but the king of the whole people." t Lau derdale had no peculiar regard for the prelates, and had repeatedly interfered to check the persecuting zeal of Sharp. Tweeddale was still more favourable, and had held interviews with some ofthe ejected ministers, wilh a view to ascertain whether some terms of mutual accommo dation might not be framed, or some measure adopted, calculated to restore • Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 118. t Ibid, p. 115. comparative peace to the country. At length, on the 15th of July, a letter from the king was laid before the council by Tweeddale, containing the indulgence. Ils chief provisions were, that the privy council should " appoint so many of the ejected ministers as had lived peaceably and orderly," either to return to the par ishes whence they had been expelled, if still vacant, or to such others as the coun cil should approve of; that they should be allowed to receive the stipend of such parishes, upon condition of their receiv ing the consent of the patron, and colla tion from the bishop, to vvhich, if they would not submit, they should only pos sess the manse and glebe ; that they should be slrictiy enjoined to keep pres byteries and synods, that is, to attend dio cesan meetings held by the prelates, for there were no truly Presbyterian meet ing ; that they should not allow the peo ple from the other parishes to attend their churches and receive oidinances ; and that all these favours should be with drawn if they should publicly speak or preach against the ecclesiastical suprema cy of the king. In conclusion, it is de clared, that seeing all pretences for con venticles are thus taken away, if any should thereafter presume to hold or fre quent them, " our express pleasure is, that you proceed wilh all severity against the preachers and hearers as seditious persons, and contemners of our authority. This indulgence appeared to the pre lates lo be greatly too favourable to the persecuted Presbyterians ; and meetings were held to devise by what methods it might be rendered as littie beneficial lo the ejected ministers as possible. It could not be set aside, since it was the king's declared will ; but Sharp consoled his afflicted brethren, by promising to do his utmost to " make it a bone of contention to the Presbyterians."* His device, it appears, was, to revive the old contest between the resolutioners and the protes ters, by proposing that the indulgence should be granted to the resolutioners alone.f But this contest had sunk into comparative insignificance, in conse quence ofthe fiercer fires of the persecu tion into which the whole Church had been thrown, and by which they had ' Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 13L Times, vol. i. p. 278. t Burnet's Own 236 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [. :HAP. VU. been, as it vvere, fused into union. Yet Sharp's wily scheme was so far followed, that when the council selected those to whom the indulgence was to be offered, they endeavoured to induce those who had been of the resolutioners lo accept the ensnaring boon, and in many instances they were but too successful. At first ten were selected lo whom the indulgence was offered ; and of those the most distinguished was George Hutchi son, who had been one ofthe ministers of Edinburgh before the Glasgow Act. Hutchison, in his own name and that of his brethren, returned thanks to his ma jesty and the council for this act of clem ency ; guarding their acceptance, how ever, by saying, " We having received our ministry from Jesus Christ, with pre scriptions from him for regulating us therein, must, in the discharge thereof, be accountable lo him." This cautious statement gave satisfaction lo no party Those of the council who most strenu ously asserted the royal supremacy, were displeased with it, as containing a denial of that high prerogative ; while on the other hand, the greater part of the Pres byterian ministers regarded it as a weak and sinful betrayal of the great doctrine of Christ's sole supremacy. And cer tainly, if the reader has entered fully into the principles which have been re peatedly brought before his notice in the preceding pages of this history, he must be aware that the indulgence proceeded upon a principle clearly subversive ofthe Presbyterian Church. Ils very existence depended upon the king's supremacy in matters ecclesiastical ; without which he could have neither the right nor the power, on his own sole authority, and by his absolute command, to depose, suspend, restore and limit ministers in the discharge of their strictly ministerial functions. Viewing it, therefore, solely as a matter of principle, we have no hesitation in say ing, that not one of the ejected ministers ought to have accepted the indul gence, because it was impossible lo do so without sacrificing the fundamental and essential principle of the Presbyterian Church — that which constitutes its glory and its life — the sole sovereignty of Christ. The whole number of ministers who • Brown's History of the Indulgence, passim. were included in the first indulgence amounted to forty-two. All of them made some form of protestation against the royal supremacy, or at least some de-* claration of the opposite principle ; and very few accepted of either the direct pre sentation of a patron, or collation from a bishop. Their wish appears to have been to obtain liberty to resume the dis charge of their ministerial duties without molestation, though at the same time with out receiving any stipend, and so far their conduct was disinterested and unselfish ; but it proved extremely detrimental to the cause of the Church of Scotland. It divided the ejected ministers into two par lies, the Indulged and the Non-indulged, and thereby put an end to that unanimity which their common sufferings had re produced, and vvhich, since the Pentland insurrection had been increasing so steadily, as to promise ere long to be be yond the power of kings and councils to subdue. Much has been written respect ing the indulgence, and the propriety of complying with it, for the sake of peace and liberty to preach the gospel. But the whole discussion may be resolved into the question, which of three things ought to have been chosen by the Church ; whether unanimously to accept the indul gence, in which case she would at once have become prelatic ; or unanimously to reject it, in which case it would fall harmlessly to the ground ; or some lo re ceive and some to reject, in which case the Church would be divided, weakened, and trampled in the dust. The first could not be chosen without injury ; the second would have been the choice of high prin ciple and sound prudence ; the third was the course followed, recommended by the usual weak and shortsighted arguments of expediency, and proved lo be the course of ruin. The fatal effects result ing from this division, caused by partial compliance with the indulgence, might teach, if men could be taught by the ex perience of others, how dangerous it is to quit the path which clear principle points out, however beset with perils, and lo turn aside into the crooked by-ways of human expediency, allured by the falla cious hopes of peace and safely. It appears that a little reflection showed the privy council that they had proceeded I rashly in giving immediate effect to the A. D. 1670.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 237 indulgence, merely upon the authority of his majpsty's letter, as it was contrary to several existing laws, which could not be repealed or superseded without a meet ing of parliament. At the same time there was a proposal to unite the Scottish and English parliaments into one, which also would require to be discussed in the parliaments of the respective countries. For these reasons a parliament was called, after an interval of eight years. Its first act, passed on the 16th of November, vvas intended to legalize the indulgence. It certainly accomplished that purpose, nnd not a little more. It commenctd by sta ting the necessity of clearly asserting his majesty's power and authority in relation to matters and persons ecclesiastical ; and then proceeded lo declare, " That his ma jesty hath the supreme authority and supremacy over all persons and in all causes ecclesiastical within this his king dom : and that, by virtue thereof, the or dering and disposal of the external gov ernment and policy of the Church doth properly belong to his majesty and his successors, as an inherent right of the crown ; and that his majesty and his suc cessors may settle, enact, and emit such constitutions, acts, and orders, concerning the administration ofthe external govern ment ofthe Church, and the persons em ployed in the same, and concerning all pcciesiastical meetings, and matters to be proposed and determined therein, as they in their royal wisdom shall think fit." It is wholly unnecessary to offer any com ment on an act which utterly abolished all church power whatever, and elevated the king at once to the state and power of a royal pope. Indeed, it put it com pletely into the power of the king or his successor to restore Popery whenever he might think proper ; and Burnet is of opinion that Lauderdale, who knew the sentiments of the Duke of York, pro cured the passing of this act for that very purpose.* This act proved to be of too potent a character for even the prelates. Alexan der Burnet, archbishop of Glasgow, had been exceedingly opposed to the in dulgence ; and now when this act was passed, he saw that it placed his own or der as much in the power of the sove reign as it did the Presbyterian ministers. " Burnet's Own Times, vol. i. p. 284. " So now the Episcopal party, that were wont to put all authority in the king as long as he vvas for thtm, began to talk of law."* A meeting of the clergy of that diocese was held, and a strong re monstrance vvas drawn up against the in dulgence. When it was transmitted to the king, he termed it another Western Remonstrance, said it vvas as bad as Guthrie's, and ordered the archbishop to be deposed. Leighton, bishop of Dun blane, was translated lo the archbishopric of Glasgow, where he soon afterwards took a leading part in attempting to ar range the terms of an accommodation with the Presbyterian ministers. [1670.] The year 1670 began with severe measures against the indulged ministers, at the instigation ofthe prelates because they did not conform in all parti culars to the very terras of the indulgence. They were prohibited from lecturing, because the curates did not or could not lecture. They were watched narrowly as to their conduct in granting ordinan ces to people who came from other parishes. And they were called before a committee appointed by the privy coun cil, and compeUed lo answer generally as to the manner in which they discharg ed their ministry. This must h^ve shown them that, in complying' with the indulgence, they had really subjected themselves to the arrogated supremacy of the king and the council in ecclesias tical matters. And as the indulgence had, according to its own statement, taken away all pre tence for conventicles, the acts against these meetings were enforced with in creased severity. This was the more practicable, in consequence of an act pas sed by the parliament respecting the militia, in which the power of arming the subjects, and keeping them as a stand ing force for any purpose in which his majesty might think proper to employ them, was declared to be an inherent right of the crown. By this act, the loss ofthe army, which had been disbanded, was amply supplied, and a sufficient military force again put into the hands of the councU. Several ministers were seized and punished for keeping conven ticles; and a considerable number of country gentlemen were subjected to • Burnet's Own Times, p. 283. 238 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCCp'LAND. [CHAP. VII. heavy fines for giving countenance to these meetings. Bul, instead of being discouraged and ceasing to meet together, both ministers and people seemed lo be come the more resolute as they were the more severely treated. What were term ed field-conventicles, or field meetings, began to be frequently held, and nu merously attended. The first of these field-meetings, at which people appeared in arms for their own defence, was held al Beath-hill, in the parish of Dunferm line, about the middle of June. Wor ship was conducted chiefly by the Rev. John Blackadder, who had been ejected several years before, and had resolutely refused to conform. Great numbers at tended from the whole country round ; and when some officers of militia came, as if to disturb and break up the meet ing, they were met by men of determined courage, armed for self-defence, and com pelled either lo remain and listen quiet ly, or to promise to depart peaceably, and leave the people lo worship God be neath the open canopy of heaven. There is related to have been a very remark able inanifestation of spiritual influence in the sacred services of that day, great solemnity, and deep devotional feeling, impressions which were never 'obliterated from the hearts and minds of many of the worshippers.* Two other large meetings ofthe same kind were held the sarae year — one at the Torwood, and another at Carnwath ; bul neither of them quite equalled that of Beath-hill. They were, however, suffi cient to alarm the prelatic party, and to excite the bitter indignation of the coun cil. When the parliament met in the end of July, they proceeded lo pass the most sanguinary enactments against con venticles, with the manifest determination of utterly suppressing them, though it should be by the entire exterminalon of the persons by whom they were held. On the 3d of August an act was passed " anent deponing," or giving evidence on oath, against those who either held or frequented conventicles. In- this, " all and every subject, of what degree, sex, or quality soever," were commanded to "depone upon oath" their knowledge of any person holding or frequenting these meetings, under the penally of • Blackadder's Memoirs, pp. 144148. " fining, imprisonment, or banishment to the plantations." By this it was intend ed to compel people to give evidence against their nearest relatives and dearest friends. Another act "anent field-con venticles " vvas of a still more crimson hue. It prohibits all " ouled ministers," and "other persons not authorised by the bishop of the diocese," from preach ing, expounding Scripture, or praying, except in their own houses, and to their own family alone ; appointing heavy and ruinous fines to be exacted from all who should violate these restrictions, and ren dering the heads of every household an swerable for each other and for the mem bers of their famihes. It further ordains that those who " convocate" or conduct such conventicles in the fields, " shall be punished with death and confiscation of their goods ;" and a reward is offered to any person who should seize and secure the persons of those who preached at these field-meetings, with an indem nity for any slaughter that might be com mitted in the seizure. This most atro cious act was to endure for three years, " unless his majesty should think fit that it continues longer." Two other acts — one against persons procuring baptism for their children from any other than the ministers licensed by government — the other against people separating them selves from the congregations where these government ministers preached — com pleted the persecuting enactments of this parliament. The object of the indulgence might have been now sufficiently apparent. For these most iniquitous acts plainly proved, that mercy was not its intention, but merely such a division among the Presbyterians as might draw off all the timid and wavering, and leave the more determined to swift and utter destruction. There is a fearful meaning in the limita tion of the act at first to three years ; as if the persecutors contemplated the anni hilation within that time,- of the entire body of Presbyterians in Scotiand. But when the malice of man wages war against the cause of God, the result is not doubtful. The very means employed wilh such relentless cruelty against the Presbyterians were overruled lo the in creasing of their numbers, their courage, and their progress in vital religion. A. D. 1670.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 239 These barbarous enactments, so far from putting an end to field-meetings, roused the people to the determination lo frequent them more than they had previously done, and lo come in such numbers, and prepared with such defensive weapons, as might protect them against any sud den assault of their persecuting enemies. And the very danger which men had thus to encounter in the worship of God, had a powerful tendency to elevate their noinds above that lisllessness and torpidi ty which loo often prevail in congrega tions met in their usual place of worship, and as a matter of ordinary occurrence. They must have loved the gospel, who thus braved every peril that they might hear it freely and fully proclaimed by men whose very act of proclaiming it ex posed them lo the loss of life ; or they whose native courage loved the wild thrill of heart which rises al the encounter of danger, would soon love the gospel for the very danger's sake. And we may diraly imagine, though we cannot fully realize, the intense earnestness with which they would hsten to the bold and fervent eloquence of a minister who indeed preached as a dying man lo dying men, not knowing but that his sermon might be abruptly closed with his expiring groans, and his blood and theirs be mingled together on the trodden heath, before the day vvas done. Nor need we doubt that all these strong emotions would he raised lo the highest pitch of which they were capable, by the scarcely per ceived yet mighty influence ofthe scenery amidst which these field-meeting vvere generally held, — that sensations and feel ings of the solemn, the sublime, and the glorious, would be wrought into their minds from the grave austerity of vast up land moors, the stern majesty of frown ing crags and lofty mountains, and the overclouded or serene illimitable skies, from which the sun, like the broad eye of heaven looked down upon their wor ship. To all these incalculably power ful natural influences, the records of these times give us good reason to add, what was infinitely more mighty than them all, the fell presence ofthe Spirit of God accompanying the administration of word and ordinance, and sealing divine truth upon the souls of the quickened, melting, and adoring multitudes. The latter part of this year vvas chiefly occupied by the discussions to which Leighlon's attempt at an accommodation between the Prelalists and the Presbyte rians gave rise. When Alexander Bur net was removed from the archbishopric of Glasgow by the king's orders, Leigh ton, at that time bishop of Dumblane, was appointed commendator or adminis trator of the vacant archiepiscopal see. This eminent man had kept as much as possible aloof from direct participation in the atrocities perpetrated by his brethren ; and when appointed to the more influen tial position of Glasgow, he set himself to attempt some accommodation between his party and that of the persecuted Pres byterians. His first step was a very ne cessary one. It was an inquiry into the conduct of the prelatic clergy within his own diocese, with the view of correcting the abuses that were prevalent among them. From this attempt he was soon obliged to desist, in consequence of find ing it utterly impossible to correct abuses so universal and so enormous ; besides, that his attempts to be impartial in his in quiries were greatly checked by a lay committee vvhich the council had ordered to assist, but which really impeded him. He next attempted to try the force of ar gument upon the nonconforming minis ters and people, and selected six of the most learned and pious of the prelatic clergy to travel over the western counties, and endeavour to proselytise the people. Gilbert Burnet, at that lime professor of theology in Glasgow, was one of these six, and has recorded their endeavours, and their unsuccessfulness, in his His tory of his Own Times. " We vvere in deed amazed," says he, " to see a poor commonalty so capable to argue upon points of government, and on the bounds to be set lo the power of princes in mat ters of religion. Upon all these topics they had texts at hand, and were ready with their answers to any thing that was said to them. This measure of knowl edge was spread even among the mean est of them, their cottagers and their servants."* From this alone men might deduce one of the reasons why the Pres byterian ought to be preferred to the Pre latic form of church government by a wise and patriotic legislature. By the ¦ Burnet's Own Times, vol. i. p. 293. 240 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, [CHAP, VII, Presbyterian Church the whole body of the people are educated and thought lo think and reason; by the Episcopalian this never yet' has taken place, nor even been attempted, in its actings as a na tional church. In further prosecution of h s scheme of accommodation, Leighton procured a meeting of some of the most distinguished of the indulged ministers to be held in Edinburgh in August, and subsequently another at Paisley in December. Much reasoning passed between Leighton and them, on the point of the difference be tween Prelacy and Presbytery, and the possibility of some intermediate form, partaking of some of the essential fea tures of both, by the adoption of which harmony might be restored. It was not difficult to see that any real and perma nent accommodation was absolutely im possible, unless the Presbyterian minis ters vvere prepared to abandon every es sential point of their own form of church government and discipline, one by one, as the prelatic power chose to make its insidious but irresistible advances. They could not but know that Prelacy had been thrust upon the Church of Scotland in King James's days, in a great meas ure by the device of the constant moder ators ; and Leighlon's proposal not only retained these, but did not abolish the negative vote of the presiding prelate, so that presbyteries and synods, so constitu ted would have been bul a name. The attempted accommodation, was, therefore, finally abandoned, greatly to the regret of Leighton, who was, we are persuaded, sincerely desirous of peace, and pitied the sufferings of his oppressed country, having on one occasion declared that he could not approve of the severities em ployed against the nonconformists, even for the purpose of planting Christianity in a heatlien land, much less for the mere substitution of one form of church government for another.* Yet he cannot be exonerated from the blame of having been accessory to these seventies, through his compliance with the scheme of over throwing the Presbyterian Church, and establishing Prelacy on ils ruins. And however much we must deplore that such a stain should rest on the memory of such a roan, historical truth condemns ¦ Pearson's Lite of Leighton, pp. 62, 63; Burnet. his public conduct as that of a persecutor, although his gentle spirit shrunk from the contemplation of the bloody scenes in vvhich his unnatural connection wilh Scottish Prelacy involved him. [1671.] No great events signalized the year 1671. The indulged ministers, in deed, experienced some of the tender mercies ofthe council, by being confined within their parishes, and threatened lo be deprived of their stipends, because they had not strictly obeyed all the di rections contained in the indulgence. Several heavy fines vvere exacted, and people imprisoned in irons, for frequent ing- conventicles. Popery began to raise its head openly in various parts of the country, and experienced no such moles tation as vvas directed unsparingly against the Presbyterians. The island, or rather rock, of the Bass, was fiurchased by the crown, and converted into a slate prison, of which Lauderdale was made captain, — the place, the purpose, the office, and the man, all in dreadful harmony, [1672.] The aspect of affairs grows darker as we enter upon the year 1672. Lauderdale was created a duke, as if to testify the king's satisfaction with his previous administration and to encourage him to proceed in his atrocious career. His marriage lo Lady Dysart, "a wo man," says Sir Walter Scott, " of con siderable talent, but of inordinate ambition, boundless expense, and the most unscru pulous rapacity," had a very pernicious effect in rendering him still more over bearing and incapable than he had pre viously been. The fines, which had been hitherto sufficiently oppressive, were increased and exacted with double rigour. The acts against conventicles and field- preachings were enforced with immitiga ble cruelty. The ejected ministers were hunted from place to place, as if they had been wolves, who were to be extermi nated as a matter of public duty. An act was passed against what parliament was pleased to. term " unlawful ordina tions," by which was meant all except prelatic ordination. The intention of this act was manifestiy to secure the final ex tinction of the Presbyterian Church, by preventing the ordination to the ministry of young men who might supply the va cancies caused by the death of the old. It caused great hardship to the whole A. D. 1672] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. Presbyterian community, and, could it have been fully enforced, must have proved fatal in the course of a single generation. As it was, jj rendered it ne cessary for young men to be sent to Hol land, where a presbytery was constituted of banished Scottish ministers, by whom these young men were ordained. It had another effect, which, of course, the pre lates did not contemplate. The Scottish ministers in Holland were some of the most eminent men, in learning and abil ities, of their age. Not only had they studied the subjects deeply for the main tenance of which they had been banished, before they suffered that punishment, but their exile furnished them wilh leisure to prosecute these studies, with the advan tage of being aloof from the scene of con flict, their personal interests not involved in it, and themselves thereby enabled to take calmly both more comprehensive and profounder views of the whole mat ters in dispute, than would have been pos sible had they been in Scotland. These views they communicated lo the men who came for ordination, and who returned lo Scotland thoroughly imbued with the knowledge, and confirmed in the love, of the great and essential doctrine of the Presbyterian Church. In this manner the vital principles of Presbytery were not only kept alive ; they were strength ened into more intense activity and un compromising endurance. Several other oppressive enactments vvere passed by this parliament, respect ing baptism, the keeping of the 29th of May, and a prolongation ofthe act against conventicles. But as these differed from the acts already specified only in their increased severity, it is not necessary to state their provisions. But the most importanl matter of this year vvas the second indulgence, which was promulgated by the council on the 3d of September. The main peculiarity of this indulgence consisted in its sending a number ofthe previously non-indulged ministers either lo the parishes of those who had accepted the first indulgence, where they were lo reside and perform, along with them, the functions of the ministry, or to other parishes not pre viously indulged ; bul in either case the arrangement coupled them together Ivyo by two, and confined each couple within 31 the limits of the respecm(e^ati*[fe»1o " which they were appointed. TTOgScfigjriS,"^' it appears, was founded upon a sugges tion of Burnet's, supported by Leighton, who said that when burning coals were scattered all over the house, in danger of selling it on fire, it might be prevented by gathering thera all into the hearth, where they might burn out in safety?* It had for its object, undoubtedly, the col lecting together into the narrowest possi ble bounds, the nonconforming Presby terian ministers ; and as its concluding clause strictly prohibited these ministers from preaching in any other churches than those of the parishes in which they were confined, or out of doors even in the churchyards, and all others from preaching at all, it seemed calculated to suppress field-preaching, and prevent the diffusion of Presbyterian sentiments through the country. It had also another effect. Like the first indulgence, it di vided the sentiments of the ministers whether it ought lo be complied with or rejected ; and, unable to come to any unanimity of opinion, some accepted, others rejected, great divisions were caused, and corresponding weakness en sued. When recording events which take their aspect from mental, moral, and re ligious opinions, we are often struck with the strange contrast presented between^ men's principles and their course of con duct. Had the Presbyterian ministers looked only to the inevitable conclusion to vvhich their principles must lead, they would not have hesitated one moment about rejecting the indulgence. The true nature of the question was brought into more distinct developement by the second indulgence than it had been by the first. It was manifestly this, " Whether the civil magistrate may of himself, and immediately, without the voice of the church and the previous elec tion ofthe people, assign and send minis ters to particular congregations, to take the fixed and pastoral oversight of them, prescribe rules and directions to them for the exercise of the ministry, and confine them rigidly to those special congrega,- tions." When the question is thus Stated in its siraple and essential form, no triie Presbyterian can hesitate lo say that it ' Burnet's Own Times, vol, i, p. 34L 242 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VII. must at once be met by a prompt and de cided negative. It was indeed so met by some ; for when the indulgence with its directions were offered lo Mr, Blair, minister of Galslon, he took the paper into his hand, saying, " My Lord Chan cellor, I cannot be so uncivil as to refuse a paper offered to me by your lordship :" then letting it fall to the ground, he ad ded, " but I can receive no instructions from you for regulating the exercise of my ministry ; for if I should receive in structions from you, I should be your am bassador, not Christ's,"* For this he was immediately committed to prison ; and the dissensions among the ministers in creased, some approving the decided con duct of Mr, Blair, others condemning his want of prudence, as they were pleased lo term his bold and candid statement of his principles. Death, in the course of a few months, relieved Mr, Blair from his imprisonment, bul did not diminish the indignation and alarm which his seizure had excited. [1673.] The only pecuharities in the course ofthe year 1673, of sufficient im portance lo be mentioned, vvere the pro ceedings which arose out of the indul gence, and the rise and growth of an op position to Lauderdale's administration. The number of ministers directiy opposed to prelatic tyranny having been consider ably reduced by the second indulgence, the council went forward with less hesi tation in the persecution of those who Still refused ; and thus the indulgence ac tually proved the means of increasing the sufferings of the true Presbyterians. In a new act against conventicles, the coun cil had the confidence to assert, that the suppression of these meetings was " of great concernment to -religion ;" so that, under the hypocritical guise of a regard for the interests of religion, they perse cuted the faithful followers of the Lord Jesus. And in order that information might be readily given against the field- meetings, a third part of the fines ap pointed to be levied was now to be given to the informer, a third part to the exac tors of the fines, and the remaining third to his majesty. Several of the ejected and non-indulged ministers were seized and committed lo the Bass, among whom ' Wodrow, vol. ii. 216 ; Brawn's History of the In dulgence. were Robert Gillespie and Alexander Peden, and positive orders were issued for the apprehension of others, who were specifically mentioned by name, particu larly Gabriel Semple and John Welsh. It may give some idea of the ruinous amount ofthe fines levied upon the gen tlemen who countenanced the field-meet ings, to state, that in the small county of Renfew upwards of £30,000 sterling was exacted from eleven gentlemen, not of the greatest wealth.* A considerable number of the nobility began to complain of the intolerable se verity of Lauderdale's administration, the chief of whom was the Duke of Hamil ton ; but Lauderdale's proceedings were too much in accordance with the inclina tions of the king himself for his power to be easily shaken. Yet the opposition in the council caused a little relaxation of the severities enforced against the Presby terians. [1674.] The struggle in the council against Lauderdale was terminated early in the year 1674, by its dissolution, and the appointment of a new one, in which the supporters of that ruthless tyrant formed a decided majority. This victory was signalized, as was to be expected, by the immediate resumption ofthe persecut ing career of the prelatic party. A com mittee of council was appointed, including Sharp, with full council-powers lo meet when and where they pleased, and to take what steps they might think neces sary for the complete suppression of field- conventicles. Orders were issued lo ap prehend twenty ministers, mentioned by name ; and a reward of £400 sterling of fered for the seizure of Welsh or Semple, and about £55 for each of the others, a full indemnity being at the same time se cured for any slaughter committed in their apprehension. Yet, notwithstanding those sanguinary measures, field-preach ings increased greatly, both in the fre quency wilh which they were held, and in the numbers by whom they were at tended. The very atrocity of the acts of council roused the minds of both minis ters and people ; and they seemed now more resolved than ever lo brave every danger, not counting their lives dear to them in defence of the libertjr of the gos pel, and fully determined that, come what Wodrow, vol. ii. pp. 226-227. A. D. 1674.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND, 243 might, they would obey God rather than man. Early in this year James Mitchell, who made the attempt upon the life of Sharp, narrated above, was apprehended ; and, upon being assured that his life would be spared, made a confession of his crime. Finding, however, that proceedings were about lo be instituted against him, he re tracted his confession ; and there being no other evidence, he vvas re-committed to prison. A paper of " grievances " was laid be fore the council by the prelatic clergy of the diocese of Glasgow, filled with the most bitter calumnies against the Presby terians, and urging the adoption of more effectual measures for the suppression of field-preachings. Having mentioned the calumnies of the prelatic clergy, it may he expedient to explain briefly a subject on which so many erroneous statements have so long prevailed. It seems to be taken for granted, that the Covenanters of this persecuting lime were the mere dregs of society in Scotland, and that all the noble, the gentie, the learned, and the respectable belonged to the other side. The reverse would be much nearer the truth. A very considerable portion of the nobility were much more Presbyterian than Prelatic in their feelings, though they thought it expedient to temporize, through dread of the persecution to which their prominent position in society would expose them. And, in many instances, while the noblemen attended the privy council and the parliament, without tak ing a very active part in the persecuting enactments there passed, their ladies gave direct countenance and encouragement to the Presbyterian Church. The greater proportion of the landed proprietors in Fifeshire, the western counties, Dumfries shire, and Galloway, were staunch Pres byterians, as the very lists of persons fined for giving countenance lo conventi cles, and refuge lo the ejected ministers, inconteslibly prove. Nearly all the tenantry throughout the counties where the persecution raged were covenanted Presbyterians ; and it is well known that in every civilized country, and especially in Scotiand, that class of people forms the very heart and soul of the nation. Every intelligent observer will at once admit, that in tiie middle classes of society exists the greatest amount of piety, morality, un bending integrity, and manly indepen dence of character ; and nearly the en tire middle classes were true Presby terians. Learning forms but a very un safe crherion ; for there are too many proofs that a man may be very learned, and yet be irreligious, and immoral, and profane. Nevertheless, we should be do ing great injustice lo the persecuted min isters were we to compare them for a moment lo the prelatic clergy of that period in any possible respect. Of the truth of this there needs no more than the testimony of Bishop Burnet, though much more might very easUy be given. The real truth of the matter, however, much as it has been generally misrepresented by prejudiced and party writers, is, that the prelatic party in Scotland consisted chief ly, nay, almost exclusively, of men of neither religion nor morality, — of ambi tious and dissipated courtiers, military ad venturers, a few perjured and apostate ministers, eager for the wealth and honours of the prelacy, a swarm of un educated, irreligious, and immoral men, thrust hastily into the ministry lo fill the room of the ejected ministers, and the very lowest dregs of society. When, therefore, men write about the prevalence of ignorance and crime al that period, iheir statements, so far as they are true, are applicable almost exclusively lo the prelatic nobles, the prelates themselves, their curates, and the very lowest grade of the common people, who formed at once the bulk of the prelatic congrega tions, where any existed, and the ready and brutal instruments of prelatic perse cution, along wilh the rude and licen tious soldiery, whose bloody steps they traced as regularly as did the wild dog and the carrion crow, and for the same hideous purposes.* It must be added, that wherever the field preachings prevailed, there immediately followed a very per ceptible diminution of crime of every kind, even in those districts which had previously been notorious for irreligion and vice. Of this some very remarkable proofs might be cited, as, for instance, the great change which took place in some of the border counties, whose pillaging • Should this view be disputed, it shall be proved ; but we are not disposed tn dwell on such subjects, unless compelled for the sake of truth, and for Ihe vin dication of our maligned and martyred ancestors. 244 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VII. moss-troopers speedily became peaceful ,and honest.* When the council met in Edinburgh, a petition was presented to them by a considerable number of females, some of them ladies of rank, others minister's widows, imploring the council lo mitigate their severe proceedings against the faith ful ministers, and to grant them permis sion to exercise their sacred functions. For this " unwarrantable crime," as it was termed, several of these ladies were imprisoned, and three of them banished from the town of Edinburgh ! so deter mined were the oppressors to prosecute their tyranny lo the utmost, that they punished as crimes even the respectful petitions and complaints of widowed wo men, f In the meantime the indulged Presby terian ministers felt grievously the bond age under which they had brought them selves, by their sinful compliance with an arrangement which their own conscience could not approve. They saw, besides, that the entire extinction of Presbytery was the object of their tyrannical antag onists ; and they attempted lo maintain some shadow of Presbyterian church government, by the formation of meetings resembling presbyteries and synods, to which delegates were sent, and where they deliberated respecting their common duties, mourned over their common suf ferings, and adopted measures for the training of young men for the ministry, when their own cloudy and troubled day should have set in the darkness of the tomb. [1675.] The chief topics ofthe year 1675, so far as it is distinguished from preceding years, vvere the estabhshing of garrisons in several parts of the country, the act of intercommuning, and the dis sensions among the prelates. The first of these measures arose from the rapid progress of field-preachings, which it was found impossible to suppress by the means hitherto employed. For this rea son an act of council was passed, appoint ing garrisons lo be placed in the houses of two noblemen and ten gentlemen, in those parts of the country where conven ticles and field-preachings, were most pre valent. In each instance the garrison was • Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 451 ; Kirkton, p. 392. t Wod row, vol. ii. pp. 268, 269. placed in the residence of a friend to the suffering Presbyterians, that he might be oppressed and reduced to poverty by the free quarters of the soldiery, while they were watching their opportunity to seize upon the ministers by whom these forbid den meetings were held. The issuing of "letters of intercom muning," as they were called, was one of the most oppressive and inhuman deeds ever perpetrated by despotism. Af ter mentioning by name above an hun dred persons, of whom sixteen or eigh teen were ministers, and who were all declared to be in a stale of rebellion on account of their holding and frequenting conventicles, this document proceeds in the following terms : — " We charge and command all and sundry our Ueges and subjects, that they, nor none of them, pre sume, nor take upon hand, lo reset, sup ply, or intercommune wilh any of the foresaid persons, our rebels, nor furnish them with meat, drink, house, harbour, victual, nor no other thing useful or com fortable to them, nor have intelligence with them by word, writ, or message, or any other manner of way, under the pain lo be reputed and esteemed art and part with them in the crimes foresaid, and pursued therefor with all rigour, to the terror of others." By this fiend-like measure the nearest relatives were pro hibited from assisting each other ; the wife might not assist the husband, nor the husband the wife ; the brother might not comfort the brother, nor the parent give food and shelter to the son, if the sufferers had been inlercommuned. Every feeling of humanity, — every lie of nature, — every bond of affection, was outraged ; and for what ? That Prelacy might be established in Scotland ? Yes, for that, and something more ; that the supremacy of the king equally in spiritual as in civil matters might be confirmed, a pure despotism erected, religion trampled under fool, the sovereignty of the Lord Jesus Christ over his Church abolished, and Christianity reduced to a political en gine for swaying the community. And Scottish Prelacy assisted willingly in the prosecution of this truly diabol ical scheme, iDy measures such as. Sir Waller Scott says, might have been suggested by Sa tan.* ' Tales of a Grandfather, ToL ii. p, 22, A. D, 1678.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 245 It is not necessary to relate the contests which arose among the prelates, in con sequence of the overbearing conduct of Sharp, They issued in the king's em ploying his ecclesiastical supremacy for the deposition of one bishop and four of the ordinary clergy, without the inter vention of any church courtf This might have somewhat stunned the pre latists, when they were made lo feel their own tyrannical devices turned against themselves, Bul they had still the com fort of knowing that their own pliant consciences would not urge them into any protracted opposition lo the king ; and that his majesty, having found them such serviceable instruments in his attempts against the liberties of the nation, would not visit them wilh any chastisement more severe than was necessary for reducing them lo their forraer state of ready sub serviency. [1676.] The appointment of garrisons caused the year 1 776 to be one of the most oppressive which Scotland had yet undergone. Each of these became a den of robbers, out of which issued at plea sure an armed band, wasting the country, pillaging from every quarter round them, and inflicting every kind of personal out-' rage upon men, women, and children, under the pretence of suppressing con venticles. A new proclamation was is sued against these meetings, pressing the full execution of all the former persecut ing decrees, and laying additional restric tions upon the indulged ministers; and inflicting fines on the proprietors of those lands where conventicles were held, al though they neither knew of them, nor were able to prevent them. Yet these meetings increased, both in frequency of being held, and in the numbers by whom they were attended. Frequently the most remote, lonely, and inaccessible pla ces vvere chosen, on the brink of some vast morass, or in the heart of some deep-cleft ravine, and men were stationed on com manding positions within sight, to give warning of the enemy's approach ; and in such circumstances the persecuted wan derers worshipped God, and partook of the symbols of redemption. A commis sion of council was now appointed, con taining the two archbishops, Sharp and Burnet, the latter of whom had been re- • Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 304. Stored to Glasgow when Ljcighton relin quished the hopeless task of mitigating Prelacy and deceiving Presbyterian min isters, and, shocked wilh the bloody bar barities vvhich he could not prevent, with drew lo England, after expressing his wish that he and the other prelates had been cast into the Forth with millstones fastened to their necks. One of the persecuting incidents of this year merits attention, on account of the light which it casts on the spirit and tem per of [he persecuting party. An attempt was made by one Captain Carstairs lo seize the Rev. James Kirkton, one of the ejected ministers, for which Carstairs had no warrant. Kirkton was rescued by Baillie of Jerviswood. For this Baillie was called before the council, and having related the matter, would have been set at liberty, had not Sharp insisted that Car stairs must be supported, "otherwise it could not be expected that any one would prosecute the fanatics." But it was diffi cult to find a reasonable pretext for pun ishing BaiUie for rescuing a friend when illegally seized. To obviate this difficul ty, Sharp procured a warrant for the ap prehension of I&kton, and antedated it, so that it might give the appearance of legality lo the attempt of Carstairs ; and on the strength of this fabricated docu ment Baillie was imprisoned four months, and compelled to pay a heavy fine, which was given to Carstairs lo encourage him in the seizure of fanatics.* Some of the council could not consent to this base deed, and on that account the Duke of Hamilton and the Earl of Kinkardine were removed, to make way for less scru pulous supporters of Prelacy, who would readily second the perfidy of Sharp. [1677.] The year 1677 is chiefly re markable for the passing of those acts of council, and application to his majesty founded on them, which led to raising an armed force among the Highlands, and bringing it, like an invading army, upon the western counties. The assaults upon the large field meetings had been so fre quent, that it had become customary for the persecuted Presbyterians to carry arms in self-defence ; and on several oc casions they had overawed the soldiers, and compelled them lo consult their own • Wodrow. vol. ii. pp. 327, 328 ; Kirkton, pp. 367-372 Burnet, pp. 399, 400. 246 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. CHAP. VII. safety by a prudent and peaceful retreat. In Fife, Captain Carstairs had attacked a few resolute men who were met together in a dwelling-house, and had been beaten off, one of the soldiers being wounded in the encounter. Availing themselves of these events, the prelatic party represent ed the whole south of Scotland as in a state of incipient insurrection, requiring a force for its suppression beyond what the small body of regular troops, together with the militia, could afford. A procla mation was issued about the same lime, both calling on the gentlemen of the western counties to put down all conventi cles, and to subscribe a bond, making themselves answerable for the conduct of their wives, children, servants, tenantry, and cottagers. The county gentlemen declined the bond, and answered, " that they found it not within the compass of their power to suppress conventicles , ' at the same lime recommending more tole rant measures. Upon this the council ap plied to the king for assistance by troops from the north of England and from Ire land, and suggested the raising of the Highland clans for the same purpose. The king willingly acceded to their re quest and suggestion ; and on the 26th of December a commission was issued for raising the Highlanders, and employ ing them " against the places infested with rebeUious practices ;" empowering them to take free quarters ; and " indemnifying them against all pursuits, civil and crimi nal, for killing, wounding, apprehending, or imprisoning, all such as should make opposition."* [1678.] the year 1678 was ushered in by the invasion, as it may be well termed, of the Highland Host. Orders were given to the Marquis of Athole, and the Earls of Mar, Murray, Caithness, Perth, Strathmore and Airly, lo raise their men, and advance to Stirling. There they were joined by the milita under the com mand of the Earl of Linlithgow, forming, when united, an army of about 10,000 men, 8,000 of whom were Highlanders. A committee of council vvas appointed to accompany them, and give encourage ment and sanction lo their proceedings. Alarmed by these formidable prepara tions, several of the noblemen and gen tlemen of the western counties resolved • Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 370. to go lo court, and by a fair and true statement of Scottish affairs, endeavor to obtain from the king himself orders lo countermand this invasion ; but the privy council immediately issued a proclama tion, " prohibiting noblemen and others lo go out of the kingdom without license." Thus prevented from access lo the king, the western gentlemen applied to the council, where they were met by the fu rious tyranny of Lauderdale, who, with frantic vehemence, making bare his arm to the shoulder, as if about to plunge it into blood, swore a dreadful oath, that he would compel them to take the bond.* On the 25th of January the Highland host and the militia marched from Stirling, directing their course by Glasgow to the western counties. They had with them a small train of artillery, and pioneering implements, as if lo assail fortified pla ces ; and, in addition to their usual wea pons, they carried with them large quan tities of iron fetters, with which lo mana cle their captives, and thumb-screws and other instruments of torture. At Glas gow the bond against conventicles, field- meetings, and inlercommuned persons, was repromulgated ; and the savage horde moved onward, disarming the people, de vastating the country, and perpetrating every imaginable kind of outrage. In vain did the people protest against being obliged to subscribe a bond which was in ils own nature illegal, inhuman, and im possible : they must subscribe it, or be ruined in their fortunes, and suffer every kind of personal abuse short of death. The wild host held on its course. No army appeared to be fought, no tumultua ry meetings to be dispersed, no resistance to be overborne. But there were towns which could be sacked, houses which could be pillaged, properly which could be destroyed, and men and women who could be insulted and abused ; and in the perpetration of all these barbarities the ferocious invaders were not only permit ted but encouraged to revel unrestrained. Several aged men, and several women> including two ladies of rank, died in con sequence of the abuse inflicted on them by these northern barbarians. A more minute specification of the enormities committed by the Highland host may not be given, as too hideously revolting to • Burnet's Own Times, vol. i. p. 418. A. D, 1678,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 247 * human nature to be ^pressed in language, or more than dimly suggested to the shud dering heart and recoiling mind. Even the face of the country bore witness to their ravages, which far surpassed those generaUy comraitted by an invading ar my in a hostile territory. Descending upon the fairest and most fertile scenes of Scotland, like a swarm of locusts in the regions of the east, they spread terror and ruin around them, leaving the country where they had appeared a waste and desolate wilderness. Another device was employed by the council for the purpose of giving fuller scope lo their persecuting zeal. On the 14th of February an act was passed " for securing the public peace,"* in which they contrived to include what is termed in Scottish law, a writ of lawhurrows, by vvhich a man who is afraid of violence from his neighbour, upon making oath lo the circumstances affording ground for , such apprehension, may have the party hound over to keep the peace, under security. By this act the king vvas made to apply for a writ of lawburrows against all in the western countries who had refused to sign the bond, on the pretence that his majesty had just grounds of ap prehending injury from them. This seemed an attempt lo involve the loyal Presbyterians in a personal quarrel with the king ; and in the meantime it fur nished a pretext for maintaining a stand- ' ing army. When the western gentlemen complained that the whole district would be laid utterly waste by the interruption of all agricultural labour in consequence of these most oppressive proceedings, Lauderdale answered, that " it were bel ter that the west bore nothing bul windle- straws and sandy laverocks, than that it should bear rebels to the king."f Being thus driven to despair, they determined to brave the terrors of the, proclamation which prohibited them from leaving the kingdom, and fourteen peers and fifteen gentlemen, headed by the Duke of Ham ilton, went to London to lay their com plaint before the king himself But the interest of Lauderdale prevailed so far, that the supplicants received no favour from his majesty, nor any promise of re dress. • Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 400. fether, vol. ii. p. 30. t Tales of a Grand- Lauderdale appears, however, to have been somewhat alarmed at so strong a manifestation of hostility lb his mea sures ; and accordingly an act of council was passed about the end of February, ordering the Highland host lo return to their own homes. They retired laden with booty of every description, from the plate and jewels taken from people of rank and wealth, lo the .most common furniture, household implements, and clothing ofthe cottager, and even to wear ing apparel torn from the persons of all, both men and women, on whom they could lay their hands. No exact account can be given of the loss sustained by the western counties from this devastating inroad of the Highlanders ; but, at a moderate computation, the county of Ayr alone is said to have suffered, from fines and plunder, to the value of about £137, 499.* This is a very limited estimate of the direct loss of property sustained in that one county: the extent of personal injury inflicted can neither be estimated nor expressed. Burnet suggests another reason for the recall of the Highland host. The inten tion of Lauderdale in bringing them down upon the western counties, he says, was lo provoke the people into actual rebellion, partly to give some ap pearance of reason for the maintenance of a standing army, and partly that he and his adherents might divide among them the confiscated estates of such noble men and gentlemen as they might suc ceed in driving to the desperate necessity of arming in self defence. But the per secuted Presbyterians were aware of this malignant scheme, and therefore deter mined to suffer unresistingly, rather than fall into the snare laid for them by their cunning and relentless foe.f Foiled by their wonderful endurance, and perceiv ing that some even of his own party were recoiling wilh horror from the atrocities of his unparalled despotism, Lauderdale so far gave way as to recall the High landers, and to withdraw the bond and the writ of lawburrows. But at the same time he contrived to procure from his majesty a letter to the council expressing approbation of all their recent proceedings. • Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 426. • Burnet's Own Times, vol. i. pp. 418, 419; Kirkton, p. 390. 248 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VII, When the Highland host withdrew, the king's guards and the militia were again placefl in garrison in different parts of the country, to suppress the field - preachings lo the utmost of their power. But what ten thousand had not been able fuUy to accomplish, two thousand could not effect ; and field-preachings were again held in several parts of the coun try, and attended by great numbers. Al one, in particular, held at Whilekirk, nearly opposite the Bass, the soldiers were beaten off by the country people, and compelled to retire, one man being wounded in the brief conflict. For this, one man, James Learmont, vvas executed, chiefly in consequence of the relentless fury of Sharp. At another field-meeting the soldiery were more successful, dis persing the meeting, and seizing upon a number ofthe people, who, after suffering imprisonment, were sentenced to be ban ished lo the plantations. These numerous field-meetings roused the fury of Lauderdale and the prelates, who procured from the king an order calling a convention of estates to meet in July, to deliberate in what manner " field-conventicles, these rendezvouses of rebellion," as his majesty's letter was pleased to term them, might be most effectually suppressed. On the 10th of July, the convention passed an act impos ing a cess or assessment of eighteen hun dred thousand pounds Scots, or about £150,000 sterling, lo be raised in five years by yearly payments of about £30, 000 sterling, for the maintenance of an army sufficiently strong to suppress those dreaded and detested field-meetings.* Not only was this measure in itself oppres sive, bul it also proved a new cause of contention among the Presbyterians. It immediately became a question among them whether they could in conscience pay an assessment which was imposed for the avowed purpose of maintaining an army to prevent the public preaching of the gospel. Some argued that it was of the nature of general taxation, which, as subjects, they were bound lo pay, what ever use might be made ofthe money by the ruling powers of the State ; others reasoned from the necessity of the case, since their refusal would only expose them to greater suffering, and lo the utter ' Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 490. spoliation of their ^ntire property, hy which their enemies would obtain much more than the specified amount ; and the more resolute maintained that it was sin ful to pay it, knowing precisely for what purpose it vvas levied, and how it was to be expended. It seems clear that the lat ter opinion was the correct one. For the fact, that this cess was imposed avowedly for the purpose of supporting an army to suppress the pubhc preaching of the gos* pel in what were termed field-conven ticles, deprived it ofthe character ofcora- raon taxation, by which a general fund is raised to defray all the expenditure of the government, and where it is impossible to specify the particular use of any portion of the public money so raised. Yet the conduct of the Covenanters in declining to pay this cess has been appealed lo in modern times, as a justification of the con duct of men who refused lo pay an an cient and legal tax, levied for the purpose of supporting the preaching of the gospel, by men of whose doctrines they approved, and whom they acknowledged lo be faith ful and able servants of the Lord Jesus. This unhappy disagreement between the different parties of the Presbyterians tpnded greatiy to increase the divisions among them, which had been already caused by the indulgence and other simi lar schemes of their crafty and nierciless oppressors. On the strength of this assess ment, it was resolved to raise and main tain a standing army of five thousand foot and five hundred cavalry, in addition to the life-guards, which had been contin ued in force after the previous disbanding ofthe army. It may be mentioned, that about this lime James Graham of Claver- house began to distinguish himself by his fierce and cruel treatment of the Cove nanters, earning for himself that name of infamy and terror by which he will be known and held in detestation, notwith standing the laudations of writers of ro mance, till the moors and mountains which witnessed his bloody deeds shall have perished amid the ruins of dissolv ing nature. One event occurred in the beginning of this year, which demands notice, but which was omitted in order lo avoid in terrupting the narrative respecting the Highland host and other public transac tions. This was the trial and execution D, 1679.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 249 of James Mitchell,, who, in the year 1668, attempted lo assassinate Archbishop Sharp. He had been apprehended, as above related, in the year 1674, and had confessed his guilt, on the promise of safety to his life ; but was iraprisoned for two years, first in Edinburgh, and after wards in the Bass. In 1676 he was again brought lo trial ; when, finding that the nroraise of life was about to be DToken, ne refused to acknowledge his confession, and there being no other evi dence against him, he vvas put to the tor ture of the boot. He behaved with great courage and firmness under this inhuman treatment, refusing to gratify the malice of his tormentors by uttering one word tending to crirainate himself or others, till, after nine successive blows had crushed his leg almost to a jelly, he fainted under the excessive agony, and was again cast into prison. It was pro posed to crush the other leg in the same manner ; bul this was prevented in conse quence of a letter received by Sharp inti mating that, if he persisted in his cruel intention, he should have a shot from a steadier hand.* After languishing two additional years in prison, he was again brought from the Bass lo Edinburgh in the beginning of January 1678. The accusation was conducted by the Lord Advocate, weU known as " the bloody Mackenzie," and the defence by Sir George Lockhart, As there was still no evidence except the prisoner's confession upon the promise that bis life should be spared, the only way in which they could reach his life was by denying that any such promise had been given. Four members ofthe privy council — the Duke of Lauderdale, the Earl of Rothes, Lord Halton, brother of Lauderdale, and Arch bishop Sharp — positively swore that no assurance of life had been given to Mit chell to induce him lo confess. Mitchell produced a copy of the act of council in which that assurance had been given, and craved that the register itself might be examined. This was refused, and sen tence passed, condemning him lo death. When the trial was over, the lords exam ined the register of the councU, and found the act containing the assurance of life on which MitcheU had founded his defence. Lauderdale would have spared him, bul ' Law's Memorial's, p. 85. 32 Sharp strenuously insisted upon his dealh, as the only way of secuiing his ovifu per son against similar attempts. Lauder dale yielded, wilh a profane jest ; and Sharp's cowardly and revengeful heart vvas gratified by this act of judicial mur der. Such was the conduct of Arch bishop Sharp, the great apostle of Scot tish Prelacy, — conduct which even Bur net says " was probably that which, in the just judgment of God, and the inflamed fury of wicked men, brought hira after wards to such a disraal end."* " Doubt less," says Laing, " the fanaticism of Mitchell was of the most daring and atrocious nature ; but his guilt is lost in the complicated perfidy, cruelty, perjury, and revenge, which accomplished his death, t" [1679.] The year 1679 is one, the records of which would be most appro priately written in blood. Lauderdale had succeeded in repelling the accusations brought against him by the best of the Scottish nobility ; and he had now an army at his command sufficiently strong, as he thought, lo suppress the Presbyte rians entirely. But it vvas necessary for that purpose lo adopt measures more sum mary and destructive than had yet been attempted. Early in the month of Janu ary the council transmitted lo his ma jesty, for his approbation, a series of over tures, or propositions, " for the suppression of the present schisms and disorders ofthe Church ;" to which the king returned an early answer, expressing himself well pleased with them, ancf empowering the council lo put them into effectual execu tion. Some of these propositions were peculiarly atrocious ; such as, — authoris ing the soldiers to disperse all conventi cles by force of arms, with an indemnity for whatever slaughter they might com mit; — enjoining them to seize on the preachers and as raany of the hearers as possible, — lo strip those whom they could not take wilh them of their upper gar ments, as a means of future apprehension and conviction ; — and offeiing rewards of £500 sterling for the apprehension of Mr. John Welsh, '3000 merks for any inler communed minister, and 900 merks for any other preacher. Detachments ofthe newly levied army were stationed in dif- • Burnet's Own Times, yql. i. p, 416, History, vol, ii. p, 80. t Laing's 250 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VII, ferent parts ofthe country, encouraged to their bloody work by the commands of the council, and assisted by the prelates and their underlings the curates. One effect of these oppressive measures was very soon apparent. It became certain death for the Presbyterians to meet for the worship of God, except in such large numbers as might enable them to defend themselves against their assailants. The field-meetings became therefore more rare in their occurrence, bul correspondingly more formidable, both in the numbers who attended, and the army-like aspect which they began to wear. The preach ers were generally accompanied by a band of armed men, who were resolved to protect their ministers at the hazard of their lives ; and when they met for public worship, they chose strpng positions, and posted armed sentinels all around them, to watch the movements ofthe enemy, and to warn their friends for a timely flight or a resolute resistance. Al one of these meetings in the parish of Lesmahago, near Lanark, on the 30th of March, the soldiers, not daring lo attack the main body, attempted to gratify their malice by plundering some women on the outskirts ofthe meeting. Upon this a parly of men left the meeting, and compelled the plun derers to give back their pillage, and retire. About the same time two soldiers were murdered at Loudon Hill, not by the Presbyterians, bul, as Wodrow has proved, by some ofthe mean villains em ployed as Government spies.* These occurrences, as might be ex pected, roused the wrath of the persecu tors to tenfold fury, and more violent and oppressive orders were immediately issued by the council ; and a committee was ap pointed to be ready lo act at all limes and to issue .such orders as circumstances might seem to require, the two archbishops being members of committee. On the 1st of May a new order of council was issued, commanding the Earl of Linlithgow to send a strong mUitary force against the Rev. Messrs. Welsh, Cameron, Kid, and Douglas, and the party which accom- pained them, to seize them wherever they might be found, " and, in case of resist ance, lo pursue them to the death, declar ing that the said officers and soldiers shall not be called in question therefor, " Wodrow, vol, iii, pp, 37, 38, civilly or criminally." This was equiva lent to a proclamation of war against these ministers and every person who should endeavour to protect their lives ; and it appears to have been so regarded by the more rash and daring of the per secuted Presbyterians, It was unques tionably the direct cause of the insurrec tion which soon afterwards took place. In the meantime another event occured which had no little influence iifprecipita- ting the conflict. Archbishop Sharp had been in Edinburgh attending the meeting of privy council which issued the preced ing order. Other measures were propos ed, which would require the direct sanc tion of bis majesty ; and Sharp resolved to go to London himself, to aid in the ar rangement of one great, and what he hoped might prove a conclusive, effort for the utter destruction of the Presbyte rian Church of Scotland. The shire of Fife he regarded as under his peculiar care ; and being much provoked that con venticles were frequently held in his do main, he had resolved to suppress them wilh the utmost rigour, and for that pur pose had appointed a person named Car michael, to employ all the methods com manded by the council without mercy or mitigation. Carmichael was an instru ment suitable for such a purpose. His barbarities drove the people lo despair, and in their misery they determined either to put him lo death, or to terrify him so far as lo compel him lo leave that part of the country. For this purpose nine per sons, some of them gentlemen of consid erable properly and rank, raet on the morning of the 3d of May, prepared to carry their intention in effect. Carmi chael, however, had received information that some gentlemen had been inquiring for him, and kept himself concealed. Be ing thus disappointed, they were on the point of separating, when they were in formed that Sharp was approaching. Startled and excited by this unexpected intelligence at such a moment, one of them exclaimed, " Our arch-enemy is de hvered into our hands;" and proposed that they should put him to death. Hack- slon of Ralhillet opposed his design, bul coul4 not prevail upon his companions to abandon it; and though he would take no part in the matter, he consented to re main with them. A, D. 1679,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND, 251 The parly then rode forward lo Magus Moor, about three miles from St, Andrews, where they descried the prelate's coach, and immediately galloped on lo intercept him. Perceiving himself pursued, Sharp cried out to his coachman, " Drive, drive," in that extreme terror of his life vvhich his raany cruelties to the Presbyterians may well have suggested to his dark and troubled raind. At length one of the pursuers overtook the coach, dismounted the postilion, cut the traces, and put an end to the unhappy prelate's flight, call ing out to hira, "Judas, be taken I" When the whole parly had come up, they com manded Sharp to come out of the coach, and prepare himself for dealh, judgment, and eternity. The miserable man sh rieked aloud for mercy, and clung to his daugh ter, who was with him in the carriage. Upon his refusing to come out, they fired into the carriage, bul being unwilling to injure the person of the lady, their un steady aim did not take effect, and they again comraanded hira lo corae forth, otherwise they would drag hira out. At length he came out, repeating his vehe ment cries for mercy, offering to save their lives, — to give them money, — to abandon his prelatic station, — if they would but spare his life. His cries for mercy were in vain. They reminded him of his apostasy, — of the eighteen years of bloodshed of which he had been the chief cause, — of his repealed acts of perjury, — of his withholding the king's letter till nine sufferers, whom it would have saved, were put lo a cruel and ignominious death; and having thus set his crimes in terrible array before his face, they again exhorted him to pray to God for that mercy which he himself had never shown to man. Still the wretched man could raise no cry lo heaven, — a cir cumstance which appalled the assassins, and caused them to stand aghast al such A spectacle of utter despair.. He availed himself so far of their half-recoUing hor ror as to creep grovelling towards Hack ston, who remained on horseback a little apart, imploring him lo interpose and save his life; but Hackston answering, " I shall never lay a hand on you," turned aside, and left him to his fearful fate,-* They then fired upon him, and he fell to • Wodrow, vol. iii. pp. 4046; Kirkton, pp. 411-421; Burnet's Own Times, vol. i. p. 471. the ground ; bul when they were about to depart, perceiving him still alive, they returned and despatched him with their swords. So perished that deeply guilty and most miserable man, whose life had been one tissue of unbounded perfidy and remorseless cruelty, having been the cause to his suffering country of a greater amount of woe and ruin than ever was in flicted on it by any other human being. Yet, though his death may be justly viewed as an instance of the retributive judgment of God, the deed of those by whom his blood was shed cannot be re garded in any other tight than as an act of murder. True, it was such a deed as Greece celebrated with loudest praises in the case of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, and Rome e-xtoUed when done by Cas- sius and Brutus ; but the weapons of a Christian's warfare are not carnal, nor do the precepts of the gospel allow pri vate individuals to stain their hands in blood, though for the purpose of aveng ing a public wrong, and rescuing their suffering country from the criminal op pression inflicted by a lawless and cruel tyrant. And therefore, though few will doubt that Sharp deserved to die, none will approve the conduct of those men, outraged grievously though they had been, who, in the exercise of what Bacon terms " wild justice," took upon them selves the office of his executioners. When the intelligence of Sharp's death reached the council, they immediately despatched information to the king, and issued proclamations offeiing a large re ward for the seizure of the murderers. In this their efforts were ineffectual; for these men, after remaining together till night, separated, and betook themselves to different parts of the country for better concealment. iSeveral of them joined their friends in the west, but carefully ab stained from stating their paiticipation in the fatal deed — so well were they aware that the principles or impulses which had excited them to the slaughter of the arch-persecutor, were disavowed and con demned by almost the entire ofthe perse cuted Presbyterians, Yet prelatic wri ters have generally accused the whole body of entertaining similar opinions, and approving of the unhappy prelate's as sassination ; and the ensnaring question, " Whether they approved of the killing 252 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VII. of the archbishop ?" was frequentiy put by the soldiers to their prisoners, imme diate death being the frequent consequence of an unsatisfactory answer. Many of those to whom this question was put would have readily interposed lo save the life ofthe wretched victim, bul would not express condemnation either of the deed itself, or of those by whom it was com mitted, not considering themselves en- tilled to judge the motives of other men, or to deierraine respecting such matters. On the 13th day of May, a new pro clamation was issued against conventi cles, sufficientiy expressive of the coun cil's determination to wage henceforth a war of extermination. After rehearsing the previous acts against appearing in arms, especially at field-meetings, those " rendezvouses of rebellion," his majesty is made to express a degree of selfcen- sure for his past clemency ! and a deter mination that his subjects should no long er be led astray by such improper len ity ! Authority is then given to judges and officers of the forces "to proceed against all such, who go with any arms to these field-meetings, as traitors ;" and, lest this should seem to express lenity to those who went unarmed, the concluding clause expressly involves them in the same danger. The act of council on which this proclamation was formed was the last act to which Sharp set his persecuting hand, it having been proposed by him, and passed wilh some difficulty, on the 1st of May, before he left Edinburgh to meet his fate. From this circumstance this tyranni cal act was termed "the bishop's legacy."* The extreme of patient endurance was now almost overpast. The persecuted Presbyterians saw no alternative between sinking into a stale of absolute slavery of both soul and body, and assuming arms in defence of their liberties, civil and religious. They would not submit to the prelatic yoke, — they would listen lo the preaching of the pure gospel by their own ministers ; and when their own lives and those of their pastors were as sailed by the lawless soldiery, they con ceived themselves entitled, by every law of God, nature, and reason, to defend themselves. To this extent who will say they were wrong ? Bul intolerable op pression began, after long endurance, to • Wodrow. vol, iii, 58-6a drive them beyond what cooler reason in happier times can sanction. Some of the more impetuous, especially among the laymen, began to enquire whether it was not their duly to do something more than stand on the defensive. They thought the time was come when they were called upon lo make a bold and public declaration of their sentiments, condemn ing the various steps by which the coun try had been reduced lo such a state of misery, and censuring the conduct of those who continued to give any colour lo the proceedings of the persecutors hy subscribing their ensnaring bonds, or tamely submitting lo their oppressive tyranny. Sentiments of this kind were strongly advocated by a gentleman named Robert Hamilton, son of Sir Thomas Hamilton of Preston, a man of personal piety, but of narrow and contracted views, ill-directed zeal, and overbearing temper. His opinions were adopted by a consider able number ofthe more youthful and ar dent of the people, and by Caraeron, Cargill, and Douglas, araong the inter- communed ministers. It was al length resolved to make a public declaration of these sentiments ; and accordingly, on the 29th of May, Robert Harailton, Douglas, and about eighty armed men went to Rutherglen, extinguished the bonfires which had been kindled to celebrate the Restoration, burned the persecuting acts of parliaraent and •council, read their own declaration and tesliraony, and then peace ably retired, leaving a copy of their declaration affixed to the market-cross.* The Rutherglen declaration was mag nified by the prelatic party into a daring act of open rebellion ; and on Saturday the 31st of May, Graham of Claverhouse set out from Glasgow in quest of the party who had made this public manifes tation. When he arrived at Hamilton, he surprised Mr. King, one of the inler communed ministers, and about fourteen unarmed countrymen. Learning that a field-nieeting vvas to be held next day near Loudonhill, he determined to assail and disperse it ; and set out in the morn ing, taking with hira his prisoners, bound together two by two. Before he carae in sight ofthe Presbyterian party, they had received information of his approach, and had come to the determination to ¦ Wodrow, vol, iii, p, 66 A, D, 1679,] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND 253 prevent the meeting from being dispersed, by placing themselves in his line of march, a considerable space in advance of their friends, intending also to rescue the prisoners should they find it in their power. Mustering about forty horse, and one hundred and fifty foot, indiffer ently armed, but full of courage, they look up their position al a place called Drumclog, where they were somewhat protected by the swampy nature of the ground, and by a broad ditch which ran along their front. Hamilton took the chief command, supported by Hackston of RathUlet, Balfour of Kinloch or Bur leigh, John Paton, WiUiam Cleland, Henry Hall, and some others of less note. When Claverhouse approached, and marked the strength of their posi tion, and the resolute front which they presented, he perceived that they were not likely lo be routed without a struggle, and therefore left a small party to guard the prisoners, commanding them lo be shot should he be defeated.* Hamilton gave an order of a similar import that no prisoners should be taken. The bat tle was begun by Claverhouse, who com manded his men to fire upon the Cove nanters. They returned his fire with effect ; and, after the interchange of several volleys, Balfour and Cleland burst through their own line of defence, rushed upon their assailants, and, after a sharp conflict, put them lo flight Thirty or forty of the soldiers fell in the battle and the pursuit, and five were taken pri soners, one of whom was shot by Hamil ton ; the rest were saved by the interpo sition of the other officers. After this encounter, the victorious Presbyterians deliberated what course to foUow, — whether lo disperse, or lo re main together for their mutual protection. The latter opinion vvas speedily adopted, as they were well aware that their baf fled and enraged enemies would exact a cruel revenge the moment it vvas in their power. They determined, therefore, lo remain together in arms, both for their own defence, and lo see whether the country would rally round them in suffi cient strength to enable them lo procure relief from the tyranny under which they had so long groaned. Next day they advanced to Hamilton, and, being joined ' Wilsoa'a Belalion, p, t. by considerable numbers, they resolved to march on Glasgow, and dislodge the army from that town. But before they arrived, the troops under the command of Lord Ross and Claverhouse had pre pared such means of defence as the coun trymen could not force ; and, after sus taining a slight loss, they retired, and encamped on Hamilton Moor, on the left bank ofthe Clyde. Scarcely had the insurgents withdrawn, when the royal troops also left Glasgow, and retreated in hasty confusion towards Stirling lo the main army. Proclama tions and acts of council were issued, of which it is difficuk lo say whether they abound most in the language of terrified exaggeration or ferocious cruelty. Con siderable exertions were made to increase the array, and the Duke of Monraoulh, the king's illegitimate son, vvas sent down lo take the chief command. In the meantime, the army of the in surgents had received a considerable ac cession in point of numbers, but was paralyzed by dissension and disagree ment. As the insurrectection, like that which terminated at Pentland, had arisen out of an unforeseen event, there was no previous concert of opinions and plans for their guidance ; and when numbers began lo flock lo their army, it was con sidered necessary to frame and publish a declaration, slating the causes of their rising in arras, and the ruling principles by which they were actuated. Hamilton and his party were for taking the Ruther glen declaration as the basis of their new manifesto, and even purposed to emit a testimony against the indulgence and the payment of the cess ; bul as many who had joined them had submit ted to both these measures, such persons would not consent lo a declaration by which their own conduct would be di rectly condemned. These, on the other hand required that the manifesto should contain a declaration of their unshaken loyally lo the king, notwithstanding the oppressive tyranny vvhich had been prac tised in his name ; whUe Hamilton and his friends would not consent to acknow ledge the king and his government re garding his right to the crown, as for feited by his violation of the Covenant, vvhich he had sworn, and by his long- continned and severe despotism. Neither 254 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VII. party would submit to the other, and all their councils became scenes of tumult and angry contention, discouraging the army, keeping back many who would have joined them, inducing others to abandon a divided and falling cause, and holding them spell-bound while their en emies were preparing lo crush them. They seized on Glasgow, and advanced about a dozen miles towards Edinburgh, then hesitated, returned to their former position on Hamilton Moor, near Both- well Bridge, and resumed their unhappy and most pernicious contests. There were eighteen ministers in their army, none of whom had taken the indulgence ; and only two, CargUl and Douglas, es poused the opinions of HamUton and his party. Not one of the sixteen approved of the indulgence, but they disapproved of condemning it in their manifesto, as certain to prevent a great number of true Presbyterians from joining the common cause For this they were sharply cen sured by their opponents, and accused of dovvnriohtErastianism,asmuch as if they had themselves taken the indulgence. Yet how far they were from entertaining Erastian opinions must be evident from the fact, that their leader was Mr. Welsh, who had been inlercommuned for field- preaching, and for whose seizure a re ward of five hundred pounds sterling had been offered. That he could have been tainted with Erastian principles may well be deemed incredible ; but while he was willing to peril his own life in preaching the gospel lo any who had a desire to hear it, he was reluctant lo haz ard the success ofthe Presbyterian army and cause, by publishing a declaration which must alienate many, and which, in his opinion, the circumstances and necessities of the case did not require. Counter declarations were framed and proposed ; ministers contended against ministers, and officers against officers ; the body of the army caught the spirit of contention, and they lay in their camp tossing and confused till the army of their enemies vvas upon them. " It is scarcely within the province of a historian to attempt deciding a question of such a nature as that which divided the Covenanters ; yet, as it is so closely connected with the principles of the Church of Scotland, a few remarks may be offered. In one point of view it would seem that the opinions of Hamil ton and the stricter party, were sounder and more consistent than those of their opponents. The indulgence was unques tionably based upon the act of supremacy, and, therefore, inconsistent with the fun damenlal principles of the Presbyterian Church. But it was not so clear a mat ter that a condemnation of it was imper atively required till an Assembly of the whole Church could be held, and the matter fairly and deliberately adjudged. I'he direct contest was with Prelacy and the act of supremacy in matters ecclesi astical ; and could these have been re moved, the indulgence would have per ished of itself It was for those who had complied with it to confess and la ment their own defection, publicly, if they thought proper ; but it does not seem a matter of positive duly in the non-indulged to have issued a condem nation of any thing more than the direct causes of their wrongs and sufferings. And especially, the significant suppres sion of any recognition of the king's au thority as the lawful sovereign of the kingdom, indicated the existence of views, the open promulgation of vvhich would expose the Presbyterians lo the ac cusation of rebellion, with more appear ance of justice than any thing which had yet taken place, and raighl be ruinous lo their prospects of success. Besides, it actually involved that very raingling of things civil and spiritual, which leads in evitably lo either Erastianism or Popery. It was true that Charles was a tyrant ; and it may be the opinion of jurists, that subjects are bound by no law, human or divine, from rising up in vindication of their civil liberties, and hurling a law less tyrant from his throne. But that is not an argument which Christians and Christian ministers, simply as such, can use. A Christian may he the loyal sub ject of a heathen monarch ; and, even when persecuted, is not entitled, on that account, to rebel and wage war against his persecutor. Yet, when Christian subjects are exposed equally to the loss of their civil and rehgious liberties, it is not surprising that they should forget the nice distinctions which are required to guide them in determining what declara tions they should issue, and what mode A. D. 1679.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 255 of self defence they should employ. It seems probable, also, that Hamilton and his party were led lo adopt and hold their opinions by misunderstanding the conduct of the Covenanters ofthe prece ding generation, and especiaUy with re gard to the Act of Classes, excluding malignant and disaffected persons from places of trust, whose whole previous conduct proved that they would immedi ately use their power for the overthrow of religious reformation. And as this could not possibly be held with regard to those who had merely submitted to the indulgence, the cases were not parallel, and the rule of the one could not justly apply to the other. After all, however, this may be said in favour of the very strictest of the Presbyterians, that the principles vvhich they held were the very same which nine years afterwards per vaded the whole nation, drove the race of Stuarts from the throne, and secured the liberty of Britain, by what all men wilh one consent rejoice lo term the Glo rious Revolution ; and it would not be easy for any man who defends the prin ciples which led lo that great national de liverance, to show his consistency in condemning those of the persecuted Cov enanters.* Al length, on the morning of the Sab bath day, June 22d, the royal army, commanded by the Duke of Monmouth, arrived at Bothwell, within a quarter of a mile of the bridge, which vvas in pos session of the Presbyterian forces. Even then their baneful contentions did not cease. A deputation went to the duke, and presented a supplication for a redress of grievances. He refused to treat wilh them while they remained in arms ; but expressing that he would be able to ob tain from his majesty both mercy and re dress if they would immediately lay down their arms and submit themselves to his clemency, he offered them half an hour to consider and answer these terms. That half hour was spent in hot afterca- tion ; and when it was past, the duke sent a detachment lo attempt the passage of the bridge. It was bravely defended ' Both parties into which the persecuted sufferers were hence'orth divided were Presbyterians and Cov enanters, and equally deserve both appellations ; but the minority, consistins chiefly of the followers of Hamilton, Cameron, Cargill, &c,, may be termed the strict Covenanters, tn distinguish them from the larger body, who continued to adhere to the Covenant but not with such unbending firmiiess. for an hour by a body of the Presbyteri ans under the command of Hackston, and Ure of Shargarton. At length their ammunition failed ; and when they sent for a supply, they received orders lo fall back upon the main army. Nothing could have been more insane than such a command ; but being now defenceless and unsupported, they were constrained reluctantly to comply. Even then their native courage signalized itself by one gallant deed. Looking baq^, and seeing that a parly of the royalists had already followed them lo the southern bank of the river, they wheeled about, charged them hand lo hand, and driving thera headlong across the bridge, regained possession of that important post. Hav ing thus almost instinctively pointed out the path which might have led to safely, if not lo victory, they were again obliged lo the inert mass, whom neither danger could excite nor courage rouse. Slowly the enemy's forces crossed the steep and narrow bridge, while the western array looked on in a slate of helpless and un- moving stupor. One charge sufficed lo cast the weltering mass into complete confusion ; and, bereft of even the cour age of despair, they fled, not in bands, but in scattered and defenceless rout, hewn down on every side by the remorse less hands of their fierce pursuing foes. Claverhouse, burning with the desire of revenge for his defeat at Drumclog, urged on the pursuit and the slaughter with in exorable fury, till night compelled him to quit his murderous work, wearied, but not satiated, with bloody butchery. Few fell in the battle, about four hundred per ished in the flight, and about twelve hun dred remaining together in a body, sur rendered at discretion on the field.* Such was the fate of that unconcerted and ill-conducted insurrection of the per secuted Presbyterians which terminated in the disastrous battle of BothweU Bridge. But disastrous as the battle was, it was bul the prelude to horrors of an unutterably more dreadful aspect. The unfortunate prisoners were stripped al most naked, and compelled to lie down upon the ground, while a strong guard kept watch over thera, and fired upon • Wodrow, vol. iii. pp. 88-100; Bussell's Account ap. pended to Kirkton ; Wilson's Relation ; Ure of Shar garton, in M'Crie's Lives of Veitch and Brysson J Black adder's Memoirs. 256 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VII. them if but a single man raised his head or turned his body wherejie lay. Next day they were bound together two and two, and driven to Edinburgh by the brutal soldiery, like cattle lo a slaughter house. There they were enclosed within the Greyfriar's churchyard for a period of five months, half-naked, half-starved, and exposed to all the vicissitudes of the season, unsheltered save by the tomb stones, and a few rude sheds erected to wards the close of the autumnal months. In the mean time, Claverhouse and some others proposed to burn Glasgow and Hamilton, and lay the surrounding coun try waste ; but to these savage proposals the Duke of Monmouth would not give his consent ; and evSn exerted himself to check the severities of the council, and mitigate the sufferings of the persecuted insurgents. A proclamation was, how ever, speedily issued, containing a list of the gentiemen and ministers supposed to be implicated in what was termed "the late rebellion," declaring them traitors, adding, " or any others who concurred or joined in it." An indemnity was soon after published for all who would sub mit, but it was so ample in its exceptions as to be a nullity, so far as regarded the insurgents A bond was also formed to be offered to the prisoners, the terms of which vvere such that few of them felt at liberty to subscribe it, even to save themselves from death or banishment. They could not conscientiously term the insurrection " rebeUion ;" and they would not bind themselves to take up arms in self-defence. Yet this they must do, or prepare to suffer the extreme of tyranni cal cruelty. Some of the prisoners were prevailed upon to lake this bond ; others refused, and were condemned to slavery in the plantations. About two hundred and fifty of them were crowded into one vessel, to be transported to Barbadoes and sold for slaves ; but a storm wrecked the ship, and, being confined within the hold, from which the captain refused to release them even when the vessel was founder ing, not more than fifty escaped alive. Two ministers, the Rev. Messrs. Kid and King, had been taken after the bat tle ; and on the 14th of August they were both executed in Edinburgh. Five ol^er prisoners were carried to Magus Moor, and there hanged, as if to appease the manes of the perjured Sharp.* But even these atrocities were slight, compared with those committed by the army. " The bloody Claverhouse," at the head of a strong detachment, was let loose upon the western and southern counties, and swept across them, like a demon of destruction guiding an exter minating whirlwind. Torture, rapine, and murder, marked his path. Those who fled were hunted down and shot in the fields ; and these whose age or sex rendered them incapable of flight, were tortured, abused, and butchered by their own hearthside. The hoary head of threescore years and ten was dashed to the earth in blood ; the shrinking form of woraan was exposed to violence and fiery agonies, and the lender lirabs of youth were raangled, or their heads cut lo the skull, with twisted cords, in the barbarous attempt lo wring from their anguish a discovery where their dearest relatives were concealed. But humanity recoils from the hideous recital of such horrors, perpetrated by the command, beneath the eye, and often by the hand, of that relentless ruffian, the favourite hero whom the admirers of Scottish Pre lacy delight to honour. To aid the sword in completing the ruin of the Presbyterians, circuit courts were appointed lo be held in the different counties which remained most steady to their religious principles, empowered to "prosecute wilh the utmost rigour all suppliers, inlercommuners, or corres pondents with the rebels who had been at Bothwell," and lo forfeit and burn in effigy those who did not appear upon citation. t Lists were speedily made up of all who had been at Bothwell, or were suspected to have been there, or were suspected of being suspected to have been favourably inclined towards the in surgents. The curates were, as formerly, the chief informers ; and in innumerable instances gratified their personal malice and revenge, by naming persons against whom they bore a private grudge, or who had shown dislike to Prelacy. By these means all Presbyterians possessed of any property were either dragged to • Wodrow, vol, iii, 112-140, iii, p, 141, t Wodrow vol. A, D, 1680.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 257 prison, or subjected to the most ruinous exactions, extermination being the object of their persecutors. Yet, as if to hide their fierce intentions, and to cast the odium upon their victims, an act was passed rescinding the acts against house- conventicles, and offering a new shadow of indulgence to Presbyterian ministers. About the same time the final struggle between Lauderdale and his opponents took place ; a full discussion of the de merits of his administration being held in the presence of the king and two English noblemen, the Earls of Essex and Hali fax. It ended, as was lo be expected, in the king's giving a complete acquittal to his despotic minion, and even expressing approbation of his most sanguinary pro ceedings. This approbation he expressed in private, in terms worthy of the most unprincipled tyrant, " I perceive," said the heartless despot, " that Lauderdale has been guilty of many criminal actions against the people of Scotland ; but I cannot find that he has done any thing contrary lo my interest;"* — as if the in terest of a just sovereign could ever be different from that of his people. But though Charles protected Lauderdale in this last struggle, and in letters to the council approved of all his proceedings, he nevertheless allowed him to sink out of public employment, the chief power in Scotland being held for a short period by Monmouth, and then by the Duke of , York. ? [1680.] The year 1680 was remark able for what appears a new aspect as sumed by a section of the persecuted Presbyterians, but what in reality, if im partially considered, may rather be re garded as a more full developement of Presbyterian principles, somewhat bias sed and exaggerated through the force of circumstances. The defeat of the western army at Bothwell Bridge was greatly caused, as has been already stated, by the contentions between the stricter party and .those of more accommodating views. After that fatal day, the division between the two parries not only continued, but became wider, till it ended in a complete separation, Richard Cameron and Donald CargiU being the only ministers whom those zealous opponents of all practical tyranny and lax submissiveness of prin- • Burnet's Ovra Times, vol, i, p. 470, 33 ciple would acknowledge. This division proved highly injurious for a time lo the Presbyterian cause, not only by the weak ness which such disunion always must produce, but also by the tendency which it had lo leave the disunited parties to fall into opposite extremes. The strict Presbyterians, termed sometimes " Came- ronians," and sometimes " Society Peo ple," by keeping aloof from all others, and conversing only wilh those of their own sentiments, acquired a character of stern, inflexible determination, and poured their whole mental strength into a channel not too direct, bul much too narrow, and , became loo prone to condemn the weak nesses as well as the errors of many whom gentler treatment might have made their friends. On the other hand, those of greater natural timidity and less strength of principle, who startied not only at the prospect of danger, but also at the practical conclusions to vvhich certain abstract principles seemed to lead, being left to themselves, tempted by indulgence after indulgence, tried by bond after bond, yielding to one compliance after another, fell gradually away from several of the great principles to which they ought to have adhered, and in their own de fence, as they imagined, were led to cen sure or condemn views and doctrines which, in more propitious circumstances, they would have been prompt to defend. In this manner both parlies were left in sensibly lo diverge somewhat from the straight line along which a more com prehensive view of their own leading principles would have conducted them ; and, while almost equally exposed to the machinations and the violence of their re lentless enemies, they began to regard each other with mutual dislike, and at times lo commit the folly and the crime of assailing each other in terms of bitter mutual recrimination. The first public manifestation of the principles held by the stricter party of the Presbyterians took place incidentally, and before their views had been thoroughly matured. The direction of their deepest thoughts had been indicated during the dissensions at Bothwell Bridge, by their refusal to make any public avowal of allegiance lo the king in their declara tion. Subsequent reflection, in the midst of the most cruel and unmerited persecu- 258 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP, VII, tion, had oniy served lo confirm their opinions; and they had arrived at the conclusion, that when sovereigns violate their solemn engagements wilh their sub jects, and become tyrants, the people are released from theirs, and are no longer bound to support and defend those by whom they are oppressed. Few will novv deny the abstract truth of this pro position ; but in those days it was re garded as the very essence of treason and rebellion. They had, it appears, begun to draw up a general statement of their principles, at first in the form of a mere outiine, lo guide their deliberations while endeavouring lo mature it into what might form a bond of union. While in this indigested condition, the paper was in the possession of Henry Hall of Haughhead, who in company wilh Mr. CargiU, was lurking in the neighbour hood of Q,ueensferry, Their conceal ment had become known to the curates of Borrowstounness and Carriden, who gave information to the governor of Blackness Castle, by whom they were surprised at Queensferry on the 3d of June, The brave resistance of Henry Hall secured the escape of Cargill, but he was himself mortally wounded in the conflict, and died as they were conveying him to Edinburgh, The paper contain ing the rude outiine of the intended de claration above alluded to, was found on his person. It is known by the name of the QiUeensferry Paper, from the place where it was seized ; and, though an un- fiiuished, is nevertheless a very remarka ble production.* This paper contains a statement ma terially the same with those on which both the First and Second Reformations were based, — an avowal of the Scriptures as the only rule of faith and conversation, — a pledge to promote the kingdom of God by every possible and lawful method, and to attempt the rescue of religious truth from all oppression, — a declaration of adherence to the covenanted Reforma tion ofthe Presbyterian Church, — a bold disowning of all authority which opposes the Word of God and persecutes on ac count of religion, — and a bond of mutual protection and defence. But the most objectionable part of this paper was the felbwing rash declaration : "Wedod'e- • Wodrow, vol. iu, pp. 205-211, clare, that we shall set up over ourselves, and over what God shall give us power of, government and governors according to the Word of God ; — that we shall no more commit the government of our selves, and the making of laws for us, lo any one single person, this kind of go vernment being most liable to inconveni ences, and aptest to degenerate into ty ranny," This rash declaration of an intention of attempting to change the form of government, was eagerly laid hold of by all the enemies ofthe Piesby- lerian Church, and urged against the whole body, as if it had been the unques tionable purpose of them all, instead of being the unsigned and unauthenticated opinion of some unknown individuals among them, driven into a state of des peration by long-continued and intolera ble outrage. But it was no part of the characteristic conduct of the prelatic ty rants lo exercise candour with regard to the opinions of their Presbyterian op ponents, or rath eT victims; and they had been too long in the habit of vending the most malicious calumnies against thera, to let slip so good an opportunity of blackening their character and iheii cause. Therefore was the Q,ueensferry Paper keenly seized upon and universally referred to, as containing the real senti ments of the entire Presbyterian commu nity. In order so far to counteract the inju rious consequences resulting from the un- propitious promulgation of this rash paper, Caraeron, CargiU, and their ad herents, framed another more deliber ately, containing a more matured view of their principles and opinions, and ex cluding the objectionable clause respect ing a change in the form of government ; but at the same time renouncing alle giance to the reigning monarch, on ac count of his perjury, usurpation of eccle siastical supremacy, and tyranny in mat ters civil ; and declaring war against him and his supporters, as a tyrant and usurper, and an enemy of the Lord Jesus Christ and his cause and Covenant. This document, after having been pub licly read, was affixed to the market-cross of Sanquhar on the 22d of June, whence it came to be termed the Sanquhar De claration.* ' Wodrow, vol. iii, p,21Si Hind let Loose; Informs. tory VindicatioB. A, D, 1680,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 259 The publication of the Sanquhar De claration had no effect in mitigating the wrath of the persecutors, nor even in re pelling their calumnies. In their procla mations they contrived so to blend the Q,ueensferry Paper with the Sanquhar Declaration, as to lead lo the conclusion that they were identical ; at the same time holding them forth as the real senti ments of the entire body of the suffering Presbyterians. Nor did they fail lo avail themselves ofthe opportunity which these papers seemed to afford, of issuing new and more cruel and exterminating com mands to the army lo pursue, seize, im prison, or kill all who were suspected of being concerned in these bold declara tions, Cameron, Cargill, and ten other persons, were declared traitors, and a high price set on their heads; and the magistrates throughout sixteen different parishes were ordered to summon before them all the inhabitants, male and female, above sixteen years of age, and take their oaths " whether any of the foresaid trai tors were in that parish, and where, and when." General Dalziel and the other officers of the army were also ordered to apprehend every disaffected person, and send all such under a sufficient guard to Edinburgh, These violent proceedings were, as usual, productive of two different effects. They deterred some from join ing the resolute band led by Cameron and Cargill ; but they served lo knit that band into closer union, and to confirm their determination to maintain the ground they had taken, and to bear aloft the banner of civil and religious liberty, as long as as there should be a living hand to grasp it, and a living breast to form for it a defensive rampart. It deserves to be especially remarked, that the persecuting parly, in their desire to cast obloquy upon their victims, caused ^eat numbers of the Clueensferry Paper and the Sanquhar Declaration lo be printed and circulated throughout both England and Scotland, and by that means disseminated the free and daring senti ments contained in these documents to an immeasurably greater extent than could have been in the power of their authors to have accomplished,, however desirous th«y might have been. And when we read these papers, and coHtpare them with thegreat national declaiaitions which form the basis of the Revolution, we can not resist the conviction, that in the former we perceive the small germ out of which arose British liberty, that plant of re nown, under the world-wide branches of which all tribes and kindreds of man kind rejoice. Almost the only real dif ference between the Declaration of the Cameronians, or rather the true Presby terians, and that of the Convention of Estates al the Revolution, consisted in the former being the act of a small band of enlightened and determined patriots, the latter that of the nation, WhUe, there fore, none who approve the latter can consistently condemn the former, every generous heart will bestow the meed of warmest approbation upon those who, in the midst of reproach, danger, and death, laid the foundation-stone and began the structure, cemented wilh their blood, of civil and religious liberty, which men of less heroic mould were permitted in calmer and brighter days to rear, l^he consequence of these daring de clarations on the one hand, and revenge ful measures on the other, soon appeared. Strong bands of soldiery overran the country in all directions, and the country people were either compelled lo give ii\- formation by threats and tortures, or gave it lo avoid being suspected and treated accordingly. At the same time the fol lowers of Cameron and Cargill kept to gether in larger numbers than before, consequently were the more exposed to information and discovery. On the 22d of July, information was given to Bruce of Earlshall, who commanded a large body of mihtary, that Cameron, and a party of armed men with him, were at a place called Ayrsmoss, or Airdsmoss, in the parish of AUchinleck, Seeing the enemy approaching, and perceiving that escape was impossible, the persecuted party resolved to stand on their defence, and either to hew out for themselves a path of retreat, or to sell their lives dearly. Hackston of Ralhillet, who was among them, look the command of the small band, amounting to twenty-three horse and forty foot, indifferentiy armed. Being- drawn up in battle-array, they waited the: attack; ; and during the brief interval, Cameron, in a short hut fervent prayer, committed theiT canse to God, using re peatedly this pathetic expression, " Lofd, 260 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP, VII. spare the green and lake the ripe." The encounter was sharp, but of short dura tion.-' At the first shock, the Covenant ers, led by Hackston and Cameron, broke the front Une of the enemy, and, had they been vigorously seconded, might have cut their way through the reeling ranks of their antagonists ; but the foot keeping their position on the skirt of the moss, the soldiers closed round the gallant band, who, with instinctive Scottish bravery, forming back lo back, their faces to their foes, continued the unequal conflict till nine were killed on the spot, and the rest were wounded, struck down, and made prisoners, Ralhillet, severely wounded and overpowered with numbers, was made prisoner ; but after the conflict, the bodies of Cameron and his brother were found lying side by side among the slain. Twenty-eight of the soldiers were killed in this fierce skirmish ; and several of the Covenanters died of their wounds within a few days.* Cameron's head and hands were cut off and carried lo Edinburgh, to be fixed up in some elevated position ; even the person who did the deed saying, " These are the head and hands of a man who lived preaching and praying, and died fighting and praying." But previous lo this they were taken lo his father, at that time in prison, who was cruelly asked if he knew them. The venerable man taking them in his hands and kissing them, while the tears fell fast upon the faded relics, exclaimed, " I know them, I know them ; they are ray son's, ray own dear son's : it is the Lord ; good is the will of the Lord !" Hackston, wounded, bleeding, and exhausted as he was, was carried to Edinburgh ; and as he was known to have been present at the mur der of Sharp, though he laid not a hand upon that cruel apostate, the council de termined lo glut their fiend-like thirst of revenge in his torments. When taken to the place of execution, his right hand was cut off, and, after a considerable interval, his left. He was then hung up by the neck ; and while struggling in the ago nies of death, his breast was cut open, and his heart torn out and exposed on the point of the executioner's knife, while its palpitations and the convulsed quivering of his frame showed that life and con- ", Wodrow, vol, iii. p. 219; Life of Cameron, pp, 203,204, sciousness were not yet gone. Several other victims perished on the scaffold ; but their death was not attended by such unparalleled atrocity, the recital of which makes the heart to shudder with horror and indignation.* Such monstrous cruelty was not found lo be a very effectual way of making proselytes to Scottish Prelacy, nor even of terrifying men into crouching submis sion to the dictates of despotism. The blood-stained banner which fell from Cameron's dying hand, was caught up, and borne aloft by Cargill with unshrink ing resolution. And, as if to testify in the most signal manner his abhorrence of the tyrannical persecutors, Cargill publicly excommunicated the king, the Duke of York, the Duke of Monraoulh, the Duke of Lauderdale, the Duke of Rothes, General Dalziel, and Sir George Mackenzie. This solemn sentence of excommunication he pronounced at a field-preaching held at Torwood in Stir lingshire, in the month of September, after enumerating the series of grave of fences against the laws of God and man of which they had been guilty. This act was much censured by many at the lime ; bul this at least may be said in its defence, that whether Mr. Cargill was entitled on his own authority to pronounce such a sentence or not, it was one which these perjured and blood-stained raen de served. Nor was it regarded by the cul prits themselves as an empty fulminalion, deserving nothing but contempt. It roused their wrath in the first instance, and afterwards haunted several of them like a voice of doom, from whose indefi nite terrors they could not escape. Dur ing the course of the following year, the Duke of Rothes fell dangerously ill ; and perceiving the hand of death upon him, he sent for some of the persecuted Pres byterian ministers, lo seek for instruction from them, not his cherished prelates, in his parting hour. To one of them he said, — " We all thought little of what that man did in excomraunicaling us ; but I find that sentence binding upon me now, and will, I fear, bind to eternity." The faithful minister having spoken to the despairing sinner of that infinite atonement which can expiate every de gree of guilt, prayed fervently for re- I ' Wodrow, vol, iii, pp, 222, 223 ; Cloud of Witnesses. A. D. 1681 ] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 261 pentance and mercy to the unhappy man. Some of the noblemen in an adjacent roora hearing his voice, said, " That is a Presbyterian rainister that is praying ;" and turning to the bishops, added, " not one of you can pray as they do, though the welfare of a man's soul should de pend upon it. The Duke of Harailton reraarked, — " We banish these men from us, and yet, when dying, we call for them ; this is melancholy work !"* How mighty is the voice of conscience even in a hardened heart, when that heart is stirred to ils inmost depths ! Before the close of this year, the Duke of York came lo Edinburgh, and as sumed the main direction of public affairs in Scotland, Lauderdale having sunk into a degree of dotage through excessive in dulgence in his animal appetites. There was also another reason. The course of English politics was at that time selling strongly against the Duke of York's suc cession to the crown, in consequence of his bigoted attachment to Popery; and it was thought expedient to remove him from court for a season, till, by a series of intrigues, some change might be ef fected in the public raind. During the duke's previous visit to Scotland he had striven lo acquire some popularity, and had succeeded to a considerable extent araong the selfish and ambitious, who were likely lo be his most fitting instru ments when his designs should be ma tured. His present coming lo Scotland proved a signal for increased severity against the persecuted Presbyterians, and especially against the followers of^ Cam eron and CargUl. Of this he gave a fearful indication in presiding at the coun cil when one Spreul, an apothecary, was subjected to the torture of the boot ; for while the greater part of the noblemen hurried away from the court, that they might not witness the dreadful spectacle, the Duke of York remained, and gazed on wilh grim delight, feasting his cruel eyes with the victim's agonies. t [1681.] The first trial which took place in the year 1681 was that of two young women, Isabel Alison and Marion Harvey. The accusation against these females was, that they had heard Mr. • Cruickshank, vol. ii. p. 116 ; Life of Caraill, p. 46. t Wodrow, vol. iii. p. 253 ; Burnet's Own Times, vol. i. p. 663. Cargill preach, would not renounce the Sanquhar Declaration, and had expressed sympathy for the sufferings of some of the victims of prelatic tyranny. The most ensnaring questions were put to them by Sir George Mackenzie, with the view of drawing from them answers which might by his fiendish ingenuity be distorted into treasonable language. To its indelible disgrace the court pronounced the sentence of guilty ; and the innocent and helpless martyrs were brutally hanged on the 26th of January, for the heinous crime of hearing the gospel preached in the fields.* About this lime there appeared a small sect, who assumed the name of " Sweet Singers," but were generally termed Gib- bites, from their leader, John Gib, a sailor in Borrowstounness. Their number never exceeded thirty persons, of whom four were men, and the rest chiefly young and ignorant females. Their tenets may be most briefly and accurately charac terised by staling, thai they were an ab surd compound of some of the most ex travagant notions of the Quakers, wilh sorae ofthe extrerae speculative views of the strict Covenanters. While, with the former, they claimed inspiration, disre garded learning, and rejected the names of the months and the days of the week, with the latter they disowned the king, — adding, Erad " all authority throughout the world." Cargill attempted lo reason them out of their absurdities, both in an interview held with them for that pur pose, and by letter, but in vain. They despised admonitions and remoij^strances, and spurned al reproof, condemning alike all denominations of Christians in the world who would not countenance their extravagancies. They were, in a short time, seized in a body ; and, when exam ined by the council, displayed such igno rance and folly, that they were judged fitter for hard laljour in the house of cor rection than any other punishment. This proved to them a sanatory process ; and when liberated, they generally returned lo their homes, resumed their occupations, and ceased lo exist as a sect.f But the persecuting party did not allow their name to perish. It afforded too good an opportunity of casting obloquy upon the ' Wodrow, vol. iii. pp. 275,276; Cloud of Witnesses. t Wodrow, vol. iii. pp. 348-356, 262 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. vn. true Presbyterians, who were falsely re presented as holding the same opinions. This the prelatists could not but know to be false, since one of the avowed tenets ofthe Gibbites was the renouncing ofthe Covenant, the Confession of Faith, and the Sanquhar Declaration, for the defence of which the Presbyterians were suffer ing the extreme of persecution. Let the judicious reader compare this single in stance of what may truly be termed fanati cism in Scotland, after above twenty years of persecution, wilh the almost innumer able multitude of sects which have sprung up in every other country in times of similar excitement and suffering, — in Germany, for example", al the Reforma tion, or in England during the time of Cromwell, — and he can scarcely fail to be astonished at the contrast. We have already suggested what seems the only explinalion. The multiplicity and ex travagance of sects is the consequence of the ignorance of the pt'ople, vvhich has l< ft them incapable of distinguishing be tween what is true and what is false, what is rational and what is absurd. Hence the wild follies of the sectarians in Ger many, when emerging out of Popish ig norance ; and hence, also, the exlrava- ganceofEnglish sectarians, when striving to escape out of Prelatic twilight. And, on the contrary, the fact that only four men, and twenty-five orttventysix women, fell into enthusiastic didusions during the persecution in Scotland, and in a pai ish where there had been a prelatic incum bent for twenty years, may be regarded as a conclusive proof ofthe superior effi ciency of the Presbyterian Church, in communicating sound and lasting instruc tion, such as the utmost malice of ils deadly enemies could neither destroy nor pervert. The conduct of the council, too, proves sufficiently, that while they un justly termed the whole of the Presby terians " fanatics," they knew the differ ence between those who were truly so, and whom, thi refore, they could despise and dismiss without the infliction of pun ishment, and those whom they knew to be animal' d by principles of indestructible might, because of eternal truth, before which they themselves bowed with guihy terror, and lo which they paid the strange homage ofthe most deadly hatred. Had the Presbyterians been indeed the wild and gloomy fanatics which their perse cutors represented them to be, they might have been safely left to pursue their own foolish and self-destructive course ; they would soon have died out when they had reached the extreme of their absurdities; but the guilty souls of the perjured pre latists and the tyrannical council told them, that there was in the Presbyterian Church an amount of truth, which they must either destroy by violence, or be by it themselves destroyed. They called them fanatics, traitors, and rebels ; and under these abusive names they strove to conceal their hatred against true and vital religion ; but all the while they knew that the.se naraes were unjustly ap plied, and that they were themselves the fauHlical devotees of sin, and actual traitors and rebels against the dread Ma jesty of the King Eternal. Cargill still continued lo brave the ter rors of persecution, and to bear aloft wilh firm and fearless hand the banner of the Covenant. Against him the hottest rage of the tyrannical parly was directed, and troops of soldiers scoured the country in all directions in pursuit of him. Hunted from place to place, he still continued to preach in the fields, in the most solitary moors and mountain fastnesses, to the un- diiunted few that dared lo hear him. But his noble warfare was nearly accom plished. His last sermon was preached upon Dunsyre comraon, between Clydes dale and Lothian, on the lOthday of July. That night, accompanied by two of his adherents, Walter Smith and James Boig, he slept at Covington MUl. But in formation respecting his movements had been given lo Irvine of Bonshaw, who had obtained a military commission ; and he, at the head of a strong party of dra goons, beset the house by daybreak, and seized Mr. Cargill and his two compan ions. Bonshaw, whose border predatory habits had qualified him for such adven tures, Ihid hold of his prisoner, exclaim ing with savage delight, " O blessed Bon shaw, and bh'ssed day that ever I was born, that have found such a prize this morning I" the reward of 5000 merks, which had been set upon Cargill's head, being the only thing for which his heart could rejoice. The cruel moss-trooper then placed Cargill upon an unsaddled horse, tying wilh his own hands the feet A. U. 1681,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 263 ofhis prisoner Ijeneath the animal's belly, su hard as lo cause severe pain to the suf ferer,* The prisoners were nil taken to Edin burgh and brought to trial. Littie proof vvas sought, and indeed little was required, as they all readily admitted that they had done what the council had called treason. Yet some compunction seems to have seized the council, for they hesitated whether lo confine Cargill to the Bass for life, or to pass the sentence of death upon him. They were equally divided when it carae lo the vote ofthe Eail of Argyle, who gave his voice for death, by which the question was decided, and he was con demned to die.f This fatal vote was afterwards remembered by the Covenant ers, when Argyle wished them to join his insurrection, and it prevented them from uniting wilh him and being involved in his oveithrow. It was also remem bered with deep remorse by the unhappy nobleman hiraself, when his own hour carae to meet a similar doom. Cargill, the two that were tak' n with him, nnd two others taken about the same time, were executed on the 27lh of July, and their heads fixed on spikes above two of the gates of Edinburgh. They all died in full possession ofthe peace and joy of martyrs, Cargill declaring that he went up the ladder with less fear or perturba tion of mind than ever he entered a pulpit to preach. Instead of continuing to relate the bloody deeds of the peisecutors, it seems cxpfdient to mention some of their bgis- iative enactments. It was now nine years since a parliament had been held in Scot land, and the king determined that one should be called, appointing the Duke of York to be the royal commissioner. The chief objects which the King had in view in calling this parliament were to procure some new enactments against the Cove nanters, and a legislative sanction lo the Duke of York's succession to the crown, as appeared plainly, both from his ma jesty's letter lo the parliament, and from their obsequious answer, in which these were made the leading topics. The sub ject of the Duke of York's succession had already been discussed in the English • Wodrow, vol. iii. pp. 279-281; Cruickshank, vol. ii. p. 107; Lifeof Carsill. p. 44. t Life of Cargill, pp. 60, 51. parliament, and a bUl for securing it had been rtjected in the House of Lords, on account of the duke's avowed adherence to Popery. It seems to have been the opinion of the Romish politicians, that there would be less opposition made in Scotland ; and that, if the duke's succes sion were ratified in the latter kingdom, England would rather submit than incur the hazard of a civil war. It was, be sides, a part of the great scheme for the re-establishment of Popery in both coun tries, — a scheme which was the ruling principle of the whole policy of both the royal brothers. The parliament began its labors by passing a short yet ambiguous act, ratify ing all former acts respecting religion. tn the second act there was no such am biguity. It was respecting the succession to the crown, and asseited in the most stringent terms, " That the kings of this realm, deriving their royal power from God Almighty alone, do succeed lineally thereto, accoiding to the known degrees of proximinily in blood, which cannot be interrupted, suspended, or diverted by any act or statute whatsoever ; and that no difference in religion, nor no law or aot of parliament made, or to be made, can alter or divert the right of succes sion." All attempts or designs lo alter the succession were declared to be treason. Such was what Wodrow calls the " ever lasting act" of this subservient parliament, — an act the futility of which the duke was afterwards lo experience, though its enact ment must have delighted his despotic heart. Another act, for securing the peace of the country, bore directly against the Presbyteiians, and exposed them lo still greater severities and more arbitrary treatment than they had previously en dured, dreadful as their oppression had already been. On the 31st of August was passed the crowning act of this slav ish parliament,— the infamous Test Act. The assumed object of this act was for the security ofthe Protestant rehgion "against Popery and fanaticism ;" and for that pur pose it contained an oath vvhich was lo be taken by all persons occupying places of trust and public employment, with the ex ception of papists. The two main pro positions of the oath were, an avowal of belief in, and adherence to, the First Con fession of Faith drawn up by the early 264 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VII. reformers ; and an acknowledgment that the king " is the only supreme governor of this realm, over all persons, and in all cases, as well ecclesiastical as civil." It contained also a distinct renunciation of the covenants, and a bond not lo attempt any change in the government of either Church or Stale, as by law established, which of necessity implied the entire and final abandonment of every Presbyterian principle,* It was manifestly impossible for any man of candid, upright, and honorable mind to take an oath, containing proposi tions directly opposed to each other, and inferring duties, the performance of which, according to the literal meaning of the terms, was absolutely impracticable. But the making of oaths had been so long a customary expedient of the Scot tish administration, that but few public men retained any regard for the sacred obligation which they implied; and it was more consistent wilh the dark and treacherous policy of the Duke of York to employ men totally devoid of conscientious scruples, and prepared for any e.ttreme which tyranny could devise, than to retain such as had some regard for truth, integrity, and religious princi ples. An immediate contest accordingly arose between the unscrupulous minions of despotism, and those who had still some attachment to religious and civil liberty. Some refused the Test at once, and were immediately cast into prison. ~The Duke of Hamilton hesitated, but subsequently took the oath. The Earl of Glueensber- ry took it with an explanation, bul such a one as was not calculated to give offence ; declaring that he did not hold himself bound to oppose alterations in Church or State, in case it should seem good to his majesty to make them. A considerable number of the prelatic clergy refused to take the lest, and some of thera carried their opposition so far as to leave their situations rather than be guilty of what amounted lo perjury. Not one prelate, however, carried his opposition so far, although one, the bishop of Aberdeen, exhibited considerable reluctance to take an oath so full of absurdity, and so capa ble of evU. Palerson, bishop of Edin burgh, framed an evasive explanation of the test, which had the effect of reconcil- * Wodrow, vol. iii. ing the greater part of the prelatic clergy who had at first refused ; and the adher ents of Popery had no difficulty in taking an oath which some of them might know to be intended to strengthen their party, and from which they all knew that they could very easily procure abso lution. But the might of the storm fell first upon the Earl of Argyle, The well- known hereditary attachment of this no bleman's family to Presbyterian princi ples had made him an object of suspicion lo the Duke of York, who on his coming to Scotland, had resolved either lo gain Argyle wholly lo his own designs, or lo compass his destruction. Even before that time, Argyle had been distrusted by the Scottish council ; but as he had con curred generally in their persecuting measures, and in some instances strongly, as in the case of Cargill, there had been hitherto no grounds for instituting pro ceedings formally against him. The de sired opportunity was furnished by the test. He declined taking this absurd and impious bond, and offered to relinquish all his hereditary jurisdiction, and exhibit his loyally merely as a private subject: bul having been informed that he would be allowed lo lake the test with an expla nation, he consented to do so. The explanation he gave was, " that he look it in as far as it was consistent with itself, and wilh the Protestant religion," The Duke of York at first expressed himself satisfied ; bul learning from Sir George Mackenzie, that the explanation might be so strained as to appear of treasonable import, he issued a command to Ar gyle to enter the Castle of Edinburgh as a prisoner, Argyle complied, and was brought to trial before the Court of Justi ciary, headed by Glueensberry as justice- general. The indictment, drawn by Mackenzie, was such a wretched piece of sophistry, that it seems surprising that the judges did not frown it out of court at once, as contradictory alike to law and reason, Bul unhappily the opinions and decisions of lawyers and judges are not always such as can be defended by rules of logic and approved of by right reason. Argyle was ably defended by Lock- hart and Dalrymple ; and when the judges came lo express their decision, there were but four present, besides the A. D. 16S3.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND, 265 justice-general ; and these four were equally divided in opinion. As Glueens berry had himself qualified the test, he regarded it as unseemly in him to give a casting vole against Argyle ; and there fore Lord Nairn, who had been absent, from the pleadings in consequence of his age and infirmity, vvas sent for to decide a cause which he had not heard. The pleadings were, however, read over lo hira, during vvhich he fell asleep ; and being awakened at the close, he gave his vote against Argyle, After this mockery of justice, by which the relevancy of the indictment was sustained, Argyle was tried before a jury of his peers, and pro nounced guilty of treason, and a letter sent lo the king for liberty lo the justicia ry lo pronounce sentence upon the verdict. His majesty might have so modified the sentence as to preserve Argyle's life ; but as it was now apparent that the death of this nobleman was intended, his friends contrived to procure information respect ing the tenor of the king's answer before that answer had reached the Scottish council. Having ascertained that the sentence of death was lo be passed, bul its execution to be delayed during the king's pleasure, he resolved lo escape from prison, if possible, before his ene mies were fully aware of the tenor of his majesty's answer. That very night, the 20th of December, he effected his escape, disguised as a page, and bearing the train of Lady Sophia Lindsay. A proclama tion was almost immediately issued, declaring the sentence of death against him, and the forfeiture of his lands and titles, and offering a reward for his ap prehension ; but notwithstanding the keenness of the pursuit in all directions, he reached London undiscovered, guided by Mr. Veitch, one of lh§ ejected and in lercommuned Presbyterian ministers, and soon afterwards look refuge in Holland. When these tyrannical proceedings be came generally known in England, they excited universal surprise and indigna. tion. Lord Halifax told the king that he did not understand the law of Scotland, but that EngUsh law would not have hanged a dog for such a crime. And the Earl of Clarendon, when he heard the sentence, " blessed God that he lived not in a country where there were such laws." Throughout Scotland the alarm 34 and resentful detestation of all true Pres byterians were unbounded ; and some intelligible indications were given that the heart of the country was almost roused lo a sterner resistance than had yet been manifested. Even children indulged their feelings in mock trials of dogs, for the crime of taking the lest with a qualifi cation.* From such things, slight and trifling as they might appear, the despotic rulers ought lo have learned that a time of retribution was at hand. For when the youth of a nation become the assertors of any great principle, its triumph cannot be remote ; it grows with their growth and strengthens with their strength, so that their manhood and its supremacy are realized together, [1682,] When Cargill perished on the scaffold, that determined band of Cove nanters who had adhered to him were left without a minister, no man for a lime daring to take up a position so imminently perilous. In this emergency these fear less and high-principled men resolved lo form themselves into a united body, con sisting of societies for worship and re ligious intercourse in those districts where they most abounded ; and for the raore effectual preservation of their opinions, and security against errors, in the ab sence of a staled rainisiry, these smaUer societies appointed deputies to attend a general meeting, which was empowered lo deliberate upon all suggestions, and adopt such measures as the exigency of the limes required. The first meeting of these united societies was held on the 15lh of December 1681, al Logan House, in the parish of Lesraahagow, Lanark shire, where it was resolved to draw up a public tesliraony against the defections and dangers of the times. But this testi mony was not promulgated till the begin ning of the year 1682, into the annals of which we have accordingly placed it. On the 12th of January, about forty men, armed for self-defence, if necessary, en tered the town of Lanark, where, having publicly burnt the Test Act, they solemn ly read their declaration and testimony, and affixed a copy of it to the market- cross, t From the fact that these people, in the absence of a stated ministry, formed them- ' Wodrow, vol. iii. pp. 296-344. vol. iii. p. 357. + Wodrow, 266 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. vn. selves mto societies for mutual religious intercourse and edification, they came to be designated the Society People, a term frequently applied lo them by Wodrow, as that of Cameronians has been general ly given to them by other historians. Supeificial readers are liable to be misled by names, of the origin and application of which they have no accurate concep tion. But the affixing of a new name to a paity is no sure proof that it has taken new grounds. That "persecuted rem nant,' as they called themselves, had in deed taken up no new principles ; the utmost they can be justly charged wilh is, merely that they had followed up the leading principles ofthe Presbyterian and Covenanted Church of Scotland lo an ex treme point, from which the greater part of Piesbyterians recoiled; and that in doin^ so, they had used language capable of being interpreted to mean more than they the.mselves intended. Their honesty of heait, integrity of purpose, and firm ness of principle, cannot be denied ; and these are noble qualities ; and if they did express their sentiments in strong and unguarded language, it ought to be le- membered, that they did so in the midst of fierce and remorseless persecution, ill adapted lo raake men nicely cautious in the selection of balanced terms wherein to express their indignant detestation of that unchristian tyranny which was so fiercely striving lo destroy every vestige of both civil and religious liberty. The declaation of Lanark re-asserted and coufirmed those of Rutherglen and Sinquhar, renewed the disavowal of al legiance to the king on account of his long and continued tyranny, condemned the recent acts of parliament, and boldly asserted the right of freemen to extricate themselves from under a tyrannous yoke, " Shall the end of government be lost," Slid that spirited paper, " through the weakness, wickedness, and tyranny of governois ? Must the people, by an im- pUeit submission and deplorable stupidi ty, destroy themselves, and betray their posterity, and become objects of reproach to the present generation, and pity and contempt to the future? Have they not, in such an extremity, good ground lo make use of that natural power they have to shake off that yoke which neither we nor our forefathers were able lo bear?"* Such were the sentiments of that greatly oppressed and much slander ed people ; and instead of condemning severely the strong language which they use, we may rather admire the free and manly sentiments which they so well ex press, at a time when nearly the whole aristocracy ofthe land were bowing their necks beneath the raost degraded bondage, and uttering the language of fawning and sycophantic slavery. When the intelligence of this Lanark declaration reached Edinburgh, the coun cil made an exhibition of empty fury, by ordering the magistrates to burn that pa per, together whh the Solemn League and Covenant, by ihe hands of the com mon hangman ; which was accordingly done, with much unmeaning ceremony, at the market-cross. The town of Lanark was then fined in six thousand merks, for not preventing the publication of this declaration in their jurisdiction, although the strength of the Covenanters was such that the magistrates dared not attempt to interrupt them. The absence of the Duke of York, who had gone lo London soon after the rising of the Scottish parliament, caused some relaxation of the severities directed against the Presbyterians, so that fewer perished on the scaffold this year than had done for several years before. Yet this comparative leniency was not so gteat as lo prevent the death of several, the imprisonment of many more, and the utter destruction of estate and properly to a still greater number. A commission was given to Claverhouse lo proceed to Galloway with a troop of horse, to com pel all lo lake the lest, and lo punish at discretion all who refused, or whom he suspected of being disaffected persons. So well did he execute his orders, that the council conferred on him a vote of thanks for his zeal against the Presby terians. Similar commissions were given to Major White, and Urquhart of Mel- drum, to promote ecclesiastical conformi ty in the sarae manner in which they showed themselves no less willing instru ments of oppression. About the same time the Scottish prelates wrote a formal letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury, applauding in the most fulsome language of adulation, the measures pursued by • Informatory Vindication, p. 251. A. D. 1682.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 267 the Duke of York in Scotland, ascribing the increased prosperity of their order lo his " gracious owning and vigilant pro tection" of them, and lo his " eminent zeal against the most unreasonable schism ;" — so naturally did Scottish Pre lacy take refuge and find protection be neath the wing of an avowed and bigot ed Papist. The Duke of York paid his last visit to Scotiand in May. Having found the storm of hostility against him considera bly abated in England, he thought it de sirable for him to reside there ; but deemed it expedient, before quitting Scot land finally, to place the administration of affairs in that Kingdom in the hands of his devoted friends. The Earl of Glueensberry was accordingly appointed treasurer ; Gordon of Haddo was created Earl of Aberdeen, and made chancellor; and the Earl of Perth was constituted justice-general. Glueensberry was pe culiarly characterised by avarice, Aber- been by cunning, and Perth by cruelly : and wilh three such men at the head of affairs in Scotland, the Duke might well regard his interests as tolerably secure. Yet before departing, vvhich he did on the 15th of May, the duke strenuously recommended to the council the suppres sion ofthe Presbyterians, advising them to send additional troops to the most sus pected counties. They thanked him for the excellent pattern of government which he had placed before them, begged the continuance of his kindness, and pro mised constant devotion to his service m every respect,* After the departure of the duke, the council showed the utmost alacrity in complying with his directions. Full powers were given to the Earl of Dum fries, General Dalziel, and Claverhouse, to search for and punish all who were suspected to be rebels, or disaffected lo the government either in Church or State, — their commission giving them liberty to plunder, fine, and imprison at discretion. Nor did they hesitate to stain their own hands in blood, several victims perishing on the scaffold by the sentence of the council. On the 15th of June, a general meeting of delegates from the united societies was held at Talla-Unn, Tweedsrauir, chiefly ' Wodrow, vol, iii. pp. 365, 366. for the purpose of checking some errone ous opinions resembling those of the Gib- biles, which two or three of their mem bers were accused of holding. No de claration wets either issued or proposed, nor any thing of a public nature done, except that, by mutual exhortation and prayer, the sufferers were encouraged to persevere in the maintenance of their great and sacred principles. Yet, the curate ofthe parish having sent informa tion to the council after the meeting had quietly dispersed, misrepresenting it as a large armed assembly, a violent procla mation was immediately issued, censur ing the people of the district for not hav ing given instant information, and giving orders how that was in future to be done. All were strictly coraraanded, that where soever any number of men convocated in arms, or where any one or two of such as had been declaied traitors or fugitives vvere seen, intimation was immediately to be given lo the next authorities, who were lo raise the inhabitants and puisue the fugitives " wilh hue and cry," till they should be apprehended and sent lo Edin burgh ; with certification that all who neglected to give information, or refused to join in the puisuit, should be held equally guilty with the proscribed offend ers,* Even this furious proclamation was found ineffectual, through the natural reluctance which every man of common humility fell lo allow himself to be irans- rauled into a bloodhound, for the purpose of hunting down his fellow-ciea tures, whose only guilt consisted in their reso lute determination to obey God lather than man, in spite of peisecution. To render it more effectual, commissions were given to ntililary officers, lo confer with the sheriffs and other authorities ; to call before them every suspected ppison; and to pronounce sentence, and order im mediate execution, wilh or without the concurrence of the magistrates,! It is scarcely necessary lo direct the attention of any reader lo this act of council, which contains the very essence of despotism, by placing in the same hands both judicial and executive power. Yet it was only the completion of what had been previous ly begun, though in a less formal man ner, when the soldiery were empowered lo question those whom they seized on • Wodrow, vol, iii, p, 376, I Ibid,, vol, iii. p. 379. 268 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, [CHAP. VII, matters involving life and death ; and it may be added, it was the natural conse quence of the doctrine of the king's abso lute supremacy, by which both the legis lative and the executive functions of gov ernment were merged in the royal pre rogative, than which there cannot be a more entire and perfect despotism. The military judges received most efficient aid from the curates, who fur nished them wilh lists of suspected per sons, and procured informers ofthe low est and vilest of the populace lo bear wit ness against them. The mode in which the curates prepared these lists sufficient ly proves the character of these men. If any person did riot attend upon their ministry, — if he spoke in terms of respect and pity of the sufferers, — if he was over heard reading the Bible in private, or conducting family worship in his own house, — any person guilty of any of these practices was immediately suspected of being a staunch Presbyterian, and infor mation lodged against him by the curate. Such was the manner in which these wolves devoured their flocks,* Several instances of human barbarity occurred, with the recital of which we will not shock our readers. One trial of a more public nature, which occurred towards the end of the year, must be mentioned. This was the trial of Hume of Hume, a genlleraan who was known to be friendly to the cause of the persecuted wanderers, and whom, therefore, it was determined lo destroy. All the main charges brought against him failed through utter want of proof; but this did not lead to his release. It was ascertained that he had been near the house of M'Dowal of Mackerslon when sorae disturbance arose, which had been terraed rebellion ; and though he offered proof that he was altogether unac quainted with the occurrence of that dis turbance, and had gone lo the vicinity merely to purchase a horse, he was not allowed lo bring forward evidence in his own defence, was condemned to death, and executed on the strength of that un substantial rumour. His friends, aware of his danger, had made application at court, and had actually procured a pardon, which reached Edinburgh two days be fore the day of execution ; but the Earl ' Wodrow, vol, iii. p. 383, et eeq. of Perth kepi it back, and allowed the judicial murder to be committed. His estate was forfeited, and his widow and five children exposed to the extremes of poverty.* [1683,] The beginning of the year 1863 was signalized by an extension of the system of instituting commissions for the prosecution of the Presbyterians. Numerous fines were levied by these commissions, in many cases upon per sons who had been previously reduced to great distress by these exorbitant exac tions. Circuit courts were also renewed this year, for the purpose of extending the oppressive measures of the prelatic party over the whole of the western and southern counties. Great numbers were thrown into prison, several were banished or sent to the Bass, and a considerable number perished on the scaffold. Among these was Andrew Guillan, who had been present al the murder of Sharp, though he merely held the horses of the chief assassins while they were committing the bloody deed. Him the persecutors put lo a cruel dealh, simUar lo that inflicted on Hackston of Ralhillet. Lavvrie of Blackwood was brought to trial for hold ing converse wilh rebels, and allowing some who had been al Pentiand and Bothwell to retain their farms on his es tate. It was not proved that any of the tenantry were in the lists of inlercom muned persons ; and it could not be known to him, as he resided generally in Ediiiburgh, whether any of thera had been in arms at Bothwell or not. Al the Penlland insurrection he had been em ployed by General Dalziel lo hold inter course wilh the insurgents, for the pur pose of endeavouring to persuade thera to submit ; and it was not proved that he had subsequently maintained any corres pondence with them. Yet he was con demned, and, though his life was spared, his estate was forfeited. This caused great alarm, as there were very few landed proprietors in the south and west of Scotiand against whom similar charges might not have been brought ; and his sentence was equivalent to the placing of the whole property of the kingdom at the arbitrary disposal of the council, upon false charges of constructive treason.! ' Wodrow, vol. ili. pp 416-419. Times, voL i. p. 526. t Burnet's Own A. D. 1683.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 269 Many began to entertain serious inten tions of abandoning their country, and seeking in foreign lands that liberty which was denied them in their own, — leeling that there was more than an empty threat in the saying of the Duke of York, " that Scotland would never be iU peace till the whole country south of the Forth vvas turned into a hunting- field." Since the death of Cargill there had been no ministers bold enough to preach in the open field ; and those whom Wod row calls " the Society People" had been left vvithout the blessings of a stated ministry and the dispensation of religious ordinances. But Mr. James Renwick, who had for some time kept company with the persecuted wanderers in pre vious years, had been to Holland, and having completed his education at Gron- ingen, and obtained ordination from the Presbytery there, he returned to Scot land, and accepted an invitation from the Covenanters lo be their minister. He coramenced his ministerial career in Sep tember, preaching in the fields al a place called Darraead, where a general meet ing of the persecuted parly had been as sembled. In this, his first public sermon, Renwick thought proper lo give a full statement of his views and opinions re specting the path of duty and peril on which he vvas about to enter. In this, it appears, he expressed himself somewhat rashly, particularly in stating with what ministers he could not hold intercourse, mentioning some by name, and assigning the reasons why he must continue lo tes tify against their defections, by standing aloof from their communion. This open avowal of his sentiments, exposed Ren wick at once to great obloquy. He was accused of having excommunicated a great number of the best ministers in Scotiand, this construction being put upon his specific censure of their defections ; and the effect was a more complete separ ation between the Society People and their less resolute Presbyterian brethren than had previously existed. He de plored this hurtful disagreement, and ex pressed great regret that his unguarded language should have given occasion lo it ; but he could not violate his principles for the sake of peace,* His was, never- • Life of Renwick, pp, 40-44. theless, a heart that loved peace, and was full of natural gentleness ; but he seemed to feel himself devoted to a task loo mighty and important to allow any per sonal feelings lo impede his course. He had once more raised aloft the banner of the Covenant, and spread its folds abroad on the free mountain winds, and he vvas deterrained lo keep it floating there while life was his, and to shed his last drop of blood in ils defence. And if, in declaring this high enterprise, his tongue did utter strong and burning words, surely there was more concession to be made to such a man, al such a time, and in such a cause, than lo those who had stooped to accept an indulgence from prelatic ty rants, and who, being thereby half en slaved, shrunk from the bold accents of liberty, and basely censured what they wanted courage to imitate. The return of Renwick, and the re- coinmenceraent of field-preaching, roused anew the wrath of the persecutors, as was raanifested in an act of council published on the 8th of October, imposing heavy fines upon the districts where Renwick had been known to preach.* This, how ever, was but a faint beginning of a course of remorseless persecution, which raged for several successive years, with more intense and wide-spread fury than had previously been known. For not only is it a well-known fact, that a course of persecution becomes the more bloody the longer it continues, from the harden ing and unhumanizing reflex influence of their own conduct upon the persecu tors ; but also, there was, in the case of the Scottish sufferers, after Ren wick's arrival, something which excited at once the malice and the fear of their baffled foes. The prelatic party had begun lo exult in the apparent discomfiture and submission of their victims, and thought they had now little more lo do than to divide the spoil, when suddenly the lonely solitudes again resounded wilh the voice of prayer and praise, breathed forth by the free and fearless adherents of Scot land's covenanted Presbyterian Church, and they began to feel that the battie was yet to be fought, and with men who knew not to yield. They might have begun to learn that there is an imperish able life in the great principles of truth, " Wodrow, vol, iii, p, 446, 270 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, [CHAP, vn against which the utmost power of men may rage and dash as vainly as do the wind-swept waves, when they cast their foam against the everlasting rocks. That event known in English history by the name of the " Rye-house Plot" oc curred this year, and was wrested into a cause of additional suffering to the Scot tish Presbyterians. Being so much a matter of English history, we shall not enter into details, further than is neces sary for explaining in what raanner it was made to bear upon the affairs of Scotland. It has already been mentioned, that the excessive oppression under which they groaned had caused a number of Scottish gentlemen lo deliberate upon the propriety of entering upon a voluntary exile to the colonies. Several of them went to London to prepare for emigra tion ; but while there, they learned that some English patriots were endeavouring to concert a scheme by which they might rescue their country from tyranny, and prevent the Duke of York's succession to the crown in the event of his brother's demise. At the head of this conspiracy were Monmouth, Shaftesbury, Russell, and Sidney. The Scottish deputation entered into correspondence wilh these patriotic men ; and a considerable num ber of free-hearted nobility and gentry began lo enter warmly into the enterprise, among whom were. Lord Melville, the Earl of Tarras, Sir Patrick Hume of Polwarlh (afterwards Lord Marchmonl), Baillie of Jerviswood, Sir John Coch rane, Campbell of Cesnock, and others. They entered into a correspondence wilh the Earl of Argyle in Holland, which was conducted chiefly through the Rev. William Carstares, one of the Presby terian ministers. A short intercourse with the English plotters was enough to show the Scottish gentiemen that the en terprise could not succeed ; and they abandoned it before it was discovered. In the meantime there vvas an underplot, conducted by men of different character and views, which had for its object the dealh of the king, and the change of the monarchy into a republic. With this, neither the English nobUily nor the Sccrttish Presbyterians were at all ac quainted ; but upon ils discovery the go vernment endeavoured to identify the two, and especially to charge the whole upon the Presbyterians, or "the fanatics," as irreligious men delighted to call them. The results of this malicious accusation did not fully raanifesl themselves till the following year. [1684.] The year 1684 begins the last and bloodiest period of the persecution, termed by the sufferers themselves, " kil ling time." All the terrible enginery of persecution was novv brought into full operation ; and the practised hands and callous hearts of the oppressors wielded their murderous weapons without re morse. When disappointed in one in stance, their savage spirits thirsted the more intensely for a deeper draught of blood from some less protected source. Public judicial murders gave sanction and encouragement lo that indiscriminate slaughter perpetrated by the soldiery throughout the country, lUl the entire west and south of Scotland was one field of blood. The Justiciary Court began its fearful career on the 28th of February ; and before it had continued its sittings longer than four days, three Presbyterians ob tained the crown of martyrdom. In a few days another guiltless victim met a similar fate. But these were opportuni ties of gratifying only their love of cru elty ; and other victims must be sought, possessing property, the confiscation of which would gratify their avarice. Their grasp was first laid on Sir Hugh Camp bell of Cesnock, who was accused of be ing accessory lo the Rye-house plot Finding that there was no evidence what ever to corroborate that charge, and be ing still determined to secure their vic tim, a new accusation vvas framed, charg ing him with participation iu the insur rection of Bothwell Bridge. Two wit nesses were produced ; bul when con fronted with Cesnock, and solemnly ab jured by him lo speak the truth, they re-' - traded their previous statements. The spectators shouted with ' delight, Sir George Mackenzie stormed furiously, terming this shout a " Protestant roar," declaring that he " had always had a kindness for the Presbyterian persuasion till now, and that he was convinced it hugs the most damnable trinket in nature."* In vain he strove to browbeat the jirry ; they returned a verdict of not guilty, and " Wodrow, vol. iv. p. 91. A. D. 1684.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND, 271 Cesnock was — acquitted ? — no I — he was I remanded to prison, his estate forfeited, and shoitly afterwards he was sent to the Bass, The jury vvere compelled lo make an apology, and the witnesses were laid in irons. Such was the justice shown to Presbyterians by their lawless persecutors. To compensate for this disappointment, the Military Commission Court condem ned and executed five Presbyterians at Glasgow, after a mock trial, upon evi dence not only slight, but contradictory, ana utterly incompetent lo substantiate the charge, which was merely that they had either been at Bothwell, or had al least held intercourse wilh the " rebels." But the joy of the persecutors was great when they seized Captain John Paton of Meadowhead, who had held a command both at Penlland and Bothwell. This gallant gentleman boldly acknowledged and defended what he had done, answer ing every charge wilh such courage and dignity that the council, struck wilh ad miration, entertained some intentions of sparing his life, to which, however, the prelates would not consent. He met his death on the scaffold with as much forti tude as he had exhibited in the battle field, but wilh the superadded dignity of Christian forgiveness to his murderers.* The absolute injustice as well as cru elty of the courts, were shown peculiarly in the trials of Spence, Carstares, and Jerviswood. Mr. William Spence had been Secretary to the Earl of Argyle, and it was thought that he must be capa ble of giving important information re specting the supposed connection of the Scottish Presbyterians with the Rye- house Plot, He had been kept for some time in prison heavily loaded wilh iron fetters, which were struck off that he might be examined by torture. The tor ture ofthe boot failed lo wring from him any such disclosujre as the council wished. He was then sent back lo prison ; and an order of almost unparalleled atrocity was issued by the council, that a parly of soldiers should keep watch beside the exhausted sufferer, and not permit him to sleep day nor night tiU he should con fess. Several days together, Burnet says eight or nine, was this fearfully barbar ous order enforced ' Wodrow, vol. iv. p. 65 and when even this Scottish Worthies, p. 366. could not shake his constancy, he was subjected lo the toiture of the thumbkin or thumb screw. The utmost vvhich they succeeded finally in extolling fioru this worn-out sufferer, was his assistance in decyphering a letter written in secret characters by Argyle, in which the pur pose of preventing the Duke of York's succession was mentioned, but nothing lending lo corroborate the charge of in tended assassination. The names of Carstares and Baillie of Jerviswood weie contained in Argyle's letter, and this ex posed them lo the wrath of the council. Carstares had been apprehended in England, at first by mistake for a differ ent person, and retained in custody on account of being suspected lo have some knowledge of the meditated insurrection for which Russell and Sidney died ;. and also because he was believed to be in the confidence of the Scottish exiles in Hol land. He was sent down lo Scotland to be tried, contrary to the provisions of English law ; and the mention of his narae in the papers decyphered by Spence exposed him to the severity of the Scottish council. He endured the torture of the thumbkin for an hour and a half wilh unwavering fortitude, refus ing to answer any questions by which he might be led to crirainate other parties. When released from torture and re manded to prison, he learned that the in formation derived from Spence contained nearly all that the questions to be pro posed to hira could involve, and accord ingly he consented lo answer without fuither torture, stipulating that his an swers should not be used as evidence against the persons accused, nor himself confronted wilh them as a witness. These stipulations were, as usual, imraediately violated, and an unfair account of his confession published, and attempted to be used against Jerviswood, on whose death the councU was bent. It deserves to be recorded, to the credit of Carstares, that he was in the possession of stale se crets greatly more important than those which the council were attempting to wring from him, the offer to discover which would have secured him from tor ture, and the discovery of which might have frustrated the success of the subse quent enterprise of the Prince of Orange. But when Carstares had answered to the 272 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VII. questions directly put by the council, they seem to have concluded that he was acquainted with nothing more ; and, after a short additional imprisonment, he was p.'-rmitted to leave the kingdom and retire to Holland, where he remained till the time of the Revolution,* The trial of Baillie of Jerviswood came ne.'tt, and demands attention, as pe culiarly atrocious. BaiUie vvas a man of great natural abilities, soundness of judg ment, and high integrity and blameless- ness of character. He vvas now consid erably advanced in years, and his consti tution greatly broken and enfeebled by sufferings and imprisonraenl ; yet his life, evidently drawing near its close, was sought by his enemies, because they were aware of the high estimation in which he was held by the Presbyterians, whose proceedings and plans might be comparatively paralyzed by the loss of such a man. The main accusation against Jerviswood had reference to the conspiracy of the English patriots, Rus sell and Sidney, bul there was a misera ble deficiency of evidence lo substantiate the charge. Every attempt was made by the " bloody Mackenzie" to supplement this deficiency ; even the confession of Carstares was brought forward as corrob orative evidence, contrary to the express stipulations into vvhich the council en tered wilh Carstares himself Baillie was manifestly dying, but this only stimulated the council to hasten forward his trial, that they might enjoy the gratification of shaking rudely the ebbing sands of his life. When brought before the court, the venerable man was wrapped in his dres sing-gown, as he had arisen from his sick-bed, and attended by his sister-in- law, daughter of the celebrated Warris ton, who supported him from tirae to time wilh cordials during the course of the trial. Mackenzie pressed the charges against him wilh the most malignant bit terness of language. At last the vener ahle man slowly rose, defended himself against the articles of the accusation, so lemnly declared his detestation of all plots against the lives of his majesty and his royal brother ; then fixing his eyes on Mackenzie, asked how he could in public so violently accuse him of what in private he had declared he did not be- ' Dr M'Cormack'B Life of Carstares, pp. 17-22. lieve him guilty? The advocate quail ed beneath the searching power of that calm clear eye, and confusedly stara- raered out, " Jerviswood, I own what you say ; my thoughts there were as a pri vate man ; bul what I say here is by spe cial direction of the privy council," and pointing lo the clerk, added, '¦ he knows my orders." " Well," replied Jervis wood, " if you have one conscience for yourself and another for the council, I pray God forgive you, I do ;" — then turn ing to the justice-general, he said, "my lord, I trouble your lordship no farther." But neither the dignity of truth nor the pa thetic language of innocence could move the cruel conclave. He was pronounced guilty, and condemned lo die the same day, his head to be cut off, his body quartered, and the mutilated parts to be affixed upon conspicuous places in the chief towns in the kingdom. When this barbarous sentence was intimated lo him, he answered, " My lords, the tirae is short — the sentence is sharp ; but 1 thank my God, who hath made me as fit to die as you are to live." The brief interval between the sentence and its execution was lo him one of joy unspeakable and full of glory. His bodily weakness and sufferings were unfelt, in the anticipation of the glory, honour, and immortality of that heavenly inheritance into which he was about lo enter. The hour came. His devoted sister-in-law, Warriston's heroic daughter, supported his sinking frame lo the scaffold ; stood with him there, while, leaning on her shoulder, he attempted to address the deeply agitated and sympathizing spectators ; and left him not till, after the drums of the mili tary had drowned his voice, and the rude hand of the executioner had hurried on the flnal deed, she beheld his earthly suf ferings closed, withdrawing then from a place where she had undergone what may well be termed a martyrdom of the heart,* *'»«, When such was the treatment of men of considerable rank, it may well be supposed that those in humble life would be subjected to injustice still more glar ing, and cruellies still more intense. Such was indeed the case. The circuit courts which had been appointed to be held in the districts most noted for the at- • Wodrow, vol, iv. pp. 104-112. A. D, 168-1,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 273 tachment of the people lo Presbyterian principles, executed their dreadful com mission with unprecedented barbarity. To be accused was almost always llie sure forerunner of to be condemned. I'o hesitate or refuse to lake the test was ground enough for the exaction of ruin ous fines flora those who possessed any property, or for death to those who had none. The curates were not only encour aged, but further enjoined, to ply their dreadful and degrading liade of spies and informers. Other spies of a still viler cast were employed to pretend to be Cov enanters, to frequent the company of the persecuted wanderers, to discover their retreats, and then to give such informa tion as might lead lo their surprise and seizure, Renwick continued lo preach in the fields in spite of the rage of the persecutors ; and, notwithstanding the keenness wilh which he and his follow ers were hunted from place to place, he still escaped from their toils, and held^ aloft, as he had vowed to do, the banner of the Covenant, About this time an incident occurred vvhich tended greatly to increase the fury of the persecutors. There had been a meeting of the Covenanters in the neigh bourhood of Diumlanrig, where the sol diers found these resolute men too nu merous to be safely attacked. But when they dispersed, the soldiers scoured the country in the neighbourhood of ihe place of meeting, and intercepted eight or nine of the stragiile s, among u honi vvas the minister. Whin the Covenant ers learned that the minister had been seized, they histily musteied in small parties, each speeding to some advanta geous spot to attempt a rescue. The sol diers took the most direct loiite lo Edin burgh, and maiched up Enteikin pass with their piisnners. This was immedi ately observed hy the countrymen, who swiftly scaled the mountain side, and placed themselves in a cominaiidiiig posi tion before the approach ofthe dragoons. A more suitable position for such an en terprise could not be desired. The road is cut out of the sleep side of a sheer precipitous mountain, not broader than to admit of two horses abreast, exceed ingly steep on the upper side, unguarded by wall or bank on the under, from which the mounlain descends almost per- 35 ' pendicularly to the bottom of a narrow en, along which a inouiitHin-stream toils, foaming through the shattend rocks that block its rugged channel. Nothing of vegetation is to be seen but a few loose tufts of wiry grass whistling in the wind, striving ineflectually to bind to gether the sliarp slaty spliuleis which cover the vast bulk of the ban en moun tain, so that it is impossible to recover the footing once lost on that pass of fear. As the soldiers vvere slowly winding up that tremendous path, ihey were sudden ly hailed by a voice fiom the misty hill side above them, calling on them to stop and deliver up their minister and the olher prisoners. The officer in command refused with a loud oath. He wus im mediately shot through the head, and fell from his hoise, which, staitling back, staggered over the prtcipice, rolling and bounding with incieastd velocity till it descended in a mangled, indistinguisha ble mass into the lotky Led of the ra ving torrent. The rtbt of the soldiers stood petrified wilh horror at this appal ling catastrophe, feeling ihat their own lives were complttely at the mercy of the men posted above them on the hill. Bul these men were not revengeful. They wished not to spill the blood of their enemies, if they could olheiwise lescue their friends. Again they de manded the minister and the other pris- oneis; and the officer second in com mand, aware that m sistance was in vain, consented lo yield tlu in up, saying to the minister, " Go, sir : you owe your life to this damned iiiouiitaiii." " Rather, Sir," said the minister, " to that God who made this mouiitain."* Whin the inttlligirice of this rescue reiu-hid Edinburgh, the i age of the coun cil was uubouiidid Fuiiuiis |)iticlama- tioiis were issui d, and stmng di lachiiients of lioops salt lo triiveisc the adjacent cumitiy, and appri hi iid all who were siisp' cti d of bin mg hi i n in any ri spect implicatid in the deal. Nor weie they liiiig without finding tictims on which tO' iiifiiit their vengeance. Three mi ii were fbiiiid asleep in the fit Ids, firtd uptiii,and ¦ Memoirs of the Oliurrh of Protlaiiil, by De Fne, pp. lS!-19i; Wodrow. vol. IV. p 173 Wndrnu's m count ilifTer siiliiewliat lioiii llinl pivin liy De Fur. Lut the- Imier IS here mainly liilluw fd, as, In.in liavitig |ierson- aly t'Apior.'d Ihe pabs, iii d jsleared tlie iradiiiunary Hci'niHits still cnnerit in the district, the autliur is sal. iafied of its accuracy. 274 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, [CHAP, VII. wounded by the soldiers where they lay, then seized, hurried to Edinburgh, and put to death the very day on which they reached the capital, without the shadow of a proof that they were concerned in the rescue at Enterkin path, Bul this did not satiate their thirst of revenge. The whole district was laid under military law, and unparalleled atrocities were perpetrated by the licentious and infuriated soldiery. The people were hunted from their homes and shot to death in the fields without mercy ; their houses were pillaged, and then reduced frequently to ashes, the women and children being abused, and then left to houseless misery and starva tion. Three women were seized, and with difficulty escaped banishment, for lending assistance in her hour of travail to the wife of one who was suspected lo have been al the rescue. Desolation cov ered the country wheresoever the fierce exterminators directed their ruthless rav ages. But while peculiar districts vvere thus exposed to excessive devastation, in con sequence of peculiar events, the concen trated malice of the persecutors was directed incessantly against the unyield ing remnant of true Covenanters. They were hunted like beasts of prey from moss to mountain, from cliff to cavern In vain did they make their beds in the dark heaths, beneath the canopy of heaven, or in natural caves in the rocky glens, or in artificial lurking-places amongthe shaggy thickets. No retreat was sufficiently wild and secret to secure them from the keen eye of the prowling informer, and the relentless pursuit of their vindictive enemies. Thus driven from the haunts of men, outlawed, given up to pitiless butchery it would have been strange in deed if they had not, like a stag at bay, turned on their pursuers, and compelled ^hem to know that there were extremities of persecution which human nature would not endure. At length, after their pa tience and Christian resignation' had been tried to the extremest pitch, they did corae to the determination of warning their ene mies not to press further upon that peril ous boundary, the crossing of which might make the great law of self-preser vation the sole rule of duly, and when Stern retaliation might become the only method hy which that great law could act This formidable warning they gave lo their relentless persecutors, by publish ing what they termed " the apologetic de claration and admonitory vindication of the true Presbyterians of the Church of Scotland, especially against intelligencers and informers." This very remarkable paper bears to have been drawn up on the 28th of October, and was to be affixed on the market-crosses of the chief towns in Scotland, on the 8th of November, which was accordingly done. It is of such im portance, that an extract must be given. This " apologetical declaration" begins by narrating the course of persecution which had impelled the sufferers to dis own the auihority of the tyrannical sove reign and government under whose cruel sway they were so mercilessly wasted ; it then declares that they " utterly detest and abhor that hellish principle of killing all who differ in judgment and persuasion from us, it having no bottom upon the Word of God, or right reason; and after stating the incessant danger in which they lived, the hardships to which they were exposed, and the cruel deaths in flicted on their friends, through the instru mentality of spies, informers, and the remorseless soldiery, this document pro ceeds in the following strain: — " We do hereby delare unto all, that whosoever stretch forth their hands against us while we are maintaining the cause and interest of Christ against his enemies, in defence of the Covenanted Reformation, all and every one of such shall be reputed by us enemies to God and the covenanted work of reformation, and punished as such, according to our power and the degree of their offence, chiefly if they shall continue, after the publication of this our declaration, obsti nately and habitually with malice to pro ceed against us, any of the aforesaid ways. Novv, let not any think that (our God as sisting us) we will be so slack-handed in tirae coraing to put matters in execution, as heretofore we have been, seeing we are bound faithfully and valiantly to maintain our Covenants and the cause of Christ. Therefore, let all these aforesaid persons be admonished of their hazard ; and particularly all ye intelligencers, who by your voluntary informations endea vour to render us up into the enemies' hands, that Our blood may be shed ; for A. D. 1684.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 275 by such courses ye both endanger your immortal souls, if repentance prevent not, seeing God will make inquisition for shedding the precious blood of his saints, and also your bodies, seeing you render yourselves actually and maUciously guilty of our blood, whose innocency the Lord knoweth. However, we are sorry at our very hearts that any of you should choose such courses, either with bloody Doegto shed our blood, or with the flattering Ziphiles, lo inform persecutors where we are to be found. So we say again, we desire you to take warning of the hazard that ye incur, by following such courses; for the sinless necessity of self-preserva tion, accorapanied with holy zeal for Christ's reigning in our land, and sup pressing of profanity, will move us not to let you pass unpunished. Call to your remembrance, all that is in peril is not lost, and all that is delayed is not for given. Therefore, expect to be dealt with as ye deal with us, so far as our power can reach, not because we are actuated by a sinful spirit of revenge, for private and personal injuries, but mainly because by our fall reformation suffers damage."* It is, we think, impossible lo peruse this remarkable document without strong emotions of mingled sorrow, regret, and admiration ; — sorrow, lo contemplate the sufferings which such men had been com pelled so long lo endure ; regret, that these sufferings had driven them lo the use of language, if not the adoption of sentiments, which might be perverted into something like a sanction of sum mary retaliation and lawless bloodshed, notwithstanding the earnestness wilh which they disclaimed such principles ; and admiration of the invincible courage and perseverance which they displayed in the defence of civil and religious liberty, and in the maintenance of the fundamen tal principle ofthe Presbyterian Church of Scotland, — the sole sovereignty of the Lord Jesus Christ over his spiritual king dom, the Church. The effects resuhing from this declara tion were varied. To a certain extent it accomplished the intended object. The' informers, both curates and their base emissaries, were appalled, and shrunk • Wodrow, vol. iv. pp. 148, 149; Informatory Vindi cation, pp. 255-259. from the possible encounter with men rendered desperate by the deep sense of intolerable oppression, who knew no falsehood and who fell no fear, and for whom to act was easier than lo threaten. They dared not, therefore, follow the per secuted remnant to their desolate retreats, as formerly ; and, consequentiy, some diminution took place in the deadly accu racy wilh which the military execution ers had previously been guided to the haunts of their victims. But the rage of the council vvas stimulated beyond all former precedent : and faiUng somewhat in their comparatively private methods of destruction, they resolved to wield all their public weapons with more terrific energy than they had ever yet put forth. An act of the privy council was passed on the 22d of November, well designated " the bloody act," ordaining " every per son who owns, or does not disown, the late traitorous declaration, upon oath, whether he have arms or not, to be im mediately put to death, before two wit nesses, and the person or persons having commission from the council to that ef fect" And that this " bloody act" might not remain inoperative for want of com- rrtissions, l^ese were given to several no blemen, gentlemen, and military officers, empowering and requiring them " to con vocate all the inhabitants (in certain par ishes named), men and women, above fourteen years of age ; and if any own the late declaration, you shall execute them by military execution upon the place ; and if any be absent, ye shall burn their houses and seize their goods, &c. And as lo the families of such as you con demn or execute, you shall make prison ers of all persons in their families above the age of twelve years, in order lo trans portation." An oath, termed the " abju ration oath," was also framed, according to which every person was called upon " to abjure and renounce, by solemn oath, the late traitorous apologetical declaration ;" and a proclamation was al the same lime issued, " prohibiting all past the age of sixteen years to presume to travel without certificates of their loyalty and good prin ciples, by taking the oath of abjuration ; with certification, that all who shall ad venture to travel without such certificate, whieh is lo serve for a free pass, shall be holden and used as connivers with the 276 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH bP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. vn. said rebels."* The indulgence was also recalled, and all the indulged ministers were obliged to give bond not lo exercise any part of their ministry in Scotland The dread machinery of extermination seemed now complete. The preaching ofthe gospel by any Presbyterian rainis ter was entirely prohibited, on the penal ties of imprisonment, exile, or death. The power of enforcing contradictor}^ oaths, such as the lest, and judicial oaths, such as that of abjuration, was given lo lawless military commissions, extended even lo common troopers and private sentinels, wilh authority lo inflict instant death on all who should refuse or hesitate thus lo violate their conscience No man might journey from one part ofthe coun try to another, however urgent the call of duty or of business, without a pass from these armed legislators ; and many were shot dead by the soldiers, without taking the trouble to inquire whether they had obtained the pass, that paper being found in their possession by the murderers when they were pillaging the dead bodies. And as the speeches, testimonies, and de clarations of the persecuted party had made their principles familiar to their enemies, the latter contrived lo frame a few leading questions to be put by the military inquisitors, the refiisiil to answer which was to be held as a sufficient proof of guilt, entitling the banditti to inflict torture or death upon their victims at their pleasure. These questions were gener ally the following; — " Will you renounce the Covenant ?" — " Will you pray for the king?" — " Was the killing of the Arch bishop of St. Andrews murder?" — " Was the rising; at Bothwell Bridge rebellion?" —"Will you lake the trst?"— " Will you abjure the late treasonable declara tion ?" The effect of such questions may very easily be imagined. Many thou- lands would have cheerfully lost their lives rather than have renounced the Covenants. To pray for the king, as a sinful human being, they were quite willing, but not as thereby acknowledg ing his right to exercise a sinful suprem acy in matters spiritual, and an arbitrary despotism in civil affairs. They regarded the question respecting the death of Sharp as an illegal attempt to extort from thera • Wodrow, vol. IT. pp. 155,156,161,164; Life of Ren wick, p. 78 a sentence of conderanalion upon the assassins, which they were not entitled to pronounce, nor their enemies to require. Neither did they feel at liberty to caU the rising al Bothwell Bridge rebellion, as they considered it essentially an act of Self-defence, and therefore justifiable. The test and the abjuration they regarded as not only illegal and ensnaring oaths, but as positively sinful, containing false prin ciples, and involving the subjugation of Christianity lo the arbitrary will of a per jured, licentious, and Popish tyrant. It was not strange, therefore, that when the rude soldiers put these questions lo the people, they generally received such an swers as put it in their power to inflict in stant death upon the faithful Presbyterians, or such hideous tortures as might be prompted by the wild caprice of their savage natures. [1684,] As the year 1684 closed wilh the framing ofthe "bloody acts" already specified, so 1685 began by their being put into relentless execution. Several pri soners had been seized about the close of the preceding year, and instantly sacri ficed, even before the passing ofthe new persecuting enactments. The new year was begun in the sarae spirit, and with fuller powers of vengeance. About the middle of January, two raen w^ere hanged at Edinburgh for not disowning the late declaration ; on the same day six men vvere shot in Galloway, because they were detected by the military in the act of prayer. Another man, sick of a fever, not giving satisfactory answers to the in terrogations put lo him, was dragged from his bed, and murdered al his own door. Other two seemed willing to lake the abjuration oath, but being told by the military judge that they must take the test also, refused, and were put lo dealh on the spot, the monster exullingly exclaim ing, "they thought lo have cheated the judges, but I have cheated them." In some places the whole inhabitants of a village or a parish were called together, and commanded lo lake the lest and the abjuration oath, without distinction of age or sex, surrounded by the troops, with loaded muskets and drawn swords, pre pared to revel in their blood if they should hesitate.* A slight pause in these dreadful butch- ¦ Wodrow, vol. iv. A. D. 1685.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 277 eries took place upon the dealh of Charles II., which happened on the 6th day of February. The cause of his death is generally stated lo have been apoplexy ; but there are very strong reasons to sus pect that he was poisoned.* It is not necessaiy to offer any remarks upon the character of a monarch whose whole life was a tissue of private crime and public perfidy and dishonour. " His ambition," says Fox, " was directed against his sub jects ; unprincipled, ungrateful, mean, and treacherous, to which maybe added, vindictive and remorseless. I doubt whether a single instance can be pro duced of his having spared the life of any one whom motives of policy or revenge prompted him to destroy." Intelligence of the dealh of Charles was speedily forwarded lo Scotland, and the Duke of York was immediately pro claimed king in such terms as must have satisfied the most absolute despot, he be- ins declared " our only righteous king and sovereign, over all persons, and in all causes, as holding his imperial crown from God alone," The Scottish council, wilh perfect consistency, held it unneces sary for James to take the coronation oathj'for they had already recognised the will ofthe sovereign as the source of all law, civil and sacred; and to have re quired from their monarch an oath that he would govern according lo his own will, would have been a mockery indeed. Yet this omission left room for the statement of an important principle within the course of a few years, furnishing an other instance of the truth, that lawless deeds ultimately destroy their perpetra tor. All public functionaries were con tinued in their offices ; and the military commission courts, which had been insti tuted for the destruction of the Presbyte rians, were renewed, and even extended. A meeting of parliament had been called by the late king, to have com menced its sittings in March ; but it was summoned anew by James, and met on the 28th of AprU. aueensberry was appointed commissioner ; and as the test was in full operation, every person con scientiously attached lo the Presbyterian Church vvas necessarily e.xcluded. It would be instructive to dwell somewhat minutely on the proceedings of this pure- • Burnet's Own Times, vol, i. pp, 606-610, ly Prelatic parliament, did space permit. as its slavish spirit, and the gross flat teries in which its leading members in dulged, present a starthng contrast to the conduct and language ofthe purely Pres byterian parliament of 1649. A few of the leading acts of this parliaraent must be mentioned. By one of them it was declared, " That the giving or taking the National Covenant or the Solemn League and Covenant, or writing in defence thereof, or owning them as lawful or obligatory upon themselves or others, shall infer the crime and pains of trea son." Another converted all the illegal and oppressive acts of council into statute law. A third declared the giving of sup plies, or the conceahng of supplies given to or demanded for traitors, to be treason, and to be judged accordingly. By olher acts it was ordained, that the punishment of death should be extended to hearers as well as preachers al conventicles ; that the worshipping of God, in a private house, if five individuals more than the members ofthe family vvere present, was treason ; and that the test should be im posed upon all heritors, life-renters, and tacksmen. Papists alone excepted. And, lo complete their proofs of superlative loyalty, this prelate parliament passed acts of attainder against several Presby terian noblemen and gentiemen, annex ing their forfeited estates to the crown.* This obsequious parliament had not yet quite finished its labours, when intel ligence arrived, that a double invasion of the kingdom was on the point of taking place, conducted in England by the Dukp of Monmouth, and in Scotiand by the Earl of Argyle, " for the purpose of re covering the reUgion, rights, and liberties of the kingdom from the usurpation of James Duke of York, and a popish faction." It belongs lo the province of the civil historian to narrate events of a character so much more civil than eccle siastical as must needs be an attempt like that of Monmouth and Argyle. For it is • Wodrow, vol. iv. pp 266-282. It may be stated, as a proof that this piirliameiit had some perception of the dangerous tendency of their proceedings, that they passed an act by which lands rai°ht be entailed to per petuity. They were bent on the otter rnin of all Pres byterian families ; but thought, by this measure, to se cure their own ill-got gains from similar ruin, should a cliange of administration take place. For the law of entail, with all the obstacles which it presents to the progress of society, Scotland has that Prelatic parlia ment to blame. 278 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. (CHAP. VH. perfectiy plain, even from the language of Argyle's declaration, that the main ob ject of his enterprise was lo redress the civil wrongs and grievances ofthe nation. He did not, certainly, and he could not, omit the statement of those persecutions on account of reUgion under which the nation had so long groaned and bled ; but still it was manifest, that both he and the greater part of those who joined with him were raore intent upon the restora- tio'h of the civil than of the religious lib erties of the kingdom. The fate of the enterprise may be very briefly told. Before leaving Holland, symptoms of dissension had appeared among the lead ers of the expedition. Argyle was its natural leader, as the man of the highest rank and greatest personal influence in Scotland ; bul he appears to have been deficient in military talents, and in that high energy and decision of character so necessary in the leader of a dangerous enterprise. All their councils partook of the same indecision, no one man of the party possessing that degree of genius vvhich would have given him unques tioned ascendency over the rest. The first attempt was made in the Highlands, but with littie success. They then moved to the Lowlands, — met forces greatly su perior in numbers, — avoided a general engagement, — began to be dispitited, and to melt away, — divided, a very few con tinuing with Argyle till he was taken, a large parly following Sir John Cochrane, — till, after having crossed the Clyde, and been engaged in a sharp skirmish at Muirdykes, near Lochwinnoch, where they beat back their assailants, they sep arated, every man seeking his personal safety by flight.* So ended this unfortunate attempt. The persecuted Covenanters, or Carae- ronians as they are often called, declined uniting wilh Argyle, on the ground chief ly that the declaration of that nobleman did not sufficiently assert the essential principles in behalf of which they were vviUing to suffer and to die ; that it made no direct mention of the Covenants, nor of Presbyterian Church government ; and that some of the leaders had been im plicated in the persecuting measures of the prelatists, and such as Sir John Coch- ¦ Wodrow, vol. iv. pp. 282-320 ; Memoirs of Veitch and Brysson, pp. 305-340. rane, who directed Earlshall to Airdsmoss where Caraeron was killed : nor had they forgot that Argyle himself had given his vote for the putting of Cargill to dealh : and on these grounds they held it right to avoid the hazard, and, it might be, the sin of entering into a close alli ance wilh men whom they still regarded with distrust, both on account of their principles and their previous conduct. Even had they been willing to join with Argyle, they had not the opportunity of doing so. The country between him and where they chiefly resorted was com pletely in the possession of the enemy ; and they vvere not sufficiently numerous to have forced their way openly through the opposing troops. Their standing aloof, which was chiefly caused by their adherence to their own high principles, had the effect of preserving them from a portion of the ruin produced by Argyle's faUure ; and their junction with him, had it been practicable, could not have gijen such an accession of strength as lo have ensured his success. Their conduct, therefore, need not be either censured or deplored ; and were we disposed to enter into a more minute investigation of the subject, it might be shown to have been not undeserving of the meed of approba tion, both for soundness of principle and for consistency. Argyle, after his capture, was conduct ed to Edinburgh, and imprisoned in the castle. His trial was short, yet strange. Instead of being condemned for his inva sion of the kingdom, and attempt to de throne the sovereign, he was sentenced to death on the ground of his former re fusal to lake the test vvithout a qualifica tion. There was a pertinacious consis tency of despotism in this determination lo abide by a previous unjust and tyranni cal sentence ; but it shocked the public mind much raore than condemnation on the ground of his recent attempt could have done, and in that view his death Was in all probability much more serviceable to the cause of liberty than his life could have been. The interval between the passing ofthe sentence and its execution was brief ; bul it was spent by Argyle in such a manner as to raise his character in the estimation of all men lo a degree immeasurably beyond what it had pre viously reached. He acknowledged his A. D. 1685.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 279 former sinful compliances with the guilty deeds of the council, in language of deep contrition, admitting his own unworthi ness to be the instrument of deliverance lo his suffering country ; his personal piety was displayed signally in that calm and profound peace of mind vvhich the prospect of an ignominious death could not for a moment ruffle, and which breathed no word of reproach against his revengeful enemies ; and, though his own enterprise had failed, he expressed the utmost con fidence in the near and complete deliver ance of his beloved native land from ty ranny and oppression. On the scaffold he was attended by two ministers — one ap pointed by the council, Annand, dean of Edinburgh, and the olher one of his own choice, Charlris. who had been laid aside for refusing to lake the test ; but no Pres byterian minister was allowed to be with him. When, after Jiis speech, he declar ed that he forgave all raen their wrongs against him, as he desired to be forgiven of God, Annand repeated these words, adding, " this nobleman dies a Protes tant ;" upon which Argyle, stepping for ward, added emphatically, " I die not only a Protestant, but with a heart-hatred of Popery, Prelacy, and all superstition whatsoever." Then, kneeling down, he embraced the instrument of execution, prayed earnestly, gave the signal, and joined his martyred father.* Thus died the Earl of Argyle, on the 30th day of June 1685, another noble martyr in the great and sacred cause of Scottish civil and religious liberty. Several other victims of less note, but not less excellence of character, speedily followed Argyle. Rumbold, an English officer, who had served under Cromwell, vvas executed in the same barbarous man ner as Ralhillet had been. The Rev. T'homas Archer, a young minister of great promise, who had been severely wounded in the skirmish at Muirdykes, vvas hanged. Gavin Russel and David Law died by a similar sentence ; and up wards of twenty of Argyle's own clan were hanged at Inverness, while great numbers were banished to the plantations The preceding public events have been related in a consecutive order, for the sake of perspicuity; and for the same reason we must now give a •Wodrow, vol. iv. pp. 300-307. brief continuous narrative of the suffer ings of the persecuted Presbyterians. The pause occasioned by the death of one sovereign and the accession of ano ther was of brief duration ; and the mili tary judges resumed their murderous career with increased eagerness, making the whole south and west of Scotland one scene of indiscriminate carnage. Claver house had been elevated lo the dignity of a privy councillor, and Dumfriesshire and Galloway were assigned to him as his peculiar domain. To Grierson of Lagg, and Windram, were given districts of the latter county, over which they might spread devastation at will ; while Claver house himself, like a superior fiend, tra versed the whole province, cheering on the red exterminators, ar bloodier and fiercer glare of destruction marking the spot where he was present, or the path along which he had swept. The em ployment of spies, who could assume the appearance and imitate the language and manners of the wandering Covenanters, was one of the favourite methods pursued by Claverhouse, that by their information he might trace the persecuted men to their most sacred lurking-places. At times, marking out a district, and muster ing a sufficient force, he would drive all the inhabitants into one spot, gird them round with the armed soldiery, and com pel them to swear allegiance to James, and to take the test and the oath of abju ration, instant death being the penalty of refusal or hesitation. At other times he would collect all the children frora six to ten years of age, draw up a line of sol diers before them, and order them to pray, for the hour of death vvas come ; then, while in theagony of mortal terror, would offer them their lives if they would dis cover where their friends, their fathers, or their elder brothers were concealed, causing occasionally the troops lo fire over their heads, to increase their fear and stimulate their discoveries. Nor did he hesitate to stain his own hands with the blood of guiltiess victims, rather than they should escape, when the troops showed signs of reluctance. Of this the death of John Brown of PriesthUl is a fearful instance, John Brown lived al a place called Priesihill, in the parish of Muirkirk, and earned his subsistence by the humble 280 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VII. employment of a carrier. He was a man of deep personal piety, but had not joined in any acts of open resistance to the government. He was, however, hated by the curate, because of his sin cere attachment to Presbyterian princi pies, his refusal to attend upon that woilh- less man's degraded ministry, and the shelter vvhich his Sulitary abode occasion ally furnished to-the persecuted wanderers and their ministers. Of this information had been given to Claverhouse, who im mediately d'lermined on his death. On the mo.ning ofthe 1st of May, day hav ing scarcely dawned, Brown, while at work in the fields, was surprised by a troop of dragoons, led by Claverhouse himself He was brought back to his own house, and there the usual ensnaring questions were put to him, the brief exami nation closing by Claverhouse saying to him, '• Go to your prayers, for you shall immediately die." Calmly the marlyr kneeled down upon the heath, and poured forth the emotions of his heart in a stiain of such fervent and lofty devotion as to move the rude and hardened soldiery, if not to tears of repentance, al least to strong, though transient remorse. Thrice was he inteirupted by the relentless Cla verhouse, who exclaimed that " he had given him lime lo pray, bul nolle preach." Turning to the merciless man, he an swered, " Sir, you know neither the na ture of preaching nor of praying, if you call this preaching," and continued his devotions, untroubled, unconfused. When he stopp'd, Claverhouse bade hira take farewell of his wife and children. Turn ing to the afflicted woman, who was standing beside him, with one infant in her arms and another clinging to her knee, he said, " Now, Isabel, the day is corae that I told you would come, when I first spoke lo you of marriage." " In deed, John," replied she, " I can wiUingly part with you " " Then," said he, " that is all I desire ; 1 have no more to do but die ; I have been in case to meet death for many years." After he had kissed his wife and children, Claverhouse ordered six soldiers to fire. They hesitated ; the prayers of the martyr were still sounding in their souls ; they positively refused. Enraged at their delay and refusal, Cla verhouse with his own hand shot him through the head; then turning lo the new-made widow, in a voice of fiend-like mockery, said, " What thinkest thou of thy husband now, woman ?" " I ever thought much good of him," she answer ed, " and as ranch now as ever." " It were but justice lo lay thee beside him," exclaimed the murderer. " If you were permitted," replied she, " I doubt not but your cruelty would go that length ; but how will you answer for this morning's work 1" " To man I can be answer able," said the ruthless persecutor ; " and as fir God I will take him in my own hand!" and wheeling about, rode offal the head of his horror-stricken troop. The poor woman laid down her fatherless in fant on the ground, gathered together the scattered brains of her beloved husband, then taking the kerchief from her neck and bosom, wound it about his mangled head, straighted his stiffening body, cov ered it with her plaid, and sat down and wept over him, with one infant on her knee, and the other again clasped closely to her desolate heart. Not a friend or a neighbour was near in the dismal soli tude of that dark hour, to aid her in per forming the last sad duties of humanity, " it being a very desert place, where never victual grew ;" but she was not alone, for her soul felt the strong support of her very present God.* From the murder of John Brown, Claverhouse proceeded to the county of Dumfries, where another victim fell into his hands, and was dragged to the house of Johnstone of Westerraw or Wester- hall. This man, Andrew Hislop, Cla verhouse would have spared — his mind, as he himself afterwards acknowledged, not being able to shake off the deep im pression which John Brown's prayer had made ; but Johnstone insisted on his death, and orders were given to a Highland offi cer who was with the party to shoot the man. He refused, and drew off his troop, declaring that he would fight Claverhouse and his dragoons rather than do so bar barous a deed. Claverhouse then com manded three of bis own men lo execute the sentence, and this lime they did not refuse. Placing the innocent man before them, they desired him to draw his bon net over his eyes. Raising it higher on his dauntless brow, and stretching out his ¦ Wodrow, vol. iv. pp. 244, 245 ; Life of Peden, pp. 72-74. A. D. ISSo ] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 281 hand, in which he held his Bible, he re plied, that he could look his death-bringers in the luce without fear, charging them to answer for what they had done, and were about lo do, at the great day, when they shim 111 be judged by that book — and so fell a dreadless marlyr for the truth* On till' s line day in vvhich Hislop was thus mmd red, the 1 1th of May, a still more hideous crime was committed near Wigtou, ill Upper Galloway. Gilbert Wilson occu|iied a farm belonging lo the laird of Cistlestewarl, in the parish of PenniiiyhMin. He and his wife had both yielded to the acts enforcing conformity to Prelacy ; but his children had im bibed higher principles, and refused to conform. At length they vvere com pelled to quit their father's house and join the persecuted wanderers, that they might avoid falling into the hands of the soldiers. Margaret Wilson, aged about eighteen, her brother Thomas, aged six teen, and their sister Agnes, aged only thirteen, were all thus compelled to seek refuge in the wild moors of Upper Gal loway ; and by the dreadful intercom muning act, their parents were forbid lo give them fond or shelter, under the pen ally attached to treason. In the slight pause of persecution which look place at the death of Charles, the two sisters ven tured to quit the desert solitudes, and to come to Wigton, where they resided a short time in the house of an aged and pious widow, named Margaret M'Lauch- lan. A base wretch, named Stuart, gave information against them, and they were all three dragged to prison. After they had lain there for some weeks, and had suffered much inhuman treatment, they were broutrht to trial before Lagg and Major Windram, who commanded the military force in that district As if lo stretch this mockery of justice to the ut most extreme at once of cruelty and of intense absurdity, these three helpless wo men were accused of rebellion at Both- well Bridge and Airdsmoss, and also of having been present at twenty conven ticles. This accusation it was impos sible to urge; but they were required to take the abjuration ogth, which all three refused, and were accordingly condemned to die. The specific terms • Wodrow, vol. iv. p. 250. 36 of the sentence were, that they should be tied to stakes fixed within the flood-mark in the water of Blednock, where it meets the sea, and there be drowned by the tide. From this dreadful doom the entreaties of the distracted father prevailed so far as to rescue the innocent girl of thirteen, yet only by the payment of one hundred pounds sterling lo the merciless and mer cenary murderers. But nothing could avail to save the lives of the young wo raan and her widowed friend. The day of execution came, the 1 llh of May, bright, it may be, with the fresh smiles ofthe reviving year, but dark and terrible to many a sympathizing heart, Windram and his troop guarded the vic tims to the place of doom, accompanied by a crowd of people, filled with fear and wonder, and still doubting whether yet the horrid deed would be done. The stakes were driven deep into the oozy sand. That to vvhich the aged widow was lied was placed farthest in, that she might perish first. 'J^he tide began to flow, — the water rose around them, — the hoarse rough billows came advancing on, swelling and mounting inch by inch, over limb, and breast, and neck, and lip, ofthe pious and venerable matron, while her young companions in martyrdom, still iu shallower water, gazed on the aw ful scene, and knew that in a few minutes more her suffirings would be the same. At this dreadful raoraent sorae heartless ruffian asked Margaret Wilson what she thonght now of her fellow-martyr in her dying agonies ? Calmly she answered, " What do I see bul Christ, in one of his members, wrestling there ? Think you that we are the sufferers ? No, it is Christ in us ; for he sends none a war fare on their own charges," But the water now began to swell cold and deadly round and over her own bosom ; and that her last breath might be expended in the worship of God, she sung the 25th psalm, repealed a portion of the 8th chap ter of the Epistle to the Romans, and prayed till her voice was lost amid the rising waves. Before life was quite ex tinct the torturers cut the cords that bound her to the stake, dragged her out, wailed till she was restored to consciousness, and then asked her if she would pray for the king. She answered, " I wish the salvation of all men, and the damnation 282 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND, [CHAP. VB. of none," " Dear Margaret," exclaimed one of the spectators, in accents of love and sorrow, "Say God save the king! say God save the king!" Wilh the steady composure of one for whom life had few attractions and death no terrors, she replied, " God save hira, if he will, for it is his salvation I desire." Her relatives- and friends immediately cried aloud to Windram, " Oh, Sir, she has said it, she has said it !" The ruthless monster, reluctant thus lo lose his victim, required her to answer the abjuration oath. In the same firm tone she an swered, " I will not ; I am one of Christ's children; let me go!" By his command she was again plunged into the heaving waters, and, after a brief struggle, the spirit of this virgin martyr entered into the rest and peace of everlasting happi ness.* This and similar instances of heroic Christian fortitude were termed by the persecutors, and will still be termed by their apologists, instances of obstinate fanaticism. And men who wish to be regarded as peculiarly persons of en lightened minds and liberal sentiments, will affect to pity the narrow and gloomji- bigotry, as they will term it, which im pelled these Christian martyrs to encoun ter death in every form the most terrific, rather than abandon the principles of eternal truth. But the true Christian alone can comprehend by what sac-red might it was that not only the strength of manhood, bul the weakness of age, womanhood, and infancy, was upheld and enabled to triumph gloriously in the midst of persecutions so fierce and bar barous that the heart turns with sick and shuddering horror frora the bare recital. Their hearts were filled with " the peace of God which passeth all understanding," beyond the power of human rage lo dis turb; their souls had obtained both an earnest and foretaste of heaven, in that love of God and communion with him which had been imparted to them by >* the spirit of adoption ;" and feeling that " the Son had made them free," they re cognised it as their bounden duly and their great privilege to defend the rights, and liberties of Christ's spiritual kingdom, willing to die rather than violate their allegiance to their Divine Redeemer, by • Wodrow, vol, iv, pp. 247-249. yielding to a sinful mortal that sole su premacy and lordship over the conscience which belongs to Him alone, and that high and undivided sovereignty over His Church, which is the inalienable prerog ative of the Mediator's crown. These principles they held, and by these prin ciples they triumphed over every foe; for thus were they enabled to do all things, and bear>^ all things, " through Christ strengthening them," and to go forward along their perilous and blood-dyed path undismayed and invincible, strong in the Lord and in the power of His might." Wilh the brief recital of one instance more ofthe horrors of the "killing tirae," we shall quit that dreadful period. When the tidings of the Earl of Argyle's enter prise reached the council, orders were immi diately given lo remove the prisoners confined in Edinburgh, probably that there might be roora for the incarceration of the new victiras, on whora they ex pect d speedily to lay their grasp. On the 18th of May, these prisoners, both men and women, about two hundred and forty in number, were collected together, hurried to Leith, embarked in open boats, and conveyed in this manner lo Burnt island. There they were crammed into two small rooms in the prison, incapable of affpiding tolerable space for half the number, and kept in that condition for two d lys, without being permitted to taste so much as bread and water. The oath of supremacy was then tendered to them. About forty accepted, and were sent back lo Edinburgh ; the rest, refusing to ac- knoivledgp an avowed Papist to be the head of ihe Church, were prepared for their noithward journey. Their hands weie lie I together behind their backs, and in this helpless condition they were driviii fiiward by the rude unfeeling sol- die s who heaped upon them mockery and abuse of every kind. The sufferings which they endured in their journey were so great that several died by the way, and many contracted diseases from which they never recovered. They reached Duniioilar. the place of their destination, on the 2'lth of May, and were imraedi ately thrust into a dark vault in the castle, which had but one small window on the side next the sea, was full of raire, ankle deep, and was of such narrow dimensions as to allow scarcely more than room to A. D. 1685.] HISTORY OP' THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 283 stand upright In this dreadful dungeon they remained almost the whole summer, crowded together, men and women, in one dense mass, without the slightest means of preserving what decency re quires ; compelled lo purchase the worst provisions al the most extravagant prices, so long as they had any money, even water being refused without a heavy price. Not even the horrors of the Black Hole of Calcutta surpassed those of Dun- nottar Castle ; for, in the former, the suf ferings of the victims, if more intense, were of shorter duration, while the per secuted Scottish Presbyterians died many deaths in the lingering agonies of these slow dreadful months. At length disease began to release thera more quickly frora their raiseries ; and the governor's lady, having been induced to look into tiie hideous dungeon, was so shocked and appalled with the scene which met her brief gaze, that she prevailed upon her husband lo remove the women to an apartment by themselves, and lo put the men into other places, where they might at least breathe a less noisome and pesti lential air. But many died of t'ne dis eases which they had already contracted, and about the end of the year the wasted survivors were banished to the planta tions for slaves, — the men after having their ears cut off, and the women branded with hot irons on the face. Many died on the passage ; the remainder met with humane treatment and Christian pity from the American settlers, which their own countrymen had denied thera.* Although the Society People declined joining in Argyle's enterprise, yet they vvere no inattentive or careless spectators of its progress, and especially of the events which had directly led to it. The suc cession of the Duke of York, an avowed Papist, to the throne, they regarded with the utmost abhorrence ; and immediately published a full and able declaration against it, and also against the legality and validity of that servile parliament, which had been called by him whom they did not hesitate to term a usurper. But this declaration, though even more pointed and argumentative than its pre decessors, did not so strongly attract the notice of the council, probably because their attention was for the lime engrossed " Wodrow, vol. iv. pp. 322-328, 333. by the more dangerous movements of Argyle and his adherents. The Cove nanters, though they did not join Argyle, manifested their sympathy with his enter prise by assisting in the escape of his scattered followers, nqtwithstanding the certainly that they were thereby increas ing their own dangers, and provoking the rage of the victorious eneray. John Nisbet of Hardhill, who had been en gaged in the insurrections both of Pent land and of Bothwell Bridge, fell into the hands of the persecutors in November, and accordingly sealed his testimony in the cause of true religion with his blood. [1686.] The fires of persecution began to grow fainter, and the sword was less incessantiy bathed in blood, during the year 1 686 ; not, hovvever, because the rage of the persecutors had abated, but partly because ihp exterminating process had so far reduced the number of accessi ble victims, that they could not now so easily lay hold on objects on whom to exercise their barbarities. Their pro gress had been like that of Roman con quest, characterised in such briefly and terribly emphatic terms by the historian ; they had made a solitude, — they called it peace. There was also another cause which tended lo abate the violence of the perse cution. The king appears to have thought the slate of the country now nearly ripe for that great change, to pro duce which had been the main though unavowed cause of the greater part of the previous persecuting enactments. Both Charles and James knew well that the Presbyterian Church formed the strongest obstacle to the restoration of Popery, and neither of them expected Prelacy to offer any very determined or protracted opposition to it. They there fore directed all their efforts against Pres bytery, confidently anticipating, that if it were destroyed, they would easily induce Prelacy to accept what would be a com paratively slight change, frora a hierarchy acknowledging the headship of the king, to a hierarchy acknowledging the head ship of the pope. In this they erred ; for the Episcopalian Church, though prela tic, was still truly Protestant. Yet there was much probability in the error ; for they had experienced so much subser viency from the prelates, that ihey were 284 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VH. led to conclude that they could command nothing with which the prelates would not comply. Still it was thought expedi ent to cover the ulterior designs of the Popish monarch a little longer under some plausible pretexts, and to remove a few more obstacles before the final at tempt should be made. The first step towards restoring the Papis's lo power had been already made by their exemption from taking the test, which was still urged upon Presbyterians. The next was to repeal the penal statutes against them, and the disabilities under which they were placed. For this pur pose a parliament was summoned to meet at Edinburgh on the 29lh of April. When parliament met, the Earl of Mur ray, his majesty's commissioner, produced a letter from the king, the most prominent topic of which was, a glowing encomiura on the loyalty and peacefulness of his Roraan Catholic subjects ; concluding with recommending them to the care of the parliament, that they " might not lie under obligations which their religion could not admit of;" " by doing whereof you will do us most acceptable service." In vain did the commissioner employ all his eloquence to enforce compUance with the suggestion ofhis majesty's letter. In vain did several of the prelates argue strenuously for the complete toleration of Popery. A considerable p.oportion of the parliament saw, in such a toleration, the first step towards the complete ascen dency of a religion from which they could expect nothing else but a persecu tion as severe as that which they had em ployed against the Presbyterians ; and, however wiUing to inflict injuries upon others, and to violate to the utmost of their power every conscientious principle or scruple entertained by the Church of Scotland, they wore sufficientiy reluctant lo be exposed themselves to similar inju ries. The recent events which had oc curred in France tended greatiy to con firm this dread of Popery, where the unjust revocation of the edict of Nantz exposed innumerable French Protestants to every kind of suffering. The public mind caught the alarm, both in England and Scotiand, and this had no small in fluence in preventing the Scottish parlia ment's compliance with the king's desire. In more guarded terms than any Scottish parliament since the Restoraiion had been accustomed to use, they promised to take the subject into their serious considera tion, and to go as great lengths therein as their consciences would allow, not doubting that his majesty would be care ful to secure the Protestant religion. Baffled and disappointed, the commis sioner prorogued the parliament, which raet no more during the reign of James. The weight of ihe king's indignation fell upon some of the pi elates who had presumed to oppose his wish. The arch- iiishop of Glasgow and the bishop of Dunkeld were deprived of their benefices. Paterson, who had been exceedingly ac tive in striving lo promote the king's views, was made archbishop of Glasgow ; and one Hamihon, " noted for profane- ness and impiety, vvhich sometimes broke into blasphemy,"* was made bishop of Dunkeld. But the greater part of these servile and unprincipled men signed an address to his majesty, offering to concur with him in all he desired, provided the laws might still continue in force and be executed against the Presbyterians.f But the previous servility of the Scot tish parliaments had gut irito his majesty's hand a weapon which he vvas resolved lo wield against them. They had admitted his absolute supremacy in the strongest possible terms, and he now employed this absolute supremacy to accomplish what the parliament had shrunk frora doing. On the 21sl of August, a letter was ad dressed lo the council, from which he had previously expelled the best men, replac ing them by sycophants, in which his majesty gives them to know, that " it was not any doubt he had of his povver that made him bring his designs before the parliament, bul merely to give them an opportunity of showing their duty lo him, that he now, according to his undoubted right and prerogative, takes the Roman Catholics under his royal protection, al lowing to them the free exercise of their religion, and giving lo them the chapel of Holyrood-house for a place of public worship, appointing chaplains and others, whom he recomraended to special pro tection." Thus had the Prelatic party prepared the way for the restoraiion of Popery, by their yielding up all power ' Burnet's Own Times, vol. i. p. 681. Own Times, vol. i. p. 680. t Burnet's A. D. 1687.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 285 and law to the absolute supremacy ofthe monarch, upon whose will, according to their own principles, must depend the re ligion of his subjects. And they could not, vvithout the most glaring inconsis tency, offer any resistance lo the despotic conduct of a sovereign whose will they had declared lo be the fountain of law, vvhich no man was entitled to question or resist. But the Presbyterians were still the bold guardians of the nation's liber- lies, civil and sacred, and under their pro tection that inestimable charge vvas safe. In the meantime, there were some movements taking place among the Presbyterians of considerable importance. Several conferences were held between the persecuted followers of Renwick, and that larger body who had partially sub- nutted to the indulgences of former years, or remained sileni and passive, while their raore daring brethren maintained an open conflict. The object of these con ferences was lo attempt a union araong all Presbyterians, both for mutual protection and to be ready for any p opitious mo ment in which lo secure their common rights and liberties. But the desired union was found impractic ible. The larger body had unquestionably yielded a sinful compliance with much that was directly subversive of Presbyterian prin ciples ; but their pride would not allow them to acknowledge their errors. On the other hand, the socitty people or Cameronians, or, more properly, the strict Covenanters, would not consent to any union without a previous acknow ledgment from their breth,en that they had indeed fallen into greivous and sin ful defections. There were, besides, some points of minor importance on which their disputes were equally warm, and with much less reason The result was, that it was found impracticable to form a union of all Presbyterians, although it was earnestly desired by the wisest and the best of both parties. When the sub ject is contemplated al this distance of time, we may form a more dispassionate opinion on the conduct of both parties than either of them could have done ; and our opinion is, that decidedly the greatest amount of blame rests not on the Covenanters, but on their brethren, who had meanly and unfaithfully yielded far more lo fear than now they were required lo yield to principle. Had they possses- sed magnanimity enough to have admit ted that they had failed in the hour of conflict, through human weakne.-s, there is no reason to doubt that the high-hearted and dauntless Covenanters would have ceased to stickle pertinaciously for less important matters, and almost the entire body ofthe Scottish Presbyterians might have been prepaied to assume a more commanding attitude at the Revolution, such as would have secured a more com plete re-establishment of all their great principles than they actually obtained. The celebrated Alexander Peden died early in this year, after a reconciliation had been effected between him and Ren wick, from whom he had been for a time estranged. Renwick was joined by Mr. David Houston and Mr. Alexander Shields, and field-preaching was con tinued, although the king, in the midst of his zeal for toleration to the Papists, issued a furious proclamation against them, offering a large reward to any person who should seize Renwick, alive or dead. [1687.] Although the king bad failed in obtaining fiom parliaraent that ready subraission to his wishes, which he had expected with regard to the legislative repeal of ihepenal statutes against Papists, he was by no means disposed to mention his intention, but thought it expedient lo adopt another mode of procedure. His plan was now to quit the crimson robe of the fierce persecutor, and to assume the garb of univei sal toleration. Ac cordingly, on the 12th of February 1687, a letter was sent to the council, accompa nied by a proclamation, in which his majesty, " by his sovereign authority, prerogative royal, and absolute power, which all his subjects are to obey with out reserve, did give and grant his royal toleration to the several professors of Christian religion." " lu the fiist place," continues his majesty, "we allow and tolerate the modemle* Presbyterians lo meet in their private houses, and thereto hear all such ministers as either have, or are willing lo accept of our indulgence, and none other." But all those who held or attended field-preachings were still subjected to the utmost rigour of law. Then comes the main object of the pro- * Is this the origin of that ill-omeued designation. 286 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CH.4P. VII, clamation, in which, by his prerogative and absolute power, his majesty al once abrogates and annuls all acts of parlia ment and laws against Roman Catholics, gives them the free and public exercise of their worship, and renders them eligi ble lo all places of public trust, abolishing the test, and enacting a new oath, which affirmed chiefly the entire supremacy and absolute power and authority of the sovereign.* This, which was called King James's First Indulgence, gave satisfaction to no patty but the Papists. The Prelatists were irritated and alarmed to see their own weapons wrested out of their hands, dreading that the power which they had so long and relentlessly employed against the Presbyterians might soon be put into the hands of Papists, and directed against themselves. The Presbyterians gener ally regarded it wilh suspicion and dis trust, viewing it as not intended for their relief, bul as a deceptive mode of restor ing Popery ; and the Covenanters not merely rejected it, but set ils threats at defiance, and continued their field-preach ings as usual. On the 31st of March a second indul gence was published, by which the coun cU were empowered to dispense with the oath, and to suffer Presbyterian ministers lo preach in private houses during his majesty's pleasure. This was equally disregarded by the Presbyterians, with this exception, that some ofthe ministers preached in private houses, having been requested to do so, irrespective of the in dulgence ; and this was represented hy the council, in their letter to the king, as the compliance of the whole body. The king, imagining that his schemes were producing the desired effect, issued a still more extensive toleration to the Dissenters in England ; bul neither did this hollow and crafty stratagem delude that conscientious body of Christians, who, greatly to their honour, declmed to avaU themselves of the power of retalia tion against the Established Church, which was so far placed within their reach. At length a third indulgence was granted lo the Scottish Presbyterians, dated from London on the 28th of June, and from Edinburgh on the 5th of July, " Wodrow, VOL i». pp. 417-4d% In this third indulgence, his majesty, in his usual strain, " by his sovereign au thority, prerogative royal, and absolute power," suspends all penal and sangui nary laws made against any for non-con formity to the religion established by law ; granting lo the Presbyterians " leave to meet and serve God after their own way and manner, be it in private houses, chapels, or places purposely hired or built for that use, so that they take care that nothing be preached or taught among them vvhich may any ways lend to alienate the hearts of our people from us or our government." It was, how ever, expressly provided that they were not to meet in the open fields ; and all the laws against field-preaching were left " in full force and vigour," on the ground that, after this act of royal grace and favour, there was not a shadow of excuse left for them. His majesty had now declared himself an advocate for liberty of conscience and universal toleration. But few were de ceived by these hypocritical pretences. All true Protestants, whether Episcopa lians, Presbyterians, or Dissenters, per ceived clearly enough, that direct favour to the Papists was intended ; and it was not unfairly surmised that, by the univer sal toleration, the king hoped to throw the various denominations of Protestants into such a state of rivalry and collision, that they would weaken each olher, and prepare for the establishment of Popery upon their ruins. There is littie reason lo doubt that such was his majesty's aim and expectation ; but both the iraraediale and the ultimate consequences were very different frora what he intended and hoped. In England a sharp controversy was carried on against the distinctive tenets of the apostate Church of Rorae, in which, as might be expected, both from the goodness of their cause and the high talents of the learned and eminent men who engaged in it, the English divines were signally victorious. The universi ties also joined in the opposition to Po pish ascendency ; even royalist Oxford, notwithstanding its previous declaration of passive obedience, resisted when op pression was directed against itself The nation began to awaken, alarmed by the rapid strides which his majesty was mak- iog towards Popery, and by the utter die- A. D, 1(388,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 287 regard for all liberty, civU and religious, which he displayed in his impetuous haste to accomplish what he regarded as the great object of his life. In Scotland the third indulgence led to a result different in aspect, but not more favourable to the designs of the king. Almost all the Presbyterian ministers in the kingdom availed themselves ofthe op portunity vvhich it gave them of resuming public worship, and collecting again their scattered congregations. Many, boih ministers and people, were released from prison, relumed to their long-lost homes, and engaged with renewed fer vour in the reconstruction of the Presby terian Church by the revival of its unfor- gotten forms of government and disci pline, the reunion of ils scattered bul still living members, and the resuscitation of its imperishable principles. Several ofthe ejected or inlercommuned ministers who had fled to Holland, returned and resum ed the discharge of their sacred duties araong their countrymen in their own be loved native land. Thus did the Pres byterian Church begin lo " shake her self from the dust, and to put on her beautiful garments ;" yet the yoke was not wholly loosened from her neck, nor was her robe unstained. A meeting of ministers from different parts of the coun try was held in Edinburgh, to deliberate respecting the course which ought to be followed in this change of circumstances. It was generally agreed, that the benefit of this indulgence should be accepted ; hut a strong difference of opinion arose, whether an address of thanks should be transmitted to the king. Fortunately for the character ofthe Presbyterian Church, so large a number of the ministers disap proved of any address of thanks lo a Po pish tyrant for giving what he had no right either to give or withhold, that the meeting separated without consenting to transmit such an address as froni the body, leaving it to individual ministers lo act as they might think proper in the matter. This, however, while it pre vented a total loss of character, was an ominous manifestation of weakness, and want of resolute adherence to Presby terian principles. Not merely no address of thanks should have been sent from them as a body, but there should have been a prohflMtion issued, forbidding any to do what in reality amounted lo al least a partial admission of the royal supre macy in matters spiritual. Yet a con siderable number of the ministers con curred in writing and transmitting an ad dress of thanks, bul ill accordant wilh the free and independent principles of the Presbyterian Church.* The firm, unyielding Covenanters adopted a more consistent couise. The conferences in which they had been engaged with their raore compliant bre- thern during the preceding year had caused thera to institute a thorough in quiry into the nature and value of their own leading principles, the result of which was the publication, early in this year, of a work entitied " An Inforraatory Vindication," &c. In this work they republished their forraer declarations, giving a mitigated explanation of some objectionable sentiments and expressions, but reasserting the great principles in de fence of which they had suffered, and were willing still to suffer, every extreme of persecution. The writing of this work had tended both lo give clearness to their conception of what these principles were, and to confirm them in their reso lute determination lo resist every infringe ment of what they firmly believed to be principles of infinite value and eternal truth. They therefore rejected at once any and every indulgence or toleration of man's inalienable right to worship God according lo the direction of His own re vealed word and will, and the dictates of an enlightened conscience ; especially when such indulgence was founded upon and proceeded from that pernicious prin ciple, the unlimited prerogative and ab solute power of the raonarch, — a princi ple equally inconsistent wilh the laws of God and the liberties of mankind. Alike defying the tyrant's threats and spurning his favours, they resolved to hold on their unswerving course, lo continue their field-preachings, and to oppose the exer cise of arbitrary power on the one hand, and a course of weak and sinful submis sion on the other.t Men may censure their conduct as too rigidly unaccommo dating bul none who understand the sub ject will deny that at least "their fail ings leaned lo virtue's side," and that ' Wodrow, vol. iv. p. 428, t Faithful Comendings, p, 3t0; Bind Let Loose, p, 182. 288 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. vn. their principles and proceedings bore a closer resemblance to those of the First and Second Reformations, than did the measures adopted by the greater number of the more compliant and larger party. Still, notwithstanding these dissensions, the Presbyterian cause grew and pros pered generally. Some important regu lations were framed by the meeting of ministers, for the guidance of the body in the great work, on which they were about to enter, of reviving the worship, government, and discipline ofthe Presby terian Church, [1688.] The year 1688, destined to be so memorable in the annals of civil and religious liberty, wore at its beginning in Scotland the aspect of returning per secution. The bold language and un yielding behaviour of Renwick and the Covenanters provoked the council, and led lo redoubled efforts for the seizure of that fearless asserler of religious purity and freedom, and for the enforcement of all the acts against field-preaching. A proclamation was issued also, condemn ing all books which defended the conduct ofthe Presbyterians, censured that ofthe persecutors, and assailed Popery ; frora which the Bible was scarcely exempted, although its suppression was deemed yet premature.* Several instances of cruelty and oppression inflicted upon the perse cuted wanderers might be mentioned ; but omitting these, we proceed lo relate the sufferings and death of the last and one of the most distinguished victims of prelatic tyranny. It has been already stated, that the small band of determined Covenanters refused to accept the indulgence offered by King James, which was accepted by so many Presbyterian ministeis. In this refusal Renwick not only heartily concur red, but was anxious that those who raight accept it should al least guard against giving utterance to any such sen timents as might disgrace the Presby terian cause, and widen the breach be tween them and him, which he so much deplored. For this purpose he wrote a paper containing his views, and went privately to Edinburgh lo lay it before the meeting of ministers held there. When this was done, he went lo Fife, where he continued preaching some time, ' Wodrow, vol. iv, p, 444. and then returned to Edinburgh, where he lodged for the night On the very next day, the 1st of Febiuary, early in the morning, he was seized, diagged he- fore the council, comraitted to prison, and heavily fettered like a condemned felon. His accusation vvas based chiefly on his disowning the king, refusing to pay the cess, condemning the toleraiion, main taining the right of self-defence, and con tinuing to hold field-preacbinus. All these points he openly and unhesitatingly admitted and defended, never once shrink ing from a full and clear avowal of the principles which he had taught. The pleasing simplicity of his raanuers, the manly and candid frankness of his answers, the unflinching iiitegiiiy of his sentiments, and the youthful c |i-gance of his handsome person, all combined to command the respect and awaken the compassion of his council, who manifest ed an unusual desire to save his life. After he was condemned to die, he was asked if he wished longer time to be granted to him ; his answer wms, " It is all one lo me: if it be prolonged, it is welcome ; if it be shortened, it is wel come: my Master's time is the best," The day of execution vvas however, post poned, and considerable effuts vveie raade to induce him lo yield, or to make such a concession as would have justified the council in sparing his life. He vvas visit ed by one ofthe bishops, by some of the curates, and by the lord advuc.ite ; but he remained unshaken in his principles, and calmly resolute to lay down his life rather than consent to their viol.ition in the slightest degree. He had been ex posed to much calumny and i epro ich for his unbending maintenance of tiiera, in his conferences wilh other Pi t sbylerian rainislers ; and he judged rightly, to abandon them through the fear uf death, if unconvinced that they were erioneous, would cast great discredit upon these principles, discourage lho.se who had been his faithful foUovvers an, I fellow- martyrs, and be utterly ruinous not only to his own character, bul also and espe cially lo his peace of mind. For him to die was infinitely less terrible than to dis own the Covenants, cast a stumbling- block in the way of God's people, and violate his own allegiance lo Christ, Finding that there was no prospect of A, D. 1688,] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND, 289 his submission, orders were given for his execution. On the day appointed, the 17lh of February, he obtained permission for his mother and sisters to spend a little tirae wilh him in the prison. To them he spoke even in terms of joyful anticipation of his near approaching death-hour, ad dressing lo thera the kind and gentle lan guage of warmand pure affection, vvhich, while it smoothes the stream of sorrow, increases its depth and perpetuity. When the hour approached, the council, appre hensive of the effect which might be pro duced, sent to request him neither to pray nor address the people from the scaffold ; intimating that, if he would not comply the drums should be beat so that not a word should be heard. He refused to comply ; and accordingly, whenever he attempted to speak, his voice vvas drown ed, or nearly so, in the harsh discordant sound of the beaten drums. Yet a few broken sentences were caught by the keen ears of his adrairing followers and friends, and treasured up as the precious fragments of a distinguished martyr's dy ing testimony.* So died James Renwick, three days after he had completed his 26th year ; a youth in years, but an ex perienced Christian, and a most faithful, zealous, and indefatigable minister ; in temper mild, gentle, and patient, — in man ners courteous and amiable, — in contro versial discussion clear, vigorous, and eloquent, as his writings amply prove, — in principle a Presbyterian of the ancient and heroic mould, inflexible as Knox and vehement as Melville, though unequal lo either in genius and power. This sin gularly pious and highly-gifted youth vvas the last who pubUcly sealed wilh his blood his testimony in behalf of Scot land's Covenant, and the Divine Media tor's sole sovereignty over his Church. The dreadless .banner of the Covenant, which Renwick had so long upheld, was not allowed to fall prostrate to the earth when his hand vvas cold in death. It was seized and borne aloft by the Rev. Alexander Shields, who had previously been a sufferer in the same cause, and who, having been called by the society people to be their minister, boldly slept into that honourable but most perilous path of duty. They held a large gene- • Wodrow, vol. iv. pp. 445-454; Life of Renwick; Cload of Witnesses. 37 ral meeting in the parish of Galston, where Mr. Shields preached in defiance of the sanguinary laws still in force against them. The soldiery were sent immediately to pursue the deUnquenls ; bul though they pillaged the country se verely, only one youth fell into their hands, who vvas killed on the spot with out so much as the form of a trial. Several of the indulged ministers were interrupted in their ministry and brought to trial on account of alleged violations of the terms of the late indulgence. By these proceedings the country was made fully aware that the king's boasted uni versal toleration was not intended to be a measure of mercy, but merely a decep tive pretext for the restoration of Popery to universal povver in the kingdom. It is not our province to trace the civil events of this period, by which the revo lution was effected, especially as it may be assumed that these are familiar to al most every reader. A few sentences will contain an outline sufficient for our pur pose, which is merely lo preserve the con tinuity ofthe narrative, that what belongs peculiarly to the church of Scotland may chiefly engage our attention, and at the same tirae be seen in proper sequence and natural connection. The attention of all lovers of freedom had for some time been directed to the Prince of Orange, husband of James's eldest daughter, and heir-presumptive lo the crown. But on the 10th of June the queen gave birth to an infant prince, by which the joy of the Papists was raised to the highest pilch, and the nation -generally alarmed by the dread of a suc cession of Popish sovereigns. At the same lime, the acquittal of the seven bishops, who had been committed to the Tower by James because of their petitioning against being compelled to read one of his arbitrary indulgences from the pulpit gave occasion to the display of the na tion's joy at the defeat of absolute power. The vigilant eye of William marked well the importance of the juncture. He saw the Scottish Presbyterians avaiUng them selves of the king's deceptive truce, to muster their strength, and to recover that position which belonged to them as form ing the great majority of the population in the kingdom. He perceived; that James had succeeded in alienating the af^ 290 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, [CHAP, VII. fections of the English Church and peo ple, while yet his popish support was in considerable. The nation, he perceived, was ripe for a change, and the favourable moment was come, which, if not prompt ly seized, might never return. The birth of the infant prince put an end lo all indecision, as it put an end to his hope of ascending the throne by nat ural succession. Having made the ne cessary preparations for an enterprise so momentous, he committed the cause solemnly to God, set sail, and landed al Torbay, without having encountered any opposition, on the 5th of November. In the meantime, James had been act ing like a man under the spell of infatua tion. In England he ceased not lo ir ritate the feelings of that high-spirited people, already provoked beyond endur ance by his despotism. He attempted the perilous measure of remodelling the ar my, from which he was compelled to desist. He drew the greater part of the forces from Scotland, wuh the view of employing them to keep his refractory English subjects in obedience, but leav ing his Scottish minions destitute of pow er to maintain his interests in that coun try against the rising and rapidly increas ing strength of the Presbyterians. A proclamation was issued for raising the militia in Scotland ; bul that was little else than pulling arms into the hands of his opponents. Yet the Scottish councU showed their willingness, if not their power, by transmitting an address making offer of their lives and fortunes to the king, and requesting directions how to act in such a dangerous juncture. When the Prince of Orange issued his declara tion and manifesto, that document was prohibited to be circulated or read ; but the zealous Covenanters assisted greatly in spreading it throughout the length'and breadth of the land, in spite of all prohibi tions, and it was received with general satisfaction. On the 3d of November, all the Scottish prelates, except two, concurred in sending a lelte^ lo the king, containing the raost extravagant eulogiums on that tyrant and his course of government, avowing their steadfast allegiance to hira, " as an essential part of their religion," and wishing him " the hearts of his sub jects and the necks of his enemies,"* • Wodrow, vol, iv, p. 463, The address of the Pres- Any thing more servile, and al the same time despotic and persecuting in its spirit, it is impossible lo imagine ; and as this was the last public act of Scottish Prela cy, al the close of its bloody reign, it de serves to be recorded, as a proof that it was still the same slavish, intolerant, irreligious, and persecuting system which it had ever been, and as a warning also, that Prelacy and civil and religious free dom cannot exist together in Scotland, On the 10th of December there oc curred a riot in Edinburgh, caused chiefly by the students of the coUege and the city apprentices, which ended in their driving a body of troops out of Holyrood House, which had been fortifled and gar risoned, rifling the Abbey, and burning the images and olher idolatrous symbols employed in the popish worship. This riot the council had not power lo quell ; and the Duke of Perth, the chancellor, fled from the capital in terror of his life. On the 14th the council published an act for disarming Papists, and al the sarae time protecting their persons and proper ly against tumults, which was intended to prevent the recurrence of similar riotous scenes. On the 24th they issued a pro clamation, founded upon a rumour that the Irish Papists had been called on by the king to invade Scotland, In this pro clamation they require all Protestant sub jects to put themselves in a state of defence, for securing their religion, lives, liberties, and properties, against the attempts of Papists ; and all heritors are summoned lo meet, well armed and provided, at the head burghs of their respective counties, and to place themselves under the com mand of the persons named in the procla mation. This was a virtual repeal of the whole proceedings of the government during the preceding twenty-eight years, in which lo appear armed in defence of life and religion was condemned and pun ished as treason. After this act the Scot tish privy council voluntarily dissolved and disappeared, leaving the people in a great measure to their own government, and to the defence of that form of reli gion lo which they were most attached. This, therefore, we may regard as the end of the long and bloody persecution byterian ministers to the Prince of Orange furnishes a noble contrast to this servUe letter, as wiU be shown in its proper place. jj. loetj.j HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 291 which the Church of Scotiand endured from perjured and remorseless Prelacy, and the absolute despotism of the Brother Tyrants. It would not have been strange if the Presbyterians had inflicted a terrible retribution on their merciless oppressors. Bul they acted in general like men con scious of a glorious cause, which they might not permit their own passions to sully and disfigure. When the rumour that an Irish invasion was intended reached the Covenanters, they immedi ately mustered in a considerable body, and prepared to defend their country and their friends from the invaders ; bul find ing the rumour groundless, they resolved to lake that opportunity of expelling the prelatic curates from the parishes which they had so long polluted with their pre sence and devastated wilh their cruelty. They accordingly seized upon these wretched men, turned them out of their usurped abodes, marched them lo the boundaries of their respective parishes, and sent them away, without offering them further violence.* No plunder, no bloodshed, stained the hands of the Cove nanters. As their constancy through the long period of fiery trial had been almost unparalleled, so their high-principled self-government was conspicuous in their hour of bloodless triumph. How glori ously different the conduct of the Scottish Presbyterians from that of their prelatic persecutors, rendering it manifest to the world, as if written with a sunbeam, which of these two forms of Church government possessed most of the princi ples, and displayed most of the charac ter of the gospel of peace and good-will. When the landing of the Prince of Orange, and the revolution which fol lowed, put an end lo the persecution which had continued for twenty-eight years, a computation was made, from which it appeared, that above eighteen thousand had suffered by dealh, slavery, exUe or imprisonment, inflicted in the vain endeavor lo destroy the Presbyterian Church of Scotland, and estabhsh Prela cy on its ruins, t This is exclusive of the desolation spread over the country by oppressive fines, assessments, and the • Cruickshank, vol. ii. p. 474; Burnet's Own Times, t Meinoirsof the Church of Scotland, pp. 290-294, lawless pillage of the licentious soldiery, by vvhich whole districts were almost turned into a wUderness. Surely those who talk of the possibility of Prelacy ever becoming the religion of Scotiand, must expect it to be preceded by such a revolution both in the constitution of the human mind and in the frame of nature, as shall completely sweep away all re cords of the past; for so long as our mountains, heaths, and glens, are studded with the gray memorials of our martyred fathers, and so long as the free blood courses more warmly and the heart beats higher in one true Scottish bosom, at the narrative of their glorious sufferings and the savage cruelty of their merciless per secutors, so long must it be absolutely im possible for Prelacy to be regarded in Scotiand with any olher feelings than those of indignant reprobation, as alike hostile to the principles of civil liberty, and contrary to the mild and gracious spirit of Christianity. In taking a retrospective glance over that dark and stormy period of the Church of Scotland's history between the Restoration and the Revolution, there are some topics which force themselves upon the mind so strongly as lo demand a brief investigation before proceeding further. What was the ruling motive which in duced Charles and James to persecute the Presbyterian Church with such relentless cruelly ? In the case of Charles, it could not have been his preference of Prelacy on religious grounds, as he was evidently a man of no religion at all. In the case of James, it vvas as manifest, that if he preferred that form of church govern ment, it was only because he regarded it as less directly opposed lo Popery, on the re-establishment of which his heart was bent. The steady and unswerving per severance with which the whole course of public affairs was guided in Scotland, to wards the effecting of one object, during so many years, proves clearly that some one ruling principle was in continual operation all the while. That principle, we think, Burnet's " History of His Own Times" furnishes the means of detecting. From that work, as well as from many other sources, we learn that Charles had joined the Church of Rome before he left France. Burnet tells us further, that soon after the restoration, Charles in con- 292 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, [CHAP. VII. versation with him, reprobated the liberty that, under the reformation, all men took of inquiring in matters of religion, from vhich they proceeded to inquire into matters of state ; adding, that he thought government was a much safer and easier thing when the authority was believed infallible, and the faith and submission of the people were implicit. The king's predilection for Popery was evidently not on the ground of conscience, but because by its means alone he could hope lo ac quire absolute power, and to reduce the people to the implicit obedience of slaves. To effect this tyrannical intention was the constant endeavor of both Charles and his brother ; and there are many sig nificant indications, that even in the case of James, the love of Popery was subor dinate to the love of despotism. This view completely explains both the direct endeavors and the evasive changes and fluctuations of these two reigns. Lau derdale appears to have early penetrated into the king's designs, and to have made the attempt lo realize them the ruling aim and effort of his whole administration. Remerabering also, that it was the pres ence of the Scottish army in England which turned the wavering balance in fa vor of the parliament during the civil wars, he made it his steady endeavour to bring Scotland into a stale of such com plete subserviency to the king, that a powerful army might be raised in sup port of his majesty, should any contest arise between him and his English sub jects. In this view, the act which Lau derdale procured from the Scottish par liament in 1663, offering to the king an army of twenty thousand foot and two thousand cavalry to be at his ovvn dispo sal, was no empty bravado, as it has gen erally been regarded, but a significant hint from that despotic statesman, that the time for the monarch's assuraplion of ab solute power was near at hand. The oath of supremacy, and the acts enforcing it became, when viewed in this light, not only perfectly intelligible, but pregnant with meaning of fearful import. They were all so many steps towards that abso lute despotism which the king desired to establish, and that state of utter slavery to which he wished to reduce the king dom. It is not necessary to suppose that the prelatic party were fully aware of this intention, and were willing to become the base instruments by which it should be accomplished ; yet their conduct and their written sentiments not only support ed, but too often seemed to lead the way to the full establishment of the most arbitra ry and cruel tyranny. And it must nev er be forgotten, that the execrable design of reducing Britain to a stale of abject slavery vvas, under Providence, frustrated solely by the unconquerable fortitude with which the Presbyterian Church of Scot land endured every extremity of suffering which a long, relentless, and desolating persecution could inflict. At the same time it must be observed, that the resistance of the Presbyterian Church proceeded from a far higher principle than merely the determination to defend the civil liberties of the country, — a principle without which civil liberty can never be fully realized, and which, in free and active operation, would ren der the dire counterparts — absolute power and abject slavery — for ever impossible. This great principle, as abstractly stated and most tenaciously maintained by the Church of Scotland, is, " That the Lord Jesus Christ is the sole Head and King of the Church, and hath therein appointed a government distinct from that of the civil magistrate." In the form in which it practically appears, this great principle realizes such a disjunction of the civil and the ecclesiastical powers from each other as to assign and secure to each a separate, co-ordinate, and independent su preme court for the exercise of their re spective functions. The direct conse quence of this great and sacred principle, thus realized, is, that it preserves the whole region of the conscience entirely free from the control of external power ; and where the conscience is free, men cannot be enslaved. The attempt to es tablish an absolute despotism, involved, of necessity, the destruction of this prin ciple : and the oath of supremacy was the weapon by which it was directly and fiercely assailed. The cruel policy of the assailants needs little explanation. It was an easy matter for them to enact an unjust and irreUgious law, such as that which vtirtually declared that the sove reignty of _the Church should be taken from Christ, and given to the king, and then to shout, " Oh6y the law, obey the A. D. 1688.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 293 law 1" proclaiming men rebels and trai tors, and persecuting them to the death, because they could not yield obedience lo a law which required the violation of their allegiance to the Divine Redeemer, but chose to obey God rather than man in matters of religion. It requires but Uttie Christian principle, metaphysical acumen, or knowledge of the general principles of jurisprudence, lo perceive that no law can possibly be binding upon man which is manifestly contrary lo the law of God. So reasoned and so felt our covenanted fathers ; and in defence of that sacred and eternal principle they "endured a great fight of afflictions," through which they were triumphantly borne by the mighty power of God, unfolding and realizing in the fearful struggle, what, though of subordinate importance, was still of inestimable value, that noblest charter of civil liberty which man has ever framed, the British Constitution. The only accusation which can, with any degree of propriety, be urged against the Covenanters is, that they did to a cer tain extent misunderstand and overpass some of the essential distinctions between things civil and things sacred. Bul this cannot justly either excite our surprise or call forth our censure. Few seem yet lo have any accurate perception of these dis tinctions ; and many seem disposed lo deny that they either do or can exist, or, at least, that they can be so specifically marked out as to prevent the incessant mutual encroachments of the civil and the ecclesiastical jurisdictions upon the respective provinces which rightfully be long to each. It was not strange, there fore, that the Covenanters partially erred, especially when engaged in such a deadly struggle. The contest was, on their part, at first waged solely in defence of the cen tral principle of religious liberty. Bul as civil and religious liberty exist or perish together, they were soon compelled lo contend equally for both, and thus the scene of conflict was both enlarged and altered, involving a complication of ui- terests which tended to produce confusion. It was this which led them lo the idea of disowning the king, and declaring what they explained to be a " defensive war" against him, as against a lawless tyrant, whose own acts involved the invalidation of his right to reign. The Revolution was indeed a substantial confirmation of the justness of their bold opinions. But still, for any section of a community to proclaim and act upon such opinions, must unavoidably expose them, as citi zens, to the charge of rebellion, and as ministers and members of the Christian Church, to the charge of interfering with matters beyond their legitimate province. There seem to be but two conditions by vvhich such a course of procedure can be fully justified, either of vvhich can rarely occur, and the one of vvhich cannot be known beforehand, and, therefore, ought not to be assumed as a primary cause. These are, the direct command of God, of vvhich the Bible relates various in stances; and ultimate success, which, cor rectly speaking does not justify the at tempt, but merely ratifies the deed, from which it may be inferred, that the enter prise was accordant wilh the will of Divine Providence, This second con dition, we are aware, may be both misun derstood and misrepresented, as if it were identical with the false principle, that the end justifies the means. What we mean is this, that when an attempt is made by any considerable party in a nation, for an object which appears lo be in accordance with Scripture, reason, and civil liberty, its failure may prove it to have been pre mature, but will not prove it to have been wrong ; whereas its success will go far to prove it lo have been essentially right. The first, many of the Scottish Covenant ers conceived themselves to have, both by reasoning from Scripture analogies, and from the directly unchristian character of the principles attempted to be enforced by their opponents: the second they obtained when the Revolution completed what they had begun and carried forward with determined resolution, heroic fortitude, and Christian patience ; and it must be remarked, that they never doubted of the ultimate triumph of their sacred cause, even in the most disastrous periods, and amidst the darkest horrors of the fierce exterminating persecution directed against them by their despotic and merciless op pressors. Any censure, therefore, which could justly be pronounced against them, must be exceedingly slight, and, when compared with the vast debt of gratitude due to them by the entire erapire, must be come almost invisible, hke a speck in the 294 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VII, sun. Still, while such must be'the senti ments of every enlightened lover of free dom, it is the true spiritually-minded Christian alone who can enter fully into the feelings of these much-enduring and devoted men, comprehend the true nature of the great and sacred principles in de fence of which they encountered the perils and suffered the extremities of poverty, imprisonment, exile, torture, and dealh, and appreciate the real value of the service rendered by them to the cause of vital piety, and to the interests of the Divine Redeemer's spiritual kingdom. CHAPTER Vni FROM THE REVOLUTION, IN THE YEAR 1688, TO THE TREATY OF UNION IN 1707. Meeting of the Convention of Estates — DeclaraUon and Claim of Right— Petition of the Covenanters— Their Loyalty and Patriotism — Condition of the Church ^ and Country — King William and Carstares— The Prelatists — Meeting of Parliament — Acts abolishing Prelacy, ratifying the Confession of Faith, establish ing the Presbyterian Church, and abolishing Patron age — Meeting of the General Assembly — Acts of Assembly — Remarks on the Revolution Settlement — State of the Conflicting Parties— The restored IWin- isters, the Conformists, the Covenanters — Views of the King, of the Church, and ofthe Jacobites, and Prelatic Party — Origin of the Moderate Party— The Commission — The Assembly forcibly adjourned — Its Firmness — Act of Parliament for settling the Quiet and Peace of the Church — Ils Character and Conse quences — A Mutual Compromise — A New Colhsion threatened — The King and Carstares — Meetings of tile Assembly — Proceedings ofthe Church — Conduct of the Jacobites and Prelatists — Act against intruding into Churches — Competing Calls and Transporta tions — The Rabbling Act — Misrepresentations M rhe Prelatic Party — Death of King William — Queen Anne — Pohtical Intrigues against the Churchy-Proposals for a Union — Act of Security — The Union — General View of the State of the Church The dissolution of the Scottish privy council relieved the country instantly and completely from atyrannyand persecution under which it had groaned and bled for a period of twenty-eight terrible years ; but it left the kingdom in a state of anarchy dangerous to the peace and wel fare of the community. Had the Presby terians been influenced at all by the spirit of revenge, there was nothing to have prevented them from inflicting a dreadful retribution upon their paralyzed and de fenceless oppressors in their hour of utter weakness. Nothing, therefore, could have given a more perfect proof of the injustice and falsehood of the accusations formerly urged so vehemently against thera on account of the pernicious, treach erous, and murderous principles which they were said to hold, than the fact, that when their principles had free scope, the most remarkable characteristic which they displayed was the forgiveness of their fallen enemies. The expelling of the curates, which has been already no ticed, was in truth nothing else but the ejection of lawless intruders frora positions and property on which they had wrong fully seized, with the view of having them restored to their rightful owners. Still, the condition ofthe country was full of peril, which was held in check by the power of religious principle alone ; and it was the manifest interest of all classes to reconstruct the disorganized frame of society as speedily as possible. On this account men of all political par ties hastened to London, to hold inter course with each other and with the Prince of Orange, to ascertain their re spective strength, and to deliberate on the course lo be pursued. [1689.] The legislature of England met in the form of a convention, avoiding the term parliam.ent, as not being called by the king, and, after considerable dis cussion, voted, " That James the Second, having endeavored lo subvert the con stitution ofthe kingdom, by breaking the original contract between the king and the people, and, by the advice of Jesuits and other wicked persons, having vio lated the fundamental laws, and with drawn himself out of this kingdom, has abdicated the government, and the throne is become vacant." After some further discussion, the vacant throne was given to the Prince and Princess of Orange, as joint sovereigns, the title constantly run ning William and Mary, King and Queen of England, — the sole administra tion resting in the king. On the 8th of January, 1689, William assembled the leading Scottish noblemen and gentle men who were in London, and after re ferring lo his Declaration, told them that he had called them together to ask their advice respecting the best method of securing the civil and religious liberties of their country. Their advice was, that he would assume the administration of affairs till a convention of estates could be held in Edinburgh, and a proper settlement be effected, which convention A,'D. 1689,] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 295 they requested lo be empowered to meet on the 14th of March ; and to this he gave his assent. The Scottish convention met on the day appointed, the short interval having been employed by the two contending parties, — the adherents of James, who vvere generally Prelalists, and the sup porters of the Revolution, who vvere Presbyterians, — in the most strenuous endeavours to muster their whole strength for the struggle. It had been stipulated by the meeting in London, that in the election of representatives lo the conven tion, none who were protestants should be excluded from legally voting, or from be ing returned as members. This at once removed the disabilities under which the oppressive acts of the preceding reigns had laid the greater part of the Presby terians, and enabled them lo send to the convention a majority of right-minded men. Still the peril was great. Claver house, who had been created Viscount Dundee by James, was fully determined to maintain the right of that despot by war ; and had brought with him to Edinburgh a considerable body of armed and desperate raen to overawe the con vention. There were no military forces in the kingdom lo prevent Dundee from any extreme to which his daring and ferocious spirit might impel him; and the castle was held by the Duke of Gor don, who also favoured the interests of the fallen monarch. In this dangerous junc ture recourse was had to the Cameronian Covenanters, as the only body which both possessed the power and the inclina tion to protect their country's liberties, and might be trusted iri this hour of peril. They were requested to come to Edinburgh, armed and prepared lo resist any outrage which might be offered to the convention or the town by Dundee, their former relentless persecutor. This vvas a noble tribute to the character of these much injured and greatly calum niated men. They had formerly been hunted down as disturbers of peace and the very enemies of society ; they vvere now sought and hailed as conservators of peace, and protectors of the public wel fare. The first trial of strength in the con vention took place on the subject of choosing a president. The Duke of Hamilton was named by the Presby lerians ; the Prelatists gave their support to the Marquis of Alhol. The Duke of Hamilton vvas chosen by a majority of fifteen; and as this proved the superiority of the Presbyterian party, a considerable number of that wavering class of poli ticians who act from selfish motives, joined the side which they saw to be the strongest, increasing its majorities, though adding nothing to its moral influence. The struggle was no longer doubtful, so far as regarded the transfer of the crown from James to William; but the adjust ment of the many great interests therein involved, was still a matter of an ex tremely difficuh nature. Viscount Dun dee, having in vain attempted to disturb or overawe the convention, abandoned the wily arts of the politician, and deter mined to have recourse to the sword. His abrupt and threatening departure ruined the plans of the adherents of •James, by precipitating them into a conflict for which they were not prepared, and by relieving the convention in a great mea sure from the impediments which the supporters of despotism, had they re mained, might have thrown in the way of the Revolution Settlement. The conven tion then ratified the London Address, in all its tenor and conditions. A committee was next appointed, similar to ihe Lords of the Articles, for preparing the over tures for settling the government; and in this committee the prelates were omitted, — by which a sufficiently intelligible inti mation was given what was likely to be the fate of Prelacy. Two letters were presented to the convention, the one from King James, the other from the Prince of Orange ; the first vvas disregarded, the other treated with great respect. An an swer to the Prince's letter was prepared, and then the convention proceeded ^o de- . clare their opinion respecting the state of the nation, and the necessary remedial measures. This declaration was pub licly read and agreed to, on the 4th of April, the day on which the Prince's let ter in reply was received ; and having been embodied in the " Claim of Right," in the conclusion of which was contained an offer ofthe Scottish crown to William and Mary, together with a brief and simple oath of allegiance, the whole docu ment was read, and the king and queen 296 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, [CHAP, VIII, publicly proclaimed in Edinburgh, on the 1 llh day of April, 1689, A few seritences of this most important document must be engrossed in the body of this work, in vindication of the princi ples and conduct of the oppressed and persecuted Church of Scotland. It be gins as follows : — " Whereas King James VII. being a professed Papist, did assume the regal power, and acted as king, without- ever taking the oath required by law, whereby the king, at his accession to the govern ment, is obliged to swear to maintain the Protestant religion, audio rule the people according to the laudable laws, and did, by the advice of wicked and evil counsel lors, invade the fundamental constitution of this kingdom, and alter it from a legal hmited monarchy to an arbitrary despotic power ; and in a public proclamation as serted an absolute power lo cass, annul, and disable all the laws, particularly the laws establishing the Protestant religion, and did exercise that power to the sub version of the Protestant religion, and to the violation of the laws and liberties of the kingdom." (Then follows an enu meration of the arbitrary acts, complained against, forming, in fact, a brief outline of the history of the persecuting period.) " Therefore, the estates of the kingdom of Scotland find and declare that King James VII. being a professed Papist, did assume, &,c. (in the same terms as above,) Whereby he hath forfeited the right to the crown, and the throne is be come VACANT." The reader will observe, that this de claration of the Scottish convention of es tates is the same in spirit, and almost the same in words, as the declarations emitted h^r the covenanted Presbyterians, on ac count of which they were calumniated and persecuted as rebels and traitors. The only essential difference between their declarations and that ofthe conven tion is, that the Covenanters took for their central and leading principle that which forms the essence of religious liberty, and at the same time renders ab solute civil despotism impossible, namely, the sole sovereignly of Christ, as the only Head and King of his free spiritual king dom, the Church. This the convention did not declare, — in all probability they neither understood nor held it ; but so far as their declaration went, it stated the very sarae reasons for the tyrant's forfei ture of the crown which had been re peatedly stated by the followers of Came ron, Cargill and Renwick, and in defence of which these high-principled men had cheerfully laid down their lives. A short time previous lo the issuing of the convention's Declaration and Claim of Right, a petition was laid before them, embodying the sentiraents and requests of the maligned Cameronian Covenant ers, in a strain at once of sublimity and pathos, such as rarely has been sur passed. " We prostrate ourselves, yet under the sorrowing smart of our still bleeding wounds, at your honours' feet, who have a call, a capacity, and, we hope, a heart to heal us ; and we offer this our petition, conjuring your honours to hearken to us. By all the formerly fell, presently seen, and, for the future, feared effects and efforts of Popery and tyranny, — by the cry ofthe blood of our murdered brethren, — by the sufferings of the banished free- born subjects of this realm, now groaning in servitude, having been sold into slavery in the English plantations of America, by the miseries that raany thousands for feited, disinherited, harassed, and wasted houses have been reduced to, — by all the sufferings of a faithful people, for adher ing to the ancient covenanted establish ment of religion and liberty, and by all the arguments of justice, necessity, and mercy, that ever could join together, to begin coramunication among raen of wisdom, piety, and virtue, — humbly, be seeching, requesting, and crav;ing of your honours, now when God hath given you this opportunity to act for His glory, the good of the Church, of the nation, your own honour, and the happiness of pos terity, — now when this kingdom, the neighbouring, and all the nations of Europe, have their eyes upon you, ex pecting you will acquit yourselves like the representatives of a free nation, in re deeming it from slavery otherwise inevi table, — that you will proceed without any delay to declare the wicked government dissolved, the crown and throne vacant, and James VII., whom we never owned, and resolved in conjunction with many thousands of our countrymen never to own, to have really forfeited, and rightly A. D. 1689,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 297 to be deprived of, aU right and title he ever had, or ever could pretend to have hitherto, and to provide that it may never he in the power of any succeeding ruler to aspire unto or arise lo such a capacity of tyrannizing," (They then petition that the crown may be bestowed on William, with such necessary provisions as may secure liberty civil and religious, specify the king's duty to profess and preserve the pure religion and the work of reformation, and conclude thus :) — " Upon such terms as these we render our allegiance to King William, and hope to give more pregnant proofs of our loyally lo his majesty, in adverse as well as prosperous providences, than they have done, or can do, who profess im plicit subjection lo absolute authority so long only as Providence preserves ils grandeur,"* Such were the earnest, free, and digni fied, loyal, and pious sentiments of men who had been slandered, reviled, and persecuted for the space of twenty-eight years ; and whose characters, principles, and memory, the greatest author of mo dern times has vainly striven to blacken and disgrace, his own reputation alone suffering from the malignant and abortive attempt, through the fatal recoil which ig norant and calumnious falsehood sustains, when it dares to encounter unsullied and majestic truth, t Their loyally and patriot ism were not confined to words. In the distressed state of the country, a civil war commencing, led on by the fierce and in furiated Dundee (Claverhouse), with few troops in the kingdom, and some of these disaffected to the new sovereign, and others almost undisciplined, the generous Covenanters stood forward in defence of their native land, and offered to raise a regiment for public service, stipulating only that the officers should be men of conscience, honour, and fidelity, and un stained by the persecuting proceedings of the late reigns, and that their service should be for the defence of the nation and the preservation of reUgion, in oppo sition lo Popery, Prelacy, and tyranny. These terms were gladly accepted ; and in one day, without beat of drum, or the • Cruickshank, vol. ii. pp. 279, 280 ; Memoirs of the Church of Scotland, pp. 303-308. t See Sir Walter Scott's Old Mortahty; and Dr. M'Crie's Vindication of the Covenanters, in his Miscel laneous Works. 38 expenditure of levy-money, they raised a regiment of eight hundred men, com monly termed the Cameronian regiment, commanded by the Earl of Angus, and Lieutenant-Colonel Cleland ; the latter of whom had led a party of the insur gents both at Drumclog and Bothwell Bridge, and was afterwards killed in the gallant and successful defence of Dun keld by that regiment against a far supe rior force of Highlanders. Such, indeed, was their loyalty and zeal, that they even offered to raise two more regiments, if their services should be required, for the protection ofthe nation's hberties ; a suffi cient proof that they were neither the narrow-minded fanatics, nor the misera ble handful, which their enemies and persecutors pretended, but in reality a powerful body of high-hearted and pa triotic men. It deserves to be remarked, that in the Claim of Right, which forms the basis of the Revolution Settlement, the convention did not rest satisfied with the rather am biguous mention of the Protestant re ligion, but inserted a clause in the follow ing terms ; " That Prelacy, and the superiority of any office in the Church above Presbyters, is, and hath been, a great and insupportable grievance and trouble to this nation, and contrary lo the inclinations of the generality of the peo ple, ever since the Reformation, they having been reformed from Popery by Presbyters, and, therefore, ought lo be abolished." The insertion of such a clause was imperatively necessary in order to satisfy the Presbyterians, who had at least as much reason lo dread Prelacy as they had to dread Popery it self, having suffered from Prelacy a per secution unspeakably more intense than ever Popery had been in a condition to inflict. The Revolution Settlement was now as complete as the temporary expedient of a convention of estates could legally render it ; and in order to confirm it in the amplest raanner, without incurring the danger of intrigues and divisions, the king empowered them to pass an act converting the convention into a parlia ment, to meet formally on the 5th of June, and for despatch of business on the 17lh of the same month, in which the Earl of Crawford was to preside, the 298 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VIII. Duke of Hamilton representing his ma jesty as commissioner. The general confusion prevailing in the kingdom* at this time rendered the sitting of the par liaraent short, and comparatively unsatis factory. Yet some important measures were carried and others proposed. On the 22d of July an act was passed " abol ishing Prelacy, and all superiority of any office in the Church in this kingdom above Presbyters," and rescinding those acts of parliament passed in the reign of Charles II., by which Prelacy had been established. An " overture for selding church government in Scotland" was then laid before the parliament by the Duke of Hamilton, but was so ill re ceived, that it was withdrawn. An act was prepared, and with some difficulty passed, excluding from places of public trust those persons who had either been ready instruments of tyranny and perse cution in the former reigns, or had ex erted themselves against the recent pro pitious changes which had rescued the nation from civil and religious despotism. But this the commissioner refused to ratify, and it was not again revived in any subsequent parliament. The dissen sions in the parliament continued to run high, increased on the one hand by ru mours of conspiracies among the adhe rents of James, who began to be termed Jacobites, and who were composed of Papists, Prelatists, and supporters of ab solute power, whether of any religious creed, or of none ; and on the other, by the disappointment of the Presbyterians, who had as yet experienced little return of gratitude from the king for having so greatly contributed to that Revolution which transferred lo his brow the crown of three kingdoms. It was accordingly adjourned, and appointed lo meet again early in the beginning of the following year. Having thus traced a brief outiine of the main civil events which look place during the first year of the new reign, and while the nation was still tossing in all the fitful uncertainties which charac terize a state of transition, it is necessary to direct our attention a little more closely to the actual condition ofthe Presbyterian Church, whieh was now struggling from amidst the ruins in which it had been so long overwhelmed and kept prostrate. When King James's last indulgence was issued, several of the exiled and in lercommuned ministers returned from abroad, and availed themselves of its pro visions so far as to recommence preach ing, some in the parishes from which they had been formerly ejected, in barns or in meeting-houses erected expressly for their accommodation ; others in such places as their friends could procure in the most favourable situations. Some of these were again interrupted, driven from their places of worship, and impri soned, or otherwise silenced, before the abdication of James, and the dissolution of the persecuting privy council. And when, by the act of forfeiture passed by the convention, the despotic power was abolished* and religious liberty secured, all the surviving Presbyterian ministers were at once allowed to come forward, ready for the reconstruction of their na tional temple. It then appeared, that of upwards of four hundred ministers, who had been ejected lo make way for Prelacy, only about sixty survived to see the res toration of Presbytery, WeU might the worn and wasted band gaze sadly on each other, as they contemplated the great work which was lo be done, and their own inadequacy to accomplish the arduous task. The difficulties to be encountered were both nuraerous and formidable. They had to meet the determined and deadly hostility ofthe defeated Prelatists through out the kingdom ; under which designa tion must be classed not only the few who favoured Prelacy on purely religious grounds, if any such there were, but also, and especially, all secular politicians, all ambitious or licentious men of the world, all Papists, and all who hated re ligion because they loved immorality. They had also lo attempt the very dim- cult task of uniting all Presbyterians into one compact harmonious body, able both to confront their enemies, and to insure the respect and support of their friends. But the greater part of the Presbyterian ministei:s in Scotland, at that juncture, were'those who had either partially con formed lo Prelacy, or had accepted of the indulgences which had from time to time been offered, and had repeatedly excited such unhappy and pernicious divisions anjong them. These men conscious of A, D, 1689,] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 299 their feeble-minded and faithless defec tions, were on that very account the more ready lo lake offence at the slightest allu sion to their former conduct by their more consistent brethren. There was, therefore, the utmost reason lo dread the instantaneous rising of such internal dis sensions as would prevent the possibUity of reuniting the Presbyterian body into such a harmonious form as might enable it lo become again the Established Church of the nation. The danger of such a dis astrous result vvas greatly increased by two entirely opposite causes. On the one hand, those who were merely, or chiefly, political Presbyterians, strongly urged upon the ministers, that all mention of past defections, errors, and weaknesses among their brethren should be most carefully avoided, so that offence might neither be given nor received ; on the olher, the unyielding Covenanters, who had not shrunk from the hottest of the conflict, whose firm and steady strength had contributed greatly to the protection of the convention, and by that means had lent effectual aid lo the assertors of free dom, and who were doubtless somewhat elated lo see so many of their boldest prin ciples in the course of being realized, — these high-minded and inflexible men urged upon the whole Presbjrterian body the absolute necessity of making a full acknowledgement of all past errors and defections, and of resting satisfied with nothing short of the revival of the Na lional Covenants, and the restoration of the Church to the position she had occu pied in the year 1 649. It was absolutely impossible that views so diametrically opposed to each other could both be adopted ; and it was almost inevitable that the wish and the endeavour to frame some compromise, or to take up sorae in termediate position, would plunge the Church into inextricable difficulties, and perhaps also into serious errors. The peculiar character and views of King William, and the advice given to him by those in whom he reposed the greatest confidence, did not tend to dimin ish the difficulties of the Scottish Pres byterians. There is no reason lo doubt that William was well aware of the value of true religion, and was himself considerably under its influence. But he was a slatesraan in the strictest sense of the term ; and his mind was so engrossed with the great idea of maintaining the balance of power in Europe against the gigantic , strength of France, that every other thing occupied but a subordinate place and value in his thoughts, A com plete union between Scotland and Eng land he regarded as of essential impor tance, to enable him to meet the compact might of the French monarchy ; and though personally favourable to the Pres byterian form, yet seeing the improba bility that he could persuade England to accept of it, he was desirous lo induce Scotland to consent to a modified Episco pacy, He did not regard any form of church government as of divine authority ; and therefore thought it practicable to in duce both kingdoms to abate somewhat of their distinctive peculiarities, and to meet and unite in some intermediate ar rangement. For that reason he abstained from a full recognition of Presbytery in Scotland at first, waiting to try the effect of returning peace to produce unanimity ; and when he did consent lo the establish ment of the Presbyterian Church in Scot land, he did so in terms which have been thought lo admit of a somewhat lax in terpretation, declaring it to be " agree able lo the Word of God," instead of " grounded upon the infaUible truth of God's Word," which was the form of expression used by Knox, at the first es tablishment of the Presbyterian Church. The sarae course of policy led hira lo desire in Scotland itself a union of the prelatic clergy ^ of the two proceeding reigns and the restored Presbyterians ; though, how he could expect any degree of cordiality to subsist between humbled and fangless persecutors and their res cued, yet wounded and still bleeding vic tims, it is not easy to imagine. By prosecuting this specious yet most bane ful policy, dictated do doubt by that great deceiver of the world's sages and states men, expediency, William both alienated and so far paralyzed his Presbyterian friends, to whom chiefly he owed the British crown, left power in the hands of enemies and traitors, and excited those feelings of discontent in the minds of the one parly, and turbulent anticipations of change and counter-revolution in the 300 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP, VIII. other, by which his whole reign was rendered a scene of distraction and tur moil. Nor was it fortunate for either William or the Church of Scotland, that Car stares, whom he had made his private chaplain, and on whose advice he so much relied in the management of Scot tish affairs, held opinions so congenial to those of his royal master. Carstares was unquestionably a man of great abil ity, and his resolution and fidelity had borne a severe trial on a fornaer occasion. But, though a sincere Presbyterian, he seems to have been so more from politi cal than from religious considerations, and to have viewed a religious establish ment more as an engine of state than as a Church of Christ. The great Presby terian principle, that the Lord Jesus is the only Head and King in his Church, he does not seem to have understood or felt, al least neither his conduct nor any of his writings give any indication that it formed the ruling principle in his views of ecclesiastical polity. That he was a sincere friend to the Church of Scotland, is certain ; but the defective nature of his own perception of its great principles not only prevented him from making any effort to obtain their free de velopement, bul even led him lo obstruct and thwart what it ought lo have been the business of his life to promote. It was, therefore, morally impossible that Carstares should give to the king the wisest and the best advice with regard to the establishment of the Presbyterian Church, since he did not himself under stand the very essence of the Presby terian system of Church government. Some will think this a strange assertion, when employed respecting a man of such eminence as Carstares, and one lo whom the Church of Scotiand is in re ality under deep obliga|jons. Let them studiously compare the principles and conduct of Carstares wilh those of the great men who conducted the First and Second Reformations in Scotland, and they will be compelled to feel, whether they fully understand the cause or not, that in him they perceive but a cold re flected lunar tight, — in them the Ufe-giv- ing power and fervour of direct sun shine. He was a Presbyterian greatly, if not chiefly, through the force of edu cation and habit, and by the convictions of human prudence and political saga city ; and therefore, he strove for the re-es tablishment of the Presbyterian Church, as most likely to confirra his sovereign's throne, and most agreeable lo the inclina tions of the people ; — they were Presby terians by the grace of God and the in dwelling power of divine truth within their souls ; and, therefore, they strov^ for the establishment of a Presbyterian Church, as directly founded upon the Word of God, and therefore of divine institution and authority. Yet the errors of Carstares were those chiefly of omis sion : to the extent to which his ovvn de fective views enabled him lo reach, he had an accurate conception of the Pres byterian polity and discipline, and did his utmost to obtain ils establishment, and to protect it in limes of danger. Another point demands our observa tion. On the 13lh of April a proclama tion was issued by the convention of estates, against the owning of King James, and appointing public prayers for Wil liam and Mary, as king and queen of Scotland ; with certification, that those who refused should be deprived of their benefices. This proclamation was disre garded by a great number of the prelatic clergy, who neither read it as required, prayed for William and Mary, nor kept a day of thanksgiving, subsequently ap pointed. They were, besides, discovered to be in close correspondence with the exiled king, and with Dundee, both giv ing him information and doing their ut most to furnish him wilh supplies of men and money. This was very different from any thing which the Presbyterians had done during any period of the perse cution ; and lo have allowed it to pass unpunished would have been giving di rect encouragement to a counter-revolu tion. The matter was therefore taken up by the privy council, during the interval between the convention and the parlia ment, and after the adjournment of the latter, and prosecutions were instituted against the delinquents. From the records of council it appears that, in all, two hun dred and two were publicly tried for dis obeying the proclamation and maintain ing direct intercourse with the armed supporters of James, twenty-three were acquitted, and one hundred and seventy- A. D, 1689.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 301 nine were deprived of their benefices,* Such was the sentence pronounced against them ; but in a very great number of in stances this sentence vvas not enforced, and these men continued lo enjoy their official situations and emoluments, not withstanding their direct and pertinacious hostUity to the existing government ofthe ' country. This has been termed persecu- ' tion ; and loud and vehement have been the vituperative outcries of prelatic writers against the Presbyterian Church, accus-' ing it of excessive cruelly and intoler ance the moment it obtained power. But the whole procedure was the work of the convention and the council ; the Presby terian ministers were not consulted in the matter ; and the process had been begun nearly three months before the passing of the act abolishing Prelacy, One in evitable consequence, however, was the increased hatred with which the Prelat ists regarded the Presbyterians, rendering William's scheme for a compromise, and "a union founded upon it between those rival parties, the more hopelessly imprac ticable. It has been already staled, that Wil liam's general views of slate policy led hira to be anxious for a thorough union of all interests and parties in the empire. He well knew that this was impossible so long as men were not only divided, bul keenly opposed to each olher in religious matters. Having failed to induce the prelatic Church of England to abate its haughty pretensions, and having ascer tained that the Scottish Presbyterians were not disposed to submit to the replac ing upon their necks of that bloody yoke from which they had yet but scarcely escaped, he proposed a general toleration, intended to give immediate religious liberty to all Protestants, and to prepare the way gradually for that complete union which he so much desired. But the true principles of toleration were at that time little, if at all, understood ; and instead of giving satisfaction lo the contending par lies, the greatest hazard was incurred, of giving offence lo all, and completely frus trating his own favourite object. It is, indeed, scarcely possible lo use the very word toleration even now without being misunderstood by some party, and offence • Records of the Privy CouncU; Life of Carstares, pp, v. 42, being taken on the ground of that misun derstanding. When the mere politician uses the word, he too generally means nothing more than that he regards all religious creeds and forms with equal in difference ; and that, in his opinion, it is a matter of convenience or expediency, whether a certain amount of encourage ment should be shown to all alike, or to none at all. The mode of viewing the matter every man of principle must un hesitatingly condemn ; and it may safely be presumed, that few of any Christian denomination would support reUgious toleration on the plea that religious truth could not be known, and, since it might possibly be in the possession of some parly, it was best lo tolerate all. Even if statesmen and mere politicians should take that ground, it is not likely that sincere Christians will. Yet almost all will admit, that error cannot be suppressed, nor truth taught, by means of civil pains and penalties, which, therefore, ought never lo be employed in matters of reli gion ; bul surely it might be easily per ceived, that abstaining from conferring power on those who hold certain opinions is a very different thing from inflicting pains, penalties, persecution, and dealh. The utmost that the Church of Scotland ever required was the former, — the mere abstaining from conferring power on men by whom it "was certain to be abused ; while Prelacy, not content with exclud ing Presbyterians from plaqes of public trust, followed them into private life, assailed them in person and properly, drove thera from their houses, hunted them to the wildest dens and lurking- places, and inflicted upon them every kind and degree of suffering vvhich the most intolerant and savage persecution could suggest and execute. The true Presbyterian cannot adopt the politician's plea, which is scepticism and indifference, for he believes that truth may be known, and that he has been taught to know it ; but while he tolerates no error, he perse cutes no erring man, bul pities, forgives, loves, and endeavours to instruct him, that he may be relieved from the dark ness and the bondage of ignorance and be rendered capable of enjoying that full arid glorious liberty experienced by those alone whom truth has made free indeed. The only direct steps taken by the 302 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND, [CHAP. VIII, Presbyterian ministers in the course of the year 1689, were the resumption of their churches, where that was rendered practicable by the departure ofthe curates ; the holding of several meetings with each other, preparatory to the re-establishment of their general forms of government and discipline ; and the drawing up of an ad dress to the Prince of Orange, early in the year, before the meeting of the con vention. The free, generous, and noble sentiments contained in that address, con trast strongly with the spirit, equally ser vile and tyrannical, of the address trans mitted by the Scottish prelates to James, on the very eve ofhis abdication.* The very comparison of those two documents alone, might have been enough to have convinced William to vvhich of these Churches his entire and strenuous sup port wa^ due, if he were indeed sincere in his assumed character of a defender of re ligious and civil liberty. [1690.] When parliament met in April 1690, it was felt by the conflicting parties that their proceedings would be of vital importance in determining the completed form which the Revolution Settlement must now assume. The Earl of Mel ville was appointed commissioner, instead of the Duke of Hamilton, and the Earl of Crawford president, — changes which augured well ofthe king's favourable in tentions, both of those noblemen being sound Presbyterians, particularly the lat ter, who was distinguished by an upright integrity of character, and an earnest sin cerity of religious principle, bul rarely seen in men of rank. The Jacobites were considerably weakened by the de feat and death of Dundee, and the sup pression of the insurrection raised by him, and also by the detection of subsequent plots in which they had been engaged. Their attempts had satisfied William of the truth of what Carstares had told him, that the stability of his government would depend upon the Presbyterians ; and had correspondingly disposed hira to grant their requests. The private instructions to that effect which he gave lo the com missioner were sufficiently ample, prov ing that he was prepared to grant larger concessions than he did, had they been seriously and urgently required, while he was desirous to retain as much direct ¦ Wodrow, vol. iv, pp, 481, 482, influence in ecclesiastical affairs as might be practicable. On the 25th of April an act was passed, rescinding the act of suprem acy, which had been the cause of so much suffering lo the Church of Scotland. On the same day another important act was passed, restoring to their churches all that were still alive of the Presbyterian minis ters who had been ejected since the Isl of January 1661, and orderinglheremoval of the prelatic incumbents from these usurped parishes. Some difficulty arose about the passing of an act restoring the Presbyte rian form of church government partly from the attempts of those who favoured Prelacy, and partly from the king's re luctance lo raake any decided recognition of the divine right of Presbytery, which raighl preclude the possibility of some future modification of both that and the prelatic form, such as raight enable thera lo be raoulded into one. When the draught of the proposed act was sent lo hira for his approbation, he made sev eral remarks on its language, altering some expressions so far as to allow at least a possible construction of the mean ing according lo his views, yet leaving lo the commissioner " some latitude," in case he raight flnd it necessary to adhere more closely to the original form than his ma jesty's alterations seemed to allow.* At length, on the 7th of June, that impor tant act was passed, " ratifying the Con fession of Faith, and settling Presbyterian church government," In this act Prelacy is again termed a " great and insupportable grievance, and contrary to the inclination ofthe general ity ofthe people, ever since the Reforma tion, they having been reformed from Popery by Presbyters :" the Presbyte rian government is characterized as " the government of Christ's Church within this nation, agreeable to the Word of God, and most conducive to the advancement of true piety and godliness, and the estab lishing of peace and tranquillity within this realm," The act then " ratifles and establishes the Confession of Faith, now read in their presence, and voted and ap- proven by them, as the public and avowed confession of this Church ;" " as also, they do establish, ratify, and confirra the Presbyterian church government and discipline, ratified and established hy the * Life of Carstares, pp. 4446. A. D. 1689.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND, 303 act of 1592, Reviving, renewing, and con firming the foresaid act in the whole heads thereof, except that part of it relat ing to patronages, which is hereafter to be taken into consideration ;" "and allow ing and declaring thai the church govern ment be established in the hands of, and exercised by these Presbyterian ministers who were outed since the 1st of January 1661, and sujji ministers and elders only as they have admitted and received, or shall hereafter admit and receive," "The General Assembly vvas allowed also "lo try, and purge out, all insufficient, negli gent, scandalous, and erroneous ministers, by due course of ecclesiastical proofs and censures." On the 19th of July the subject of patronage was taken into consideration, and an act passed, "discharging, cassing, annulling, and making void the power of presenting ministers to vacant church es ;" and declaring, " that in the case of the vacancy of any parish, the heritors of the said parish, being Protestants, and the elders, are to narae and propose the person to the whole congregation, to be either approven or disapproven by thera," their reasons to be stated if they disap proved, to be judged of by the Presbytery, And in lieu of the right of patronage, the patrons were erapowered to raise frora the heritors and life-renters of the several parishes the sum of 600 merks (£33. 6s, 8d.), on the payment of which the patron was bound to execute a renunciation of his right in favour of the parish. By the same act the teinds or tithes, lo which no person could show an heritable title, and vvhich had been considered always as the proper patrimony of the Church, were also made over lo the patron, who, however, was bound to sell lo each heritor the teinds of his own lands, al the rate of six years' purchase, subject to the deduc tion of the ministers' stipends. In this manner a very valuable compensation was given to patrons for relinquishing the right of patronage, as it was termed, — a right which in by far the majority of cases was a most flagrant wrong, a direct and illegal usurpation. But the friends of the Presbyterian Church were so de sirous to be released from the grievous yoke of patronage, that they were con tent lo submit lo the loss of their rightful property, if, by the same means, they could obtain deliverance from that galling and pernicious bondage. The act was drawn up by a true Presbyterian, Sir James Stewart of Goodtrees, assisted by three ministers, Gabriel Cunningham, Hugh Kennedy, and Gilbert Rule, Goodtrees told the historian Wodrow, that the design of those who framed the act was to bring the matter of settling ministers as near the ancient primitive xeiQOToutt as the circumstances of the time would permit ; that they were care fully cautious not to bring the heritors and elders into the patron's room in the matter of presentation, when the patron age was abolished ; which in their judg ment would have been as great slavery, if not worse, and a mere substitution of many patrons in the room of one. " And therefore they were very careful lo ab stract the word present, which might have imported something like this, and of design put in the word propose in its room." Goodtrees further expressed his astonishment that people still confounded these two, and supposed that the heritors and elders were in the patron's place, when they were only to propose, and the people to approve, or, if they disapprove, to give their reasons to the presbytery. The express intention of the act was to abolish patronage entirely, to put an end lo presentations, and to cause the voice of the people lo be heard as much as pos sible in the choice of ministers, and the assigning ofthe six hundred merks' as an equivalent was intended to prevent the possibility of a subsequent parliament rescinding the act and restoring patron age.* Such were the legislative enact ments for the re-establishment of the Presbyterian Church ; and, that they might lake full effect, a meeting of the General Assembly was appointed to be held in Edinburgh on the 16th of Oc tober, On the appointed day, the 16lh of Oc tober 1690, after a violent and illegal in terruption of nearly forty years, the General Assembly again met for the dis charge of its sacred duties. The first day was appointed as a day of fasting and humiliation, previous to entering upon the discharge of any official duties, when Mr, Gabriel Semple, who had assisted in « • Wodrow, MS. as given in the evidences of Dr. M'Crie, in the Patronage Report, pp. 361, 362. 304 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND, [CHAP. VIII. renewing the Covenants at Lanark before the battle of Pentiand Hills, preached, — Mr. Gabriel Cunningham acting as in terim moderator till the Assembly was properly constituted, when Mr. Hugh Kennedy, one of the ministers of Edin burgh, was elected.* Lord Carmichael was the commissioner appointed by his majesty ; and produced a letter from the king, strongly recoramending calm and peaceable procedure. The reply of the Assembly was expressed in the most tem perate language ; and was followed by a declaration, " that it was not the raind of the Assembly to depose any incumbent simply for his judgment anent the govern ment of the Church, or lo urge reordina- tion, nor to ratify any sentences against any ministers bul such as were either ignorant, insufficient, scandalous, or erro neous." Proceeding in the same spirit, the Assembly received into the national Church the three Cameronian ministers, Messrs. Shields, Linning, and Boyd. Butin the very act of receiving these min isters offence was given to their inflexible adherents, by the refusal of the Assembly to enter so fully into the subject of griev ances and defections as that strict section of zealous Presbyterians required. The consequence was, that though the minis ters were admitted, the people recoiled, continued to remain aloof, and ultiraately succeeded in obtaining a sufficient num ber of ministers holding similar opinions to form themselves into a separate body, since known by the designation of the Reforraed Presbytery. An act of Assembly appointing a na tional fast, and stating the causes of it, gave rise to a long and somewhat perilous discussion. The raore zealous parly in sisted that there should be a full enumera tion of all the sinful deeds of the nation, whether committed by the rulers, the Church, or the people generally ; but the same dread of uttering any thing which might tend to rekindle strife, or to widen divisions, induced the Assembly to avoid any very specific mention of several topics, and to restrict their confession as much as possible lo general acknowledg ments of public guilt displayed in the conduct of all ranks and classes in the kingdom. The Assembly then rescinded all the sentences passed by Resolutioners * Acts of Assembly, and MS. Minutes. and Protesters against each other, during their lime of angry contention ; appointed a commission to visit the northern dis tricts of the kingdom, and lo inquire into the conduct of the ministers in those parts ofthe country, giving thera full in structions for their course of procedure, and enjoining them to act wilh temperate caution towards the accused, and giving urgent directions respecting;, the dissemi nation ofthe Scriptures among the High landers in their own language, and the settling of no ministers among them who were ignorant of Gaelic. A letter was sent to the king, informing him respect ing what had been done, and was intend ed ; and Messrs. Gilbert Rule and David Blair were appointed to confer with his majesty concerning the affairs of the Church. Such is a brief outline of the proceedings of the first General Assem bly after the Revolution. So much has been written regarding the Revolution Settlement, both in terms of approbation and censure, that it seems necessary to offer a few remarks on it, less in the character of a logician of a churchman, than in that of a historian, for the purpose of directing the reader's attention lo those points, the considera tion of which may enable him to form his own judgment respecting its merits and demerits. The situation of the General Assembly, when it met, was one of peculiar difficulty. It was not raerely surrounded by numerous and conflicting hostile forces, but it contained also within itself many jarring and dis cordant elements, threatening to produce instantaneous disruption. The king's desire for the admission of the prelatic party was well known, and the danger of offending him was great ; Carstares was incessantly and strongly urging the necessity of compliance with his ma jesty's desires ; the prelatists were loud in their complaints and vehement in their demands for such a raeasure of power as would have enabled them speedily lo have resumed their persecuting and ex terminating career ; and the Jacobites were secretly instigating the enemies of William to employ every method for embroiling the Church in intemal strife, till their schemes for a counter-revolution should be ripe. Within the Church there were three parties : the aged minis- A, D, 1685,] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 305 ters who had been ejected al the com mencement of the persecution, and, hav ing escaped its deadly perils, were now the proper representatives of the Church ofthe Second Reformation; the ministers who had, to a greater or lesser degree, conformed to Prelacy, accepted the indul gences, and become tainted somewhat with a tendency lo laxity and indifference in doctrine, discipline, and government ; and the unconquered Covenanters, who had followed Cameron, Cargill, and Renwick, spurning every weak com pliance, braving every danger, and seal ing cheerfully their testimony in defence of Christ's Crown and Covenant with their blood. The ministers of the first parly were not more than sixty, those of the last only three, while those of the middle party amounted to more than double the number of both the others combined. It was perfectly manifest, therefore, that no measure which the more faithful and zealous party should propose could be carried, if the middle party should resolve to oppose it ; and there was no reason to hope that men who had lamel)' submitted to the tyranny of Charles and James, and even bowed heneath the prelatic yoke, would readily assume an attitude of bold resistance lo the Erastian policy of William, Ac cordingly, from the very hour when it met, the Assembly was laid under an almost fatal necessity of entering into a compromise, and keeping in comparative abeyance what its wisest and best mem bers knew to be the great and essential principles of the true Presbyterian Church. Such being the estate of affairs, it was not strange that the Revolution Settle ment was defective in several very im portant respects. The chief of these arose out of the Erastian policy of Wil liam, and his unwise desire to include the prelatic clergy within the established Church of Scotiand, in both of which views he was supported by the temporiz ing management of Carstares. This is manifest from the two leading maxims recommended to his majesty by that politic divine ; which were, to avoid giv ing the slightest ground lo either of the contending parties, for supposing that he entertained more regard for the one than the other ; and, to be extremely cautious 39 in giving up any one branch of the royal prerogative.* By adhering to these max ims, William discouraged and offended the Presbyterians, not only vvithout con ciliating the prelatists, but even giving occasion to them to entertain the hope that he would cast off the Presbyterians and restore Prelacy. There is no reason to think that such vvas ever his intention, though it has often been asserted by pre- laiic writers. His scheme vvas lo retain as much of an Erastian povver within the Presbyterian Church as might be pos sible, and for that reason he vvas ex tremely reluctant lo consent lo the aboli tion of patronage. For the same reason, the act re-establishing the Church revived the act of the year 1592, instead of the raore perfect acts which were passed at the close of the Second Reformation, carefully avoiding all mention of the Na tional Covenant and the Solemn League and Covenant, To have mentioned these and acknowledged their obligation, would unquestionably have put an end to all possibility of including the prelatists within the National Church ; and it might have given, at the sarae tirae, ground of serious alarm to the Church of England, which his majesty was not in a condition to hazard. But even with these conflicting interests and de signs operating to the detriment of the Revolution Settlement, it approaches very near to what it ought to have been, — much more so than many will allow. The various acts restoring Presbyterian church government never assume the tone of conferring power, bul raerely re- raove obstructions by rescinding the tyrannical and unconstitutional enact ments of Charles and James, and thereby permitting the Church to put forth anew its own intrinsic powers. These acts gave nothing lo the Church which she did not previously possess ; they did not even pretend to restore what had been taken away ; but they broke the fetters which had been forcibly imposed, and allowed the Church to resume the exer cise of her own indestructible energies and inahenable rights, derived from her own Divine and only Head and King. This was at least a tacit recognition of the great truth, that the Stale can neither give nor take away any of the truly ¦ Life of Carstares, pp. 40, 4^. 306 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VIII. essential powers of a Church. These are derived from Christ alone. The State may obstruct their public and na tional exercise, or give them freedom and encouragement ; but it can neither create them nor destroy them, though it may destroy itself in the wicked and vain attempt. The conduct of the Church is, per haps, more censurable than that of Wil liam. It was the duty of the Church to lake care that none of her inherent prin ciples should be overborne and fall into abeyance at such a juncture. She could not of herself repeal any act of parlia ment ; and her appropriate attitude was that of calmly and respectfully, but firmly, stating her own principles and powers, and leaving it to the State lo rescind those despotic and unchristian enactments which impeded their free ex ercise. Where that was not obtained, it vvas her duty to remonstrate and petition ; and if still unsuccessful, then lo enter such declarations and protests as should reserve her rights till a more propitious period might arrive, when they could be re-assertpd and obtained. Instead of this, yielding to the force of external circum stances and internal dissensions, she abstained from the bold and free state ment of those great principles which al the same time she continued to hold, seeking a temporary peace by a weak suppression or concealment of what she thought it inexpedient to avow, yet could not abandon. Though the acts of par liament made no mention of the Second Reformation and the National Covenants, it was the direct duty of the Church to have declared her adherence to both ; and though the State had still refused to recognise them, the Church would, by this avowal, have at least escaped from being justly exposed to the charge of hav ing submitttd to a violation of her own sacred Covenants. In the same spirit of compromise, the Church showed herself but too ready to corajUy with the king's pernicious policy, of including as many as possible of the prelatic clergy within the National Church. This was begun by the first General Assembly, and con tinued for several succeeding years, though not to the full extent wished by William, till a very considerable number of those men whose hands had been deeply dyed in the guilt of the persecu tion were received into the bosom of that Church which they had so long striven utterly to destroy. It was absolutely im possible that such raen could become true Presbyterians ; and the very alacrity with which many of them subscribed the Conftssion of Faith, only proved the more clearly that they were void of either faith or honour. Their admission into the Presbyterian Church of Scot land vvas the most fatal event which ever occurred in the strange eventful history of that Church. It infused a baneful poison into her very heart, whence, ere long, flowed forth a lethal stream, cor rupting and paralyzing her whole frame. It sowed the noxious seed which gradu ally sprang up, and expanded into the deadly upas-tree of Moderatism, shedding a mortal blight over the whole of her once fair and fruitful vineyard, till it withered into a lifeless wilderness. It was, in short, the weak policy of all parties at that time, to temporise and watch the progress of events ; to keep concealed, or at least undeveloped, their own ruling principles, without any in tention of abandoning them ; and thus, by a process of general and deceptive compromise, to give time to the still seeth ing elements of the great revolutionary movement to subside and gradually crys tallize into their most congenial forms. The king so far relinquished his Eras tianism as to abolish Prelacy and patron age, and lo pass general enactments giv ing the sanction of law to the liberated Presbyterian Church ; bul he carefully avoided all mention of the Second Re formation and the National Covenants, although the very act abolishing patron age was in itself a virtual ratification of all that tthe Church had done in that period of her greatest purity and faithfulness. The Church abstained from the direct mention of her Covenants, partly in compliance with the known wishes of his majesty, and partly in consequence of the reluc tance of many of her own raerabers to refer to those sacred bonds, the very raen- tion of which would have been a severe condemnation of their own previous con duct ; but there are such allusions lo the Covenants in several of the acts of that Assembly, as to show distinctly that the best and ablest of the ministers still ac- A. D. 1689.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 307 knowledged their obligation, and wished to act in their spirit. The Jacobites and the Prelatic party were sufficiently lavish of their professions of loyalty lo King William, and of their earnest desire of such moderate measures of church poUcy as raighl comprehend all forras and per suasions within one National Church ; but they were at the same lime raaintain- ing a private intercourse with James, and cherishing the hopes of speedily obtain ing such an ascendency in both Church and Slate as raight enable them lo repeal all that half been done, and resume their reign of terror.* The Cameronian Co venanters alone disdained to sloop to com promise or concealment, boldly avowed their principles, and loudly censured the Church for want of faithfulness and zeal, especially, because in the Revolution Set tlement no direct recognition had been made of the National Covenants, and of the Reforraation which these solemn bonds had been so instrumental in effect ing ; bul while they deserve the praise due lo courage and consistency, it may be doubted whether their own conduct did not tend to injure the very cause which they wished lo promote. Had they joined the Church in a body, without any com promise, recording their protests against those omissions of which they complained, they might have contributed powerfully to counteract the pernicious influence of those raen of lax principles and prelatic tendencies who were but loo willing to enter ; whereas by standing aloof, and indulging too much in the utterance of sharp and bitter censures of their bre thren, they gave a repulsive aspect lo their cause, alienated the minds of many whom a different couise would have gained, and furnished somewhat of plausi bility lo the statements of those who loved to declaim against the intolerance of Pres byterians, and who were ready enough to refer to the language and conduct of the Cameronians as the inevitable result lo which Presbyterian principles led, instead of being, as it really was, the intemperate outbreak of honest but imprudent zeal, in high-minded and fearless men, whcj had been roused by persecution and irritated by disappointment. Every candid reader will perceive, that the Revolution Seltiement, though not so ¦ Burnet's Own Times, vol. ii. p. 74. full and perfect as it might have been ra|0e, did, nevertheless, contain and dis play, either directly or virtually, all the great principles of the Presbyterian Church for vvhich she bad so long con tended, reraoving several restrictions which had been left in force by the act of 1592, in particular the clause relating to patronage ; and realized to both the Church and the kingdom an amount of civil and religious liberty greatiy beyond what had ever previously been enjoyed. By the ratification of the Confession of Faith, the great and sacred principle of Christ's sole Headship and Sovereignty over the Church, and its direct conse quence, her spiritual independence, were affirmed ; and by the abolition of patron age, the religious rights and privileges of the Christian people were secured, as far as security could be given by human legislation. Its defects were of a nega tive rather than' of a positive character ; and though some vitiating elements were allowed to remain, and some others intro duced, of which it could not have been very safely predicted whether the pro gress of events would cause their devel opement or their extinction, still it merits its lofty designation, the Glorious Revo lution ; and for it, and the precious bles sings which it secured to the empire at large, our grateful thanks are due, under Providence, to the persecuted but uncon querable Presbyterian Church of Scot land. Soon after the Assembly rose, the Com mission vvhich had been appointed to visit and purify the Church, by making in quiry into the state of religion and the conduct of ministers throughout the king dom, began its labours. "The instructions given by the Assembly were exceedingly cautious, for the purpose of preventing any thing which might even bear the semblance of severity and oppression. The Commission were not empowered to depose any minister summarily, nor to receive every kind of accusation : the only charges which they were allowed investigate were, " Doctrine inconsistent with the Confession of Faith," and " Con versation unbecoming the grace of the Gospel," and these were to be substanti ated by sufficient evidence. A consider able number of worthless men were de posed from the ministry, on account of 303 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VIII. their grossly vicious and immoral con duct ; few for unsoundness of doctrige ; and very few for a conscientious ad herence to the forms of Episcopacy. The greatest error comraitted by tlie Church of Scotland consisted in a degree of leniency, and readiness to admit " on the easiest terms" into the bosom of the Church its most deadly enemies, which almost amounted to either a suicidal in- j|atuation, or a treacherous dereliction of principle. [1691,1 The year 1691 was chiefly employed by the Church of Scotland in repairing its broken walls, and rebuild ing its ruined temple, impeded by the most violent assaults which its inveterate enemies, the Jacobites and the Prelatists, now thoroughly united, could make. Loud were the outcries of oppression raised by the disarmed tyrants, whose own deeds in their day of power had made Scotland a field of blood. Their complaints vvere carried to the ears of William, and repeated incessantly in the raost exaggerated terms, till they made some impression on his mind, and in duced him to write twice to the Com- mission,urging the admission ofthe pre latic clergy. Irritated by the failure of his scheme, based on a compromise, the king adjourned the meeting ofthe Assem bly from November 1691 till January 1692, in the hope that this mark of his displeasure might render the Church more compliant. [1692.] The General Assembly met on the 15th of January 1692, and re ceived a letter from his majesty, convey ing sufficientiy plain indications of his dissatisfaction with the proceedings of the Commission. He censured them for not having complied with his desire, that those who were willing to conform should be admitted to the full possession of all the rights and privileges enjoyed by them selves ; and, that there might be no doubt respecting the full amount of what he wished, he signified his pleasure that those of the Episcopalian persuasion who were willing to sign the Confession of Faith should not only retain their churches, but also be admitted to sit and act in church judicatories ; and that the Comraission of Asserably should be com posed of one-half Presbyterians, and the other half of these admitted Prelatists.* This vvas an extent of compromise to which the Church was not prepared to sub- mil. The General Assembly had frankly consented that the curates should not be disturbed fn the possession of their churches and stipends on account of their views of church government, — a degree of toleration and forbearance totally un known to Prelacy in any age or country ; but to admit their persecutors lo the enjoy ment of equal power of government in the Church which they had striven to destroy, was what the king ought never to have asked, and what the Assembly could not grant. At the sarae lime, the conduct of the Prelatists was violent and insulting in the extreme. They seemed to regard themselves as on the point of being not only restored lo equal power, but of ob taining a decided ascendency ; and they gave no obscure indications of the temper and spirit in which they vvere prepared to exercise it. But the Assembly remained firm ; and when the commissioner, the Earl of Lothian, found that they could neither be intimidated nor deluded, he, in his majesty's name, declared the Assem bly dissolved. The moderator asked whether it were lo be dissolved without a day being named for the meeting of an other. His grace replied, that his majesty would appoint another in due season, of which they should receive timely notice. The moderator then declared the intrinsic power of the Church to meet in the narae of the Lord Jesus Christ, the only Head and King thereof, for the discharge of its necessary spiritual affairs ; and that its dissolution now should be without preju dice to its right to meet annually, accord ing to the laws of the kingdom. He then named the third Wednesday of August 1693 for the next meeting, and concluded in the usual form, dissolving the Assembly after prayer, and praise, and blessing.! Great was the excitement caused by this most injudicious procedure on the part of the king ; but the calmness of the ministers, waiting wilh deliberate intre pidity the issue of their adherence to their principles, and to the constitution of the ' MS. Minutes ofthe Assemhly ; Volume of Tracts. t Burnet's Own Times, vol. ii. pp. 87, 88; MS. Min utes ; Tracts J Willison's Fair and Impartial Testimony, pp. S^, 26 ] Hog's Memoirs, pp. 64, 65. A. D. 1692.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 309 country, contributed greatly to prevent the ferment frora producing any convul sion. They had done their duty, and they were ready palientiy to meet the result. The fearful massacre of Glen- coe, vvhich took place about the same time, tended also both to divide the atten tion of the public mind, and to direct its indignation so strongly against the Scot tish administration, that they did not dare lo provoke additional hostility by further interference with the Church. A season of half-suppressed dissatisfaction, intrigue, and jealousy prevailed, lending greatiy to alienate the raind of Scotland frora Wil liam, and fostering the hopes ofthe Jaco bites, that they raight ere long succeed in overturning the government, and bring ing back the exiled king. [1693.] In the spring of the year 1693, the Scottish parliament again raet, in cir cumstances certainly very far from pro pitious, though somewhat less fraught with the elements of strife than had been the case during the preceding year. The chief management of affairs was intrusted to Secretary Johnston, son of the cele brated Warriston, chiefly because of the respect entertained for that family*by the Presbyterians. The great difficulty lo be surmounted vvas with regard lo the General Assembly. The king had no intention of calling an Assembly, and the Church was determined to hold one on the day specified by the last moderator, in viitue of its own inherent powers. Bul great apprehensions were entertained that, if this vvas done, the king raighl be so highly offended as lo proceed to enforce coercive measures, and probably to throw the kingdom into a convulsion. The great endeavour of Johnston was, to per suade the Church to desist from meeting on the appointed day ; and to induce the ministers to submit sofar, he promised to prevail upon the parliament to address the king, requesting that an Assembly might be held. By great exertions he succeeded in the accomplishment of his scheme, and by this new compromise partially saved the honour of both the king and the Church, neither directiy yielding to the other, and both abandon ing the antagonist attitudes which they had assumed.* But there were olher and scarcely less " Carstares' State Papers, p. 160. p§jrUous matters to manage. The Jaco bite parly, and especially the prelatic clergy, had still continued to evade as far as possible the direct recognition of WU liam as king. A new oath vvas framed for the purpose of putting an end to these evasions, termed the Oath of Assurance, because it declared William and Mary king and queen, both dejure and de facto — both rightfully and in reality. This oath caused nearly equal dissatisfaction to both the Prelatic clergy and the Pres byterian ministers. The former were dis posed to refuse it, because it was contrary to their secret, yet determined, allegiance to James ; the latter, because they re garded the imposition of any civil oaths as a qualification to sit in church courts, as an Erastian encroachment upon the freedom of a Christian Church, although they had no positive objection lo the oath itself The enactment of this oath was, neverthless, carried in the parliament, there being a tacit understanding that it would not be rigorously enforced. Another act was passed on the 12th of June, "for settling the quiet and peace of the Church," the object of vvhich was to promote the admission of the prelatic cler gy to the full enjoyment of all the privile ges of the Presbyterian Church. After ordaining that no person be admitted as a rainister or preacher within this Church, till he take the oaths of aUegiance and as surance, — subscribe the Confession of Faith, acknowledge Presbyterian church government, and conform to its worship and disciphne, — the act, after addressing his majesty with an humble request to call a General Asserably for the ordering of the affairs ofthe Church, and the admis sion to the exercise of church government of those ministers prossessing churches who had not yet conformed, provides, "that if any ofthe said ministers who have not been hitherto received into the govern ment ofthe Church, shall offer lo qualify themselves, and to apply in manner fore said, they shall have their majesties' full protection, aye and until they shaU be ad mitted and received in manner foresaid." The meaning of the latter clause is, that if the Assembly should refuse to admit to a participation in church government those of the Prelatists who might apply for it, his majesty would not attempt lo compel the Assembly to admit them, but 310 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VUI. would secure to thera the possession of their churches, manses, and stipends. Even in that act there is a distinct recog nition of the independence of the Church in spiritual matters. Anxious as the king was lo secure the admission of the prela tic incumbents into the National Church of Scotiand, he did not attempt lo employ any directiy compulsive measures for at taining the object on which he was so Tnuch bent. Admission to an equal share in church government was for the Church alone to give or to withhold ; but the en joyment of the fruits of the benefice was a civil matter, and that he could bestow according to his pleasure, — with the strong conviction, that those who pos sessed the wealth would ere long obtain possession also of the power. The baneful effects of this act did not immediately appear in their full extent ; for the heavings of the Revolution had not yet completely subsided. The Pre latists still entertained the hope that the exiled monarch might be yet restored; and therefore they were not eager in pressing for admission into the Presbyte rian Church, which they could not enter without swearing allegiance to William, and obedience lo Presbyterian church government, which their whole heart longed to subvert ; and the Presbyterians, aware of the king's strong desire for a " comprehension" of both parties within the National Church, of which they could not approve, and of the jealousy with which he regarded themselves, — influenced also by a temperate and for giving Christian spirit towards their ene mies, — did not eagerly institute proceed ings against those of the Prelatists who still refused to conform and make appli cation to be admitted, bul allowed them lo retain possession of their manses, sti pends, and even churches, sending mere ly from time to lime Presbyterian minis ters to preach and instruct the people in those parishes where the curates still con tinued to reside. But in the course of a series of years the pernicious consequen ces of the act became but too apparent, in the numbers of unfaithful, irreligious, and worldly-minded men, who were admitted into the Church, and who, joining natu rally wilh the lax moderate party already within it, gave to that party the ascenden cy which it so long enjoyed and so griev ously abused. These acts it seemed expedient to state and explain at considerable length, be cause of the erroneous notions which prevail so widely regarding them. It is not strange that the leaders and adherents of that party which owed its being lolhe defects of the Revolution Settlement, should endeavour to represent these de fects as positive merits.* And there are raany so enamoured of that which pro fesses to secure " quiet and peace," that they yield at once the homage of their weak applause to whatsoever employs these terms, however fallaciously, — una ble apparently to distinguish between that peace which is but the appalling stillness of a deadly lethargy, and that peace which is the harmonious movement of warm and energetic life. But it is desirable for the true friends and mem bers ofthe Church of Scotland lo know, that almost all the defects which have at any time marred her beauty and irapaired her usefulness, have been caused by the unwise and unhallowed influence of kings, and statesraen, and politicians of a lower order, within her pale and with out, obstructing the free developeraent of her pure scriptural principles, and endea vouring to infuse into her system the ele ments of a worldly policy, raore conge nial to themselves, but fatally pernicious to any true Christian Church. It has been already stated that a spe cies of mutual comproraise took place between the State and the Church, for the purpose of avoiding a destructive col lision. The General Assembly, in con sequence of this arrangement, was not held on the day named by the moderator ; but a proclamation was issued appointino- it to meet at a later period of the same year. The absence of the king on the continent, and the entire engrossment of his mind by wars and continental politics, led to another adjournment, so that no meeting of Assembly vvas held that year at all, and additional time was thereby allowed for the animosity of the antago nists either to ripen or subside. It soon appeared that the former had been the case, lo a remarkable degree. [1694.] A short tirae previous to the ' Cook's History of the Reformation, vol. iii. p. 453. A. D. 1693.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND, 311 meeting of the Assembly, which had been appointed to take place in March 1694, the ministers applied to the privy council to be released from the necessity of taking the oaths of allegiance and as surance, especially since these oaths had not been enforced wilh regard to the Pre latists, The council refused to comply wilh this request ; and instructions vvere issued in the name of his Majesty, not lo permit any member to take his seat till he had taken the oaths. The ministers were equally resolute not to take the oaths, and yet to hold an Assembly. They had consented to refrain from hold ing the previous meeting appointed by their own intrinsic authority and rights, in order to avoid an immediate collision, and to allow time to his Majesty to recon sider the line of conduct on which he was entering ; but they had reached the extreme limits of prudent forbearance, and they would not submit lo the sacri fice of a sacred principle and inherent right, to whatsoever perils the assertion of principles indestructible and rights in alienable might expose them. Such was the stale of raatters when Lord Carmi chael, who had been appointed commis sioner, arrived in Edinburgh. Perceiv ing clearly the extreme peril in which the peace and safety of both Church and nation was placed, the commissioner im mediately despatched a messenger to the king, who had recently returned lo Lon don, with an account of the state of af fairs, and a request for further instruc tions. At the same lime the ministers sent a memorial lo Carstares, earnestly requesting his interference with his Ma jesty in behalf of the Church at this cri tical juncture. When the express reach ed the King, Carstares happened not to he at hand, and before he returned to court, William, by the advice of Stair and T'arbet, who represented the conduct of the Church as o'ostinate and rebellious, renewed his orders in more peremptory terms, and commanded thera to be re turned by the same messenger. Carstares returned the same evening, received and perused the memorial vvhich had been sent to himself, immediately inquired into the nature of the despatches which had been ordered to be sent off lo Scotiand ; having ascertained this point, and avail ing himself of his known free intercourse with the king, he went to the messenger, and in his majesty's name demanded from him the papers with which he had been intrusted. It was now late, but the welfare of the Church and kingdom vvas wavering on the point of the passing mo ment, and Carstares hastened lo the king The lord in waiting informed him that his majesty had retired to repose ; but Carstares insisted on being admitted to his .presence even at that unseasonable hour. Entering the chamber, he found the king fast asleep ; but turning the cur tain aside, and faUing on his knees, he gentiy awoke him. The king, surprised lo see him at so late an hour, and in such a posture, inquired what was the matter. " I come," he answered, " to beg ray life," " Is it possible," said the king, "that you can have been guilty of a crime that de serves death ?" He acknowledged that he had, and then produced the despatches which he had brought back from the messenger, " Have you indeed presu med," exclaimed William, frowning se verely, " lo countermand my orders?" Carstares begged leave to be heard only a few words, and then he would submit to any punishment which his majesty might think proper lo inflict. The king gave him permission lo explain his con duct, and listened attentively to his state ment respecting the peculiar principles, views, and position of the Church of Scotiand, and the malicious intrigues and misrepresentations of her enemies, and to the clear proof which he adduced, that the Presbyterians were the only party in that country who were truly attached to his majesty's person and government. The king remained for a moment in deep and thoughtful silence, then com manded him to throw the despatches into the fire, and drew up new instructions to the commissioner in whatsoever terms he thought best, and he would sign them. Carstares immediately wrote to his grace, signifying that it was his majesty's plea sure to dispense with putting the oaths to the ministers. This was signed by the king, and sent off by the messenger, who was commanded to use the utmost expedition in his power, that he might reach Edinburgh before any coUision should take place. The short delay caused by these trans actions had retarded the messenger so 312 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VIII. much that he did not reach the Scottish capital till the morning of the day on which the Assembly was to meet. The raost intense anxiety prevailed universal ly respecting the possible events of that day. The commissioner was bound by his instructions to dissolve the Asserably, or rather to prevent its being held, unless the oaths vvere previously taken ; and the ministers were resolved to assert and maintain the intrinsic rights and liberties of the Church, as independent of the civil magistrate ; but both looked for ward to the struggle with dark anticipa tions of disaster to the Church, and ruin to the peace and welfare of the coramu- nity. The messenger arrived, — the in structions were read, — and it was felt, that He in whose hands are the hearts of kings had interposed and given deli verance lo his own free spiritual king dom in the hour of extremest danger,* This timely concession, made by the king to the just claims and sacred inherent rights of the Church of Scotiand, may be regarded as one of the most impor tant and instructive events recorded in her history ; proving that the path of duty is the path of safety, — that when ad herence to sacred principle, like a divine command, says, " Go forward I" a divine power will point out and guide along the opening way, — and that the cloud which seemed surcharged with danger wUl de scend pregnant wilh blessings. It was deeply felt by all parties, that the Pres byterian Church was now indeed the Es tablished Church of Scotland. The General Assembly met, in the full enjoyment of its spiritual indepen dence, on the 29th of March. Grateful, but not unduly elated with the victory which God had granted to their firm ad herence to their principles, they proceed ed to the discharge of their important du ties ; and instead of exhibiting pride and severity in the hour of triumph, they passed an act respecting the instructions to be given to the Commission for receiv ing the ministers who had conformed to Prelacy into rainisterial communion, granting very nearly all that the king had required for giving facility to the ad mission of these ministers.f This cer tainly approached more nearly to what ¦ Life of Carstares, pp. 57-61. 1694, act xi. ' Assembly of may be termed undue concession than to persecution ; and indeed heavy com plaints were made by raany, and severe reproaches uttered by some, against the conduct of the Assembly, as indicating great laxity of principle, and lending lo unfaithfulness in the important duty of preserving the purity and efficiency of the Church, — a charge which it would not be easy lo meet with a complete and satisfactory vindication. Other acts of that Assembly deserve attention, as indicating the stale both of the Church and of the country, such as an " Act appointing some ministers for the supply of the north," — " Act for the better regulating transportations of ministers,"—" Act anent intrusion upon kirks," — and " Act against fixing in the Lowlands of preachers who have the Irish (Gaelic) language." It will be re membered that throughout the whole his tory of the Church of Scotiand, the northern districts had been the least tho roughly Presbyterian, and the readiest to comply with whatever Erastian and Pre latic measures were proposed by the king and the government. The Highland counties had not indeed been ever fully reformed from Popery, and therefore were the more disposed to rest in, or re turn to, the intermediate state of Prelacy ; nearly all the Highland rainisters accord ingly conformed cheerfully and at once to Prelacy at the restoration of Charles II. At the Revolution a large propor tion of them refused lo conform again to the Presbyterian Church, and did their utmost to keep the people in the same state of hostility against the Revolution Seltiement, both in Church and State. Some of them were ejected by the privy council ; but by far the greater number were allowed lo remain in the possession of their ecclesiastical position and tem poral emoluments. It was evidentiy a matter of great importance for the Gene ral Assembly lo provide such a remedy for this injurious state of affairs as it was competent for them lo do. They did not seek to have these ministers silenced and ejected by the civil power, as the Prela tists had done to them ; but they sent sup phes of able and zealous ministers lo those districts where either there were vacant churches, or where prelatic dark ness prevailed. This they accomplished A. D. 1694 ] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 313 by appointing the southern synods to send such proportions of their raerabers as should furnish sixteen among them, who were to remain in the north three months, lo be replaced by a similar number for an equal time, throughout the course of the year.* This process was continued from year lo year for a considerable time, the number sent gradually dimin ishing as the churches became supplied wilh Presbyterian rainisters perraanenlly settled. This raode of sending raerely terapo- rary supplies was rendered inevitable by the paucity of ministers in the whole kingdom. For during the time of the persecution there were few that could ob tain raeans and opportunities of being educated for the rainistry, and it was held treason for the ejected Presbyterian min isters lo ordain young men even when properly qualified. It was consequently impossible at once lo supply all the par ishes in the kingdom with regular minis ters, though there had been no obstruction. And, besides, raany of the Highland congregations understood no language but Gaelic, on which account it was that preachers who could speak that tongue were not perraitled lo settle in the Low lands. Great encouragement was al the same time offered lo the Highland youth, by giving them bursaries, lo induce them lo prepare themselves for the office of the ministry among their countrymen ; and by some acts of subsequent Assemblies, no rainister was allowed to refuse a call from a parish in the north, however re luctant he might be to leave his present situation. Such was the attention shown by the General Assembly to the spiritual instruction of the Highlanders in their own language, — a degree of practical Christian wisdom which it required the lapse of centuries for the Episcopalian Establishment in Ireland even to begin lo learn to imitate. It is indeed, a melan choly fact, that no Prelatic Church has ever attempted, as a church, lo teach the body of the people, though individual clergymen have laboured zealously in the discharge of that all-important and im perative duly. The necessity of an " Actfor regulating transportations [translations] of ministers," arose out of some of the causes already " Acts of Assembly. 40 specified. Not only was there a great deficiency of duly qualified ministers for the immediate supply of all the parishes upon the re-establishment of the Presby terian Church, and an equal deficiency of preachers to meet the natural deraands arising from the death of incumbents, bul there was also a great difference in the characters of the existing ministers. Those who had conformed lo Prelacy during its usurped domination, had both sustained a real and personal injury from the deadening effect on their own minds of their weak and sinful compliance, and had also sunk in the estimation of all men of sound principle and firm integri ty. On the other hand, the faithful min isters, who had braved all dangers and sufferings in defence of religious liberty and truth, were regarded with great love and veneration by the people generally ; and happy was that parish which could secure the ministrations of one of these honoured and revered servants of the Lord, When, therefore, any parish in which a curate, a conformed or an in dulged minister, had been the incumbent, became vacant, the most strenuous endea vours were made by the parishioners to procure the translation of one of the faithful fewfrom his own, perhaps smaller and less important sphere of labour, and his settlement among themselves. It of ten happened that two or more vacant parishes gave a call to the same minister, and then arose a contest who should ob tain him. His own parish strove to pre vent his removal, — the others were as ea ger to have him removed ; a sharp con tention not unfrequentiy occurred, termi nated only by the decision of the supe rior church courts, being appealed from one to another, till it reached the General Assembly, Yet these were essentially contests of love. They were not caused by the opposition of the people lo the set tlement of an unacceptable minister, but by the eager anxiety of the people to ob tain a good and beloved minister. The contests arising from the resistance of a reUgious people to the settlement among them of an irreligious and unfaithful minister, it was reserved as the disgrace ful characteristic of patronage and mode ratism to produce; while the contests which look place during the time when patronage did not exist, and moderatism 314 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VIII. was in its infancy, were the kindly and generous rivalries arising from a deep regard to gospel truth, and a warm affec tion lo the zealous and devoted ambassa dors of Christ. Even then, the Assem bly, anxious to prevent the disagreement which might possibly arise, passed the act regulating transportations of minis ters, and securing that, when such events took place, they should be guided by re gard to what would most contribute lo the general good of the Church. To give a full explanation of the circumstances which caused the Assem bly to pass an " Act anent Intrusion upon Kirks," might lead to loo long a digres sion from the course of the narrative ; but a few remarks are necessary. It has been already stated that a considerable number of the Prelatic clergy were ex pelled from their churches by the privy council in the summer of 1689. In a great majority of instances they returned, and resumed possession of both the cleri cal office and the temporal benefice. And in the northern counties, where they were supported by the Jacobite nobility and gentry, they did so even after Pres byterian rainisters had been settled in the churches out of which they had been le gally ejected. This was often done in the most violent and disorderly manner, the ejected Prelatists coming to the church accompanied by a band of Jacobite gentle men and their serfs, rudely intruding themselves upon the assembled worship pers, expelling the Presbyterian minister, and taking forcible possession of both church and manse, in direct defiance of the law. Against this conduct the Gen eral Assembly complained, in the above- mentioned act, and applied to the lords of the privy council for redress and protec tion. So undeniable and so flagrantly illegal were the facts adduced by the As sembly, that in the following session of parliament an act was passed on the sub ject, ordering the removal of those who had so intruded, and enjoining the coun cil to take some effectual course for pre venting the recurrence of similar illegal and forcible intrusions.* * It is somewhat instructive to trace what may be termed the personal history of intrusion. Totheunion of Jacobitism (that is, despotism) with Prelacy, it owes its parentage. In its rash youth it showed its character m the attempt to force itself into Presbyterian churches, contrary both to the will of congregations and minis ters, and to the law itself. Forming afterwards a [1695-96.] The General Assembly met on the 17th of December 1695, and continued to sit till the 4th of January 1696, no olher meeting taking place dur ing the remainder of the latter year. None of its acts are of peculiar impor tance, being generally of^lhe same tenor with those which have been already men tioned and explained. The chief sub ject which occupied the attenlron of the Church was what ought always chiefly to occupy its attention — anxious care to promote, in the most efficient manner, the moral and religious welfare of the community. In this important task the Church was not less successful than zeal ous ; and the happiest results began to appear throughout the kingdom. Some more direct countenance began to be giv en to the exertions of the Church by the king ; the raost valuable proof of which was the act of parliament respecting schools, realizing what had been long and earnesily sought by the Presbyterian Church of Scotland, and by no olher Church in Christendora — a school in every parish throughout the whole king- dora, so far supported by the public funds as lo render education accessible to even the poorest in the coramunity, [1697.] The year 1697 presents noth ing demanding attention .so far as the Church is concerned ; for it is unnecessa ry to repeat statements respecting the steady and persevering care for the pro motion of religion displayed by the As sembly in the passing of acts against pro- faneness and immorality — enjoiningfarai- ly worship — directing ministers in the discharge of their sacred duties — and urging the utmost diUgence in supplying the deficiences still e.xisting in the north ern counties. [1698.] Almost the only thing which requires mention in the year 1698, is the act of parliament commonly termed the Rabbling Act. The object of this act has been often misunderstood and misre- clandestine connection with the Church, under cover of an unconstitutional enactment ; and assuming a new name in its riper years, it obtained free scope for acting according to its nature, to the jiaralyzed aston ishment of the Church whose powers it had contrived furtively to seize, and to the terror and indignation of the aggrieved coramunity. In what appears to be its period of decrepitude, clinging to civil magistracy, and Bophistically misinterpreting statute law, it still strives to perpetrate its old enormities, the moroseness of its aspect and the savage ferocity of its growl prov. ing that its native malignity is unabated, however nearly it has reached the close of its baleful existence. A. D. 1695.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 315 presented ; and reference has been made to it as a proof that riotous proceedings often took place at the settlement of rain isters during the period when there was no patronage, to prevent whicTi tumults was one of the reasons assigned for its resto ration. What the real reasons for the re-imposition of patronage were, we shall have future occasion to show : meanwhile a very short statement will explain the cause of the passing of the Rabbling Act. It has been already shown that the perti nacious obstinacy of the northern Ja cobites and Prelalists, both in refusing to take the oaths to government, and in re taining their churches, and intruding in to those where Presbyterian ministers had been placed, rendered an act of par liament necessary lo prevent such con duct. But their hostility remaining un changed, they adopted another method of giving it scope without bringing them selves within the direct terras of the law. They privately instigated the lowest, ru dest, and raost immoral of the populace to assemble in a tumultuous raanner at the churches lo which Presbyterian ministers had been sent by the Asserably, or had been called by the more respectable and pious part of the congregation, and to offer every obstruction in their power ; not unfrequently inflicting severe person al injury upon the ministers. These riotous raobs were often collected from other parishes, and in all cases they were persons who had no sense of religion themselves, so that their opposition was in no respect that of a conscientious resis tance lo the settlement among them of a minister whose doctrinal opinions they regarded as unsound, whose character failed to command their respect, or by whose ministrations they felt that they could not be edified. The persons, in short, who formed these riotous assem blages were not the real congregations of the parishes where they occurred, but a mere rabble of irreligious and immoral vagrants, coUected together by the Jaco bite politicians and the Prelatic clergy, for the purpose of creating disturbances, nnd preventing the peaceful settlement of Presbyterian ministers. Those who re fer lo such scenes, and to the act of par liament passed for preventing them, as proving that the want of patronage leads lo confusion and popular tumuft, must either be very ignorant of the history of the period, or must presume largely on the supposed ignorance of others.* It has been stated that the rabbles al luded to were caused by irreligious and imraoral vagrants. This expression may seem to require explanation. In a paraph- let written by the celebrated Fletcher of Salton, in the year 1 698, entitled, " Second Discourse concerning the Affairs of Scot land," it is stated that the beggars and vagrants who infested the country, sub sisting solely by charity, or by riot and pillage, amounted to at least two hundred thousand people. It was no difficult mat ter to collect together sufficient numbers lo create a rabble, or riotous mob, ready lo engage in mischief and depredation of any kind on the shortest notice, out of such a formidable host of lawless and de graded vagrants ; and to them recourse was most unscrupulously had by those who wished to harass the Church of Scotiand, and disturb the peace of the country. But the question forces itself upon the mind, " What led to the exist ence of such a dreadful amount of pover ty and crime in Scotland at that period 1" This, too, can be easily and satisfactorily explained. Twenty-eight years of ty ranny and persecution had wasted the land, reducing many of its most fertile districts to the condition of a wilderness, and throwing a vast proportion of the middle and industrious classes into a state of deep poverty. The inevitable conse quence was, that nearly all the lowest classes of the population were both thrown completely out of employment by the ruin of the class immediately above them, and habituated lo idleness, vagrancy, and pillage, by the encourage ment and example of the devastating sol diery, and the use made of thera to assist in destroying the property of the respec table Presbyterians, Thus the existence of two hundred thousand vagrants, by whora the country was so grievously in fested, was one of the direct results of the attempt lo establish Prelacy in Scotland ; and it vvas no wonder that such people were ready, at the instigation of those around whose paths of carnage they had so long prowled and battened, to rush anew to their wonted task of perpetrating ' See the act itself, — the tracts and pamphlets of the period, — and the Patronage Report, 316 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP, VIII, insult and violence against the persons of Presbyterian ministers, and of interrupt ing the most sacred ordinances of re ligion. It deserves also lo be staled, as a point of principle, in answer to those who wish to represent the Revolution Settlement of the Church of Scotland as decidedly Erastian, and the Church itself as aban doning its own fundamental principles, and not having courage to assert its own intrinsic powers, that in 1698 the Com mission of Assembly published a paper, termed, " A Seasonable Admonition," in vvhich the following passage occurs: — " We do believe and own, that Jesus Christ is the only Head and King of his Church ; and that he hath instituted in his Church officers and ordinances, order and government, and not left it lo the will of man, magistrate, or church, to alter at their pleasure. And we believe that this government is neither Prelatical nor Congregational, bul Presbyterian, which now, through the mercy of God, is esta blished among us ; and we believe we have a better foundation for this our church government than the inclination of the people or the laws of men."* The occasion of publishing this paper was to vindicate the conduct of the Church from' the accusations brought against it by the Cameronians, and to prove that there was was no just reason for these people to con tinue in a state of separation from the Es tablished Church. [1699] It is unnecessary to repeat that the Assembly of 1699 continued lo pursue the laudable example set by ils predecessors in the most strenuous exertions lo promote vital religion throughout the comraunity. But it may be observed that this Assembly expressed its approbation of the " Season able Admonition," and thereby gave to that faithful assertion of Presbyterian principles the sanction ofthe Assembled Church. [1700.] The year 1700 presents littie demanding peculiar attention. In an act appointing a nalional fast, one of the causes mentioned by the Assembly is, " Our continued unfaithfulness to God, notwithstanding of our solemn covenants and engagements." This may fairly be regarded as proving that the Church of Scotland had not abandoned the ground occupied by the fathers of the Second Re- ' Seasonable Admonition, p. 5. formation, bul continued to acknowledge the binding and descending obligation of her National Covenants. In the parlia ment of the sarae year an act was passed for securing the Protestant religion and the Presbyterian church government and for preventing the growth of Popery. This was caused by the jealousy which was entertained respecting the probable effect of the alliances which the conti nental politics of William led him to form with Popish powers, together with the activity displayed by Popish and Jacobite eraissaries in endeavouring to propagate their political and religious tenets, which were justly regarded as alike hostile to civil liberty and religious truth. [1701.] The General Assembly held in the year 1 70 1 was called to discharge a duty of a different kind from any that had for a considerable lime occupied the at tention ofthe Church. This was the con demnation of heresy, and the deposition of one of its ministers for holding and de fending heretical opinions. Dr. George Garden, one of the ministers of Aberdeen, had espoused the wild enthusiastic notions of Antonio Bourignon, and written a book in defence of them. Refusing to retract his opinions, the Asserably first con demned the opinions themselves as heret ical, and then deposed him frora the office ofthe ministry. It would be inex pedient to slate here what these heretical opinions were ; but it may be raentioned in passing, that sorae of them are much akin lo several of those with which reli gion has been disturbed in our own times, [1702,] The year 1702 began its round in the midst of gloomy anticipations, which were loo soon and too completely realized. When the Assembly met on the 6th of March, the comraissioner, the Earl of Marchraont, communicated to thera the melancholy intelligence of his raajesty's dangerous illness, and warned them lo expedite the despatch of all imperatively necessary business, and lo prepare a Commission empowered lo watch over and maintain discipline and order in the Church, whatever might lake place. The Assembly manifested equal propriety and judgment in the ap pointment of this Commission. All the old and experienced ministers ofthe period antecedent to the persecution, who vvere StiU alive, were first nominated, and to A. D. 1703.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 317 them vvere added a sufficient number of such others as were most distinguished by experience and ability, ready to meet the possible exigencies of a crisis so dan gerous. For it was well understood that the Jacobites anticipated an immediate change of measures upon the demise of William and the accession of Anne ; and the Prelatists confidently expected a degree of direct favour raore answerable to their wishes than the toleration or the comprehension schemes of the reigning monarch. King William died on the Sth day of March, 1702, in the fifty-second year of his age, having reigned thirteen years and one month. By the Church of Scotland his memory will ever be much and justly revered, as having been, under Provi dence, the instrument by whom she was delivered from Prelatic tyranny and per secution. But it cannot be concealed, and ought not to be forgotten, that his sys tematic treatment of the Presbyterian Church was both unwise, ungrateful, and injurious. If he did not succeed in bring ing her under an Erastian yoke, it was not for want of inclination to have done so. But by the gracious support of God she was enabled lo be faithful to her Divine Head and King, and He did not forsake her in her hour of trial and danger. And though the Church did not in all points take the high ground to which her principles ought to have led her, and yielded compliance in matters where she ought to have maintained an attitude of uncompromising firmness, yet, remembering her wasted and weak condition, the many perilous and distract ing circumstances surrounding her, and even the biassing influence of gratitude lo her earthly deliverer, it seems but just to say, that instead of harsh upbraiding cen sure, the conduct ofthe Church deserves, upon the whole, the tribute of grateful approbation. In the parliaraent vvhich raet in June, after the accession of Queen Anne, an act was passed, similar to those passed on former occasions, securing the Protestant religion and the Presbyterian church government. This vvas thought ne cessary, on account of the danger appre hended from the intrigues ofthe Jacobites, who entertained sanguine anticipations of favour from James's daughter which they could not expect from William. The proposals for a union between England and Scotland which had latterly engrossed much of William's thoughts, were again renewed and considerably forwarded, though in the midst of much hostility and opposition. [1703.] The prospect of peace and se curity lo the Church began again lo dar ken in the year 1703. The language of the queen's letter appeared less favourable than previous communications ofthe same kind for several years past. Her majesty renewed her assurances of protection to the Presbyterian church government, " as that which she found acceptable to the inclinations of the people, and esta blished by the laws ofthe kingdom." It was feared that this might be regarded as equivalent to a denial of its claim to any higher and more sacred authority. Bul the Assembly, in their answer, and es pecially in an address to her majesty, did not hesitate to assert their true position. In the latter document their language is peculiarly strong and explicit ; reminding her majesty that the Reformation frora Popery in Scotland was by presbyters, — that the Claira of Right had declared against Prelacy as a great -and insupport able grievance, — and that by the acts of parliament founded thereon, " Presby terian church government was settled, as agreeable to the Word of God, and most conducive to the advancement of true piety and godliness, and the establishment of peace and tranquillity, and therefore to be the only government of Christ's Church within this kingdom."* On a subse quent session, on the thirteenth day ofthe Assembly's meeting, the records of several synods were under consideration, in which the intrinsic power of the church courts lo raeet and deliberate in all spiritual matters on their own sole authority was very strongly stated ; but while the As serably was preparing lo express full and entire concurrence in these sentiraents, the commissioner. Lord Seafield, rose and proceeded to dissolve the meeting in her raajesty's name. This was met by an immediate though brief remonstrance, and by protests from great numbers of the members ; and though the Assembly did not continue lo sit, there being no pe culiarly urgent business before it, and hav- ' Acts of Assembly, year 1703, p. 16. 318 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VIII. ing already continued thirteen days, the dissolution did not take place till the next day of the meeting was naraed,and the meet ing concluded wilh the usual solemnities.* Regarding their cause as rapidly rising towards the re-assumption of superiority, the Prelatic party attempted to procure from parliament an exemption from the necessity of taking the oaths to govern ment ; and anticipating success, they pro ceeded lo renew their intrusion into parishes, and in several instances took forcible possession ofthe churches. Bul their precipitation and violence tended lo defeat their object The Duke of Argyle and the Earl of Marchmonl procured the passing of an act for the protection of Presbyterian church government, ex pressed in the very terms ofthe Assembly's address lo the queen, quoted above.f 'To narrate the further proceedings of this parliament, and in particular the passing of that remarkable act for protecting the interests and liberties of Scotland frora suffering through foreign influence, is the appropriate task of the civil historian. It is merely alluded to here for the purpose of showing that the Scottish character was resuming ils native bold and independent spirit, in proportion to the growing in fluence and energy of the Presbyterian Church, and enabling the nation to as sume such an altitude as to convince En glish statesmen that it could not be trampled upon with impunity. Had it been otherwise, Scotland might very soon have become an English province, but an incorporating union would never have taken place. [1704.] When the Assembly met in 1704, no tirae was lost in asserting the in herent rights and intrinsic powers of the Church. In the answer to the queen's letter the following significant passage occurs : " We are-now again, with your majesty's countenance and favour, met in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, in a national asserably." J The synod records, to avoid the ratification of vvhich had been one great cause of the precipitate dis solving of the preceding Assembly, were deliberately produced, approved, and rati fied, so that nothing was gained by the civil power, and nothing lost by the Church ; or rather, the civil power was ¦ Willison's Testimony, p. 31. t Acts of Parliament ; Lockhart's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 65, t Acts of Assembly, weakened by the failure of the attempted aggression, and the Church gained in character and moral strength. Some very important steps were taken by this As sembly, wilh regard to providing schools and other modes of religious instruction for the Highlands, which subsequently ripened into that noble institution of Christian benevolence, the Society for Propagating Religious Knowledge. Thus, in the midst of all her perils and all her contests, did the Church of Scotland persevere in discharging her duty to her Head and King, by promoting the growth and welfare of His spiritual kingdom. [1705.] The year 1705 presents little of importance to demand attention. The records of the Church prove that great care continued to be taken to promote the interests of religion in every part of the kingdom, particularly the Highlands. Bul the public mind was deeply occu pied with those two great political sub jects, — the settlement of the order of suc cession to the throne, and the proposals for union between Scotiand and England. The latter was the more important ofthe two, and caused the most intense anxiety in both kingdoms. It was felt by all parlies, that unless a union upon satisfac tory terras could be accomplished, a fierce devastating war was not unlikely to arise, in which Scotland would certainly re- ceivue aid from France, and both countries might sustain irreparable injury. Mutual apprehensions of danger served to coun terbalance the mutual jealousies of the two kingdoms ; and commissioners were appointed by the two parliaments to meet and arrange the preliminaries of a Treaty of Union, In passing this act, the Scot tish parliaraent expressly restricted the commissioners from treating at all about the government, worship, and discipline ofthe Church,* The nomination ofthe Scottish commissioners was left to the queen, which prevented the intrigues of the parties who wished to prevent the Treaty of Union from being concluded, [1706,] Several valuable acts were passed by the Assembly of 1706, respect ing the internal purity and efficiency of the Church. One of these was of consi derable importance, enjoining presbyteries to be more frequent and conscientious in visiting the several parishes within their " Carstares' State Papers, p. 750. A, D. 1706,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 319 bounds, for the purpose not more of sti mulating than of encouraging ministers in the discharge of their important duties. An act was also passed appointing a national fast, for the purpose of suppli cating the Divine direction respecting the Treaty of Union, on the consideration of which the nation was about to enter "that aU might be done to the glory of God and the good of the Church ;" and the comraission was directed to pay particular attention lo the deliberations of parliament, and to be ready to assist with advice, or lo warn by remonstrance, as raight be necessary. The Scottish parliament met on the 43th of October, lo comraence those delib erations which should end in the termi nation of its separate existence. The Duke of Queensberry was coraraissioner, and the »Earl of Seafield chancellor. When parliament met, the whole nation vvas roused to the most intense and feverish anxiety and exciteraenl as to what raight be the possible result of their delibera tions. "The Jacobites beheld in a union the ruin of all their hopes ; the Prelatists anticipated support from the Church of England if the union could be effected without the express confirmation of the Presbyterian establishment, but if that were ratified, they dreaded that their own restoration lo power would be forever pre cluded ; the Presbyterians generally were painfully apprehensive that the liberty, and even the permanent existence, of the Church would be greatly endangered by the union, from the ascendency of the Pre latic Church of England in a united par liament, and the presence of the prelates themselves in the House of Peers ; and the Cameronians regarded the raeasure as the consummation of nalional guilt, being a direct violation of the great cove nants by which both kingdoms vvere sol emnly bound. The court parly alone had any real wish for a union wilh Eng land ; yet such was the effect of so many and such conflicting grounds of hostility, that the antagonists merely neutralized each other, and rendered any well organ ized and vigorously combined opposition impossible. In 'this we cannot but see the hand of a superintending Providence, bringing order out of chaos, and over ruling the elements of danger to the pro duction of peace and safety. Again retiring from the province ofthe civil historian, which the discussion of such subjects would lead us to invade, we shall but stale that, after a long and highly animated debate, it was carried, that an entire incorporating union should take place, and not merely one of a federal character. Before proceeding to consider the arlicles of the union, the parliament then directed its attention to the security of the Presbyterian Church. The im portance of this vvas fully understood by all parties, and gave rise not only to a new trial of strength, bul to a series of intrigues by those who sought to prevent the union, and of earnest and anxious prudential management by those who fa voured that measure and were friendly to the Church, The Jacobites now pre tended great zeal for the Church of Scot land, and declaimed on the danger to which it would be exposed by a union — a danger which they themselves were the first to realize at a subsequent period. The Commission, which had been direct ed by the Assembly to meet and watch over the welfare of the Church, was greatly agitated by the dubious and gloomy aspect of affairs. But they were not allowed lo fall into the pit dug for thera by their enemies. The Divine Head of the Church continued to protect the interests ofhis spiritual kingdom, and to defeat the councils ofthe most cunning adversary. They joined no political party, — they yielded not to the deceitful persuasions of their foes, — they did not give way to distempered fears, — they uttered no violent and unwary declara tions, — they even exerted themselves to calm the excitement which pervaded the nation, and which they might have easily roused to a fierce and universal convul sion.* At length an Act of Security was passed, in which the acts confirming the Confession of Faith and the Presbyterian form of church government were ratified and estabhshed, " lo continue without any alteration to the people of this land in all succeeding generations ;" and it was fiir- ther declared, that this act of security, " with the establishment therein con tained, shall be held and observed in all time coming, as a fundamental and essential condition of any treaty of UNION to be concluded betwixt the two • Carstares' State Paper, pp. 754-768. 320 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. VII. kingdoms, without any alteration thereof, or derogation thereto, nf any sort, for ever."* It would be very difficult, if not im possible, for language to convey raore clearly and strongly the idea, that the Church of Scotland was thus intention ally placed beyond the power of the un ted parliament to interfere in the slightest degree with her constitutional rights and privileges ; since the main tenance of her integrity unimpaired, in tact, inviolable, was itself the very basis of the union, without which it would not have taken place, to interfere with which was declared lo be beyond the power of the British parliaraent, and any infringe ment of which was necessarily equivalent to a virtual dissolution of that great inter national treaty. The remaining Arlicles of Union were proposed and carried with comparative ease. And at length, after they had been accepted and ratified by the English par liament,! and returned to Scotland, they vvere registered by the Scottish parlia ment on the 25th of March," 1707, and on the 22d of April the parlia raent of Scotland adjourned to raeet no raore. [1707.] The General Assembly met at Edinburgh on the 8lh April 1707. Before their meeting the Articles of Union had been ratified by the Scottish parlia ment, and sent lo London for the ratifica tion of that of England In the queen's letter to the Assembly the following sen tence occurs : " We take this opportunity of renewing to you our assurance, that you shall have our protection in the free enjoyment of all the rights and privi leges that by law you are possessed of;" and it is rather reraarkable that her ma jesty makes no allusion to the topic of receiving into the Church those of the Episcopalian dissenters who should be willing to subscribe the Confession of Faith, and conform to Presbyterian go vernment The most important act pas sed by this Assembly was one respecting the Form of Process. This subject had occupied the attention of the Church for several years, and had, according to the ' Act of Security, Appendix. t Carstares' State Papers, p. 760, "The Archbishop of Canterbury said, that he believed the Church of Scotland to be as true a Protestant Church as that of England, though he could not say ii was so perfect." Barrier Act, been transmitted to the pres byteries by the preceding Assembly. It was now ratified, and has ever since continued to form the chief rule of the Church of Scotland for the direction of the various ecclesiastical judicatories in the matters which come before them. It is not undeserving of notice, that this im portant act, completing the judicial ar rangements of the Church of Scotland, took place at the very juncture of the Union, and vvas accordingly placed, of necessity, within the protection of the Act of Security, before the Scottish parlia ment, by which it was ratified, had ceased to exist Thus the Confession of Faith, — the form of church governraent by Ses sions, Presbyteries, Synods, and General Assemblies, — the mode of worship, — the rules of discipline, — and the process of judicial proceedings, — were aH rendered as secure as the raost solemn and conclu sive national enactments, — the Revolution Settlement, the Act of Security, and the Articles of Union, — could raake them. If they had since been thwarted, violated, or impeded, the blame must rest upon those who presumed lo tamper with na tional faith, or who, in their endeavours to put a forced construction upon the let ter of subordinate laws and statutes, griev ously misconceived or utterly forgot the principles and the spirit ofthe constitution. One very pernicious act was passed at this time, which has ever since continued to operate most injuriously to the best in terests ofthe Church and people of Scot land, The lords ofthe Court of Session were appointed to be commissioners of teinds, and power was given lo them to determine " the transporting of kirks," that is, the removal of a church from one part of the parish lo another, according to the fluctuation of the population which may have rendered such a measure ex pedient, — and, by implication, the build ing of an additional church for the ac.com- raodalion of an increased population. The consent of three-fourths of the heri tors, in point of valuation, is declared by the act lo be necessary to warrant this removal.* The effect has been, that the narrow and selfish policy of the heritors has generally been strong enough lo pre vent the concurrence of a sufficient num ber to procure the removal, however glar- ' Dunlop's Parochial Law, p. 32. A. D. 1707,] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 321 ingly necessary for the accomraodation of the people ; crystallizing, as it were, the Church of Scotland into a state of rigid imraobility, and rendering her una ble to adapt her arrangements to the changing necessities of the country. How strangely ignorant, to say the least, statesmen and legislators have always been of what is most conducive to the true welfare of a nation, and especially, how ready lo employ every practical mode of hampering the movements and obstructing the exercise of the native en ergies of the Christian Church, and, in particular, of the Church of Scotland, But this, and all such hostile or jealous measures, may be fairly viewed as the instinctive testimony given by worldly men lo the spirituality of her character, with which they cannot syrapathize, and which they regard with the natural en mity of the fallen mind. By the Treaty of Union the Church of Scotland was placed in a new position, fitted lo try severely the vitality and the power of her constitutional principles. The Act of Security had indeed preclu ded the British parliaraent from interfer ing with her doctrine, government, and discipline, as they existed before the pas sing of that act ; but the removal of the seat of civil government from Edinburgh to London was certain to have an injuri ous effect upon the Scottish nobility and gentry, in alienating them from the Church of their native land, and accus toming them to the forms, ceremonies, want of discipline, and Erastian subser viency, of the Church of England. It was, therefore, to be expected, that early and persevering attempts would be made, both by the British Legislature and by our own Anglicized countryraen, if not to alter the governraent ofthe Church of Scotland, at least lo reduce it to that con dition of political thraldom in vvhich the Church of England was held. That this should be desired by mere politicians, need excite no wonder ; for it is not polit ical sagacity, but spiritual enhghtenment, which enables men to perceive and un derstand what are the true and essential principles of the Christian Church. They are naturally incapable of understanding on what terms alone a true Church can enter into an alliance with the State ; and they therefore always regard the Church 41 as a subordinate court, erected by the State, receiving directions from it, and necessarily subservient to it in the dis charge of all its functions. And the fatal facility which the Prelatic form of church government has always shown of adapt ing itself to the capricious designs of statesmen, and submitting to their baneful control, has necessarUy given it a recom mendation in their eyes, which the Pres byterian form cannot possibly obtain, without first becoming unfaithful to its own principles. The danger to which the Church of Scotland was exposed by the Union was very greatly increased by the admission of so many of the Prelatic curates, in weak compliance with the pernicious policy of William. It would have re quired the united energy and determined front of the entire Presbyterian Church to have promptly met, and triumphantly resisted, every attempted encroachment of the British parliament upon her secured rights and privileges. But this, with such a numerous band of cold friends and treacherous mercenaries within her own camp, was impossible. From this time forward, accordingly, the Church of Scot land presents the melancholy aspect of a declining and unfaithful Church, assailed by enemies without, and corrupted and betrayed by worse and more deadly foes within her own coraraunion. To trace faithfully the sad steps of her defection must be now our painful and unwelcome task ; wilh the perfect certainty of being compelled lo record deeds and give ex pression lo sentiments which will rouse the fierce rage of many, but with the de liberate determination lo stale the truth, be offended who may, and whatever amount of hostility may be thereby pro voked. Let the inteUigent and thought ful man mark well the course of the Church of Scotland's procedure, as well as that of the British parliaraent, from the period of the Union till now, wilh as much fairness and candour as he can ; and especially let him trace accurately, and with unprejudiced mind, the conduct of the faithful minority, testing it as rigid ly as he will by reference to the funda mental principles and avowed standards of the Presbyterian Church ; and he will have little difficulty in deciding who have been the defenders, and who the betrayers 322 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP, IX. and the foes of civil and religious liberty, — by whom the cause of vital religion and national welfare has been promoted, and by whom retarded, — by whose ill-re quited exertions the interests of the Re deemer's spiritual kingdora within our land have been raainlained, and by whora they have been betrayed and violated, through the influence of secular motives, and in the spirit of a base subserviency lo narrow-minded and worldly politicians. CHAPTER IX. FROM THE UNION TO THE RISE OF THE SECOND SECESSION IN 1752. Position of the Church of Scotland at the Union— Me morials respecting the Poor, and beneficial JManage- ment of the Church — Pohtical Movements in Eng land, and Jacobite Intrigues in Scotland — Rise of erroneous Opinions in the Church of Scotland — Jacobite Intrigues ; Case of Greenshields— Hostility of the British Parliament under the Administration of Harley and Bolingbroke— Act of Toleration— Oath of Abjuration — Act reimposing Patronage— Ineffec tual Attempt of the Church to prevent its Enactment — Examination ofthe Spirit, Tendency, and Intention of that Act — Argument to prove it essentially invalid — Assertions in its Preamble refuted — Conduct ofthe General Assembly — Remarks — Causes of the Weak ness of the I hurch — The Cameronians — Effects ofthe Abjuration Oath — Case of Burntisland — Commence ment of the Process against Professor Simson for Heresy— Second Rabbling Act— Death of Queen Anne— Memorial against Patronage— The Rebellion — Professor Simson — The Auchterarder Case — First "Riding Committee" — Progress of unsound Opin ions, how caused — Act restricting Patronage — Origin of the Marrow Controversy — Conduct ofthe Assem bly—The Representers— First Case of Intrusion — Professor Simson — Boston and others — First direct Acceptance of a Presentation — Origin of the First Secession — Partial Change in the TConduct of the Assembly — Act against Intrusion — The Secession completed — Revivals at Cambualang and Kilsyth — Violent Settlements— Opinions ofthe Court of Session — New Policy of the Moderate-Party— Case of In- verkeithing — Deposition of Mr Gillespie — Origin of the Second Secession, the Rehef, iu 1752— Moderate Manifesto. By the Act of Security, which was the basis of the Union, the Church of Scot land obtained the clearest recognition of her own principles, and the strongest rati fication of her rights and privileges, which could be conveyed by legislative enact ments and secured by the solemn pledge of national faith. Yet were those prin ciples as much disliked by statesmen as they had ever been ; and at the very time when the ratification was given, a power ful parly was secretly plotting the viola tion of those rights and privileges for the security of which the faith of the sove reign and the united kingdom was pledged. The Jacobites, who wished the restoration ofthe exiled Stuart race, knew well that the establishment of the Pres byterian Church was the main obstacle to their resuraption of power in Scotland ; and the not unnatural sympathy which the English Episcopalians felt for their Scottish brethren of that persuasion, in duced them to take every measure in their power for the discouragement and depres sion of the rival Church. Of this char acter was the jealous and intolerant policy ofthe English High-Church party, requiring the sacramental test, according to the forms of Episcopacy, before any man could be eligible to a place of pubhc trust in civil affairs, while no such limita tion was applied to them in Scotland. This was manifestly contrary to the spirit of the Union, and a grievance to every true Presbyterian, Bul it had still more pernicious tendencies. It was calculated to cause disregard to that sacred ordinance, by degrading it to the character of a civil qualification ; and it tended to allure the Scottish nobility and gentry to conform to Prelacy, lo which they were already suffici^tly prone. This effect was, in all probability, what Prelatists expected and desired ; but it was evident that it Could not be otherwise than offensive to Pres byterians, especially when contrasted with the repealed and pressing applications made to the Church of Scotland lo receive into its bosom the Prelatic curates, and to give thera an equal share in the govern ment of the Church which they had so long persecuted, and were still seeking to subvert. In the circumstances and ar rangements of the Union itself, and not withstanding the Act of Security, there was reason for the Church of Scotland lo be jealous of her rights and privileges, so far as it was in the power of the Church of England to impair and obstruct thera. The bitter hostility of the Scottish Jaco bites and Prelatists was even increased by the Union, which opposed a mighty obstacle to their hopes, and whieh, they well knew, could not have been accom plished if the Church of Scotland had offered a strong and determined resistance. Placed thus in a position surrounded with danger, the Presbyterian Church had a very difficult part to act. To act that part aright demanded the union of high-principled religious integrity, ax>A A. D, 1708,] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 323 consummate prudence. From the rul ing powers of the empire she had little favour to expect, beyond what they might deem it for their own interest lo give. If she could succeed in retaining and wielding the compact energies of the Scottish community, politicians would not dare to tamper with her rights and privileges ; bul if in that she failed, lo be scorned and trampled upon by insulting adversaries was her certain doom. And unfortunately her prospect of obtaining that element of security was greatly diminished by recent events. The great mass of the Scottish people were hostile to the Union, for various causes ; and the conduct of the Church in not oppos ing that great Treaty had alienated to a very considerable degree the minds of a large proportion of the most conscientious Presbyterians. Nothing but the raost deterrained adherence lo strict Presby terian principles, and their exhibition in all her proceedings, could have regained the affection and -the confidence of the people ; and such a Une of conduct it was now scarcely possible for her to follow. The baneful policy of William, which had caused the reception of so many of the Prelatic curates, had vitiated the mi nisterial body to such a degree, that in stead of a faithful assertion and bold de fence of Presbyterian principles, in government, doctrine, and discipline, the utmost that could be obtained from the General Assembly vvas a faint remon strance, or a half apologetic statement of rights and privileges, or a feeble and tame petition for redress, even when much aggrieved. This increasing un soundness of doctrine, tame and compro mising spirit, and moderate poUcy, how ever much lauded by wily politicians, was not calculated lo reinstate the Church in the affections of a people distinguished for national pride, intellectual strength, and inflexible adherence to religious principle. On the contrary, it was sure to alienate thera more and raore, and at the same tirae to encourage the foes of Presbytery lo fresh aggressions. Such was the character and condition of the Church of Scotiand, and such the nature of the hostUe influences by which it was surrounded, and to a considerable extent interpenetrated, at the momentous Pleiad of t^ CbioB. To what extent these hostile influences prevailed, whe ther by external force or by internal cor ruption, and to what degree Presbyterian principles were repressed or allowed to fall into abeyance, remains novv to be briefly but faithfully traced, [1708,] The period immediately suc ceeding the Union had been employed by the Jacobites in making the most strenuous exertions to produce a counter revolution, by means of an attempted in surrection al home, supported by an inva sion from France, In this lime of pub lic danger the loyalty and zeal of the Scottish Presbyterians had been signally displayed, both ministers and people ex erting themselves to the utmost in prepar ing lo defend the constitution and govern ment of the country. When the As sembly met in April 1708, her majesty, both by letter and through the commis sioner, expressed her entire satisfaction with the conduct of the Scottish Church, and her renewed assurance of her unal terable resolution lo maintain lo it unim paired all ils rights and privileges. The answer of the Assembly expressed tjie most unswerving loyalty, and at the same time not obscurely indicated to her ma jesty in what raanner that loyally could be best recompensed, and the peace and welfare of the country maintained. They plainly declared, that a " pious, learned, and faithful ministry" was the greatest support, under God, of true reli gion and nalional welfare ; trusting that her raajesty would discourage the opposi tion made to the planting of such a mi nistry in several places, " by sorae that are not raore disaffected to our church constitution than to your majesty's royal person and government."* Had her majesty and her government appreciated and acted upon the spirit of this sugg-es- tion, the Church and the nation must soon have entered upon a career of public tran quillity and religious purity very different from that which the historian has to record. Two acts of this Asserably deserve at- altention. One was for the suppression of schisra and disorders in the Church ; the other, recommending ministerial visi tation of families,! The first arose from the cause already specified, — the disagree ment which could not but exist between the true Presbyterian ministers and the ' Acts of Assembly, year 1708, tlbid. 324 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, [CHAP, IX. admitted Prelatic curates, and also be tween the Established Church and the inflexible Cameronians. The second was expressly designed to promote the progress of vital and personal religion throughout the community, by giving to ministers well digested and aulhoralive directions respecting the discharge of that very important part of their duty, so that it raight not be in the power of any to neglect it, without being immediately called to account, and censured accord ing to their demerits. Such a process was more certain to secure the stability of the Church, by resting it on the affec- lon and respect of the poeple, than could be done by mere acts of the legislature. But unhappily it was an act which the Prelatic conformists could not possibly discharge in a suitable manner. Too many of them had been known' to their parishioners as spies and informers during the persecution, for their visits to be re ceived with a ready and affectionate wel come; so that, when the Assembly en joined the discharge of a duty vvhich the previous misconduct of a large section rendered it impracticable for them to at tempt, this injunction, however excellent in itself, and fitted lo produce ihe'best re sults when adequately performed, tended to increase the disagreement between the faithful ministers and their less zealous brethren, who disliked directions which they could not cordially and successfully obey. [1709.] Several important transactions look place in the Assembly which met in 1709 ; one of which vvas the maturing of the Society for Propagating Christian Knowledge, which obtained the approba tion of the queen in council, and has ever since continued in the discharge of its important duties, on which a large mea sure of the Divine favour has manifestly rested. An act was passed also for erect ing public libraries, one in each presby tery throughout the kingdom ; a measure well adapted lo promote the knowledge and the usefulness of the ministers, by placing within their reach the raeans of prosecuting their own studies, which their remote situations and scanty maintenance must have greatly impeded. Among the unprinted acts of this As sembly is one of great national impor tance. It is entitied, " A memorial lo be presented by the queen's commissioner to her majesty, concerning the interfering of justices ofthe peace with the offices of church deacons." The fuU purport of this memorial, and the object accom plished by it, require to be explained, and merit attention. At the period of the Reformation, it wUI be remembered, the Church of Scotiand proposed to take upon itself the care of the poor, and to support them out of its own patrimony. The avaricious nobility frustrated this benevolent design to the utmost of their power, by seizing forcibly upon the pa trimony of the Church, regardless alike of justice and humanity. But the Church, nevertheless, foUowing the example of the Apostolic Church, appointed collec tions to be made for the support of the poor, and instituted the order of deacons for the proper management of the funds so raised. This method of supporting the poor was almost immediately crowned with the most remarkable success. Po verty and its dire attendants, degradation and immorality, almost disappeared, and peace, intelligence, comfort, and purity, spread their blessings over the land. But when Charles II., in 1661, abolished the Presbyterian Church, and-established Prelacy on its ruins, — as attention to the religious and intellectual instruction of the poor, and the alleviation of their per sonal wants, formed no part of the insti tutions, nor had ever been regarded in the practice of the Prelatic Church, — the whole matter was intrusted to the charge of the justices of the peace, who were em- powed to appoint overseers in every parish for the manageraent of matters connected with the maintenance of the poor. The utter inefficiency of this sys tem, attempted as it was in a tirae of per secution which destroyed a largp propor tion of the middle class, whieh has always been the most charitable, was de monstrated wilh dreadful precision, when al the Revolution it appeared that about the fifth part of the population were in a state of utter beggary and homelessness, and so fearfully degraded and deraoral- ized as to startle and appal the most in different. But the Presbyterian Church was again established, and immediately resumed its hallowed labours and its charitable cares. Again was its un rivalled excellence, as a national institu- A. D. 1710.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 325 tion for promoting the moral and religious welfare of the community, most signally displayed. The faithful and earnest preaching pf the gospel arrested the attention of the people ; schools were pro vided for the instruction of the young: the charitable donations of the congrega tions relieved the truly necessitous, and the sacred and moral atmosphere of Christianity diffused itself over the king dom, checking and repressing vice, re buking open crime, and imparting a more pure, healthful, and lofty lone lo the feelings and desires of the renovated community. So manifestiy was this the case, that the commissioner, the Earl of Glasgow, readily undertook to present ihe memorial, and enforced it with such statements respecting the efficiency ofthe Scottish system, on his ovvn knowledge, that the justices of the peace were in structed to abstain from interfering with the management of the poor, leaving that matter to the care of the kirk-sessions, by whose judicious superintendence the country had heen rescued from poverty and crime. Had it not been for this prompt and decisive conduct on the part of the Church, Scotland would have been speedily subjected to the pressure of an intolerable burden of poor-laws, similar to that under which England, notwith standing its superior national wealth, and in spite of, not to say in consequence of, its hierarchical church, has so long groaned. This incident would of itself convince any unprejudiced and inteUigent person how much Scotland owes to its National Church, proving, at the same tirae, how much superior that Church is to any olher in Christendom, in the efficient accomplishment of one great object for which a Nalional Church is established — the promotion of the moral and reli gious welfare of the community. And yet, at the very time when the Church was thus generously taking upon herself the care of the poor, she had been recently deprived of the remains of her patrimony, the third part of the teinds, which had been given back to the patrons as a com pensation for the loss of those patronages which they had obtained by conduct of the most flagrantly Ulegal, unjust, ani wrongful character. Surely, to do good and to suffer injury, — to promote peace and to sustain persecution, — to advance the welfare of all, and to be generally calumniated, — has been more the fate of the Church of Scotland than of any Christian Church since the days of the apostles. But this is no equivocal proof that she is indeed a true Church of Christ, reviled and persecuted by the world, be cause she is not of the world. The suc cess with which the exertions of the Church of Scotland had been blessed in repressing vice and irreligion, and pro moting pure and personal Christianity, may be stated in the language of an acute and impartial observer, a native of Eng land, who came to Scotland lo aid in promoting the Union : — " You may pass through twenty towns in Scotland with out seeing anybroO, or hearing an oath sworn in the streets : whereas, if a blind man was lo come from thence into Eng land, he shall know the flrst town he sets his foot in within the English border, by hearing the narae of God blasphemed and profanely used, even by the very little children in the streets."* [1710.] Before the General Assembly met in 1710, a moveraent had taken place in England which fell little short of a re volution. This was occasioned by the notorious Sacheveral, who, by the plenti ful use of a strange raixture of blind bigotry, fierce invective, and the hardy assertions of intolerant ignorance, roused the prejudices of the High-Church party and ihe rude populace to such a degree as lo overthrow the Whig governraent of the Revolution and the Union, and to place a Tory administration in office, nominally headed by Harley, soon after wards Earl of Oxford, and really by the philosophic, yet unprincipled infidel Bo lingbroke. Strange as it might at first sight appear, this triumph of High-^ Church Episcopacy and Tory state poli tics tended directly lo the restoration of Popery, and of the exiled claimant of the crown, the Popish Pretender. Yet every thinking person will easily perceive the natural connection which subsists between the principles of High-Church bigotry, strenuously inculcating passive obedience and non-resistance to "the right divine of kings to govern wrong," and those on which Popery itself is founded. Nor were the Scottish Jacobites inattentive ' De Foe's Memoirs, p. 428," 326 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, [CHAP. IX. spectators of these changes in England, or unskilful lo avail themselves of events which promised to advance the objects for which they longed. They saw well that the ascendency of High-Church po litics in England presented a favourable opportunity of crushing the Presbyterian Church of Scotland, which was the most formidable obstacle they had to encounter in seeking to secure the return of the Popish Pretender, Instantiy a course of deep intriguing policy was begun, con ducted principally by Lockhart of Carn wath, the ablest of the Scottish Jacobites. This designing man did not expect lo prevail upon the Presbyterians to strive for the recall of the Pretender ; the wrongs which they had suffered were too recent for them lo be induced to lake such a step. But he thought that, by prevailing upon the High-Church party in the British parliament to infringe the Union, so far as to endanger the stability of the Church of Scotland, the Presby terians might be brought to demand a repeal of the Union itself; which, if granted, would leave Scotiand open lo Jacobite intrigues, and, if refused, might lead to some forcible attempt to overthrow Presbytery and re-estab lish Prelacy, or at least throw the country into such 'a state of confusion as would give a greater probability of suc cess to a French invasion and a civil war. To the artful prosecution of these deep schemes we shall have further occa sion to advert. When the Assembly met, these mea sures necessarily engaged their attention, though they did not deem it expedient to mention them in explicit terms. Yet there could be no doubt what was meant by such language as the following : — " We crave leave upon this occasion to assure your majesty, that we abhor all the principles that stain the glory of the reforraed religion, and all the opin ions that have a tendency lo shake the excellent and solid foundations upon which your majesty's just title to the supreme government of your domin ions, and the security of your throne in a Protestant succession against all Popish Pretenders, are happUy established." It is not likely that her majesty received this address with much satisfaction, the allusion it contained to the Claim of Right and the Revolution Seltiement be ing much less flattering to a monarch, than the glowing reference lo hereditary and indefeasible right poured forth by the High-Church sycophants. A slight jar arose between the Church and the de parting administration, on account of the Assembly having appointed a fast, to which the sanction of her majesty had to be procured. This was promptiy grant ed ; bul the Earl of Sunderland, in a letter to Carstares, warned him against the danger vvhich the Church might in cur, if she were to repeat such a proce dure on her own authority.* This was sufficiently indicative, both that the ad ministration watched the conduct of the Church of Scotland wilh a jealous and unfriendly eye, and that EngUsh states men were alike ignorant of the charac ter and hostile to the proceedings of the Presbyterian Church. An act was passed by this Assembly, apparently of a very harmless, or rather of a laudable character, yet pregnant with meaning of ominous import. This was an " Act for Preserving the Purity of Doctrine," in which all persons are prohibited from uttering any opinions, or using any expressions, in relation to the articles of faith, " not agreeable to the form of sound words expressed in the Word of God and the Confession of Faith ;" and further enacting, " that no minister or member of this Church pre sume to print, or disperse in writing, any catechisra, without the allowance of the presbytery of the bounds, and of the Coraraission." The direct cause of fram ing this act was the offence taken by Principal Stirling of Glasgow, and Prin cipal Haddow of St. Andrews, with the language of a catechisra on the cove nants of works and grace, written by Mr. Hamilton, minister of Airth, which these two influential men contrived to get the Assembly thus to stigmatize, without due exaraination, and on the strength of their representation respecting the tenor of the production. But the more remote cause, which vvas indeed the real moving prin ciple of that and many subsequent events in the history of that period, is to be found in a strong leaven of unsound doc trines which was spreading rapidly in the Church, especially in that large divi- " Carstares' State Papers, p. 786. A. D. 1711.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 327 sion of it which was formed by the con junction of the indulged ministers, the admitted Prelatic curates, and a consider- ble number of young men, who had im bibed the lax notions of a modified Armi nianism, at that lime becoming very pre valent both in England and on the Con tinent. The most sound and able divines of the Church of Scotland marked the progress of these opinions with deep re gret, and set themselves to oppose them by every means in their power, [t was with this view that Mr. Hamilton had written the above mentioned catechism ; and it vvas to prevent the diffusion of it and similar productions that the leading men of the Assembly procured the pass ing of the act for "preserving the purity of doctrine.* It may seem strange that an act so designated should in reality have been an act to prevent the defence of truth, and to permit the unchecked diffiision of error. Yet so it was ; and nothing could more clearly prove the pernicious tendency of that moderate management so highly recommended by William, so perseveringly followed by Carstares, and so destructively successful in introducing into the Church of Scot land such a body of men, not more than half Presbyterian in their principles, doctrines, and practice, by whom she was early and deeply vitiated, ere long griev ously enthralled, and from the baneful influence of whose long and dreary do mination she is yet but striving painfuUy to recover. [1711.] The machinations of the Ja cobites for the destruction of the Church of Scotland were not only prosecuted with unremitting ardour, but began about this time lo assume the aspect of near success. One event which hastened the struggle rather prematurely for the ene mies of Presbstery, arose out of the at tempt of one Greenshields, an Episcopa lian minister, to open a meeting-house and use the English Liturgy in Edinburgh. The Prelatic party of the persecution had never used a Liturgy, with the sole exception of Burnet, afterwards bishop of Salisbury, while he was curate of Salton ; being deterred probably by the remembrance of the tumult which the For a full account of this matter, and ofthe contro versy respecting the Marrow of Modern Divinity, see a series of papers by Dr M-Orie, in the Christian In structor, in the years 1831, 1832. attempt to introduce the Liturgy in the year 1637 had caused But now, when the Scottish Prelatists began to hope for support from their brethren in England, they thought it expedient to conform to the whole ritual of that Church. When Greenshields first made the attempt, to wards the end of the year 1709, he was called before the Presbytery of Edin burgh, bul declining their jurisdiction, he was interdicted by the magistrates of the city,, and his meeting-house closed by their authority. The affair was brought before the Court of Session, and decided against Greenshields, his conduct being regarded as a direct infraction of the articles of the Treaty of Union. But the Jacobites and Prelatists, buoyed up by the High-Church frenzy in Eng land, carried the matter by appeal to the House of Lords, auguring but too surely that the Church of Scotiand would meet no favour and but little justice there. When the case first came lo London, the whole country was in a ferment about Sacheverel's trial, so that the affair of Greenshields vvas laid aside till a more convenient opportunity. But after the formation of a new cabinet, and the com plete ascendency of High-Church and Tory principles in the legislature, it was again brought forward, and given in fa vour of Greenshields, the sentence ofthe Court of Session being reversed, and the magistrates of Edinburgh subjected to heavy damages for wrongful imprison ment Great was the exultation of the Prelatists and Jacobites when the deci sion vvas made ; and great also was the indignation ofthe Presbyterians. There was a mixture of right and wrong in the decision, viewed abstractly, with regard to its essence, and lo the state of the law at the tirae. It was right that no man should be liable to imprisonment for wor shipping God according to the light of his own conscience ; but according to the unrepealed laws of the country, Greenshields was guilty of a high mis demeanour, especially when it is remem bered that he and all his party had re fused to swear allegiance to the reigning sovereign, and vvere known lo be en gaged in plotting for the restoration of the Popish Pretender. In that view he merit ed punishment as guilty of rebellious conduct, — not on account of his religious 328 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND, [CHAP, IX. opinions ; and his acquittal, and the fine exacted from the magistrates of Edin burgh, was a direct violation of the prin ciples of the Revolution, and tended lo shake the throne of Q,ueen Anne, and to produce a counter-revolution. It is in deed evident that this was the very effect which the Jacobites and Bolingbroke in tended and anticipated, when they pressed this decision contrary to the inclinations of the Earl of Oxford.* But, as usual, they contrived to misrepresent the whole affair, and to declaim about it as a mere act of protection to an injured Episcopa lian against Presbyterian intolerance. When the Assembly met, there was a general feeling pervading the house that a dangerous crisis was at hand. The pernicious effects of English prelatic in fluence were beginning lo be but too ap parent, not only in such a case as that of Greenshields, but in a growing tendency in various quarters to imitate the English disregard of the sanctity of the Sabbath, which had always been peculiarly main tained by the Church of Scotland. They were well aware also, that the main ob ject of the Jacobites was lo alter the suc cession to the throne ; and they knew that Scottish Prelacy would very readily endure a Popish monarch, though the Church of England might not be equal ly willing to violate all Protestant princi ples. The attachment of the Church of Scotland was therefore very distinctiy slated to the succession of the Protestant House of Hanover, both in the Assem bly's letter to the dueen, and in an act passed recommending prayers to be offer ed up for her majesty, and for the Pro testant line of succession. Several acts were also passed for the better regulation of internal matters in the worship go vernment, and discipline ofthe Church — recommending family worship, — for the better observance of the Sabbath, — con cerning the administration of the sacra ments of baptism and the Lord's sup per, — respecting students of divinity, — and appointing the questions to be put lo probationers before being licenced to preach, and to ministers at their ordina tion. It is remarkable, that almost im raediately before the occurrence of any peculiarly iraportant or dangerous junc- 171 1 Lockhart Papers, vol. i. pp. 346 347 ; Stuart Papers, lure in the history of the Church, there has been some arrangement made in her internal regulations, calculated to prepare her for the struggle, and to confirm her vitality when about lo be severely tried. These questions to be put lo probationers and ministers were calculated lo deter the ungodly and worldly-minded from entering the Church, at the very tirae when the door of adraission lo such per sons was about to be thrown open; and though unprincipled men can, and do break through every sacred and moral barrier, yet it cannot be doubted that the existence of such barriers has a strong tendency to preserve the sanctity of the ground which they inclose from the tread of the unhallowed intruder. Aware of the coming dangers lo be apprehended from the unprincipled states men who swayed the councils of the na tion, the General Assembly gave specific directions lo the Commission lo do what might be necessary for the preservation of the rights and privileges of the Church, and empowered them to send a commission to London, if they should see cause, to watch over the progress of events, and to seek the redress of griev ances, [1712. The year 1712 must ever be regarded as a black year in the annals of the Church of Scotland. The triumph which the prelatic Jacobites had gained in the case of Greenshields, instead of satisfying, had merely encouraged them to further aggressions upon the Presby terian Church, against which they cher ished the most deadly hatred. When the British parliament met, in December 1711, their first attention was occupied in securing the ascendency of despotic prin ciples in both houses. This was accom plished in the House of Lords by the creation of twelve new peers at once, whose votes enabled the cabinet lo com mand a majority for the lime. .Early in 1712, the Jacobites, deeming their prepa rations complete, unmasked those batte ries with which they hoped to lay pros trate the Church of Scotland. A bill was introduced into the House of Cora- mons, purporting to be for the granting of a legal toleration to those of the Epis copalian dissenters in Scotland who wish ed to use the Liturgy of the Church of England; repealing, at the same time. A, D, 1712] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 329 those acts of the Scottish parliament by which they were subjected to the juris diction and discipline of the Presbyte rian church courts, and forbidding the civil sanction to be added to ecclesiastical sentences for their enforcement. This bill was introduced on the 21st of Janu ary ; and so secredy had the Jacobites concerted their scheme, that the intention of proposing such a bill was not known till the motion was made in the House of Commons respecting it. The Com mission of the General Asserably irarae- dialely sent the Rev. Messrs. Carstares, Blackwell, and Baillie, lo London, with instructions to use every exertion in their power for preventing the passing of such a bill, and to watch over the threatened rights and privileges of the Church, Their earnest remonstrances were in vain. The House of Commons passed the bill, and transmitted it to the House of Lords, The Scottish Commission re newed their remonstrances, and prevail ed so fer as to procure the addition of the oath of abjuration to the Bill of Tolera tion, for the purpose of preventing Pa pists and Jacobites from obtaining any advantaL from this bill. But the wily Jacobites contrived lo have a clause in serted in the bill, requiring the ministers of the Established Presbyterian Church lo come under the same obligation. There was one clause in the abjuration oath which rendered it impossible for a Pres byterian to take it without explanation. In the act of succession, settUng the crown on the Hanoverian Protestant line, one of the conditions specified was, that the successor should be of the commu nion of the Church of England ; and in the oath of abjuration, the person was required lo swear allegiance to the suc cessor as limited by that act. This the Presbyterians regarded as requiring thera to swear that the sovereign ought lo be an Episcopalian, thereby declaring a Presbyterian incapable of wearing the crown. To this they could not submit without stamping reprobation upon their own religion. But they procured frora the House of Lords an alteration in that clause, changing the word as to which, thereby making the clause merely a nar rative of the general Umitation to a Pro testant line, without any direct reference to special conditions. The Scottish Ja- 42 cobites were acute enough to perceive the import of this alteration, and had sufficient influence to procure in the House of Commons the restoration of the word as, well knowing the offence which it would give to the Presbyterians. They knew that the Prelatic Jacobites would' not take the abjuration oath, be cause they regarded the Popish Pretend er, whom that oath abjured, as the right ful heir to the British crown, and their great aim was lo render it equally im possible for Presbyterians to lake it ; that both parlies being placed in equal peril, so much of a mutual compromise might ensue as to leave the Prelatists undis turbed in. the prosecution of their rebel lious designs for the subversion of the Revolution Settlement and the restoration of a Popish king.* Too well their crafty policy succeeded. No more than one of the Prelatic clergy ever look the oath of abjuration, while every one avail ed himself of the toleration, and imme diately began to celebrate public worship with all the pomp and ceremony in which the Church of England deliffhts, lo a degree not previousl}'- seen m Scot land since the Reformation. At the same lime, so great was the dissatisfaction felt by the ministers and people of the Pres byterian Church on account of this oath, that it nearly caused a schism in the Church, the refusal to take it being re garded by raany as a criterion of rainis terial faithfulness, and almost a term of communion ; while the people equally hated and despised those ministers who consented lo take the ensnaring and dan gerous bond.t Some have endeavoured to represent this Act of Toleration as a wise and laudable scheme for securing religious liberty lo all denominations of Protestant Christians. How much soever it may have ultimately contributed to that result such was not the intention, in even the sUghtest degree, of those by whora it was framed. They wished for toleration, that they might obtain ascendency. They were anxious to open Episcopalian chapels, only that they might soon have it in their power to shut Presbyterian churches. And they were eager lo over- ¦ Lockhart Papers, vol. i. pp. 379-384 ; Burnet's Own Times, vol. ii. p. 549. t Boston's Memoirs, p. 221, et seg. ; Hog of Carnock's Memoirs ; Wodrow, Analecta and Letters. 330 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND [CHAP. IX. throw the Presbyterian Church, because they knew that the principles of religious and civil liberty had there obtained a safe retreat, till they issued forth triumphant ly in the Revolution, which the Jacobites wished to destroy, driving from the throne the Popish tyrant, whose lawless despot ism they were conspiring lo restore. The next measure brought forward by the Scottish Jacobites was of a still more pernicious character, and involved a still more direct violation of the national faith, so solemnly pledged in the Act of Secu rity and the Treaty of Union. On the 13th of March Mr. Murray, second son of Lord Stormont, one of the Scottish members, rose and obtained leave to bring in a bill for restoring church patronage in Scotland. By this tirae the Scottish commissioners from the Church had re turned to their own country, not antici pating any further infringement of their legal rights and privileges at that period. Availing themselves of the absence of her defenders, the enemies ofthe Church passed the bill with unusual rapidity through all its successive stages. On the 7th of April it passed the House of Com mons, one hundred and seventy-three members voting for it, and seventy-six against it. The very next day it was carried up to the House of Lords for their consideration. By this lime tidings had reached Scotland of the deadly blow aim ed against the Church ; and Carstares, Blackwell, and Baillie, were again sent lo London, with instructions to offer the most strenuous opposition to the fatal measure. Before they arrived the bill had reached the House of Lords ; and although their Lordships consented to hear them by counsel on the subject, yet this was little more than empty courtesy, for the fate of the bill had been pre-deter mined. So manifestly was this the case, that their lordships did not even allow lime for decent deliberation on a subject of such vast international and religious importance. They heard the council for the Scottish commissioners, read the bill a second time, committed it, reported it, and read it a third time, all in one day, the fatal 12th of April. On the 14th, it was returned to the House of Commons with some slight amendments, which were agreed to without opposition ; and on the 22d of April that unconstitutional and most disastrous bill received the roy al assent. Whether the hand of the mis guided sovereign shook when affixing the sign manual has not been recorded ; but certainly at that moment she put her hand to a deed by which her right lo reign was virtually rescinded, the Revo lution Settlement overturned, and the Treaty of Union repealed ; unless, in deed, the bill itself were lo be regarded as an absolute nullity, — an idle arrange ment of mere words, " full of sound and fury, signifying nothing." For it will not be disputed by any person possessing competent knowledge, that the British sovereign reigns over the united empire, solely in virtue of the Act of Security, which is the basis of Union. Any in fringement of that great, and, as it may almost be termed, creative act, must there fore be either, with regard to the British parliament, a suicidal deed, and with re gard lo the sovereign a virtual abdica tion ; or must be altogether and for ever null and void, incapable of acquiring any possible degree of validity, or of impos ing upon any British subject the slightest shadow of obligation. It may be safely affirmed, that no jurist will ever prove that the British parliament ever did or can, pass an act greater than, and subver sive of, that to which it owes its own ex istence. It raight have dethroned the sovereign, — it might have repealed the Union ; bul it did not, it could not, and it never can, impair the Act of Security, unless the thing created can anriihilate its creator I But the law of patronage is contrary to the Act of Security, which it was, and is avowedly beyond the power of the British legislature to violate ; there fore that unconstitutional attempt to reim- pose patronage was, is, and must for ever be, absolutely null and void, accord ing to every dictate of justice, sound rea son, and constitutional law. Both the contending parties, the Church of Scotland and her enemies, re gard the patronage act as a violation of the Act of Security, as appears frora their respective statements. Lockhart of Carn wath says concerning it, " I pressed the Toleration and Patronage Acts more earnestly, that I thought the Presbyterian clergy would be from thence convinced that the establishment of their Kirk would in lime be overturned, as it was A. D, 1712,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 331 obvious that the security thereof was not so thoroughly established by the Union as they imagined,"* The commissioners of the Church had, in their address and re presentation to the queen, when they were in London for the purpose of op posing the passing ofthe Patronage Act, declared it to be " contrary to our Church constitution, so well secured by the Treaty of Union." This address the General Assembly approved and em bodied in an act, thereby giving it the ratification of the whole Church, And in a meeting of the Coraraission of As serably, as Wodrow stales, " it was own ed by all, that patronages were a very great grievance, and sinful in the impo- sers, and a breach of the security of the Presbyterian constitution by the Union,"! ¦ Lockhart Papers, vol. i. p. 418. t Wodrow MS. In addition to the direct statements in the text from two such opposite yet concurrent authorities as Lockhart and Wodrow, with regard to the views entertained by both parties respectmg the effects intended by, or tn be expected from, the Patron age Act, as calculated to impair the Scottish Church, shake ihe Union, and prepare for the return of the exiled Popish Pretender, the following extracts deserve attention — " After that, an act was brought in for the restoring of patronages : these had been taken away by an act in King VVdliam's reign. It was set up by the Presbyterians from their first beginning, as a prin ciple, that parishes had, from warrants in Scripture, a riglit to choose their rainisters ; so that they had always looked on the right of patronage as an invasion made on that. It was therefore urged, that since, by the Act of Union, Presbytery with all its rights and privileges, was unalterably secured, and since their kirk-session was a branch of their constitution, the taking from them the right of choosing their ministers was contrary to that act. Yet the bill passed through both houses, a small opposition being only made in either. By these steps the Presbyterians were alarm ed when they saw the success of every motion that was made on design to weaken and undermine their establishment." (Burnet's Own Times, vol. ii. p. 595.) " Although Mr Carstares did not succeed in his ap plication to parliament against the bill for restoring patronages, yet his presence to London was of consid erable advantage to the Church of Scotland, by giving him an opportunity of thwarting some other projects, which he considered as more dangerous in their ten dency, because they affected her constitution in a more sensible manner. Some of her enemies, who were tlien in administration, had j)roposed that her annual Assemblies should be discontinued, as the source of all the opposition to the measures then pursued by the ri.urt ; others were of opinion that they ought to be permitted to meet, but should be prorogued by her majesty's authority, so soon as they were constituted. And, to take away the only pretext for holding Assem blies lor the future, or their sitting for any time, a bill WHS proposed, obhging presbyteries, under certam penalties, to settle, upon a presentation, every man to whora the Church had given license to preach, with out any further trial or form." (Life of Carstares, pp. f2, 83) . .. V . V. " There is no doubt that the restoration of the right of lay patrons in Queen Anne's time was designed to seiiarafe the ministers of the Kirk from the people, who could not be supposed to be equally attached to, or influenced by, a minister who held his living by the girt of a great man, as by one who was chosen by tlieir own free voice,— and to render them more de pendent on the nobility and amongst gentry, whom, much more ihan the common people, the sentiments of Jacobitism predominated." (Sir Walter Scott's Tales of a Grandfather, vol. ii. p. 242.) Such was the state of affairs when the General Asserably met on the 1st of May 1712. Notwithstanding the recent viola tions of the Act of Security, the Duke of Alhol, the commissioner, was instructed lo use the language of approbation, mingled with deceitfully soothing assur ances of her majesty's " firm purpose to maintain the Church of Scotland as es tablished hy law," In answer lo this, the Assembly referred her majesty lo the re presentations and petitions laid before her by the Commission, as containing the views and feelings of the Church respect ing the recent proceedings of Parliament, The Asserably further erabodied the re presentations, petitions, and addresses of the Commission in specific acts, giving them thereby the fullest sanction of the whole Church ; and gave also particular instructions to the Commission lo use all dutiful and proper means for obtaining redress of these grievances, — ^instructions vvhich were repeated to every succeeding Comraission till the year 1784, An at tempt was also made by the Assembly lo frame such an explanation of the abjura tion oath as would enable ministers to take it without doing direct violence lo their conscientious scruples ; and an ad dress was prepared to be laid before the queen, testifying their inviolate loyalty lo her person and government, and their firm adherence lo the principles of religious and civil liberty, and to the Protestant succession, and supplicating her majesty to employ her utmost care lo protect the Church of Scotland, and to interpose her royal authority for a just redress of these recent grievances,* The enemies of the Church of Scot land were considerably disappointed by the conduct of the General Assembly. They had expected that the passing of these iniquitous and unconstitutional laws would at once excite such an uncontrol lable storm of indignation as would dis solve the Union, and throw all Scotland into the hands of the Jacobites, who would so direct the torrent of popular fury as lo procure the restoraiion of the Pretender first lo the Scottish throne, and then, by the aid of the vantage-ground so gained, and through the intrigues of Bo lingbroke, to that of England. That they thoroughly misunderstood the prin- ¦ Acts of Assembly, year 1712. 332 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. IX. ciples and character of Presbyterians is manifest, since they presumed to think, that in a weak and sinful revenge of wrongs sustained, true Presbyterians would perpetrate the greater wrong of aiding in replacing an avowed Papist on the throne, Presbyterians could not indeed but regard the law of patronage as sinful, since it vvas so far an attempt to interfere with the great Pres byterian principle of the sole Sovereignly and Headship of the Lord Jesus over his Church ; but they could not fail to see, that to place a Popish monarch on the throne of the kingdom would involve an immeasurably more flagrant violation of that sacred principle. And because they thus felt and thought, the outrage which they had sustained not only brought them not one hair's-breadth nearer to a junc tion whh the Jacobites, bul as they knew by whom the nefarious deed had been instigated, they were the more confirmed in their detestation of that treacherous and tyrannical faction. This may be re garded as another proof how utterly im possible it is for mere worldly-minded men lo comprehend the principles and anticipate the conduct of Christians. The Jacobites knew what they would have done, had they been so treated ; but they failed miserably in their conjectures of what the Church of Scotland would do. So has it always been, so will it ever be, when the man of the world pre sumes to foretell the conduct of the reli gious man, by the consciousness of what, in similar circumstances, would be his own. Bul the friends of the Church of Scot land had reason also lo be disappointed by the conduct of the General Asserably. Had her councils been at that lime guid ed by a Knox, a MelviUe, or a Hender son, instead of a Carstares, there can be little doubt that the Assembly would not only have declared the Act of Patronage an infraction of the Treaty of Union, as indeed vvas done, but also they would have declared it to be, for that very rea son, necessarily and essentially invalid ; and would have passed an act, strictly prohibiting all probationers, rainisters, and church courts, from yielding lo it the slightest degree of obedience, leaving to the civil powers to attempt enforcing it by persecution or otherwise, if they could and dared. This they might have done, and at the same time have declared with the most perfect truth, that this vvas not only no infringement of their own alle giance, or of the Treaty of Union, but that it was in reality the fulfilment and defence of both. Nor vvere the Jacobites so powerful, and the new ministry so firraly seated, as to have enabled them to attempt the violent enforceraent of a law so glaringly unconstitutional, and involv ing such a manifest and infamous breach of national faith. But that ground may yet be taken, for the Act of Security still remains ; and the time may come, at no distant date, when the Church and peo ple of Scoiland will call upon the British legislature, with a voice too distinct to be misunderstood, and too mighty to be dis regarded, to rescind its own unlawful deed and to leave the Pre^yterian Church in the full possession of ils rights and privi leges, founded in the Redeemer's Divine Sovereignty, won by the blood of her heroic martyrs, and secured by acts de clared lo be inviolable. He would be a strange defender of the British constitu tion who should insist, that to maintain it in its integrity it was necessary to per petuate a vitiating act of national perfidy ; and not less strangely would any defend the Church of England, who should as sert, that her safely depended upon the permanent continuation of an act of griev ous injustice committed against the Pres byterian Church of Scotland. Not only was the Patronage Act so directly unconstitutional as to be essen tially invalid, and absolutely incapable of ever acquiring validity, — not only was it forced through both houses of the legis lature with such unseemly haste as to re semble the swift and stealthy motion of one who is pillaging his neighbour's properly, — the very grounds of this illegal and baneful act, as stated in the preamble, were guileful misrepresentations and direct falsehoods. It begins by assert ing, in general terras, that " by the an cient laws and constitution of Scotland, the presenting of ministers to vacant churches did of right belong to the pa trons, tUl, by the act of 1 690, the presen tation was taken from the patrons, and given to the heritors and elders ofthe re spective parishes." Al the tirae of the Reformation there were nine hundred A. D. 1712.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 333 and forty parishes in Scotland, and of these, only about two hundred were sub ject to the presentation of lay patrons, " by the ancient laws and constitution of Scotland." Was it lo regulate these that the act of Clueen Anne vvas passed ? It could not with truth and justice apply to raore. It is not true that the presentation vvas given to the heritors and elders, for there was no presentation at all under the Revolution Settleraent ; the very word to present, was rigidly excluded from the act, lest some such idea might be enter tained. Under the act 1690, ministers vvere settled, not upon the foundation of their being proposed by heritors and elders, but upon that of the acceptance and call of the people. This mendacious preamble further states, that " that way of calling ministers has proved inconve nient, and has not only occasioned great heals and inconveniences among those who by the foresaid act were entitled and authorised to call rainisters, bul likewise has been a great hardship upon the pa trons, whose predecessors had founded and endowed those churches, and who had not received payment or satisfaction for their right of patronage." Instead of the " way of calling ministers" under the act 1690 having " proved inconvenient," by occasioning " great heats and incon- veniencies," the very opposite is the truth. When " heats and inconveniences" did prevail, they were caused, not by the opposition to the settlement of pious and faithful ministers by turbulent Presby terian congregations, — not even by reli gious congregations opposing the settle ment of ungoldly ministers, — bul by Jacobites, Prelatists, and mobs of vagrants who could not be termed Christians at all, hired and set on by the guileful ene mies of the Church of Scotland, lo ob struct her reforming progress, to prevent the consolidation of national peace and welfare, and to keep the country in such a state of confusion as might lead lo the return of a Popish tyrant. The framers of that preamble were the very perpetra tors of the scenes of tumult of which they complained ; and the proper remedy would have been a more stringent act against those enemies of their country, the Jacobit-es and Prelatists of Scotland. During the whole period from 1690 to 1712, not one single instance occurred in which the great body of the people deserted a parish church, on account of the seltiement of a minister under the au thority ofthe General Assembly.* That there were scenes of confusion is readily admitted ; but these were invaria bly caused by a Prelatic party unlawfully obstructing the settlement of a Presby terian minister.! And every one must see that the Prelatists in any parish could have no more right to interfere in the set tlement of a Presbyterian minister, to cause confusion, and then to complain of it, than Presbyterians in England would have in the present day lo impede the settlement of an Episcopalian clergyman in any parish in that country, and then , to assert that the strife so caused was a proof of the evils of absolute patronage in England. The only other kind of " heals and inconveniences" which arose at times were those produced by competing calls, when two or more different parishes strove each to obtain the same individual lo be their rainister. The principle by which the Asserably was guided in de termining cases of competing calls and transportations, was not at that time re gard lo the emoluments, but to the rela tive importance of the different parishes, invariably deciding in behalf of that parish vvhich appeared to offer the largest sphere of public usefulness, which occa sionally, from the difficulty of arriving at a certain conclusion, caused considerable delay. Yet these generous and kindly contests, as they may be termed, were far from being so numerous as has been generally asserted. Some of them were determined by the presbyteries and sy nods, in which case the vacancy in the parish would not extend beyond a few months. Others were carried by appeal lo the Assembly ; and in a very few in stances the same case appeared at succes sive Asserablies before a final settle raent took place. Bul the whole num ber of such cases mentioned in the only authoritative records, those of the Gen eral Assembly, amounted to no more than twelve or fourleen,| during a period of twenty-two years, in which there must have been at least six or seven hun dred settlements of ministers. So utterly ' Sir Henry MoncrieflPs Life of Erskine, Appendix, p. 433. t Carstares' State Papers, p. 146. t Acts of Assembly. 334 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. IX. false is the assertion of the preamble to the Patronage Act, and so undeniably true is the statement of Sir Henry Mon- crieff, that " there is no period in the his tory of the Church, in which the settle ment of ministers was conducted with so little bustle or heat, or with as much re gularity, as during the interval frora 1690 to 1712."* According to Wodrow there were only five or six cases of disputed settlements which excited any degree of attention during all that period, arising out of disagreements among the parties who had the right lo propose, and these were caused by iraproper conduct on the part of the heritors. In one of these cases, that of the parish of Craraond, in 1709-10, the two leading heritors con tended, each wishing to procure the ap pointment of a favourite candidate ; and in order to obtain a majority, " each side created new heritors to increase their parly." " We are like," continues Wod row, " to be in very sad circumstances, from the power of heritors in calling ; and the same way of choosing of rainis ters is like to come in which was used in choosing raerabers of parliament." t So naturally and inevitably does the secular element prove itself to be of a disruptive and disorganizing tendency, when al lowed al all lo intermingle among the elemental powers of spiritual matters. It is scarcely necessary to notice the falsehood in the preamble respecting "the hardship upon the patrons, whose pre decessors had founded and endowed these churches," caused by the act abolishing patronage ; for every one knows that this frontless assertion is not only destitute of truth, bul that in reality many of these patrons, instead of founding and endow ing the Church, had been themselves founded and endowed out of its spolia tion. Their predecessors had been either those rapacious and unprincipled men who robbed, defrauded, and attempted to tyrannize over the Church at the time of the Reforraation, thwarting all its benevo lent schemes, and impairing ils nalional usefulness, or those mean and sycophan tic minions of James VI., on whom that heartless despot bestowed with lavish hands the wealth and honours which by ¦ Life of Erskine, Appelidix, p. 432. t Wodrow, Analecta, guo^d hy Pr M'Crie in the Patronage Report, p. 3o3. force or treachery he had succeeded in pillaging from the Church. If ever truth, justice, and religious principle be consulted in framing a legislative enacl- raent respecting the patrimony of the Church of Scotland, not merely will pa trons be deprived of their unhallowed power to interfere with the rights and privileges of Christ's spiritual kingdom in the appointment of his office-bearers, but they wUl be called to account for that stewardship into which they have unlaw fully intruded, and to refund the ill-got gains which they had so long perverted and abused. Nor ought it to be over looked, that although the act 1690 gave to patrons a right to the teinds, as com pensation for the loss of their patronages (a compensation lo which it would be difficult for church-spoliators to show any plausible claira), yet when their patron ages were restored, they were not re quired lo restore the teinds, as common justice would have dictated, but retained " both the purchase and the price." Scarcely, in short, can the annals of history furnish a parallel to the infamous act reimposing patronage on the Church of Scotland. Every statement in its pre amble, on the strength of which.it pro ceeded, vvas either cunningly deceptive or directly false ; it was manifestly contrary to the Act of Security, and therefore was either essentially and necessarily invalid, then and for ever, or to whatsoever ex tent its validity might be supposed to reach, to that extent it was a repeal of the Union, and a deadly stab lo the British constitution ; and ils consequences, as subsequent times have too amply testified, have been and are fatally pernicious lo the spiritual integrity and the national usefulness of the Church of Scotiand. That it must be swept away sooner or later, is absolutely certain ; for the reign of fraud and falsehood cannot be eternal, their very nature being self-destructive. And if the time has not yet come, it soon must, when the generous heart of Eng land, roused by the remonstrances of the Scottish Church and people, and en lightened and directed by Him who is " Head over all things to the Church," will call upon the British legislature to remove from ils records so foul a stain, so black a violation of sacred national faith, [perpetrated by the unworthy hands of A. D, 1713,] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 335 " the most corrupt ministry that ever sat at the helm of government," Before passing forward from this sub ject, there is one remark of an explana tory nature pertaining to the history of the period, which must be made. The representations and petitions of the Cora- mission, and the embodying of these in the Acts of Assembly, sufficiently prove the light in which the Patronage Act was regarded by the Church of Scotiand, as a direct infringement upon her rights and privileges, and an unconstitutional violation of the Union, But it may be asked, why, entertaining such views, did not the Church adopt a bolder line of procedure, imitate the example of the high-souled raen of olher days, refuse submission, and prepare to endure perse cution for conscience's sake, if corae it must ? Because the Church had lost the martyr spirit. And this loss was caused by the deep inilision of Prelacy, or semi- Prelacy, arising out of William's disas trous policy and the Church's sinful com pliance, in the admission of the prelatic incumbents. By such men patronage could not be regarded as to any great ex tent a grievance, although they could not deny that it was utterly repugnant lo the principles and constitution of Presbyte rian church government ; and therefore, while they could not oppose the represen tations and petitions of the Assembly, founded on principles which they them selves had subscribed, they would not have joined their better and sincerer brethren in any such decided opposition to that act as ipight have involved them selves in danger. Gravely to reraon- strate, and then srailingly lo yield, was all that these proto-raoderales could do ; and the faithful defenders of true Presby terian principles, — ^Ihe evangelical party ofthe day, — were in a raanner constrained to choose between stopping when they had reached the extreme point to which their temporizing brethren would go, and incurring the hazard of an extensive and probably fatal schisra, should they attempt to proceed beyond that point. Even this peril a Luther or a Knox would at once have braved, and, by braving, would have triumphed over it ; for as all history, especially church history, testifies, the path of principle and the path of duty are the same ; and, following their direc tion, the boldest course of conduct is al ways both the safest and the best. When the Act of Glasgow expelled nearly four hundred ministers at once, it still left a majority behind ; and, though the sword of persecution was deeply bathed in blood, and the fires of persecution raged fiercely over the land for twenty-eight terrific years, the cause ofthe homeless and per secuted minority triumphed, because it was the cause of truth and godliness. And had a similar course been taken by the right-minded Presbyterians, though a minority, it is impossible to doubt that a similar result would have followed in a much shorter period of time. But, mis led by Carstares, who was better ac quainted with the wiles of state diplomacy than with the unbending firmness of Christian principle, and vitiated by the admission of the prelatic incumbents and their progeny and coadjutors, the grow ing Moderate party, the Church began to prefer expediency to principle, and was left to experience the bitter consequen ces of her want of faith, in a century of death-like spiritual lethargy, in the loss of the nation's respect and love, and in the dangers b^ which she is surround ed, and the agonies which she endures, in her present state of returning faithful ness and re-awakening life. The Cameronian Covenanters, who had never joined the Church of Scotiand as established at the Revolution, and who had remained for a number of years with out a rainister, obtained at length a minis ter, the Rev. John Macmillan, who was deposed in the year 1706, on account of having adopted and defended the opinions of that rigid but high-principled body. The records of the proceedings which led to his deposition reflect Uttle cre dit on the Church of Scotiand, either with regard to principle or prudence. For it would not be easy to prove that the Cameronians held doctrines so far dif ferent from those inculcated in the Stand ards of the Church, and acted upon in its purest times, as to have exposed them justly to any high degree of church cen sure ; and while the Church was admit ting prelatic curates "on the easiest terms" it was neither prudent nor seemly to deal harshly with raen who might be narrow and limited in their views, but who were at least zealous and faithful Presbyterians. 336, HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. IX. J When Mr. Macmillan joined these men, they gradually assumed a more regular aspect; and though "they felt themselves deeply aggrieved by the cold treatment vvhich they received, and were not slack in expressing their resentment, yet they continued to watch the course of public affairs with intense anxiety, and to stand prepared for any great and dangerous emergency. The Acts of Toleration and Patronage roused their indignation ; and as the Church of Scotland had not met these public infringements of the Union and of principle with such prompt condemnation as she ought, the Camero nians resolved to declare their views in the most solemn and public manner in their power. Accordingly, on the 23d of July, the societies met in a body at Auchinsaugh, near Douglas, and after a general acknowledgment of sins, national and personal, they solemnly renewed the Covenants, making, at the same lime, such specific statements in their engage ment lo duties as were necessary lo ac- comraodale the general obligations of the Covenants to their own case and circum stances.* There could be no impropriety in this act, viewed in itself ; indeed it was one in which it would have been well if the whole body of Scottish Presbyterians had jomed ; but it was not followed by any consequences of such practical good as might have been expected. Unpropi- tious strifes and jarrings prevailed araong them, fomented by a few raen of greater zeal than knowledge or judgraenl, and prevented thera frora assuraing, for many years, that united and harmonious aspect which could alone give them strength and importance in the coramunity, and which in later times they acquired and continue to display. [1713] The subject of greatest impor tance which occupied the attention of the Asserably which met in 1713, was that which arose out ofthe oath of abjuration. A very considerable number of the best ministers refused lo take that oath ; and a schism was like to take place between those who felt at liberty to swear and those who did not, or the juranls and the non-jurants. And it deserves lo be re marked, that the ju rants were more severe against their non-jurant brethren, than the non-juranls were against them, — accusing ' Struthers' History of Scotland, p. 164, et seq. them bitterly of being willing to disturb the peace and endanger the safety of the Church, rather than sacrifice their own scruples of conscience. Yet it was clear that the non-jurants were exposed to the pains and penakies of the law, because they refused the oath, and were willing lo raeet the hazard rather than violate their own conscience ; whereas the jurants were exposed to no such dangers, and ought therefore rather to have striven to protect their brethren, than to have aggra vated their grievances by harsh and intol erant treatraent. It is creditable to Car stares, that he exerted hiraself strenuously lo prevent the threatened schisra ; and procured an act of Asserably, inculcating forbearance with regard to taking or not taking the oath, representing it as cora- paratively a raatler of indifference. Had it not been for his influence, which was very great in the Assembly, the contest would in all likelihood have proved a schism, which might have proved destruc tive lolhe Church in that period of danger.* The non-jurants, indeed, acted with ex treme forbearance, notwithstanding the perils to vvhich they were exposed. Al most the entire body of the people detested the abjuration oath ; and in raany instances, no sooner did a minister lake it, than the congregation deserted his ministry, and flocked lo the church of one who had re fused. It would have been easy for the non- jurants to have raised a storm of civil cora- raotion in the land, if they had been so dis posed, but they generally did their ulraost to discountenance these desertions, and con tinued to hold ministerial intercourse with their jurant brethren, even at the hazard of so far losing the affection of their own congregations. Even Boston had to en counter the strong displeasure of his pa rishioners, because, though he would not take the oath, yet he would neither speak against those who did, nor refrain from holding intercourse with them. The Commission of the Assembly, at its meeting in August, drew up an ad dress, which was read from all the pulpits, warning the nation against the designs of the Papists and Jacobites, pointing out the deceptive nature of their intrigues, and the evils in which their success would involve the country, t This address had • Boston's Memoirs, pp, 223-225, timony, pp, 42, 43. t Willison's Tes- A. U, 1714,] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND, 337 a very beneficial influence in guarding the people against the machinations ofthe rebellious Jacobites, and frustrating their hopes of rousing Scotland to arm in be half of the Popish Pretender ; and con tributed greatly to break the force of the insurrection when it did actually burst out, two years afterwards. It proved, at the same lime, how completely the most wily politicians had raisunderstood the princi ples of the Church of Scotland, in iraa- gining that the wrongs which she had sustained would irritate her to the com mission of treason against her own Divine Head and King, by aiding in the restora tion of a Popish claimant to the throne. In the index of the unprinted acts of Assembly 1713, there are several refer ences to the case of a Mr. William Dugud, probationer. This person had received a presentation from the crown, as patron of the parish of Burntisland, under the act 1712, and had the temerity to accept it and lay it before the presbytery of Kirkaldy. It was repelled by the presbytery, and came by appeal before the Assembly. The Assembly entered warm ly into the case, deprived Mr. Dugud of his Ucense, and caused a memorial to be drawn up, to be presented to her majesty by the commissioner, the Duke of Athol, who readily undertook the charge.* This prompt nnd decisive conduct on the part of the At;, mbly, together with the pro tests and resolutions of several presby teries and synods against receiving pre sentations and proceeding upon them without a call from the congregation, vvhich was then, as it previously was and still is, regarded as the primary and ruling element in forraing the pastoral connec tion, had the effect of deterring both irre ligious patrons and ambitious and wordly- minded probationers from venturing to at tempt the enforcement ofthe perfidious and unconstitutional act reimposing patron ages, till that generation was passingaway. [1714.] There is a melancholy interest attached to the year 1714, with regard to the Church of Scotiand, as the first in which the General Assembly manifested a disinclination lo proceed wilh due strict ness against ministers who were accused of holding and teaching doctrines contrary to Scripture and to the Standards of the • Unprinted Acta of Assembly ; Patronage Report, pp. 365, 366. 43 Church. There had for some time been current reports that Mr. John Simpson, professor of divinity at Glasgfow, taught Arrainiafa and Pelagian tenets ; but the members of his own presbytery appear to have been unwUling lo institute a pro cess against him. The report was, how ever, taken up by the Rev. James Web ster, one of the ministers of Edinburgh, as a matter of too serious importance to be permitted lo continue without being investigated. When the case came before the Assembly, instead of remitting it to the presbytery of Glasgow, wilh instruc tions lo make due inquiry, the task of con ducting the prosecution vvas cast upon Mr. Webster, as if it had been a private affair, and not one which deeply concern ed the whole Church.* The leaven of Moderatism was now beginning to put forth its corrupting power, producing laxity of principle, and that pernicious tendency lo screen delinquents and to dis courage men of fidelity and zeal, by which it has always been characterised. An act was passed in this Assembly, appointing an address lo be presented lo her majesty, complaining of " the griev ances which this Church lies under, from the growth of Popery, the insolence of Papists, and the illegal encroachments and intrusions of the Episcopal ministers and their adherents." The necessity for this act and address arose out of the riot ous and outrageous proceedings of the Prelatic Jacobites of Aberdeen, who had violently taken possession of the Old Church in that city, expelling the profes sor of divinity, Mr. David Anderson, and his congregation, whose regular place of worship it was.f So extravagantly law less were the proceedings of the Scottish Prelatists at this time, trusting in the fa vour of the infidel Bolingbroke, who, as is well known, was employing every artifice lo procure the succession of the Popish Pretender, that it was found ne cessary to pass in parliament another Rabbluig Act, lo prevent them frora abso lutely pulling down those Presbyterian churches into which they found it difficult to intrude so as to secure possession. Yet these lawless raen were at the very same time continuing to utter loud complaints of the persecution which they had to sus- ' Unprinted Acts of Assembly. AsBembly 1714. t Act xii. of 338 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. IX. tain from Presbyterians ! And Scottish Prelatists can yet be found rash enough to repeat the mendacious tale I They would more consult the credit of their ancestors, and their own reputation for knowledge and veracity, did they allow the records of those times to sink into oblivion, lest it become necessary for the Church of Scotiand, in her own defence, to drag anew their deeds of darkness to the light. Bul while the Jacobite parly were thus employing every violent and treacherous method in their power for the overthrow of the Church of Scotland, as a prelim inary step to the subversion of the Revo lution and the recall of the exiled Pre tender lo the crown, their hopes were suddenly blasted by the death of Glueen Anne, on the Isl of August 1714, and the instantaneous dissolution of that cor rupt administration, by whose evil deeds so dark a stain had been brought upon the latter years of her reign. The un opposed succession of the Elector of Hanover, George I., drove that fierce and unprincipled faction into a frantic and premature attempt to place by force of arms the Popish exile on the throne. The detail of the events of the unsuccess ful rebellion must be left to the civil his torian ; but it must here be stated, that the injuries done to the Church of Scot land by Jacobite intrigues had great in fluence in preventing many Presbyterians, who disapproved ofthe Union, from join ing the rebels, and thus the consequences of their evil deeds recoiled wilh fatal ef fect upon their own guilty heads. [1715.] When the Assembly met m May 1715, its attention was chiefly occu pied by two topics which have always manifested a peculiar affinity for each other by their simultaneous appearance, — ^unsoundness of doctrine and the griev ance of patronage. An act was passed appointing a committee for preserving the purity of doctrine, and for considering the process of Mr. Webster against Professor Simson. The instructions to the com mittee, contained in this act, exhibit but too plainly a predetermination to throw every possible obstruction in the way of Mr. Webster, so as to render the proof of the accusation almost impossible ; while every facility was given to Profes sor Simson to frame such evasive explana tions as might eventually secure his acquittal.* The next act of importance is " con cerning the grievances of the Church frora toleration, patronages," &c. This act erabodies a memorial lo his majesty, vvhich the Duke of Montrose was re quested to present and support. In the first part of this memorial, the Asserably pointed out the unequal character of the toleration, inasmuch as, while it gave the utmost possible freedom to Episcopalian dissenters in Scotland, notwithstanding their avowed Jacobitism, and their refusal to take the oaths of allegiance and abju- rafion, it did not give the same liberty to Presbyterian dissenters in England. In truth, the Act of Toleration, against which the Church of Scotland complained as a grievance, was totally different from what is properly meant by the term toleration. Its nature and intention was, to give en couragement to Prelacy and discourage ment to Presbytery ; and it was because of its unjust partiality, not because of its toleration, that the Church of Scotland regarded it as a grievance. Yet, because they complained of an act of a persecut ing character, disguised under a plausible name, they have been, and still are accus ed of intolerance, and of cherishing a persecuting spirit. ' Surely neither State nor Church is bound lo countenance and cherish error, though they may tolerate, pity, and attempt to instruct the erring ; and surely it is not intolerance to abstain from elevating to places of public trust and influence men who are known to en tertain principles whose native tendency is destructive to the public welfare. That part of the memorial which refers to patronage deserves lo be extracted, in order to show the opinions then entertain ed respecting that grievance. " By the act restoring the power of presentation lo patrons, the legally established constitu tion of this Church was altered in a very importanl point ; and while it appears equitable in itself, and agreeable lo the liberty of Christians and a free people, to have interest in the choice of those to whom they entrust the care of their souls, it is a hardship to be imposed upon in so lender a point, and that frequently by pa trons who have no property or residence in the parishes; and this, besides the ' Act of Assembly 1715. A. D, 1717,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 339 snares of simonaical factions, and the many troubles and contests arising from the power of patronages, and the abuses thereof by disaffected patrons putting their power into other hands, who as effectually serve their purposes,— by patrons com peting for the right of presentation in the same parish, — and by frequently present ing ministers, settled in eminent posts, to mean and small parishes, to elude the planting thereof, — by all which parishes are often kept long vacant, to the great hindrance of the progress of the gospel,"* Such were the bitter fruits which patron age was beginning to bear within three years after ils unconstitutional reiraposi- tion upon the Church of Scotland, — fruits which might gratify infidels and enemies of Christianity, such as Bolingbroke and the Jacobites, but which seeras strange that any man professing lo be a lover of religious purity and national welfare could contemplate, without iraraediately and strenuously exerting himself to procure the uprooting of that tree of death. A severe act was passed by the same As sembly against some ministers, and two probationers, in the counties of Dumfries and Galloway, who manifested a strong inclination to countenance the Covenanters, and to join Mr. Macmillan, who was as yet their only regular minister, although these ministers, Messrs. Taylor, Hepburn, and Gilchrist, had held partial com munion wilh thera. It is painful to have to record, that the Church of Scotland had exhibited a more intolerant spirit in its treatment of its own better children, the remnant , of the Covenanters, and those who were disposed to favour them, than it did towards the persecuting and rebellious Prelatists. It suggests too strongly the idea of severity against the weak, and a mean and timid compromise with the strong. [1716] Before the next meeting ofthe General Assembly, the kingdora had been shaken by the storm of civil war, raised by the rebellion of the Jacobites. In this dangerous period the Church of Scotland manifested the most unshaken loy alty, notwithstanding the injurious treat ment which it had received since the Union, And although in many parts of the coun try the people, resenting their grevious wrongs, could not be prevailed upon to * Assembly 1716, act ix. rise in support of the government, they were still less disposed to lend direct assis tance to a Popish Pretender to the crown. They had been injured deeply in their dearest interests and most valued rights and privileges, by the acts of Clueen Anne's latter years, and had obtained no redress from the new sovereign ; there fore they stood comparatively aloof from the contest, merely acting upon the de fensive against the rebels, under the in fluence of an unwise though not an unna tural resentment. But the very fact of this stern unmoving attitude, in such a tirae, ought to have taught a wise and pa ternal governraent lo grant such an im mediate and complete redress as would have restored the alienated affections of a brave, high-minded, inteUigent, and reli gious people, whose allegiance to their king was based upon and regulated by their fear and love of God, Nothing of peculiar importance was done by the Assembly. The case of Professor Simson was again referred lo a committee, who were directed to proceed with all due expedition in preparing the matter for a final decision by next As sembly, One act was passed, of no great importance in itself, bul throwing con siderable light upon the subject of patron age and intrusion. It referred lo that person who had signalized himself by be ing the first to accept a presentation after the passing of the Patronage Act, — namely, William Dugud. Upon being deprived by the Assembly of his license, he joined the Scottish Prelatists ; and we find hira busy raising a mob, and at its head endeavouring to effect a forcible in trusion into the church of Burntisland.* So strong is the congenial affinity be tween Prelacy, patronage, and intrusion, that the potential presence of any one ofthe three has always tended to the introduc tion of the others ; and, when in full and united operation, the result has always been a fearful amount of worldly-rainded- ness in the clerical body, spiritual despot ism in church courts, and spiritual le thargy throughout the community, dis turbed by acts of tyranny on the part of the ecclesiastical rulers, and partially counteracted by dissent or secession. [1717.] The course of defection on ¦ Acts xiv. and xv. of Assembly 1716 ; also Unprinted Acts. 340 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, [CHAP, IX. which the Church of Scotland had en tered became more and more apparent every year, and the Assembly of 1717 was guilty of several acts more glaringly evil than those of its predecessors. The case of Professor Simson was finally de cided by this Assembly ; and although it was clearly proved that he had taught Arminian and Pelagian tenets, the As sembly merely found, that he had vented some opinions not necessary to be taught in divinity; had used some expressions which are capable of bearing a bad sense, and are employed in that sense by adver saries ; and that in answering the objec tions urged by the antagonists of the gos pel, he had raade use of hypotheses that tend to attribute too much lo natural rea son and the power of corrupt nature ; which expressions and hypotheses they prohibited him frorn using for the future. This culpable lenity appears to have arisen in a great measure from the de plorable fact, that a large proportion of the Assembly were themselves tainted wilh opinions equally unsound, many of the members having been the pupils, or being the relations and personal friends of the heretical professor.* Great alarm was felt by the more sound and orthodox part of the Church, lest this unfaithful procedure should tend to encourage that proneness lo innovations and lo laxity of doctrine which were already but too pre valent, especially among the young and recently admitted ministers. This alarm was instantaneously in creased by another act passed by the As sembly on the very same day on which such tenderness was shown to heresy. Aware ofthe tendency to false doctrine ra pidly springing up among young raen, the presbytery of Auchterarder, withu view to prevent the growth of the evil in their bounds, prepared a series of searching questions, which were proposed to stu dents, and required to be answered before they should receive license to preach. A young raan,naraed William Craig, had ap peared before the presbytery of Auchterar der ; and though his trials were sustained in the general form, yet, because he did not give satisfaction in his answers to their own series of questions, they refused lo grant him an extract of his license. He appealed to the Assembly, and laid before ' Acts of Assembly ; Willison's Testimony, p. 46, that court the particular question to which his answer had been the most unsatisfac tory. The question, or rather article, was this : — " That I believe that it is not sound and orthodox tp teach, that we must forsake sin in order to our coming to Christ, and instating us in covenant wilh God," The Assembly not only prohibited the presbytery of Auchterar der, and all other presbyteries, from re quiring subscription to any formula bul such as had been expressly approved of by the Assemblies of the Church ; but further declared their " abhorrence of the foresaid proposition, as unsound, and most detestable as it stands and was offered to Mr, Craig," And the presbytery of Auchterarder was commanded to answer lo the Commission what they could de sign by such a proposition,* Against this hasty sentence of the Assembly several of the best ministers of the Church remonstrated, but could not prevent its passing. In the unprinted acts of this Assembly, there are two acts relating to the case of Mr, John Hay, who had been appointed to the parish of Peebles ; bul, although his call was signed by several heritors and elders, the opposition lo his settlement by the people was so strong, that the presbytery refused lo proceed with it. The first act required the presbytery to proceed with the settlement, and ap pointed a committee lo confer wilh the presbytery and with the people of the parish, in order to remove, if practicable, the opposition. Not finding the opposi tion so easily removed, and the majority of the Presbytery being still reluctant to proceed contrary to the feelings of the people, another act was passed, " appoint ing certain brethren to correspond with the presbytery of Peebles, and lo act and vote in their meetings at their next en suing diet, and thereafter until the settle ment of Mr. John Hay in the parish of Peebles be completed, and to concur with them in his ordination."! By this device both the opposition of the people and the conscientious reluctance of the presbytery were surmounted, and an unscrupulous hireling intruded upon an unwilling con gregation. And it is of importance to mark, that this was the first instance on * Acts of Assembly ; Boston's Memoirs, p. 266. t Unprinted Acts of Assembly, year 1717. A. D, 1718,] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 341 record in which the superior church courts appointed an ambulatory commis sion, wilh powers to outvote and overrule the conscientious reluctance of a presby tery to inflict a grievous wrong upon the people ; giving thereby a precedent to a course of procedure which was a few years afterwards matured into a system under the sway of Moderate policy during its first dynasty, when its decrees were regularly carried into effect by these " Riding Committees," as they were terraed, frora their dragoon-like array, and doughty achieveraents in the cause of spiritual despotism, A few sentences may be necessary for explaining the conduct of the Assembly in ils rash condemnation of what some of ils members scornfully termed " The Auchterarder Creed." Those who are conversant wilh modern church history are aware, that Arminian tenets were adopted by a large proportion of the Eng lish clergymen, very soon after their con demnation by the Synod of Dort When Prelacy was forced into Scotland by the treachery of James I. and the violence of his sons, Arminianism came along with it in its most glaring aspect ; and even after the overthrow of Scottish Prelacy, the evil taint was found to have diffused itself beyond the direct Prelatists, and to have been imbibed by many of the indulged ministers. By them, and by the Prelatic incurabenls, whom William's pernicious policy induced the Church of Scotland to admit al and after the Revolution, these erroneous notions were still more exten sively spread throughout the Scottish Church, especially araong the young ministers. Two other circumstances com bined partially to modify, and yet aid in the diffusion of erroneous doctrines. For some time previous to the Revolution, considerable numbers of young raen went from Scotland to Holland to be educated for the ministry, the distracted and op pressed slate of their own country not per mitting thera to obtain the necessary in struction at home. Bul Holland itself had imbibed raany of the tenets of Armi nius, notwithstanding the counteracting influence of such raen as Witsius ; and several of the young Scottish students adopted these sentiments, and, returning to their native country, attempted lo supersede the strong Calvinistic doctrines which had hitherto prevailed in Scotiand, by the introduction of this refined Armi nianism. A similar process was at the same time going on in England among the Dissenters. Baxter's writings had gained, as on many accounts they justly deserved, great celebrity ; and many fol lowed his views respecting the doctrine of grace, which are deeply tinged wilh Arminian notions. A controversy arose which turned chiefly on the question, " Whether the gospel is a new law, or constitution, promising salvation upon a certain condition ?" some making that condition to be faith, others making it faith and repentance, to which others added sincere though imperfect obedience. Those who maintained the affirmative vvere termed Neonomians, or new-law men ; those who opposed this theory were by its adherents unjustly termed Antino- raians. It will easily be seen that the theory of the Neonoraians was essentially Arrainian, though it did not assurae an aspect so raanifestly unscriptural. In this less offensive forra it raade great progress in Scotland, where, from the causes already mentioned, too many were predis posed to receive it, in preference to the sterner tenets ofthe genuine Presbyterian Church, whose standards they had sub scribed, but were exceedingly desirous to modify and soften. The older and sounder ministers strove to stem this tide of innovation, but with little success. The Neonomians were soon the most nuraerous, as they were readily joined by all the adraitted Prelat ists, and by the greater part of the in dulged ; and, as it raay be easily supposed, they found most favour from men of the world, who are always delighted to hear the gospel characterized as a ."milder dispensation," by which expression they are prone to understand, one that may be violated with comparative irapunity. Nor was it strange that the party which loved to regard the gospel as a new and miti gated law, should be found the most com pliant, when statesmen wished to mould into greater conformity with their own inclinations the constitution and govern ment of the Church. And for this rea son also, that party received a degree of political countenance and support, which their opponents, the more orthodox and truly Presbyterian party, could not hope 342 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP, IX, to obtain. To counteract this growing spirit of innovation and defection, as far as might be m their power, the evangeli cal party exerted themselves to the ulraost both in composing new works, calculated to exhibit and diffuse sound doctrine, and by republishing old ones of a similar character. They endeavoured also to make their examinations of young men preparing for the rainisiry, such as should not only lest their religious opinions, but should Ukewise tend to convey sound in struction lo those who raighl be willing to receive it. The catechism written by Mr, Hamilton of Airth, lo which refer ence was formerly made, was one of the productions lo which this scheme of the 'evangelical party gave birth. Hog of Carnock distinguished himself greatly by his labours in behalf of sound doctrine ; and nearly all the popular works of Bos ton were written for the same purpose, and were of incalculable service lo the cause of truth. The " Auchterarder Creed," as it vvas scoffingly called, pre sents one instance of the various attempts made by presbyteries to secure the ortho doxy of those to whom they gave license to preach, that they might preach not " another gospel," bul the truth as it is in Jesus. The strong terms in which the Assembly condemned the proposition al ready quoted, will scarcely excite sur prise, when the sentence is viewed as pronounced by polemical disputants. Yet the full amount of that polemical asperity which dictated a censure so severe against a proposition certainly true, though some what loosely expressed, could not be en tirely accounted for without a closer view ofthe course adopted by the Neonomians. Instead of meeting in fair argument the accusations urged against their new sys tem, they endeavoured to recriminate upon their antagonists, and accused thera vehe mently of Antinoraianism. In this spirit they evidently regarded the Auchterarder proposition as containing one of the darkest ofthe Antinomian tenets ; where as a little more discrimination and can dour, and a little less party prejudice, might have enabled them lo perceive that it was intended merely lo guard against the unsound doctrine, that a man must of hiraself first abandon sin, and cease to be a sinner, before he can be at liberty or entitied to come to Christ, and lo enter into covenant with God. What they con demned in such strong terms was their own prejudiced construction of a really sound proposition, and not that orthodox tenet which it was intended to express. It will be found that these remarks apply to much ofthe contest which arose at this time, and so deeply agitated the Church for several dangerous years. While sitting in the General Assembly during the discussions respecting Pro fessor Simson and the Auchterarder pro position, the Rev. Thomas Boston hap pened lo mention to Mr. Drummond of Crieff, that he bad met wilh an old book called the Marrow of Modern Divinity, with which he had been ranch pleased. Mr. Drummond, with sorae difficulty, procured a copy ofthe work thus recom raended. It was perused and approved of by Mr. Webster of Edinburgh, Mr. Hog of Carnock, and other erainent di vines. Subsequently, Mr. Hog, by the advice of his friends, wrote a recommen datory preface to it, and it was republished in the course of the year 1718* The importance of this' apparently slight inci dent, in its ultimate bearing upon the Church of Scotland, cannot well be over estimated, as shall shortly appear. The only other subject of importance which occurred this year, was the draw ing up of a memorial by Wodrow the historian, which he sent to Colonel Er skine of Cardross, lo guide that gentle man in his application lo governraent for redress of those grievances under which the Church of Scotland groaned, especi ally that of patronage. The whole of this importanl document deserves atten tion, as a few sentences will prove. " Nothing can more nearly affect the pre sent and the after generation, this Na tional Church, and even his majesty's government, iban a right, regular, and scriptural establishment as to the settiing of rainisters. The foundation of almost all the wrong reasonings upon this head, is a notion got into the heads of loo raany persons of rank and figure, that gospel ministers are a set of raen whom custom hath beat in to talk a while once a-week lo them upon serious subjects, and there fore are lo have a maintenance and sub sistence allowed them, as law accords ; and such who are bound by law to give ' Boston's Memoirs, pp. 266, 267. A. D. 1719.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 343 them their small stipends are to call and choose them ; meanwhile they have no notion of a pastoral charge, or the merit in all duties and relations betwixt a rain ister and those for whora he raust account, as well as that his hearers must give ac count of this great gift lo them. Besides this gross notion of a gospel ministry and their maintenance, it is lamentably evi dent that statesmen and persons of rank and quality have of a long time been essaying to involve this Church and the judicatory thereof in their parties and designs, and to make tools of ministers to carry on their secular purposes. As to ministry brought into a church by the power of patrons, they must be dependent and servile, and so corrupt and despised. We have this lo encourage us in this ap plication, that the king, when Elector of Hanover, did express his dislike of the bill for bringing in patrons, as what would break his best friends in Scotland. I do not see that any smoothings in this affair will do. Restricting of patrons, if the people be forfeited of their just right, or obliging thera to take the consent of presbyteries before they present a rain ister already fixed lo a congregation, will but line the yoke, and make it sit closer to our necks, and perpetuate it upon us and posterity."* Such were the opin ions of the sagacious and thoughtful Wodrow. Had he been filled wilh the spirit of prophecy, he could not more justly have characterised patrons and patronage, or more accurately have fore told the evil consequences about to fol low ; and it were well if men in the pre sent limes would ponder upon the danger of all attempts to devise such a restriction of that intolerable yoke as shall merely give it a firmer clasp, and render it a per petual bondage. [1718.] The only act of the Assembly of 1718 to which it is necessary to advert was one concerning the presbytery of Auchterarder ; from vvhich it appears, that the presbytery had given such an ex planation of their meaning in the cen sured proposition as satisfied the Commis sion. They were therefore exonerated from further blame, and merely warned to abstain from using such questionable language for the future. • See the document quoted by Dr. M'Crie, Patronage Report, pp. 364, 365. [1719.] In the year 1719, an act of parliament was passed in consequence of the complaints and remonstrances of the Church, calculated to put an end to some of the abuses of patronage, and by raany thought lo be available for a great deal more. One of the glaring abuses of patronage consisted in patrons present ing to vacant charges ministers who were already in more importanl situa tions, or who were known to be so hos tile to patronage that they would not ac cept presentations at all. By such means the parishes vvere kept vacant for several years, during which lime the patrons re tained possession of the stipend, thereby defrauding the Church of its patrimony, and the people of a minister. By this act it was declared, that if any patron should present to a vacant charge the minister of any olher parish, or any per son who should not accept or declare his willingness to accept of the presentation within the usual time — six months — such presentation should not be accounted any interruption of the course of time allowed to the patron for presenting, but the jus devolutum should lake place as if no pre sentation had been offered. This was certainly calculated to put an end lo that form 01 abuse ; but at the time it was generaUy thought to be equivalent lo a repeal of the Patronage Act ; " and that no Presbyterian would ever expressly de clare his accepting of a presentation to go so far to approve or comply with patron age, which Presbyterians had always de clared to be a heavy yoke and burden on the Church of God."* And according ly, says Willison, "there was no man that presumed to take, accept, or make use of a presentation for several years after this act was passed." It was, in deed, proposed by some, that the As sembly should follow up this act of par liament by another of their own, prohib iting all probationers and ministers from accepting presentations, on pain of the highest church censures, being persuad ed that governraent intended to give to the Church this opportunity of getting quit of patronage without the formality of a legislative enactment. Others thought that all that vvas intended was only to put an end to the abuse of evasive presenta tions. But amid this diversity of opinion ¦ Willison's Testimony, p. 48, 344 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. IX. respecting the real intention of the act, and lulled into security by regarding the dangers arising out of the exercise of patronage as now removed, and with a growing Moderate parly already pre dominant in the church courts, who had little predUection for the original princi ples of Presbytery, the Church did not avail itself of this opportunity of throw ing off the yoke, or at least of testing the sincerity of the friendly professions of government By this restriction the yoke was lined, lo use the words of Wodrow, and more firmly fixed than before. In the meantime what has been term ed the Marrow Controversy had begun. The republication of this work by Mr. James Hog of Carnock, with a recom mendatory preface from his pen, had ex cited great displeasure among the lead ing men of the Church, who were near ly all Neonoraians. Mr. Hog found it necessary to publish, early in 1719, " An Explanation of the Passages excepted against in the Marrow of Modern Di vinity." Soon after this. Principal Had dow of St. Andrews, in a sermon preach ed at the meeting of the synod of Fife in April, directly assailed the doctrinal views contained in Marshall's Treatise on sanctification, and especially in the Marrow of Modern Divinity. This ser mon having been published at the re quest of the synod, the discussion assumed the form of a regular controversy be tween the two parties in the Church, — the Evangelical and constitutional party who adhered firmly to the original and fundamental principles held by the Pres byterian Church in its purest times, and especially at the periods of the First and Second Reformations, — and the Neono- mian and innovating Moderate party, who displayed an ominous readiness to accom modate the gospel lo the inclinations of fallen man, and to modify the principles of Church government and discipline so as lo meet the views of politicians and men of the world. No express mention was made of the Marrow in the assem bly of 1719; but in the instructions given to the commission, they were directed to " inquire into the publishing and spreading of books and pamphlets tending to the diffusing of the condemned proposition of Auchterarder, and promo ting a system of opinions relative thereto which are inconsistent with our Confes sions of Faith ; and that the recom- menders of such books and pamphlets, or the errors therein contained, be called before them, lo answer for their conduct in such recommendations."* The Com mission entered upon the discharge of this -duty with keen alacrity. They chose what they termed a " coraraittee for preserving thepurity of doctrine," who nominated a sub-committee to sit al St, Andrews, to " ripen the affair," by fi.K- ing on the persons to be called before them, and drawing up a list of questions for their examination. In a short time the following ministers were sumraoned to attend the committee at Edinburgh, — the Rev, Messrs. Warden of Gargunnock, Brisbane of StirUng, Hamilton of Airlh, and Hog of Carnock. The answers of these ministers were declared by the Edinburgh committee lo be satisfactory ; and it was confidently anticipated that a favourable report would be relumed lo the Assembly, and that the threatened con troversy would speedily terminate in peace. Bul this was by no means the intention of the St. Andrews sub-com mittee. Led on by Principal Haddow,t that small conclave was busily engaged in picking out every objectionable expres sion that could be found in the Mar row and in the writings of its defenders ; separating these from the context, and so arranging them as to give them the ap pearance of a connected series of hetero dox propositions, and framing the whole into a report calculated to impose upon the Assembly, which could not be expect ed to enter into such a minute exaraina tion of the book as it was lo be supposed had been done by a committee appointed expressly for that- purpose. [1720] When the general Assembly met in May 1720, instead of the favour able report of the Edinburgh committee, which had been expected, that of the St. Andrews sub-committee, drawn up by Principal Haddow, was laid before the house. This report had been framed with such art as to convey the impression to all who were not thoroughly acquaint ed with the Marrow of Modern Divinity * Acts of Assembly, year 1719. t There is reasori to believe that Principal Haddow acted in this manner under the influence of personal enmity against Mr Hog, arising out of some disagree ment w hfch had occurred between them when students in Holland. (Gospel Truth, p. 483.) A, D. 1721,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND, 345 itself, that it was a book of the most per nicious tendency, calculated lo lead its readers into the most dangerous errors. In vain did its defenders attempt to pro cure a fair and thorough investigation of the work, for the purpose of showing that some injudicious and unguarded ex pressions were so modified by others, and by the general spirit of the book, that, taken coUeclively, the doctrine of the book was orthodox and scriptural. This which is the only fair and candid mode of ascertaining what are really an author's sentiments, was refused, and the attention of the Assembly was rigidly confined to the expressions selected by the accusers. It is perfectly evident, that by a careful selection of incautious phrases, employed incidentally by an author when his mind is mainly occupied by another topic, he may be made to seem the supporter of opinions which it is his very object to repudiate and con demn. By such a sophistical process Lnlher may be made the defender of Po pery, and Calvin of universal redemption ; by such a process Calvin, and Beza, and Knox, and the Standards of the Church of Scotland, have been made the defen ders of patronage and intrusion ; and by such a process the Bible itself has been made to give support lo heresy. Thus misled by the sophistical report of ils com mittee, the General Assembly was in duced to pass an act condemning the Marrow of Modern Divrinily, on account of the false doctrine which it was said lo contain. In the act condemning the Marrow, the passages said to contain false doc trine are arranged under five heads : — 1st, Concerning the nature of faith, the charge being that assurance is raade to be of the essence of faith ; 2d, Univer sal atoneraent and pardon ; 3d, HoUness not necessary to salvation ; 4lh, Fear of punishment and hope of reward not al lowed lo be motives of a believer's obe dience ; 5lh, That the believer is not un der the law as a rule of life. To these are added, " Six Antinomian paradoxes," which are said lo be " sensed," or ex plained and "defended by applying to thera that distinction of the law of works and the law of Christ," Assuming, on the authority of the sub-committee's re port, that these heretical tenets were 44 really contained in the Marrow of Mo dern Divinity, the General Assembly passed an act, on the 20th of May 1720, by which they " slrictiy prohibit and dis charge all the ministers of this Church, either by preaching, writing, or printing, to recommend the said book, or in dis course to say any thing in favour of it ; but, on the contrary, they are hereby en joined and required to warn and exhort their people in whose hands the said book is, or may come, not lo read or use the same,"* It would be improper here lo enter into reUgious controversy ; but this much maybe said, that the five heads condemned by the Asserably are not taught by the Marrow of Modern Divi nity, though incidental expressions, taken apart from the context, raay seem lo have some such tendency ; and that there are very few books lo be found containing equally clear and satisfactory views of the gospel. This act of Assembly, together with one respecting preaching catechetical doctrine, in which there are sorae very questionable expressions, excited great dissatisfaction and anxiety in the minds of all , the sound and faithful rainislers throughout the country ; and the subject was discussed at the meetings of presby teries and synods, in various quarters, particularly in the presbytery of Selkirk and the synod of Merse and Teviotdale, A correspondence was begun between Messrs. Boston of Ellerick, Gabriel Wil son of Maxlon, and Ebenezer Erskine of Portmoak, Wilson of Perth, and Hog of Carnock, and others, respecting the steps which ought to be taken for the vin dication of the truth in this day of trou ble and rebuke. It was at length agreed that a representation and petition should be given in to next Asserably, for the purpose of endeavouring lo procure the repeal of the act conderaning the Mar row. After several interviews had taken place, the matter was matured, and the representation prepared and signed, pre paratory to its being laid before the As- sembly.t [1721.] Considerable anxiety was felt throughout the Church respecting the possible issue of the controversy, in the aspect which it had now assuraed. Many ' Acts of Assembly, year 1720, act v. t Boston's Memoirs, pp. 295-301. 346 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP, IX, who disapproved of the sentence of con demnation into which the Assembly had been betrayed by Principal 'Haddow, were yet afraid that the representation would not lead the Assembly lo repeal an act once passed, and might end in the expulsion of the eminent divines by whom that document was signed. Great endeavours were accordingly made to induce them lo withhold the representa tion ; but having arrived at the convic tion that it vvas an act of imperative duty, they could not be dissuaded. The re presentation was at length formally laid before the committee of bills, and a day was appointed on which the subject was to be discussed in the Assembly,* What the result might have been, had the dis cussion taken place while the minds of the members were in a slate of irritation, it is impossible lo say ; bul as the com missioner was labouring under serious indisposition, it was thought proper lo shorten the sitting of the Assembly, in trusting lo the Commission such business as it could not overtake. This was a propitious circumstance, as it gave both time and occasion to further investigation, besides preventing the hazard of a deci sion by the Assembly in a stale of rash and intemperate warmth. The most important matter intrusted to the Commission was that which rela ted lo the Representers, as the twelve ministers who had signed the represen tation were called. Several conferences took place between the Representers and the Commission immediately after the rising of the Assembly ; but the subject was postponed to a subsequent meeting of Commission in August. At this meet ing the Commission could not agree upon their own course of procedure, some being disposed lo act with severity, others recommending a milder method. In November, the Representers were re quired to furnish written answers to a series of twelve queries which had been prepared. They perceived clearly the intention of this proposal, which was to bring them as delinquents before the • The representation was signed by the following twelve ministers :— the Rev. Messrs. James Hog of Car nock, Thomas Boston of Etterick, Johu Bonar of Tor phichen, John Williamson of Inveresk, James Kid of Queensferry, Gabriel Wilson of Maxton, Ebenezer Erskine of Portmoak, Ralph Erskine of Dunfermline, James Wardlaw of Dunfermline, Henry Davidson of Galashiels, James Bathgate of Orwell, William Hunter of LilUesleaf Assembly, instead of being virtually the censurers of that court, as they were by their representation, whieh was equiva lent lo a complaint against ils sentence conderaning the Marrow, The Repre senters regarded this as so unusual and unfair a course of procedure, that they were not bound lo comply wilh it ; never theless, for the sake of truth, and for the vindication of their own characters, they judged it expedient to take these queries into consideration, and to prepare an swers lo be laid before the Comraission al their meeting in March, One effect, not contemplated by the assailants ofthe Marrow, resulted from this course of procedure : the answers returned by the Representers were very carefully pre pared, and being written by men of de cided talents, learning, and piety, they formed an admirable exposition of a dif ficult point in theology, and contributed greatly to stem the tide of defection at that lime so rapidly overflowing the country,* [1722,] The answers to the queries of the Commission were produced al the meeting of that court in March 1722; and the committee for purity of doctrine immediately engaged in writing a com ment upon these queries, and framing an overture on the subject, preparatory to the meeting of Assembly, When the Assembly raet, it soon appeared that the opponents of the Marrow had lost, and ils defenders gained, by the delay which had taken place. The attention of the Church had been directed to that work in the interval ; and many ministers had come to the conclusion, that the Assem bly's sentence was not warranted by any thing whidh it contained, if fairly and candidly interpreted as a whole. The severe censure which the leading men in the Church had intended to inflict upon the Representers was not likely to pass vvithout strenuous opposition ; and there appeared a strong probability that many might join the twelve brethren in wishing the repeal of that act against which the representation was directed. After a period of protracted and anxious discussion, an act was framed, confirm ing, bul at the same time explaining, the former act; giving a cautious but not ' Appendix to modern reprints of the Marrow, or Gospel Truth, pp, 176-238. A. D. 1725,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 347 very orthodox statement of the doctrines held by the Church on the points under discussion ; prohibiting the rainisters of the Church from teaching the positions condemned, or any equivalent to them ; and appointing the moderator to rebuke and admonish the twelve brethren who signed the representation,* They vvere rebuked and admonished accordingly, " receiving it wilh all gravity, and as an ornament in the cause of truth ;" and im mediately laying upon the table a protest against both the former act and the pre sent sentence, asserting their liberty still to profess, teach, and bear testimony to the truths condemned.! This protest was allowed lo lie on the table, bul not read ; and as the Assembly did not at tempt to found any proceedings against the brethren on account of it, while on their part they viewed it as sufficient lo exonerate theii; conscience, the whole matter was allowed to rest, and the im minent danger of a schism averted for the time. The sudden change in the conduct of the leading men in the As serably from overbearing severity lo comparative leniency, was caused partly by the perception that a much larger proportion of the Church disapproved of their proceedings than they had expect ed ; but chiefly because, both in his ma- ' Vjesty's public letter, and by the comrais sioner in a private conference, they were warned to abstain from every thing which might cause division in the Church.^ Thus terminated so far sis the discus sion in church courts was concerned, the Marrow Controversy ; bul its consequen ces did not soon pass away. Irritated by their comparative failure in the General Assembly, the Neonomian party directed their attention to the subordinate judica tories, and did their utmost to prevent or impede the settlement in parishes of young men who were suspected lo have imbibed the Marrow doctrines. § They even framed new questions relating lo these doctrines, to be put to probationers, in direct contravention of an act passed by themselves against the Auchterarder ¦ Acts of Assembly, year 1722. T Boston's Me moirs, p. 306. t Acts of Assembly ; Wodrow, MS. Letters. § See the cases of Mr Hepburn's call to Edinbngh, and Mr Francis Craig's to Kinross, related by Dr M'Crie,- Christian Instructor for Febuary 1832. proposition ; and did their utmost to har- rass and annoy the twelve Representers. They assailed Gabriel Wilson wilh great bitterness on account of a sermon preach ed before the synod, prosecuting him frora court lo court, till he was rescued by the favourable decision of the Assem bly itself; and they prevented Boston from being removed lo a more salubrious situation, although aware that the air of Etterick, loo keen for his delicate consti tution, was hastening him to the grave.* By such a course of conduct was the first period of rising Moderatism distin guished ; screening teachers of direct error, as in the case of Simson ; conniv ing at evasive perversions of the truth, in the introduction of Neonomian views ; submitting to violations of the constitu tional rights and privileges of the Na tional Church, as in the Patronage Act ; and persecuting wilh relentless malignity their brethren the Representers, and other faithful and zealous defenders of the doctrines of grace. [1723-4.] The records of the Church during the year 1723 and 1724 present little of peculiar importance. In the for mer of these the prosecution of Mr. Ga briel Wilson of Maxton was terminated by an act of Assembly, acquitting him of the charges urged against him by the in ferior courts. In the latter nothing me morable occurred. [1725.] In the year 1725, a case arose which deserves specific mention. A vacancy having taken place in one of the churches of Aberdeen, the magistrates and town-council, who, as heritors, had a right along wilh the session to propose a person to the congregation for their ap probation and call, thought proper lo avail themselves of the Patronage Act, and claimed the power of appointing ab solutely, without regard lo the wish of the congregation. The synod disap proved of this procedure, and the magis trates appealed to the Assembly.' The Assembly directed a new call to be mo derated, and " appointed the inclinations of the heads of families that attended or dinances to be consulted. "t When the new call took place, one hundred and thirty-nine heads of famiUes voted for the person proposed by the town-councU, a * Boston's Memoirs. Assembly. t Unprinted Acta of 348 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. IX. Mr. Chalmers, minister of Dyke, and three hundred and seven against him. The Commission of Assembly, to whom the new caU was reported, sustained it, several members expressing their dissent. [1726.] The conduct of the Commis sion in thus sustaining the call of Mr. Chalmers, notwithstanding the dissent of a majority of the people, was brought be fore the Assembly of 1726. The Assem bly, by a vote, " disapproved of the Com mission's proceedings in the settlement of Mr. Chalmers al Aberdeen, upon these grounds, that they acted disagreeably lo the instructions of the last Assembly, par ticularly in not making due inquiry, and not having due regard unto the inclina tions of the people ;" but, by another vote, they refused lo rescind the Commission's sentence settling Mr. Chalmers, consider ing it not desirable lo tamper wilh the Commission's powers, by recalling their decision in raatters which they had been erapowered lo determine.* This is the first instance on record of a rainister settled against the dissent of the people, subsequent to the Revolution ; and even the proceeding was condemned by a vote of the General Assembly, and permitted to remain unrescinded only in conse quence of a point of forra in judicial pro cedure. And it may be regarded as a somewhat curious coincidence, that Aber deen should again, as in former times, be the spot whence wrong and outrage lo the Church and people of Scotiand should begin. In the same year a new edition of the Marrow of Modern Divinity was pub lished, to which Boston contributed a number of copious and highly valuable explanatory notes. [1727-28.] A new accusation was brought against Professor Simson, in the year 1727, charging him with holding and leaching Arian opinions. The cul pable lenity of the former sentence of As sembly seems to have encouraged the unhappy man to persevere in his course of error, sinking deeper and deeper as he advanced. The subject had been par tially under the notice of the preceding Asserably ; but it was now forraally taken up, a coraraittee appointed to raake due inquiries, and to ripen the affair for deci sion. It vyas brought before the Assem- ¦ Unprinted Acts of Assembly. bly of 1728, and sentence of suspension from teaching and preaching was passed, till the investigation should be completed, and a final decision given. In the same year, 1728, the Commission of Assembly sustained a call by the heritors, elders, parishioners of the parish of Alves, to Mr. Gordon, minister al Boharm, against a presentation by the patron, the Earl of Moray, to another person ;* indicating clearly the opinion of the church courts at that time, that a call by the people was of raore importance than a presentation by a patron. [1729.] The Assembly of 1729 gave final decision in the case of Professor Simson. He had made, upon the whole, a skUlful defence, though one which proved that his own mind was deeply tainted with sophistical insincerity ; partly attempting lo explain away his erroneous tenets by the aid of raelaphysical subtle ties, partly by strenuous assertions that he really held the very doctrines of the Confession of Faith. Great reluctance was raanifested by the Assembly lo pass a sentence due to his demerits ; and the utmost that could be obtained was a con firmation of the previous sentence of sus pension, with an additional declaration, that it was not fit that he should be fur ther employed in leaching divinity and instructing youth designed for the minis try. Against this sentence, as totally inadequate to mark a due condemnaticm of such deadly heresy as he had taught, Boston rose and declared his dissent, in his own name and that of all who should adhere to him ; and no other person ex pressing adherence, he continued, " and for myself alone, if nobody shall adhere,"! A deep and solemn awe filled the Assera bly, to see this great and good raan placing hiraself sublimely in uncom- panioned opposition to the weak and guihy unfaithfulness of a declining Church, and not a voice was raised in condemnation of his majestic Christian fortitude. The heretical professor yielded to the letter of the sentence ; did not even attempt lo defend his errors from the press, as had been apprehended ; and, so far as he was personally concerned, the matter gradually sunk into oblivion. But the secular leaven introduced into • Commission Record, p. 200. p. 364. t Boston's Memoirs, A. D. 1732.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 349 the Church by patronage was now be ginning lo work more potently, and lo show its true nature and tendency. Du ring the course of this year Principal Chalmers of King's College, Aberdeen, received a presentation lo the parish of Old Machar, from the college as patron. A partial call appears also to have been procured, subsequent lo the presentation. In the meantime a call was given by the parishioners to a Mr. Howie, and the presbytery sustained the call in his favour. The synod, however, reversed their sen tence, sustained the call to the principal, who had the presentation, and actually inducted him. The matter was brought by appeal to the Assembly, who rescinded and made void the settlement, declared the parish vacant, and appointed the moderation of a new call. Bul Aber deen tactics prevailed ; and though the sentence of the Assembly was a clear af firmation of the principle that the oppo sition of the people was, in the estimation of the Church, more powerful to prevent than a presentation could be to secure a settlement, yet the wily principal con trived lo procure a majority on the mod eration of the_ new call : and, obtaining easily from his coUege a new presenta tion, was settled in the charge.* The second instance of a settlement by means of a " riding committee," took place this year in the case of New Machar, and soon aflerwards became prevalent, in order to avoid the hazard of direct col lision wilh the conscientious unwilling ness of presbyteries to take part in tran sactions of a character so unconstitutional, unscriptural, and violent. [1730.] A case of a somewhat similar kind was determined by the Asserably of 1730. This was the case of the parish of Hutton, in the presbytery of Chirn- side. The matter carae first before the Assembly of 1728, and was referred to the Comraission, who were empowered lo " determine in the affair as they should find just." The Commission appointed the presbytery lo proceed to the settle ment of Mr. Waugh, although he was opposed by a majority in the proportion of twelve to one of the congregation. The revising committee of next Assembly recomraended that the directions given by the Commission should not be ap- ¦ Acts of Assembly, years 1729, 1730. proved ; and this part of the transactions of the Comraission was excepted in the Asserably's attestation of the record of that court. But in March 1730, the Coraraission again directed the presbytery lo proceed lo the settlement, several mem bers dissenting from this resolution, be cause the settlement of Mr. Waugh " being contrary to the mind of the con gregation, was contrary to the laws of the Church." When the subject came before the Asserably of 1730 for final decision, they " refused to reverse the foresaid sentence [that of 1728], in respect the Commission had been empowered to determine finally in that affair ;" resting the decision not upon the propriety of the Commission's sentence, but upon the fact of their having been empowered lo pass it, thus virtually condemning the deed even in ils ratification.* But this was almost the last decision of this half faithful kind, made by the Assembly, which, frora this tirae forward, followed generally the example of artful tyranny set by the Commission, appointing deputations of unscrupulous members to visit and over rule the objections of conscientious pres byteries, and to execute the harsh sen tences of superior courts, trampling scornfully under foot the feelings of the aggrieved and outraged people. It was now but too evident that the worldly spirit introduced into the Church by the admission of the prelatic incum bents, and by the Patronage act, had done ils deadly work. A considerable number of men of decided talents, but utterly destitute of true Presbyterian prin ciples, and guided solely by regard lo secular policy, had sprung up and been elevated to the most influential positions in the Church. And while the hostility of the people against the exercise of patronage, which had been comparatively slight as long as the church courts ab stained from giving direct countenance lo it, was now becoming daily more decided, these leading raen were preparing schemes for giving to that unconstitu tional mode of appointing ministers an absolute and uncontrollable power. An apparently insignificant act passed by this Assembly contained the germ of the policy by which the first dynasty of Moderatism was to be regulated. By 'Acts of Asseolbly, 1730. 350 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. IX. this act the General Assembly appointed, " that the reasons of dissent against the determinations of church judicatures, in causes brought before them, should not be entered in the register, bul be kept in retentis, lo be laid before the superior judicatures."* This act contains evi dently the essence of ecclesiastical des potism, and is contrary lo the very spirit of a church court, which being essen tially a court of conscience, and its power being ministerial, not lordly, it never can wilh propriety refuse to its members the right of exonerating their own conscience from the moral responsibility of any measure of which, regarding it as sinful, they cannot and dare not approve. And instead of lending to promote schism, this liberty of recording dissent actually and strongly tends to prevent it, by leaving the minds of such members at peace, satisfied with having expressed their dis approbation, and the reasons on which it is grounded, which may serve, in some happier lime, to bring back the Church to the path of rectitude, from which, in their opinion, she appears lo be swerving. [1731.] The proceedings of the As sembly of 1731 did not lend to allay the feelings of dissatisfaction excited by the last act of its predecessor. Actuated by the same spirit, the Assembly refused to permit a remonstrance against violent set tlements to be read ; and prosecuting their headlong career, they passed an " act and overture concerning the method of planting vacant churches." The ob ject of this overture was lo secure a uni form method of supplying vacant charges, without those delays and that irritation which too often occurred. The method proposed in this overture bore consider able resemblance to that of the act 1690, but was still less favourable to the privileges of the people. The chief dif ference consisted in this, that by the act 1690, the heritors and elders were " to name and propose the person to the whole congregation, to be either approven or disapproven by them ;" by the overture, the heritors and elders were " lo elect and call one to be the minister" of the parish. It is evident that this suggested method amounted to a virtual annihUa- tion of the call, so far as that had always previously been regarded as conveying ' Acts of Assembly, the mind of the congregation ; and it is as evident that this was directly opposed to the principles and practice ofthe Pres byterian Church, from the period of the Reformation,* The case of Kinross came also before this Assembly, and was referred to the Commission, This was one of the cases, formerly alluded to, which arose out of the Marrow Controversy, the settlement of Mr. Francis Craig being opposed on account of his refusing to condemn the doctrines contained in that work. Bul now that patronage was beginning lo as sume a raore arbitrary power, and the want of a call or the opposition of the people raight be disregarded, the patron found a youth of sentiraents sirailar to his own, a Mr. Stark, and proceeded to force him upon the parish, in spile of the con tinued resistance of the people and re luctance of the presbytery. The Com mission, nothing loath lo undertake the ungracious task, ordered the presbytery to adrait Mr. Stark without delay ; and when the presbytery refused, and ap pealed to the next Assembly, the settle raent was made through the ready in strumentality of a " riding comraitlee."t [1732.] The crisis came on apace. The tyrannical conduct of the leading men of the Church, who directed the proceedings of both Asserably and Commission, had ex cited a wide-spread and strong feeling of discontent; and when the Assembly met, a representation and petition, signed by forty ministers, was laid on the table, imploring that venerable court to redress the griev ances and, check the innovations which were threatening the speedy ruin of the Church. This importanl paper was not even allowed to be read ; and, as if lo add insult lo injury, the complaint against the settlement of Kinross was dismissed, and the Presbytery of Dunfermline were ordered lo receive, and enrol Mr. Stark as one of their members, and to do every thing towards giving him countenance in the ministry. Several of the members protested against such arbitrary proce dure, but were not permitted lo record their dissent. The overture transmitted to the presbyteries last year was enacted • See this subject ably discussed in Willison's Testi mony, pp. 70-76. t Another case occurred this year of the simple ac ceptance of a presentation without a call, and the presentee was suspended. (Patronage Report, p 364.) A. U. 1/J3.J HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 351 into a standing law of the Church, in direct violation of the Barrier Act, it not having received the sanction of a majority of the presbyteries. In reality it had heen condemned ; eighteen presbyteries ap proved of it, eighteen returned no opinion, twelve required material alterations, and thirty-one were absolut^'V against it,* Yet the leading men t> he Asserably contrived to procure ils ena^ =nt, though they could not bul be aware tj '*s uncon stitutional character, — so eager . -e they lo clutch the reins and wield the d of power. It was now all but irapossible to pi ^- vent an immediate schism. The domi nant party raight yet have abated in their reckless career of tyranny and oppres sion, and the aggrieved ministers and people raight have laid aside their resent ment, and, while they defended purity, still have been ready lo accept of peace, Bul pacific measures appear not lo have been contemplated by either. Indignant al the treatment he had received, espe cially in being prevented frora recording his dissent from the injurious conduct of the Assembly, the Rev, Ebenezer Ers kine, from his own pulpit in Stirling, de nounced in strong terms the oppressive and sinful procedure of the church courts. This was but adding fuel lo the flame, and his next step fanned it into a blaze. At the meeting of the synod of Fife in October, he preached a sermon, in vvhich he boldly and keenly censured the grow ing corruption and degeneracy of the Church. The synod were deeply of fended, condemned his conduct, and or dered him to submit lo a sharp rebuke. This he refused lo do, protested against their sentence, and appealed to the next General Assembly.! [1733.] There seemed to be yet time and opportunity to prevent the threatened deplorable division in the Church, had the Moderate leaders been willing to " change their hand and check their pride." But they appear to have thought that one act raore of " firmness" would secure them a complete and lasting triumph. They passed an act of suffi ciently ominous title, " concerning sorae of the ministers of the presbytery of Dun- fermUne, and for preserving the subordi- ¦ Gib's Display, vol. i. p. 26. Process. t True State ofthe nation of the judicatures of the Church, and good order therein." By this act the faithful ministers of that presbytery were sharply rebuked, and commanded to support and encourage Mr. Stark, and strictly forbidden to admit any of the parishioners of Kinross to sealing ordi nances, without the consent of their in truded minister, on pain of the highest censure. In the same haughty spirit Ihey proceeded to consider the contest be tween Erskine and the synod. They speedUy approved the proceedings of the synod, and appointed Mr. E. Erskine lo be rebuked and admonished by the mode rator at the bar of the Assembly. — Against this sentence Mr. Erskine pro tested ; and lo this protest were added the names of William Wilson, rainister at Perth, Alexander MoncrieflT, rainister at Abernethy, and Jaraes Fisher, minister at Kinclaven. This protest was re corded, and the case of the four brethren remitted to the Commission, with full power first lo suspend them, and then lo proceed lo higher censure, unless they should submit, express their sorrow for their conduct and misbehaviour, and re tract their protest.* The dissevering deed might be regarded as already done, when intrusted to the Commission. When the Commission raet in August, they received frora raany quarters strong remonstrances against the imperious course so keenly pursued by the leaders of the Church, and urgent entreaties to try the effect of milder mea sures. In vain : the course of Moderate policy has ever been immitigable, when civil power was on its side. The four brethren gave in a written representation, defending their conduct ; but the sentence of suspension was pronounced, and they were sumraoned to appear again before the Comraission in Noveraber. By this tirae the whole kingdom was in a state of the most intense excitement, and many members of Comraission began lo shrink, and hesitate, and recoil from the deed which they had been empowered to do. Not so the Moderate leaders : with them the thought seems lo have been, — " one bold stroke more, and the victory is our own," The sentence of suspension had not been obeyed, and the Commission was empowered to proceed to a higher cen- " Acts of Assembly, 352 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP, IX. sure. This course was opposed ; the question was put, " delay" or " proceed ;" the votes were equal ; the moderator, Mr. John Gowdie, one of the ministers of Edinburgh, rose ; a death-like still ness reigned ; the cause of mercy and truth, and the peace of the Church and community, or the paltry triumph of a secularizing poUcy and its partizans, seemed wavering on the balanced point of that passing raoment : he ,gave his , casting vote, '¦^proceed," and the fatal deed was done, which Scotiand to this hour deplores, and by which the welfare of the National Church, and the cause of Christianity itself in the land, sustained a grievous and almost irreparable injury, now too clearly manifest in our present sufferings and impending dangers. The sentence actually pronounced was a modified form of deposition, being raerely that they should be loosed from their respective charges, and declared no longer ministers of this Church, all min isters being prohibited from employing them in any ministerial function. Against this sentence several ministers protested ; and the four brethren gave in a protesta tion of their own, which was subse quently expanded into a full statement of the reasons of their " secession from the prevailing party in the Church."* The public sympathized in general with men whom they regarded as persecuted for the cause of truth, and in defence of the constitutional rights and privileges of the Church and people of Scotiand, Even yet there raight have been a healing mea sure, and some attempts were made by the better part of the Commission lo pre vent any decisive steps from being taken by which all hope should be precluded. Bul the sense of wrong appears lo have stimulated in the minds of the four brethren a degree of jealousy and impa tience, which caused them to regard with distrust every overture of a peaceful chaTacter, and lo assume an altitude of more resolute antagonism. On the 6th day of December 1733, they constituted theraselves into an Associated Presbytery, retaining possession of their charges, but ' it was in their protest against this sentence of the Commission that the four brethren used the memorable words, " We hereby appeal unto the first free, faithtUl, and reforming General Assembly of the Church of Scotland," See their " Testimony," page ^ first edi- Uon, 1734 ; Gib's Display, vol, i. p. 35 ; Re-Exhibition, ice., p. 29. abstaining for a tirae from any acts of ju risdiction on their own authority.* It is unnecessary to trace minutely the subsequent steps of this deplorable seces sion. That it was caused by the corrupt and tyrannical procedure of the church courts, we do not affect to deny ; that this corruption and tyranny flowed directly from the adraission of the prelatic incura benls at and after the revolution, frora the lax and heterodox tenets which they and others like lo them introduced, and frora the pernicious influence of patronage, we do not hesitate most strongly to assert ; and we think it would require a very pe culiar combination of sophistry and har dihood in any man who should venture lo attempt a historical refutation of the assertion. Let it never be forgotten, that these pious and eminent ministers seceded, not from the Church of Scotland, but frora that " prevailing parly," the Mode rates of the day, by whom heresy was screened, sound doctrine condemned, dis cipline neglected, the rights of Christian congregations violated, and their feelings outraged, and the scriptural government of the Church changed into a system of cruel and oppressive secular tyranny. [1734.] 'The heartiess and destructive wrong perpetrated by the Commission in their treatment of Ebenezer Erskine and his friends, had roused the feeling of the religious part of the community to the highest pitch of regretful solicitude ; and great exertions were raade that the next Assembly might contain a sufficient number of right-minded men, to gel, if still possible, the fatal breach repaired. Even the Moderates were willing partial ly to retrace their steps, not having an ticipated that their guilty deed would call forth so strong an expression of national indignation. No sooner did the Assem bly meet than the work of attempted con ciliation began. The act of 1730, pro hibiting protests, and the act of 1732, for planting vacant churches, which had been the iraraediale causes of dispute, were both rescinded ; and an act was passed declaring that ministerial freedom was not to be held as in any degree im paired by the late decisions. Another act was passed, empowering the synod of Perth to take into consideration the case of the seceding brethren, with a view to ' Gib's Display, vol. i. p. 36. A. D. 1736.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 353 their restoration to their charges, without reference to former proceedings ; which was accordingly done by the synod in July.* There seemed now no real ob stacle to the return of the seceding breth ren into the communion of the Church. But they had taken their ground, and fell so far bound in honour to maintain it ; they had published a testimony to the doctrine, discipline, and government of the Church of Scotland, avowing their unaltered adherence to these, and slating the reasons of their secession, not from the constitution of the Church, but from the prevailing party in her judicatories. And scrutinizing narrowly the recent conciliatory acts, they conceived that they still saw reason to continue separate, till the Church should not merely rescind the unconstitutional acts of which they com plained, bul make an explicit acknowledg ment of her sinful conduct in having ever passed them. As the seceding rainislers had appealed to the first reforming Asserably, this As sembly took one step more for proving its right lo such an honorable designation. A deputation was sent to London frora the Commission, to solicit a repeal of the act reimposing patronages ; but this depu tation was unsuccessful. The uncomply ing attitude maintained by the seceding ministers discouraged the Evangelical party, and cast an early blight over their fondly cherished hopes of a reunion with men whom they highly esteemed ; and this disappointment tended considerably lo paralyze their own reforming exer tions. [1635.] Still a reforming spirit seemed to prevail in the Church, the Moderates abating their high-handed rule, and the Evangelical party endeavouring to restore to the light the buried principles of ear lier and better days. A deputation was again appointed to proceed to London, and renew the appUcation of the church for the repeal of the Patronage Act.f This was so far attended to, that leave was given to bring in a bill for this pur pose ; the bUl was actually drawn up by the celebrated Duncan Forbes of Cullo- den, but meeting little support, it was abandoned. Several acute and able pam phlets were written on the subject, by • Acts of Assembly, year 1734 j WilHson's Testimony, I pp. 81-83, t Acts of Assembly. 45 men of high eminence, such as Professor Hulcheson, Currie of Kinglassie, and others, besides the address of the Assem bly to his majesty, vvhich was written by Lord President Dundas.* The Commission vvas prohibited frora appointing " Riding Comraittees," for the purpose of executing such sentences as presbyteries and synods declined to exe cute. And as great complaints had been raade against the style of preaching which had becorae prevalent among young min isters, who introduced into their sermons " little that might not have been found in Seneca and Plato," an overture was trans^ milted to presbyteries for their approba tion, giving directions respecting a fnore full and faithful exhibition of the peculiar doctrines of the gospel, t [1936,] The seceding brethren contin ued to stand aloof, watching jealously the proceedings of the Church, and appa rently more disposed lo censure omissions than to applaud the honest endeavours of the struggling Evangelical party. That faithful body continued to strive for fur ther reformation, but with weakened en ergy and diminished prospects of success. The address for the repeal ofthe Patron age Act vvas engrossed in the records of the Assembly of 1736, at least to testify the views and wishes of the Church. The act concerning preaching was passed, having received the approbation of the presbyteries. It is equally admirable in spirit and in substance ; and deserves the serious regard of all ministers in the Church still, as a clear and pregnant di rectory for sound and evangelical preach ing. The questionable doctrines of Pro fessor Campbell of St. Andrews were brought under discussion ; bul he suc ceeded in giving to them such an evasive explanation as to save him frora direct censure, though he was cautioned lo avoid expressions which might lead the hearers into error. The last act of this Asserably deserves peculiar mention. It is entitied, " An Act against Intrusion of Ministers into Vacant Congregations," and contains these words ; — " The General Assembly considering that it is, and has been since the Reforraation, the principle of this Church, that no minister shall be intruded into any church contrary to the will of ' Pamphlets of the period ; Randall's Tracts, t Acts of Assembly. 354 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. IX. the congregation, do therefore seriously recommend to aU judicatories of this Church, to have a due regard to this prin ciple in planting vacant congregations, so as none be intruded into such parishes, as they regard the glory of God and edi fication of the body of Christ."* There seems no reason to doubt that the majori ty of the Assembly was perfectiy sincere in passing this act, when it is viewed in connection with the proceedings of the two former Assemblies ; but there is as lit tle reason to suppose that it had the ap probation of the Moderate party, who, even in that reforming Assembly, were sufficientiy strong to neutralize and per vert the operation of principles vvhich they could not openly oppose. Some proceedings of the Assembly, the Com mission, and the subordinate judicatories, supporting intrusive settlements about this lime, gave to the seceding ministers the opportunity of declaring their distrust of the sincerity of the Assembly, and their resolution still lo continue in a state of separation. [1737.] The year 1 737 is not remarka ble for any event of importance in church matters, the foolish irritation of the gov ernment, on account ofthe Porleous mob, led them lo emil an order, that a procla mation against the leaders of that strange riot should be read from all the pulpits, " on pain of being declared incapable of sitting in any church judicatory." This was resisted by a large proportion of the Church ; and it deserves to be mentioned to their credit, that some of the Moderate ministers took a decided part in resisting this unconslitutioual procedure ofthe civil power. The seceding brethren receiv ed this year the accession of four others, the Rev. Messrs. Ralph Erskine, Dun fermline ; Thomas Mair, Orwell ; Thom as Nairn, Abbolshall ; and James Thom son, Burntisland ; and, encouraged by this accession, they published their first Act arid Testimony, by the appearance of which document the prospect of re union was very considerably diminished.! [1738.] Deeply as the evangelical min isters of the Church deplored the conduct of the seceding ministers in thus increas ing the obstacles to their re-admission into their former communion, they continued ' Acts of Assembly, year 1736. 'Re-Exhibition, &c. t Gib's Display to offer peace. An act vvas passed by the Assembly, in which, after slating what was viewed as improper in the conduct of the seceding ministers, it was added, — " Yet this Assembly choosing rather still to treat them in the spirit of meekness, brotherly love, and forbearance, did, and hereby do, enjoin all the ministers of this Church, as they shall have access, and es pecially the ministers of the synods and presbyteries within which these seceding brethren reside, to be at all pains, by conferences, and other gentle means of persuasion, to reclaim and reduce them to their duty and the communion of this Church."* But all was in vain ; to no proposals of " conferences and gentie means" would they listen ; bul began to take steps for training young men for the ministry, granting license to proba tioners, and completing their organization as a distinct and separate Church. [1739.] All endeavours to prevail upon the seceding ministers lo abandon their antagonist position proving ineffectual, the Assembly of 1739 called them before the court, to answer to a libel which the Commission had been empowered to frame, should aU lenient measures faU. They carae, but came in the temper of determined combatants. Aware of what was in progress respecting thera, they had prepared a decUnature ofthe Assera bly's jurisdiction ; and, previous to their appearing in the Assembly, they consti tuted themselves into a presbytery, and entering as a court, gave in this document by their moderator. Ils very title was conclusive : "Act of the Associate Pres bytery, finding and declaring that the present judicatories of this Church are not lawful nor right constitute courts of Christ ; and declining all authority, pow er, and jurisdiction that the said judicato ries may claim to themselves over the said presbytery." t Nothing now re mained but for the Assembly to pass the sentence of deposition ; but even yet they Ungered, reluctant to cut of all hopes of seeing men, who were by many of thera very highly esteemed, restored to the bo som of the Church. Al the urgent so- Ucitalions of Willison of Dundee, and others, the Assembly consented to delay " Acts of Assembly, year 1738. • Act and Testimony, &c. ; Willison's Testimony, np 97,98. A, D. 1741] HISTORY OF THE CKUIICH OF SCOTLAND. 355 passing the sentence of deposition for another year, if even yet the Secession raighl be averted. 1740. The seceding ministers made no attempt to avail themselves of this pause, expressed no regret for what had taken place, and, instead of giving the slightest indication of a wish for peaceful reunion, continued to pour forth sharp in vectives against the faithlessness and cor ruption of the Church. The Assembly passed the sentence of deposition on the 15th day of May 1740, and the seceding brethren, now eight in number, ceased lo be minis ers of the Church of Scotiand.* It is impossible lo trace the progress and mark the conclusion of this melan choly event without feelings of the deep est regret. A calm and dispassionate view raay now be taken of the whole proceeding, which could not be done by those who were personally engaged in them ; and such a view raay weU lead us to deplore the errors and the follies of wise, good, and pious men. There can be no doubt that the pernicious and sinful course of procedure, so perseveringly fol lowed by the church courts, was the di rect occasion of the Secession ; yet it is as plain that it raight have been averted, had not the pride of the contending par ties irapelled them to use toward each other language of sinful and irritating asperity. And without any wish lo stain the memory of the Erskines, whom we deeply revere as eminently evangelical divines, it must be said that they indulged in applying terms of bitter reproach and angry vituperation against the Church, which no treatment could have justified, much less that forbearance which they experienced, both in the actions and in the writings of their opponents. It may also now be seen, that they comraitted a great error in not returning into commu nion with the Church, when, by the strenuous exertions of their evangelical friends, the door of readmission vvas opened to them in 1734. Their return would have greatly strengthened and en couraged that faithful band to continue their arduous task of reformation, and raight have averted the long reign of secular principles, cold legal and raoral preaching, and uncensured immorality, which, shaken and dethroned for a few • Acts of Assembly. brief years during that anxious struggle, loo soon recovered their ascendency, and maintained their dreary and fatal sway for almost a century. And it cannot be doubted, that if the fathers of the Seces sion could have foreseen what principles would be adopted by their successors in later times, — could nave anticipated the deadly warfare that would be waged against the very existence of the Church of Scotland, vvhich they revered and loved, — they would not have taken a single step on the path that has led lo such a strange and disastrous issue. Both the Church and those who sece» ded from her communion sinned, when'' they permitted human pride and wrath to fill their hearts and overcloud their better judgment ; and the third and fourth generations are suffering, and may yet more deeply suffer, frora the baneful con sequences of their guilty conduct. Surely a lime will come, if it has not come al ready, when those who hold the princi ples for the assertion of which the Ers kines and their friends unwisely seceded from the Church, and in defence of which Boston and Willison, and such men, ear nestly contended within it, will unite in the one great cause, the reassertion of the Redeemer's sole Sovereignty and Head ship ofhis Church, which cannot but be held inestimably precious equally by both, — by all who know the import and have felt the power of that sacred and glorious truth. Yes, that lime must corae, whether soon or late, and it may be sooner than many think ; for the hour of trial, like the fierce heal of the furnace, raay raelt and blend into closest union, raaterials vvhich, in the frigid leraperature of sel fishness, had long remained in hard and sullen separation, contiguous yet un- combining. [1741.] The transactions of the Assem bly which raet in 1741 present nothing memorable. The elevation of Mr. Jaraes Ramsay of Kelso lo the modera tor's chair, indicated very plainly that the Moderate party had regained the power of vvhich they had been deprived by the vigorous exertions of the Evangelical party in 1734. Another event proved but Ibo clearly that their temporary loss of power had not taught thera to use it wilh greater gentleness. A complaint of the parishioners of Bowden against the 356 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. IX. decision of the Commission, ordering the presbytery to proceed to the settlement of an unacceptable presentee, was disre garded, on the ground that the Com mission had not exceeded their powers ; the presbytery were ordered to proceed without delay, on pain of being censured as contumacious ; and, in case of their re fusal, the synod was empowered lo take the necessary measures for having the sentence of the Commission executed* This, it will be observed, vvas in reality equivalent to a resumption of the scheme of effective intrusion settlements by means »!',0f " riding committees," which had been prohibited by the Assembly of 1735; and though the language of the prohibi tion was allowed to remain for a littie longer in the instructions given to the Commission, yet in a very short time the tyrannical practice was again in full operation. The sudden and complete reacquisition of power by the Moderate party had arisen in a considerable degree from the com parative paralysis to active exertion in church courts, which seized upon their opponents when the seceding ministers not only refused lo accede lolhe overtures of peace which were offered to them, but even repelled the advances of their former friends wilh reproaches, invectives, and expressions of distrust. In their dejection they retired from the struggle, in which to have secured complete success, would have demanded their most strenuous and united exertions for many years, especially as the moderate party enjoyed more of the countenance of politicians than can ever be expected by men who act solely on Christian principles. But though they in a great measure abandoned the contest in church courts, they did not sink into the lethargy of dejection in other matters. They saw well that the course of Moder ate policy vvas both introducing into the Church ministers who cared little for the spiritual welfare of the people, provided they could secure the emoluments ofthe charge ;t and at the same lime expelling men who were faithful and able ministers of the gospel, but could not submit lo ' Acts of Assembly. T " What must they think of a man that tells a re claiming parish by word and deed, ' VU be yourminister in spite of your teeth ; Pit have the charge of your souls, whether ye willornot; and if ye refuse ordinances and means of salvation from me, ye shall ha/oe none /' " (Willison's Testimony, p. 64.) Moderate despotism. The only remedy which presented itself in such a deplora ble state of matters, was for every faithful minister to be doubly zealous in the dis charge of his own pastoral duties, by which vital religion might be preserved in al least sorae portions of the land, during this period of general defection. This jrdingly and the suits very soon began to appear. [1742] The year 1742 wiU be for ever meraorable, not only in the annals of the Church of Scotland, but in the history of Christianity, on account of the remark able revivals of genuine religion which took place al that tirae in various parts of the country, particularly at Cambuslang and Kilsyth. It was at Cambuslang that this remarkable manifestation of spiritual power first appeared. The minister of the parish, the Rev. Mr. MaccuUoch, had been peculiarly earnest in preaching the characteristic doctrines of the gospel, re generation and justification by faith, dur ing the greater part of the year 1741 ; and a greater degree of quickened atten tion than usual began to appear in the congregation in the course of that vi'inter, and early in the year of 1 742. Al length, on the 18th of February, the people who attended meetings for prayer, which had been previously established, manifested such a degree of intense anxiety for their spiritual interests, and such deep convic tions and supplicating earnestness to hear ofthe Saviour, that Mr. MaccuUoch was constrained to preach to them almost daily, and to request the assistance of his friends in the rainistry frora other quar ters. This naturally excited the attention of the kingdom ; and rainisters ofthe most undoubted piety, and the highest character for theological attainments and soundness of judgment, hastened to the spot, lo satisfy their minds by personal investiga tion, and returned not only convinced ofthe reality of what they had seen, but filled with gratitude to God that they had enjoyed the privilege of beholding so glorious a proof of the convincing and converting power of the Holy Spirit. Among these may be mentioned Dr. Webster of Edinburgh, Dr. Hamilton and Messrs. M'Laurin and Gillies of Glasgow, Willison of Dundee, Bonar of Torphichen, and Dr. Erskine of Edin burgh, at that time a young man pursuing A, D. .1743] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 357 his theological studies. The celebrated Whilefield, hearing of this remarkable event, hastened to Cambuslang, and preached repeatedly with his usual elo quence, and more than usual impressive- ness. In the beginning of May a similar scene of religious awakening took place at Kilsyth, under the ministry of the Rev. James Robe, a man of considerable abili ties, who had been for some time an active defender of the constitutional principles of the Church against the corrupt and secular innovations ofthe Moderate paity. The anxiety man ifested by the people of Kil syth was not inferior lo that of the people of Cambuslang ; and several adjacent par ishes experienced a portion of the sacred influence so graciously vouchsafed by the Divine Visitant. Mr. Robe appears lo have acted with consummate prudence, exercising the most vigilant care over those who came to him in deep distress of mind under conviction of sin, giving lo them the most judicious instruction in spiritual truth, and keeping a private re cord of all cases of religious awakening, that he might deal with each according to its own peculiarities, mark the progress of the feelings and the knowledge of the people, and be able to discriminate be tween what was mere excitement, and what by its fruits proved itself to be true conversion. The subsequent publication of his Narrative gave lo the religious community the means of judging as to the nature and extent of the remarkable work of the Holy Spirit in Scotland at that period ; and it may be safely said, that the strength of prejudice must be very great in any raan who knows what vital religion is, who can peruse that ju dicious production, without being con strained to glorify God, who had so gra ciously visited his people.* Yet it is not easy to estimate the force of prejudice. It was lo be expected that irreligious men would calumniate and deride the proceedings at Cambuslang and Kilsyth, and that the Moderate min isters, the greater part of whom regarded Christianity as merely an improved sys tem of morality, and whose sermons were generally little more than carefully ' See Robe's Narrative ; and the testimonies of many eminent ministers of the period; also Sir Henry Mon- criefiPs Life of Erskine, pp. 113-123; Gillies' Collec tions; and Life of Whitefield. composed and coldly plausible moral es says, would look upon the whole as the delusion of heated enthusiasts and fana tics ; but it could scarcely have been ex pected that such truly pious men and ex perienced ministers as were the fathers of the Secession should not merely have viewed these religious revivals with dis trust, but should have assailed them with excessive bitterness.* They even proceed ed to the extreme absurdity of appointing a solemn fast to be held on account " of the awful symptoms of the Lord's anger with this Church and land, in sending them strong delusion that they should believe a lie, particularly when a judicial testimony for the Reformation principles of this Church was emitted, after all other means had proved ineffectual." These good but narrow-minded and pre judiced men seera lo have come to the conclusion, that the Church of Scotland was so thoroughly corrupt that it would be derogatory lo the character of the Holy God to suppose that he could deign to visit her in mercy, and to revive his own work in a Church so fearfully polluted. Their deplorable conduct at this lime ought to be a warning to every Christian Church, and to every body of professing Christians, not to think of themselves more highly than they ought, lest they come lo despise those whom God hath not despised. Many serious Christia ns, in that event ful tirae, were led into speculations of a different character, — as to what might be the probable object to be effected by these remarkable manifestations of convincing and converting grace,! — whether they might not be preparatory for some great advancement of reUgion throughout the world, such as sacred prophecy so em phaticaUy foretells. It is at all times hazardous lo attempt to explain the mean ing of any pecuUar dispensations of pro vidence or grace, in a prospective point of view, and not surprising that rnen should err when they make the attempt. Nor is it easy to connect peculiar dispen sations with subsequent events, so as to perceive what has been produced by them, even at the lapse of a century. Yet one or two remarks may be offered of a " To their writings on this subject we do not choose to refer more specifically, wishing them rather to sink into oblivion. t Dr. Erskine's Signs of the Times, &.c. 358 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, [CHAP, IX. historical character, not perhaps unwor thy of consideration. It wUl be reraera- bered, that in different periods of the Church of Scotiand's history, God was pleased to send her a tirae of refreshing from His presence ; and that these were invariably before a tirae of searching trial, as if to give her a principle of sa cred life sufficiently strong lo survive the period of suffering. Such was the gene ral revival in 1596, imraediately before her protracted struggle wilh Prelacy un der Jaraes. Such were the revivals of Stewarton, Shotts, and other places, a short whUe before her second great con test with Prelacy in the tirae of Charles I., and the wasting persecution of the two following reigns. And though no direct persecution followed the revivals of Cambuslang and Kilsyth, yet the long and dreary domination of Moderatism which iraraediately followed vvas more calculated lo destroy vital religion in the land than could have been the most re lentiess persecution ; and it seems no very strained conjecture, that these gra cious influences were vouchsafed lo the Church at that period, lo sustain her during her lengthened sojourn in a mo ral and religious wilderness. Certain it is that the deep and earnest spirit and feeling of vital and personal religion passed not away like a temporary excite ment Not only did many hundreds of the converts of that period continue to exhibit the beauty of holiness throughout the remainder of their lives, proving the reality of the great change which they had experienced, but also the very know ledge that such events had taken place continued lo operate, silent and unseen, but wilh mighty efficacy, in the hearts of thousands, constraining them to be lieve that there was more in true spiritual Christianity than could be expressed in a cold moral harangue, and rendering them quick lo mark and eager to re ceive instruction of a more evangelical and living character. And here, also, it may be fittingly stated, that although the First Reforma tion began, as it necessarily must have done, by the conversion of Romish priests, who thus became reforraed minis ters, and then taught the people, yet, as the Scottish Reformers gave lo the peo ple schools as well as churches, and communicated to them the highest amount of instruction which circumstances would permit, it repeatedly happened in subse quent times, that the people remained sound and faithful in the possession of true religious principles, long after a large proportion of the ministers had fallen into error. This was strikingly the case during the time of the persecu tion, when so raany of the ministers ac cepted the indulgence, while the people raainlained their integrity, although ex posed to at least equal perils from the vengeance of prelatic informers and the licentious and cruel soldiery. This was the case after the Revolution, when the tortuous expediencies of worldly policy corrupted the church courts, and a false system of theology became prevalent among the ministers, long before the people were tainted by such low secular views, or imbibed such erroneous doctri nal tenets. And it may be added that it was for this very purpose that the law of patronage was brought forward by the Jacobites, who saw clearly that its opera tion would prevent the church courts and the people from acting together ; and out of the alienation which it so soon and so fatally caused, arose in a great mea sure the baneful policy of the moderate party, who regarded with dislike the warm interest taken by the people in re ligious raatters, and the decided prefer ence which they showed to evangelical doctrine. It was perfectly manifest, that if the popular mind vvere to be consulted in any other way than as a mere matter of form, few except evangelical ministers would ever obtain admission lo the Church ; and, as has been already proved, having Uttie knowledge of, and no love for, evangelical doctrine, they had no olher way of securing their own admission to the Church as a prnfession, than by exerting theraselves lo the ut most in weakening popular influence by the rigid enforcement of patronage. Could they have contrived al once lo have reduced the people to such a state of comparative ignorance of sound doc trine as to have felt little interest in one kind of preaching more than in another, there would have been no necessity for such strenuous exertions for the repres sion of popular rights and popular feel ing ; but as this could not be accomplish- A. D. 1750.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 359 ed with the intelligent and religious peo ple of Scotland, there was no resource but lo reduce the popular consent to a mere empty form, and to crush the popu lar resistance by the strong arm of an unconstitutional law, surreptitiously thrust into the statute-book by infidels and traitors. Taking aU these things into consideration, it will not be denied, that true Christianity as existing among the orthodox ministers and people of Scotland, was indeed entering into a long and dreary period of trial, and greatly needed an extraordinary infusion of spiritual life, that it might not become ut terly extinct before the dawning of a brighter and a happier day. [1743-49] It does not appear neces sary to occupy space in detailing the pro ceedings of the Assemblies year by year from this lime forward, occupied, as they chiefly were, with discussions arising out of disputed settieraents, and terrainating generally in the same mafiner, the oppo sition of the people being disregarded, and the presentee appointed with or with out the assistance of a military force, ac cording to the amount of the opposition which had to be overcome. Some of these cases, hovvever, involved the ques tion respecting the jurisdiction of the civil courts, with regard lo the settlement of ministers. In the case of Dunse, for in stance, in 1749, one of the applications made lo the civil court was, that they would arrest the proceedings of the church court, by forbidding them to mo derate a call at large, or settle any other man than the presentee. " This con clusion the Lords would not raeddle with, because that vvas interfering with the power of ordination, or internal policy ot the Church, with which the Lords had nothing to do."* Several decisions of a precisely similar character were made by the Court of Session, indicating clearly the opinion of that court, that while it fell within their province to de termine whether a settlement should carry with it the civil emoluments attached to the rainisterial office, they were not en- tilled lo interfere with the spiritual pro ceedings of the Church, either in confer ring or withholding the rainisterial char- ' Brown's supplement, vol. v. p. 768; Annals of the Assembly, vol. i. p. 147. See also a remarkable paper by Lord Karnes in his Law Tracts. acter. Nor is there a single instance on record, till those of recent occurrence, in which the civil courts presumed to inter fere wilh the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Church, to the extent of offering an opinion whether ordination should be given or withheld, even when patrons attempted to induce thera to overstep their legitimate boundaries. When the Church ordained a person who was found not to have a legal claim lo the fruits of the benefice, according to the law of patron age, the civil court decided that he could not receive it, but refused to order the Church lo annul the pastoral tie of ordi nation, or lo ordain the person lo whora the legal presentation had been given, Of this, the case of Lanark is a reraark able instance, in which Dr. Dick re mained minister of the parish, discharg ing all the pastoral duties for upwards of four years, while the patron was found lo be entitled to retain the stipend.* [1750] In the year 1750, a subject came before the Assembly which seems to have exercised great influence upon its spirit and the whole course of its proceed ings for many years. This vvas an over ture respecting the small livings in the Church, many of vvhich were not suffi cient to yield a respectable maintenance. It was decided that a committee should be appointed lo draw up a report to be laid before next Assembly. The Assera bly of 1750 directed Dr. Cuming, the moderator, to proceed to London at the head of a deputation, to lay the report before government, and to apply for an augmentation. The nobility, gentry, and landed proprietors in general, took the alarm, and made preparations for the most strenuous opposition, although they were in possession of the teinds, which were always regarded as the patri mony of the Church, and subject lo such augmentations from time to time as might be required. One of the methods em ployed by the heritors lo defeat this right ful claim of the Church, was a threat that the law of patronage should be more stringently applied than it had hitherto been, and that presbyteries should not be allowed to evade it, by showing any defer ence to the people, as they had occasion ally done.f The resuk was, that the • Annals of the Assembly, vol. i. pp. 169-180. • Ibid. pp. ia)-96, 197. 360 HISTORY OP TxiE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND, [CHAP. IX, scherae was defeated, and the Moderates were made to feel that the heritors were well contented to make use of them in taking away the rights of the people by the violatioji of the Revolution Settlement and the Treaty of Union, but were not disposed to refund any portion of their illegal pillage, which they possessed in consequence of that violation. This dis appointment seems to have paralyzed the energies of Dr. Cuming, who had been the chief leader ofthe Moderate party for many years, and to have been the cause ofa new developeraent of Moderate policy, which soon afterwards appeared, under the management of an abler and a bolder man. [1751.] The first appearance of this new aspect of Moderate policy was in the case of Torpichen, which was decided in the year 1751. It had arisen three years before, when, after ihe death of Mr. Bonar, the last of the Marrow-men, a Mr. Wat son was presented to the parish by the patron, lo whose settleraent the parish ioners could not be persuaded to consent. Twice was the case brought before the Assembly, — in the years 1749 and 1750, — and the presbytery of Linlithgow were each lime enjoined to adrait Mr. Watson. But as the opposition continued, they de clined to obey the ungracious injunction. They were rebuked by the Assembly of 1751, and again ordered to proceed ; but in case they should still delay, a " riding committee" was empowered to effect the settlement, which was done on the 30th of May 1751, by the aid of a military force.* This was the last instance of a settlement effected by means of a " riding committee." That device. It will be re membered, had been adopted in order to accomplish the settlement of an unaccept able presentee, without doing violence lo the feelings and conscientious scruples of presbyteries. But in this case a very strenuous attempt was raade by WilUara Robertson, rainister of Gladsmuir, better known by his subsequent designation. Principal Robertson, to compel the pres bytery to proceed to the settlement, on pain of suspension or deposition. In this he failed ; but a new opportunity soon occurred for renewing his attempt to establish a more pure despotism than ¦ Ibid. pp. 156, 181, 198-212 ; Patronage Report, Ap pendix. the Church of Scotiand had previously known, and this tirae with complete success, [1752.] This opportunity arose out of the disputed settlement of Inverkeilhing. Mr. Andrew Richardson, minister al Broughlon, had been presented to the parish of Inverkeilhing, but was not ac ceptable to the parishioners. The pres bytery of Dunfermline hesitated to pro ceed with his settlement, but were ordered to adrait him, with certification, that the Commission would proceed to very high censure in case of their disobedience. They still declined compliance ; and the Comraission which met in March 1752 issued a new command to them to pro ceed, the sentence of censure not being carried, though lost by a narrow majority. When the case came before the Assem bly, it gave occasion to a full develope ment of the principles of the new Moderate policy, which Robertson was deterrained to introduce. The form which the dis cussion assumed turned upon the proposi tion, '¦ How far the members of inferior judicatories are bound to give effect to the sentences of superior courts, in oppo sition lo the dictates of their own private judgment and conscience," This had been evaded by the device of the " riding committees ;" but the pregnant hint re- centiy given by the heritors, that the law of patronage would be raore strictly en forced, and presbyteries not perraitled to evade it as formerly, seems to have led Principal Robertson to the idea, that it would be more expedient for the superior church courts to govern their own subor dinate judicatories, and thereby to gratify the heritors and regain their favour, than lo leave the matter lo the civil courts, and lose all hope of propitiating the heritors, without the possibility of acquiring popu lar support. The resuk raay be briefly stated, Robertson's policy prevailed. The presbytery were comraanded to pro ceed lo the ordination of Mr. Richardson ; and, as if to make the deed raore glar ingly despotic, it was commanded that not less than flve members should be re garded as a quorum, — the usual number being three. Six of the presbytery de clined even then to comply ; and one of these, the Rev, Thomas GUlespie of Car nock, was deposed from the office of the ministry for contumacy. The venerable man, when the sentence was pronounced, A, D. 1752,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 361 meekly answered, " I rejoice that to me it is given, in behalf of Christ, not only to believe on Him, bul also lo suffer for His sake,"* This tyrannical deed gave rise lo the Secession which is known by the narae of the Relief, and marks the comraencemenl of the new Moderate dy nasty. Before the ultiraale decision of this case had been pronounced, the two contend ing parties had publicly etnilled what raay be termed the manifesto of each,t the manifesto of the Moderate parly being the production of Dr. Robertson. As this able paper contained the principles of ecclesiastical polity which guided Robert son's administration, has been referred to with strong approbation by his successor in church power. Principal Hill, and has continued ever since to be regarded, as in a great degree, the standard of Mo derate church policy, it deserves some attention. It begins by a clear and forcible statement of what Robertson re garded as the first principle of society, regulated subordination, in which private judgraenl is so far superseded by the auihority of the ruling power, that no raember of society can avoid executing the orders of the supreme auihority in any other way than by withdrawing from it. This principle he iraraediately ap plies to what he terms " ecclesiastical society," and proceeds to reason to the same conclusion, asserting boldly that the conscience of subordinate members is so far superseded by the orders of their su periors, whom they are bound to obey, that they are either not entitled lo plead it, or are bound to withdraw ; declaring strenuously, that " if the decisions of the General Asserably may be disputed and disobeyed by inferior courts wuh im punity, the Presbyterian constitution is entirely overturned." This forms the very essence of his argument ; and every intel ligent person, especially every thought ful Christian, will at once perceive, that the analogy on which his argument is founded comraences with a false principle, and consequently that the arguraent is vicious throughout, and the conclusion false. This analogy assuraes, that there • Annals of the Assembly, vol i. pp. 222-230, 262-271 ; Patronage Report, Appendix. ' See these two Papers in Morren's Annals of the Assembly, vol. i. pp. 231-260. 46 is in the Christian Church no principle different from those natural principles which form and regulate society. It contains no recognition of the scriptural basis of ecclesiastical authority. It even leads inevitably lo the conclusion, that superior ecclesiastical auihority ought to supersede the conviction of conscience lo such an extent as to warrant the com raission of what an individual regarded as positively sinful. But every truly re ligious raan, who raakes the Bible his rule, must see that this analogy is false, the argument founded on it vicious, and the conclusion inept and wrong. Can raen, without any higher aid, raake a church and frame laws for it as they can raake a monarchy or a republic? Such a low secular view of the na ture of a true Church was never enter tained by the great men of the First and Second Scottish Reformations ; such con clusions are utterly and irreconcilably at variance with the principles and the spi rit of the Presbyterian Church. On the contrary, one of the fundamental prin ciples of Presbyterian polity is, " That all church power is ministerial, and not magisterial or lordly." Whence it fol lows, that the duty of the office-bearers in a Christian Church, met together in the name of their only and Divine Head and King, lo deliberate and act for the edification of his body the Church, is lo endeavour, by prayer and by searching the Scriptures with earnest faith and singleness of heart, to ascertain what is the mind and will of Christ in the mat ter, and then lo act according to the judg ment of conscience thus enlightened by the Word of God, in all gentleness and brotherly love. This is the first prin ciple of Presbyterian Church govern ment, flowing from the great doctrine of the Headship of Christ ; and every per son capable of understanding the Bible, and acquainted with the Presbyterian constitution, must see that the opposite view is equally unscriptural and unpres- bylerian. And it may be very safely affirmed, that no church court, actuated by this principle, and proceeding in this manner, could ever have arrived at the conclusion, that their obedience lo the laws of the gospel required of them to perpetrate that grievous violence to the 362 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. X. conscience of the Christian people, the members of Christ's body, which is in volved in forcing them to Usten to the instructions of a false teacher, or of one who, instead of feeding and protecting the flock as a shepherd, acts towards them as a ravening wolf, regardless of their spi ritual welfare, provided he can secure the fruits of the benefice. Yet such unpres- byterian, unscriptural, unchristian prin ciples, were promulgated by Robertson as the manifesto of the Moderate party, formed the rule ofhis long and vigorous administration, vvere lauded and followed by Hill, and have ever been regarded, by subsequent Moderate leaders, as the very standards of their policy, till the present time, when, finding that their own prin ciples would lead lo the direct condem nation of some of their own party, they have discovered that suprerae ecclesiasti cal authority resides in the Court of Ses sion, and that they are bound in con science to render iraplicit obedience to its dictates in raatters of ordination. Even this is natural: men who hold a false principle are inevitably led from bad to worse, far, very far, beyond what they al first would have conceived possible. It may be added, as pointing out the ulti mate bearing of these brief remarks, that while the Moderate party would readily depose a minister for mere contumacy, or disobedience lo the coraraands of his su periors, however sinful these commands might be in themselves, although they very generally screened imraorality and heresy ; the Evangelical or truly con stitutional parly could not depose except for some deed in itself sinful, either as immoral or heretical. No raan who can esliraate aright the true nature of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, will hesitate a raoment to say which of these two modes of procedure is that which ought to be foUowed by a true Christian Church. It is not denied that the constitution of the Presbyterian Church requires the submission of the inferior to the superior courts ; for were that not the case, the Church of Scotland raust sink into the Independent system ; and in sorae of their arguments the minority of that period were not sufficiently guarded against that extreme. Bul while sound Presbyterian polity requires this due sub ordination of courts,' it leaves the con science of individuals free both to protest against, and to abstain from, actively as sisting lo carry into effect what they think sinful, provided they offer no actual op position, having always this resource, that it can appoint others lo execute its orders when that is still held necessary. CHAPTER X, FROM THE PERIOD OP THE SECOND SECES SION TILL THE ASSEMBLY OF 1841. Struggle against the new Moderate Policy— Defence of Hume and Karnes — Assessment for the Poor — Cases of Nigg and Jedburgh— Overtures respecting the El ders—Home and the Theatre- Schools in the High lands — Simony — The Relief Secessian formed — Char acter ofthe Moderate Party in Preaching, Discipline, Secularity, &c. — The Schism Overturetj — Intrusion Settlement at St Ninians — Increase of the Secession, and the Ctmsequences viewed statiscally— Repeal of Popish Disabilities— Debate on Pluralities — Retire ment of Principal Robertson ft-om the General As sembly Onuses of his Retirement — Proposal of the Moderates to alinlish Subscription to tlie Confession of Faith— Dr. Hill— Proposal to abandon the Modera tion of a Call— Dr. Cook's Theory of the .Settlement of Ministers —Dr. Hardy's views concerning Patron age — Discussion on the Subject of Patronage — Opin ions of Dr. Hill and Dr. Cook — Declining State of Re ligion in Scotland— A settlement withuut Subscribing the Confession ofFaith—TheNew-Light Controversy in Ayrohire— Robert Burns the Poet— Socinianism— Excitement at the Period ofthe French Revolution — Revival of n Religious Spirit generally— Christian Missions — Opposed by the Moderate Party— Chapels of JEase— Rowland Hill— Refusal of Ministeriul Com munion with all other Churches, which completes the Moderate System- Rapid Growth of Evangelism- Contest between Dr. Hill and the Edinbursh'Doctors — Dr. Andrew Thomson — Dr. M'Crie — Debates on Pluralities— Dr Chalmers— Decline of Moderatism— Mission to India — Apocrypha Controveisy— The Vol untary Controversy — Ascendancy of the Evangelical Party — Admission of Chapels of Ease — Subsequent Contentions and Struggles- Present Position— Con cluding Remarks and Reflections. The decision of the Assembly of 1752, in the case of Inverkeithing and the pres bytery of Dunfermline, followed by the severe and despotic measure of Mr. Gil lespie's deposition, gave rise to feelings of strong indignation and alarm through out the kingdom. A general apprehen sion prevailed among the friends of reli gious liberty, that the reign of absolute and spiritual despotism was now indeed begun in Scotland, since the General Assembly had committed a deed distinctly subversive of the first principles of the Presbyterian constitution, which had al ways hitherto been the very citadel of freedom, civil and religious. The sub ject was discussed with great anxiety in raany of the synods and presbyteries ; overtures were iramed for the purpose of A, D, 1653,] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 363 obtaining a repeal of the Assembly's de cision, and the restoration of Mr, Gilles pie to his charge ; and numerous pam phlets were written both against and in defence of the new developement of Moderate ecclesiastical polity. Great exertions were also made by the orthodox parly lo procure a return to next Assem bly of a sufficient number of true Presby terians lo reverse the recent despotic and unconstitutional measure ; and not less strenuous were the Moderates on their part to retain their ascendancy and con firm their new position. [1753.] When the Assembly met in 1753, it speedily appeared that the strug gle was lo be of a very -arduous and doubtful character, A comparative trial of strength arose on the question respect ing the election of a legal agent for the Church, and in this Dr, Cuming, the re cognised Moderate leader, was defeated. But this defeat seems lo have had the effect of leading to a greater degree of union in that parly, and a more deter mined effort to secure their predominance. The case of Mr. Gillespie came next under consideration ; and the question proposed for the vole was, whether he should be restored to the exercise of his office as a minister of this Church or not. It was decided in the negative by a ma jority of three. Next day an attempt was made to procure the remission of the sub ject to the Commission, wilh power to that court to restore Mr, Gillespie, if he should make application; bul this also was resisted, and again lost by the nar row majority of three.* A considerable number of ministers and elders dissented from these decisions of the Assembly, and gave in their reasons of dissent, which the ruling party prudently abstained from attempting to answer. By these reasons it was made clearly lo appear that the sentence of deposition had been pro nounced on account of an alleged offence, against which there existed no law de claring it lo deserve deposition ; while the whole practice of the Church, in similar cases, had not gone beyond cen sure, so that the sehtence of itself was un constitutional if tested by the laws of the Church, and unchristian by those of the Scriptures, t But the Moderate parly ¦ Annals ofthe Assembly, vol. i, p, 27a vol. Ii. p, 21, t Ibid., had the possession of power, and they could therefore the more easily set aside right and disregard reason. Besides, since the laws of civil society demand complete subordination, therefore, accord ing to the fundamental maxim of the new Moderate dynasty, " ecclesiastical society" must be governed in the same manner. Had the supporters of this principle fol lowed it to its legitimate conclusions, they would have found themselves the advo- vales of the hideous doctrines of entire slavish obedience to tyranny in the State and Popery in the Church, — that is, to absolute despotism, civil and religious. For whatever lakes away the right of private judgment, commanding implicit obedience, especially in matters of reli gion, lo use the langfuage of the Confes sion of Faith, " destroys liberty of con science, and reason also," reducing men, as far as it is possible, lo the condition of irresponsible and unreasoning slavery, " But you are not compelled lo obey, if your conscience forbid you : it is in your power to withdraw," Such was the lan guage of the manifesto, and still is the language of those who hold the same principles. To that the ready answer was given : " Who empowered you to frame laws contrary lo the constitution of the Presbyterian Church, which you have sworn lo obey and maintain, and contrary to the laws of the Christian Church, given by Him who alone is Lord ofthe conscience, and then to punish men because they adhere to the constitu tion of the Church of their fathers, and, when charged with disobeying your laws, answered, wilh the apostles, ' whe ther it is right lo obey God or man, judge ye ?' " Such were the opinions entertained, and arguments used, by the evangelical ministers of the Church of Scotland, in that time of struggle against a parly who did not scruple lo subject every spiritual consideration to the arbi trary rules of secular policy. It was not, perhaps, to be expected that secular poli ticians would perceive the fallacy which lay at the source of the Moderate system ; but it might surely be hoped that they would be able lo mark the pernicious re sults that have followed, and to arrive at the very simple and obvious conclusion, that the cause must be essentially bad which has produced such consequences. 364 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. X. It will not be difficult to trace the main hnes of the historical demonstration. Among the pamphlets which this con test between the two parlies drew forth, hy far the most remarkable was "Wither- spoon's Ecclesiastical Characteristics." This was published in September 1753, and immediately acquired great celebrity, both in Scotland and England. The wrath of the Moderate parly, whose maxims of ecclesiastical policy is so keen ly satirized, was excessive ; bul they wise ly abstained from attempting lo answer it. And it may be safely said, that if any impartial person would lake Dr. Robert son's Manifesto, and Wiiherson's Char acteristics, and peruse them both candidly, looking also into the records of the Church courts under Robertson's admin istration, he would find himself constrain ed to admit that the Moderate policy had been fairly and justly characterised, [1754-55,] The transactions of the years 1754 and 1 755 present littie deserv ing to be recorded. In the former the case of Biggar was terminated by a com promise. In the latter there arose a dis cussion, respecting the infidel writings of David Hume, which the Assembly con demned, without however, naming the author, which would not have been con venient, as he was living in terms of friendly intimacy with several of the Moderate leaders, A short time after the rising of the Assembly, Hume was de fended by Dr, Blair, in a pamphlet pub lished anonymously, to avoid the un seemliness of a teacher of religion being the avowed defender of one who made no secret of his infidelity. The speculations of Lord Kames were al the same lime brought under consideration, and were virtually included in the same censure ; although it seems to have been felt that they might be regarded as little more than the idle mental discussions of an ec centric man of genius, and not likely lo be productive of serious injury lo the cause of truth,* One apparently slight circumstance incidentally stated by Sir Henry Moncreiff, deserves to be men tioned as connected wilh this year ; it is, that the resources of the kirk-sessions continued to be sufficient for the mainte- * Annals of tlie Assembly, vol, ii, pp, 54-60, See also, liife of Kames, by Lord Woodhouselee, nance of the poor, without any regular assessment, till the year 1 755, when the increase of the Secession, withdrawing numbers of people from the pale of the Established Church, and to the same ex tent diminishing the collections, rendered it necessary to resort, in some instances, to regular assessments to supply the growing deficiency,* This was one of the fruits of patronage on which ils ad mirers had not probably calculated, when they planted that deadly upas tree in the vineyard of the Scottish Church, By enforcing patronage they first caused a Secession ; and by continuing their in fatuated procedure they nourished its growth, till the effects began to appear in the form of diminished resources for the maintenance ofthe poor, which they were compelled themselves to supply. Still, as if smitten with judicial blindness, they continued, and till this day continue, to enforce a system which, if persevered in, can end in nothing but the overthrow of the Presbyterian Church, and the imposi tion of a nalional poor-rate, vastly more expensive lo the community, and, at the same time, a fertile nursery of immorality and crime, [1727,] The assembler of 1756 sig nalized itself by its decision of the case of Nigg in Ross-shire. That parish had enjoyed the blessing of a faithful evange lical minister, Mr, John Balfour ; and upon his death the next presentee was not only of a totally opposite character with regard to doctrine, but was also accused of drunkenness, which accusation was only not proved against him. Great op position was made lo the settlement by the pious parishioners, and equal reluc tance was manifested by the majority of the presbytery lo perpetuate the outrage commanded by the superior courts. But the fate of Gillespie was before their eyes ; and under a strong feeling of sorrow and regret, four of the presbytery repaired to the church of Nigg, to discharge the painful duly. The church was empty ; not a single member of the congregation was lo be seen. While in a state of per plexity what lo do in Such a strange con- dition, one man appeared, who had it in charge to tell them, " That the blood of the parish of Nigg would be required of ' Life of Ersliine, Appendix, p, 409. A. D, 1757,] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 365 them, if ihey should settle a man to the walls of the kirk.* Having delivered solemnly this appalling message, he de parted, leaving the presbytery astonished and paralyzed. They proceeded no fur ther at the time, but reported the case lo the Assembly of 1756. They were re buked for having failed in that implicit obedience which was now the rule of duty under the Moderate government of the Church ; and the minister who was most opposed to the settlement was the very one appointed to carry it into effect. He yielded. Mr, Patrick Grant was " settled to the walls of kirk ;" and the outraged people of Nigg built a meeting house for themselves, leaving lo the wretched intruder his benefice, on which to batten, without a flock to tend. The case of Jedburg came before this Assembly, though its final decision did not lake place till two years aflerwards. The parishioners of Jedburgh had almost unanimously petitioned that the Rev, Mr, Boston of Oxnam, son of the celebrated Boston of Etterick, might be their minis ter. The presentation, however, was given to Bonar, grandson of Bonar of Torphichen ; but when he found the in clinations of the people so decidedly fixed on Mr. Boston, he resigned the presenta tion. The patron might now have con sulted the wishes of the people ; but that would have been contrary lo the princi ples of the mild government of Modera tism, and therefore a new presentation was given lo another person, not likely to commit the fault of which Mr. Bonar had been guilty. [1757.] The first subject which en gaged the attention of the Assembly in the year 1757, arose out of objections against the commissions of the elders from six or seven different Presbyteries. The defect urged against these commis sions was, that they did not bear that the elders were qualified according to the act 1722, in which specific mention is made that elders should be " strict in their ob servation of the Lord's day, and in regu larly keeping up the worship of God in their families." The orthodox and con stitutional ministers argued that these commissions ought to be rejected as in valid, on account of this serious defect, • Annalsof the Assembly, vol, ii, pp,77-80 ; Patronage B«port, Appendix. justiy regarding personal religion as the first qualification for an office-bearer in the Church, and concluding that no man could be personally religious who neg lected public and family worship. But it would not have suited Moderate policy to have held the possession of personal religion as an indispensable qualification of an office-bearer in the Church, The only qualifications which they regarded as absolutely indispensable were, — for a minister, that he had received a presenta tion from a patron, — and for an elder, that he possessed political influence, or was connected with those who did. And the practice was about that time introduced, which soon became the settled custom, of ordaining young lawyers to the eldership, that they might sit in Assemblies, exercise their oratorical powers, and swell the Moderate majorities. It was evident that they might discharge all these functions without any personal religion ; and there fore the Moderate party strenuously re sisted the attempt to have an attestation of their possessing that qualification declared lo be indispensable. The Moderates were successful by a considerable majority; and thus another glaring violation of re ligious principle and the constitution of the Presbyterian Church was perpetrated. The evil consequences of this irreligious decision were clearly pointed out by Witherspoon, in a dissent which he laid on the table ofthe Assembly ; and they have been completely realized, as the sufferings ofthe Church even yet too clearly prove,* The next matter which came before the Assembly, after having occupied the attention of a number of the subordinate church courts in different parts of the country, was one which had its origin in the elegant studies and amusements of the Moderate clergymen. The Rev. John Home, minister of Athelstanefore, the eager supporter of Robertson in procur ing the deposition of the pious and con scientious Gillespie, had composed the tragedy of Douglas ; and when it was represented in the Edinburgh Theatre, both the author and many of his clerical friends were present at the representation. This gave great offence to a large pro portion of the Church, both ministers and people, who very justly regarded such conduct as giving countenance to ' Annals of the Assembly, voLii, pp, 102.10S. 366 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP, X. the gross profanity and licentiousness of the stage itself, and the still grosser im moralities which haunt its precincts. The result was, that Home resigned his charge ; and his play-going friends, the most distinguished of whom was Dr, Cailyle of Inveresk, submitted to be re buked and admonished.* [1758] In the year 1758 Dr. Robert son was translated from Gladsmuir to Edinburgh ; and, from that time his as cendancy in church courts, which had already nearly superseded that of Dr. Cuming, became altogether paramount, and remained unshaken till he voluntarily withdrew upwards of twenty years after wards. In the same year Boston of Ox nam, grieved with the proceedings of the church courts, both in their utter disre gard of the feelings, wishes, and edifica tion ofthe people, and in the culpable leni ency shown lo clerical delinquents, gave in to the presbytery of Jedburgh his de mission of the charge of Oxnam, and ceased to be a minister of the Church of Scotland, The people of Jedburgh, find ing all their endeavours lo obtain him as minister of the parish ineffectual, built a church, and gave him a call to be their pastor. This call was signed by the town council, the session, and all the heads of families except five. On the day of his admission the magistrates attended in all their official dignity, and the new church was crowded by at least two thousand people,! He was ordained by a Mr, Mackenzie, who had once been minister of Lochbroom, bul was then minister of a dissenting congregation in England, and afterwards was called to be their pastor by the injured people of Nigg, This loss to the Church of a faithful minister and a warm-hearted congregation, was a fitting celebration of Dr. Robertson's translation to Edinburgh, and accession to unlimited ecclesiastical power. A representation was laid before this Assembly, by the Society for Propagating Christian Knowledge, respecting the de ficiency of parish schools in the High lands, Frora this document it appeared, that there were in the Highlands no less than one hundred and seventy-five par ishes where there were no parochial schools, and where the heritors neglected • Annals of the Assembly, vol, ii. pp, 112-129, t Ibid,, vol, ii. pp. 154-159, or refused lo provide them, notwithstand ing the urgent entreaties and remon strances of the society. In one point of view this was not strange. The greater part of the Highland heritors were both Papists and Jacobites, and consequently had no love for the propagation of reli gious knowledge, and as little for the ex tension of the Presbyterian system, which paralyzed their rebellious tendencies, as they themselves had formerly owned in their complaints against new churches and schools. But it might have been anticipated that under a Protestant go vernment, the law which declared that there should be a school in every parish would have been put into execution, and that the supplementary exertions of this truly Christian society would not have been pleaded as an excuse by the heritors for their own neglect of duty. The dis cussion of this subject was ultimately attended wilh the raost beneficial results, in the erection of about forty new churches in the Highlands, wilh an ordained min ister in each, though the admission of these ministers into church courts did not take place till a very recent period, when a more constitutional spirit had begun to prevail, [1759.] The only thing which merits attention in the year 1759 is the passing of the act against Simony, which had been rendered necessary lo prevent the disgraceful pactions entered into between patrons and presentees in many instances, especially since the law of patronage had begun to be so steadily enforced. This kind of crime had been distinctly fore seen, as certain to arise out of patronage ; and while this act condemns the sinful consequences, it by implication condems also the sinful cause. [1760-65,] No new principles, either of evil or of good, obtained developement during the years between 1760 and 1765, and, therefore, they raay be passed rapidly over, merely glancing at some events which illustrate the topics already staled, A deputation was sent to the Highlands, lo explore the stale of religion in those remote districts ; and a full repoit having been laid before the Assembly, that vener ahle court strongly recommended the erection of new churches and parochial districts, the ministers of which were to be supported out of the royal bounty. A. D. 1760.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 367 The violent settlement of Kilconquhar, on the decision of the Assembly in 1 760,* caused the secession of a large body of the people of that parish, and gave occa sion lo the completed form which the second Secession assumed in the couise of the following year, A new church was built by the aggrieved people, and on the 22d of October 1761, the Rev, Thomas Gillespie, formerly of Carnock, and the Rev, Thomas Boston, formerly of Oxnam, together with a Mr, Collier, met at Colinsburgh in Fife, and constituted themselves into the Presbytery of Relief, the reason of assuming that designation being, that they look this method of ob taining relief fiom the intolerable despot ism of patronage. The course of defec tion, meanwhile, continued to proceed rapidly, deepening, expanding, and pour ing on like an inundation. The doctrines of the gospel were superseded by cold and formal harangues respecting the " beauty of morality," and the " good of the whole," couched in as much elegance of style as these reverend essayists could achieve. The greater part of the pulpit productions of those times which have been preserved from oblivion are certainl}^ not such as lo do much honour to the ta lents, judgment, or even taste of that class of men by whom they were elaborated. Even Blair's Sermons, which reached the highest pitch of excellence that Moderate pulpit oratory could aspire lo, have long since lost their factitious popularity, and sunk to that dead level of monotonous lethargy in which must for ever slumber all that is destitute of true spiritual life. But while the vital principles of the gos pel were in general very carefully ex cluded fiom the sermons of the Moderate clergy, an infusion of a different nature was readily admitted. Heresy of various kinds sprang up, chiefly derived from the strong taint of Arminianism which the Prelatic incumbents introduced into the Church, Pelagianism naturally followed; and the downward progress continuing, many began lo entertain views very closely bordering upon Socinianism. To this the writings of Taylor of Norwich very greatly contributed, which about this time had become extremely popular among a certain class of the Moderate ministers, especially in the west of Scot- ¦ Annals of the Assembly, vol. ii, p, 201, land in Galloway, But when charges of heresy against any minister were brought before the Assembly, they were invaria bly discouraged, and the charge repelled ; and on one occasion, the faithful minister who had brought forward the charge was actually reproved for his conduct, and warned " not to be over ready to fish out heresies,"* Several very glaring cases of violent intrusion occurred : such as that of Kilmarnock, in 1764 ; and that of Shotts, in 1765, where the presbytery had rejected Mr, Wells on his trials, as being, if not wholly deficient, yet so low and mean in the knowledge of divinity, that he did not come up to the character of a minister of the gospel. Yet the Assembly reversed this judgment, and ordered him lo be ordained ; and when the opposition of the people was so great that it could not be accomplished in the parish, he was ordained in the session- house at Hamilton. Many cases occured, also, of such atrocious immorality, that it is not fitting to stain these pages wilh their recital ;t and yet all these cases were defended, and the delinquents screened, by the Moderates, till, in sorae of thera, the strong indignation of in sulted public decency compelled the sen tence of deposition to be passed. Such were some of the glories of Principal Robertson's administration, so lauded in his own day, so closely followed by his immediate successors, and held in such high honour still by many who warmly applaud and eagerly emulate what they painfully feel and deeply deplore that they cannot rival. It may seem a very pertinent question to ask, how such criminal conduct could be permitted to pass unpunished, much more, how it could be sheltered by church courts under the management of Principal Robertson, a high-minded, honorable man, whose own moral character was al together unimpeachable. Simply because his views of church government were directly anti-scriptural, founded upon a worldly principle, and pervaded through out by worldly considerations. In his mind the idea of an Established Church was exceedingly simple, and exceedingly ' Annals of the Assembly, vol. ii. p. 182, f See annals of Assembly — cases of Professor Brown, Dalrymple of Dallas, Carson of Anwoth, Park of Old Monkland, Lyell of Lady Parish, and Nisbet of Firth and Btenness, 368 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND, [CHAP. X. false. He regarded it as merely a subor dinate court, created by the Stale, and possessed of no authority but what was derived from human laws. Wherever, therefore, he found a human law, there he formed an imperative rule ; and all argu ments brought from the direct language of Scripture, the principles of the gospel, or the recoiling of a lender and enlight ened conscience, were by him entirely disregarded. His administration certainly deserves the praise of consistency, but as certainly it was a terrible consistency of direct opposition to the fundamental prin ciples of Christianity, and of the Presby terian Church, to whose standards he had subscribed his name, with all the grave deliberateness required in him who in the sight of heaven takes a solemn oath. How he reconciled his own conscience to such awful principles and conduct cannot be known ; and it is not for raan to judge his fellow-man. Yet the cold and scarce- approving account he gave of the Refor mation, — his more than ambiguous views ofthe Mosaic record, — the scornful terms in which Hume dared lo write lo him re specting John Knox and the Scottish reformers, — and his own published letters to Gibbon, not to mention olher letters sirailar, but worse, which have never seen the light, — all concur in rendering it sadly dubious whether he did himself fully comprehend and believe the gospel.* Even in the judgment of charily such a doubt may find admission, rather than the unutterably more fearful surmise, that he and his party knew the gospel, and intentionally trampled on ils holy and merciful laws, — felt the full meaning and power ofthe apostle's command, "Be not lords over God's heritage," yet chastised the Christian congregation wilh scor pions, — knew what the true bread of life was, yet gave lo the people stones and serpents. There would be no difficulty in giving a still raore appalling exposure of the principles and the practice of that parly, then and still known by the designation of the Moderate party, who, after a long struggle, had succeeded in usurping the government of the .Church of Scotland, and under whose baleful domination truth was stifled, faithfulness punished, ' See the opinion of Wilberforce in bis Practical View, p, 304, fiith edition. piety expelled, conscience outraged, here sy protected, immorality permitted lo pre vail almost uncensured, and the Christian community injured and despised,* But we turn from the ungracious task, and hasten forward, purposing to touch only the prominent points, that arrest the atten tion, and demand remark and explanation. [1766.] The Assembly of 1766 was memorable on account of the overtures respecting schism which came before it, and occasioned a long and animated dis cussion. The rapid increase of the Se cession had excited alarm in the minds of raany who saw the pernicious conse quences likely to ensue frora the aban donment of the National Church by so large a proportion of the people. The overture states, that there were already no fewer than one hundred and twenty meet ing-houses erected ; and, viewing this as a just cause of anxiety, and contrary to the very nature of a nalional establish ment, which is of necessity intended for the religious instruction of the whole community, it was proposed lo inquire into the truth of this fact ; and assuraing " that the abuse of the right of patronage had been one chief occasion of the pro gress of the Secession, it was overtured that the General Assembly would be pleased to consider what methods raay be employed lo remedy so great an evil ; and it was' submitted whether it might not be expedient to appoint a coraraittee lo correspond wilh Presbyteries, and wilh gentlemen of property and influence, and and to report."t After a very long de bate, the Assembly agreed to abandon the proposed inquiry into the number of meeting-houses. The remaining part of the overture was then discussed and re jected by a vote of ninety-nine to eighty- five.J Thus the supreme ascendancy ofthe Moderate party was again secured, after having encountered a more severe assault than had been made upon it since 1752. The arguments on both sides turned chiefly upon the subject of patron age, and were almost identical with those which are employed for and against it in the present day. Indeed, there can be littie difference in the modes by which that violation of Christian principle and ' Should this view be disputed, it shall, liowever re luctantly, be amply proved. t Annals of Assembly, voL ii, p, 311, I Ibid., p. 329, A, D. 1772,] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 369 of the constitution of the Presbyterian Church is assailed, and its defence at tempted. " Is patronage the law of the gospel ?" " It is at least the law of the land," " Is it consistent wilh the funda mental principles of the Reformed Pres byterian Church of Scotiand ?" " The civil magistrate has at least always at tempted to introduce and enforce it, in spile of the opposition made by the Church." " Was it the law of the Revo lution Settlement and the Union ?" " No matter ; it was made by the law since, and it is the law now." " Has it not alienated the affections of the people, driven them to a large and increasing Secession, and thereby frustrated so far the very object of an Established nalional Church ?" " No matter how many leave it ; they are perfectly at liberty to do so ; and there will be the more ease and peace for those that remain," These were the main lines of argument employed by those who wished lo remedy the evil, and those who refused to admit that it was an evil, and wished ils permanent continuation ; and though it was perfectly clear that Scripture, reason, constitutional law, and Christian feeling, all alike con demned it, yet the vote of a Moderate majority could set thetn all aside. The same year witnessed the demission of another minister, the Rev, Mr, Baine of Paisley, who joined the Relief Seces sion, and became minister of one of their churches newly erected in Edinburgh, It may be mentioned, that the Seceders were by no means pleased with what was termed the schism overture, having no desire lo be regarded as schismatics, and still retaining the principles of the fathers of the Secession, who earnestly declared that they did not withdraw from the Church of Scotland, but from a pre vailing parly, by whom ils government was usurped, and all its principles vio lated,* [1767-73,] The agitation caused by this keen contest did not soon pass away. Numerous pamphlets appeared on the subject from time to time, some written by ministers of the Church, some by Sece ders, and some by laymen, who saw and lamented the injurious effects which the unmitigated exercise of patronage, under the management of the Moderate party, * Letter by. Adiun,Oib, 47 was producing. In the meantime the Moderates continued their reckless career. One instance may be briefly mentioned. Mr, Thomson, minister of Gargunnock, was presented lo the parish of St Ni nians ; bul the whole parish was opposed lo his seltiement, some Episcopalians, who cared nothing about the matter, and a few non-resident heritors, being all that could be prevailed upon to concur in his call. The presbytery remonstrated with the patron, the presentee, and the Gen eral Assembly, bul all in vain. Seven years of useless and evasive litigation in church courts passed over ; and at length, in 1773, the Assembly issued a peremp tory order to the presbytery to proceed to the ordination, and every member lo be present. The presbytery met at St, Ni nians ; an immense crowd had assembled ; and Mr, Findlay of Dollar began the re ligious duties which precede ordination and induction. He then paused, and called upon Mr, Thomson, who stood up to listen to the moderator's address. In stead of proceeding to put the usual ques tions, he made one of the most solemn and pointed appeals to the unhappy in truder that ever was addressed lo a hu man being : — " We are met here this day lo admit you minister of St, Ninians. There has been a formidable opposition made against you by six hundred heads of families, sixty heritors, and all the el ders of the parish except one. This op position has continued for seven years by your own obstinacy ; and if you should this day be admitted, you can have no pastoral relation lo the souls of this parish ; you will never be regarded as the shep herd to go before the sheep ; they know you not, and they will never follow you. You will draw misery and contempt upon yourself — you will be despised — you will be hated — you will be insulted and maltreated. One of the most elo quent and learned ministers of this Church told me lately that he would go twenty miles lo see you deposed ; and I do assure you that I and twenty thousand more friends to our Church would dO the sarae. What happiness can you pro pose lo yourself in this mad, this despe rate attempt of yours, without the concur rence of the people, and without the least prospect of usefulness in this parish? Your admission into it can only; be re- 370 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, [CHAP. X. garded as a sinecure, and you yourself as stipend-lifter of St, Ninians, for you can have no further relation lo this pa rish. Now, Sir, I conjure you by the mercies of God, give up this presentation ; I conjure you, for the sake of the great number of souls of St. Ninians, who are like sheep going astray without a shep herd to lead them, and who will never hear you, will never submit lo you, give it up ; I conjure you, by that peace of mind which you would wish in a dying hour, and that awful and impartial ac count which in a little you must give lo God, of your own soul, and of the souls of this parish, at the tribunal ofthe Lord Jesus Christ, give it up !" There was silence, breathless, profound, awe struck silence, for a space. At length the heartless i man made answer, " I for give you. Sir, for what you have now said — may God forgive you ; proceed to obey your superiors." Again there was silence ; then in a low melancholy tone of voice, Mr, Findlay, omitting all usual forms, slowly said, — " I, as moderator of the presbytery of Stirling, admit you, Mr, David Thomson, lo be minister of the parish of St. Ninians, in the true sense and spirit ofthe late sentence ofthe Gen eral Assembly, and you are hereby ad mitted accordingly."* And thus once more absolute patronage triumphed over the principles and laws of Christianity, and another victory increased the glories of Principal Robertson's Moderate ad ministration. That this was a direct and legitimate consequence of the law of patronage, as administered by the Moderate party, headed by Principal Robertson, may be very easily demonstrated ; but he would be a rash and daring casuist who should attempt to prove, that it was a direct and legitimate consequence of the laws of Christ, and reconcilable with the princi ple of his sole Headship and Sovereignty over the Church. [1774-78.] In the year 1774 there appeared a republication of the celebrated Professor Hutcheson's " Considerations on Patronage, addressed to the Gentle men of Scotland," which had been first published in 1736, To this was added a curious appendix, containing a view of the slate of the Secession in Scotland in • Scots Magazine, vol. xxxv, pp, 614, 616, the year 1773, wilh a calculation founded on it, showing the e.xpense which such an extensive Secession entailed on the king dom, falling ultimately upon the posses sors of fixed properly, the landholders, and rhercantile and commercial capital ists. The author of this paper first states, that there were in 1773 al least one hun dred and ninety congregations of Sece ders ; and by a calculation which shows him to have been well acquainted with the principles of political economy, he proves, that the sum of money expended in the maintenance of this large Secession could not amoimt to less than twelve hun dred thousand pounds, ultimately falling upon the possessors of fixed property, and all caused by the destructive patronage law, and the tyrannical conduct of the Moderate parly in the Church,* If the correctness of that calculation be admit ted, and the numbers of seceding congre gations to be taken now at five hundred, which appears lo be near the reality, the amount thereby drained from the capital of the country cannot be less than three limes the sura already stated. And this enormous public burden is borne that patronage may be maintained, and eccle siastical power secured to a party whose whole history is one wild tissue of heresy, error, or suppression of the truth in doc trine, violation of the Presbyterian con stitution, ministerial unfaithfulness, sinful conniving at immorality, and the most wanton and cruel exercise of spiritual despotism, which seemed even lo exult in the infliction of wrong and outrage upon a grave, intelligent, and religious people. Surely the nation will ere long awake, burst the yoke of patronage, and shake off the incubus of Moderatism, beneath which it has so long groaned. The stream of corruption roUed on, widening and deepening as it swept along, for several successive years. Dur ing that time repeated instances occurred in which accusations of heresy were quashed or explained away, and charges of immorality mitigated, smoothed over. and dismissed. Some cases, however, occurred, too public and enormous to be thus passed by. To meet such painful cases the Moderate leaders resorted to a new device. They entered into a private arrangement with the delinquent, accord- * Coiuiderations on Patronage ; lepiinted 1771. A. D. 1780,] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND, 371 ing to which he agreed to accept a pen sion out of the stipend, lo withdraw from the parish, and lo permit an assistant lo he appointed to discharge those duties which public decency would no longer suffer him to desecrate. This was called " mercy lo a weak and erring brother ;" what was it lo the feelings of the dis gusted community ? — what lo the pil laged assistant? — what to the purity of the Church of Christ ? Many such cases might be mentioned, from the earliest re corded instance during the domination of Principal Robertson, down till the loss of power by that party from whose cor rupt policy they originated ; but we for bear, under a strong feeling of shame and regret that such things could be done by men who were al least nominal ly Christian ministers, [1779,] The year 1779 is chiefly re markable for the formidable tumults, amounting almost to civil convulsions, which agitated the country in conse quence ofthe passing of an act of parlia ment, relaxing the civU disabilities and penalties resting upon the adherents of Popery in England, the provisions of which were proposed to be extended to Scotland, The subject came before the General Assembly in the form of an overture for petitioning parliament against the bill, and was discussed with great ability, the Moderate party advocat ing the removal of these disabilities, and the Evangelical parly opposing it. The discussion ended as was to be expected ; for when the arguments of such men as Dr. Erskine and Mr. Stevenson of St. Madoes 'could not be answered, they could be overwhelmed by a vote. But though the overture was rejected on its first appearance in 1778, the tumultuary excitement of 1779 induced Robertson to retrace his steps, and consent to its being then passed as an act. The views of the orthodox party, by whom the over- lure was supported, were utterly averse from any thing like giving sanction to persecution. The main argument was, that while Roman Catholics ought not to be prohibited from worshipping God in their own vvay, nor subjected to severe penalties because they did ; yet they ought not to be intrusted wilh political power, because their own corrupt and erroneous system of religion rendered them unfit conservators of public reli gious truth and moral purity, and because their allegiance to a foreign and necessa rily hostile power at Rome, the enemy of religious and civil liberty, and the im placable foe of the British constitution, rendered it impossible for them to be safely intrusted wilh influence in a Pro testant government, which they could not bul regard it as a sacred duty to subvert.* These arguments were not answered then ; they have not since ; and our own times have furnished the most appalling demonstrations of their truth. [1780.] Several events occurred to mark the year 1780 as memorable in the history of the Church of Scotland, Of these, the first that demands attention is the discussion respecting the propriety of a minister holding a plurality of offices, such as a church and a professorship. There had been many instances of a minister being professor of Theology or Church History, and at the same lime preaching regularly every Sabbath ; bul in all these instances there was either no pastoral charge, or its duties were ful filled by a colleague. The case out of which the discussion rose was that of Dr, Hill of St. Andrews, who, while profes sor of Greek in that university, had been appointed to a parochial charge in the city, and still continued to hold the pro fessorship. A strong endeavour was made by the Evangelical party to pre vent this plurality of offices from obtain ing the sanction of the General Assem bly, both as incompatible with the consti tution of the Church, and as rendering it absolutely impossible that the important duties ofa pastor could be adequately dis charged in that parish. Bul Dr. Hill was already regarded as the second hope_ of the Moderate party, and they defended the appointment strenuously, and with complete success. There is, besides, reason to believe, that there was more in this than was allowed to meet the eye, — that it was the initiatory step in a scheme intended to introduce the system of plu ralities and non-residence, resembling as closely as might be possible that system as it exists in its palmy stale in England,! This, it will be admitted, was no unna- • Life of Erskine, pp, 284-294. t Narrative of the Proceedings of Assembly 1780, by the Rev, James Burn, minister at Forgan, pp, 29^1, 372 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP, X. tural result of King William's " compre hension scheme," which, after the struggle of three generations, seemed ripening into an assimilation scheme. Bul the most signal event by which that year was distinguished was the retire ment of the celebrated Principal Robert son from the high functions which he had so long discharged, as leader of the dominant party in the General Assembly. The only direct account of the reasons which induced Robertson to withdraw from his position as leader of the Assem bly while his constitution was still unbro ken, and all his faculties unimpaired, is to be found in a communication from the Rev. Henry Moncreiff to Dugald Stewart, given in the appendix to his life of Robert son. " I do not know," says Sir Henry, " whether the reasons which led Dr. Rob ertson to retire from the Assembly after 1780 have ever been thoroughly under stood. He had been often reproached by the more violent men of his party, for not adopting stronger measures than he thought either right or wise. Bul there was one subject which had becorpe par ticularly uneasy to him, and on which he had been more urged and fretted than on all the other subjects of contention in the Church, — the scheme, into which raany of his friends entered zealously, for abolishing subscription to the Confession of Faith and Formula. This he ex pressly declared his resolution to resist in every form. ¦ But be was so much teased wilh remonstrances on that subject, that he mentioned them as having at least confirmed his resolution lo retire. He claimed to himself the merit of having prevented this controversy from being agitated in the Assemblies ; but warned me, as a young man, that it would be come the chief controversy of my time, and stated lo me the reasons which had determined his opinions on the subject"* And this was the result of Principal Robertson's '"^wise and enlightened" policy during his despotic administration of ecclesiastical affairs, — the growth of a party directly opposed lo the very ex istence of the Presbyterian constitution, till it became loo strong for even his firm hand to control, and loo importunately urgent for even his calm temper lo en dure ! Could there be a more conclusive * Life of Robertson, Appendix, pp, 297, 298, demonstration, that Moderatism is essen tially anti-presbyterian and anti-scrip tural, — contrary al once to the constitu tional laws of both Church and Stale, and lo the principles and regulations of the gospel ? And the mighty magician, whose potent words had raised the demon, had not the courage to confront and quell it ; — the magnanimous man, whose touch of power had ' drawn from the infidel heart of unregenerate humanity this wild response, recoiled in terror, " scared by the sound hiraself had raade," It is deeply instructive to trace the progress of an evil principle, though it is startling to see it when it appears in all its native hideousness. We learn from other sources, that the men by whom the proposal of abolishing subscription lo the Confession of Faith was most importunately urged, were Messrs. M'Gill and Dalrymple of Ayr, Wodrow of Stevenston, Oughterstan of West Kilbride, Fergusson of Kilwin ning, Ross of Inch in Galloway, and a number of their neighbours and acquaint ances, who held similar opinions, but were somewhat less open in asserting them. Several of these men not only em braced, bul publicly taught Socinian doc trines wilh little or no disguise ; and the small remains of conscience which they possessed impelled them to desire to gel altogether free from the bond of subscrip tion to a Confession of Faith which they did- not believe, and of which their whole life and public teaching was a continual denial Principal Robertson, it appears, opposed this reckless proposal on a ground which very naturally suggested itself to his habits of thought. He knew well that the Church established by law in Scotiand, is a Church publicly avow ing the doctrines staled in the Confession of Faith ; and he saw clearly that lo per mit subscription to this recognized standard to be abolished, would involve the hazard of severinglhe connection between Church and State, since lo cease subscription lo that standard was virtually to cease from being the Church established by law. The danger, however, was not so imrai- nent as he apprehended ; and the heady spirit of innovation in his mutinous fol lowers was checked by the encounter of a comparatively slight obstacle. Some landed proprietors, of better spirit and A. D. 1782.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 373 sounder judgment than those unconstitu tional innovators, hearing of their design, declared that the moment the signing of Confession of Faith was abandoned, they would consider the connection between Church and State al an end, and would therefore pay no more stipend. This was a consequence which these men were not prepared to meet, and their anxiety lo ob tain a greater liberty of conscience sunk into nothing compared with their dread of incurring the loss of worldly wealth. How readily do worldly-rainded raen un derstand, and how acutely feel a worldly argument, when dead lo every thing of a higher and more sacred nature, [1781-82] When Dr, Robertson withdrew from the active manageraent of ecclesiaslial affairs, Dr, Hill of St. Andrews was immediately regarded as his successor in the high office of Mode- rale leader in the Assembly. But though a man of great abilities and eloquence, he never reached the pilch of absolute su premacy which had been possessed by Robertson, He cordially adopted the leading principles of his predecessor's reign, as is clearly proved by his state ment and advocacy of them in the com munications which he furnished to Du gald Stewart, and which are partly em bodied in the Life of Robertson, partly added in the appendix lo that work. Bul he never acquired that unquestionable as cendancy over the minds of the entire parly which the great abilities and the high literary fame of Robertson had se cured to him. His absence from Edin burgh contributed also not a little to pre vent him from possessing that degree of influence which he might otherwise have obtained. The Edinburgh ministers, several of thera men of high talent, and thoroughly versant in ecclesiastical polity, schemed, deliberated, and arranged, while Dr. Hill was attending upon his own duties in St. Andrews; and there often remained little more for him to do than lo slate and defend those measures which the Edinburgh Doctors had already pre pared. Occasionally, loo, it happened, that his opinion and theirs did not tho roughly coincide, and that his eloquence in defence of his own view was over borne by their superior management. Of this a memorable instance occurred in the year 1782. From the time of the Reformation it had been the invariable principle of the Presbyterian Church, as stated in the Books of Discipline and in many of the acts of Assembly, that the call of the people, inviting a duly qualified person to be their minister, was an indispensable element in the formation of the pastoral tie. Even when Prelacy was forced upon the Church, the call continued to be used, and notwithstanding the imposition and reiraposition of patronage, the call was never abandoned. This was a clear proof that the Presbyterian Church had al all times, and in all diversities of cir cumstances, regarded the call of the people as an absolutely indispensable ele ment in the formation of the pastoral lie, whereas patronage never was declared to be either a prerequisite for, or an element in, that sacred relation between ministers and people. It was clear, nevertheless, that there was an inherent incompatibility between a call of the people and patron age ; and that to whatever extent the in'- fluence of the one availed, to the same extent was the other impaired. For that reason all ministers truly Presbyterian in principle always contended earnestly against patronage, as essentially and ne cessarily a violation of the constitution of the Church. But when there arose a worldly-rainded and unpresbyterian fac tion, formed out of the admitted curates and the surviving indulged ministers, that faction concurring with reimposed patron age, and therefore supported by patrons and politicians, gradually gained the as cendancy over the Church, and following their natural bent, depressed the call into a mere matter of form, and elevated the presentation of a patron into absolute supremacy. This was not fully accom plished till the despotic reign of Principal Robertson ; for even Dr, Cuming pub licly termed the law of patronage a " hard law," which it was necessary to obey only till it could be got mitigated or re moved. But the first principle of Robert son's administration, as stated by Dugald Stewart, and corroborated by Dr, Hill, " was a steady and uniform support of the law of patronage,"* He could, however, both understand and ftnitate the wary policy of an Augustus, and knew that it was more safe lo destroy the spirit of * Life of Robertson, p, 173, 374 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, [CHAP. X. liberty than to take away its form. He therefore continued lo require the form of the call to be maintained, while he re duced it to an empty form, an unreal mockery. After his resignation of the reins of ecclesiastical government, the constitutional Presbyterians seem lo have cherished a hope that the ancient spirit of the Church might be at least partially re vived, and that some degree of life might be infused into her paralyzed and pros trate forras. The subject was discussed extensively throughout the Church during the year 1781, and in 1782 overtures from the synods of Lothian, Glasgow, Fife, Perth, Angus, and Galloway, were laid before the Assembly, having for their object that the call might be revived, so as lo be more than a mere matter of form, and lo operate as a partial limitation to patron age. These overtures were, of course, resisted by the Moderate parly ; bul Dr. Hill's motion against thera was not suffi ciently cautious to suit the wily policy of the Edinburgh conclave, and a different motion was proposed by Dr. Macknight, and carried. Dr. Macknighl's motion was as follows: — " That the moderation of a call, in settling ministers, is agreeable to the immemorial and constitutional usage of this Church, and that it ought lo be continuedj" Dr. Hill's motion ad mitted also that it was agreeable to the immemorial practice ofthe Church ; but neither termed it " constitutional," nor said that it " ought lo be continued," end ing thus, — "dismiss these overtures, as at this lime unnecessary." It was easily seen, that Dr. Hill's motion contained a virtual, and, had h been carried, it would soon have produced a real, abolition of the call itself; and the older and raore wary Moderate leaders were not prepared lo perpetrate so open an outrage upon the constitutional forms ofthe Church, though fully determined that nothing which tended to thwart patronage and Moderat ism should ever be more than an empty form. It deserves to be noted, that Dr. Cook, giving, in his Life of Dr. Hill, an account of this debate on calls, enters into a long defence of Dr. Hill's motion, resting that defence on the ground, that " call is in compatible with patronage, and therefore nugatory," The plan proposed by Dr. Cook, the call having, according to his hypothesis, been abolished, is the follow ing : — " That the first introduction of a presentee to those whose spiritual stale he is destined to superintend, should not lake place till he was actually settled amongst thera : That after all these matters had been arranged, a narration of the pro ceedings should be communicated to the people ; and they should be invited lo subscribe a paper, expressing their satis faction with the presentee, and their reso lution lo contribute, by every method in their power, lo his comfortable residence amongst thera,"* It is not necessary to waste words in proving that such a theory is equally unpresbyterian and absurd; but it does seem passing strange that it could ever have been seriously pro pounded by a native of Scotland, ac quainted with the character of the strong- minded and warra-hearled Scottish people. When the people of Scotland have for gotten that ever a Presbyterian Church existed in their country, conferring upon them the inestimable blessings of civil liberty, educated intelligence, moral worth, and high spiritual privileges, and when they have consented lo become the abject slaves of civil and religious despot ism, then may such a scheme be tried, but not till then. The futile theory is here stated, however, for this important reason, that it is an irresistible demon stration of the perfect identity, in principle and nature, of Moderatism in former times with Moderatism now. It is con stantly said by Moderates, in attempting lo defend their system and theraselves, that it is unfair to charge the Moderatism ofthe present day with all the enormities perpetrated by Moderatism in earlier and less civilized limes. But till^ they dis claim the principles, as well as repudiate the practices, of their predecessors, they are justly liable lo the charge. These principles they cannot disclaim : for their present leader has avowed and defended them, even in their most aggravated character, — nay, to an extent far beyond what his predecessors in successive Moderate dynasties ever presumed lo at tempt. And we shall have occasion to show, that in practice, equally as in prin ciple, Moderatism remains unchanged, ' See the whole of this very curious argument and theory inDr, Coolt's Life of HUl, pp, 144-146. A. D. 1785.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 375 There is another incident connected with this year, to which we refer with great delight, both on account of its own pleasing character, and because it tends to explain some otherwise inexplicable peculiarities in the new Moderate dy nasty. It has been already shown that the in subordination of the heretical division of his forces was one of the chief motives that induced Robertson to retire from the management of ecclesiastical affairs. But there was another reason, which must also be stated, A tendency to re vive and defend evangelical doctrines be gan to appear among individuals of the Moderate party ; and this was felt to be a more dangerous matter than either heresy or immorality, and more likely to disturb the calm and steady progress of despotism, inasmuch as men who possess religious principles cannot be governed by mere worldly and selfish motives. The most conspicuous of the half-evan gelical moderates was Dr, Thomas Hardy, recently appointed one of the ministers of Edinburgh, and professor of Church History, This distinguished man had evidentiy formed the plan of uniting the best men ofthe two parties in the Church into one body, able to con trol the extreme sections of both. It is impossible to say how far he might have succeeded in this laudable design bad his life been prolonged ; bul what is of im portance lo notice is, that in 1 782, during the agitation in the Church connected with the overtures on calls, he published a pamphlet, entitled " The Principles of Moderation, addressed lo the Clergy of the Popular Interest in the Church of Scotland," A very few extracts will suffice lo show the spirit of this produc tion, " You subjoin that this trans ference of power in 1712 was wrong; that it was unfriendly in its intention, and has been hurtful in its effects ; and that the liberty of British subjects entitles you to say, that it is a grievance, in the sim ple and grammatical sense of the word, and ought to be redressed. What reply do we make lo this 1 None. We agree with you in the sentiments of the law it self; we allow that it is a hardship, or, if you will contend for a word, we say with you, it is a grievance, not such indeed as to justify resistance, but such as will war rant application for redress.'' " That a new arrangement must lake place sooner or latter, I conclude from the state of the country. The desertion of great bodies of the people from the Establishment is the melancholy evidence of the necessity. Whatever secondary causes may bo brought to account for it, there can be no manner of doubt that it is chiefiy to be ascribed to the law of patronage" Then, after staling that the Secession may be estimated at two hundred conffreara- tions, comprising at least one hundred thousand people, he continues, — " Me- ihinks I hear some reckless youth, in de livering his maiden speech, exclaim on this point, ' So much the better, — they are the factious, the turbulent, the enthu siastic ; the Church is happily quit ; it is only her ill humours that are purged off' Stay my young friend ; you are very honest bul you want experience ; a few more years will convince you, that the Church is not enriched by her losses, nor strengthened by the desertion of her sons." Further, speaking of the neces sity of a change, he adds,^" The ex terior arrangement, therefore, ought in sound policy lo correspond wilh the es sential nature ofthe Establishment, other wise the Church will never be al peace ; and the experienced opposition of seventy years, joined to the revolt of one hundred thousand people, are the proofs that abso lute patronage is irreconcilable with the genius of Presbytery."* The difference between this able pamphlet and Dr. Robertson's manifesto is very marked and very instructive. Dr. Hardy, though not decidedly evan gelical in doctrine, was a man of great candour and integrity of mind, and his enlarged and liberal views, together with some theoretical knowledge of evangeli cal truth, enabled him to apprehend what really is " the essential nature" of the Presbyterian Church, and to perceive that " absolute patronage is irreconcilable Avith it" Dr. Robertson's peculiar theory and his want of that knowledge, left him to view it as a man of the world would do, and to regard it as in nothing essentially different from a mere secular institution having, indeed, some distinc- ' Those who Cfinnot obtain this valuable pamphlet will find extracts from it in Dr. Welsh's evidence in the Patronase Report, p. 260 ; anil in the Dublin Universiiv Magazine, IS'o. xcviii. jtp. 255, 250. 376 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. X. tive forms which it was proper to pre serve as decent and characteristic, but based upon secular maxims, governed by secular regulations, and pervaded throughout by a secular spirit The early and lamented dealh of Dr, Hardy prevented the developement of his scheme; but the sacred element of evan gelism which had begun to spread was destined to work with a disruptive might among the secular principles of Modera tism, disturbing repeatedly the cold con tinuity of their mortiferous operation, and betokening the approaching dissolution of the whole unconstitutional and un scriptural system. Even Dr, Hill, thoroughly as he had imbibed Principal Robertson's views of ecclesiastical polity, began ere long to exhibit symptoms of a tendency to evangelical doctrine ; this in creased with his increasing knowledge of sound theology, in the course of his studies as professor of divinity at St, An drews : and before the close of his career his mind had acquired so full a percep tion of the truth as it is in Jesus, that though he still co-operated with the Mo derate party generally, he had in a great measure lost their confidence as may be learned even from the cautious language of Dr. Cook, in his life of that dis tinguished man. [1783-84.] During the years 1783 and 1784, the chief subject which engaged the attention of the General Assembly was that of patronage. Dr. Hardy's pamphlet seems to have excited afresh the hopes of all sound Presbyterians, that a redress of that great grievance might yet be obtained ; and a number of over tures were laid before the Assembly on the subject. A regular discussion al length look place respecting these overtures in the Asserably of 1784. Dr. Hill moved that they be " rejected as inexpedient, ill founded, and danger ous to the peace and welfare of the Church." It is not necessary to stale even an outline of the arguments used on both sides, in the debate which followed, after the remarks which have been made in the preceding pages. Suffice it to say, that Dr. Hill's motion was carried, and that following up the victory, he pro posed to omit the clause in the instruc tions annually given to the Commission, which required them to apply for redress frora the grievance of patronage, and in this too he was successful. The omis sion of this clause in the instructions an nually given to the Commission is the nearest approach the Church of Scotland has ever made towards even a recogni tion of the patronage law, and it amounts lo nothing more than ceasing openly to condemn what she has never avowedly approved. It will be remembered, that this clause was first inserted in the instructions given to the Commission by the Assembly of 1712, immediately after the passing of the perfidious and un constitutional patronage act, and had been repeated annually ever since. Many years had elapsed since it had been at tended to, the last decided public effort to procure redress having been that of 1735 — 36 ; but the retaining of the clause formed a standing testimony by the Church against the law of patron age, and so far served to exculpate her from participation in its guilt, Dr, Robertson, with his usual sagacious to leration of dead forms, permitted it lo re main ; but the greater rashness, or the higher degree of conscientious honesty of mind, in Dr, Hill, which had formerly led him to attempt abolishing the call induced him now to strike out a clause to vvhich he and his parly never meant that any attention should be paid. This was a very natural step for the Moderate party lo lake, but, thoroughly irrational and unconstitutional. Before rescinding a clause which required application to be made for the redress of what was termed a grievance, Dr, Hill ought to have per suaded the Church to declare that she had ceased to regard it as a grievance, and viewed it rather as a matter of which she now approved, and was desirous of its permanent continuation. This how ever, would have been too perilous an attempt even for Dr. Robertson in all his plentitude of power, as it would have caused the Secession of nearly half of the ministers and at least three-fourths of the population in the kingdom, a junc tion with the already existing Seceders, and the formation ofa new Church, truly Presbyterian and national, whether estab lished by law or not. Are men of that party prepared to braVe a similar peril in the present day? — nay, a peril incalcu lably raore formidable to the empire at A. D, 1790.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 377 large, and fraught with certain and irre coverable ruin to themselves and their unscriptural cause, which would and must utterly perish in the hour of an in jured nation's strong consuming ven geance,* [1785-89,] The effects of this defeat were most disastrous. The true Presby terian ministers, seeing all their hopes again blasted, and trampled under the feet of their triumphant antagonist, sunk into a state of comparatively torpid dis couragement, and ceased lo strive against what now seeraed to bear the aspect of stern invincible necessity. On the olher hand, the Moderate parly assumed once more the haughty port of uncontrolled dominion, enforcing the law of patronage with steady and immitigable rigor. The oppressed and insulted people not only ceased to expect redress, they ceased even to ask it They felt that opposition to patronage was of no avail. Be the pre sentee what he raighl, — a heretic, a grossly immoral person, miserably defi cient in learning, or destitute of the neces sary mental abilities and moral qualifica tions, — if he had obtained a presentation, aU other objections were disregarded, and he was made the "stipend-lifter" in the parish. But he could not be made the pastor of the people. They looked on indignantly and mournfully, till the dese crating deed was done ; then withdrew, built a meeting-house, and chose a pastor for theraselves. In this raanner the most religious paft of the community was driven out of the Church, and those that remained sunk into a state of careless ness, till they ceased to feel and to regret their own calamitous condition. The rising generation grew up accustomed lo such a slate of matters, regardless, com paratively, of the sacredness of that day which God hallowed to himself, neglect ful of public worship, and utterly destitute of personal religion, which too often the example, and even the language, of their half-infidel ministers taught thera to des pise and deride as hypocrisy and fana- ' It may be noted, as proving the consistency of Mod eratism in its unconstitutional career, that Dr. Cook goes even heyond Dr, Hill, and defends absolute and unlimited patronage. "The idea of a discretionary power to set aside a presentation, in particular cases, IS decidedly rejected by the Moderate party." The "want of a sufiicient call is no ground of rejection." " The law of patronage admits of no limitationbut the defined qualifications of a presentee not existing in. a particular individual," (Cook's Life of Hill, pp, 161, 162,) 48 ticism. The Church of Scotland, wher ever thorough Moderatism prevailed, seemed spiritually dead, and all living Christians withdrew from its polluting touch. Yet there were many truly pious ministers sprinkled over the land, shining in their own spheres apart, amid the pre vailing moral dstrkness, like the few scat tered stars that faintiy break the gloom ofa chill and misty night,* Although the sagacious opposition of Dr, Robertson, and the intimated danger to their pecuniary interests, had deterred the extreme Moderates from openly ex pressing their desire to be released from the necessity of subscribing the Confes sion of Faith, yet the intention was by no means abandoned ; only it was judged expedient to bring in the change gra dually, by a series of precedents. In the year 1789, the presbytery of Arbroath presumed lo ordain Mr. George Gleig to be minister in the church of that burgh, without requiring him to sign either the Confession of Faith or Formula.f This strange and daring conduct was brought before the Assembly ; and akhough it deserved a very high censure, the Assem bly deemed it expedient to exercise leniency in the first offence of the kind. Mr, Gleig was allowed to retain the church, upon signing the Confession of Faith in presence of the Assembly ; and the presbytery was rebuked at the bar, and admonished to be more careful for the future, on pain of a higher censure. This decided expression of the mind of the Church, though accompanying a very lenient censure, had the effect of prevent ing that or any other presbytery from a repetition of the offence. [ 1 790.] Mention has been already made of the strong tendency to Socinianism prevalent in many districts of the country where Moderatism chiefly reigned, and particularly in the west of Scotiand, During above ten years the west country was fiercely agitated with polemical con troversy between these Socinians and their sounder brethren. The Socinian party were termed New Light men, and ¦ Such men as Dr. Erskine, Dr. Hunter, Dr. Davidson, Dr. Kemp, Dr. Balfour of Glasgow, Mr. Freebairn of Dunbarton, Dr Bryce Johnson of lloly wood, liis nepliew of Crossmichael, Nisbet of Montrose, Mitchell of Kem- uay, and many others who might be jiametl, remaining within the pale of the Church, kept her alive, during this long and dreary period ; and she perished not, (or a blessing was in her. t Acts uf Assembly, year 1789 ; Scots Magazine. 378 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. X. their opponents were called the defenders of the Old Light, In this controversy, as was to be expected, every person of irre ligious and immoral character espoused the cause of the New Light or Socinian party ; and what they wanted in argu ment they endeavoured to supply by the employment of ridicule, slander, and pro fane mockery of their antagonists. In an evil hour for his country and himself, the New Light party induced Robert Burns to join them, and to prostitute his high poetical genius iu a cause so worth less as the defence of such unprincipled and depraved raen, — nay, initiated him in depths of iniquity to which till then he had been a stranger, — nay, still more fearful, — destroyed what may be termed the natural devotional tendency of the poetical temperaraenl, and impelled him to aim the shafts of his satire against the most sacred rites of the Church and the essential truths of the everlasting gospel. The future dark career and melancholy end of this unhappy son of genius is mainly lo be ascribed to the fatal taint which his mind received from his inter course with the Moderate, Socinian, New Light ministers of Ayrshire and their adherents. These guilty raen have been already named ; and their misled victim's poems will, when rightly understood, in flict upon them the retributive justice of branding their unhonoured memory with the impress of perpetual infamy.* Al length Dr. M'Gill of Ayr had the temerity to publish a work entitled, " A Practical Essay on the Death of Jesus Christ," in which the most glaring Soci nianism was openly taught and main tained. This could not be overlooked. A prosecution was instituted against the author of a work so manifestly heretical. His friends, cherishing, many of them, the same sentiments, but not exposed to equal danger, because they had not given their opinions to the public in any palpa ble form, made every exertion in their power to shelter him from justice. A ' It can be proved beyond the power of doubt, by living and unimpeachable testimony, that Burns him self, within the last fortnight of his hfe, expressed the deepest remorse for what these men had led him to write, and an anxious wish that he might live a little longer, to make some attempt to repair the injury he had done. And Gilbert Burns, in his latter years, re peatedly declared, that the New Light ministers were the chief subverters of all regard fur rehgion in his brother's mind, and that he himself had not escaped unwounded, and long retained the aching scar. protracted litigation before the subordinate church judicatories followed. But al last the matter came before the synod of Glas gow and Ayr, and assuraed an aspect so serious, that he and his friends considered it expedient for hira to evade the danger of deposition, by offering lo explain his meaning, acknowledge his error in what could not be explained away, and suppli cate forgiveness. There were too many in the synod scarcely less heretical than he, for it to pursue a more faithful course. His explanation and apology, though very lame and impotent indeed, were sus tained as satisfactory. The Synod pub lished an account of their proceedings in the case ; the condemned book sunk into that oblivion which was its natural destiny ; and the worthless man was per mitted to return to the perishing flock whora he could not lead to Chiist, as he himself knew not the way.* [179 1-96.] It is not necessary, nor even proper in a work devoted lo ecclesiastical raatters, to do raore than glance at those great political movements which agitate and mould the structure of society, — espe cially movements so vast as lo shake the whole of Europe, and so recent that their vibrations have not j'el settled into repose. For this reason we shall merely allude lo that terrific event the French Revolution, which was on the eve of bursting forth in 1790, and which for several successive years startled and appalled the world, by the sudden changes of aspect, each more hideous and wild than the last, which it assumed, the fierce infidelity which it avowed, and the scenes of atrocious car nage which marked its dreadful progress. Even the most unreflecting were com pelled to perceive what man is when with out religion, — how fearful a thing the de praved, deceitful, and desperately wicked human heart can be, when left to fol low its native tendency, without God, and without hope in the world. The moralist recoiled in horror; the tongue ofthe phi losophical divine clave lo the roof of his mouth ; but the evangelical preacher of the gospel rushed forward, and took his stand betwixt the living and the dead. A mighty revival of genuine spiritual Christianity look place all over Britain, and great exertions were made by the ' Proceedings of the Synod of Glasgow and Ayr, April, 1790, A. D. 1796] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 379 friends of religious truth to communicate to all around thera the knowledge of the gospel of peace and holiness. Numerous religious societies sprung almost simulta neously into being, and reviving Chris tianity began to put forth vital and expan sive energies, which had lain dormant since the Reformation. Wilh returning spiritual life returned that spiritual intelli gence" which enables a man to know for what object spiritual life is given. The Christian community was startled and alarmed al perceiving, that for centuries it had neglected lo attempt the discharge of that very duty, the accomplishment of which is the chief end of the Christian Church Universal. It had neglected the risen Redeemer's imperative coramand, " Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to every creature under heaven," Immediately the idea of instituting Chris tian missions, for the purpose of fulfilling the Saviour's injunction, extending his kingdom, and promoting the salvation of perishing souls, became a leading impulse in the heart and soul of every truly spi rilual- ly-minded Christian, whether he belonged to a Dissenting, Seceding, or Established Christian Church, And in the warm fervour of renewed Christian life and love, many ofthe distinctions which had kept men asunder like brazen walls, melted like wax iS the fire, and free scope was readily given to an amount of Christian intercourse which had for ages been un known. In Scotland the reviving power of this truly Christian spirit was early and strongly fell. A missionary society was formed in Glasgow, and another in Edin burgh, which held its first meeting in March, 1796, the venerable Dr. Erskine acting as ils president. Circular letters were sent to every part of the country, ex plaining and advocating the object for the promotion of which this central mission ary society was formed. These circulars gave rise to much discussion throughout the Church; and the synods of Fife and Moray transmitted overtures lo the Gen eral Assembly, the general tenor of ^hich was, that the General Assembly should " take into consideration by what means the Church of Scotland might most effectually contribute lo the diffusion of the gospel over the world ;" and that " an act might be passed recommending a general collection throughout the Church, lo aid the several societies for propagating the gospel among the heathen nations," In this manner the great object of the Church general of Christ was brought before the notice ofthe Church of Scot land, assembled in its supreme court; and a fair and complete opportunity was given to both parties, into which that court is divided, lo emil a public demon stration and testimony how much, or how little, of the true spirit of Christianity they respectively possessed, "This most important discussion began wilh a piece of very disingenuous policy on the part of the Moderates, who con trived to have both the overtures consi dered in one discussion, Dr, Hill had managed to exclude from the Fife over- lure the specific approbation of missionary exertions which it at first contained, leav ing in it nothing more than a vague ex pression of the propriety that -the Church of Scotland should in sorae way or other contribute to the diffusion of the gospel over the world, which any Moderate could coraplacently affirm, and remain inactive, as pledged to no specific object. On the olher hand, the Moray overture recommended a general collection, against which plausible objections mig ht be u i ged, on the ground of this having a tendency to diminish the resources of the session for the support of the poor. The Evan gelical party wished the overtures to be considered separately, in the hope of car rying the general proposition in behalf of the missionary enterprise, even though the proposed method of promoting it might be rejected. Moderate tactics pre vailed, and the discussion was made to in clude both overtures. The debate which ensued exhibited the character of Mo deratism in a manner which cannot be misunderstood. One of the leading speak ers on the Moderate side, Mr. George Harailton, rainister of Gladsmuir, began by some general admissions of the pro priety of diffusing the gospel. " To dif fuse," said he, " among mankind the knowledge of a religion which we profess to believe and lo revere, is doubtless a good and importanl work ; as to pray for» ils diffusion, and lo expect it, is taught us in the sacred volume of Scripture:" — " To spread abroad the knowledge of the gos pel among barbarous and heathen nations, 380 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SOOTLANB. [CHAP. X seems to be highly preposterous, in as far as it anticipates, nay it even reverses, the order of nature. Men must be polished and refined in their manners before they can be properly enlightened in religious truths. Philosophy and learning must, in the nature of things take the prece dence," Then followed a glowing eulo- gium upon the " siraple virtues " of the " untutored Indian," " But go, — engraft on his simple manners the customs, re finements, and, may I not add, some of the vices, of civilized society, and the influence of that religion vfrhich you give as a compensation for the disadvantages attending such a communication will not refine his morals nor ensure his happi ness," — "When they shall be told that man is saved not by good works, but by faith, what will be the consequence ? We have too much experience of the difficulty of guarding our own people against the most deplorable misapplication of this principle, lo entertain a rational doubt, that the wild inhabitants of uncivilized re gions would use it as a handle for the most flagrant violation of justice and morality," — " But even suppose such a nation [one already civilized,] could be found, I should still have weighty objec tions against sending missionaries thither. Why should we scatter our forces and spend our strength in foreign service, when our utmost vigilance, our unbroken strength is required at home ? While there remains at home a single individual without the raeans of religious knowledge, to propagate it abVoad would be improper and absurd," And at length directing his attention lo the idea of collections for the aid of missions, he exclaimed — " For such iraproper conduct censure is too small a mark of disapprobation ; it would, I doubt not, be a legal subject of penal prosecution," — " Upon the whole, while we pray for the propagation of the gospel, and patiently await its period, let us unite in resolutely rejecting these overtures" Dr, Carlyle of Inveresk, who had been quite ready to spend lime and money in theatrical amusements, rose and said — " I have, on various occasions, during a period of almost half a century, had the honor of being a member of the General Assembly, yet this is the first time I re member lo have ever heard such a propo sal made, and I cannot help also thinking it the worst time," HI therefore se conded Mr, Hamilton's motion, " that the overtures be immediately dismissed," Dr, Hill made a cautious, plausible speech, evading the main topic, animad verting sharply on the peculiarities of missionary societies, and concluding with a more guarded motion, admitting ge nerally the propriety of aiding in the pro pagation of the gospel — disapproving of collections — recommending the promo tion of Christianity at home — praying for the fulfilment of prophecy, and resolving to embrace any future opportunity of con tributing to the propagation of the gospel. David Boyle, Esq., advocate, indulged in a furious philippic against missionary so cieties, as all of a political character, and dangerous to the peace ofthe coramunity. Finally, the motions of Mr. Hamilton and Dr, Hill were combined, and carried by a majority of fourteen, the vote being fifty-eight to forty-four,* So well satisfied were the Moderates with the conduct of Mr. Harailton, and with his brilliant ora tory, that they soon aflerwards honoured bim with the title of doctor in divinity, and elevated him to the moderator's chair, as a reward for his anti-missionary exer tions. Such was the obedience rendered by Moderatism to the risen Redeemer's direct command, " Go ye and raake disci ples of all nations, — preach the gospel to every creature under heaven ;" and thus did it prove itself to be, as a system, essen tially anti-christian. This may seem a harsh saying, and it is with pain and sor row that it is said. But attachment lo genuine and vital Christianity requires its dead counterfeit to be detected and de nounced ; the love of country and of man kind demands, that whatever obstructs the true welfare of Britian and the world should be pointed out and removed ; and true compassion for erring fellow-crea tures, especially for erring Christian brethren, forbids the use of injudicious and criminal tenderness of language in the statement of their grievous errors, which might soothe an uneradicated evil. and leave a deadly hurl unprobed, un healed, deeply and silently festering to death. «(1797.] While religious and moral desolation overspread the districts pf the * Bee an aecount of the Debate published in 1796. A, D. 1797.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 381 country where Moderatism chiefly pre vailed, and an alarming increase of vice, immorality, crime, and political discon tent, exhibited the pernicious results of that dead form of worldly religion, there were other parts of the kingdom which still enjoyed the priceless blessing of an evangelical ministry, and where living Christianity bore its natural fruits, both in the earnestness with which the people attended upon the ministrations of their faithful pastors, and in the anxiety which the increasing population of such districts showed lo obtain additional means of re ligious instruction, adequate to the wants of their increasing numbers. Overtures were sent to the General Assembly, from several presbyteries, for permission to erect what were termed chapels of ease in populous parishes, where additional accommodation was wanted beyond what the parish church could afford, and where also the need of an additional pastor was equally manifest. It may be easily sup posed that no such requests came from the parishes where there had been violent and intrusive settlements ; for in such cases, the people seceded from the Na lional Church, and built churches of their own. But wherever there were faithful and evangelical ministers, the people manifested no desire lo quit the Church of their fathers ; but when the provided means were not sufficient, they were willing to build a new church in the ne cessitous locality, and remain .within the pale of the national eslablishraent, pro vided they could obtain the sanction of the General Asserably lo such a mea sure. It might be thought that there could be no possible objection lo this. Not so thought the sagacious Moderates, They perceived clearly, that in general these chapels of ease would be the resorts and the nurseries of evangelism ; and as they wished the whole kingdom to be brought as speedily as possible into the same stale of lethargic indifference as that in which they were themselves con tentedly slumbering, they discountenanced all such proposals. After the Assembly had been repeatedly addressed on the sub ject, and it had become no longer possible to evade it, a committee was appointed in 1795 lo inquire into the matter, and re port to next Assembly, The report was received in 1796, approved of, and trans mitted lo the presbyteries, according to the Barrier Act, previous lo its being made a standing law of the Chuich, In 1797, it came before the Assembly, when it appeared that thirty-four presbyteries disapproved of the overture, and only thirty approved ; consequently, according lo the constitutional laws of the Church, it was rejected.* Yet the Moderates, raaking a desperate effort in the Assem bly, passed the actually rejected overture into an interim act, and re-transmitted it again to the presbyteries, in which, by dexterous management, they succeeded in procuring a majority lo approve, so that the Moderate overture finally passed into a law in the year 1798, The chief point in this act of Assembly, on account of which the Evangelical par ly opposed it, is the clause which proposes, that when a petition for a chapel of ease is laid before any presbytery, they " shall not pronounce any final judgment on the petition, till they shall have received the special directions of the Assembly there on," The object of this was to put it in the power of the General Assembly, where the Moderates could secure a ma jority, to prevent the erection of a chapel in any dangerous place, where Evangel ism was already strong, and in general to discourage the erection of chapels. And in order to accomplish this, so desirable an object, as they viewed it, they did not hesitate to deprive presbyteries of their constitutional right to judge in the first instance of every ecclesiastical matter within their bounds, subject only to the review of the superior church courts by appeal. Against this glaringly unconstir lutional procedure, as well as against the object which it was intended to effect, the Evangelical and constitutional party strove earnestly but unsuccessfully. Dr.. Hunter, professor of theology in, Edin. burgh. Dr. Bryce Johnston of Holywood, and Sir Henry Moncreiff, distinguished themselves in this controversy on the Evangelical side.t This conduct of the Moderate party furnishes another clear proof of the equally unchristian and un constitutional character of their princi- * Reasons of Dissent ' Bemarks on a paper entitled " Heads of an Argu ment," &c, by Sir Henry MoncriefiT; Reasons of Di0. sent ,. 382 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. X. pies and their whole system. So recent ly as the preceding year they had declared it " improper and absurd to propagate the gospel abroad, while there remained a single individual at home without the means of religious knowledge," And now they did their utmost lo prevent the people from procuring the means of reli gious instruction to themselves, and at their own expense, thereby, so far as they were able, inflicting a deadly paralysis upon the progress of Christianity both al home and abroad ; violating, too, the constitution of the Presbyterian Church, that they might accomplish their purpose. [1798-99.] Little was now wanting lo complete the full developement of Mode ratism, and that little was not long in be ing supplied. It had already done its ut most in driving the gospel out of its own circle, denying it equally lo the heathen abroad and to the people at home : it had now nothing lo do bul to put an end lo the Christian communion of all true be lievers, so far as its power could do so. The occasion of proceeding lo this last act of degeneracy was furnished by the late celebrated Rowland Hill, This somewhat eccentric man, but most faith ful and indefatigable servant of the Lord, came to Scotland about the end of July 1798, and immediately began to preach, in churches when permitted, and in the open air when he could not obtain adrais sion to a place of worship. Edinburgh was loo strongly garrisoned by Moderate divines for him to obtain access to the pul pits in that city ; but he preached on the Calton Hill to great multitudes of atten tive hearers. At Glasgow, Paisley, and other places in the west of Scotland, he was freely admitted lo preach in the churches of the Establishment, In seve ral other parts of Scotland he met wilh similar Christian brotherhood ; and some of the Seceders allowed him to preach in their meeting-houses, while others re fused. After his return to England, he published an account of his Scottish tour, in which he indulged freely in remarks and animadversions upon the state of re ligion in Scotiand, There were several mistakes, much strong sense, great warmth and liberality of Christian feel ing, and a considerable degree of pun gent sei^rity in his remarks, especially when expressing his opinion of the Mod erate party and their adherents,* The Moderate party were extremely displeased that Rowland Hill had been permitted to preach in several churches of the Establishment, and felt keenly galled by his pointed and severe animad versions upon their principles and con duct. And as it was known that he con templated an early repetition of this visit, they determined lo prevent the possibility that either he or any olher .evangelical rainister of any other Church should be again permitted to preach within the pale of the Establishment, An act was ac cordingly passed by the General Assem bly in 1799, declaring that all licences granted to probationers, " without the bounds of this Church," are invalid, and that presentations given to such persons must be refused. The ostensible reason for this part ofthe enactment was, to pre vent incompetent persons from resorting lo England or Ireland lo obtain a license, by means of which they might be intro duced to churches without due qualifica tion. It had the effect, however, of pre venting any man frora being appointed to a church in Scotland if he had not been licensed by a Scottish presbytery, ' " The dispensation of mercy to fallen man entirely by Jesus Christ is not the subject preached by the ma jority ; but with some, a mangled gospel, law and gos pel wretchedly spliced together ; with others, a mere hungry system of bare-weight morality ; and with a third, what is worse still, a deliberate attack on all the truths they have engaged to uphold. The few, in comparison, orthodox aihong them are stigmatized by the nickname of the wi^, while the fashionable divines on the other side of the question compliment them selves with the appellation of ihe Moderate. This epi thet naturally reminds ns of another, ^ lu/cewarm, neither cold nor hot ' In short, it is as with all who adopt the present half-way infidel system of the day, so, report says, it is with them ; the cause of morality declines with the cause of the gospel; anil I fear the Scots, by far the best educated and best behaved people in the British dominions, will soon be no better than their neighbours. Like their ministers, they will all become Moderates ; first, they will be Moderates in re ligion ; they will have Moderate notions of Jesus Christ and the gospel of salvation, for we cannot expect they will be better than their teachers; they will next be contented with a Moderate share of love to God, of prayer, and of repentance ; they will be more Moderate in regard to the use of their Bibles, and be more Mod erate in their zeal in teaching their children the Assem bly's Catechism; and this will lead them to be Mide- rates m morality. In point of chastity, sobriety, hon esty, &c., they will soon become Moderate, and be very anxious to grow in this famous fashionable moderation, till they become immoderately wicked ; unless, through I)ivine mercy, they bear a little more of the ' grace of God that bringeth salvation,' the only doctrine that ' teacheth us to deny ungodliness and worldly lusts, and to live soberly, righteously, and godly, in this present world.' "—(Journal through theNorthof England, and parts of ScoUand, with Remarks on the Present State of the Estabhshed Church of Scotland, &c. By Row land Hill, Pp, HI, 112,) A. D, 1799,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 383 whatever might be his qualifications ; and it was certainly indicative of a nar row and illiberal spirit, Bul the conclud ing part of the act is that which most de serves attention. It prohibited ministers of the Establishment " from employing to preach, upon any occasion, or to dis pense any of the ordinances of the gos pel," persons not qualified to accept a pre sentation ; and also, "frora holding minis terial communion in any other manner with such persons."* By this act such men as Rowland Hill and Simeon of Cambridge were expressly aimed al, and excluded from every pulpit in the Eslab lished Church of Scotiand, not because they were Episcopalians, but because their doctrine was evangelical ; for this act was moved, carried, and enforced by the Moderate party, contrary lo the feelings and the wishes of their Evangelical op ponents. It may be mentioned also, that by the same Moderate parly in the As sembly, a pastoral admonition was pre pared and, sent through the Church, warning against giving countenance to religious societies, missionary associa tions, itinerant preachers, and Sabbath schools, on the assumption that these were conducted by " ignorant persons, altogeth er unfit for such an important charge," — and " persons notoriously disaffected to the civil constitution of the country, and who kept up a correspondence with other societies in the neighborhood." It need scarcely be said now that these accusa tions were altogether groundless ; and it can hardly be supposed that those who uttered such charges did themselves be lieve them. But it was a convenient mode of fixing the brand of " sedition" upon preachers and teachers of Chris tianity, as was done in the days of the apostles, and has often since been repealed, when the enemies of the gospel wished to obtain a plausible pretext for persecut ing its defenders. The acts of this Assembly may be re garded as having completed the develope ment of the system of Moderatism. It had ils origin, as a system, in the combi nation which early took place between the indulged ministers and the Prelatic in cumbents, who were introduced into the Church by the pernicious " comprehen- • Acts of Araembly, year 1799; Cook's Life of Hill j p. 176, I sion scheme" of King William. The perfidious act of 1712, reimposing pa ironage, gave it growth and fostered it in to strength. Early in ils progress it shovved itself favourable to unsoundness of doctrine and laxity of discipline, and strongly opposed lo the rights and privi leges of the Christian people. Heresy was more than tolerated ; the doctrines of grace and evangelical truth were con demned ; legal preaching was encour aged; and a cold and spiritiess morality was substituted instead of the warm life of the gospel. Increasing in power, it gave more open and vigorous exercise lo its malignant nature, by violating the con stitutional principles of the Presbyterian Church, perpetrating intrusive and violent settlements, repressing the remonstrances of faithful ministers, driving them out of the Church, protecting ils own heterodox and immoral adherents, courting patrons and politicians, insuhing and deeply grieving the religious part ofthe commu nity, and causing them, even more in sorrow than in anger, lo abandon the be loved National Church of their martyred fathers. Arrived at maturity, it boldly declared ils principles lo be entirely worldly, and its whole policy to be founded on the maxims of secular society, directly contrary to the distinct declarations of the Lord Jesus Christ, and His inspired apos tles. With difficulty was it restrained from abandoning the subscription of the Confession of Faith, though even world ly policy could perceive the danger of a deed so glaringly unconstitutional. Ad vancing towards the stage of rigidity which is symptomatic of decline, it pro hibited the missionary enterprise, and thereby declared lo the world that it had so little of a Christian spirit as not to feel itself bound to discharge the great com mission given by the risen and ascending Saviour lo His disciples. Having refused lo aid in propagating the gospel abroad, it next exerted itself in checking the exten sion of Christian instruction at home, by the obstructions and difficulties with which it opposed the erection of new churches ; and by the act 1 799, it declared against Christian communion with other Churches, however sound in their doc trine and faithful in their ministry. As a worldly system it was now complete. Vital religion had been driven out of its 384 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. X. pale, or paralyzed within it. By declar ing against the propagation of the gospel, it had almost avowedly thrown off its al legiance lo Christ. By prohibiting all ministerial communion with other ortho dox Protestant Christian Churches, it virtually denied the doctrine ofa " Church Universal," rejected the " Coraraunion of Saints," and disclaimed the all-pervading, heart-uniting, and love-breathing brother ly affection, infused into all true raerabers of the household of faith, by the presence and energy of the Holy Spirit. Such did Moderatism prove itself to be, when it reached its full developement, as a sys tem, worldly, despotic, unconstitutional, unpresbyterian, unchristian and spiritual ly dead, — the utter negation of every thing free, pure, lofty, and hallowed,— if indeed, it ought not rather to be said, that its essence was antipathy to every thing scriptural, holy and divine,* Bul while Moderatism was thus swath ing itself up in thick cerements, as if to indulge in a long and dignified repose, Like a lifeless yet life-like embalmed Egyptian monarch in his hieroglyph-en crusted sarcophagus, there was an active life around it, and even a disturbed vital ity, within the oppressed heart of its own torpid frame. It has been already stated, that several of the ordinary Supporters of the Moderate policy held and taught the doctrines of the gospel. Not only was it necessary lo retain these, because without them it would not have .been possible to secure majorities in church courts, but it was also necessary to conciliate them, by occasionally passing measures contrary to the true nature of the Moderate sys tem. Thus it was, that at the very lime when that system had acquired ils cora- plfile developement, it began to exhibit symptoms of disorganization, the sure harbingers of decay. But thus it is in all things essentially worldly ; the point of full maturity is that where decline and fall begins. The decline of Mode ratism was hastened also by the quick ened life and energetic movements of so ciety at large, which could no longer tolerate the sluggish inertness and rigid ¦ It will be perceived that Moderatism is here viewed as a system without specific reference to those who embraced it, and without meaning to deny that there were among the Moderates many men, who were bet ter than their system ; in the same manner as the sys tem of Popery is condemned, without denying the vital Christianity of many of its members. encrustation of a system unsuited to the spirit of the times. This became appa rent early in the century which was on the point of commencing, and in which the contest between the worldly policy of Moderatism and the spirit of evangelical Christianity became warm, incessant, and intensely determined; every year in creasing the strength and brightening the hopes of those true friends of con stitutional, Presbyterian, and Christian principles, who were the genuine repre sentatives of the Church of Scotland ; and weakening both the power and the courage of their opponents, who soon be gan lo display, not the calm and haughty confidence of superior might, bul the restiess and angry energy of danger and despair, [1800-5,] It is at all times hazardous to write what may be termed contempo raneous history ; both because the histo rian is himself exposed to the bias arising from personal predilections, and because the minds and feelings of ,ihe living generation are too much occupied by their own share of the transactions, to permit thera lo exercise an impartial judgment either on the events themselves, or on the narrative of the historian. Yet in matters of great and sacred principle it may be possible lo state the truth both fairly and fearlessly, leaving it lo future limes lo repel any charge of partiality which may be made. It will not be ne cessary, however, lo do more than trace the outlines of the leading facts and prin ciples of a period which lies within the memory of men but little past the prime and vigour of their life. The first subject which occurred in the new century, of sufficient importance to demand attention, was that of a plural ity of offices in the Church, held by the same individual. In the year 1800, Dr, Arnot, professor of divinity in St, An drews, was presented lo the parish of Kingsbarns, which is six or seven miles distant from the town. This union of offices was opposed in the presbytery by Mr, Bell, minister of Crail, bul unsuc cessfully. It was also opposed in the synod, and came before the Assembly, where it gave rise to one of the most animated debates that ever occurred in that venerable court. In that celebrated discussion, Principal Brown of Aher- A, D. 1805.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND, 385 deen opposed pluralities in a speech of surpassing eloquence and power, before the constitutional principles, high moral tone, clear strength of argument, and elevated Christian faithfulness of which, the firmest Moderate quailed and shrunk in conscious feebleness. But though ma nifestly defeated in arguraent, the " pre vailing parly" could still procure the sanction of a majority of votes; and Dr, Arnol was allowed lo retain both the pa rish and the chair, contrary to the whole spirit of the Presbyterian constitution, and with the certainty that in such a combination of offices the duties of nei ther could be adequately discharged,* Although the Evangelical party failed in this constitutional struggle, a deep and lasting impression was made on the mind of the comraunity, and public intelligence began to mark on which side of. the Church integrity and faithfulness was chiefly to be found. The Moderate triumph was equivalent to a defeat ; for all the sophistry which they employed could not allay the strong feeling of re pugnance to such unions which had been excited, and the country rang with the clear and loud sentence of condemna tion uttered indignantly against such self- interested conduct. The celebrated Leslie case, as it has been termed, came next, and deepened the impression which that of Dr. Arnot had produced. Upon the death of Mr. John Robison, professor of natural phi losophy in Edinburgh, and the promo- lion of Mr. Playfair from the mathemat ical chair lo that which had become vacant, the Edinburgh ministers deemed it a convenient opportunity for securing another plurality, and immediately en deavoured to procure the appointment of Dr. Macknight to the chair of mathemat ics. This, however, soon appeared to be a matter of more difficult accomplishment. Two of the most distinguished professors in the university, Dugald Stewart and Playfair, wrote letters upon the subject lo the lord provost ; in which they proved that the duties of a professor gave full employment for the talents and industry of any man, and that a faithful discharge of them was incompatible with those im portant functions of a different kind which belong lo a clergyman holding * Soots Magazine, year 1601, 49 the pastoral office. The town-council, in whom the nomination lo that chair is vested, were convinced by these argu ments, and declared their intention of giving the appointment to him by whom the highest testimonials of qualification should be produced. This determination rendered it no longer doubtful who should be the successful candidate, as none of them could al all stand a com parison with Mr, John Leslie in point of scientific genius and acquirements. But in a Treatise on Heat, which that gen tleman had published a short while be fore, he had thought proper to diverge into some metaphysical speculations on the idea of necessary connection between cause and effect. This was immediately laid hold of by the Edinburgh doctors, and an attempt was raade lo convict Les lie of advocating principles of an atheis tical tendency. A controversy of a melaphysico-lheological kind arose, in which the Moderates assailed Mr, Les lie's view, and the Evangelicals defend ed it, to the astonishment of the literary public, who saw in the party which they had been accustomed to regard as con sisting of narrow-minded fanatics, the most enlightened defenders of true sci ence. The subject came at length be fore the Assembly ; and after a long and; able debate, this attempt of Moderate in tolerance was defeated by a majority of twelve.* This discussion was of considerable general importance, especially in direct ing the public mind towards the tendency of the Moderate system. So long as that was confined lo Church politics, compa ratively little interest was felt respecting it ; and although by one part of that system plurality of offices had been in troduced, so long as that was restricted to the theological professorships, it did not attract much notice. But Avhen it was perceived that the dominant party were endeavouring to acquire the possession of the chairs devoted to literature, sci ence, and philosophy, it was felt that this encroaching spirit must be repelled, lest the interests of literature and science should suffer. The argument against pluralities was not indeed placed on the strongest ground by the literary part of * Pamphlets on the Leslie Controversy ; Assembly Debate ; Edinburgh Review, No. xiii. 386 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. X. the community. They looked to the in jury likely to be sustained by science, if its teachers should be men whose atten tion wts distracted by another class of duties ; but Christian men deplored the evil which must be done to rehgion, if its teachers should devote themselves to secular employments, and neglect the eternal welfare of those over whose spi ritual interests they had been appointed to watch. And the idea very readily suggested itself to the minds of reflecting people, " Surely these men must enter tain a very low notion of the ministerial office and its unspeakably important du ties, who can so eagerly grasp at another office, totally different in its nature, to which if they attend, they must inevita bly neglect their pastoral charge," Such opinions becoming prevalent, tended greatly to weaken Moderatism, by lead ing men lo inquire into its real character, and to contrast it wilh Evangelism, so long calumniated or despised, [1805-10,] Nothing of peculiar public moment marked the years between 1805 and 1810. Perhaps the only thing which deserves lo be noticed is the internal dis organization which began to appear among the Moderate party during that period. The most remarkable instance of it occurred in the different views taken by Dr, Hill of St, Andrews, and Drs. Grieve, Finlayson, and others of the Edinburgh rainisters, in the case of the Duke of Harailton against Mr. Scott, minister of Stralhaven, respecting the claims of the latter for an augmentation. Dr. Hill disapproved of the strong meas ures advocated by the Edinburgh minis ters, and stated his views to Lord Mel ville, who entirely agreed with him ; but as the Edinburgh clergy had been in the habit of acting like a permanent corarait tee for the raanagement of ecclesiastical affairs, they were indignant that even Dr, Hill should have offered an opinion till he had consulted them,* The high- minded and honourable conduct of Dr. Hill prevented this disagreement from widening lo an actual breach ; but it put an end to that unanimity by which the course of Moderate policy had been hitherto characterised. It was indeed itself a consequence of causes previously in operation. Of these, the chief were, • Dr, Cook's of Life HiU, pp. 189-207. as already stated, the residence of Dr, Hill, the avowed leader of the Moderates, in St, Andrews, which prevented him from being generally present in the pri vate consuhalions of the Edinburgh clergy ; and the deeper and sounder theology of Dr. Hill himself, which ren dered it impossible for him to be a tho rough Moderate on all points, although he followed the principles of Robertson with regard to Church government. In the year 1810, Dr. Andrew Thom son was appointed to one of the Edin burgh churches, and four years after wards to St. George's, as rainister of which, this distinguished and remarkable man became fully known to the public. He was one of those men who stamp the impress of their own character upon that of the age in which they live; and his appearance in the Scottish metropolis must be marked as the commencement of an era in the ecclesiastical history of his country. Soon after his arrival in Edinburgh, the " Christian Instructor" was commenced under his management as editor ; and by its means the thoughts and reasonings of his powerful raind were communicated lo the public like successive shocks of electricity, stirring the heart of the kingdora frora its torpid lethargy, and spreading dismay among his discorafited antagonists. The public mind had indeed been already partially aroused ; and instead of being allowed to sink back into dull and listless repose, the favourable moment was seized, and it was urged forward with a steady and persevering might, which could not long be successfully resisted. Every year it became more and raore a matter of gene ral conviction that some measure of ec clesiastical reforra was become impera tively necessary ; and as the true princi ples ofthe Presbyterian Church of Scot land were rescued from the oblivion into which they had been cast, this conviction assumed the form of a full belief, that nothing more was necessary than lo re store those principles to their native and vital operation. [1811,] By a reraarkable coincidence, al the very time when Dr, Thomson had resolved lo employ the mighty power of the press for the purpose of reawakening the slumbering energies ofthe Presbyte rian Church, a potent auxiliary was on A, D. 1817,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 387 the point of appearing in the field, and engaging in the maintenance of the same great cause. In November 1811 was published " The Life of John Knox," by the Rev. Thomas M'Crie, A huge host of prejudices were at once scattered to the winds, or compelled to retreat to the dark lurking-places of ignorance, on the appearance of this magnificent biog raphy. The enemies of the Church of Scotland found that it was no longer pos sible to accuse the great Scottish Re former of morose and gloomy bigotry, or wild and stern fanaticism, without periling their own characters, and ex posing themselves lo the charge of igno rance too dark to be enlightened, and prejudices too dense lo be dispelled ; while the friends of scriptural truth found themselves af once adraitted lo the arraoury of the invincible chiefs of old, from which they might obtain weapons wherewith to resist and quell the adver sary. Nothing could more have borne the aspect of an express arrangement of Providence than did the propitious ap pearance of this noble work. Even the leading authorities in the literary world were prompt and loud in their applause ; and the great principles which it con tained and enforced wrought their way into the public mind, convincing, enlight ening, and invigorating thousands, pre paratory to their coming forward lo dis charge their duty in the sacred contest which the true Church of Scotland has ever waged in defence of civti. and reli gious liberty, [1813-17.] Another plurality case oc curred in the year 1813. Mr. Ferrie, professor of civil history in St. Andrews, was presented to the parish of Kilcon quhar, distant twelve miles from the uni versity seat. The presbytery refused to sustain the presentation, unless Mr, Fer- would assure ihem that he would resign his professorship immediately on being settled in the parish. To this he would not consent, and the matter was carried by appeal to the Assembly. After a very long and animated debate, the sentence of the presbytery was reversed by a ma jority of five, in a very full house. Al though the union of offices involving non-residence was thus once more sanc tioned by the strenuous exertions of the Moderates, yet the smallness of the ma jority indicated that such abuses could not much longer be endured. Next year the subject was brought before the As sembly by an overture from the synod of Anghs and Mearns ; and after a long and full discussion, what is termed a declaratory act was passed, declaring it lo be inconsistent with the constitution and the fundamental laws of the Church of Scotland for any minister to hold ano ther office which necessarily required his absence frora his parish, and subject ed him to an authority that the presbytery to which he was a member could not con trol,* In the Assembly of 1815, an ai- lempt was raade to alter the judgment of the preceding year, on the ground that it was really a new law, and ought lo have been subject to the regulations of the Barrier Act, This was successfully re sisted ; but a great outcry was raised by the moderate parly, who asserted that the Asserably was violating the intrinsic rights of presbyteries, and insisted that the recent act should be rescinded, and an overture on ' the subject should be transmitted to presbyteries in the usual manner. An overture was accordingly framed by Dr. Hill in 1816, similar to the recent declaratory act, which, after passing the usual course, was confirmed by the Assembly of 1817, and became a permanent law on the subject of the pluralities, to the extent of putting an end lo every such union of offices as was incompatible with residence in the parish. This was so far a reforming act, extorted from the Moderate party by the growing strength of evangelism, and the increas ing intelligence and enlightenment of the age. Bul that Moderatism itself was not improved, may be very easily shown by one or two illustrations. Several instan ces occurred about this time of rainislers accused of drunkenness and iramorality ; and although these accusations were cor roborated by evidence sufficient to satisfy almost every impartial man, they Avere explained away into " alleged breaches of decorum," and the culprits allowed to pass unpunished. In another case, a minister was accused of. criminal inti macy with a female servant ; the ecclesi astical courts managed lo find the charge not proven, bul the civil court found the ' Acts of Assembly, year 1814 ; Scots Magazine, 388 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP, X. evidence sufficient to entitie the woraan to legal support for herself and her in fant, which the minister was obliged lo give, and still was allowed to remajn in the spiritual office, which he held but to desecrate. The year 1815 is raarked by one in cident, apparently slight in itself, but fraught with consequences the irapor- tance of which cannot easily be over estimated. In that year was published^ the address of Dr, Chalmers to the pa rishioners of Kilmany, when he left that parish on being translated to the Tron Church, Glasgow. There are circum stances connected with that event, the history of which cannot yet be written. But every one who peruses heedfully that address, will mark the deep tone of fervent evangelical piety by which it is pervaded ; and some of clearer vision may perceive in it traces of that solemn and profound emotion which fills the soul that has recently been called out of darkness into God's marvellous light, and is still Ireraulous with the fresh fer vour of its new-born spiritual life, Frora that tirae forward the world was again to see, as in earlier and better days, how great and lovely a thing is genius of the loftiest order, hallowed by the love of God, and consecrated to His glory, [1820-25.] In the year 1820, there oc curred an instance of the fierce raalignity, defeating its own purpose in its blind vindictiveness, which often characterizes the conduct of a falling party. An over ture was introduced by Dr. Bryce, regard ing the sharp and severe animadversions on the conduct of the Moderate party, which frequently appeared in the "Chris tian Instructor," A very animated dis cussion look place, the galled party rising into unusual eloquence under the stimu lating influence of the castigation which they had often received. The motion was carried by a majority of one, bul it gave rise lo no ulterior proceedings.* The voice of an indignant public was heard, too loud lo be disregarded by even that parly whose characteristic it was to disregard the public voice. It raight have been very convenient lo hide in im penetrable darkness those deeds which could not bear the light ; bul the nation was not prepared to suffer the liberty of ' Christian Instructor, the press to be abridged for the accom modation of those who crouched in its free presence, and shrunk from its indig nant rebuke. The Moderate triumph was a severe defeat' It showed at once vindictiveness and impotence, and caused the loss of both respect and dread. The great question of pluralities came again before the General Assembly in the year 1824, It was caused by the appointment of Dr. Macfarlan lo be Prin cipal of the University in Glasgow, and also minister of St Mungo's in the same city. This was the first instance in which the propriety of a union of offices in the same city or parish was made the subject of a debate in the Assembly. It had been strenuously opposed in the presby tery by Dr. Macgill ; bul a large major ity decided in favour of the union when the subject came before the supreme ecclesiastical court. It was, however, generally believed that a different result might be expected, if the question were tried on its general merits, apart from all personal considerations, such as arise when the interests of individuals are con cerned. Eighteen overtures on the sub ject were laid on the table of the General Assembly in 1825, proving the deep in terest with which it was regarded by the community at large, A debate ensued, remarkable for the accurate research into the constitutional history of the Church displayed by some^-the grave and lofty views of the sacredness and importance of ministerial duties exhibited by others, and the powerful and thrilling eloquence of Chalmers and Thomson.* But again the power of numbers prevailed over the power of learning, reason, genius, and Christian principle ; and a majority of twenty-six was found lo defend the union of professorships with parochial charges in the seat of a university. It deserves lo be remarked, although the observation may seem lo be minute, that the Moderate parly obtained their general majority by means ofthe elders, there being a positive majority of four ministers against plurali ties. This fact was not unnoticed by the public, who did not fail to mark on which side of the Church they were to look for personal disinterestedness and a high sense of duty in the discharge of their * Debates on the Plurality Question, years 1625 and 1826. A. D. 1830.] HISTORY Qf THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND'. 389 sacred functions. Nor will it be thought strange, that the elders should have so generally voted on the Moderate side, when it is remembered how, and for what purpose, that parly had been in the habit of making Assembly elders. The spirit of the evangelical and reforming parly was not, however, broken by this defeat. Sixteen overtures on the subject brought it again before the Assembly of 1826, and another able and brilliant debate took place. Bul a strong exertion had been made by the Moderate party, their full strength was mustered, and they obtained a majority of fifty-four. This was the last debate on the subject. A royal com mission for visiting the universities of Scotland having been appointed, the two parties in the Church agreed lo suspend the desperate struggle, and lo await the decision of the comraission. To this the Evangelical party might well consent ; for public opinion had already expressed itself decisively against such a union of offices as rendered it absolutely impossi ble for the person who held them to dis charge adequately the importanl duties of both. The opinion ofthe royal commis sion was at length given, and almost in the very terms of the motions which the Evangelical paily had so long and strenu ously advocated in the Assembly.* Thus one fundamental principle of the Church of Scotland vvas again revived and en forced, greatly to the discomfiture and dismay of that unconstitutional parly which had so long held a usurped do minion over the Church, and with the usual policy of usurpers, had striven lo misinterpret those laws which could not be concealed, and to conceal those that could not be misinterpreted. And as each successive great principle was brought anew to light by the true and fearless defenders of Scotland's ancient Church, a fresh vitality was poured into the nation's heart, a new intelligence enlightened the public mind, and like an iceberg pierced by the sunbeams and wasted by the rush of living waters, the cold fabric of Moderatism swayed heavily, and tottered lo its fall, [1826-30,] It has been already slated, that the infusion of evangelical principles into even the Moderate parly tended greatly lo cause the overthrow of Mode- ' Report of the Royal Commission. ralism as a system ; and Dr, Hardy and Dr, Hill have been mentioned as having been greatly instrumental in promoting thisTJetter spirit among their party. To their respected names must be added those of Dr. William Ritchie, Dr, Nicoll, and especially Dr. Inglis, all of whom taught evangelical doctrine, although they sup ported the general course of Moderate church policy. To Dr, Inglis is especial honour due, as the man by whom was first proposed, matured, and carried into effect, that measure on which so much of the Divine blessing has conspicuously rested, the Church of Scotland's Mission lo India, And it is with peculiar delight that this brief tribute of respect and gra titude is paid to the memory of one who was distinguished by remarkable clear ness and soundness of judgment, candour, sincerity, and frankness of mind, and a calm personal piety, deepening as he grew near the close of bis life, and ren dering his last years both the loveliest and the best* So early as the year 181§, the attention of Dr, Inglis had been di rected to the subject of missions, and his enlightened mind speedily detected the unchristian character of the opinions promulgated respecting it by the Moder ate leaders of 1796. In 1824 he brought the matter publicly before the Assembly, and the weight of his character, and the position which he occupied, al once secured for it a degree of attention from both sides of the Church, which it could not otherwise have easily obtained. There is no reason lo doubt, that if it had been brought forward by one ofthe Evangeli cal side, it would have met immediate and strong opposition ; but the wisdom of Providence was clearly shown in prepar ing a leader of the Moderate party to be the first advocate of a measure of such a Christian character, and respecting which it was so exceedingly desirable that there should be no dissentions in a Christian Church, In 1825, a committee was ap pointed lo consider and report on the sub ject; and in 1826, a "Pastoral Address to the People of Scotland," from the pen of Dr, Inglis, appeared, and tended pow. • It deserves to be stated to the honour of Dr. Inglis, that in the case of North Leith he declared, that, ac cording 10 the Constitution of the Church, ordination to the pastoral oflice proceeded upon the Call alone, and that the presentation of a patron had no further ef fect than securing a legal right to the fruits of the bene fice. 390 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF«tSCOTLAND. [CHAP. X. erfully to direct the attention of the king dom to the sacred duty of propagating the gospel among the heathen, and especially in India. Collections were mad^and subscriptions obtained, till a sufficient fund was raised to enable the committee to pro ceed with their holy enterprise ; and al length, in 1829, Dr. Duff, the first mis sionary ever sent forth by any national Protestant Church, in its corporate char acter, left his native land, commissioned by the Presbyterian Church of Scotland lo convey to India .the light of gospel truth, and lo offer for her acceptance the simple, pure, efficient, and most truly apostolic form of Christianity, which is the glory and the strength of the Pres byterian Church.* It is but an act of justice to the memory ofa great and far- seeing man to state, that to a suggestion made by Dr. M'Crie, at a public meeting held in Edinburgh in the year 1813, and taken up and prosecuted with character istic energy by Sir Henry Moncreiff, was the Church of Scotland indebted for a share of legal countenance and support in India, without which she could not have Sent forth her celebrated India Mis sion, in her corporate character as a Na lional Church.t Several events of great importance, partly in a religious and partly in a na tional point of view, occurred during this period, and would deserve to be fully slated, were they not so recent that they must still be fresh in the recollection of the public. Of these, the first in point of time was the Apocrypha Controversy, which arose in consequence of the Bri tish and Foreign Bible Society having I been led to violate one of its fundamental conditions, the circulation of the pure Bible, without note or comment. The directors, induced by considerations of expediency, consented to permit the Apo crypha to be inserted in the Bible, pre faces t(j,be prefixed, and other violations of the fundamental condition lo be com mitted, in the hope that Romanists and others might accept the Bible in that vitiated stale, who would have rejected it in its purity,^ Against this sinful com proraise the Edinburgh committee remon- ' Acts of Assembly ; Dr, 003*00 India aud India mis sions, pp. 476-491. t Life of Dr. M'Crie, pp. 201-204. t See pamphlets on the Apocrypha Coiitroversy ; and Christian Instructor. Slrated, but without effect, A controversy arose on the subject, which soon became in reality a contest between expediency and principle. In this controversy Dr. Andrew Thomson stood forth the fearless and mighty champion of sacred truth, not quite alone, but first without a second, discomfiting every antagonist that dared the encounter. His exertions were per fectly marvellous for several successive years ; and were a fair estimate raade, they would prove to be equal, if not su perior, to those made by any raan in any department of mental labour within as short a time. It cannot be doubted that his excessive labours in that great cause hastened him, prematurely for his country and the Church, in the fifty-second year of his age, to the abodes of everlasting rest and peace. The public mind was during the same period powerfully directed to wards the abolition of slavery in the West India Islands ; and in this truly Christian object Dr. Thompson earned peculiar dis tinction, especially by one speech in which his eloquence rose to a pilch of grandeur and sublimity such as has been rarely equalled. Another event of this singu larly energetic time, fertile in producing the elements both of evil and of good, must also be mentioned. In the year 1 829, a bill passed the British legisla ture, and received the ratification of the sovereign, reraoving all the civil disabili ties lo which the adherents ofthe Church of Rome had been subjected, and render ing them eligible to any office of the Stale, wilh the exceptions only of the Lord Chancellorship and the Crown it self Into any discussion respecting the merits or demerits of this measure it is scarcely our province, and not our pre sent intention, to enter, both because it was the act ofthe State, not ofthe Church, and because its full effects upon the char acter and prospects ofthe nation have not yet been developed, although they have assumed an ominous aspect [1831,] The year 1831 raay be re garded as the commencement of a great era, both in the ecclesiastical and in the civil history ofthe empire. To the civil history, we make no further allusion than merely to stale, that the passing of the Reform Bill gave an impulse to the pub lic mind, which sent it rushing with irre sistible force into every channel of thought A. D. 1831,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND,. 391 and mental enterprise. From that time it was manifest, that no public institution, civil or sacred, could be long in a state of safety, which could not stand the most searching scrutiny, and which did not possess in itself a vital principle, that could give it spontaneous movement and ready adaptation lo the spirit of the age. In what manner this was shown in poli tical matters, let the civil historian record: our own province demands our undivided attention. On the 9th of February 1831, Dr, Andrew Thompson was suddenly called to rest from his raighly toils ; and the heart of Scotland was stunned with her great and unexpected loss. The universal sorrow of the nation bore testiraony to his great and varied excellencies : the impress of his character and opinions stamped on society is his memorial. The Asserably of that year had to dis charge the painful duly of deposing Mr. Campbell, minister of the parish of Row, on account of his holding and teaching the heretical doctrine of universal redemp tion, together with several other erro neous tenets. The same Assembly de prived Mr. M'Lean of his license as a probationer, because he publicly avowed and preached doctrines respecting the human nature of the Divine Redeemer, similar to those held by the lamented Edward Irving. As these heretical opin ions did not long continue to spread in the Church, and have since sunk into comparative oblivion, it does not seem either necessary or desirable to offer any further remarks concerning them, except to stale, that while these men diverged unhappily into deplorable errors, in con sequence of their fervent bul ill-regulated zeal, their personal characters were un impeachable, their piety was warm and earnest, and they were generally regarded wilh equal pity and esteem. The attention of the public mind began about this lime to be strongly directed to what has been termed the Voluntary con troversy. The subject had indeed been so far silentiy working its way into the minds of many during a period of more than thirty years ; but it had hitheito attracted little attention, and it was only now that, under the strong impulse given to every topic of real or speculative in terest, ils demands became loo loud and urgent lo be any longer unheard or dis- regardt^d, A few preliminary remarks are , necessary to render this subject of controversy at once simple and intel ligible. It has not been considered necessary to advert particularly to the history of the Secession Church of Scotland subsequent to the formation of that new body which assumed the name of the Relief A very brief statement of a few leading topics must now be given, as necessary to a clear view ofthe subject. In 1747, the Seces sion was divided into two parties, by a controversy about the oath taken by bur gesses ; which two parties were generally known by the naraes of Burghers and Antiburghers.* Both parties continued to adhere lo the Act and Testiraony of the first Seceders, though divided into two distinct synods ; and as the dominant Moderate party in the National Church persevered in that course of defection in doctrine, governraent, and discipline, which had caused the Secession, this division, instead of weakening the SeCfe- ders, actually contributed to weaken the Church, in consequence of the new op portunities afforded and inducements held forth to draw raen of all shades of opinion frora the coraraunion ofa Church, whose leaders seemed to take a peculiar pleasure in despising and insulting the people. This conduct of the Moderate party caused both synods of the already es tranged and alienated Secession to begin to question whether the tyranny and cor ruption of the Church might not be directly ascribed to her connection wilh the State, which seeraed to lead lo the infusion of a baneful secularizing in-^ fluence, and might be thought to give undue power to the civil magistrate in religious matters. But as the constitution of the Church, to which by their Act and Testimony they still adhered, maintained not only the lawfulness of religious es tablishments, bul also the duty of the civil magistrate lo establish a national reliffious institution, they began, almost at the same tirae in each synod, to give a quah- fied assent to their own standards, and to subscribe them with evasive explanations, which was soon felt to be equally dan- • Gib's Display, vol, ii. 392 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, [CHAP. X. gerous and irksome, not to say inconsis tent wilh honest integrity of heart and mind. This change of sentiment made its first appearance in a pamphlet, pubnihed by a member of the Burgher Synod about the year 1780; and having "gradually gained ground in that body, it was brought before thera publicly at their synodical meeting in May 1795, in a petition that acknowledged the change, and requested that the language of the Confession of Faith and Formula might be so far altered as lo be rendered raore consistent with the opinions entertained by a large proportion of the members, A strong opposition was made lo this proposal by several of the most respecta ble ministers, among whora Mr, Willis of Greenock distinguished himself by the prominent and decided part which he look in defence of the fundamental prin ciples which all had subscribed. The innovation, however, went on ; a modified formula was proposed, and, after some delay, ratified by the Synod, in accor dance with the new views of the majority, A small minority dissented, withdrew from the innovating parly, formed thera selves into a presbytery in 1799, and be came known by the designation of the Old Light Burghers.* A similar innovating process was about the same time going on in the Anti- burgher synod, though it does not appear either to have begun or to have been op posed so early ; and as it produced cor responding results, and has attracted more attention in consequence ofthe subsequent celebrity of one distinguished man, to whose great mental power it was the _^ means of first directing public notice, it "must be somewhat more fully stated. In order to escape from the unpleasant and scarcely honourable state of raatters in which subscription of their standards, ac companied wilh evasive explanations, in volved them, it was proposed in the Anti- burgher Synod, that the Testiraony should be enlarged, and so far modified as to adapt it to the altered circumstances which a series of years had produced.! The enlarging and modifying process thus begun, led to results which could • Little Naphtali, by the Rev. W. Willis, Greenock See also Appendix to the Judicial Testimony, published by the Old Light Burghers, 1800. t Life of Dr, M'Crie, pp, 45, 46. scarcely have been contemplated by those who proposed it. The minds of those who were engaged in this attempt diverged further and further from their original position, as they proceeded in their task ; and the result was, the pro duction of a new work, which was desig nated, " The Narrative and Testimony," This was, however, the work of years, and was not finally adopted, so as to su persede the original Testimony, till the year 1804, although the outline of the work received the sanction ofthe Synod, in the form of an overture, in the year 1793, An act of Synod was passed in 1796, the tenor of which indicated darkly that the Secession Church was on the point of abandoning the principles of the Church of Scotland, and consequentiy of their own founders, who seceded expressly for the purpose of the more strenuously as serting those principles. Some of the ablest and best ministers ofthe Secession perceived the danger of these proceed ings, and strove earnestly lo stem the tide of defection which was rapidly drifting the great body of their Church into a contradiction of their own acts and stand ards. But all their remonstrances and protests were ineffectual. In May 1804, the Synod enacted their Narrative and Testiraony into a terra of communion. In August 1 806, the Rev. Messrs. Bruce, Ailken, Hog, and M'Crie, formally aban doned their connection with the Synod, and constituted themselves into a presby tery, assuming the name of the Constitu tional Associate Presbytery. The Synod deposed their raore honest and conscien tious brethren without delay, and even passed sentence of excommunication upon Dr. M'Crie, probably as being the most distinguished and forminable opponent of their defections. In 1807, that gifted and high-principled man published a " Statement of the Difference" between the original Testiraony of the first Sece ders and the new production of their descendants, proving beyond all doubt that they had abandoned their principles, and adopted others pregnapt wilh danger lo the civil and religious peace and wel fare of the kingdora. This very valuable production made comparatively little im pression on the public mind when it first appeared, as lb ; deep importance of the subject was scarcely perceived beyond A. D. 1831.] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 393 the limits of the Secession ; but no work which has since been published on the Voluntary controversy will more amply repay a studious perusal.* To close these preliminary remarks: In 1820, the two parties of Seceders, the Burghers and Antiburghers, again commenced the work of enlargement and compromise, aban doned some more of their original princi ples, opened their views more fully on the subject of hostility lo all national es tablishments of religion, and combining on this basis, formed themselves into one body, under the name of the United Se cession. Such was the condition of the Scottish Seceders, who had gradually abandoned their principles and become Dissenters, when the popular movements which were taking place throughout the kingdom encouraged them to bring prominently before the public those senti ments which had been long maturing in secret, and for which they now began to expect an early and complete triumph. Indications of this intention were given from time to lime for several years ; bul it was not till 1830, or rather 183], that the discussion respecting the lawfulness ofa civil eslablishraent of religion, in the form of a National Church, assumed the grave aspect of a public controversy ; and it was not till 1832 that it became suffi ciently important to draw into the contest the leading raen both of the Secession and of the Church. Speedily, however, it reached such a degree of intensity as to engage the attention of the whole kingdom, and to make it evident, that upon the decision of this great question would depend the peace and stability of the British empire. It will not be expected that any thing more than a very brief summary of the chief points discussed in this great con troversy should be given here. And in attempting such a summary it shall be our endeavour lo state nothing but what belongs lo the very essence ofthe contro versy. The subject matter of the contro versy, when divested of every thing ex traneous, was simply this, " Whether or not it be the duty of the State lo give support and countenance to Christianity, by establishing and endowing a national institution for the purpose of imparling ' The whore of this subject is very clearly stated in the Life of Dr, M'Crie, byhia Son, 50 lo the whole body of the community in struction in the faith and practice of the gospel ?" Those who were opposed to all religious establishments, were of course bound to take the negative side of this proposition, and lo attempt lo prove, that it was not the duty of the State to in terfere in religious matters, even in the slightest degree, either by supporting truth or repressing falsehood. Very few of them, however, were willing to occupy the position of maintaining a theory which clearly involved national infidelity and atheism, by the total exclusion of religion from the civil and legislative character of the nation. Those who did approach most closely to the central principle of the controversy, endeavoured to evade that conclusion, by giving such definitions of Church and Stale as might seem to show the impossibility of any connection between them which did not involve the most pernicious consequences. They were careful to maintain, that the power competent lo slates is " wholly temporal, respecting only the secular interests of society ; and they seemed to think, that any possible connection which the civil magistrate could have with religion could only lead lo its persecution or its corrup tion. Their opponents both denied the correctness of this definition of civil ma gistracy, and rejected the conclusion which was attempted to be deduced from it. The defenders of national establish ments of rehgion assumed far higher grounds than their opponents. They held civil magistracy to be an ordinance of God, whether viewed in the light of natural, or in that of revealed religion ; rendering it the imperative duty of kings and states to maintain and promote, in their public and official character, the true and pure worship of Him to whom all power belongs, from whora they de rive their station and authority, lo whom they must render an account of all their conduct, public as well as private, and whom they are bound lo recognise and revere as the King of kings and Lord of lords. This they held to be the first and highest duly of the civil magistrate, even antecedent to any express revelation. But God, the ruler and judge ofthe uni verse, having revealed his will to man, the next point of inquiry necessarily was, 394 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, [CHAP, X. virhelher in that revealed will there could be found any statements calculated to modify or set aside this primary law or civil magistracy. There it was found, that, under the Mosaic dispensation, the duty of kings and states lo maintain and promote the worship of God was most strongly and explicitly declared ; and when their opponents endeavoured lo set aside the arguments deduced from the Old Testament dispensation, on the ground that its regulations were no longer binding under Christianity, this was an swered, ^w<, by the universally admitted principle, that what God had enacted no inferior authority could repeal; and that, therefore, all the enactments ofthe Mosaic dispensation must be still binding, unless it could be shown that they were either so manifestly typical as to have terminated by fulfilment, or had been expressly re vealed in the gospel ; secondly, by pro ducing from the gospel dispensation itself such statements respecting the duties of the civil magistrate as it was manifestly impossible for him lo discharge, without giving his direct sanction and authorita tive support to Christianity. They further argued, that it was im possible for the civil magistrate to per form his own peculiar duties without the support of true religion ; that the true welfare of the nation, which it was his duty lo promote, depended upon its moral purity, and the rectitude, impartiality, and humanity of its laws ; and that the only effectual method of promoting moral purity was to be found in the propagation of the gospel, and the only sure guide in framing just, equal, and humane laws, was the Word of God. Hence it followed, that the first and most imperative duty ofthe civil magistrate, even when seeking to promote the physical, mental and moral welfare of the community, was to provide for and offer to the whole body of the nation, the means of instruction in the knowledge of the only living and true God, and of Christ Jesus, whom he hath sent to redeem, regenerate, and save man kind from sin and misery. It was not difficuh to show that, in discharging this duty, the civil magistrate was not entitied to use his power in any manner that might amount to persecution, both be cause his duly was fulfilled by providing and offering the means of national reli gious instruction, and because in support ing Christianity, he supports a religion which pleads, entreats, persuades, but cannot and will not persecute, — whose power resides not in the sword, but in the gentle and gracious influence of heavenly love. But the main arguments used by the assailants of religious establishments were of a secondary character, not reaching the essence of the controversy, fallacious in their own nature, and inconclusive, even if they could have been proved to be true so far as they reached. They de claimed loudly, that it was the duty of all Christians to give voluntary support lo Christianity ; and from this undisputed proposition they deduced two very strange and illogical conclusions, — that no other method of providing support for the pub lic teachers of religion was permissible, — and that this was perfectly adequate to the necessities ofthe nation, They con founded the right of the pastor to be sup ported, with the duty of the people to sup port him ; and they virtually maintained the manifest absurdity, that what was the duty of each Christian in the nation in dividually, was not the duly ofthe whole as a Christian nation collectively. Their olher conclusion wa^ resolvable into a mere question of facts. No one denied that it was the duly of all Christians to aid in propagating the gospel; but the defenders of national endowments as serted, that without a national fund ap plied for the support of ministers in poor and immoral localities, there would be a large proportion of the population left destitute of religious instruction, partly because too poor to provide it for them selves, and partly because loo immoral and irreligious to have any fegard for it. The correctness of this view was easily tried by the test of statistical investigation ; and from the inquiries made by a royal commission appointed for that purpose, it appeared, that there were at least five hundred thousand souls in Scotiand totally destitute of the means of religious instruction, notwithstanding the exertions of the Established Church, and the sup plemental aid of all who held the Volun tary principle, and were at liberty to em ploy all the energies which they declared it to possess. Churchmen always said, " We are eager to accept all the voluntary A. D. 1831,] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND^ of the Voluntary deny the proved they attempted to aid from private Christian liberality which we can obtain ; and where that falls short, we call upon a patriotic and enlightened Christian legislature to sup ply the deficiency, by contributing to send the bread of life lo thousands who are perishing for lack of spiritual know ledge," As the advocates principle could not spiritual destitution, evade the obvious inference, namely, that their favourite principle was not so powerful as they affirmed, by boldly de claring, that the very existence of reli gious establishments was the cause of that inefficiency in the Voluntary princi ple which could not be denied ; hazard ing the paradoxical assertion, that civil establishments of Christianity had been the direct source of all the errors which had corrupted the Church, paralyzed its exertions, and impeded its propagation throughout the world. In this respect the controversy assumed a historical character ; and it was soon triumphantly proved, that almost every one of the most deadly errors that have crept into the Church had its origin in a period long before Christianity was established, — nay, that many of them sprang directly out of the felt defects of the Voluntary system itself, and might never have exist ed had there been an adequate establish ment in an earlier age. A minor de partment of the same question furnished much scope for violent declamation against the abuses of all establishments. This was likely to be a popular theme, and was therefore much employed by the subordinate controversialists ; for all those of a higher order of mind were aware that no argument, founded mere ly on the abuse of any thing, can be con clusively against its proper use. But by the more intelligent opponents of the Church an attempt was made lo bring essentially the same argument for ward in another aspect, in which they asserted, " That in every Established Church, the very fact of entering into an alliance with the State involved such a sacrifice ofthe spiritual independence of the Church, as to render it incapable of exercising that freedom of government and purity of discipline which are abso lutely essential to any Church of Christ which deserves the natn^!*'=^4if3fciiaal»^' been actually proved that there did not exist any Established Church which had not incurred the loss of due spiritual in dependence, that would not have proved that there could not he an Establishment without the sacrifice of spiritual indepen dence. For it was not difficult to show, by%nalyzing the nature of Church anti State till their simplest elements were reached, and pointing out the respective provinces and duties of each, that they might be of great mutual support and aid lo each other, without either of them in the slightest degree yielding up that which was peculiar to itself, or encroach ing on what belonged rightfully to the other ; and even, that any encroachment of the one upon the other's province would inevitably not only inflict injury upon the aggrieved, bul would also recoil upon the aggressor in some form at least equally calamitous. If the Church in vade the functions of the Slate, that leads lo Popery; if the Stale invade those of the Church, that is Erastianism ; and in either case, both Church and State in flict and sustain mutual and heavy injury. And appeahng to facts, it was shown, that the Church of Scotland occupied the medium between these two extremes, in her connection with the State, neither en croaching upon its functions, nor sur rendering her own spiritual independence as a Church of Christ. This reference to the condition and character of the Church of Scotiand was somewhat less conclusive than it would otherwise have been in consequence ofthe secular policy so long pursued by the unconstitutional Moderate party, which was undeniably Erastian ; but the course of reformation which had been in progress for several years, the rapid increase of Evangelism, and the resuscitations of the true constitu tional principles of the Presbyterian church government and discipline which had taken place, were more than suffi cient lo neutralize any objection drawn from the long domination of Modera tism ; and it was felt by the public, and even by the ablest Voluntaries themselves that equally in principle, argument and fact, the Church had gained the victory.* * It does not seem necessary to specify the numerous books and pamphlets written in the Voluntary contro versy, as these are still in The hands of the public; and have as yet lost none of their interest. 396 HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP. X. Every person capable of fully under standing this important controversy will readily perceive, that it could not have been gained by any Church but one hold ing firmly the great Presbyterian prin ciple of the sole Sovereignty and Head ship of the Lord Jesus Christ over His spiritual kingdom, the Church. Eng lish Episcopacy could not have with stood the shock which the Church of Scotland encountered and repelled un shaken. This was clearly perceived by the greatest warrior and statesman of the age, when, wilh that intuitive penetration and sagacity by which he is distinguish ed, he remarked, that " the battle of Es tablishments must be fought in Scotland," But it must also be remarked, that the battle could not have been gained, had the struggle taken place during the domi nation of Moderatism. Indeed, the Moderate party seem lo have been aware of their own inability to dare the encoun ter, as very few of them ventured to grapple with the subject, and of these few, none but Evangelical Moderates, and even they not with very distinguished success. It might have been expected, that the merit of the Church of Scotland in this perilous conflict of principles, when she had proved herself lo be the firmest bul wark of the British constitution, would have gained her some favour in the eyes not only of Christians, bul of prudent politicians and enhghtened statesmen. It was not the first time in her history in which the Presbyterian Church had tri umphantly defended the cause of reli gious purity and truth, and thereby al the sarae lime had protected civil liberty- To her it mattered not whether her as sailant might be a cunning or an arbi trary monarch, an avaricious and domi neering aristocracy, or a degenerate Se cession, aided by a revolutionary popu lace. Her duty was to maintain her al legiance to her own divine Head and King, by whomsoever that sacred prin ciple might be assailed. In all her for mer conflicts she had often realized the applicability to her history of her own singularly appropriate emblem and motto, the bush burning but not consumed, be cause the Lord was in it. And before the Voluntary controversy had fairly ceased, she was violently exposed to ano ther fiery trial, by the instrumentality of those who should have hailed her as their protectress, had they possessed wis dom enough to comprehend the nature of the danger which had' been warded off, or sufficient generosity to be grateful for their deliverance, [1832,] The quickening progfess of the Voluntary controversy directed the attention of both the assailants and the defenders of the Church of Scotland to every thing, either in her constitutional principles or in her practice, which could furnish material for assault or defence. This inevitably led the friends of the Church to mark with sharpened intelli gence those abuses which rendered her peculiarly vulnerable in any part, and stimulated them to inquire carefully, whether there did not exist in her consti tution principles which needed but to be recalled into sanative action, in order to restore to her a life which all her foes could not destroy. The wisest and ablest ofthe EvangeUcal ministers had always feh that the mode in which patronage was exercised in the Church was her most assailable point ; that it had alien ated the people, corrupted a large propor tion of the ministers, diminished her use fulness, and weakened her moral influ ence over the public raind. But the law of patronage had now existed so long, that many who felt its arbitrary exercise to be a grievance, were nevertheless so far reconciled to the abstract idea of pa tronage, that they did not at all contem plate, nor even desire, ils total abolition. The subject of the total abolition of pa tronage had indeed been brought before the public, and an anti-patronage society formed, in the year 1825, the most active meraber of which was Dr, Andrew Thomson. Although little effectual pro gress was made by this society, it di rected the attention of the public mind to the subject, and in that manner probably accomplished all that its members ever expected. By such concurrent causes a very general feeling was produced, thai some modification of patronage should lake place, such as might render the method of appointing ministers to vacant charges less arbitrary and capricious than it had long been ; and also that the argument against Establishments, based on such manifest abuses, might be weak- A. D. 1833] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 397 ened, if it could not be wholly removed. The chief direction, however, which the public mind took in the first instance was, to attempt such a definition of what a call really ought lo be, and such an en forcement of it in a legitimate manner, as might restore it to a proper degree of efficiency, as a constitutional limitation of patronage. When the General Assembly met in 1832, there were laid on the table over- lures from three synods and eight pres byteries. The general tenor of these overtures was lo this effect : — " That whereas the practice of church courts for many years had reduced the call to a mere formality ; and whereas this prac tice has a direct tendency to alienate the affections of the people of Scotland frora the Established Church ; it is overtured, that such measures as may be deemed necessary be adopted, in order to restore the call lo ils constitutional and salutary efficiency," In the debate which fol lowed. Professor Brown of Aberdeen moved, " that the overtures be remitted to a committee, with instructions to consider the subject, and lo report to next Assem bly." Principal Macfarlan of Glasgow moved, "that the Assembly judge it un necessary and inexpedient to adopt the measures recommended in the overtures •now before them." The latter motion was carried by a majority of forty-two ; and thus the Moderate party refused even to have the subject considered, that a de liberate opinion might be formed whether the loud and general complaints of the kingdom were well-founded, and whether any method could be devised to remedy the evil and restore public tranquillity, A little more sagacitymight have enabled them to perceive, that the matter could not be thus set aside and consigned to oblivion ; and that a comparatively slight amendment might put an end to an agi tation which was rapidly increasing in both intensity and extent, and which would soon not be satisfied without a much greater change than had yet been contemplated, [1833,] A very short period of time after the rising of the Assembly was sufficient lo prove, that the refusal of the Moderate party even to institute an in quiry into the important subject which had been before them, had greatly in creased the excitement of the public mind, and directed it more forcibly than ever towards the conflicting topics of pa tronage and calls. This was sufficientiy proved by the fact, that when the Assem bly met in 1833, it appeared that the at tention of the court was again to be di rected lo the subject by not less than forty-five overtures on calls. The gen eral tenor of these overtures was closely similar to that of the eleven brought for ward in the preceding year. Two dif ferent motions were laid before the As sembly, — one by Dr, Chalmers, the olher by Dr, Cook ; and a very long and able debate ^nsued, in which the main elements of the question were very amply developed and discussed. It was clearly proved by the whole history of the Church, that ever since the Reforraation, it had been a fixed principle in her con stitution and laws, that no rainister shall be intruded into any pastoral charge con trary to the will of the congregation ; that this had been verbally admitted even by the Moderate party, though too gen erally disregarded in their procedure ; that this principle had been subjected to various fluctuations in modes of form and application, but had never been aban doned or disclaimed ; and that its most natural position and method of operation was to be found in the call given by the people, inviting a qualified person to be their pastor, without which the seltiement of a minister could not be legally and constitutionally effected, Dr, Chalmers proposed, that efficiency should be given lo the call by declaring, that the dissent of a majority of the male heads of fami lies, resident in the parish and communi cants, expressed wilh or without the as signment of reasons, ought to be of con clusive effect in setting aside the presen tee, save and except where it is clearly established, that the said dissent is founded in corrupt and malicious combi nation, or not truly founded in any ob jection personal to the presentee in re gard to his rainisterial gifts and qualifi cations, either in general, or with refer ence lo that particular parish, Dr, Cook's motion declared, that it is compe tent for the heads of families lo give in to the presbytery objections, of whatever nature, against the presentee ; that the presbytery shall consider these objections, 398 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. [CHAP. X, and if they find them unfounded, or originating from causeless prejudices, they shall proceed to the seltiement ; but if they judge that they are well-founded, they shall reject the presentation, the pre sentee being unqualified. This latter motion was manifestly an evasion of the subject, as it gave no greater powers to a majority, or the whole ofa congregation, than had always been possessed by any individual ; but in the course of his speech, Dr, Cook distinctly adraitted an importanl principle, which the Moderate party, ever since the days of Principal Robertson, had strenuously denied, namely, " That the Church regarded qualification as including much more than learning, moral character, and sound doctrine, — as extending, in fact, to the fit ness of presentees in all respects for the particular situation to which they were appointed,"* The peculiar point of Dr. Chalmers' motion was, that by declaring the dissent of a majority, with or without reasons, conclusive, it rendered intrusion impossible, while it still reserved suffi cient power in the church courts lo pre vent that dissent from being founded on malice or mere caprice on the part of the people, Dr, Cook's motion was, how ever, carried by a majority of twelve, the numbers being one hundred and forty- nine lo one hundred and thirty-seven. And it is worthy of notice, that in this in stance again the Moderate majority was obtained by means of the eUers, there being a positive majority of twenty min isters in behalf of Dr, Chalraers' motion,! The discussion of this important ques tion was both much more comprehensive and minute in this Assembly than in that of the preceding year, stripping off the thin disguise in which a specious sophis try had sought to involve it, clearing a^ay many prejudices and erroneous notions that had long been prevalent, and bringing prominently to the light those great constitutional principles which had been so long kept in obscurity and abey ance. The public began now clearly to perceive, that the charge of innovation, so vehemently urged against the Evan gelical parly by their opponents, was al- ' This view must have been since abandoned by the Moderate party ; otherwise they too must have opposed the'i*ecfent encroachments of the Court of Session. t^ep the published debate of that year; and the Presbyterian Reviews, vol iv. together devoid of truth; that the insinua tion of their being actuated by political motives rested on no better foundation ; but that, in reality, the principles for which they were contending, were pre cisely those which had been held by the Scottish reformers, had been by them made the very essence and basis of the Church, and had been maintained by her in every period of her history ; that her purity and efficiency as a Christian Church had been exactly proportionate to the sin cerity with which they had been held, and the efficiency which had been given to their operation ; and that, though thefse principles had been overborne and disre garded during the long and dreary reign of Moderatism, they had still been held by a faithful few wiMi the Church, ren dering it a moral certainly, that if ever that constitutional party should obtain the ascendancy, they would of necessity bring into immediate operation those principles which they had never ceased to hold, and would restore to the nation, in all ils original purity and excellence, the true Evangelical and Presbyterian Church of Scotland. But though still successful on this question, the Moderates sustained in this Asserably their first defeat as a party, and that, loo, with reference to a very im portant raeasure. The ministers of cha-- pels of ease had petitioned to be admitted to their constitutional rights, as members of church courts, and to have sessions allowed them, that they might exercise discipline in their congregations. They craved to be heard by counsel in support of their petitions. This was opposed by Dr, Cook ; bul, on a division, it was car ried by a majority of a hundred and twenty-one to a hundred and one. The petitions were remitted lo a committee, who were to report to next Assembly, A further result of this favourable deli verance, was the passing of an act by the Moderates themselves, a few days afler wards, similar lo that which had been sought for by the chapel ministers, in favour of the rainislers of the parliaraen- tary churches. This act deserves unqual ified approbation. By it, the parliaraen- lary churches, as they were terraed, which had been built and partially endowed in the most necessitous parts of the country, chiefly in the Highlands had districts A. D. 1834.] HISTORY OP THE CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 399 assigned to them, which were erected into separate parishes quoad sacra; and ihe ministers of these new parishes were authorised to exercise all the functions competent lo any ministers, both in their own parishes, and as members of church courts. This act was founded on a re port laid before the Assembly by a com mittee, of which Dr. Cook was convener; and however difficult it may be to recon cile it with the ordinary policy of the Moderate party, it was in itself a just, prudent, and constitutional measure,* [1834.] The Assembly of 1834 must ever be held as one of the most meraor able whose proceedings have been re corded in the annals of the Church of Scotland. When the Erskines and other fathers of the Secession appealed lo the "first free and reforming Asserably," they little thought that exactiy an hundred years would elapse before that despotic party which had expelled them would lose its ascendency, and a free and reform ing Assembly would actually be held. Such, however, was the case, as the shortest possible record of its proceedino-s will sufficiently prove. A great number of overtures on calls again brought that subject under discussion ; and, frora the crowded stale of the house, it was mani fest that the full strength of both parties was to be put forth, and that all Scotland was watching the issue wilh the most in tense anxiety, A motion was made by Lord Moncreiff to the same purport as that made by Dr, Chalmers in the pre ceding Assembly, declaring that the dis approval of a majority of male heads of families, being communicants, should be deemed sufficient ground for the pres bytery rejecting the person so disap proved of; and declaring further, that no person should be entitled to expre.'s his disapproval, who should refuse, if required, solemnly to declare, in pre sence of the presbytery, that he is actu ated by no factious or malicious motive, but solely by a conscientious regard to the spiritual inlere.sls of himself or the congregation. After a long and able debate, this motion was carried by a ma jority of forty-six, the numbers being one hundred and eighty-four to one hundred and thirty-eight. This most important decision took place on Tuesday the 27th * Acts of Assembly, year 1833. 1 day of May 1834 ; and with it terminated the reign of Moderatism in the Church of Scotland. On Thursday the 29th of May, the case of the chapels of ease was again brought before the Asserably, by several overtures on the subject, and the report of the com mittee appointed in the preceding Assem bly, Although the admission of the chapel rainisters seemed necessarily to follow from that of the parliamentary chuich ministers, it was strenuously re sisted by the Moderate party, chiefly on the ostensible ground of a doubt respect ing the power ofthe Church to adrait the rainislers of chapels of ease to a partici pation in church government, vvithout previously asking and obtaining the con sent ofthe legislature. As this supposed want of power equally affected the case of the parliaraentary church ministers, with this sole difference, that the latter were not, like the chapel ministers, popu larly elected, there is reason to believe that the unavowed objection was of a totally different nature. The vehement complaints subsequently poured forth by the leaders of that parly against the ad mission of the chapel ministers, as hav ing been the direct cause of Evangelical ascendency, although quite erroneous in point of fact, give a strong indication of the secret apprehensions ofthe Moderates, and raay not unfairly be regarded as fur nishing the true explanation of their con duct in this matter, both then and subse- quentiy.* In the course of the discussion it appeared, that within the space of a century, nearly six hundred dissenting congregations had risen up in Scotland, while there had been only sixty-three chapels of ease erected during the sarae period. It was proved also, that this paucity of chapels had been caused, in a great raeasure, by the anomalous and unconstitutional position in which their ministers were placed, which rendered them comparatively inefficient, and dis couraged the people from the exertions which they would otherwise have gladly made. This argument was mightily en forced by the consideration that, while the Church was thus remaining almost stationary, the population was increasing ' The exact dates are given above, because it has been asserted that the Act on palls was passed by the support of the chapel ministers. 400 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, [CHAP. X. with great rapidity ; so that vast nurabers must either sink into practical heathenism and imraorality, thereby becoraing the eneraies of all law and order, huraan and divine, or must join the Secession, which having now avowed the Voluntary prin ciple, was the deadly foe of all ecclesiasti cal establishments, Unless, therefore, some measure were speedily taken for encouraging the erection of new churches, giving to their ministers all due and re quisite powers, and making a great effort lo meet the necessities of the " outfield population," it was evident that the Church of Scotland must perish in the course of a few generations, as no longer capable of accomplishing the purpose for which a National Church exists, — the instruc tion of the whole body of the people in the knowledge of what pertains lo their mental, moral, and religious welfare. These arguments triumphed in this re forming Assembly ; and the ministers of chapels of ease were, by a declaratory act, rescued from their curate-like position, empowered to perform all the functions, and authorised to enjoy all the privileges, of ministers of the Church of Scotland, in discipline and government, as constituent members of church courts. The only other topics of general im portance connected wilh this Assembly were, the appointment of that coraraittee for the purpose of promoting the erection of new churches, since so well known as the Church Extension Committee, insep arably connected with the name of Dr, Chalmers, its great founder ; the appoint ment of a coraraittee on the subject of the eldership, two of the reforms suggested by which have since been carried ; and the sending of a deputation to London, lo petition the legislature for endowments to the chapels of ease, and to the new churches which were already in contem plation, that the great destitution of the means of religious instruction in Scotland might be effectually remedied.* Ills impossible to pass the important acts of this Assembly without offering one or two remarks respecting them. The act on calls, since generally known by the name of the Veto Act, was cer tainly a measure of an ambiguous char- ' For the whole proceedings of this Assembly, see the Published debate, or the Presbyterian Review, vol- , acter. In its preamble, it contained a clear statement of the fundamental prin ciple of the Church of Scotland, that no pastor shall be intruded on any congre gation contrary lo the will of the people ; and so far, it was a highly meritorious and constitutional act. But it may well be questioned whether the best mode of giving due effect to that principle was adopted by rendering the dissent of the people conclusive against a presentee, in stead of giving direct efficiency lo the positive call of a majority. The latter mode would certainly have been more in harmony wilh the spirit of the principle, as well as more consistent with the pro cedure of the Church in her earlier and purer days, Bul it would have been a more direct and powerful check upon the law of patronage ; and unfortunately the learned judge, by whom the motion was introduced, had no wish lo see patronage abolished, or even very greatly shorn of its strength. The very nature of the act, therefore, was a compromise, containing two hostile elements in ils heart ; and many foresaw that it could not possibly accomplish all the good which ils san guine supporters anticipated. Doubts were also entertained whether it might not be held that it was beyond the powers of the Church lo pass such an act ; but the opinions of the legal advisers of the crown removed these doubts, assuring supporters of the Veto Act, that it was perfectly competent for the Church to pass an act so manifestly consistent wilh her legally recognised constitution. Lord Chancellor Brougham also gave it his decided approbation, as " in every respect more desirable than any other course that could have been taken,"* The Church of Scotland may be accused of loo great caution and timidity in framing a law which did not give full developement to her own principles ; bul lo charge her with rashness, disregard of law, and in novation, is to set matter of fact, truth, and reason, al defiance. [1835-39,] The Assembly of 1 835 was not equal lo its predecessor in prosecuting the work of reformation. Great exer tions had been made by the Moderates to recover their lost dominion, hy sending their adherents to the Assembly from ' See his Lordship's speech, quoted in Mr Hamilton's I Remonstrance, A. D, 1835,] HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 401 every quarter where they still retained supremacy. The Veto Act and the Chapel Act were, however, both ratified ; though some decisions were given incon sistent with the spirit of the former. By dexterous management, they contrived to evade the_ discussion of the committee's report respecting the reformation of the eldership, and also the subject of patron age. But the Christian eloquence of Dr, Duff, on the subject of missions lo the heathen, gave an elevation to the char acter of that Assembly which can never be forgotten. And the first report of the Church Extension Commillte displayed to an astonished and admiring public the mighty energies of the Church of Scot land, when set free frora the leaden en- thralment of Moderate domination. In one short year, from the passing of the Chapel Act in 1834, till the Assembly of 1835, no less than sixty-four new churches had either been built or were in the process of erection, — exactly one more than had been erected during the whole preceding century. Another cheer ing event took placeduring this Asserably. The Original Burgher Synod, which had not adopted the Voluntary principle, re quested the appointment of a committee lo confer with them, wilh a view lo the arrangement of preliminaries for effecting a union between that body and the Esta blished Church of Scotland, This most desirable event took place, after due deli beration, conducted in a generous and Christian spirit on both sides, in the month of August 1839, One decision of the Asserably of 1835 must be stated, not on account of its in trinsic claims to attention, but because of the melancholy celebrity which subse quent events have ' given to it. On the 14th of October 1834, a presentation by the Earl of Kinnoull was laid before the presbytery of Auchterarder, in favour of Mr. Robert Young, preacher of the gospel, appointing him to the vacant church and parish of Auchterarder. The roll of communicants had not been made up by the late minister, owing to his fail ing health, but was prepared under the authority of the presbytery previous to the time for moderating in the call. When that day came the call was signed by his lordship's factor, not a resident in the parish, and by two heads of families. On the olher hand, two hundred and eighty-seven heads of families, communi cants, subscribed a dissent or disapproval of the presentee ; and as there were only three hundred and thirty on the roll, this amounted to an overwhelming majority of dissentients. The presbytery refused to sustain the call ; the presentee appealed to the synod, which affirmed the sentence df the presbytery ; the presentee again appealed to the Assembly, and in this manner the subject came before the su prerae ecclesiastical court. The argu ments in behalf of the presentee were based entirely on the alleged informality of the proceedings : the legality of the Veto Act itself was never called in ques tion. The Assembly, on the motion of Lord Moncreiff, affirmed the sentence of the presbytery by a large majority. Such were the first stage of the proceedings in this ill-omened case. As various important cases arose about the sarae time, involving a long course of litigation, during which they simulta neously occupied the attention of Ihepivil and ecclesiastical courts, it seems expe dient lo trace each separately, so far as it has actually proceeded, in order to avoid the confusion which might be produced by interwisling them with each other, as they evolved in the succession of years. We shall therefore continue to follow the case of Auchterarder, so far as it has yet proceeded, before directing our attention to the other cases. On the 7th of July 1835, the presbytery of Auchterarder again met, and resumed consideration of the case of Mr. Young, as presentee to the parish of Auchterar der ; and, in conformity with the sen tence of the General Assembly, rejected him, and intimated this decision lo the pa tron, the presentee, and the elders of the parish. Against this sentence the presen tee's agent appealed to the synod of Perth 'and Stirling. This appeal, however, was subsequently abandoned, and an action . raised in the Court of Session against the presbytery, at the instance of Lord Kin noull, the patron, and Mr. Young, the presentee. When the case was first brought into court, the summons con cluded alternatively to have it found that the presentee, or, failing him, the patron, . had right to the stipend on the ground of the presentation alone, notwithstanding; 402 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. [CHAP, X. the refusal of the church courts to induct him. The defence of the presbytery was simple and effectual, pleading, that as they pretended no right to the stipend, they had been improperly called as parties in such a cause. The validity of this defence was felt by the pursuers, who sought and obtained leave to amend their summons, by the insertion of a new and totally dif ferent conclusion. The tenor of this new conclusion was, that the rejection of the presentee solely in respect of a veto of the parishioners, was illegal, and injurious to the patrimonial rights ofthe pursuer, and contrary to the provisions of the statutes and laws regarding the collation or seltie ment of rainisters ; and that in conse quence ofthe presentation, the presbytery were still bound to make trial of the qua lifications of the presentee, and, if found duly qualified, lo receive and admit him. The conclusions respecting the stipend were intentionally left out of view, till the question respecting the legality of the veto should be deterrained. The question now acquired a character of the deepest importance. The conclu sion ofthe sumraons apparently assumed, that the presentee's right to be taken on trials without reference to the proceedings of the congregation at the moderating in the call, and if found qualified, lo be ad- milted, was ofthe nature ofa civil right ;* and that the obligation on the part of the presbytery to take him on trial, and, if found qualified, to adrait, and of necessity to ordain him, was a civil obligation. It also apparently assumed, that, if the pres bytery should be held lo have acted ille gally, the Court of Session was the com petent tribunal to review their proceed ings, to direct them authoritatively in their duly wilh regard lo adraission to the pastoral office, and even, if necessary, to enforce the discharge of what should have been thus declared lo be their duty. Such a conclusion was beyond all ques tion directly subversive of both the consti tution and the spiritual independence of the Church of Scotland, and consequentiy of the British constitution itself, on which the well-ascertained rights and privileges of the Church of Stiotland form not only ' It maybe remarked, that it i had- always formerly been held as a Presbyterian' principle, that a presentee, or one^who had received aACallvlura still non^^wha1>' ever entitling him to act, but that he must remain piiliefy }ias«