YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY THE LIBRARY OF THE DIVINITY SCHOOL THE MORISCOS WORKS BY THE SAME AUTHOR. A History of Auricular Confession and Indulgences in the Latin Church. In three octavo volumes of over 500 pages each, cloth, $9.00. ( Lea Brothers & Co. ) A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages. In three octavo volumes of about 600 pages each, cloth, 89.00. (Harper & Brothers. ) Chapters from the Religious History of Spain connected with the Inquisition. In one volume, royal 12rao. of 522 pages, cloth, ?2.50. (Lea Brothers & Co.) Superstition and Force : Essays on the Wager of Law, The Wager of Battle, The Ordeal and Torture. Fourth Edition. In one volume, royal 12mo. of 627 pages, cloth, S2.75. (Lea Brothers &Co.) Studies in Church History : The Eise of the Temporal Power, Benefit of Clergy, Excommunication, The Early Church and Slavery. Second Edition. In one volume, royal 12mo. of 605 pages, cloth, S2.50. (Lea Brothers & Co. ) A Formulary of the Papal Penitentiary' in the Thirteenth Century. In one octavo volume of 221 pages, cloth, S2.50. (Lea Brothers & Co. ) An Historical Sketch of Sacerdotal Celibacy in the Christian Church. Second Edition. In one octavo volume of 682 pages, cloth, S4.50. (Houghton, Mifllin & Co.) THE MOEISCOS OF SPAIN THEIR CONVERSION AND EXPULSION. BY HENEY CHAELES LEA, LL.D. PHILADELPHIA: LEA BEOTHEES & CO., 1901. Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1901, by HENRY CHARLES LEA, In the office of the Librarian of Congress. All rights reserved. DORNAN, PRINTER. PREFACE. The material on which this volume is based was collected for a chapter in a general history of the Spanish Inquisition which I hope in due time to prepare. On reviewing it the subject has seemed to me to possess interest and importance deserving fuller treatment than it could receive as a mere episode in a larger narrative, for it not only embodies a tragedy commanding the deepest sympathy, but it epitomizes nearly all the errors and tendencies which combined to cast down Spain, in little more than a century, from its splendor under Charles V. to its humiliation under Carlos II. The labors of modern Spanish scholars have made public a mass of documentary evidence Avhich throws much light on the inner history of the movements lead ing up to the final catastrophe, but this has been mostly > drawn from state papers and unconsciously minimizes the "part taken by intolerance and embodied in the Inquisi tion. To some extent I have therefore been able to supplement their researches and to make more prominent what was perhaps the most efficient agency in rendering vi PREFACE. impossible the amalgamation of the races essential to the peace and prosperity of the land. I have also been able to present in some detail the repeated efforts made to give religious instruction to the so-called converts, and the causes of their failure. In the collection of inedited material my thanks are largely due to Sefior Don Claudio Perez y Gredilla, the accomplished chief of the Archivo General of Simancas, and to Sefior Don Eamon Santa Maria, formerly in charge of the Archivo Central of Alcala de Henares. Philadelphia, January, 1901. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. the mudejares. PAGE Character of the War of the Reconquest . . .1 Moorish Inhabitants not disturbed in their Religion 2 Friendly Relations of Christians and Moors .... 3 The Church urges Intolerance ... .4 Usefulness of the Moorish Population . . .6 Growth of Intolerance . . ... .8 Separation of the Races 11 Establishment of the Inquisition .... 14 Guarantees to the Moors in the Conquest of Granada . . 16 Invitation to Portuguese Moors 23 CHAPTER II. X I M E N E S . Missionary Work of Archbishop Talavera in Granada Tendency towards Conversion .... Activity of tbe Inquisition Cardinal Ximenes assists Talavera His Arbitrary methods provoke Resistance . Tumult affords Pretext for enforced Conversion . Revolt in Apuljarras crushed and Baptism enforced Revolt in Sierra Bermeja settled by Exile or Baptism Mudejares throughout Castile coerced to Baptism Ferdinand restrains Persecution .... Edicts of Grace Activity of the Inquisition Navarre 2527 28 29 31 35 38 39 42 4749 51 55 Vlll CONTENTS. CHAPTER III. the gee mania. PAGE The Kingdoms of Aragon, their Independence ... 57 Ferdinand swears not to interfere with the Mudejares . . 58 Inquisitorial Activity in Valencia ...... 60 Revolt of the Germania . . .... 62 Forcible Baptism of the Mudejares 63 The Inquisition prosecutes the new Converts ... 67 Efforts to complete the Work of Conversion .... 69 Ineffaceable Character of Baptism 71 Investigation into the Baptisms 74 Apostates to be prosecuted ....... 78 CHAPTER IV. CONVERSION BY' EDICT. Charles V. insists on Unity of Faith. Clement VII. releases him from his Oath Edict offering Alternative of Baptism or Expulsion Remonstrance of Aragon Resistance in Valencia Mudejares submit to Baptism and become Moriscos Concordia or Agreement of 1528 .... Activity of Inquisition Inquisition suspended . ... Attempt at Conciliation .... Activity of Inquisition in Castile .... 8283 85 8890 959697 100 103 104 CHAPTER V. THE inquisition. Character of Inquisitorial Procedure . . . . .111 Specimen Trial of Mari Gomez ... . H4 Confiscation and Pecuniary Penance ... . 119 In Valencia the Inquisition disregards the Law . 121 Confiscation compromised for Annual Payment . . 125 Abuse of Pecuniary Penance 127 CONTENTS. ix PAGE Prosecution for trivial Offences .... 129 Nobles prosecuted for Fautorship . ... 133 Occasional Resistance . . . 135 CHAPTER VI. CONVERSION BY PERSUASION. Neglect of Religious Instruction ... . . 137 The Money Question — Universal Greed . . . 140 Endeavor to establish Rectories . . 142 College for Moriscos founded in Valencia .... 143 Delays and Neglect .... 145 Deplorable condition of the Rectories . . . 146 Attempt at Preaching — Ignorance of Arabic . 148 Mingling the Races ... . 151 Renewed Attempts at Instruction ... . 155 Papal Briefs empowering Pardon for Relapse . 156 Futile Attempts at Instruction ... . 161 The Money Question baffles all Efforts .... 167 Plans and Discussions .... . . 169 Failure of final Edict of Grace of 1599 ... 172 Rectories still insufficiently endowed . . . 176 CHAPTER VII. CONDITION OF THE MORISCOS. Antagonism between the Races .... . 178 Additional Burdens brought by Conversion . . 183 The Inquisition as a Protector . . . . 184 Exactions of the Lords — Virtual Serfdom . 186 Emigration prohibited .... ... 188 Disarmament 190 Disabilities arising from Limpieza 197 Relations to the Church— Burials, Baptism . 201 Marriage within Prohibited Degrees .... 203 Morisco Communities 207 Grievances urged against Moriscos — Popular Hatred . . 209 CONTENTS. CHAPTER VIII. THE REBELLION OF GRANADA. PAGE Condition of Granada after the rising of 1500 . . . 213 Edict of 1526 — Its suspension ...... 214 Negotiations for Relief from the Inquisition . . . 218 Increasing Oppression . 223 Revival in 1566 of the Edict of 1526— Neglect of Military Precautions .... . . . . 226 Excitement of the Moriscos 230 Explosion of the Rebellion ... ... 236 Military System of Spain — Character of the War . 238 Mondejar speedily enforces Submission 240 Interests opposed to Pacification 244 Insubordination and Brigandage of the Troops . . . 245 Mondejar Superseded by Don John of Austria . . 246 Revival and Successes of the Rebellion . . . 249 Expulsion of Moriscos of the Albaycin . . . 250 Exhaustive Efforts made by Philip II. . . 253 Don John takes the Field— the Rebellion gradually sup pressed 254 Expulsion of all Moriscos ordered and executed . . . 256 Murder of King Abenabo and End of the War . . . 261 Arrangements for Repopulation .... 264 Restrictions on the scattered Exiles 265 Endeavors to prevent their Return to Granada . . 268 CHAPTER IX. DANGERS PROM ABROAD. Correspondence with Barbary and Turkey Ravages of Corsairs on the Coasts . Plots for Rebellion with Aid from Abroad Assistance sought from France Anxieties of Spanish Statesmen Negotiations of Moriscos with Henry IV. Alarm about Muley Cidan Renewed Plans of Henry IV. 271272278 281284285289290 CONTENTS. xi CHAPTER X. EXPULSION. PAGE Perplexities of Spanish Statesmanship . . 292 Various Solutions of the Problem proposed . . 293 Theological Ferocity . 297 Interests opposed to Expulsion .... . 299 Prolonged Discussion over Expulsion . . 300 Death of Philip II 304 Influence of the Duke of Lerma over Philip III. . 306 Memorials of Archbishop Ribera . . 307 Projects in 1602 , 310 Expulsion resolved upon in 1608 .... . 313 315 Edict published in Valencia, September 22, 1609 . . 319 Perplexing questions concerning Children . 322 The Moriscos resolve to submit .... . 326 They mostly rejoice to embark .... . 328 Risings at del A guar and Muela de C6rtes suppressed . 332 Expulsion from Aragon and Catalonia . . 337 Passage of Exiles through France . . 340 Expulsion from Granada and Andalusia . 344 Expulsion from Castile . ... . 348 Exemptions withdrawn from Christian Moriscos . . 351 Search for remnants and for returned Exiles . 353 Morisco slaves retained . .... . 354 355 Number of Exiles .... . . . 359 Sufferings of the Exiles . 360 Christian Moriscos martyred in Morocco . 363 Many return and submit to Enslavement . 364 CHAPTER XI. RESULTS. Ecclesiastical Rejoicing . .... 366 367 Reduction of Revenues ... . . . . 369 CONTENTS. Difficulty of Repopulation Losses on censos or Ground-rents Gain accruing to the King Complexities of Settlement . Impoverishment of the Inquisition Counterfeit coinage .... Causes of slow Recovery — Aversion to Labor Inordinate Increase of the Clergy . Example of Ciudad-Real Projects of Relief Persistent Complications Eradication of Mahometanism Renegades . . . Last remnants of Moriscos Modern Opinions ..... Retribution . . . . Absence of Recuperative Power PAGE 370370372 374375 377 379381 383384 386388 390 392394 397399 Appendix of Documents Index 403 445 THE MORISCOS. CHAPTEE I. THE MUDEJARES. It has been the fashion to regard the war of the Ee- conquest, through which Spain was gradually won back from the Moslems, as a war of religion. During its prog ress at times it suited the purpose of the Christian princes so to represent it, when they solicited the aid of crusaders and proclaimed themselves as champions of the Cross. It was so regarded in Eome, where service against the Spanish Saracens was frequently considered as the equiv alent of service in Palestine and the knights of the Temple and of the Hospital were allowed to expend their military ardor on their infidel neighbors. In fact, however, the medieval history of Spain shows that in the long struggle there was little antagonism either of race or religion. At the Moorish conquest the populations willingly submitted to the invaders, who were no harsher masters than the Goths had been, and the conquerors made no attempt to interfere with the religion of their new subjects who main tained their faith and their ecclesiastical organization until the irruption of fresh hordes of fanatic barbarians, known as Almoravides and Almohades, in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, caused their gradual disappearance. Similarly as territory was won by the Christians the 1 2 THE MUDEJARES. peaceable population was left undisturbed ; prisoners taken in war without conditions were enslaved, but the conquests were mostly the result of formal surrenders in which the inhabitants were guaranteed the possession of their property and the enjoyment of their religion and laws. They came to be known by the name of Mudejares — the corruption of Mudegelin, an opprobrious term be stowed upon them by the Moors, derived from the word Degel which we are told was equivalent to Antichrist.1 Enslaved prisoners could acquire liberty by various acts of public service, but baptism did not enfranchise them unless the owner were a Moor or a Jew. No forcible conversion was allowed, but only persuasion, and the con vert had all the rights of the Old Christians save eligi bility to holy orders ; he was never to be insulted but was to be held in honor.2 The toleration which thus became the national policy was strengthened by the habitual alliances with Moorish neighbors of Christian princes involved in mutual civil 1 Luis del Marmol Carbajal, Rebelion y Castigo de los Moriscos de Granada, p. 158 ( Biblioteca de Autores Espafioles, Tom. XXI. ). Ample evidence of the nullity of the religious factor in the war of the recon- quest will be found in Dozy, Recherclies sur V'Sistoire el la Litterature de I' Espagne ( Leipzig, 1881 ), and in Francisco Fernandez y Gonzales, Eslado deloi Mudejares de Castilla (Madrid, 1866). The ballads of the Roman- cero afford abundant proof of the absence of popular religious acerbity, even down to the capture of Granada. 2 Las Siete Partidas P. i. Tit. v. ley 23 ; P. iv. Tit. xxi. ley 8 ; Tit. xxiii. ley 3 ; P. vn. Tit. xxv. 11. 2, 3. It is evident that the Moorish slaves were often men of trained intel ligence, highly trusted by their masters for another law (iv. xxi. 7) provides that the latter are bound by any contracts made by slaves whom they have placed in control of a shop or ship or any description of trade. The Spanish disinclination to labor and the monopoly of indus try by Moors and Jews is readily intelligible from medieval conditions, CO-OPERATION OF MOORS AND CHRISTIANS. 3 war. There never was the slightest hesitation in invok ing the aid of the infidel, whether to foment or suppress a rebellion. When, in 1270, Alfonso X. excited disaffec tion by releasing Portugal from its vassalage to Leon, his brother, the Infante Philip, took advantage of the situa tion and organized a conspiracy with a number of the more powerful ricosomes. Their first thought was to solicit assistance from Abu Jusuf, King of Morocco, who willingly promised it ; the Castilian prelates lent their influence to the movement ; the conspirators established themselves in Granada as their head-quarters and there was prospect of desolating war with the Moors of both Africa and Spain when Queen Violante intervened and the rebellious nobles were bought off with concessions. Twelve years later, when Sancho el Bravo revolted against his father Alfonso with the support of all the nobles except the Master of Calatrava and of all the cities except Seville, Alfonso thus abandoned sent his crown to Abu Jusuf as security for a loan. The Moor at once furnished him with 60,000 doblas and came himself with large forces ; Sancho made alliance with Granada, and the ensuing war, with Christians and Moors on both sides, raged until the death of Alfonso.1 Instances such as this on a large scale could be multiplied, but a trivial occur rence will perhaps better illustrate the Christian spirit of the time. In 1299 certain knights of the military-relig ious Order of Santiago seized some castles of the Order on the Moorish border, filled them with Saracen troops and threatened to give them over to the enemy unless the 1 Cr6nica de Don Alfonso X., cap. xix.-lviii., lxxvi.— Barrantes, Illuutraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib. I. cap. vi., ix. (Memorial His- tdrico Espanol, IX. 72-9, 92-8). 4 THE MUDEJARES. Master and Chapter would grant them in perpetuity cer tain properties of the Order. Their terms were accepted ; the lands were made over with solemn legal assurances that they would never be reclaimed, in spite of which complaint was made to Pope Boniface VIIL, who promptly ordered the Archbishop of Toledo to compel restitution under ecclesiastical censures.1 The Church, in fact, had long regarded with disfavor the careless indifference which led Alfonso VI. to style himself imperador de los dos oultos 2 — which was satisfied to allow subject Moors to enjoy their religion in peace. When, in 1212, Alfonso IX., at the head of a crusade, won the great victory of Las Navas de Tolosa and ad vanced to Ubeda, where 70,000 Moors had taken refuge, they offered to become Mudejares and to pay him a ran som of a million doblas. He accepted the terms but the clerical chiefs of the crusade, Eodrigo of Toledo and Arnaud of Narbonne, forced him to withdraw his assent, with the result that, after some further negotiation, the Moors were all massacred except such as were reserved as slaves.3 In a similar spirit Innocent IV., in 1248, or dered Jayme I. of Aragon to permit no Moors, save as slaves, to reside in the Balearic Isles which he had con quered in 1229. i It is not likely that he paid any atten tion to this command, for when, in 1238, he added Valencia to his dominions he allowed the Moors to remain as Mud6jares. In 1266 Clement IV. returned to the charge in a brief urging upon him the expulsion of all 1 Digard, Registres de Boniface VIII. No. 3334. 2 Fernandez y Gonzales, Mudejares de Castilla, p. 39. 3 Mondejar, Memorias de Alonso VIIL, Cap. cv., cviii. — Roderici Toletani de Rebus Hispanicis Lib. viii. cap. xii. i Villanueva, Viage Literario, XXI. 131. COMMANDS OF THE CHURCH. 5 Saracens from the kingdoms of the crown of Aragon. The pope told him that his reputation would suffer greatly if in view of temporal profit he should longer permit such opprobrium of God, such infection of Christendom as is caused by the horrible cohabitation of Moors and Christians, while by expelling them he would fulfil his vow to God, close the mouths of his detractors and show his zeal for the faith. It was probably in return for a tithe of the ecclesiastical revenues that Jayme had pledged himself to the pope to expel the Moors, but he was too worldly wise to do so and as late as 1275 he in vited additional Moorish settlers by the promise of a year's exemption from taxation. In 1276, however, on his death-bed, in consequence partly of a dangerous Moor ish revolt and partly of the awakened fears shown by his taking the Cistercian habit, he enjoined his son Pedro to fulfil the promise and in a codicil to his will he emphat ically repeated the injunction, but Pedro, like his father, was too sagacious to obey.1 . In fact, obedience to the commands of the Church in volved consequences to the welfare of the State which no ruler could contemplate without dismay. Except for military purposes the Mudejares formed the most valu able portion of the population, and even in war their services were relied upon, for we find Pedro, when gather ing his forces to resist the invasion of Philippe le Hardi, in 1283, summoning his faithful Moors of Valencia to 1 Ripoll Bullarii Ord. FF. PraBdicator. I. 479.— Danvila y Collado, La Expulsion de los Moriscos, p. 24. — Swift, James the First of Ara gon, pp. 140, 253, 290. — King Jayme is said to have made a vow, when about to undertake the conquest of Valencia, not to permit any Moors to remain in the land. 6 THE MUDEJARES. swell his ranks and in 1385, when levies were made in Murcia for the war with Portugal each aljama, or Moor ish organization, had its allotted quota.1 It was on their industry moreover that the prosperity of the land reposed. None of the resources of the State were more relied upon than the revenues which they furnished and assign ments on these were in request as the safest security for appanages and dowers and for the income of prelates and religious corporations.2 They were virtually indispen sable to the nobles on whose lands they were settled, for they were most skilful in agriculture and unwearied in labor. They carried these characteristics into every de partment of industry, science and art. As physicians they ranked with the Jews, and when, in 1345, the Prior of the Order of Santiago built the church of Nuestra Seiiora de Ucles, we are told that he assembled " Moorish masters " and good Christian stone masons who erected the structure.3 They were equally skilled in marine architecture and the Catalan power in the Mediterranean was largely due to their labors. The wonderful system of irrigation by which they converted Valencia into the garden of Europe still exists, with its elaborate and equi table allotments of the waters. They introduced the cul ture of sugar, silk, cotton, rice and many other valuable products and not a spot of available ground was left un filled by their indefatigable industry. The Mahometan law which prescribed labor as a religious duty was fully obeyed and every member of a family contributed his 1 Fernandez y Gonzalez, pp. 221, 286. — Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VI. 157, 196. 2 Ibid. VIII. 53.— Memorial Historico Espanol, I. 239, 263 ; III. 439. 3 Fernandez y Gonzalez, pp. 382, 386. THEIR USEFULNESS. 7 share of work to the common support. In all the mechanic arts they were unexcelled. The potteries of Malaga, the cloths of Murcia, the silks of Almeria and Granada, the leather hangings of Cordova, the weapons of Toledo were renowned everywhere and furnished the materials for profitable foreign commerce, which was stimulated by the universal reputation of their merchants for probity and strict fidelity to their engagements, so that it passed into a proverb that the word of a Granadan and the faith of a Castilian would make an Old Chris tian, or, as Hernando de Talavera, the saintly Arch bishop of Granada used to say " They . ought to adopt our faith and we ought to adopt their morals." They were temperate and frugal ; they married early, the girls at eleven and the boys at twelve, without fear of the future, for a bed and ten libras or ducats were considered sufficient dowry. There were no beggars among them, for they took affectionate care of their own poor and orphans ; they settled all quarrels between themselves and held it to be unlawful to prosecute each other before a Christian tribunal.1 In short, they constituted the most desirable population that any land could possess, and we shall have occasion to note hereafter the curious perver sity with which these good qualities were converted into accusations against them by their Christian persecutors. It is easy for us now to see what might have been the prosperity of Spain had a population thus gifted been gradually interfused with their vigorous conquerors, to 1 Janer, Condicion social de los Moriscos, pp. 47-50, 161. — Fonseca, Giusto Scaceiamento de' Moreschi, pp. 87, 89 (Roma, 1611). — Pedraza, Historia eclesiastica de Granada, foi. 187 (Granada, 1638). 8 THE MUDEJARES. whose religion they would have been won over in time through friendly intercourse. To the conscientious medie val churchman, however, any friendship with the infidel was the denial of Christ ; the infidel was not to be for cibly converted, but it was a duty to lay upon him such burdens that he would himself seek relief in conversion. Accordingly the toleration and conciliation, which were the basis of the Spanish policy, were vigorously opposed in Eome, where the effort was to keep the races as far apart as possible, through the somewhat humiliating fear that Christianity would lose more than it could gain in the intercourse between them. Even the freedom of ordinary commercial dealings, permitted by the Spanish laws, was discouraged and in 1250 the Order of Santiago felt it necessary to represent to Innocent IV. that it held numerous Moorish vassals, wherefore it asked for licence to buy and sell with them, which he granted accordingly.1 Another device to keep the races separate, on which the Church persistently insisted, was prescribed by the Lat eran council of 1216 — that all Jews and Saracens should wear a distinctive garment or badge. This was not only humiliating but dangerous, as it exposed the wearer to insult and maltreatment, especially in the case of travel lers, such as muleteers and merchants, on the notoriously insecure highways. A long struggle ensued between the Church and the Spanish monarchs over the enforcement of this canon. At length in Aragon an attempt in that direction was made, in 1300, by an ordinance requiring the Mudejares to have the hair cut in a peculiar fashion, and in Castile, at the request of the cortes of Toro in 1371, Henry II. ordered all Jews and Moors to wear a 1 Fernandez y Gonzalez, pp. 294, 321, 367. CONTINUED TOLERATION. 9 badge, but the injunction had to be frequently repeated and received scant obedience, and when enforced we are told that it led to innumerable murders on the high roads.1 The Church was succeeding in gradually awakening the spirit of intolerance, but its progress was slow. The council of Vienne in 1312 complained that Saracens dwelling in Christian lands were permitted to have priests who, from the minarets of the mosques, invoked Mahomet and sounded his praises, and further, that the people were allowed to gather around the grave of one whom they adored as a saint ; these practices the council de clared to be insufferable ; it ordered the princes to sup press them, with the alternative of winning salvation or of enduring a punishment which would render them a terrible example.2 This was directed especially at Spain, but the princes were unmoved, and in 1329 the council of Tarragona complained of their disobedience and ordered them to enforce the canon within two months, under pain of excommunication and interdict.3 Nothing came of this and a century later, in 1429, the council of Tortosa supplicated the King of Aragon and all prelates and nobles, by the bowels of divine mercy, to observe the canon and all other conciliar decrees for the exaltation of the faith and the humiliation of Jews and Moors and to see to their observance by their subjects if they wish to 1 Concil. Lateran. IV. ann. 1216, cap. lxviii. (Cap. 15, Extra, v. vi. ).— Raynald. Annal. ann. 1217, n 84. — -Amador de los Rios, Historia de los Judios de Espafia, I. 361-2, 364, 554 ; II. 116, 329, 565.-Partidas, P. vii. Tit. xxiv. ley 11. — Fernandez y Gonzalez, p. 369. — Ayala, Cr6nica de Enrique II. afio VI. cap. vii. See also Robert, Les Signes d'Infamie au Moyen Age (Paris, 1891). 2 Cap. 1, Clementin. Lib. v. Tit. ii. * Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1329 (Aguirre, Concil. Hispan. VI. 370). 10 THE MUDEJARES. escape the vengeance of God and of the Holy See.1 This was equally ineffectual and it was reserved for Ferdinand and Isabella, about 1482, to enforce the canon of Vienne with a strictness which brought a remonstrance from Constantinople.2 The council of Vienne had likewise enacted a canon directed against the privileges accorded to the Jews in Spain. Evidently the Spanish bishops who attended the council must have been deeply impressed with the spirit which they found among their fellow prelates and they doubtless were given to understand the indignation with which Spanish tolerance was regarded elsewhere. The Spanish church hitherto had been singularly independent ; it was uow brought into more direct relations with the rest of Christendom and it cast off the tolerant spirit which had thus far distinguished it, but its efforts were chiefly directed against the Jews, although it strove impartially to create popular antagonism against both Moors and Jews and to put an end to the pernicious habit of these infidels frequenting divine service in Christian churches and of Christians participating in their weddings and merry-makings.3 Already, moreover, the final policy of expulsion was suggested, in 1 337, by Arnaldo, Archbishop of Tarragona, in a letter to Benedict XII. imploring the pope to order the King of Aragon to adopt it. The material objections to it, he said, had been disproved by the Abbot of Poblet, who had recently expelled the Mudejares from the possessions of the abbey without im pairing its revenues, and the resistance of the nobles 1 Concil. Dertusan. ann. 1429, cap. xx. (Ibid. V. 340). 2 Raynald. Annal. ann. 1483, n. 45. ' Concil. Vallisolet. ann. 1322, cap. xxii. ; Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1329 (Aguirre, V. 250, 371). SEPARATION OF THE RACES. H might be overcome by empowering them to seize and sell the persons and property of the Moors, as public enemies and infidels, while the money thus obtained would be serviceable for the defence of the kingdom1 — an inhuman proposition which we shall see officially approved by the Church in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. This constant ecclesiastical pressure began in time to produce its effect on the ruling classes and the' fatal policy was adopted of separating as far as possible the races and reducing to a minimum the necessary intercourse between them. In the c6rtes of 1385 and 1387 laws were adopted, and in the council of Palencia in 1388 canons were decreed, punishing with heavy penalties all unnecessary conversa tion between them and requiring Jew and Moor to kneel when the sacrament was carried through the streets and to observe all Christian feasts by abstaining from working publicly. Moreover their employment as officials and tax- collectors was forbidden, as it had frequently been before, and the old custom in the towns of separate quarters — Morerias and Juderias — for them was insisted on and rendered more absolute.2 In the restrictive legislation of 1412 this matter occupies the first place; Morerias and Juderias were ordered to be established everywhere, sur rounded by a wall having only one gate ; any one who within eight days after notice should not have settled 1 Aguirre, V. 286-7. 2 Cortes de los Antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, II. 322, 325, 363, 365, 369 (Madrid, 1863).— Amador de los Rios, II. 331.— Orde- nanzas Reales, viii. iii. 6. — Concil. Palentin. ann. 1388, cap. v., vi. (Aguirre, V 300). It is worthy of note that in the proceedings of the cortes there is vastly more antagonism manifested towards Jews than towards Moors, arising from their greater activity as money lenders and usurers and their employment as farmers of the revenue and tax-collectors. 12 THE MUDEJARES. therein forfeited all his property, with personal punish ment at the king's pleasure, while severe penalties were provided for Christian women entering the forbidden precincts. It was easier to enact than to enforce such laws and in 1480 Ferdinand and Isabella state that this had been neglected, wherefore they renewed it, allowing two years for the establishment of these Ghettos after which any Jew or Moor dwelling outside of them was subjected to the prescribed penalties and no Christian woman should be found within them.1 Under Ferdinand and Isabella laws were no longer neglected and these were enforced with their accustomed vigor. In all this legislation Jews and Moors were included together, but clerical abhorrence was more particularly directed against the former, with the consequence that popular antipathy followed in the same direction, espe cially as the Jews made themselves largely disliked by their practice of usury and their efficiency as tax-gatherers. That it was difficult to arouse antagonism towards the Mudejares would seem to be shown when Ferran Mar tinez, the Archdeacon of Ecija, succeeded in starting the dreadful massacres of 1391. The Jews were the objects of his inflammatory harangues, and for three months, from June to September, in one city of Castile and Aragon after another, the populace rose on the Juderias, with slaughter and rapine, only sparing those who sought safety in baptism. The Morerias escaped, though in some places we are told the people only refrained from attack ing them through fear of reprisals on the Christians in 1 Ordenamiento de Valladolid, i., xi. (Fortalicium Fidei, foi. 176). — Fernandez y Gonzalez, pp. 400, 402. — Ordenanzas Reales, viii. iii., 10, 19. PROGRESS OF INTOLERANCE. 13 Barbary. That the Mudejares, in fact, felt themselves exposed to imminent danger in the savage fanaticism of the time would appear from the statement that some ten thousand of them were added to the innumerable multi tude of converts from Judaism made by San Vicente Ferrer who was the apostle of militant Christianity throughout this terrible uprising.1 Although the Mudejares thus escaped pillage and massacre, the event exercised a sinister influence on their ultimate fortunes. The immense number of forcibly con verted Jews created a new class in Spanish society known as Marranos, conversos or New Christians, the solidity of whose faith was not unreasonably regarded as doubtful. Eeleased from all disabilities, their superior business aptitude speedily raised many of them and their descend ants to commanding positions in Church and State, in tensifying the dislike and envy with which they had previously been regarded. Antagonism which had before been almost purely religious became racial, while relig ious antagonism became heightened and Spain, which through the earlier middle ages had been the most tol erant land in Christendom, became, as the fifteenth cen tury advanced, the most fanatically intolerant. It was impossible for the conversos wholly to abandon the mul tifarious rites and customs of rabbinical Judaism in which they had been trained for so many generations ; these were regarded as indubitable evidence of apostasy in those who by baptism had become subject to the Church ; fiery preachers, like Alonso de Espina, were not lacking to point out the dangers to which Spanish 1 I have treated in some detail on the massacres of 1391 in the American Historical Review, Vol. I. p. 209. 14 THE MUDEJARES. Christianity was exposed of becoming Judaized by inter course with these apostates, and finally Ferdinand and Isabella yielded to the apparent necessity of a radical cure by the establishment of the Inquisition in 1480. The unbaptized Jews were not subject to the Inquisition, so long as they abstained from proselytism or sacrilege, but this did not protect them from the ferocious zeal of the people, which seemed to be constantly increasing in intensity, unsatisfied by legislation which oppressed them with so many disabilities. In all this, jealousy of the superior energy of the non-Christian races had its share, for in spite of these disabilities the results of their intelligent industry were a constant source of dread and provocation. In 1453 a decree of the town of Haro forbids Christians to sell their estates to Jews and Moors, giving as a reason that if this were not stopped the Christians would have no ground left to cultivate as the Moors had already obtained possession of all the best of the irrigated lands.1 It was doubtless this jealousy which prompted the demand made on Henry IV. by the revolted nobles, in 1460, that he should expel from the land all Jews and Moors who contaminated religion and corrupted morals.2 Whatever might have been lacking to stimulate this antagonism was supplied by the Holy See, when Eugenius IV. in 1442 and Nicholas V. in 1447 issued terrible bulls of proscription against the Jews, em bodying in the canon law all the most abhorrent features of Spanish legislation,3 and Sixtus IV. in a motu proprio 1 Boletfn de la Real Academia de la Historia, XXVI. 468-72. 2 Colmenares, Historia de Segovia, cap. xxxi. \ ix. * Raynald. Annal. ann. 1442, n. 15. — Wadding. Annal. Ord. Mi- norum, ann. 1447, n. 10. PERSECUTION OF JEWS. 15 of May 31, 1484, expressed his displeasure at learning that in Spain, and especially in Andalusia, these bulls were not observed, wherefore he ordered all officials, secular and ecclesiastical, to enforce strictly the canonical decrees con cerning the proscribed races.1 Still the popular feeling seems to have been mostly directed against the Jews and Jewish conversos and we hear of no action against the Mudejares in the bloody risings against the former in Toledo in 1449 and 1467, in Valladolid in 1470 and in Cordova and other towns of Andalusia in 1473. 2 It is true that Alfonso de Borja, Archbishop of Valencia (1429-1455), afterward Pope Calixtus III., urged upon Juan II. of Aragon the expulsion of the Mudejares of Valencia, in which he was supported by Cardinal Juan de Torquemada, uncle of the celebrated inquisitor-general, and they made such impression on the mind of the king that he appointed a term for their departure, but he thought better of it and abandoned the measure.3 But the greater favor shown to the Moors is observable when, in 1480, Isabella ordered the expulsion from Andalusia, where the Jewish population was most numerous, of all Jews that would not embrace Christianity and when in 1486 Ferdinand did the same in Aragon, although both of these measures were probably but financial expedients to sell exemptions and suspensions, for no positive action was taken.4 Possibly in this allowance must be made 1 Padre Fidel Fita (Boletfn, XV. 443). 2 Cronica de Juan II. aiio xlii. cap. ii., v. — Cr6nica de Alvaro de Luna, Tit. lxxxiii. — Valera, Memorial de diversas Hazafias, cap. xxxviii., lxxxiii.-iv. — Castillo, Cronica de Enrique IV. cap. xc., xci., cxlvi., clx. — Memorial Historico Espafiol, VIII. 507-8. 3 Bleda, Cr6nica de los Moros, p. 877 (Valencia, 1618). 4 Pulgar, Cr6nica de los Reyes Cat61icos, n. lxxvii. — Archivo Gen- 16 THE MUDEJARES. for the fact that the Mudejares were protected against such measures by the old capitulations to which they could appeal as guaranteeing the right of domicile and the privilege of their religion, while the Jews had neither rights nor privileges and their domicile was but a matter of sufferance. So it was in the crowning catastrophe when, in 1492, the final conquest of Granada from the Moors was signalized by the decree of expulsion of the Jews, conceived and executed in a spirit of the most arbitrary injustice, and Spain was deprived of some hun dreds of thousands of its most intelligent and thrifty population.1 Human inconsistency has rarely been more conspicuous than in the contrast between this radical measure for puri fying the faith of Spain and the politic course adopted by Ferdinand and Isabella in their gradual winning of the kingdom of Granada during the nine years' war between 1482 and 1492. The traditional course was observed of subjecting to the utmost rigor of war places taken by assault or obliged to surrender at discretion, while the sovereigns were always ready to grant the most liberal terms of capitulation. This is set forth, in 1487, in an eral de la Corona de Aragon, Reg. 3684, foi. 96. — Padre Fidel Fita (Boletfn, XV. 323-5, 327, 328, 330; XXIII. 431). 1 The computations of the Jews expelled in 1492 range from 800,000 down. Isidore Loeb (Revue des Etudes Juives, 1887, p. 182), after an exhaustive examination of all the sources, Christian and Jewish, reduces the number to Expelled 165,000 Baptized to escape expulsion . 50,000 Died 20,000 235,000 POLICY IN THE CONQUEST OF OR AN AD A. 17 application to Sixtus IV. concerning the tithe which the Moors were accustomed to pay to their native kings, from which it would seem that the clergy laid claim to it in the conquered lands as though it were ecclesiastical. Ferdinand and Isabella represent that they cannot induce the Moors to submit if they oppress them more than their rulers have done ; that the capitulations always provide that they shall pay no more taxes than they had been accustomed to and that if the crown cannot enjoy these tithes there will be no revenues to defray the cost of gar risoning the captured towns. This had been settled, they say, in the case of Aragon and Valencia and they ask Sixtus to apply the same rule to Granada. To this the pope assented and forbade all ecclesiastics from advancing any claim on the Moorish tithes.1 So when, in 1489, the Sultan complained to the pope of the progressive con quest of Granada, saying that there were many Christians in his dominions whom he protected in their faith and that if the war were not stopped he would be obliged to make reprisals on them, the sovereigns replied that they were only recovering their own and that the Moors in their territories enjoyed full liberty of person and re ligion.2 This was not the result of a tolerant spirit for when the 'opportunity offered nothing could be more ferocious than their fanaticism. When they captured Malaga in August, 1487, after a desperate resistance of three months, all renegade Christians found there were tor tured to death with sharp-pointed reeds, all conversos were burnt, and the inhabitants were held to ransom as * Fernandez y Gonzalez, p. 412. 2 Pulgar, Cronica, in. cxii. % 18 THE MUDEJARES. slaves. Abraham Senior, the Jewish financier of Queen Isabella, paid 20,000 doblas to redeem four hundred and fifty Jews ; as for the Moors, a royal decree of September 4th assented to an agreement by which they were to pay, as a ransom for themselves and their personal effects, thirty doblas a head, irrespective of age or condition of servitude, for the fulfilment of which they gave hostages ; such as desired to go to Barbary were to be transported at the royal expense, the rest might go anywhere, except within the kingdom of Granada, and were guaranteed safety and freedom.1 As the war drew toward the end, however, capitula tions were granted even more liberal than those of old. That which secured the submission of Purchena and the important valley of the Almanzora with the Sierra de Filabres, December 7, 1489, receives all the inhabitants, with their officials and alfaqufes or priests, under the royal safeguard ; it permits all the Mudejares who had come to their assistance to return freely home with their effects and free of accountability for whatever property they may have seized ; it gives free transport to Barbary to certain parties and their friends, with permission to sell their lands or collect the rents while absent ; it per mits all others to go to Barbary whenever they choose • it appoints Moors as magistrates who are to decide all suits between the inhabitants and Christians ; it pays 12,000 reales as ransom for a hundred and twenty cap tives held by the Moors ; it promises not to force rene gades to return to Christianity ; it engages to exact no taxation greater than had been paid to the Kings of 1 Zurita, Hist, de Aragon, Lib. lxx. cap. lxxi. — Amador de los Rios, III. 298-99. — Fernandez y Gonzalez, p. 415. POLICY IN THE CONQUEST OF QRANADA. 19 Granada ; it allows them to live in their law and faith and to be judged according to the zunna or Moorish code; it declares their houses inviolable against forcible entry or the free quartering of soldiers ; it guarantees them possession of their horses and arms and that they shall never be re quired to wear badges and finally that the land shall never be alienated from the crown. All this was pledged in the most solemn manner on the royal faith and word.1 Subsequently, on February 11, 1490, a capitulation was drawn up for the city of Almeria which was to serve for all subsequent surrenders. This was even more liberal, containing in addition to the above provisions others which assured the new Mudejares of relief from unjust burdens laid upon them by the native kings : that chil dren born of Christian women should choose for them selves at the age of twelve which religion to embrace ; that no Jew or convert should ever hold jurisdiction over them : that no Christian should ever enter their aljamas ; that any fugitive Moorish slave coming to Baza or Guadix should be free ; that their rights in slaves kept in Bar- ban* should not be disturbed, and it even included the Jews, who were placed on the same level as the Mude jares if they were natives of Granada, while if they were renesrades from Christianity thev should have a year in which to return to the faith or to go to Africa.2 This careful detail would seem to assure to the con quered Moors all the rights and privileges which they had enjoyed under native rule, but when the final sur- 1 Fernandez y Gonzalez, p. 416. — Coleccion de Documentos in^ditos para la Historia de Espafia, VIII. 403. 2 Fernandez y Gonzalez, p. 419. — Coleccion, XI. 475. — Pulgar, Cronica, ill. cxxv. 20 THE MUDEJARES. render was made of the city of Granada, involving the abdication of Boabdil and the establishment of Christian domination over the whole land, still greater concessions were granted. This was a solemn agreement, bearing date November 25, 1491, and ratified three days later, the surrender and delivery of the city to be made within forty days thereafter. Ferdinand and Isabella, for them selves, for their son the Infante Juan, and for all their successors, received the Moors of all places that should come into the agreement as vassals and natural subjects, to be under the royal protection, to possess all their lands in perpetuity, to be preserved from all oppression, and to be honored and respected as vassals and subjects. They were not to be disturbed in their habits and cus toms ; those who desired to go to Barbary had full per mission to sell their property or to leave it in the hands of agents, while for three years they were to be trans ported at the cost of the crown and subsequently at their own expense. They were never to be required to wear badges, and Jews were to have no authority over them or to be made collectors of the revenues. They were not to be deprived of their mosques, entrance to which was for bidden to Christians. Questions between themselves were to be decided under the zunna or Moorish law by their own magistrates, while suits with Christians were to be heard by a mixed tribunal consisting of the Christian alcalde and Moorish cadi. Moorish slaves of Christian masters, flying to Granada, were not to be reclaimed. Tributes were not to be exacted greater than those paid to the native kings. Those who had fled to Barbary had three years in which to return and enjoy the privileges thus granted. They had free permission to trade with TERMS OF CAPITULATION. 21 Barbary and with all places in Castile and Andalusia without heavier imposts than those paid by Christians. Eenegades were not to be maltreated by act or word and Christian women married to Moors were allowed to choose their own faith, while no constraint was to be applied to Moors to induce conversion — indeed, any female Moor who through love for a Christian desired to change her religion was not to be received until she had been exam ined in the presence of Christians and Moors, and if she had taken anything with her it was to be restored and she was to be punished. All Christian captives were to be delivered without ransom and similarly all Moorish ones in Castile and Andalusia were to be set free. All the revenues of mosques and schools and charitable foun dations were to be maintained and paid as usual into the hands of the alfaqules, and the governors and magistrates appointed by the new sovereigns were to treat the Moors kindly and lovingly and anyone acting wrongfully was to be visited with due punishment. Even these careful and elaborate provisions did not wholly satisfy the Moors and on November 29th Ferdinand and Isabella made a solemn declaration in which they swore by God that all Moors should have full liberty to work on their lands or to go where they desired through the kingdoms in search of advantage and to maintain their religious observances and mosques as heretofore, while those who preferred could sell their property and go to Barbary.1 The elaborate nature of these compacts shows how care fully the Moors guarded their religious freedom and how 1 Fernandez y Gonzalez, p. 421. — Coleccion de Documentos, VIII. 411. — Marmol Carvajal, Rebelion y Castigo, pp. 146-50. 22 THE MUDEJARES. willingly the Catholic sovereigns subordinated religious to political interests. Had these agreements been preserved inviolate the future of Spain would have been wholly different ; kindly intercourse would have amalgamated the races ¦ in time Mahometanism would have died out, and, supreme in the arts of war and peace, the prosperity and power of the Spanish kingdoms would have been enduring. This, however, was too foreign to the spirit of the age to come to pass. Fanaticism and greed led to persecution and oppression, while Castilian pride inflicted humiliation even more galling. The estrangement of the races grew ever greater, the gulf between them more impassable, until the position became intolerable, leading to a remedy which crippled the prosperity of Spain. At first there seems to have been an intention to carry out these compacts in good faith. When Ferdinand and Isabella left Granada their instructions were to administer them in a kindly spirit and bring about the pacification and unity of the races. Inigo Lopez de Mendoza, Count of Tendilla (subsequently Marquis of Mondejar), was appointed captain-general and sought to follow out this policy.1 Arrangements were promptly made for trans porting to Barbary all Moors who desired to go, and many of them did so, including most of the nobles. A letter, in 1492, to the sovereigns says that the Abencer- rages went almost in a body and that in the Alpujarras there were few left save laborers and officials. The con tinuance of this emigration shows that the Moors were not altogether confident of the good faith of their new masters, and a letter of Ferdinand in 1498 indicates that 1 Janer, Condicion Social, p. 19. INVITATION TO PORTUGUESE MOORS. 23 it was still going on and that he was desirous of stimula ting it.1 If, however, he thus regarded his new subjects as undesirable he seems to have wished to increase the popu lation of Mudejares — of those who through generations of intercourse with Christians had accommodated them selves to the situation and were in every way undoubtedly useful to the community. When Manoel of Portugal decreed the expulsion of the Moors from his dominions, Ferdinand and Isabella issued letters, April 20, 1497, permitting them to enter Spain with all their property, either to reside or to pass through and go whither they pleased with their effects except gold and silver and other articles of which the export was prohibited. They were taken under the royal protection and all persons were warned not to molest them in any way.2 The contrast between this invitation and the final action of Philip III. measures the unwise statesmanship which within a century converted friendly subjects into domestic enemies. The process, indeed, was already commencing / through infractions of the capitulation of Granada. Boab- dil, with wise distrust, had wanted it to receive papal con firmation but was obliged to abandon the demand, and- its disregard commenced with the appointment as alguazil of 1 Coleccion de Documentos, XI. 569; XIV. 496.— Janer, p. 127. 2 Archivo General de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Legajo unico, foi. 4. See Appendix No. I. When, in 1497, at the instance of the Castilian sovereigns, Manoel expelled from Portugal all Jews and Moors who refused baptism, he deprived the former of their children under fourteen years of age, causing despair which moved even the Christians to compassion. He spared to the Moors this cruelty through a dread of reprisals on his subjects by the Mahometan powers. — Damiao de Goes, Chronica do Rei Dom Manoel, P. i. cap. xviii., xx. 24 THE MUDEJARES. Don Pedro Venegas, a converso, who, on his first walk through the streets, converted the mosque At-Tanavin into the church known as San Juan de los Eeyes. Al though the royal secretary, Hernando de Zafra, to whom was intrusted the interpretation of the compact, gave sat isfaction by defeating an attempt to divert the revenues of schools and hospitals and to introduce Castilian law, still there was open disregard of the capitulation in the imposition of a tithe and a half in addition to the tithe formerly paid to the native kings. This was rendered more oppressive by farming the revenues to Moorish almojarifes or tax speculators whose familiarity with the wealth of their compatriots and whose covetousness ren dered the collection excessively burdensome. The treasury even made a speculation out of the transportation to Africa of those who expatriated themselves.1 Thus one after another the guarantees given at the surrender were shown to be but a slender protection against the exigencies of the conqueror. There could be little reliance on his good faith as far as temporal inter ests were concerned, but thus far he had practically respected his pledges concerning religion. It remained to be seen how long he could resist the pressure to estab lish unity of faith. 1 Fernandez y Gonzalez, pp. 216-18. CHAPTEE II. IIMENE8. Hakdly had Ferdinand and Isabella obtained pos session of their new conquests when there were zealous prelates and frailes at the court who urged upon them that in gratitude to God they should give their new sub jects the alternative of baptism or exile. By some process of reasoning they proved that this would be no violation of the capitulations and it was easy to show how the Moors would gain salvation and the land would be assured enduring peace. The sovereigns, however, re jected these counsels, not that they were not just and holy, but that their new vassals were as yet unquiet and had not wholly laid down their arms, so that such vig orous measures would infallibly provoke another war. Besides, we are told, as they had other conquests in view they did not desire to do anything unworthy of their plighted troth and as the work of conversion had com menced auspiciously they had hopes that it could be com pleted in good faith.1 In fact, there appeared at first a flattering prospect that the Moors might be won over to Christianity. Her nando de Talavera, a Jeronimite fraile, was confessor to Isabella, who had made him Bishop of Avila. He had accompanied her to the siege of Granada, and on its sur- 1 Marmol Carvajal, p. 153. 26 XIMENES. render, impressed by the field open for missionary labor, he had asked permission to resign his see in order to de vote himself to the holy work. Granada in Eoman and Gothic times had been the seat of a bishopric, the memory of which had been preserved in the fifteenth century by a series of titular bishops. Isabella had the felicitous idea of reviving it in the shape of an archbishopric and bestow ing it on Talavera. He consented, but, desiring to avoid all appearance of cupidity, insisted that the revenues assigned to it should be moderate, and they were fixed at 2,000,000 maravedis — considerably less than those of Avila.1 It would have been impossible to make a happier selection. Talavera was a true apostle, whose zeal was tempered with charity and loving kindness. He speedily gained the hearts of his flock, devoting his labor and his revenue to the relief of suffering and the practical exemplification of the gospel precepts. The true Christianity which he so faithfully represented won the affectionate veneration of* the Moslem and rendered abundantly successful the work of conversion which was the object of his life. Many came spontaneously to ask for baptism • the alfaquies themselves listened willingly to him as he ex pounded Christian doctrine • he had houses in which he preached and taught to all who sought instruction and he not only caused his missionaries to learn Arabic but he himself in his old age acquired it sufficiently for his purposes and composed an elementary grammar and 1 Ibid. p. 152. — Avila was one of the poorer Spanish sees, with an income of about 8000 ducats. The revenue assigned to Granada was a little over 5000, but by 1510 it had increased to 10,000. — L. Marinsei Siculi de Rebus Hispan. Lib. iv. — Pedraza, Hist, ecles. de Granada, foi. 173. TENDENCY TOWARDS CONVERSION. 27 vocabulary. The traditional hardness of the Moorish heart softened in the warmth of Christian love which he poured forth and the rapidly increasing number of con verts gave promise that a proselytism so conducted would solve the most serious question which confronted Spanish statesmanship.1 As the century drew to its close there seemed indeed an encouraging tendency to general con version. We hear of the Moors of Caspe, an important town in Aragon, turning Christians in 1499 ; in the dis trict of Teruel and Albarracin, which subsequently was noted as the most defiantly obstinate of the Moorish re gions, in 1493 a mosque was converted into the church of the Trinity and in 1502 the whole population became Christian, at least for the time.2 To stimulate the process, Ferdinand and Isabella by a pragmatica of October 31, 1499, ordered that all Moorish slaves, who since the sur render had been baptized, should be set free, the owners being compensated from the royal treasury ; any son of a Moor who was baptized should be entitled to receive his portion from his father and should subsequently inherit the share in the paternal estate which would otherwise enure to the crown.8 At the same time there were ominous symptoms of a re sort to less persuasive methods of propagandism. Already, in 1498, a letter of Ferdinand, January 28th, to the in quisitor-general, shows that in Valencia the Inquisition was arrogating to itself jurisdiction over the Moors and 1 Marmol Carvajal, p. 152. — Pedraza, Hist, ecles. de Granada, foi. 174, 186-7. 2 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1. — Mufioz, Diario Turo- lense, afio 1502 (Boletfn, 1895, p. 10). ' Llorente, Afiales de la Inquisicion, I. 254. 28 XIMENES. was endeavoring to suppress the use of Moorish costume, although the rule was absolute that it had no cognizance over any one who had not by baptism become subject to the Church, unless, indeed, he were guilty of sacrilege or of seeking to convert others from Christianity. It was therefore a flagrant abuse of authority when the tribunal of Valencia undertook to prevent the wearing of Moorish garments and sent officials to Serra to arrest some women for disobedience. They were not recognized by the people and were maltreated while the women were conveyed away, whereupon the tribunal adopted the arbitrary measure of seizing all the inhabitants of Serra who chanced to come to Valencia, so that the place was threatened with depopulation — an excess of zeal which the king reprimanded, ordering greater moderation to be observed in future. The ringleaders in the resist ance to the officials, after three years' incarceration, were condemned to confiscation and banishment, leading to considerable correspondence in 1500, in which Ferdi nand showed a commendable desire to mitigate the harsh ness of the inquisitors. He manifested the same dispo sition towards the Moorish aljama of Fraga, which was concerned in the confiscation of a certain Galceran de Abella, and also towards the Moors of Saragossa who became involved with the Inquisition there by reason of harboring a female slave who had escaped from Borja.1 It was still further ominous for Granada when, in 1499, it was subjected to the Inquisition and was incorporated in the district of the tribunal of Cordova.2 To make matters worse, on September 7th, the infamous Diego 1 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1. 2 Zurita, Historia del Rey Hernando, Lib. in. cap. 44. INQ UISITION INTR OD UCED. 29 Eodriguez Lucero was appointed inquisitor of Cordova and we learn from an ayuda de costa or gratuity granted to him, July 27, 1500, to reimburse him for the expenses of a journey to Granada, Malaga and other places, that he had been busy in organizing his subordinates through out the newly acquired territory.1 He speedily acquired the unbounded confidence of Ferdinand by unscrupulous activity which was fruitful in confiscations, and his career was a tissue of atrocious fraud and cruelty which in 1506 led to a rising in Cordova and eventually to his deposition. We have no records as to his proceedings in Granada against the Moors, baptized or unbaptized, but his perse cution of the Archbishop Talavera and his family, on the most absurd and extravagant charges of being engaged in a plot to convert Spain to Judaism by the arts of witch craft, shows how little mercy was to be expected by those of lesser degree who might provoke his cupidity or enmity.2 Meanwhile Talavera, unconscious of the trouble which was to embitter his closing years, was earnestly pursuing his apostolate with constantly increasing success. Unfor tunately Ferdinand and Isabella, who were in Granada from July until the middle of November, 1499, were not content with the progress of the work and desiring to expedite it they summoned to Talavera's assistance the Archbishop of Toledo, Francisco Ximenes de Cisneros, who was busy at Alcala laying the foundations for his university. Much as Spain owes to this extraordinary man, his services were far overbalanced by the irrep- 1 Archivo de Simancas, loc. cit. 2 I have considered the career of Lucero in some detail in a paper in the American Historical Review, Vol. II. p. 611, 30 XIMENES. arable mischief which he wrought in a work for which he was peculiarly unfitted. Of his disinterestedness there could be no question as well as of his zeal for religion as he understood it, but he was peremptory, inflexible and unforgiving, and even his admiring biographer admits that his temper was so imperious that he deemed force to be the only way of ensuring obedience and that in his atrabilious moods it was dangerous to approach him so that he sometimes acted through fury rather than pru dence, as was seen in the conversion of the Granadan Moors and the attempt to conquer Africa.1 Such was the colleague allotted to the saintly Talavera, whose milder nature readily yielded to the stronger indi viduality. For awhile they worked successfully together and when the sovereigns left Granada for Seville it was with the injunction to proceed with gentleness and not provoke a revolt. Ximenes threw himself into the work with his customary ardor. He borrowed considerable sums which he lavished on the principal Moors whom he desired to win over, giving them silken vestments and crimson caps, of which we are told they were inor dinately proud. In conjunction with Talavera he held conferences with the alfaquies and morabitos — the priests and teachers — explaining to them the Christian doctrines, and leading many of them to instruct their flocks in the true faith with such effect that applications for baptism became numerous and in a single day, December 18, 1499, 1 Gomecii de Rebus Gestis a Francisco Ximenio Lib. iv. foi. 95, Lib. v. foi. 128, Lib. vii. foi. 21S. How much his zeal overran his discretion as a statesman is visible in his attempt, in 1506, to unite Fer dinand, Henry VII. and Manoel of Portugal in a crusade. — Wadding. Annal. ann. 1506, n. 73r FORCIBLE CONVERSION. 31 three thousand were baptized by the simple expedient of sprinkling them in a body, and the mosque of the Albay- cin was consecrated as the church of San Salvador.1 All this was legitimate enough, but Ximenes showed his temper when, alarmed by the progress of Christian- ization some of the stricter Moslems endeavored to check it by dissuasion. He promptly had them imprisoned in chains and treated with great harshness. The most promi nent among them was a Zegri, proud of his royal descent and distinguished by eminent personal gifts. Him Ximenes confided to one of his priests named Pedro Leon with instructions to break his spirit, which was duly accomplished by starvation until the Zegri begged to be taken before the Christian alfaqui. In squalor and chained hand and foot he was brought into the presence of Ximenes, when he asked to be relieved of his fetters in order that he might speak freely. When this was done he explained that the previous night Allah had appeared to him and commanded him to embrace the Christian faith, which he was ready to do. Pleased with his conquest, Ximenes had him washed, clothed in silk and baptized, when he took the name of Gonzalo Fernandez Zegri, in honor of Gonzalo of Cordova, not as yet the Great Captain, with whom he had fought during the siege of Granada, and Ximenes further gratified him with a pension of fifty thousand maravedis. 1 It is apparent from these events that already the separation had been enforced between the Moors and the incoming Christians, the former being confined to a small Moreria, of about 500 houses, in the city, known as the Antequeruela and to a larger one of some 5000 houses occupying the Albaycin, a quarter of the town on higher ground, of rocky and uneven surface. The Moorish population of the city at the time was estimated at 40,000, 32 XIMENES. Having once given way to his imperious temper it would seem that Ximenes could no longer control it. Impatient of the slow process of persuasion he imagined that he could end the matter at a blow and he refused to listen to those who urged moderation and gentleness. He summoned the alfaquies to surrender all their religious books ; five thousand were brought to him, many splen didly adorned with gold and silver and priceless illu minations. There were numerous applicants for these specimens of Moorish art, but Ximenes refused them all and the whole were publicly burnt, save a few on medi cine which he reserved for the library at Alcala. All this foreshadowed still more forcible proceedings. The Moors were becoming more and more disquieted at the increasing disregard of their guarantees and it needed but a spark to cause an explosion. Ximenes was not long in furnishing the necessary pro vocation. It will be recalled that among the provisions of the capitulation was one which protected all renegades from persecution. There appears to have been many of these, who, with their children were known as elches. To a rigid churchman it was insupportable that one who had once, by baptism, been subjected to ecclesiastical jurisdiction, or his children who ought to have been bap tized, should be exempted from it. Such cases came clearly within the cognizance of the Inquisition, which was not to be defrauded by any human compact, and Ximenes procured from Inquisitor-general Deza delega tion of power to deal with them. He made use of this to arrest those who were proof against persuasion until it happened that one of his servants named Sacedo, with Bellasco de Barrionuevo, a royal alguazil, arrested in the TUMULT IN GRANADA. 33 Albaycin a young daughter of an elche. As they were dragging her through the plaza of Bib-el-Bonut — the principal one in the Albaycin — she cried out that she was to be forcibly baptized in contravention of the capitulations ; a crowd collected and commenced to insult the alguazil, who was hated by reason of his activity in making arrests ; he answered disdainfully, passions were heated and in the tumult he was killed with a paving-stone while Sacedo would have shared his fate had not a Moorish woman rescued him and hidden him under a bed until midnight. The trouble spread, the Moors flew to arms, skirmished with the Christians and, regarding Ximenes as the vio lator of the compact, they besieged him in his house. He had a guard of two hundred men who defended him until morning, when Tendilla came down from the Alhambra with troops and raised the siege. For ten days the two archbishops and Tendilla parleyed with the Moors, point ing out the penalties they would suffer if they did not sub mit before forces should come from Andalusia, to which they replied that they had not risen against the sover eigns but in defence of the royal faith, that it was the officials who had caused disturbance by violating the capitulations and that everything would be pacified if these were observed. At length Talavera boldly went to the plaza Bib-el-Bonut with a chaplain and a few unarmed servants ; the sight of his calm and benevolent features wrought a revulsion and the Moors kissed the hem of his gown as they had been wont to do. Tendilla followed with his halberdiers, but tossed into the crowd his crimson cap and rode bareheaded as a sign of peace ; it was picked up, kissed and returned to him. Thus an armistice established itself ; Tendjlla and Talavera urged 3 34 XIMENES. the Moors to lay down their arms and promised them pardon, as it should be understood that they had not re volted but only sought to maintain the capitulations, which should be strictly observed for the future. To show his confidence Tendilla brought his wife and boys and placed them in a house next to the principal mosque and the city became quiet. The cadi Cidi Ccibona prom ised to surrender to justice those who had slain the algua- zil, which was accordingly done ; the eorregidor hanged four and let the rest go for the sake of peace ; the Moors laid down their arms and returned to work. To drive a population such as this to rebellion and despair required exceptional perversity and wrongheaded- ness, but these were not lacking. Tendilla and Talavera had counted without Ximenes, but the latter soon made himself felt. During the interval rumors had reached Seville that Granada had revolted because Ximenes had attempted to Christianize it at a stroke, and Ferdinand, who had never forgiven Isabella for promoting her con fessor Ximenes in 1495 to the primatial sec of Toledo, which he wanted for his son Alfonso of Saragossa, now took the opportunity to reproach her bitterly with the result, and she Avroto to Ximenes blaming him severely. The court anxiously awaited tidings. On the third day of the outbreak Ximenes had dispatched letters by a slave who had the reputation of making twenty leagues a day, but at the first tavern on the road he got drunk and took five days for the journey in place of two. On receiving Isabella's reproof Ximenes sent his faithful retainer Fran cisco Ruiz and promised to follow as soon as the disturb ances should cease. Ruiz removed the unfavorable im pression and when Ximenes came and gave his version ENFORCED CONVERSION. 35 of events ho was held worthy of great honor for bring ing so difficult a matter to so fortunate an ending. He pointed out that, as the Moors by rebellion had forfeited their lives and property, any pardon should be conditional on their embracing ( ihristianity or leaving the land. The sovereigns listened and yielded to his reasoning; Ten- dilla's promises were ignored ; tho opportunity of annul ling the capitulations was not to be lost, the Moors were to be taught how vain was any reliance on Christian faith and although the issuing of the edict was postponed for eight months, an impassable gulf was opened between the races which all subsequent action only made wider and deeper. Ximenes returned to Granada, where the inhabitants of the Albaycin were offered the alternative of conversion or punishment, and their readiness for baptism was stimu lated by a royal judge ov prxrpi-ixi.dor, sent for the purpose, who executed some of tho most active insurgents and imprisoned others. With the assistance of Talavera Ximenes undertook the task of teaching the unwilling converts, but when they asked for instruction in their own language and Talavera had the offices and portions of the gospels printed in Arabic, Ximenes stoutly opposed it, saying that it was casting pearls to swine, for it was tho nature of the vulgar to despise what they could understand and to reverence that which was occult and mysterious. If he could enforce outward conformity he evidently cared little for intelligent faith ; he was by nature an inquisitor and not a missionary. We are not surprised therefore to learn that Talavera was obliged to baptize them without instruction or catcohization, for the multitude was so great and the time was so short that 36 XIMENES. there was no opportunity for such preliminaries. Nor need we wonder that such profanation of the sacra ment left the neophytes as much Moslem in heart as before, with undying hatred, to be transmitted to their children, towards the religion to which they had been forced outwardly to profess conformity and towards the oppressors who had shown disregard so cynical of their solemn engagements. Nor was that hatred likely to diminish as the Inquisition, which had thus obtained jurisdiction over them, harried them ceaselessly for a century with its spies, its confiscations, and its autos de fe. They had made one vain effort to avert their fate by sending to the Soldan of Egypt to represent that they were to be converted by force and asked him to threaten reprisals on the Christians within his dominions. The soldan accordingly dispatched envoys to Ferdinand and Isabella, who explained the matter to their satisfaction and responded by sending that elegant scholar, Peter Martyr of Anghiera, on a return mission, fortified with certificates from the alcaides of Barbary that all Moors desiring to emigrate had been landed there in safety, for the sovereigns had duly accompanied the exiles with officials who saw to their delivery and took testimony as to their treatment. Peter Martyr performed his mission successfully and nothing further was heard from Egypt. The number of Christians thus brought into the fold, in cluding those of the Vega, was estimated at from 50,000 to 70,000.x 1 In all this I have principally followed Marmol Carvajal whose ac count is the fullest and most in detail (Rebelion y Castigo, pp. 153-6). Other relations are those of Gomez (De Rebus Gestis a Fr. Ximenio, Lib. n. foi. 30-33); Robles, Vida de Cisneros, pp. 100, 108 (s. 1. 1604); GENERAL PARDON. 37 To stimulate the process Ferdinand, who had returned to Granada, issued, February 26, 1500, a general pardon to all conversos for crimes committed prior to baptism, remitting the royal rights over persons and property accruing by reason of such crimes.1 He made no secret of his displeasure at the unlawful means employed to Zurita, Historia del Rey Hernando, Lib. ni. cap. 44; Galindez de Car- vajal (Coleccion de Documentos, XVIII. 296); Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Catolicos, p. 145 ; Mariana, Historia de Espana, Tom. IX. p. 20 (Ed. 1796); Pedraza, Hist, ecles. de Granada, foi. 193, 196. Peter Martyr probably only repeats the stories promulgated at the court when he writes, March 1, 1500, that the Moors of the Albaycin rose in rebellion, overcame the city guard and slew its captain. Then they summoned aid from the country, where the Moors rose and for some days killed all the Christians whom they met. Those of the lower part of the city were in serious peril, but Tendilla garrisoned the wall which separated the city from the Albaycin and Talavera, who was universally beloved, threw himself among the rebels and won over the leaders partly by hope, partly by fear, so that they begged for par don.— Pet. Mart. Angler. Epist. 212. See also Epistt. 215, 221. Some of the earlier writers do not hesitate to criticise the inconsider ate zeal of Ximenes, although exercised in so pious a cause. This excites the ire of Fray Bleda who exclaims that such is always the reward of those who seek the conversion of this apostate race, no matter how holy is their ardor and how conformable to the rules of the Church, for it was perfectly lawful to compel the elches to conversion with tor ture and fire, for their parents were baptized renegades and the children consequently belonged to the Church. — Bleda, Cronica de los Moros, p. 626 (Valencia, 1618). This, at all events, is honest. Not so much can be said of Hefele's justification of the great Cardinal, which is a model of the suppressio veri and suggestio falsi. — Der Cardinal Ximenes und die kirchlichen Zustande Spaniens in 15 Jahrhundert, pp. 52 sqq. (Tubingen, 1851). 1 Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. unico, foi. 26. See Appendix No. II. It is worthy of remark that this is issued in the sole name of Ferdi nand, without Isabella's participation, although Granada was annexed to the crown of Castile. 38 XIMENES. procure the conversion, more especially as the affair in terfered with his designs on Naples, which required all his forces. The danger at home however demanded his immediate attention, for although many of the Moors of Granada had emigrated, others had taken refuge in the mountain fastnesses of the intricate range known as the Alpuj arras and had incited the hardy mountaineers to re volt. In the hope of checking this movement Ferdinand wrote to the leading Moors, January 27th, assuring them that all reports that they were to be forcibly converted were false and pledging the royal faith that not a single one should be compelled to baptism.1 They knew too well how little Christian faith was worth, however, and were deaf to his blandishments. He had not trusted to it himself and with all speed he raised an army as large as if the conquest was to be repeated, with which he advanced on March 1st and soon crushed resistance, the rebels consenting to baptism, and to pay a fine of 50,000 ducats ; but in so rugged a land, when a rising was sup pressed in one place it would break out in another, and Ferdinand was occupied until the end of the year in superintending this military mission work, which was supplemented by preachers and friars sent through the mountains to instruct the neophytes — a duty not without danger for although they had guards of soldiers some of them were martyrized. The means adopted to spread the faith of Christ were not the most gentle. At Andarax the principal mosque, in which the women and children had taken refuge, was blown up with gunpowder. At the capture of Belfique all the men were put to the sword 1 Clemencin, Elogia de la Reina Isabel, p. 291-3 (Madrid, 1821). RISINGS IN THE SIERRAS. 39 and the women were enslaved, while at Nijar and Guejar the whole population was enslaved, except children under eleven, who, however, were delivered to good Christians to be brought up in the faith — energetic proceedings which, we are told, led to the baptism of ten thousand Moors of Seron, Tijola and other places.1 The risings appeared to be suppressed and, January 14, 1501, the army was disbanded, but the example made at Belfique and Guejar produced an opposite effect on the numerous population of the district of Ronda and the Sierra Bermeja, who feared that they would be subjected to enforced conversion and who were irritated by raids and ravages made upon them by Christians — a standing grievance which frequently nullified the best intentioned efforts of pacification. They rose and committed reprisals and it was necessary to summon the levies of all Andalu sia. Ferdinand issued a proclamation that all who would not be converted must leave the kingdom within ten days, and care was enjoined that converts should be well treated and that emigrants should be protected from harm. The rebels of the Sierra Bermeja, however, refused to surrender and on February 23d the army left Ronda under Alonso de Aguilar, elder brother of Gonzalo de Cordova and one of the most distinguished captains of Spain. The Moors had fortified themselves in an almost inaccessible position at Calalui ; on March 16th, the undisciplined troops, eager for pillage, straggled to the attack without orders ; they were beaten back, and were followed by the Moors till Aguilar advanced and drove them back, when the sol diers again fell to plundering. On seeing this the Moors 1 Zurita — Galindez de Carvajal — Marmol Carvajal — Bernaldez, ubi sup. 40 XIMENES. returned to the attack, when the pillagers fled leaving Aguilar with a handful of men at nightfall to be sur rounded and slain after a desperate resistance. The catas trophe made an immense sensation throughout Spain. Ferdinand hastened from Granada with all the chivalry of his court, intending to push the war vigorously, but on recognizing the cowardice of his army and the impreg nable fastnesses of the mountains he saw the impossibility of accomplishing anything by force of arms, while Isa bella, with feminine vehemence, declared that the Moors must all be driven out in a single day. While thus the Christians paused irresolute and uncertain, the Moors opened negotiations, asking to be allowed to expatriate themselves. Ferdinand admitted that it would be a greater service to God and to himself that they should remain Moors in Africa rather than be such Christians as they were in Spain, but he made a shrewd bargain that all might go who could pay ten doblas for the passage, while the rest, who constituted the majority, should stay and be baptized. Guards were furnished to accompany to the port of Estrepona those who desired to embark ; on these terms, by the middle of April, the insurgents of the Sierra de Ronda surrendered ; those of the Sierra Bermeja and other places waited to learn whether the first emigrants were safely landed in Barbary and on being assured of this they too came in. The conversos of the lowlands who had taken to the sierras were allowed to return home, surrendering their arms, and forfeiting their property, while their persons were to be at the mercy of the king, their lives being spared. Thus this dangerous rebellion, caused by the intemperate zeal of Ximenes, was finally quelled. Large numbers of the Moors crossed the LEGISLATIVE DEVICES. 41 sea, both under the agreement and surreptitiously, but they left multitudes behind to brood over their wrongs and to detest the faith which they had been compelled to profess.1 As though moreover to preserve a nucleus of irritation and disaffection in the land the sternest edicts were issued prohibiting the emigration of all new converts ; those attempting it were to be seized and delivered to the Inquisition, and all shipmasters receiving such passen gers suffered excommunication and confiscation.2 Bap tism had incorporated them in the Church and they should not escape from its jurisdiction. To stimulate conversion in the Alpujarras, Ferdinand had issued a royal cedula, July 30, 1500, promising that all conversos should be relieved of the special taxes im posed on Moors, both as regards persons and property and should thereafter be subject to the tithes and alcavala (a tax on sales) like other Christians. They were in all respects to be equal before the laws with Christians and their suits were to be equitably dispatched by the ordinary judges.3 It was sound policy thus to assimilate them with the Christian population but there was too lively a recognition of the wrongs inflicted to render possible the performance of these promises, for the converts could never be regarded without suspicion. September 1, 1501, an edict forbade them to bear or possess arms, publicly or secretly, under penalty for a first offence of confiscation 1 Zurita— Marmol Carvajal, ubi sap.— Bleda, Cronica, pp. 633-9. 2 Edicts to this effect were issued Nov. 8, 1499, Jan. 15, 1502 and Sep. 15, 1519.— MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 2186, p. 306. 3 Clemencin, op. cit. p. 603. The children of those who were slain or captured at Lanjaron and Andarax were further promised the prop erty, real and personal, of their slain or captive parents as a reward for conversion. 42 XIMENES. and two months of prison, and of death for a second — an edict which was repeated in 1511 and again in 1515.1 In an age of violence, when the power of self-protection was essential to every man, disarmament was one of the most cruel and humiliating of inflictions, but, as we shall see, this was but the first of a long series of such meas ures, for wrong could only maintain itself by injustice. To Isabella is generally assigned the credit of the next step toward securing unity of faith under her Castilian crown. To be sure, not much confidence could be reposed in the sincerity of those who were converted in such arbi trary fashion, but it was argued that baptism gave them at least a chance of salvation and if they did not avail them selves of it the responsibility was theirs ; moreover, if the parents were not even passably good Christians, the next generation, reared under the kindly influence of the Church, would surely be better ; the kingdom of God would be advanced by the destruction of that of Mahomet and the earthly kingdom would have its peace secured by community of faith. Such arguments could be power fully urged by the religious advisers who surrounded Isa bella and it is not likely that Ximenes, who enjoyed her fullest confidence, would hesitate to complete the work which he had so auspiciously commenced in Granada. Strong, indeed, must have been the influences which could blind her to the infamy of her course. The enforced con version of Granada had been, so to speak, accidental in its inception and a war measure in its development among those who were still restless and turbulent, chafing under 1 Nueva Recopilacion, Lib. vni. Tit. ii. ley 8. ENFORCED CONVERSION IN CASTILE. 43 a new domination ; moreover free choice was offered to the mountaineers between conversion and expatriation and all who rejected baptism were allowed to depart pro vided they could defray the expenses. In the older Cas- tilian kingdoms, however, the Mudejares were peaceful and contented subjects, contributing to the prosperity of the State under compacts centuries old which secured them in the enjoyment of their religion and laws. Delib erately to violate those compacts, to compel a change of religion with scarce a colorable pretext of alternative, was so gross an infraction of all divine and human law that even the dialectics of scholastic theology might well seem incapable of framing a justification, while the conversion of loyal and contented subjects into restless and plotting conspirators, causing sleepless anxiety to generations of statesmen, would appear to be an act of simple insanity. Yet Isabella, in her misguided zeal, was capable of the wrong and the folly. A preliminary pragmatica of July 20, 1501, forbidding all Moors to enter the kingdom of Granada, in order to preserve the new converts from the infection of intercourse with the unconverted, shows the line of reasoning which had been adopted to work upon her conscience. It was impossible of enforcement, for the business of transportation was in the hands of the Mude jares and the needs of Granada for supplies of wheat from its neighbors were imperative, to say nothing of the multifarious necessities of commerce. A more radical measure was requisite and, after due deliberation, on February 12, 1502, was issued the pragmatica which had such far-reaching results, beyond the possible conceptions of the short-sighted bigotry which dictated it. If Moors could not be kept out of Granada there should be no 44 XIMENES. Moors — all should be Christians under the crown of Cas tile, save slaves who could not be meddled with and they should be known by the perpetual wearing of fetters. Allusion was made to the scandal of allowing infidels to remain elsewhere when Granada had been purified, to the gratitude due to God which could be rightly shown by expelling his enemies, and to the necessity of protecting the neophytes from contamination by the infidel, where fore all Moors were ordered to quit the kingdoms of Castile and Leon by the end of April— that is, all males over the age of fourteen and females over twelve, the children being retained apparently to separate them from their parents and rear them as Christians. The exiles were allowed to carry with them their property, except gold and silver and other prohibited articles. The sentence of expatriation however was purely illusory, for it was coupled with conditions rendering it impossible. They were to sail only from ports of Biscay, under pain of death and confiscation ; they were not to be transported to Navarre or to the kingdoms of the crown of Aragon, and as there was war with the Turks and the Moors of Africa they were not to seek refuge with either but were told that they could go to the Soldan of Egypt or to any other land they chose. They were never to return nor were Moors ever to be admitted to the Castilian king doms, even temporarily, under pain of death and confis cation without trial or sentence and anyone harboring them after April was threatened with confiscation.1 A comparison of this measure with the cordial invitation to 1 Nueva Recop. Lib. vm. Tit. ii. ley 4. Cf. Fernandez y Gonzalez, p. 219. ENFORCED CONVERSION IN CASTILE. 45 the Moors of Portugal, in 1497, demonstrates how pro found was the change effected in Isabella's policy by the arbitrary methods of Ximenes in Granada. Evidently criticism on the enforced conversion of Granada and doubts expressed whether baptism imder such circumstances was valid, had made an impression and the new edict cunningly offered no alternative. That expulsion could be escaped by conversion was left to be inferred, so that the conversion could be assumed to be voluntary and spontaneous. The hypocrisy of this is evident when we learn on good authority that in reality the alternative of exile was not granted but that when the term expired those who wanted to go were not per mitted to depart but all were obliged to submit to bap tism.1 Some show of preaching and instruction was made during the narrow interval allowed, sufficient presumably to satisfy the royal conscience,2 and, as the end of the term approached, the unhappy Mudejares professed the faith of Christ in droves. A letter of April 24th, from Avila to the sovereigns announced that the two thousand souls of the aljama there will all convert themselves and none will go away.3 Isabella did not deceive herself as to the sin cerity of her new converts, for when they manifested a purpose to leave their homes for regions where they would 1 En el dicho mes de enero mandaron los Reyes salir de sus reinos de Castilla y Leon todos los moros que vivian y moraban en ellos por los meses de marzo, abril y mayo, y aunque los mandaron salir, despues de Uegado el plazo no lo consentieron sino que se tornasen cristianos. — Galindezde Carvajal (Coleccion de Documentos, XVIII. 303-4). Zurita however (Hist, del Rey Hernando, Lib. iv. cap. 54) while quoting Car vajal, says that those who refused baptism were driven out, but he admits that the conversion was involuntary. 2 Zurita, he. cit. s Coleccion de Documentos, XXXVI. 447. 46 XIMENES. be under less careful surveillance she promptly checked the movement by issuing orders, September 17th, for bidding them for two years to sell their property or to leave Castile for Aragon, Valencia or Portugal except by land, and then they must furnish security to return as soon as their business was accomplished.1 So signal a service rendered to God might reasonably expect reward. It was disappointing therefore that Heaven afflicted the land with visitations, for the har vests were deficient from 1503 to 1506 and this was fol lowed in 1507 with a pestilence which fell with peculiar severity on the clergy. Bernaldez tells us that in Alcala de Guadayra out of thirteen mass-priests twelve died ; in Utrera four died and all the sacristans and the re mainder were sick but recovered. In his own parish, out of 500 souls he buried 160. It was the same throughout Andalusia and Castile and was the worst pestilence since that of the year 575 when half the population of Spain perished. This was succeeded in 1508 by a plague of locusts, which flew in clouds obscuring the sun, four or five leagues in length and two or three in width, devour ing all vegetation except the vines.2 Isabella died November 26, 1504, after which, except during the short interlude of the reign of Philip and 1 Llorente, Anales, I. 279. The prohibition of travel by sea was evidently to prevent emigration to Africa which was doubtless adopted by many. Fray Bleda assures us (Cr6nica, pp. 639-41 ) that if Torque mada had been alive the expulsion would have been carried out as was that of the Jews, for he had not the indiscreet zeal which led others to induce the sovereign to attempt the conversion of the Moors by com pulsion without the preliminary catechism and disposition required by human and divine law. 2 Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Cat61icos, II. 291-99, 311-14. FERDINAND'S POLICY. 47 Juana in 1506, Ferdinand remained master of Castile as well as of Aragon. While sufficiently zealous for the faith he did not allow bigotry wholly to supersede policy and he recognized that contented subjects were more de sirable than discontented ones. His general attitude towards the new converts was therefore that of restraining ] rather than of inciting persecution. The baptism of the Castilian Mud6jares — to be known henceforth as Moris cos — had placed them under the jurisdiction of the Inqui sition ; it was notorious that their conversion was only external, that at heart they retained their ancestral faith and that they maintained its observances in so far as they could in secret, and thus they were liable when detected to prosecution and punishment. The extant records of the Castilian Inquisition of the period are scanty and positive conclusions from them cannot safely be drawn, but in so far as I have been able to examine the evidence it would appear that the Holy Office was still concen trating its attention on the Jewish New Christians and at first gave little heed to the Moriscos. In 1507 Deza was forced to resign the position of in quisitor-general and Ximenes succeeded to the coveted office. One of his earliest acts in this capacity was to issue to all the churches in Spain public letters specifying how the New Christians and their children should deport themselves in religious matters, how they should regularly attend divine service and how they were to be instructed in the rudiments of the faith ; also, what they should avoid, such as Judaic and Mahometan ceremonies, sorcery, magic, incantations and other superstitions introduced by demons.1 What warrant Ximenes found in his office for 1 Gomeeii de Rebus Gestis, Lib. in. foi. 77. 48 XIMENES. issuing such instructions to the churches it might not be easy to discover, but it is not likely that any zealous de fender of ecclesiastical or episcopal jurisdiction had the hardihood to raise the question and the necessity of such an order, five years after the edict of expulsion, shows how negligent the Church had been of its duty toward its neophytes. It had been more active as to its material interests, for, when the royal fisc seized the revenues of the mosques which had been closed, it interposed, claim ing that the property had been given, however mistakenly, for the service of God and therefore could not be con verted to secular uses.1 Thus already began the complaints which we shall find continue to the last, that the Church ignored its respon sibility and did nothing to win over and instruct those whom the Inquisition was persecuting for their ignorance. The orders of Ximenes received scant observance for we find Ferdinand writing to him, March 20, 1510, announc ing that he was sending letters to all the prelates of his realm pointing out the negleot of Catholio rites by the New Christians of Moorish and Jewish extraction ; the bishops must compel their presence at mass and provide for their instruction and all parish priests must give to this their special attention.2 Simultaneously with this Ferdinand made application to Julius II. for a brief em powering the inquisitors to treat apostate neophytes with a leniency not authorized by the canon law. As this was the first of a series of measures constantly occurring in the dealings with recalcitrant Moriscos, it may be as well to premise that inquisitors had faculties of proclaiming 1 Pet. Mart. Angler. Epist. 286. 2 Danvila y Collado, Expulsi6n de los Moriscos, p. 74 ( Madrid, 1889 ) . EDICTS OF GRACE. 49 what was known as an Edict of Grace, prescribing a term, usually of thirty days, during which all heretics could come forward, confess fully as to themselves and others, and escape confiscation and the stake, in lieu of which they were subjected to penance, pecuniary and spiritual, at the discretion of the inquisitor ; they abjured their errors publicly and were publicly reconciled to the Church. Reconciliation of itself was a grievous penalty, for a subsequent lapse into error was regarded as re lapse, for which, according to the canons, the irrevocable punishment was relaxation to the secular arm, that is, death by fire. Moreover it inflicted serious disabilities, not only on the culprit but on his descendants for two generations by the male line and for one by the female — inability to hold office of honor or profit, and to obtain ecclesiastical preferment, besides which, under the Spanish law, he was forbidden to bear arms, to ride on horse back and to wear silk or jewels or gold and silver orna ments and to follow certain occupations, such as those of physicians, surgeons, druggists, etc. The Church, it will be seen, was not merciful to its erring children, even when repentant, and the term of grace was but indifferently attractive. As the Inquisition had no power to mitigate these pro visions of the canon law and as Ferdinand was desirous to adopt milder measures which could only be authorized by the Holy See, he applied to Julius representing that since 1492 there had been converted in Spain numerous persons of Jewish and Moorish race who in consequence of deficient instruction in the faith had not observed their obligations and had committed heretical crimes. In view of their numbers and of their recent conversion it would be in- 4 50 XIMENES. human to proceed against them with the full rigor of the law, wherefore he had ordered them to be instructed in the faith. To give them fuller opportunity for this, and that they might more willingly confess their sins and perform penanee, he asked that faculties should be granted to the inquisitors to receive to reconciliation those who should come within thirty days, confess their sins and accept penance salutary to their souls, without inflicting confiscation and the other pains and penances which the law enjoins and without requiring public abjuration, for otherwise if they should again fall into the same errors there would be no possibility of saving them.1 It may safely be assumed that Ferdinand's request was granted, but its only importance lies in its statement of the existing condition and in its indication of his policy, for these Edicts of Grace labored under a limitation which rendered them for the most part inoperative, except as an exhibition of apparent clemency and as affording an opportunity of objurgating the apostates for hardness of heart. In theory the penitent was received because he had experienced real conversion ; as a Catholic Christian he must detest heresy and heretics ; the confession of his own offences was imperfect and fictitious unless he in cluded all of which he was cognizant in others. Imper fect and fictitious confession was one of the gravest crimes in the code of the Inquisition, it rendered nugatory all absolution gained by it and exposed the culprit to the danger of relaxation. Thus any one coming forward under an Edict of Grace was obliged to denounce all his accomplices in heresy — that is, all his family and friends 1 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, foi. 72. ACTIVITY OF THE INQUISITION. 51 — and to furnish such evidence as would lead to their arrest and trial and torture. The records of the Inqui sition, unhappily, supply evidence only too abundant of the way in which parents incriminated children and children parents under the stress of prolonged incarcera tion, skilful examination and perhaps the torture-chamber, but to expect those in freedom to come forward sponta neously and betray their nearest and dearest presupposed too vile an estimate of human nature to be often realized.1 It could only occur when a whole community took united action. Whether the combined efforts of Ferdinand and Ximenes aroused the Church to a sense of its duties and responsi bilities we have slender means of knowing, but it may safely be assumed that they did not and that the Moriscos remained as firmly Moslem as ever, while the inquisitors were not as neglectful as the prelates and when the Jew ish conversos became scarcer those of Moorish extraction kept the field of operation supplied. Thus we happen 1 The utility of confession in discovering accomplices is exemplified by the case of Francisco Zafar y Ribera, a Valencian Morisco who, in 1605, was miraculously converted and made a pilgrimage to Monserrat where he confessed to a priest who sent him to the inquisitors of Bar celona for absolution from the censures incurred by heresy. They re quired him to reveal the names of all whom he knew to be Moslems and on finding them to be Valencians they sent him thither, where he denounced no less than four thousand persons by their names. He had been a travelling tailor and had a large acquaintance among the Alja- mas. — Bleda, Cronica, p. 929. Guadalajara y Xavierr tells us (Expulsion de los Moriscos, foi. 159), as one of the evil characteristics of the Moriscos, that when obliged by necessity they would freely confess as to themselves but refused to reveal the crimes of their neighbors, wherefore they were burnt as negativos and excommunicated apostates. 52 XIMENES. to hear of the active prosecution, in 1517, by the tribunal of Calahorra, of the Moriscos of Aguilar de Kio Albania, Ccrvcra do Rio Albania, Erzc and Incstrillas, resulting in thirty-eight convictions. As there was no church in Aguilar where tho neophytes could be taught, and as one had been commenced, King Charles generously made over half of the confiscations to assist in its construction and endowment. The next year on learning that persecuted Moriscos had commenced to remove to Granada in the hope of passing to Africa or remaining concealed, he graciously waived his right to the confiscations in favor of those who should come in under a term of grace to be designated.1 In a similar spirit, in 1 51 8, on hearing that the inquisitors of Cuenca were arresting and prosecuting the Moriscos, Cardinal Adrian, the inquisitor-general, ordered an Edict of Grace with a term of two years while Charles renounced the confiscations, and this was renewed in 1520. A similar measure, in 1518, with the term of one year, checked the operations of the inquisitors of Cartagena who were persecuting the Moriscos of the Val de Ricoto in Murcia ; in October, 1519, this was extended for another year; then, December 2 1, 1521, Cardinal Adrian writes to the inquisitors that the Moriscos have appealed to him for a further extension, alleging that in consequence of the disturbances they have been prevented from coming forward and confessing as to themselves and others ; he therefore grants a further term of six months from January 1, 1522, during which time those who confess arc not to suffer confiscation, but arc to be treated mercifully as regards penance and arc not to be con- 1 Archivo ii, Libm I, foi. 97 ; Lib. 9, lot. 2, 29 ; Lib. 910, foi. (!!), 131, I So. TI10 sanlionito, 11 sort of yellow tunic willi 11 rod oblique band, lo bo constantly worn in public, was ono of the penalties attaching to recon ciliation anil was a very severe infliction as it. was an indelible mai'U of disgrace. It was heightened by Hie fact that n counterpart, with nn in scription of the name and dale and oll'enee, was hung up in the parish cbui'eli in perpetual evidence of the crime and its punishment. • Ibid, tiibro !>:>!>, foi. S9. It should lie borne in mind that mere arrosit by (ho Inquisition was in itself a very serious punishment. All 54 XIMENES. these instructions to suit themselves, and Adrian's suc cessor as inquisitor-general, Archbishop Manrique, was more explicit in a carta acordada, or general order of April 28, 1524. This recites the conversion of the Moriscos by Ferdinand and Isabella, who promised them graces and liberties, in pursuance of which Cardinal Adrian issued many provisions in their favor, ordering inquisitors not to prosecute them for trifling causes, and if any were so arrested they were to be discharged and their property be returned to them. Notwithstanding this inquisitors arrest them on trivial charges and on the evidence of single witnesses. As they are ignorant per sons who cannot easily prove their innocence and have never been instructed in the faith, these arrests have greatly scandalized them and they have petitioned that they may not be worse treated, wherefore the Suprema instructs all inquisitors not to arrest any of them without evidence of their having committed some offence directly conclusive of heresy ; if there is doubt on this point the testimony is first to be submitted to the Suprema. All persons held for matters not plainly heretical are to have speedy justice tempered with such clemency as conscience may permit.1 It is not to be imagined that these well-intentioned instructions were effective in removing the abuses of which the Moriscos complained. The inviolable secrecy the property of the prisoner was at once seized and sequestrated and he was imprisoned incommunicado until his trial was ended, which usually occupied from one to three years, during which his family were in total ignorance of his fate and he could know nothing about them. The expenses of his maintenance in prison were paid out of his seques trated estate which was apt to be consumed in the process. 1 Danvila y Collado, Expulsion de los Moriscos, p. 89. NA VARRE. 55 which shrouded all the actions of the tribunals relieved the inquisitors of responsibility and their use of the power with which they were clothed depended almost wholly on individual temperament. Whether their power was well or ill employed they at least secured outward conformity. The Moriscos of Castile were gradually assimilating them selves to their Christian neighbors ; they had long since , abandoned their national language and dress and they now were assiduous in attendance at mass and vespers, the confessional and the sacrament of the altar ; they took part in interments and processions and were commonly regarded as Christians, whatever might be the secrets of their hearts.1 When, in 1512, Ferdinand conquered Navarre he an nexed it to the crown of Castile, where the royal power was more absolute than in Aragon. This brought the Mudejares there under the operation of the edict of 1502, giving them the alternative of emigration or of baptism. It cost them comparatively little to transfer themselves to the French portion of the dissevered kingdom and it would seem that, as a rule, they preferred this to baptism and subjection to the Inquisition, which Ferdinand had lost no time in introducing in his new dominions. As early as 1516 we are told that from this cause there were two hundred uninhabited houses in the town of Tudela, and thenceforth we hear nothing of Moriscos in Navarre.2 1 Bleda, Cronica, p. 905. 2 Yanguas y Miranda, Diccionario de Antigiiedades del Reino de Navarra, II. 434 (Pamplona, 1840). Yanguas (p. 428) prints the very liberal charter accorded to the Moors of Tudela by Alonso el Batallador when he obtained possession of the city in 1114. It shows the same policy as that followed in the 56 XIMENES. The properties thus abandoned were confiscated, for in 1519 a letter of the Suprema required the titles of all lands of the expelled Moors to be submitted to the inquisitors there.1 But a new act of the tragedy was now about to open which requires a review of some antecedent events. rest of Spain during the Reconquest. When the crown passed to the House of Capet, Louis Hutin confirmed all the fueros and franchises of the Mudejares in 1307, and in 1368 Charles le Mauvais granted to those of Tudela a remission of half their taxes for three years as a reward for their assistance in his wars, especially in fortification and engineering. — Ibid. p. 433. 1 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 72, P. I. foi. 173. CHAPTER III. THE GERMANIA. Thus far we have been dealing with the kingdoms of the crown of Castile, of which the policy with regard to the Moors was determined during the joint reign of Ferdi nand and Isabella. Outside of these lay the kingdoms of the crown of Aragon — Aragon, Valencia and the prin cipality of Catalonia — which were ruled by Ferdinand alone. They had preserved much more of their ancient liberties than had their sister states ; they were jealous of their fueros or laws and privileges and their cortes still were bodies with which their princes had to reckon, for their petitions of grievances had precedence over the votes of supplies long after the cortes of Castile were forced to invert the order of procedure. The ruling classes set a high value on their Moorish vassals who cultivated the land and paid heavy imposts, while loans to their aljamas were a favorite investment for prelates and ecclesiastical foundations. It had passed into a proverb that "Mientras mas Moros mas ganancia" — "the more Moors the more profit." Strong influences were there fore at work to preserve the status in quo ; any disturb ance threatened loss, and if the Moors, on receiving baptism, should reach equality before the law with Old Christians, their lords dreaded a notable diminution of revenue. To the last this interested conservatism was 58 THE GERMANIA. the object of ceaseless objurgation by the zealots who labored at first for forcible conversion and subsequently for expulsion. This conservatism did not fail to manifest itself as soon as the alarm was given by the occurrences in Granada and Castile — indeed, it was somewhat premature for, as early as 1495, the cortes of Tortosa obtained from Ferdinand a fuero that he would never expel or consent to the expulsion of the Moors of Catalonia. After the edict of 1502 in Cas tile it was currently reported that Ferdinand would follow the example, leading the cortes of Barcelona in 1503 to exact from him a pledge to the same effect, and in 1510 at the cortes of Monzon he repeated this with the addition that he would make no attempt to convert them by force nor throw any impediment on their free intercourse with Christians to all of which he solemnly swore an oath the repetition of which was exacted of Charles V. on his accession in 1518.1 Ferdinand, in fact, had already interposed in his im perative fashion to check the indiscreet zeal of the inqui sitors who were abusing their power to compel conversions 1 Danvila y Collado, La Expulsi6n, pp. 75, 76. — Fernandez y Gon zalez, p. 441. — Bleda, Cr6nica, p. 641. — The Latin version of this fuero, as given by Bleda (Defensio Fidei, p. 156) is — "Facimus forum sive legem novam ut Mauri vicini stantes et habitantes in villis Regiis et aliis civitatibus, villis et locis ac ruribus ecclesiasticorum, hom- inum divitum, nobilium, equitum, civium et aliarum quarumlibet personarum, non expellantur aut ejiciantur neque exterminentur a Regno Valentiae neque a civitatibus aut villis Regiis illius, neque cogantur fieri Christiani ; cum velimus sitque nostra voluntas ut neque per nos neque per successores nostros fiat ullum obstaculum pradictis Mauris dicti Regni in commerciis, in negotiis et contractibus inter Christianos et cum Christianis, sed potius ut libere possint haec agere in posterum sicut hactenus consueverunt. " COERCED CONVERSION PROHIBITED. 59 indirectly. On the complaint of the Duke and Duchess of Cardona, the Count of Ribagorza and other magnates, he wrote in 1508 to the inquisitors, reproving them sharply for overstepping the law, with much scandal to the Moors and damage to their lords. No one, he says, should be converted or baptized by force, for God is served only when conversion is heartfelt, nor should any one be imprisoned for simply telling others not to turn Christian. In future no Moor is to be baptized unless he applies for it ; any who are in prison for counselling others against conversion are to be released at once and the papers are to be sent to the Inquisitor-general of Aragon, Juan de Enguera, Bishop of Vich, for instructions, nor shall any one be arrested in future without his orders. As it is further said that some have fled in fear of forcible con version or imprisonment, steps must be taken to bring them home with full assurance against future violence.1 Similarly, in 1510, when some Moors in Aragon had been converted, and had consequently been abandoned by their wives and children, Ferdinand ordered the inquisi tors to permit the latter to return but not to exert pressure on them or baptize them forcibly. This indicates that a slow process of conversion was going on, and the same is seen in the case of a Catalan alfaqui named Jacob Tellez, who had sought baptism and had brought over several aljamas ; Ferdinand, to aid him in his missionary work, issued to him a licence to travel everywhere and to have entrance into all aljamas where the Moors were required to assemble and to listen to him.2 Incidents such as these 1 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 926, foi. 76. (See Ap pendix No. III.) * Ibid. Libro 3, foi. 132, 245. 60 THE GERMANIA. might encourage the hope that in time Christianity would win its way by gentleness and persuasion. The neo phytes were not always firm in the faith but the policy adopted in Aragon as in Castile was not to handle them too roughly. We have seen how, in 1502, the Moors of Teruel and Albarracin had sought baptism in a body ; such wholesale conversions were apt to furnish back sliders, and when the Inquisition took action against them Charles V., in 1519, interposed; he understood, he said, that many of the children of the conversos who had re lapsed were desirous of returning to the faith but were deterred by fear of punishment, wherefore he granted them a term of grace of a year during which they could come in and confess without undergoing confiscation, and similar concessions were made in Tortosa and other cities.1 Valencia, which had the most crowded Moorish popu lation, was also the scene of considerable proselyting and of vigorous inquisitorial activity. The little town of Manices (partido of Moncada) must have been converted almost in mass, for we chance to have a sentence passed in bulk, by the inquisitors of Valencia, April 8, 1519, in the church there, on 232 Moriscos, then present, who had come in under an Edict of Grace, confessing and abjuring their errors, and who were received to recon ciliation. Apparently there was no confiscation and the penances inflicted were purely spiritual, but they were 1 Archivo de Simaneas, Inquisicion, Libro 14, foi. 80 ; Libro 940, foi. 69, 131, 185. At the same time the Moors were not allowed to establish new mosques and the Inquisition was active in preventing it. In 1514 the Suprema ordered Inquisitor Calvo of Valencia to tear down the one recently erected so that not a trace of it should be left and in 1519 it thanked the inquisitors for ordering the destruction of one recently built at Ayora.— Ibid. Libro 72, P. i. foi. 1, 64. PERSECUTION. 61 subjected to the severe customary disabilities and there is ghastly evidence of the cruel work that had been going on in the fact that in the list of these penitents no less than thirty-two are described as the wives or daughters of men who had been burnt.1 However conformable • 1 Archivo Hist6rico Nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Legajo 98. From the materials at my disposal it is impossible to compile abso lutely accurate statistics as to the activity of the Valencian Inquisition at this time, but it can be approximated, premising that as yet there were a certain number of Judaizing conversos mingled with the Moriscos. There is a list [ubi sup. ) of all the cases of heresy tried by that tribunal from 1461 to 1592. Starting with 1512, after two or three previous years of comparative inactivity, we find the numbers to be as follows : 1512, 32 cases. 1516, 41 cases. 1520, 36 cases. 1513, 41 " 1517, 25 " 1521, 31 " 1514, 63 " 1518, 21 " 1522, 40 " 1515, 34 " 1519, 22 " 1523, 37 " Danvila y Collado (Expulsion, p. 87) is evidently in error when he says that unpublished records show that between 1515 and 1522 the Valencian Inquisition burnt 250 persons, scourged 155 and tried 1090. The whole number of trials for heresy in those years was 250. I can not ascertain positively the number of burnings, but it was compara tively small. I have a record of them from 1486 to 1593, but it is imperfect, ending with the letter N.— for these indexes to the registers are always arranged alphabetically, under the Christian names. From other extensive lists I find that this portion of the alphabet comprises just four-fifths of the whole, so that if we add 25 per cent, to the fol lowing we shall have a substantially correct statement of the number of burnings — those in effigy being persons who were dead or fugitives. In effigy. 1512 In person. 1 In effigy. 8 1518 In person. none 1513 12 1 1519 none 1514 52 8 1520 27 1515 none 1521 8 1516 none 1522 6 1517 4 6 1523 8 (Archivo Hist&rico Nacional, Valencia, Legajo 300). The aggregate of these is 154, or, with the addition of 25 per cent., 192. For the years specified by Danvila the numbers would be 54 and 62 THE GERMANIA. this may have been to the ideas of the period it neces sarily acted as a powerful deterrent to the wished for conversion of the infidels, who, so long as they remained unbaptized were not subject to prosecution and who might well hesitate to render themselves liable to imprisonment, trial and confiscation for abstaining from pork and wine or for staining their nails with henna. While thus the efforts to preserve the purity of the faith were preventing its propagation, the whole face of affairs was suddenly changed by the revolt known as the Germania or Brotherhood, which broke out in 1520. This was a rising of the commons against the cruelty and oppression of the nobles, orderly at first, when it received the approbation of Cardinal Adrian, regent of the king- , dom in the absence of Charles V. Excesses on both I sides led to open civil war, in which the Moors were 1 faithful to their lords. They formed a considerable por tion of the forces with which the Duke of Segorbe won the victories of Oropesa and Almenara, early in July, 1521, and they constituted a third of the infantry under the Viceroy Mendoza in the disastrous rout of Gandia, July 25th. This revived the race hatred which had been slowly dying out and led the chiefs of the Germania to conceive the idea of baptizing them by force, not as a measure of religious zeal but as an act of hostility to the 68 — a quite sufficient evidence of the pitiless character of the persecu tion. With regard to the total number of cases of all kinds it must be borne in mind that the greater portion of the business of the Inquisi tion consisted in the suppression of blasphemy, sorcery and the utter ance of careless words, classed as "proposiciones," for all of which scourging was a frequent punishment. None of these cases would be included in the above lists which are exclusively of trials for heresy. FORCIBLE CONVERSION. 63 nobles, thus emancipating them, giving them the status of Christians, and depriving their lords of the support arising from their numbers and fidelity. The first indica tion of this, in the city of Valencia, was on July 4, 1521, when a Franciscan appeared at the gate of his convent, brandishing a crucifix and shouting " Long live the faith of Christ and war to the Saracens ! " A crowd assembled with which he marched out of the city, but the Marquis of Zenete, deputy governor, who had the confidence of both parties, persuaded him to wait till the next day and then dispersed the band.1 The movement however had actively commenced earlier elsewhere, for Urgelles, the chief in command of the Germania, mortally wounded at the siege of Jativa, which surrendered July 14th, was already busily engaged in forcing baptism on the Moors in the places under his control.2 He was succeeded by Vicente Peris, who, on July 25th, won the decisive victory of Gandia, placing all the neighboring territory at the mercy of the Agermanados, wandering bands of whom at once scattered over the country, pillaging and forcing the Moors to submit to baptism. Peris himself laid siege to the castle of Polop, in which many Christians and some eight hundred Moors had taken refuge. After a cannonade of four days the castle surrendered, paying a ransom and conceding the baptism of the Moors, who were promised safety of life and property. They were placed in the barbican of the castle, when there came a report that the Moors of Chirles were advancing to rescue 1 Danvila y Collado, La Germanfa de Valencia, pp. 146, 471. 2 Informacio super Conversione Sarracenorum. — This is the report of a commission deputed in 1524 to ascertain whether the Moors were voluntarily or coercively baptized. I possess the original document. 64 THE GERMANIA. them : the cry of " Kill them !" arose, they were massa cred to a man and abundant spoils were obtained from the dead.1 In September Peris returned to the city of Valencia, in order to interrupt negotiations which were on foot for a settlement ; while there he held a council in which was declared a war of extermination, of which one article ordered the baptism of all Moors, so that they might pay no greater imposts than those of Old Christians.2 This was superfluous, save as an indication of policy, for by this time the work of conversion was wellnigh accomplished in all" places which the Agermanados could reach. Although the extreme measures of Polop were not employed, there was no pretence of persuasion and there was no hesitation at murder as a means of intimida tion. At Jativa the killing of two, the burning of the gate of the Moreria and the threat to sack it sufficed. From there Urgelles sent word to Albayda that they must all within three days turn Christians or depart or he would kill them ; the magistrates told them that they could not protect them ; they sent envoys to Urgelles who replied that the banner of the Germania would not return to Valencia until all the Moors were baptized, whereupon they submitted, especially as a force of three thousand Agermanados from Orihuela came there with threats of pillage and after the rout of Gandia sent them word that they would kill them. There were many refugees from the surrounding country in Albayda and all were taken in groups of from twenty to fifty to the church for baptism, giving every sign of unwillingness. At Consentaina, when, on July 29th, the news came of 1 Danvila y Collado, Germania, p. 155. 2 Ibid. p. 163. FORCIBLE CONVERSION. 65 the rout of Gandia, it was followed by a troop of men from Alcoy, who marched through the town to the Moreria, and soon after came the bands from Orihuela and commenced to sack it ; a Moor on the tower of the mosque killed one with a cross-bow, Avhereupon the Christians slew ten or fifteen of them and the rest rushed weeping and crying " Christianos ! " to the church to be baptized, or sought shelter in the houses of their Christian friends, or escaped to the Sierra de Bernia. At Oliva, the soldiers of Orihuela drove the Moors in droves to the church for baptism, striking and robbing them, while the latter were crying " Sancta Maria, have mercy, the hour has come ! " Subsequently a good fraile of el Pi armed with a crucifix brought in a little band of twenty or thirty to save their lives ; dead Moors were lying on the road-sides, the Moreria of Ole- vagra was set on fire and two sick Moors were burnt in their homes. At Gandia, on the very day of the rout, the Agermanados celebrated their victory by killing some Moors and dragging the rest to the church, shouting " Death to the Moors ! " and " Dogs be baptized ! " They ordered the priests to get to work and the process lasted for several days as bands were brought in from the vicinage, and a witness stated that he saw a hundred and fifty dead Moors between the tower gate and San Antonio. At Valldigna the men of Alcira came with two frailes carrying crucifixes and proclaiming that all Moors must turn Christians or die ; they pillaged the monastery and castle where property had been stored for safety, killed some of the Moors who had sought ref uge in the mountain of Toro, and gave the rest two hours in which to choose between baptism and death — a term 5 66 THE GERMANIA. which was subsequently extended to eight or ten days. Such were the scenes which were enacted in all places controlled by the Agermanados and the only redeeming feature of the cruel business is the frequent evidence through it all of friendly relations between Christian and Moor, of refuge and protection willingly given to the terrified victims, showing how the antagonism of race had been dying out and its extinction might have been hopefully anticipated but for this new infliction of wrong.1 There was also an attempt to convert the mosques into churches. In a few places they were consecrated ; in others a paper picture of Christ or the Virgin was hung up, or was placed on the door. Occasionally divine service was performed, which the new converts attended with more or less regularity, but their adhesion to the faith imposed on them was brief. In some cases it lasted but for three weeks, in others for a few months ; as soon as they felt that danger was over they reverted to their Moslem rites and worshipped in their mosques as before. For the most part they were encouraged to this by their lords, who assured them that the enforced baptism which they had received was invalid and that they were free to return to their old religion. There was also a certain Micer Torrent, a jurist of Jativa, who seems to have followed closely after the proselyting bands, assuring the conversos that they were not truly baptized. We hear of him at Alcira, Alberich and Valldigna, at the latter of which places he uttered threats as to what King Charles would do and assured them that the king had ordered that those who had received baptism with- 1 MS. Informacio. ACTION OF THE INQUISITION. 67 out chrism were not Christians, while those on whom chrism had been used could nullify it with the use of lye and water — a doctrine which relieved the fears of many.1 Others made matters safe by escaping to Africa and it was estimated that no less than five thousand houses were thus left vacant, which would infer an emi gration of some 25,000 souls.2 The Germania was suppressed in 1522, its last strong-|f holds, Alcira and Jativa holding out until December. With the restoration of order the Inquisition began to take steps to garner the new harvest which the violence of the Agermanados had procured for it. Inquisitor Churruca had no conscientious doubts as to the validity of the sacraments which brought under his jurisdiction so large an accession of notorious apostates, but in order to prosecute it was necessary to prove in each individual case that the party had undergone the ceremony. The haste and confusion had been great and the multitudes greater ; in the majority of places the officiating priests had been unable to make out lists or registers of the con verts and identification was difficult. Where such lists had been kept he demanded their surrender, evidently for the purpose of compiling records which would prove serviceable to the tribunal in its future operations and toward the close of 1523 we find him busy in examining witnesses who could furnish him with the names of those 1 Ibid. — Danvila (Germania, p. 379) prints evidence to the effect that at Alberich Micer Torrent offered to enable the baptized to live as Moors for half a ducat a, piece ; also that he would communicate a papal brief, for a ducat per family, whereby they could turn Moors on washing the body and forehead with lye and ashes. 2 Danvila, p. 184. 68 THE GERMANIA. whom they had seen baptized.1 At the same time he was prosecuting those on whom he could lay his hands. In October, 1523, the fragment of a trial of Hacan, son of En Catola, otherwise Jeronimo, shows that the case turned on the proof of his being among the Moors who were bap tized at Jativa. Jn November testimony is being taken against Haxus, a Moorish girl, whose father and mother must also have been on trial for they testified that they and all their eight children had turned Christians and had then lived as Moors. Haxus said that she had never gone to mass, for fifteen days she had lived neither as Christian nor Moor and then had returned to Moorish ways in Avhich she intended to persevere, but on Decem ber 18th she weakened and begged for mercy. There was no disposition to be harsh with such cases and under instruction from the Suprema she was simply penanced by being required to go for two months to the church of San Juan, to give some alms and to learn the Catholic prayers.2 A reference in the sentence, moreover, to abso lution being temporary until an expected brief of the pope is received shows that the perplexities of the situa tion were recognized and that application had been made to the Holy See for a remedy. It would further appear that Cardinal Adrian adopted the policy of a wise tolera tion which, after his elevation to the papacy, the advo cates of the Moriscos argued amounted to a dispensation for their apostasy.3 1 MS. Informacio. — Danvila, Germania, p. 473. 2 Archivo Hist6rico Nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Legajo 299, foi. 400.— Danvila, p. 474. 8 Loazes, Tractatus super nova paganorum Regni Valentise Conver sion, col. 12 (Valentise, 1525). — " Et quod summi pontificis dispen- EFFORTS TO COMPLETE THE WORK. 69 The situation, in fact, was quite sufficiently complex. In Granada and the Castilian kingdoms, enforced con version had been universal. Every Moor had, construc tively at least, become a Morisco or convert and could be legally held to the consequences, but in Valencia conver sion had been partial and tumultuous, records were lack ing and no one knew what part of the population was Moorish and what part was technically Christian, nor even whether, in any given case, the sacrament so hur riedly and irregularly administered had been rightfully performed. The simplest solution which offered itself seemed to be to complete the work so auspiciously com menced and to convert the whole Moorish population, and for this purpose missionaries were sent to try the art of persuasion, while the opposition of the nobles was averted by conceding that their rights over their Moorish vassals should not be impaired by conversion and that converts should not be allowed to change their domicile.1 The most prominent of these missionaries was the well- known humanist, Fray Antonio de Guevara, subsequently Bishop of Guadix and then of Mondonedo, who, in a letter of May 22, 1524, says that by command of the emperor satio intervenerit patet ; nam summus pontifex Adrianus, dum in istis Aragonise partibus resideret et plenam notitiam dicti baptismi sic violenter recepti et qualiter pagani postea cessante violentia ad primse- vos ritus redierunt haberet, visus fuerit eos tollerando et aliter non providendo super eorum tollerantiam cum eisdem dispensare.'' Adrian, after his election to the papacy, January 9, 1522, remained in Spain until August 4th, without resigning his office as inquisitor- general. 1 Danvila, Germania, p. 489. The nobles derived from the Moors double the imposts and revenues that they could from Christians. — Sandoval, Historia de Carlos V., Lib. xiii. \ xxviii. 70 THE GERMANIA. he had labored for three years in Valencia, during which he had done nothing but dispute in the aljamas, preach in the Morerias and baptize in the houses, besides suffer ing many insults. He reveals one of the secrets which go far to explain the ill-success of the Spaniards in their efforts to win the Moors to Christianity, for he tells the friend to whom he is writing that, after great labor and the opposition of the whole Morisma of Oliva, he had converted and baptized the honored Cidi Abducarim after which his friend had called Cidi a dog of a Moor and an infidel. When he reproved his friend the latter made matters worse by saying that in his country it was an old custom to call all new converts Moors or Marranos — a term of infinite contempt. Guevara points out to him the evils resulting from this and the depth of insult which it conveys, as it infers perjury, treachery and apostasy.1 Not only thus was there uncertainty as to the baptism of individuals but the question was raised as to the validity of the sacrament as administered under the terrorism of the Agermanados. In Granada the Moors had been rebels and their conversion was a condition agreed to on pacification. In Castile there had been the simple edict of expulsion with a tacit understanding that it would not be enforced on those who asked for baptism. In Valencia however the sovereign was under a solemn oath that no compulsion should be employed ; the Ager manados had themselves been rebels and as soon as their 1 Ant. de Guevara, Epistolas familiares, pp. 639-42 (Madrid, 1595). Charles V. in the Edict of Granada, 1526, forbade the mutual call ing each other dogs under penalty for a Morisco of ten days' imprison ment and for a Christian of six days, with double for a second offence. — Nueva Recop. Lib. viii. Tit. ii. ley 13. VALIDITY OF THE BAPTISM. 71 power was withdrawn the Moors had universally treated the baptism as invalid and had returned to the rites of their fathers, while the Inquisition had assumed its validity and had prosecuted such apostates as it could reach. A discussion inevitably arose both as to the validity of en forced baptism, the degree of coercion exerted in the present case and the sufficiency of the rite so hastily and irregularly performed. It was a principle of the Church, handed down from primitive times, that the faith is not to be spread by force or violence. It was also a dogma that the sacrament of baptism impresses an indelible character ; that the neo phyte belongs irrevocably to the Church. Even before Christianity had so lost its early purity as to render com pulsory conversion possible, St. Augustin, in his contro versy with the Donatists over the question of the integrity of the sacraments in unworthy hands, had asserted that the belief and intention of him who is baptized has much to do with his salvation but has nothing to do with the validity of the sacrament.1 A further step was taken when the Spanish Goths undertook to persecute their Jews into Christianity ; they formulated the policy which became current in the Church — that the Jews ought not to be coerced to baptism but that when baptized in what ever fashion they were to be forced to remain in the Church lest the name of the Lord be blasphemed and their adopted faith be rendered contemptible — a hideous principle which was duly carried through the canons and served as a justification for vitiating in practice the essen tial genius of Christianity and as an excuse for unnum- 1 S. Augustini de Baptismo, Lib. ill. cap. xiv. * 72 THE GERMANIA. bered horrors.1 In the repeated papal instructions to the early inquisitors to treat as heretics all Jews and Saracens who had been converted and relapsed, there is no excep tion in favor of those whose conversion had been coerced, and Boniface VIIL, while pretending to exempt those whose coercion had been absolute, took care to define that the fear of death is not such coercion, a decision which was embodied in the canon law.2 When the schoolmen came to reduce these incongruities to a system they discovered that there were two kinds of coercion, con ditional or interpretative and absolute, and that coerced volition is still volition, while their definition of condi tional coercion was so elastic that there was nothing left for absolute save that if a man were tied hand and foot and was baptized in that condition while uttering protests, the baptism would be invalid.3 Tdie sacrament thus 1 Concil. Toletan. IV. ann. 633, cap. 57. — Ivonis Decret. P. I. cap. 276. — Gratiani Decret. P. I. Dist. xiv. cap. 5. 2 Gregor. PP. X. Bull. Turbaio corde, ann. 1273 ; Nicholai PP. IV. Bull. Turbato corde, ann. 1288 ; Gregorii PP. XI. Bull. Admodum, ann. 1372 (Bullar. Roman. I. 155, 159, 263).— Cap. 13 in Sexto, Lib. v. Tit. ii. 3 Hostiensis Aurese Summa? Lib. hi. de Baptismo ? 11 ; Lib. v. de Judaeis $ 5. — S. Th. Aquin. Sumniae P. in. Q. lxviii. Art. 8 ad 4 ; Q. lxix. Art. 9 ad 1. — S. Bonaventura in IV. Sentt. Dist. iv. P. i. Art. 2, Q. 1. — S. Antonini Summa? P. n. Tit. xii. cap. 2, \ 1. — Summa Sylvestrina s. v. Baptismus iv. £ 10. — Loazes, Tractatus, col. 14. Al- bertus Magnus, however, admits that a protest uttered at the time of baptism invalidates it (In IV. Sentt. Dist. vi. Art. 10). Duns Scotus agrees with this and adds that internal opposition prevents the recep tion of the sacrament although the Church assumes consent and coerces the convert to the observance of the faith (In IV. Sentt. Dist. IV. Q. 4, 5). Towards the end of the fifteenth century Angiolo da Chivasso admits that the question is doubtful and that some doctors deny validity under- coercion (Summa Angelica s. v. Baptismus vi. \\ 6, 12). VALIDITY OF THE BAPTISM. 73 became a fetish, reverence for which overcame all consid eration" for its real significance. Yet to the last there were learned doctors who maintained that the coerced baptism of the Moriscos was a sacrilege and invalid and so was the continued baptism of the children against the wish of the parents ; nor do the defenders of the work seem to realize the true import of the miracles which they triumphantly allege — that when the Moors of Aragon were forcibly converted, in 1526, an image of the Holy Sepulchre in the Carmelite Convent of Saragossa wept for twenty-four hours and the images of Our Lady of Tobet and some associated angels sweated profusely for thirty-six hours, so that a vase of this precious liquor was collected and preserved, of which, in 1590, Philip II. devoutly begged a portion. When the Moriscos were expelled in 1610 this marvellous fluid suddenly evaporated, even that belonging to the king.1 There could, in fact, be no question as to the law and practice of the Church, but to silence all discussion as to its applicability to the present case some pretence of con sultation and investigation must be made. Charles V. had already resolved on his policy and had applied to Clement VII. to be released from his oath not to impose Christianity on the Moors, but the Valencian nobles were becoming restive under the prosecuting zeal of Inquisitor 1 Bleda, Cr6nica, pp. 941, 1050. — Lanuza, Historias de Aragon, II. 426. — Fonseca, Giusto Scacciamento, pp. 38, 269-96. — Guadalajara y Xavierr, Expulsion de los Moriscos, foi. 78. In 1579 San Luis Bertran, at the request of the Duke of Najera, then Viceroy of Valencia, drew up a paper on the situation in which he says that the original baptism was ill-done and he wished it had not been done, but being done it stands and the custom of the Church must be enforced. — Bleda? Defensio Fidei, p. 457. 74 THE GERMANIA. Churruca and there must be at least a show of delibera tion, if only to gain time. Charles therefore ordered the Governor of Valencia to consult with the inquisitors and other learned theologians and jurists, who should decide upon the matter, but this was manifestly a body of too little weight for the comprehensive measures in view. The new Inquisitor-general, Cardinal Manrique, Arch bishop of Seville, therefore addressed to the emperor, January 23, 1524, a letter suggesting that he should hold this junta, adding to it some members of the royal coun cils, so that the whole subject of the Moors and Moriscos of the kingdom could be considered ; while if necessary some theologians and jurists of Valencia might partici pate, in view of the opposition of the nobles and gentry who dreaded the loss to arise from the Christianization of their vassals. The tone of the letter indicates that the matter was prejudged in advance and that any investiga tion into the degree of coercion employed was only to save appearances.1 Charles, on February 11th, ordered the junta to be held at the court, but, as though to show that its de liberations were superfluous, on the same day he wrote to Queen Germaine, the vice-queen of Valencia, ordering the inquisitors and vicar-general to take due action with the apostate Moriscos.2 Then, on February 20th, Manrique issued a commission to Churruca and his assessor Andres Palacio to make a complete investigation of all that had occurred in the conversion of the baptized Moors, what they had since done and what reasons they alleged for not living as Christians, together with whatever else was 1 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 4, foi. 97. (See Appen dix No. IV.) 2 Danvila, Expulsi6n, p. 88. COMMISSION TO INVESTIGATE. 75 necessary to throw light on the affair. There was evi dently no haste desired, for the next document is dated September 14th and consists of a series of interrogations on which the examination was to be conducted ; these neces sarily limited the scope of the enquiry and were somewhat perfunctory in character, although special stress was laid on the necessity of thorough investigation into the use of force to bring about the conversion.1 As Churruca and Palacio were already committed by their action as inquis itors the indecency of entrusting such an investigation to them is apparent, and this was increased when, October 10th, the provisor of Valencia, Antonio de Luna, em powered Churruca to act in his place, but it was some what relieved by the addition of two other commissioners, Martin Sanchez and Marco Juan de Bas.2 It Mas not until November 4th that the commission got to work at Alcira, although during October Churruca and Palacio were examining witnesses on their own ac count. The commission labored until November 24th moving from place to place in the narrow territory between Alcira and Denia and examined 128 witnesses. The animus of the inquisitors was evident and though the prescribed formula of interrogation avoided the question of the regularity with which the sacrament was admin istered a large portion of the evidence was devoted to this. The priests who officiated seem to have been care fully summoned as witnesses and they expatiated at length on the care with which they had put the preliminary questions as to the desires of the converts and on the com pleteness with which the rites had been performed, pass- 1 See Appendix No. V. 2 MS. Infor macio. 76 THE GERMANIA. ing discreetly over the absence of all enquiry as to the converts' knowledge of the doctrines which they were presumed to be eagerly embracing. In only one instance moreover is there an allusion to an interpreter, which, as the Moors for the most part understood only Arabic, would seem to have been a necessity. It was amply in evidence however that in the crowds which filled the churches there could rarely be any individualization of the ceremony, that holy water was scattered over them at random with an aspergillum or from a crock, and that when holy water was not to be had spring water was freely employed. Of course the use of chrism was im possible.1 As baptism can, in cases of necessity, be the simplest of ceremonies and be performed even by a woman, such deficiencies did not invalidate it, but there is significance in the care with which the commission elicited from the clerical witnesses all possible testimony in favor of its due performance. This report was supplemented by a learned argument in due scholastic form by Fernando Loazes, fiscal of the Valencia tribunal. It is dated April 22, 1525, and therefore, unless previously circulated in MS., cannot have had any influence on the result, but it is interesting as showing that there was no pretence that the baptism of the Moors was other than coerced by violence and terror.2 The violence used, he admits, was a crime and the criminals should be punished, but the effect was good 1 MS. Informacio. 2 "Cum enim ita et taliter notorium sit quod nullatenus celari potest, dicti regni Valentise populares . . terroribus et maximis minis et poenis dictos paganos ad baptismi suscipiendum sacramentum in- duxisse." — Loazes, Tractatus, col. 1. THE BAPTISM CONFIRMED. 77 and should be preserved ; it is the way, he piously adds, that God works to educe good out of evil. The Moors have been saved from perdition and from slavery to the demon and as this is a public benefit the baptisms must be held good, the converts must be compelled to adhere to the Catholic faith and those who uphold them in apostasy are to be prosecuted by the Inquisition as fautors and defenders of heresy. It is noteworthy that he wastes no time in defending the regularity of the baptismal rites, showing that that was assumed as a matter of course, and there is an ominous assertion that if the converts are allowed to relapse it will create doubt in the minds of the faithful as to the efficacy of baptism, while all the doctors agree that when there is danger of infecting the faith the prince can compel uniformity or can expel the unbelievers from the kingdom.1 The report of the commission, limited and imperfect as it was, was duly laid before a junta of all the leading statesmen, lay and ecclesiastic, for the assembly consisted of a reunion of the councils of Castile, of Aragon, of the Inquisition, of Military Orders and of the Indies, to gether with eminent theologians, and was presided over 1 Ibid, cob 17, 45, 60-61, 62. Loazes was a man of culture ; in his dedication to Inquisitor-general Manrique he displays his learning by references to Homer and Virgil, Hesiod and Terence, Suetonius, Aulus Gellius and Valerius Maximus. He tells us that he was born in Orihuela, sprung from the knightly race of Loazes of Galicia and that he studied in Padua. He became inquisitor of Barcelona, where he distinguished himself by his arro gant and inflexible insistance on the prerogatives of the Holy Office and was involved in bitter quarrels with his colleague, Juan Domin- guez Molon. In 1542 he was made bishop of Elna and he successively obtained the sees of Lerida in 1544 and Tortosa in 1553 ; in 1560 he became archbishop of Tarragona and in 1567 of Valencia, 78 THE GERMANIA. by Cardinal Manrique. It met in the Franciscan convent of Madrid and sat for twenty-two days ; the matter was elaborately argued ; some of the theologians, with Jayme Benet, the most distinguished canonist of Spain, at their head, denied the validity of the baptisms, but no decision in that sense was possible and it was agreed that, as the Moors had made no resistance or complaint, they should keep the faith which they had accepted, whether they wished it or not. On March 23, 1525, the emperor was present in the junta ; Cardinal Manrique announced the result to him, when he confirmed it and ordered the neces sary measures to be taken for its enforcement. Accord ingly, on April 4th, he issued a cedula reciting the care with which the question had been examined and the unanimous conclusion reached, wherefore he declared the baptized Moors to be Christians, that their children must be bap tized and that churches in which mass had been celebrated must not be used as mosques.1 The weighty decision was taken and the fate of the Spanish Moors was sealed, for all subsequent events were the natural consequence of the policy on which Charles had resolved and of which this was the first step. No time was lost in sending as inquisitorial commissioners Gaspar de Avalos Bishop of Guadix, Fray Antonio de Guevara, the Dominican Fray Juan de Salamanca and Doctor Escanier royal judge of Catalonia, with a retinue of counsellors and familiars, constituting a most formi dable tribunal. They reached Valencia May 10th and on Sunday the 14th the bishop preached, explained his commission and ordered the publication of Charles's 1 Sandoval, Historia de Carlos V., Lib. xiii. $ xxviii. Sayas Afiales de Aragon, cap. cxxvii. — Danvila, Expulsion, pp. 90-1. APOSTATES TO BE PROSECUTED. 79 ceclula and of an edict granting thirty days in which apostates could return with security for life and property, after which they should forfeit both.1 It was easy to issue proclamations but not so easy to identify those who had undergone baptism and were living with their un converted brethren. To this task the commissioners therefore addressed themselves, travelling through the land, investigating and making out lists and administer ing confirmation to all whom they could identify.2 This of course was preliminary to prosecuting those who had returned to Moorish rites, but they were too numerous to be subjected to the full hardship of the ordinary inquisi torial procedure. To moderate this required papal author ity which was invoked ; a brief of Clement VII. to Cardinal Manrique, June 16, 1525, recites that Charles had applied to him for a remedy ; the multitude of the delinquents calls for gentleness and clemency wherefore they are to be prosecuted with a benignant asperity, and those who return to the light of truth, publicly abjure their errors and swear never to relapse may be absolved without incurring the customary disabilities and infamy.3 In spite of this effort to mitigate the rigor of the canons against heresy and apostasy, this laborious and doubtless unsatisfactory investigation had a double result. On the one hand it served to confirm Charles and his advisers in the conviction that the only way to be sure of the baptism of a Moor was to baptize them all ; on the 1 Sandoval, ubi sup. — Sayas, ubi sup. — Bleda, Cronica, p. 647. 2 Fonseca, Giusto Scacciamento, p. 11. — Bleda, Cronica, p. 647 ; Defensio Fidei, p. 123. 3 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 926, fob 47. — Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro II. foi. 58 (Archivo Historico Nacional). 80 THE GERMANIA. other it naturally created great alarm and excitement in the Moorish population, especially among the ten or fif teen thousand who had passed under the hands of the Agermanados. They had the sympathy moreover of the ruling classes. Charles was moved to indignation on hearing that the magistrates of Valencia had asked the commission to act with caution and not to ill-treat the alfaquies because the prosperity of the kingdom depended on the preservation of the Moors, and when the baptized ones took refuge in the Sierra de Bernia the nobles not only would not reduce them but favored them, hoping that the trouble would lead the emperor to suspend action. Charles was inflexible, however ; he reproved the recalcitrant nobles, praised those who showed a dis position to assist, and ordered them all to go to their estates and urge their vassals to become Christians, prom ising them favor and good treatment. At length prepa rations were made to attack the refugees of Bernia, who had held out from April until August ; they agreed to surrender on promise of immunity, and were taken to Murla, where they received absolution and were kindly treated.1 The Bishop of Guadix fell sick and left the field ; the other commissioners grew tired of the work and were on the point of returning to Castile when despatches were received from Charles saying that as God had granted him the victory of Pavia he could show his gratitude in no better way than by compelling all the infidels of his realms to be baptized ; they were therefore ordered to remain and undertake this new conversion, in conjunction 1 Sandoval, ubi sup.— Danvila, pp 92-3.— Sayas, ubi sup. RIGORO US LEGISLA TION. 8 1 with a new colleague, Fray Calcena. Although Charles had long been preparing for this, there may be partial truth in the story that he was stirred to immediate action by the gibes of his captive, Francis I., who landed at Valencia June 30, 1525, and was taken to the castle of Benisano, where he was scandalized on seeing from a window Moors at work in the fields on a feast day.1 It was doubtless as a persuasive to conversion that in October and November severe restrictions were placed on all unbaptized Moors. They were required to wear on the cap a half-moon of purple cloth, they were forbidden to leave their domiciles under pain of being enslaved by the first comer, they were forbidden to sell anything, they were deprived of their arms and the practice of their religious rites, they were required to rest on feast days and to uncover and prostrate themselves on meeting the sacrament.2 The Germania had builded better than it knew. It had given an impulse which blind fanaticism had eagerly developed until the movement was spreading far beyond the narrow boundaries of Valencia, and the wild work of the lawless bands of Agermanados was to be adopted and systematized and perfected by the supreme powers in State and Church. 1 Bledse Defensio Fidei, p. 124. 2 Danvila, p. 92. — Say as, ubi sup. — Bleda; Defensio Fidei, p. 123. CHAPTER IV. CONVERSION BY EDICT. Even before the question of the validity of the Valen cian baptisms had been settled, Charles V- had resolved that he would have uniformity of faith in his Spanish dominions. Whatever tolerant tendencies he might have had in the earlier years of his reign had disappeared in the fierce struggle with the Lutheran revolt. By the edict of Worms, May 26, 1521 he had put Luther and his followers under the ban of the Empire ; under his orders the magistrates of the Low Countries were burn ing reformers ; he had learned to regard dissidence of belief as rebellion against both the temporal and the spiritual power and as both a statesman and a sincere Catholic it was his duty to suppress it. His demands for religious unity in Germany were fatally weakened if it could be said that in Spain, where his authority was almost absolute, he permitted hundreds of thousands of his subjects openly to worship Allah and his prophet. His grand-dame Isabella had enforced outward con formity in the kingdoms of Castile, but for those of Aragon there was the obstacle of the solemn oath taken by Ferdinand for himself and his successors, an oath which Charles himself had repeated when he was recog nized and had received the allegiance of his Aragonese subjects. It was a binding compact between them but BRIEF OF CLEMENT VII. 83 fortunately for him the Vice-gerent of God had assumed the power of releasing men from their oaths, of abrogat ing compacts and of setting aside all human laws. To Clement VII. therefore Charles applied in the latter part of 1523, or beginning of 1524, for relief from the obligations which worked such disservice to God, and it is to the credit of Clement that he refused at first, declar ing that the request was scandalous.1 His resistance however gave way before the earnest pressure of the Duke of Sesa, Charles's ambassador, and on .May 12, 1524, the fateful brief was issued. It recites the papal grief at learning that in Valencia, Catalonia and Aragon Charles has many subjects who are Moors and with whom the faithful cannot hold inter course without danger ; they even live with the temporal lords who make no effort for their conversion, all of which is a scandal to the faith and a dishonor to the emperor, besides which they serve as spies for those of Africa to whom they reveal the designs of the Christians. It therefore exhorts Charles to order the inquisitors to preach the word of God to them and if they persist in their obstinacy the inquisitors shall designate a term and warn them that on its expiration they shall be exiled under pain of perpetual slavery, which shall be rigorously executed. The tithes of their temporal possessions, which they have never hitherto paid, shall accrue to their lords in recompense for the damage caused to them by the expulsion, under condition that the lords shall provide the churches with what is necessary for divine service, while the revenues of the mosques shall be converted into 1 Llorente, Afiales, II. 287. 84 CONVERSION BY EDICT. benefices. The portentous document concludes with a formal release to Charles from the oath sworn to the c6rtes not to expel the Moors ; it absolves him from all censures and penalties of perjury thence arising and grants him whatever dispensation is necessary for the execution of the premises. Moreover it confers on the inquisitors ample faculties to suppress all opposition with censures and other remedies, invoking if necessary the aid of the secular arm, notwithstanding all apostolical constitutions and the privileges and statutes of the land.1 If Clement had hesitated at first in thus authorizing this breach of faith he had gotten bravely over his scruples ; there is no word in the brief signifying that it had been asked of him ; he took the responsibility of the initiative and Spanish writers were justified in assign ing to him the credit of having suggested the action and induced Charles to adopt it. The whole matter was treated as belonging exclusively to ecclesiastical jurisdic- \ tion and its execution was committed wholly to the In quisition as the most appropriate and efficient instrument. For eighteen months Charles held the papal brief with out publishing it, but it untied his hands. Apparently 1 Archivo de Simancas, Libro 927, foi. 285. — Bleda; Defensio Fidei, pp. 463-66. — Sayas, Anales, cap. ex. March 20th Charles had instructed the Duke of Sesa to ask Clement not to entertain any appeals from the Moriscos but to refer them all to the inquisitor-general (Llorente, Anales, II. 293). It is not likely that the pope gave any written assurance to this effect, as the question of appeals from the Inquisition was a burning one and was at this moment the subject of a specially vigorous controversy. It is worth noting however that while the documents up to the close of the cen tury show frequent endeavors by Judaizing heretics to escape by recourse to Rome I do not remember to have met with a single in stance of the kind on the part of a Morisco. CONVERSION ENACTED. 85 he waited until the weighty question of the validity of the baptisms was settled and then the disturbances in Valencia counselled further delay before taking decisive action. On being satisfied as to this early in September, 1525, he addressed, 011 the 13th, letters to the nobles in forming them of his irrevocable determination not to allow a Moor or other infidel to remain in his dominions except as a slave ; he recognized that expulsion would affect their revenues and leave their lands depopulated, wherefore he earnestly desired to avoid it and conse quently urged them to go to their estates and co-operate with the inquisitorial commissioners in procuring the con version and instruction of their vassals. A brief letter of the same date to the Moors informs them of the deter mination to which he has been inspired by Almighty God that His law shall prevail throughout the land, and of his desire for their salvation and release from error, wherefore he exhorts and commands them to submit to baptism ; if they do so, they shall have the liberties of Christians and good treatment; if they refuse he will provide for it by other means. This was followed the next day by an edict for proclamation everywhere ; it was addressed to the Moors telling them of his resolve that no one of another faith should remain except in slavery ; as he desires their salvation and protection from all ill-treatment he gives them this notice before execut ing his intention ; he guarantees them all the privileges of Christians and, under a penalty of 5000 florins and the royal wrath, every one is ordered not to impede the con version and to respect all converts. A letter of the same date to Queen Germaine is worth noting as the first of a long series which reveals the absurdity of the attempt to 86 CONVERSION BY EDICT. deprive the Moors of their religion without providing a substitute. He is told, he says, that in many of the vil lages of the new converts there are no priests to instruct them or to celebrate mass, and he orders her to see that the converts are instructed and ministered to, but in lands subject to the royal jurisdiction care must be taken to reserve to the crown the patronage of the new churches.1 It remained thus to the end ; there were always eager hands stretched out to seize the revenues of the mosques and the tithes, but few to train the new converts in the faith which they were compelled to profess. Guevara and his colleagues, armed with full power as inquisitors, set to work, announcing to the Moors the unchangeable will of the Emperor, with a term of grace of eight days, after which they would proceed to execute his decrees. The frightened aljamas met and deputed twelve alfaquies to supplicate Charles for clemency and the revocation of the edict. Queen Germaine gave them a safe-conduct and they were solemnly received at court, whither, it is said, they carried 50,000 ducats wherewith to influence persons of importance. For the moment they could accomplish nothing although subsequently they obtained, nominally at least, some mitigation of rigor.2 At length Charles concluded that the time had come to show his hand. On November 3d he enclosed the papal brief in a letter addressed to the inquisitor-general and all inquisitors and ordered them to put it into execution as speedily as possible. Under the same date he ad- 1 Danvila, pp. 94-8. — Fernandez y Gonzalez, p. 443. — Sayas, Anales, cap. cxxvii. 2 Sayas, foe. cit. — Danvila, pp. 97-8. EXPULSION OR CONVERSION. 87 dressed the authorities, secular and ecclesiastical, of Valencia (and presumably of the other kingdoms) in forming them of the brief and that it derogated all the fueros, privileges and constitutions of the kingdom to which he had sworn. He stated that he had instructed the Inquisition to execute the papal command, and he ordered the local authorities, under pain of 10,000 florins, to enforce whatever the inquisitors might decree.1 Hav ing thus paved the way, on November 25th he issued a general edict of expulsion. All the Moors of Valencia were to be out of Spain by December 31, 1525, and those of Aragon and Catalonia by January 31, 1526. Following Isabella's example, there was no exemption promised for conversion but the difficulties thrown in the way of the exiles showed, as in 1502, the real object in view. The Valencians were ordered to register and obtain passports at Sieteaguas, on the frontier of Cuenca, and thence take their weary way through Requena, Utiel, Madrid, Valladolid, Benavente and Villafranca to Coruna where they were to embark for strange lands under pain of slavery and confiscation. The nobles were warned not to retain or harbor Moors under penalty of 5000 ducats for each one and other penalties. At the same time was published a papal brief ordering, under pain of major excommunication, all Christians to aid in enforcing the imperial decrees and that the Moors must listen without replying to the teaching of the Gospel. Another edict commanding that all Moors should be baptized by December 8th or be prepared to leave the kingdom showed by implication that exile might be averted by baptism. 1 Archivo de Simancas, Libro 927, foi. 285. 88 CONVERSION BY EDICT. Then the Inquisition gave notice that it was prepared for action ; tremendous censures were published against those who failed to denounce transgressors, together with a penalty of a thousand florins on all who, when called upon, should fail to aid it against those who obstinately resisted the sweetness of the gospel and the benignant plans of the emperor. Some of these obstinate ones, in fact, in Aragon and Catalonia, managed to make their way to France and thence to Barbary.1 In Aragon, even before the issue of the edict, the anticipation of what was to come had caused a lively agitation among the Moors. They ceased to labor in their fields and shops causing the greatest anxiety to the Christian population. The Diputados, or standing com mittee of the cortes, were summoned to save the pros perity of the land ; they called into counsel prominent representatives of the interests concerned and resolved to send envoys to remonstrate with Charles. One of their number, the Count of Ribagorza, a great noble of royal blood, chanced to be at the court, and to him they sent a detailed instruction for immediate action. This appealed to the solemn oath taken by Ferdinand and repeated by Charles ; it represented that the whole in dustry and prosperity of the land rested upon the Moors, whose labors raised the harvests and produced the manu factures, while 011 their censales depended the income of churches and convents, of benefices and the gentry, of 1 Sayas, Anales, cap. cxxvii. — Llorente, Afiales, II. 296. — Danvila p. 99 The Diario Turolense says that the Moors of Aragon were ordered to depart by the port of Coruna and those of Valencia by the way of Fuentarabia. — Boletfn de la R. Acad, de Historia, XXVII. 56. REMONSTRANCE OF ARAGON. 89 widows and orphans.1 They were practically the slaves of the gentry and nobles, to whom they were obedient and peaceable, and they had never been known to per vert a Christian or cause scandal to the faith ; they lived at a distance from the coast, so that they could hold no communication with Barbary and by the law they were enslaved if they attempted to leave the kingdom. Their expulsion would mean ruin, while if converted they would be enfranchised and enabled to go abroad, weakening Spain and strengthening its enemies. As they had ceased to sow their lands, immediate action by the king reliev ing their fears was necessary to avert a famine. The influence of Ribagorza procured a brief delay in the issue of the edict, but Charles was inflexible, and his practical reply was a proclamation, published in Saragossa, Decem ber 22d, forbidding any Moor from leaving Aragon and ordering absentees to return within a month, prohibiting any communication between those of the nobles and those living on realengos or lands under royal jurisdiction, ordering that no one should purchase property of them, closing their mosques and depriving them of their public shambles.2 This naturally increased the agitation and risings oc- 1 The censo or censal was a debt or obligation, bearing interest usually at the rate of five or six per cent., and charged upon an individual or community or land— in the latter case like the modern ground-rent. It formed at the period almost the only investment available for capital and was particularly a favorite with the ecclesiastical foundations. The Moors were large borrowers and their recognized mercantile integrity rendered their censos peculiarly desirable. We shall see hereafter the frightful confusion arising from this at the final expulsion. 2 Sayas, Anales, cap. cxxx.— Dormer, Anales de Aragon, Lib. n. cap. 1. 90 CONVERSION BY EDICT. curred. The Moors of Almonacir, indeed, had not waited for these developments but in October had closed their gates against some preachers sent for their conversion and they held out until January when the town was taken by assault, the leaders were executed and the rest submitted to baptism. After the publication of the edict other places rose ; they fortified themselves in the Castillo de Maria, near Saragossa, placing their hopes in succor from Africa and in the promised resurrection of the Moor Alfatinii on his green horse, but as these expectations died away they seem to have recognized their hopeless position and to have submitted. No little trouble, however, was caused by Christians who seized and enslaved many Moors on the pretext that they were preparing to take to the moun tains, causing great scandal and angering the lords who were seeking to keep their populations of vassals intact. Restlessness continued and the repugnance to baptism was hard to overcome ; hopes were entertained when an alfaqui of Quarto, said to be more than a hundred years old and of great authority among them, was converted, but only a few followed his example. The date of expulsion was postponed until March 15th and as it approached there were risings in the lands of the lords of Luna and the Count of Aranda, but the insurgents were suppressed and disarmed, and finally the Moorish population as a whole submitted to baptism.1 The problem was a still more troublesome one in Valen cia, where the Moors were more numerous, were nearer the coast and in more constant communication with Bar bary, and where the great nobles had more at stake in 1 Sandoval, Lib. xiii. I xxviii. — Dormer, Lib. n. cap. 1. RESISTANCE IN VALENCIA. 91 protecting their vassals. When the alfaquies returned from their fruitless mission to the court the great bulk of the Moors submitted and outwardly accepted baptism. Antonio de Guevara, who was foremost in the work, boasts that in Valencia he baptized 27,000 families of Moors, but the Moriscos subsequently related that this wholesale administration of the sacrament was accom plished by corralling them in pens and scattering water over them, when some would endeavor to hide themselves and others would shout "no water has touched me." They submitted to it, they said, because their alfaquies assured them that deceit was permissible and that they need not believe the religion which they were compelled to profess.1 Many also eluded it by hiding themselves but the first open resistance was at Benaguacil, in which the Moors of the neighboring villages took refuge and closed the gates, whereupon Don Luis Ferrer, lieutenant of the governor, ravaged their lands with a hundred troopers. This failed to overcome their obstinacy, when the great standard of Valencia was raised and the gov ernor, Don Valencio Cabanillas, marched with two thou sand men and proclaimed war with fire and sword — guerra d fuego y d sangre — the pitiless and unsparing warfare which so often meets us in the history of these deplorable conflicts. Even with the aid of artillery and reinforcements, swelling the army to 5000 men, it took the besiegers five weeks to force a capitulation, March 1 Guevara, Epistolas familiares, p. 543. — Archivo de Simancas, In quisicion de Valencia, Legajo 205, foi. 3. Bleda (Defensio Fidei, p. 125) says that Guevara's boast is an exag geration, for in 1573 there were but 19,801 families of Moriscos in Valen cia, and in 1602 they had increased only to about 30,000. 92 CONVERSION BY EDICT. 27th, with promise of quarter, letters of pardon having been sent by Charles through Guevara who entered with the governor. The Moors, except some who escaped to the Sierra de Espadan, were duly baptized and the penalty of slavery and confiscation was commuted to a fine of 12,000 ducats, except in the case of some Aragonese Moors who had come to the assistance of the besieged.1 A further significant incident was that of the lord of Cortea who was residing at Requena. Moved by pious zeal he started for Cortea with seventeen valiant hidalgos to baptize his Moors, but they were beforehand with him, for they ambushed him at night and slew the whole party.2 More serious was the rebellion which had its strong hold in the Sierra de Espadan, consisting mainly of the vassals of Alonso de Aragon, Duke of Segorbe. Of all the great nobles he had been the most recalcitrant to the measures of the emperor, which had probably strength ened the spirit of resistance in that district, where his estates were enormous. The refugees were joined by others, even from as far as Aragon, who came with their families and property. They organized for a desperate resistance, electing as king a Moor named Carban who took the name of Selim Almanzo, they built huts and entrenched themselves in the fastnesses of the mountains, from which they made forays upon the adjoining valleys, laying in stores of provisions and we are told that they had the sympathy of the people, who willingly suffered privation for the benefit of those who were defending the cause of Mahomet. Queen Germaine raised a force of 1 Dormer, loc. cit. 2 Sandoval, loc. cit. — Diario Turolense, loc. cit. RESISTANCE IN VALENCIA. 93 3000 men and sent them to the Duke of Segorbe, but he was repulsed with considerable loss and his army, dis couraged and accusing him of being half-hearted in the business, melted away until he. had only a thousand men left. With these he garrisoned Onda, but could not pre vent the Moorish forays, in one of which the village of Chilches was captured and some consecrated hosts were carried off. Immediate use of this was made to inflame the people ; all the altars in the province were draped with mourning, only the wickets in the ohurch-doors were opened, all services were performed without display and the procession of Corpus Christi (May 31st) was post poned. Enthusiasm was thus aroused ; the great standard of Valencia was unfurled and a second army was raised which set forth July 11th. As it neared Onda it was met by the Moors in vigorous sallies, in which booty to the amount of more than 30,000 ducats was obtained, which explains the large accessions of volunteers who came to join the troops. After reaching Onda, July 19th, there was desperate fighting in which the Moors were gradually driven back to the sierra from the lowlands which they had occupied, an important advantage as it checked the tendency to rise which was spreading and only awaiting a prospect of favorable success. The duke summoned the Moors to surrender within three days under pain of slavery for all prisoners, but they rejected his proposals and as he deemed his forces insufficient for an assault on the mountain he called for reinforcements. Many came from Aragon and Catalonia, while the papal legate Salviati, happening to pass through Valencia, issued a plenary indulgence a culpa et a poena to all who should serve, thus converting the campaign into a crusade. It 94 CONVERSION BY EDICT. made little difference that he had no power to do this ; the offer was tempting to sinners and brought large accessions to the army. There was another difficulty to be over come, for Charles was as usual impecunious and furnished no money for the payment of the troops, but the clergy and the nobles and the city of Valencia were appealed to and raised sufficient funds to keep the men in the field. All this time the Moors were defending themselves obsti nately and even making sallies into the lowlands ; the duke sought to obtain reinforcements from Aragon and finally appealed to the emperor who recalled from Barce lona a detachment of 3000 German veterans about to em bark for Italy and placed them under tbe duke's orders. This swelled his force to 7000 men, besides, as we are told, great numbers of adventurers — a feature common enough in these campaigns — partly men attracted by honor, but mostly those whose object was plunder and speculators who came in the hope of bargains in slaves or other miscellaneous artioles which the soldiers might wish to dispose of on the spot. The war was now nearing its end ; on September 18th the troops carried a ridge and on the 19th a general assault was made from four sides ; the Moors defended themselves as best they could with slings and bows, killing seventy-two of the assailants, of whom thirty-three were Germans. The Spaniards, we are told, only slew the old men and the women, reserving the rest for slaves ; the Germans, in revenge for their thirty-three comrades massacred all, in number about 5000. Great booty was obtained ; what was sold on the spot fetched more than 200,000 ducats, while the adven turers and the Aragonese, Catalans and Germans carried off much more. The Moors who escaped took refuge in SUBMISSION TO BAPTISM. 95 the fastnesses of the Muela de Cortes, but they were soon hard-pressed and surrendered at discretion, when three of their leaders were strangled, the rest were deprived of their arms, their books were burnt and they were com pelled to submit to the Gospel. There were other rebels who found refuge in the Sierra de Bernia and in Guada- leste and Confridas, but they mostly succeeded in escaping to Africa. Thus was Valencia Christianized and pacified ; the Moriscos, as we may now call them, were disarmed, the pulpits used by their alfaquies were torn down, their Korans were burnt and orders were given to instruct them completely in the faith — orders, as we shall see, perpetually repeated and never executed.1 The whole Morisco population was now at the mercy of the Inquisition. Considering the circumstances of the conversion, the ignorance of the neophytes and their noto rious attachment to their ancestral faith every considera tion both of policy and charity dictated a tolerant spirit until they could be instructed and won over, and the Suprema recognized this by ordering that they should be treated with great moderation.2 As usual, however, the tribunal of Valencia was a law unto itself and its records show that, with the exception of the years 1525 and 1527, when it stayed its hands and had no trials or burnings for heresy, it continued its operations with rather more activity than before.3 In fact, it seemed impossible for the Moris- 1 Sandoval, Lib. xiii. I xxix. — Dormer, Lib. II. cap. viii., ix. — Bleda, Cronica, p. 649. — The c6rtes of 1528 granted amnesty to the insurgents. — Danvila, Expulsion, p. 101. 2 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, foi. 108. 3 The trials for heresy in 1524 were 40, in 1526, 47, in 1528, 42, in 1529, 44, in 1530, 20. — Archivo Hist. Nacional, Inqn de Valencia, Legajo 98. The burnings in person, adding as before 25 per cent, for the imper- 96 CONVERSION BY EDICT. cos to be treated with fairness. The twelve alfaquies whom we have seen sent to the court in 1525, with 50,000 ducats to avert the edict of expulsion had succeeded in obtaining important concessions in a concordia of January 6, 1526, in which it was agreed, with the assent of Cardinal Man rique, that on submitting to baptism, as they could not at once divest themselves of their customs and habits, they should not, for forty years, be subject to prosecution by the Inquisition, a grace of that kind having been granted to Granada at the time of its conversion. This however was kept secret until 1528, when it was sent to the bayle general of Valencia, who published it May 21st in accord ance with orders from Charles, but was reproved for so doing by Cardinal Manrique. That year the cortes of the three states of Aragon met at Monzon and petitioned Charles to prevent the Inquisition from proceeding against the new converts imtil they should be instructed in the faith, to which he replied that he had already granted to Valencia the exemption formerly allowed to Granada and he now extended it to Aragon. The Inquisition, however, was already an imperium in imperio, which held itself above all human laws, and when the Aragonese nobles in 1529 presented a series of remonstrances about the treatment of the new converts to the emperor and another nearly identical to Cardinal Manrique the latter replied evasively June 2d, that it was not their injury but their salvation that was desired and that he hopes God may lay his hand on them, so that all may eventuate j well. Charles had laid his hands on them by a decree of { December 5, 1528 in which he ordered all the Moors of fection of the record, may be stated as 16 in 1524, 19 in 1526, 29 in 1528, 30 in 1529 and 1 in 1530.— Ibid. Legajo 300. CONCORDIA DISREGARDED. 97 Aragon and Catalonia to have themselves baptized within four years.1 In fact the Inquisition construed the concordia to suit itself and in a few months after its promulgation the Su prema declared that it did not condone the use of Moorish rites and ceremonies and that those who performed them or relapsed from the faith were to be considered as apostates and to be duly prosecuted, to all of which the emperor acceded.2 We have just seen that the activity of the In quisition of Valencia continued through 1529 and was slightly diminished in 1530. In Aragon it mitigated its severity somewhat, for early in the latter year it reported to the Suprema that a number of Moriscos had been reconciled in the preceding auto de fe, for whom confiscation and per petual prison were commuted to fines and in some cases to scourging ; that the fines had been applied to a cleric who should instruct the penitents and teach their children to read, but that the receiver of confiscations had refused to disburse the money.3 In Valencia it signalized the year 1 Danvila, Expulsion, pp. 102, 105, 108. — Dormer, Lib. 11. cap. 1. — Llorente, Anales, II. 341. — Archivo de Simancas, Inqn, Libro 76, foi. 183. Danvila states (loc. cit.) that at the close of 1529 Charles ordered the expulsion of all the Moriscos of Valencia, probably moved by the discovery of a plot, the leader of which was executed. If such expul sion was ordered it must have been promptly countermanded, as there seems to be no other trace of it. 2 Danvila, loc. cit. 3 Arch, de Simancas, ubi sup. foi. 312. The Suprema replied, May 7, 1530, that the receiver was responsible for the collection of the fines, but, to remove suspicion that they are for the benefit of the Inquisition, it would be well to appoint proper persons in the Morisco villages to collect the fines and with them pay the salaries of instructors. 7 98 CONVERSION BY EDICT. 1531 with 58 trials for heresy and about 45 burnings in per son.1 This was perhaps the moderation and benignity on which Cardinal Manrique dwelt in reply about this time to an indignant complaint of the cortes of the three kingdoms that the Moors had not been taught and had no churches provided for them and yet were prosecuted for heresy.2 On the other hand Clement VII. grew impatient at the slow progress of the work and issued a brief, June 11, 1533, to Manrique, which Charles by a decree of January 13, 1534, ordered him to execute. In this he asserted that the Moors of Valencia, Aragon and Catalonia held relations with those of Africa, they converted many Christians to their faith and introduced many superstitions among the simple people, to the great danger of the Christian relig ion ; he had exhorted the emperor as to all this in his brief of May 12, 1524, and repeatedly since then, and he now orders Manrique at once to depute persons of learn ing to instruct the Moors and that if they do not embrace Christianity within a term to be fixed, he must expel them from the kingdom or reduce them all to slavery without mercy.3 1 Arch. Hist Nacional, Inqn de Valencia, Legajos 98, 300. The figures for the next few year s are — Trials. Burnings. Trials. Burnings, 1532 1 none 1537 69 1 1533 61 10 1538 112 14 1534 25 none 1539 79 5 1535 2 none 1540 53 5 1536 39 15 2 Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Legajo vinico, foi. 38. (See Appendix No. VI. ) 3 Guadalajara y Xavierr, foi. 48. — Dormer, Lib. n. cap. lxx. — Dan vila, p. 116. INQUISITION HALTED. 99 Thus stimulated the Inquisition increased its activity. ' The figures on the preceding page show what it was doing in Valencia, although this may perhaps be partly explained by orders to the tribunal to punish with the utmost rigor those detected in fasting for the success of Barbarossa in his resistance to the Tunis expedition of Charles V.1 In a list of the heretics relaxed or reconciled in Majorca, the first appearance of Moriscos is in 1535, when five were burnt in person and four in effigy.2 They did not always submit without resistance. In 1538, when Gaspar de Alfrex, a fugitive, was being conveyed from Saragossa to the Inquisition of Valencia, the party was set upon near Nules, two of the officials were killed and the rescued and rescuers escaped to Africa.3 With 1540 the operations of the Valencia Inquisition came to a temporary stop and in the three years, 1541, 1542, 1543, there was not a single prosecution for heresy.4 The nobles had complained earnestly of the disquiet caused among their vassals by its operations and the cortes peti tioned that thirty or forty years might be given for their instruction, during which they should be exempt from prosecution. The emperor assembled a junta of prelates and clerics who counselled various plans of moderation and conciliation among which he selected that of grant ing a term of grace for former offences during which they could be confessed sacramentally to confessors and that a period should be named for their instruction dur ing which the Inquisition should not prosecute them. 1 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 78, foi. 34, 152. 2 Ibid. Libro 595. After this, however, they occur but sparingly. 3 Danvila, p. 124. 4 Archivo Hist. Nacional, Inqn de Valencia, Legajo 98. 100 CONVERSION BY EDICT. This period was liberally fixed at twenty-six years, with the warning that it would be shortened or extended according as they should abuse or use it. The result was not satisfactory ; they commenced to live openly as Moors, circumcising their boys, fasting the Ramadan, working on feast-days, abstaining from mass and saying that as they had thirty years in which to live as they pleased they would take full advantage of it.1 This well-meant effort to employ persuasion came to a speedy end. The Inquisition resumed operations with renewed vigor and in 1544 it had 79 cases, in 1545, 37 and in 1546, 49.2 I In 1547 there was a reversion to a milder policy. In the endeavor to frame and conduct an organization for the instruction of the Moriscos, of which more hereafter, two " apostolic commissioners," Fray Antonio de Calcena, afterwards Bishop of Tortosa, and Antonio Ramirez de Haro, afterwards Bishop of Segovia, had been sent to Valencia. They had the faculties of inquisitors and bore that title, to give them greater authority, but they were instructed not to act as such or to interfere with the operations of the tribunal.3 In 1540, Haro's commission was renewed under the same conditions. Then a brief was obtained from Paul III., August 2, 1546, which com pletely superseded the Inquisition, as it granted faculties to appoint confessors empowered to hear confessions of the Moriscos and absolve them in utroque foro — both sacramentally and judicially — even if they had been 1 Danvila, p. 130. 2 Arch. Hist. Nac, Inqn de Valencia, Leg. 98. 3 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 4, foi. 110 ; Lib. 77, foi. 353 ; Lib. 78, foi. 275. INQUISITION SUSPENDED. 101 tried and condemned by the Inquisition, and to prescribe for them either public or private abjuration on their pro fessing contrition and swearing in future to abstain from heresy. They and their descendants were relieved from all disabilities and from confiscation and Old Christians could consort and trade with them freely.1 This was a most liberal measure, although St. Tomas de Vilanova, Archbishop of Valencia, says that it was ineffective be cause it required the penitent to abjure de vehementi — for vehement suspicion of heresy — which none of them would do, wherefore he suggested that more extensive faculties should be obtained to absolve and pardon without observ ing legal forms, considering that these people were con verted as it were by force, that they never have been instructed and that their intercourse with the Algerine Moors renders them averse to Christianity.2 It made little difference what were the powers conferred on the Bishop of Segovia, as the only effect of his com mission was to render the Inquisition powerless and super sede also the episcopal jurisdiction. He left Valencia early in 1547 and never returned. April 12th the arch bishop wrote to Prince Philip that since he had gone the Moriscos become daily bolder in performing their Moorish ceremonies as there is no one to restrain or punish them. The bishop had left no one to represent him and some one should speedily be sent with powers subdelegated by him. A promise was made that a person should shortly be sent, but the customary habit of procrastination pre- 1 Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro in. foi. 33 (Archivo His- torico Nacional). 2 Coleccion de Docum. in6d. T. V. p. 104. Abjuration de vehementi — for vehement suspicion of heresy — irrevocably entailed burning in case of relapse. 102 CONVERSION BY EDICT. vailed. On November 10th the archbishop wrote again representing the complete liberty enjoyed by the con versos with no one to look after them, but no attention was paid to him, and, in 1551 and 1552, we find him still calling for some one empowered to keep the Moriscos in order ; if no one can be sent they should be subjected to the Inquisition as formerly, or a papal faculty should be obtained enabling the episcopal ordinary to punish them moderately. Even when, in 1551, the Bishop of Segovia appointed the Inquisitor Gregorio de Miranda as commis sioner for the Moriscos he granted him no inquisitorial power and the Moriscos of Valencia remained free from persecution for ten years longer.1 This explains why the records of the Inquisition show only twelve cases in 1547, fifteen in 1548, four in 1549 and then an entire cessation of trials up to and including 1562, except two in 1558 and fifteen in 1560.2 In 1561 the Inquisitor- general Valdes was empowered by Paul IV- to enable the Archbishop of Valencia and his Ordinary to recon cile secretly relapsed New Christians ; in those cases which could be judicially proved, the confessions were to be made before a notary and delivered to the Inquisi tion, while in those which could not be proved the pen ances were to be purely spiritual.3 This indicates that 1 Coleccion de Docum. ined. T. V. pp. 100, 101, 107, 108, 122. 2 Archivo Hist. Nacional, Inqn de Valencia, Legajo 98. The cases in 1547, 1548 and 1549 may be unfinished business of previous years or heretics other than Moriscos, and the latter supposition may explain those of 1558 and 1560. So far as heresy was concerned however the business of the Valencia tribunal was almost exclusively with Moriscos. 3 Archivo de Simancas, Libro 4, foi. 262. (See Appendix No. VII. ) The futility of these apparent concessions arose from the insistence upon confessions being taken down by notaries and becoming matters of record not only against the penitent himself but against all his accomplices. ATTEMPT AT CONCILIATION. 103 attention at last was being given to the anomalous condi tion existing. In 1562, accordingly, the Inquisition of Valencia commenced to act in Teruel, where the town of Xea had the reputation of being an asylum of malefac tors ; it was exclusively Morisco and no Christian was allowed to reside there.1 Finally all restrictions were removed and, in 1563, the Inquisition was vigorously at work with sixty-two cases. It held two autos de fe in that year in which appeared nine culprits from Xea.2 In 1564, after the customary discussion by a junta, Philip II. essayed a tolerably comprehensive plan of conciliation in which the Inquisition was instructed to use its powers with the utmost moderation, except in the case of alfaquies, dogmatizers (those who taught and preached heresy), midwives (who were asserted to shield infants from baptism and to circumcise the males) and those who profane the sacraments, all of whom were to be prosecuted with the utmost rigor. The instructions issued in pursuance of this by the Suprema to the In quisition of Valencia, while not directly contravening it, allowed a latitude of which the tribunal could avail itself to frustrate the project of conciliation, and its activity during the following years would seem to show that it felt itself under no restrictions.3 1 Danvila, p. 164. Teruel and Albarracin, although a province of Aragon were under the jurisdiction of the Inquisition of Valencia. 2 Archivo Hist. Nacional, Inqn de Valencia, Leg. 98. — Danvila, p. 167. 3 Archivo Hist. Nacional, Inqn de Valencia, Leg. 2, MS. 16, fob 187 ; Leg. 98. The number of cases in Valencia were — 1564 38 1566 41 1568 68 1565 66 1567 54 1569 none That the instructions with regard to the alfaquies were observed would appear from the fact that in 1568 there were nine of them pen anced. — Danvila, p. 178. 104 CONVERSION BY EDICT. During this period the Inquisition by no means neg lected the converted Mudejares of Castile. I have the records of a number of trials between 1540 and 1550 of Moriscos of Daimiel, a town within the district of the Inquisition of Toledo, which represent what was going on with more or less frequency throughout the land. The Moors of Daimiel had been baptized in 1502 under the edict of Isabella — Mayor Garcia testified, in 1550, that she was 55 or 56 years old and that she was bap tized in the general conversion of the Moors of Daimiel when she was 7 or 8 years old.1 Apparently they had been overlooked by the Inquisition until Juan Yaiies, Inquisitor of Toledo and subsequently Bishop of Cala- horra, came there in his visitation of 1538 and Catalina, wife of Pedro de Bailos spontaneously testified that some thirteen years before she had lived with the Moriscos for about twelve years and saw that they did not eat pork or drink wine on the plea that these things did not agree with them. Long immunity had rendered them some what careless as to Catholic observances ; Yaiies says that, prior to his visitation of 1538, they never went to mass, but they had learned enough of the externals of religion to maintain an outward appearance of orthodoxy — indeed it was believed among them that a decree of the emperor and inquisitor-general had exempted them from the jurisdiction of the Inquisition, and that this exemp tion had been purchased by a general assessment laid upon those of Daimiel or of the province of Calatrava. Possibly some knavish official may have speculated upon them, for Mari Gomez, when on trial, said that formerly 1 Proceso de Mayor Garcia, foi. iv. (MS. penes me). INQUISITION IN CASTILE. 105 there had been a penalty imposed on those who avoided pork and wine, but that this had ceased to be collected and they had all given up consuming those articles.1 Yanes returned to Daimiel, in 1543, and gathered further abundant testimony and the trials dragged on for a con siderable period. The number of the accused was large, for a single clamosa, or denunciation by the fiscal, includes the names of ten defendants, although in general practice a separate clamosa is required for each one, and the number of prisoners must have exceeded the capacity of the carceles seer etas for, in 1541, we happen to hear of nine women confined in one cell and further that the great hall of the Inquisition was being used as a prison.2 Vigorous as were these raids they did not root out apostasy in Daimiel, for in 1597 we find the Inqui sition of Toledo busy with sundry delinquents from there.3 A series of reports, nearly complete, of the Inquisition of Toledo to the Suprema, from 1575 to 1610, affords us an insight into the relations of the Holy Office with the Moriscos, its influence on their daily lives and its inevit able result of perpetuating and intensifying their hatred of the religion of which it was the exponent. We find in it 190 cases of Moriscos as against 174 of Judaizers and 47 of Protestants, showing that, in so far as heresy was concerned, the Moriscos afforded the largest amount of business for the tribunal. In these thirty-five years there were only eleven Moriscos relaxed — the euphemistic synonym for burning — being those who either persistently 1 Proceso de Mari Naranja, foi. 2 ; Proceso de Mari Gomez, foi. viii., ix. ( MS. penes me). 2 Proceso de Maria Paredes, foi. i., xxiii. (MS. penes me). 3 MSS. of Library of University of Halle, Yc. 20, Tom. I. 106 CONVERSION BY EDICT. affirmed their faith or persistently denied the accusation in the face of what was considered sufficient evidence, for this was regarded by the Inquisition as a proof of impenitent guilt. For the most part the tribunal suc ceeded in obtaining confession with show of repentance entitling the accused to reconciliation or some milder in fliction. But perhaps the most instructive feature of the record is the number of trivial cases which reveal how jealously the Moriscos were watched by their Christian neighbors, eager to denounce them on the slightest suspi cion, and how easy it was to provoke them in an alterca tion to some careless word which would justify seizing them and throwing them in gaol until the Inquisition could be notified to send and fetch them. The Morisco thus lived in a perpetual atmosphere of anxiety, never knowing at what moment he might be put on trial for his life. In 1575 Garci Rodriguez is tried on an accu sation of saying that in the war of Granada a certain captain had been saved by a soldier and not by invoking God and the Virgin, and he escapes with abjuration de levi in a penitential habit. Diego Herrez, when a man called Mahomet a knave, had the imprudence to say " What is Mahomet to you ?" and was sentenced to abjure de levi, to receive a hundred lashes and four months' in struction from his parish priest. In 1579 Gabriel de Carmona, a youth of 17, travelling with four other Moris cos, was accused by three chance road companions of sing ing the Zambra antigua — a song customary at Moorish weddings. The secular officials of Orgaz promptly threw all five in gaol and handed them over to the Inquisition which duly tried them. Gabriel denied the charge and that he even knew the zambra and when the witnesses came to ratify their testimony it appeared that none of INQUISITION IN CASTILE. 107 them knew Arabic, or what the zambra was, or What Gabriel had been singing. They were all acquitted but there could be no compensation for their .suffering and the interference with their affairs. Isabel, a Morisca girl aged 20, was accused by her mistress and daughter and another witness, of having in a quarrel sent all Chris tians to the devil and spoken of her having a different law from theirs. On trial she admitted certain imprudent utterances when her mistress called her a bitch and a hound, but she disabled their testimony by proving enmity and when the inquisitors differed as to the sen tence the Suprema ordered the case dismissed. In 1584 Alonso de la Guarda was accused by his wife of denying the virginity of the Virgin and she arranged with the commissioner of the Inquisition that he and three other witnesses should be concealed while she led her husband on to talk ; unluckily for the plot he answered her ques tions in Arabic so that they did not understand what he said, but he was arrested, sent to Toledo and tried. In "his defence he proved that his wife was too intimate with one of the witnesses ; she and the latter were examined, but the truth could not be ascertained, the evidence was not considered sufficient to justify torture and the case was dismissed. Less fortunate was Alonso de Soria who, becoming irritated in a discussion on being told that the Moriscos never confessed fully, exclaimed that confession was nothing — the real confession was in heaven. Fear ing that he would be denounced for this he went volunta rily to the Inquisition and denounced himself. The wit nesses summoned confirmed his story, but the inquisitors were not satisfied and tortured him to see whether they could find out something more, but without success, so he was let off with abjuration de levi, hearing mass as a peni- 108 CONVERSION BY EDICT. tent and a fine of ten ducats. Juan Gomez, an Algerine Moor, was a voluntary convert who on the road-side was bitten by some dogs. He beat them off, when their master came and abused him, beat him, and denounced him for saying that the Moorish law was better than the Christian and that he would live and die in it. On his trial he de fended himself by asserting that he was a good Christian but his Spanish was imperfect and that in his passion he had meant to say that the Moors observed their law better than the Christians for they welcomed converts and treated them well. The inquisitors humanely took his recent con version into consideration and agreed to regard his im prisonment during trial as sufficients punishment, so he escaped with a reprimand and two months' seclusion in a convent for instruction. The very triviality of these cases is their chief importance as they show how the Moriscos lived on a lava-crust which might at any moment give way and how ready a means the Inquisition furnished for enmity to satisfy a grudge in safety, protected by its suppression of the names of witnesses. A simple trial for heresy was in itself, as we have seen, no slight infliction and besides there was the ready resort to torture which, in the juris prudence of the period, was the universal solvent of judi cial doubts. In the 190 cases contained in the record before us, it was employed in 55 — in four of them twice — and in a considerable portion of those which were suspended or discontinued the accused had been tortured without ex tracting a confession.1 But these trivial accusations were by no means all that the Moriscos had to dread. At any moment the treachery or trial of one might involve a whole community. In 1 MSS. of Library of University of Halle, Yc. 20, Tom. I. INQUISITION IN CASTILE. 109 1606, a girl of nineteen named Maria Paez, daughter of Diego Paez Limpati, brought desolation on the Moriscos of Almagro by accusing her parents, sisters, uncles, cousins, kindred and friends. Incriminations of course spread. The girl's father was burnt as an impenitent because he would not confess ; her mother, who confessed, was recon ciled and condemned to imprisonment for life and in all twenty-five Moriscos of Almagro suffered, of whom four were relaxed to the secular arm. As confiscation accom panied the sentence in every case the Inquisition probably gathered a fairly abundant harvest.1 The Moorish com- 1 A summary of the sentences passed on Moriscos in the MS. cited above shows — Died during trial ....... 5 Acquittals ........ 14 Cases dismissed ....... 5 Cases suspended ...... 30 Abjuration de levi ....... 24 Abjuration de vehementi . . . . .15 Instruction ordered 32 Reprimand in audience chamber .... 8 Spiritual penance ....... 6 Reconciliation with confiscation . . . .78 Reconciliation without confiscation .... 5 Fines (the highest 100 ducats) .... 5 Exile 2 Wearing sanbenito ..... .5 Sanbenito and prison for a term . . . .27 Sanbenito and prison perpetual (usually discharged after three years) ....... 32 Sanbenito and prison perpetual, irremissible . . 3 Scourging (mostly 100 lashes, but sometimes 200) . 15 Galleys (for terms of from 3 to 10 years) . . 14 Relaxed to secular arm for burning . . . .11 In the Seville auto de fe of September 24, 1559, there were three Moriscos burned and eight reconciled with sanbenito and prison ; of these six were also scourged, including three women. — Archivo de Simancas, Hacienda, Legajo 25, foi. 2. 110 CONVERSION BY EDICT. munities were constantly subject to devastation of this kind. In 1585, at an auto de fe in Cuenca, there were twenty-one of them — one relaxed, seventeen reconciled and three required to abjure de vehementi — of whom thir teen were from the village of Soquellamos and seven from Villaescusa de Haro.1 In 1589 the Inquisition of Valencia penanced eighty-three Moriscos of Mislata and in 1590 it added seventeen more.2 Such were the conditions of existence of the Moriscos of Castile — of the old Mudejares who for generations had been loyal and faithful subjects and industrious citizens contributing to the prosperity of the land. Such was the gentleness with which Fonseca says the Inquisition sought to induce them to obedience without frightening them and such were the benignant methods which a recent writer assures us were employed by the Inquisition to win them over.3 The learned Juan Bautista Perez, Bishop of Segorbe, knew better when, in 1595, in enumer ating fifteen impediments to their conversion he included their fear of the Inquisition and its punishments which make them hate religion4 — that is, the religion of their persecutors. If it were not so tragic there would be food for grim mirth in the rhetorical amplification with which the clerical writers of the period dilate on the devilish and inexpugnable obstinacy with which the Moriscos clung to their false faith and resisted the kindly efforts made for their salvation. 1 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1157, fob 155. 2 Archivo Hist. Nacional, Inqn de Valencia, Leg. 98. 3 Fonseca, Giusto Scacciamento, p. 346. — Menendez y Pelayo, Heterodoxos espafioles II. 628. — "La Inquisicion apuraba todos los medios benignos y conciliatorios." * Archivo de Simancas, Inqn de Valencia, Leg. 205, foi. 3. CHAPTER V. THE INQUISITION. In order properly to understand the influence exerted by the Inquisition a brief summary "of its processes and methods is necessary. The impenetrable secrecy which shrouded all its operations invested it with a terror possessed by no other tribunal. When a prisoner was arrested he disappeared from human view as though the earth had opened to swallow him ; his trial might last two, three, or four years, during which his family knew not whether he were dead or alive, until in some public auto de fe he reappeared and sentence was read, con demning him to relaxation, or the galleys, or perpetual imprisonment, or perhaps discharging him with some trivial penalty. Geronimo Moraga, a Morisco, when on trial in Saragossa in 1577, explained how he met certain persons in December, 1576, while on his way to the city to be present at an auto de fe announced for that time, in order to see whether his father and brother, who had been arrested some time previously, would appear in it.1 It was the only way in which he could learn their fate and put an end to agonizing suspense. The prisoner at his first audience was sworn not to reveal anything that should occur while he was in prison, and after the auto de fe, if he was not burnt, a similar but more solemn oath was 1 Archivo de Simancas, Inqn