Mexico Ct ,, jasav_S4i 'YALE«¥M¥IEl&SinrY' Gift of Henry R. Wagner 19«L _ STATEMENT OF FACTS RELATING TO THE-GLAIM OF ORAZIO DE ATTELLIS SANTANGELO, A CITIZEN OF THE UNITED STATES, GOVERNMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MEXICO, PRECEDED BY SOME EXPLANATORY REMARKS, AND FOLLOWED BY A SPECIFIED LIST OF THE ACCOMPANYING DOCUMENTS. PRINTED BY PETER FORCE. 1841. STATEMENT OF FACTS RELATING TO THE CLAIM OF ORAZIO DE ATTELLIS SANTANGELO, A CITIZEN OF THE UNITED STATES, GOVERNMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MEXICO, FOLLOWED BY A SPECIFIED LIST OF THE ACCOMPANYING DOCUMENTS. iBaj-ihingtoii : PRINTED BY PETER FORCE. ' 1841. P. FORCE, PRINTER, TENTH STREET. EXPLANATORY REMARKS. My claim on the Mexican Government has been represented in the documents of the 2d Session of the 25th Congress of the United States, marked No. 3, as brought forward by an individual editing a newspaper at the City of Mexico, called "El Correo Atlantico;" keeping there, he and his wife, a school for the instruction of young ¦women ; giving in his paper some offence to the Mexican Govern ment ; banished ; claiming an indemnification of one hundred thou sand dollars, SfC. Far from me is the idea of this inscription being purposely calcu lated to discredit both the claim and the claimant; but it is doubtless incorrect, and must be corrected. The individual spoken of never failed to deserve publicly or privately the title of gentleman, agreed upon among educated people in polite society. His school for young women was a Cl Literary Institute," nobly kept, honored with the confidence of the principal families of Mexico, and imparting to numerous pupils of both sexes a scientific and moral education, not inferior to any that may be obtained in the most illustrious semina ries of both worlds. His '' Correo Atlantico," exclusively devoted to literature and commerce, and the only periodical universally acknowledged as worth reading in the country, never printed a single word about the Mexican Government or politics; all his writings in Mexico having constantly been directed to deserve Mexican gratitude. And the sum claimed is far below the redress justly, lawfully, and reasonably due. Neither shall I suspect that the little regard shown on this occa sion to truth, in relation to my claim or person, is the effect of my being born in a foreign land. Eighteen years of residence in these United States without ever begging office, protection, or any favor whatever ; thirteen years of legal citizenship without ever approach- ing a poll, nor intruding directly or indirectly upon political contests, knowing the prejudices ofthe mass against foreigners; and such a personal, domestic, and social behavior as would suffice to render any man morally superior to the ninety-nine hundredths of his fel low-beings, must have given, I trust, at least a shadow of respect ability to my name. If not, I do not complain. I constantly felt in my obscurity among freemen much happier than when, with the title of marquis, a splendid fortune, a heap of chivalric decorations on my breast, a superior military rank, the reputation of a distin guished jurist, &c. and running from court to court, I was receiving every where flattering testimonials of esteem. I expected, on the contrary, to continue peacefully enjoying in this new world until my last breath, the blessings of retirement; and I would never have interrupted my silence about myself, had not the savage genius of two Mexican Presidents forced me to present a claim, the humilia ting inscription of which, in an official document, prompts me now to call on it public attention. Respected or not by others, I must respect myself; and self-respect imposes on me the duty, and gives me the indisputable right, to repudiate that inscription, put in evi dence the true facts, and prove that my claim is neither imaginary nor exaggerated. In virtue of what convention between Mexico and the United States, before what tribunal, and under what protec tion from my own Government, I shall now have to solicit the judi cial settlement of my claim, this is already known to many. The present statement of facts, and a future appendix to it, will however, if necessary, furnish elucidations of a much greater im portance. The true nature of my claims on Mexico is pointed out by two legal protests, filed in my documents. They are stated therein as caused by two illegal and unjust banishments from Mexico — the first in 1826, the second in 183,5 — both against the laws of the country and the law of nations ; and the second also in open violation of the treaty existing between Mexico and the United States; both the re vengeful work of a corrupt and ruthless ministry ; both condemned by the whole Mexican nation itself; both in punishment of my hav ing dared to defend the honor and interests of my adopted country, the United States, without however giving the least offence to any Mexican authority or person : and the wrongs are clearly specified to have been the loss of an only son, nineteen years old, my only hope and support ; unwarrantable violences to my personal liberty ; public outrageous attacks on my honor and good reputation from that Government itself; wanton and cruel exposure of my life to evident dangers ; and pecuniary damages to such an amount as to have plunged me with my family in the most distressing difficulties. The case is, however, a peculiar one, and requires a particular attention. It has no reference to commercial concerns, moral con duct, or contentious matters. I have no seizures, confiscations, forced loans, imprisonments or fetterings to complain of. I know of no invoices, bills of lading, manifestoes, drafts or accounts whatever, to exhibit, exact, refute or discuss. I never had to do in Mexico with alcaldes, custom-houses, courts, governors, or other subaltern autho rities, either as offender or offended. I am merely the victim ofthe stupidity of one Mexican President, and of the treacherous and base wickedness of another, under false political pretences; expelled from Mexico by the former as a suspected person, the suspicion being only the effect of his distempered brain ; and by the latter, with out his alleging any reason at all for it, not even a calumny- — the cause remaining buried in his own brutal heart. Now, with the respect due to the word " President," indicating a depository of public authority, I have only to arraign before the judge of the case, and before the world, two men, who wrongly in vested with that authority, and trampling on all human and divine laws, have abused of it against private innocence, and so far descend ed from their high station as to level themselves with the most das tardly assaulters of the liberty, life, property and honor of honest and respectable people. I wish, therefore, to be understood that I make a distinction between the Mexican Government, properly so called, which I solely regard as a moral body, responsible for the re dress which forms the object of my claim, and the persons of two ex-members of that moral body, whose conduct has given rise to the claim, and whose culpability, in the exercise of their official func tions, must necessarily be put in evidence for the legal substantia tion of the claim. But is there any chance of success for a private, weak, forsaken individual, engaged in pleading against a foreign Government, that, besides its own inexhaustible resources, is supported, right or wrong, 6 by the national pride of its people, and by that consideration, well or. badly understood, called courtesy, which every Government com monly enjoys from foreign powers, and to which individual rights or interests are but too often ruthlessly immolated . Are there not Governments, that, rather than take the trouble of avenging a wrong inflicted on any of their subjects, try, in justification of their crimi nal inaction, to find in him even faults which his very offender has not been able to imagine ? This is not even the worst of the disadvantages under which I am personally placed in this contest. The present Minister of Fo reign Affairs in Mexico is said to be that very Camacho who signed the order of my banishment of 1826; his chief clerk is undoubtedly that very Monasterio who signed; -as acting minister, my order of banishment of 1835; and it is precisely under the direct instructions of these good friends of mine that the Mexican Members of the Board, sitting in Washington for the adjustment of American claims on Mexico, are now to act as my judges Hence the necessity of the publication of this statement of facts, which, if of no avail tp have justice done, will no doubt, by proving the justice of the claim, shelter my honor from all malicious constructions or mis taken conceptions. Honor is in this instance, as it always was in my misfortunes, the main object of my solicitude. The numerous documents relating to my claim, chronologically filed, as quoted by cardinal numbers in the statement of facts, are ready for presentation. Others, not filed, but to be presented if re quired, are marked with an asterisk. But, should it be necessary for the refutation of some slanders, or the proper estimate of the outrages and losses which form the subject of the claim, to evince also who I was in Europe, how I lived there from the instant of my birth to the age of fifty, and why I removed to America, this will appear from authentic vouchers filed, and marked alphabetically in a sepa rate volume, ready likewise for the inspection of the judge and the curipus. P. S. English not being my native language, I respectfully ,solicit the indulgence of the reader. O. de A. Santangelo. STATEMENT OF FACTS. MY FIRST BANISHMENT. Twentieth May, 1 824. After a passage of forty days from Gi braltar on the United States frigate " Constitution," commanded by the worthy Commodore Jacob Jones, I landed on the 20th of May, 1824, in New- York. I brought with me the poor remnants of my fortune, saved from my political shipwrecks and proscriptions ; an only son seventeen years old, a few thousand ducats, some literary acquirements, and an untarnished personal honor. Twenty-first of May, 1824. Enthusiastically prepossessed in favor of the institutions of the United States, without knowing them but through vague reports, I went on the following day, 21st, to declare before the Marine Court of New- York my intention of be coming a citizen of the United States ; and then I was required to renounce under oath my allegiance to all foreign power, and espe cially to that of which I was a subject by birth. This appears from the certificate deli vered to me on the occasion ( 1 ). From that moment I adopted the name and the signature of O. de A. Santangelo. In Europe I was known as Orazio de Attellis Marquis of Sant'Angelo, and occasionally, under Republican Governments, merely Orazio de Attellis. From that moment, again, by losing all rights or claims to foreign protection, my civil rights were placed, de jure, under that of the United States. I had then a country ; that where I had fixed my legal domicil for life, and where at the end of five years I was also to enjoy the political rights of an American citizen. I felt happy. Twenty-ninth of June, 1824. After having forwarded some let ters of introduction ( * ), my first care was to procure a suitable occupation for my son Francis. I went to solicit at Bordentown the favors of Count de Survilliers, formerly King of Naples, who kindly procured for him a clerkship in the counting rooms of Messrs. Le Roy, Bayard & Co., through a letter, of which the following is a faithful translation from the French : "Point Breze (Bordentown), June 29th, 1824. "Mr. William Bayard, New- York. 11 Dear Sir: The Marquis of Sant' Angelo de Attellis, a Neapolitan officer, who was formerly in my service, has been obliged to quit his country by political events. He has established himself in New- York, where he desires that I may procure him your acquaintance. This is what I do in recommending him to you. He earnestly wishes 8 you to employ his son in your counting house, a youth of a very prepossessing appearance, who speaks Spanish, French, and Italian, and knows the first principles of mathematics. '' I pray you, &c. Your very affectionate servant, "Joseph Count Survilliers." (2). Thirtieth of September, 1824. My next care was to show my self in some way useful to my adopted country. I therefore pub lished, on the 30th of September, a " Prospectus for a course of Lectures on the Theoretical Principles of Commerce." ( * ) The favorable opinion given about my plan by the Atlantic Magazine ( 3 ), the New- York American ( 3 ), New- York Statesman ( 3 ), and other periodicals; and the circumstance of my prospectus bearing, as references, the names of Herman Leroy, Esq., William Bayard, Jr., Peter Harmony, De Rham & Moore, John B. Lasala, James D. P. Ogden, Charles McEvers, G. G. & C. Howland, James Heard, D. Henderson, Robert Swanton, William Sampson, Esqrs., soon procured me more occupation than I could attend to. My prospect was now encouraging ; and I neither was desirous of visiting Mexico, nor had I the slightest notion of the state of affairs in that country. Twentieth January, 1825. — My son had already become ac quainted with the English language, book-keeping, and commercial correspondence, when a Mexican merchant, Don Jose Alvarez y Sagastegui, offered him a more profitable situation in his " counting- house" in Guadalajara, in the Mexican States. A contract was accordingly stipulated between him and myself (my son being under age), before the notary public Anthony Rapallo, of New- York, under date of the 20th of January, 1825. ( * ) First March, 18*25.: — My son then asked and obtained his leave from Mr. Bayard, in honorable terms, dated 1st March 1825. ( 4 ) But it was as unadvisable for me to arrest the progress of my son in his career, as impossible to induce him to go a single step afar from me. I was therefore obliged to accompany him to Mexico, with the firm intention of coming back to the United States as soon as I should have seen him properly installed in his new employ ment there. This was the only reason of my first visit to that country, where a little later I was to be treated by three anthropo phagi called ministers, as a suspected person, insulted, banished, and obliged to bury my adored son, my only hope, in the bottom of the ocean ! April, 1825. — With a passport, procured by Mr. Alvarez for himself, his secretary, my son and myself, we landed at Tampico early in April 1825, where we met with a company of foreign engineers and other officers, arrived there from Europe, on their way to the Anglo-Mexican mines of Tlalpujahua, in the Mexican States, having at their head the Chevalier Vincent Rivafinoli, my countryman and old friend. This gentleman took a particular fancy 9 to my son, and exacted from him his word that, in case of his be coming dissatisfied with his actual situation, he would come directly to him in Tlalpujahua, and join his company, where he should en joy the emoluments of $2,000 per annum, besides boarding, lodging, washing, servants, and the maintenance of one or two horses in his own house; the whole amounting to $3,000 yearly. August, 1825. — Indeed, we soon found out that Seiior Alvarez y Sagastegui was not the man he had bragged to be. Owing to his pecuniary embarrassments, we were obliged to stop nearly three months in Tampico, before being able to advance into the interior ; and on our arrival at San' Luis Potosi, in July, we found that his " counting-house " of Guadalajara was imaginary, and that my son was to serve the public in a wholesale dry good store in San Luis, which he was neither disposed to do, nor I to permit. In our just resentment, we declared null the contract stipulated in New- York ; my son asked his leave, and Senor Alvarez was obliged to give it. ( * ) We proceeded then to the city of Mexico, where we arrived in August. There I stopped, and my son continued his journey to Tlalpujahua, thirty-seven leagues west from that capital. All the offers and promises of Chevalier Rivafinoli were religiously com plied with. In Mexico I was very far from intruding at all upon the politics of the country, and even from protracting my stay there beyoud one or two months, had I not met with some persons, whose kind ness caused my sojourn to be more agreeable and longer than I had anticipated, namely : the old Lieutenant-General Don Alejo Garcia Conde, brother of General Don Juan, who had married, in Madrid, Luisa de Attellis, my niece ex fratre, then and still now azafata of the Gtueen of Spain; Lieutenant-General Andres Pignatelli Cer- chiara, my intimate acquaintance from infancy ; General Vincent Filisola, my countryman in the Mexican service; the Mexican Colonel Don Santiago Menocal, who had known me personally in Naples in 1815, and was indebted to me for some important ser vices ; and Count Cornaro, my countryman, formerly Aid-de-Camp of the Viceroy Beauharnais, and my brother in arms at the cam paign of Russia. At General Filisola's, I became personally acquainted with Gen erals Guerrero, Santa Anna, Bustamante, Teran, several superior officers, Senator Zavala, and various clergymen of note, doctors, judges, lawyers, &c. Santa Anna introduced me to President Vic toria, in presence of General Herrera. Through Guerrero, I made the acquaintance of General Bravo, his secret antagonist. Filisola presented me also to the Minister of War, Pedraza ; the Governor of the Federal District, Don Francisco Molinos del Campo ; the chief of the staff of the army, Marquis de Vivanco ; Tornel, pri vate secretary ofthe President, &c. To the Minister of Justice and Ecclesiastic Affairs, Ramos Arispe, a priest, I was introduced by one of his natural sons, a captain. Zavala made me acquainted 2 10 with the Minister of the Treasury, Esteva, several savants, and a great number of members of Congress. I never uttered a single word about politics, either with the above named personages or others. I had been favored by Chevalier Rivafinoli with a letter of introduction, dated 26th December, to Mr. Ward, the English Am bassador in Mexico ; but having had an opportunity to make his acquaintance without availing of that letter, it remained in my pos session ( 5 ) ; and although the treaty he was then negotiating with Mexico, was the topic of all conversations in the city, I did not take the least interest in it. Santa Anna, however, tried his best to have my private opinion about some principal political discussions of the day ; and Guerrero told me repeatedly, " If ever I become President, or commander-in-chief of an expeditionary army, you must be at the head of my ' Estado Mayor General,' " (General Staff) I took this compliment for a jest. I studied, however, the modern history of Mexico, but merely for my own instruction. I knew that there were, at the time, several secret political clubs under the specious name of masonic societies, spme of which professed the Scottish Rite, and were composed of Bourbonists, Iturbidists, Centralists, &c; and others, the Rite of York, and these supported exclusively the federal system. But I did not know that the former had declared a secret war against the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at Mexico, Mr. Joel R. Poinsett, for having procured, from some Grand Lodge of the United States, the constitutional charters for the latter; wrongly de ducing from this innocent fact that he was unfriendly to the Scot tish party. On my part, I never belonged to any of the lodges of either party, nor had I any intercourse with Mr. Poinsett. Known, however, as an European mason, I had partaken, by a particu lar invitation from Senator Zavala, as a visitor, of two masonic banquets; one of which was held in his own lodgings, and the other in the old castle of Chapultepec, outside of the gates of the city, to which freemasons of all rites and countries assisted, including- the English Minister Ward, and President Victoria himself, who drank this toast: " To Great Britain and the Republic of Mexico, the two most powerful and enlightened nations on earth." January, 1826. — In this state of perfect tranquillity, and whilst preparing for my return to the United States, a pamphlet, by the Abbe.De Pradt, was circulated in the beginning of January, 1826, entitled " Le Congres de Panama." That estimable writer had thus addressed to the new American Republics some wholesome advice about the new common law they ought to adopt, consonant with their new institutions, in the Congress of Panama, then in contem plation, as proposed by the Columbian Dictator, Bolivar. On this subject of general interest for the whole western hemisphere, I thought to be permitted, in a private circle at Zavala's, to make some observations, demonstrating that all discussions about the wise opinions of De Pradt, ought to be preceded by others far more 11 important, concerning the security of the new American Republics against an aggression from Spain. I developed these ideas with some felicity, and was warmly requested by the hearers to put them on paper. To this I objected, on account of my imperfect know ledge of the Spanish language. Zavala, however, urged me to write in French, offering to translate me into Spanish. My answer was : " I have no objection." They went farther. Observing that the writings of a transient foreigner would inspire but little confidence, they suggested the propriety of my being invested with the Mexican citizenship. I opposed my having already solicited the citizenship of the United States, and sworn my subjection to their laws ; and to this they re plied that, as no sworn renunciations were required by the Mexican naturalization laws then in vigor, I could easily obtain from the Government of the United States the permission to accept the ho norary citizenship of Mexico. I answered : ,c If so, I will try." Eighteenth February, 1826. — As robberies and assassinations were day and night committed at that period in the streets of the city, and popular cries of ll death to strangers" were heard unceas ingly in every corner of it, I asked permission to bear arms, as other foreigners did, and was required to justify the respectability of my person to obtain it. Messrs. Menocal ( 6 ), Pignatelli ( 7 ), and Filisola ( 8 ), furnished me cheerfully with honorable certificates, and the permission, dated 18th of February, 1826, was granted, even to bear pistols ( 9 ), which was considered as a singular mark of confidence towards a foreigner. Fourth April, 1826. — Under the guarantee of the Constitution then in vigor, the laws on the freedom of the press, and the au thority of many leading members of Congress, I soon formed the plan of a work entitled, 4l The first four Discussions ofthe Congress of Panama, such as they ought to be." These discussions to be pub lished separately par livraison, were : — 1st. What is the Holy Alliance? 2d. Shall we have a war 7 3d. What would be the plan and the means of this war against us ? 4th. What would be our best defence ? The publication of the preamble to this work in the 44 Eagle" (Aguila Mexicana) ofthe 4th April, 1826, highly recommended by the editor ( * ), produced a numerous subscription. Eighth April, 1826.— The " Iris" ofthe 8th of April said: " The Congress of Eanama, by Mr. De Pradt, has suggested to the ve teran and determined Republican Orazio de Attellis Santangelo, the idea of writing another We have read the former printed, and the latter in manuscript ; and it has seemed to us to perceive in De Pradt, a clergyman who presents himself in the sanctuary of the independence of America, to eulogize with a reli gious dignity the sanctity of her cause ; and in Santangelo, a gene rous athlete, who rushes into the arena with the torch of truth in 12 one hand, and the sword in the other, determined to save the rights of the new world, or to bury himself with them, ( 10 ). — - Fifth May, 1826.— The publication of the "First Discussion of the Congress of Panama," took place on the 5th of May, and was advertised in the •' Eagle" ofthe 6th ( * ), whose editors said: " We have read with interest the first of the * four discussions of the Con gress of Panama,' and we desire the appearance of the others, as the work relates to matters so very interesting to us," &c. ( * ) The " Iris" of the same day announced the publication through a long editorial, saying, among other things, " We believe to please our readers by. promising them, besides some annotations on this work, which, we doubt not, will form an epoch in the annals of free America, a succinct biography of Santangelo ; which, as he has found himself in many political transactions in Europe, must prove remarkably interesting," (10). Ninth May, 1826. — An encouraging occurrence took place. The Executive had long been invested with dictatorial powers, called in Mexico " facultades extraordinarias," by a congressional decree of the 23d of December, 1824, in virtue of which it had been autho rized to expel foreigners whenever it pleased. This was a lawless derogation to the Constitution published on the 4th of the preceding month of October. Those " facultades" were now repealed by a de cree of Congress ofthe 9th May, 1826, and foreigners had nothing to fear from despotism, (11). Tenth May, 1826.— The "Eagle," of the 10th May, published a communication of the private Secretary of President Victoria, Colonel Tornel, who, under the signature of " El Patriota," said : '' La obra del estimable escritor Santangelo ha sido recibida con ap- lauso; contiene noticias curiosas, y sostiene principios saludable^ — (the work of the esteemed writer Santangelo has been received with applause ; it contains curious informations, and supports wholesome principles) — ( * ). This Tornel was afterwards one of the most enraged supporters of the order of my banishment ! Twelfth May, 1826.— The "Eagle," of the 12th May, filled up its columns with extracts from my " First Discussion," ( * ). Second June, 1826.— The '' Mercurio," of Vera Cruz, of the 2d June, honored me with a Spanish sonnet, whose tenor evinced the most exalted enthusiasm of the press in favor of my work, (12). Sixth June, 1826. — It is remarkable that on the 6th of June a regulation was published about foreigners and passports, by Presi dent Victoria, signed by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Camacho, the article 13th of which was conceived as follows: '' To avoid hereafter the frauds which have been usually com mitted, and could still be committed, by some foreigners, who, sup posing themselves to be citizens of the United States of America, avail of the certificate of the oath taken by them in said States, as of a patent of citizenship, their legation has agreed to expedite no certificates for passports, without the most satisfactory ci-idence of 13 their being citizens of said States, and such must be the guarantee to be exhibited by their respective Consuls to obtain the license spoken of in the article 6th," &c. ( * ) This unlawful presidential provision, to which the American Minister most unlawfully acceded, tended evidently to deprive all foreigners, bearers of the mentioned certificate of oath, of all pro tection from the diplomatic and commercial agents of the United States in Mexico. I was precisely myself in this case ; and I have never been able to understand how a diplomatic agent, or the Exe cutive of a country whatever, could, motu proprio, destroy the civil rights of foreigners, through agreements not expressly authorized by any legislative enactment, and openly at variance with the law of nations. Eighth of June, 1826. — General Santa Anna, who was at that period in Xalapa, wrote me a letter, dated tbe 8th of June, acknow ledging the receipt of fifty copies of my '' First Discussion," adding to have taken measures to have them sold, and encouraging the continuation ofthe work, in the following terms: '' The argument of the work is very good, and I have found it very much to my taste. , Please to God that it may have the effect which its learned author proposes. Continue, my friend, writing in the same sense as far as possible, in order to awake with your truths and powerful arguments, certain men who sleep thoughtlessly and carelessly. Communicate to me what may occur. The perio dical entitled " El Iris," pleases me ; it seems that its directors are intelligent men," ( 13 ). Twenty-ninth of June, 1826. — On the 29th of June, my "Second-- Discussion" was published, and advertised in the "Eagle" ofthe 30th, ( * ). Thirtieth of June, 1826. — I received from Count A. Cornaro a note, dated 30th of June, in Italian, whose literal translation is the following : "My dear friend — Mr. Poinsett has requested me to forward to you the enclosed invitation (14), [that of assisting to a ball to be given at his lodgings on the 4th July next, to celebrate the anniversary of the Independence of the United States]. I stop here, because they have brought me the ' second part of your work,' and I like better to employ my time usefully in reading what you have written, than in making you compliments. Call me selfish, if you wish ; I per mit you. Believe me, &c," ( 15 ). In this '' Second Discussion" I had been obliged to treat of two im portant subjects; 1st, the part which the United States ought to represent at the Congress of Panama, as a member of the great American family ; 2dly, the impropriety for the Mexican Govern ment, granting in the treaty it was then negotiating with the United States, to the new American Republics certain sympathetic privi leges highly prejudicial to the commercial interests of the United States, that were immensely more entitled to Mexican sympathy 14 than any nation in the world. In this double aspect, I employed thirty- four pages of my book (from p. 128 to 162) in advocating the princi ples, views and proposals of Mr. Poinsett in the treaty in question, reproving the partiality of the Mexican negotiators, as prejudicial to the welfare of their own country, ( 16 ). One of those negotiators was the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Camacho, who signed afterwards the order of my banishment. The history of these negotiations, proving the correctness of my statements, was related three years later by Mr. Poinsett himself, to the Secretary of State, Mr. Van Buren, under date of the 22d of July, 1829, in the following terms: " , You are already aware that the administration of this country, upon my arrival here, were extremely hostile to the interests ofthe United States, and adverse to form any sort of connection with us. They believed, or affected to believe, that the aggrandizement, or even the prosperity of Mexico, was regarded by the United States as prejudicial to their interests, and that every thing would be done by us to impede or check the progress of this colossal power, lest its growth might destroy the sister Republic. They insisted that we had availed ourselves ofthe weakness of Spain to despoil Mexi co of a valuable portion of her territory, and anticipated a triumph in the renewal of the negotiations on the subject of boundary. This became evident at the commencement of my conferences with the Mexican Plenipotentiaries, &c. . . . The negotia tions for concluding a treaty of amity, navigation, and commerce, were continued, and after being brought very nearly to a conclusion, were brokon off by me, owing to the Mexican Plenipotentiaries insisting upon placing the new States of America upon a more favorable footing than the United States. This took place on the 27th of September, 1825; and an account of the discussion will be found in my despatch, dated 28th September, and marked No. 22, &c The negotiations were not renewed un til May 1826, some little time after the appointment of Don Sebastian Camacho to be Plenipotentiary to negotiate a treaty with England. These negotiations resulted in the treaty which was signed on the 10th of July, 1826. When 1 signed that treaty, it was with a per fect conviction that it would not be ratified at Washington. I was induced to sign it, because the Mexican Plenipotentiaries made the provisions which we thought objectionable a sine qua non, and I felt desirous that Don Sebastian Camacho should go to London, unshackled in the negotiations he was about to open with Mr. Can ning. Mr. King had informed me that Great Britain would not object to the exception in favor of the States, which were formerly Spanish Colonies, provided Mexico still desired to have such a pro vision in the treaty. It was well known to ine that the President and his cabinet did wish to insert such a provision in their treaties with all foreign powers, and, if not prevented by some pre-existing treaty, would take advantage of thc disposition of Great Britain to 15 fix the principles in their treaty with her. T had a right lo believe, from the private correspondence of Mr. Canning with President Vic toria, and from some public papers of that gentleman, written in an unfriendly tone and spirit towards the United States, that he would gladly seize such an opportunity of preventing any treaty from being concluded between the two Republics In all former negotiations in this country, I had been shackled by the treaties with Great Britain. In the first treaty with that Govern ment, Mexico had introduced provisions at variance with the inte rests of America, and which occasioned the rupture of our negotia tions; and after they were renewed, the dread of introducing some provisions in our treaty, which might prevont them from concluding their pending negotiation with the cabinet of St. James's, threw in superable obstacles in my way, and finally compelled me to conclude that treaty which was ratified in part only by the Senate of the United States," &c. First of July, 1826.- — The American cause in general, a senti ment of justice towards the United States and their Minister Pleni potentiary, and the most sirdent and sincere wishes for the prosperity of Mexico itself, had then evidently suggested my observations in my ''Second Discussion." I was contented with myself, and cheer fully preparing the publication of the '4 Third Discussion." But, - whilst the whole nation was lavishing the highest encomium on both the First and Second Discussions already published, three Min isters, those of War, Pedraza; of Justice, Ramos Arispe ; and of Foreign Affairs, Camacho; suspecting, or affecting to suspect, that I was a masonic follower of Mr. Poinsett, a Yorkine, that is, an ob stacle to their Scottish plans, and astonished at a book written by a foreigner, and spreading a mass of light, which seemed to them not proper to keep the country in that ignorance which formed their only force, swore my ruin. It was easy for this trio to have their plot against me approved by President Guadalupe Victoria, whose insig nificance was proverbial there. As to the Minister ofthe Treasury, Ignacio Esteva, he was thought to be a Yorkine. The perfidy of the premeditated aggression was surpassed, how ever, by the cowardice, or rather the stupidity of the means adopted to carry it into execution. I call the attention of the civilized world on this sample ofthe Mexican character. It was necessary for those honorable members of the cabinet, or cabinet-makers, that I should be kidnapped, as it were, from the city, without affording any time to unwelcome oppositions. A lettre de cachet, ordering me out of the city within twenty-four hours, to be inti mated at an hour when all the population was asleep; by a person of high authority and of the utmost confidence ; on a Sunday, when the printing offices were closed ; and supported immediately by the Ga zette of the Government, through calumnious invectives and specious reasonings, calculated to silence or paralyze public talk or censure, &c, this was the chef ' dJauvre of their policy. Accordingly, on the 16 night of Saturday, the 1st of July, at half past eleven o'clock, whilst I was about going to bed, some one knocked at my door. Who is there? A deep sepulchral voice answered: '' Soy yo, Sefior mar ques, he de hablar con Usted." (It is I, marquis, I must speak with you.) — I knew the voice; it was that of the Governor of the Federal district, Don Francisco Molinos del Campo. With some surprise, much curiosity, and no sad presentiment, I opened the door, and the Governor, closely enveloped in a large Spanish cloak (it was the month of July), after having courteously shook hands with me, and asked how I was, seated himself gravely near my desk, and engaged in the following dialogue : Governor — I am your friend ; I esteem and respect you ; but I am also the servant of the supreme Government, and I must com ply with the painful duty of reading to you this official note, which I have just received from the State Department (he then calmly un folded a paper and read : " By order of the most excellent President of the Republic, you will forthwith repair personally to the lodg ings of the foreigner O. de A. Santangelo, and enjoin him to leave the city within twenty-four hours, and proceed under an escort of cavalry to Vera Cruz, there to embark for foreign parts, por sospe- choso (as a suspected person. — Signed, Camacho.") Myself— (striking a powerful blow with my fist on my desk) — I sospechoso ! I swear, Sir, that your most excellent President is a vile impostor towards me, and an infamous traitor to his own coun try. Governor — Peace, my friend, every thing can be satisfactorily adjusted. Myself- — Never, Sir. Sospechoso ! This is an incurable wound to my honor. Governor — I put my purse at your disposal ; but you must leave to-morrow (Sunday). Myself — Do you arrest me, Sir 1 Governor — No, Sir, you are perfectly free. Myself — Why do you not seize my papers? A sospechoso might have criminal correspondences. Governor — I am not directed to perform such an operation. Myself— -You are the chief of the police of this District ; can you say that I am sospechoso ? Governor — I know nothing but the contents of the note which I have just read to you. Myself — Can I have a copy of it ? Governor — No, Sir, you will receive your passport, that is enough. Myself — Is my fate irrevocable ? Governor — I believe so. Myself— (rising up in a rage)— If so, let the most excellent Pre sident know that it is my own irrevocable will and pleasure, rather to fall, sword in hand, pierced by his bayonets, than leave the city without having with me my son from the mines of Tlalpujahua. 17 whom I shall not abandon within the grasp of a tyrant who treats his father as an enemy. Governor — (disconcerted) — Draw up a petition, my friend, I shall send it immediately to the Minister Camacho. Myself- — (I wrote) —