YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

THE LIBRARY OF THE
DIVINITY SCHOOL

THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA
PATRISTIC STUDIES
VOL. I

St. Basil
and
Greek Literature

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to the Faculty of Letters'of the Catholic University
of America in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

BY
Leo V. Jacks, A. M.

,X'vXxy oftl1

7

X

YALE i^MU K'X^
x4v u^€S

Catholic University of America
Washington, D. C.
1922

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
GENERAL WORKS ON THE GREEK FATHERS
Ameringer, T., The Stylistic Influence of the Second Sophistic on the
Panegyrical Sermons of St. John Chrysostom, Washington, 1921.
Bardenhewer, O., Geschichte dAltkir. Literatur, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1912.
Gronau, C, De Basilio, Gregorio Nazienzeno Nyssenoque, Platonis imita-
toribus, Gottingen, 1908.
Lalanne, J. A., Influence des Peres de L' Eglise sur Viducation publique,
Paris, 1850.
Matter, M., Histoire de L'Ecole d'Alexandrie, Paris, 1840.
Migne, Patrologia Graeca, 29-32.
Monnier, E., Histoire de Libanius, Paris, 1866.
Naegele, A., Johannos Chrysostomos und sein Verhaltnis zum Hellenismus,
Byzant., Zeitschrift, XIII (1904).
Norden, E., Die Antike Kunstprosa, Leipzig, 1909.
Schmidt, W, Der Atticismus in seinen Hauptvertreten, Stuttgart, 1887.
Simon, J., Histoire de L'Ecole d'Alexandrie, Paris, 1845.
Stiglmayr, J., Kirchenvdter und Klassicismus, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1913.
Tillemont, L., Histoire Ecclesiastique, Paris, 1714.
Wendland, P., Christ entum und Hellenismus, Leipzig, 1912.
SPECIAL WORKS ON ST. BASIL
Allard, P., Saint Basile, Paris, 1899.
Buttner, 6., Basileos des Grossen Mahnworte an die Jugend, Munchen,
1908.
Clarke, W. K. L., St. Basil the Great, a Study in Monasticism, Cambridge,
1913-
Dorgens, H., Der heilige Basilius und die classichen Studien, Leipzig, 1857.
Fialon, E., Etude sur Saint Basile, Paris, 1869.
Jahn, A., Basilius Magnus Plotinizans, supplementum editionis Plotini
Creuzerianae, Basilii M. Garnerianae, Bern, 1838.
Lothholz, G, Basilius d.Gr.Rede an christliche Junglinge, Jena, 1857.
Maloney, E., St. Basil the Great to Students on Greek Literature, New-
York, 1901.
Padelford, F. M., Essays on the Study and Use of Poetry by Plutarch and
Basil the Great, New York, 1902.
Plass, P., De Basilii et Ambrosii excerptis ad historiam animalium perti-
nentibus, Marburg, 1905.
Schafer, J., Basilius d.Grossen Beziehungen zum Abendlande, Munster,
i. W., 1909.
Scholl, E., Die Lehre des heiligen Basilius von der Gnade, Freiburg, 1881.
Schiirman, H., De SS. Basilio et Gregorio Nazienzeno literarum antiquarum
studiosis, Kempen, 1872.
Shear, T. L., The Influence of Plato on St. Basil, Baltimore, 1905.
Trunk, J., De Basilio Magno sermonis Attici Imitator e, Stuttgart, 191 1.

chronological outline
330 or 331. Basil was born.
335. The Council of Tyre.
336. The death of Arius.
337. Death of Constantius.
343. Julian sent to Macellum.
343. Basil probably went to school at Caesarea.
344. Council of Sardica.
346. Basil went to Constantinople.
350. Death of Constans.
351. Basil went to Athens.
353. Death of Magnentius.
355- Julian at Athens.
355 or 356. Basil left Athens and returned to Caesarea.
357. Basil was probably baptized.
357. Basil was made reader.
358. Basil visited monastic establishments in Syria, Mesopotamia, Egypt,
and Palestine with a view to studying conditions, preliminary to
founding a monastic retreat of his own.
358. Basil went to the river Iris and entered the monastery.
359. Basil was at Constantinople at the end of the year and was on the
homoousian side at the Synod of Seleucia.
360. Basil ordained deacon.
360. Basil left Caesarea, joining Gregory at Nazianzus.
361. Death of Constantine. Accession of Julian.
362. Basil returned to Caesarea.
363. Julian killed in the Persian War. Jovian became emperor.
364. Basil ordained priest.
365. Rebellion of Procopius.
366. Death of Pope Liberius.
367. Council of Tyana.
368. Famine in Cappadocia.
369. Death of Emmelia.
370. Death of Eusebius. Basil became bishop.
371. Valens divided the province of Cappadocia.
372. Valens at Caesarea.
373. Gregory of Nazianzus consecrated bishop. Gregory of Nyssa like
wise, a little later.
373. Athanasius died. Between 372 and 373 began the estrangement be
tween Basil and Gregory of Nazianzus.
373- Jovinus of Perrha visited Basil.
374. Auxentius died.
375. Valentinian died. Between 374 and 375 Gregory of Nazianzus died.
375. Gregory of Nyssa deposed.
376. Synod of Iconium.
376. Basil denounced Eustathius.
378- Valens died.
379. Basil died.

PREFACE
, It is necessary to mention special assistance derived from Mr.
J. M. Campbell's "Influence of the Second Sophistic upon the
Style of the Sermons of St. Basil the Great" which was read while
still in manuscript form, and which furnished interesting and im
portant details on sophistic rhetoric. The use of this study much
facilitated some of the work in connection with Atticism and the
Second Sophistic.
The author wishes to acknowledge his indebtedness and ex
press his sincere gratitude to Dr. Roy J. Deferrari, Head of the
Departments of Greek and Latin at the Catholic University of
America, under whose guidance the monograph was written, and
from whose advice it has materially profited. Thanks are also
due to Reverend Romanus Butin, S.M., Ph.D. and Reverend A.
Vaschalde, Ph.D. for having read the manuscript and offered
many valuable suggestions.
L. V. Jacks.
Washington, April 22d, 1922.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Select Bibliography.
Chronological Outline.
Preface,
Contents.Introduction  i
chapter I. Christian and Pagan Learning During the Early
Centuries of the Church . . . . ,  7
II. St. Basil's Education  18
III. The Poets  27
1. Dramatic Poets  27
2. Lyric Poets  29
3. Epic Poets  32
IV. Legend and History  44
1. Legend  44
2. Historical Writers  57
V. The Philosophers  69
1. Early Philosophers  69
2. Plato  ,.  74
3. Aristotle  82
4. Elian, Plutarch and Late Philosophers  105
Conclusion  112
Index of Authors Quoted by or Connected with St.
Basil  119
General Index  121
Vita  ,  124

INTRODUCTION
The object of this dissertation is to investigate Basil's knowl
edge of Greek literature, and to acquire as far as possible an in
sight into his attitude toward it. It is hoped that this object will
be attained by collecting all direct quotations, all proper names,
and all expressions and ideas which may with some degree of
real certainty be attributed to the Greek civilization before him.
This dissertation is not a study of sources, as such studies are
generally understood. The common type of source investiga
tion is an accumulation of every word, phrase, or idea which has
even the remotest possibility of indicating a point of contact
between two authors. By far the greater part of such material
indicates little or nothing of certainty regarding a writer's use
of the works of a predecessor. To repeat, the present study has
to do only with certain or nearly certain signs of an acquaintance
with, or an attitude of mind toward, the earlier Greek culture.
These considerations must be borne in mind, especially in the
study of the philosophers (Chapter III) to whom Basil is com
monly supposed to be greatly indebted.
The section of Basil's writings which deals with philosophy
and those passages which have philosophical tendencies will be
the most difficult to explain. The stories of history, or the clear
cut verses of the poets, are followed with comparative ease, but
the tortuous windings of philosophical thought make a maze that
is often bewildering to the last degree. Many studies later recog
nized as distinct from formal philosophy were then hopelessly
confused with it. Most of the rudimentary forms of science
were so placed. Writers upon geography, like Strabo, and men
who recorded the lives and deeds of the philosophers, like
Diogenes Laertius, appear in simple references. Basil's phil
osophical allusions may be divided roughly into two groups, a
smaller one, representing very early thought and headed prin
cipally by Zeno and Prodicus of Ceos, and a larger one repre
senting the acme of Greek philosophy, as set forth by Plato and

Aristotle. To this latter group a few late writers upon morals and
conduct, like Plutarch and Marcus Aurelius, form a subsidiary
class. In philosophy, as in history or in poetry, quotations, or more
or less direct statements that a thinker is responsible for some
idea, are the simplest indications of the author's acquaintance with
the philosophers. But many ideas which were common would
very likely be mentioned without an authority being cited, and
with many others perhaps Basil himself was not sure of the origin.
In the case of philosophy, as in the case of poetry, when increas
ing age and care had gradually separated the man from his early
studies and tended to hold him upon a beaten track of routine
work, the fine distinctions of the ancient thinkers would be lost
in the pressure of more immediate concerns. Toward the end
of his life the saint was an exceedingly busy man and one forced
to conserve his time.
Basil's usage of Plato will call for a great deal of explana
tion. Of all the Greek philosophers none could write like Plato
and none was so well known for literary reasons. Few thinkers
so well combined good reasoning with such persuasive exposition.
His very mistakes possessed an attractive appearance, for from
beginning to end he sought for ideals and so delicately wove them
into his discourse that the impossibility of the realization of many
of them was lost sight of in the beauty and dexterity of the gen
eral presentation. Again, many of his ideals were as sublime as
those of any Christian. To quote such a writer was an ever
present temptation fo the Greek speaking orator. Few references
could be used so effectively, and few would be so certain of in
stant recognition as those expressing the ordinary sentiments of
the famous philosopher. Basil's various possible borrowings
from Plato's philosophical system indicate little certainty regard
ing his literary appreciation of the r nn. However there is suffi
cient certain evidence to show that he admired Plato, and it will
be seen that his literary uses of Plato's name and works were
prompted by sincere admiration and esteem.
The case of Aristotle is different, yet for other reasons equally
intricate. A man like Aristotle would not be quoted by reason of
his style and diction, and it will appear that Basil estimates Aris
totle's style very shrewdly. Basil refers to him by name and
Aristotle's reputation must have counted with some weight.
There is no doubt that Basil employed numerous stories and

references that are obviously Aristotelian. What Basil knew
about Aristotle and his works will be evident from the usage
that he makes of his information and the information is con
siderable. In the case of legend and history (Chapter II) there is less
material with which to work. It is quite impossible to assign
many historical instances to definite places and, pointing out an
author, to say that a certain reference belongs to him, or, citing
a particular legend, to state that it originated in a certain place
or with a certain writer. In the confused conditions of early
Greek legend the best that can be done is to find for these refer
ences origins that are at least not unlikely, and if possible to
locate them with authors who have a right to be considered of
primary importance both for their own value and according to
the probability that Basil used them. If a definite quotation is
given, or an explicit statement that a particular passage is from
a certain author, that would almost certainly establish the indi
vidual instance as being the work of the man in question. Basil's
truthfulness may be assumed. But his memory was sometimes
faulty, and many of his citations lie open to the suspicion of being
made at random in the course of an oration, or rapidly written
letter, and never verified. The reasons are natural. A poetical
quotation may be given word for word, a philosopher may be
cited in his own phraseology which is needed to convey the pre
cise thought, but rarely does anyone endeavor to reproduce an
historical event in other than his own language, or without em
phasizing those shades of the matter which most appeal to his
own imagination, or are best understood by his own caliber of
intelligence. Two important things then occur. The original
wording is lost sight of, and the grouping of events by the historian
is superseded by the grouping of events which seems best to the
secondary writer. This may change the entire appearance of
the actual fact.
In the case of legend and history, another difficult task is to
differentiate between a story that can be to some extent verified,
arid narrations that are so far back in antiquity that they rest for
their authority upon a scanty trace of evidence. More ancient
than these are the purely legendary materials which have their
basis presumably upon a foundation of fact somewhere in the
archaic past, but which cannot possibly be verified. Greek litera
ture teems with stories of this nature and anyone well read in

the early authors could have had an inexhaustible fund of this
doubtful matter ready for literary use and allusion. Proverbs
and cant sayings flourished. Apt stories were told of noted
characters and from year to year were repeated and magnified.
These things were the common property of the people, and en
riched the folk lore in a variety of ways. Wandering minstrels
giving Homeric recitations seized upon this material and used it
to advantage. It grew and flourished.
Finally, as regards the poets (Chapter I) the case is briefer
and easier to follow than in any other field. The study of Basil's
acquaintance with the poets must of necessity be based largely
upon quotation. In poetry far less than in prose is a section of
verse imitated or paralleled in the prose of another writer. A
striking line or a peculiar word may stay in the memory and later
be recalled, but this idea of its very nature, being clear cut and
isolated, has a tendency to keep separated from attendant ideas
and not to sink back after a short time into the hazy general con
dition to which prose information reduces itself. Prose imita
tion of great epic or tragic scenes is certainly not uncommon, but
these cases are susceptible of perception and recognition.
It is hoped that such a study as this will contribute to a very
much neglected department of the history of ancient literary
criticism. The inattention to the Greek Fathers as literary critics
is strange. For a long time an impression has prevailed that
they were blindly and unreasoningly opposed to everything pagan,
and that in Greek literature good and bad alike were obnoxious
to them. The falsity of such views is constantly being demon
strated. The Greek Fathers possessed real and deep feeling for
classical Greek culture, for Greek ideals, and for Greek literature.
In the field of ancient literary criticism the Latin Fathers have
not suffered from corresponding neglect, though they have no
more reason, if as much, to be favored with this attention. Of
the Eastern Fathers Chrysostom is the figure upon whom most
of the attack has been centered, yet Chrysostom is proven from
his own words to have assailed only the objectionable features
of paganism. Enlightened pagans had done as much long be
fore Chrysostom's day. It seems strange that in a work such as
Saintsbury's "History of Criticism" (New York, 1900;) there
is not one word regarding the Eastern Fathers, though attention
is devoted to St. Augustine as the chief exponent of the Latin
Fathers. In view of the close relationship, at times real unity,

between the Eastern and Western churches during the early
centuries, it is interesting to note that although the Latin Fathers
read the works of the Eastern ones and made great use of them
in their own writings, and also read at least some of the Greek
classics, if only in a Latin translation, there is absolutely no
trace of decisive evidence to show that the reverse is true. It
cannot be shown that any Greek Father studied a single Latin
author. There were indeed no early Latin Fathers. For Greek,
as shown in inscriptions and similar early records, was the offi
cial language of the Christians in Rome for the first century and
part of the second, so that the Latin Fathers proper did not
come till late and the Greek language had had control in all de
partments of early church activity, as far as official transactions
were concerned, for some time. The extensive adaptation and
even copying which had always prevailed among Latin writers
produced many passages that are counterparts of Greek originals
but in these imitations and borrowings is no trace of evidence
that the Greek Fathers were ever concerned about the literature
of their Western confreres. There are no passages in Basil imi
tative of Western writers.

CHAPTER I
CHRISTIAN AND PAGAN LEARNING DURING THE
EARLY CENTURIES OF THE CHURCH
Educated Christians of the Fourth Century took much the
same view of culture as prevailed among the more enlightened
pagans. Fanatics there were of course, but scholarly Christians
understood the classic models taught and recognized their worth.
While forming distinct entities, Pagan culture and Christian cul
ture had much in common, since all the world looked to ancient
Athens for its standards. Homer, Euripides, Demosthenes and
many another were read, taught and studied. It is not surprising
therefore that educated Christians took a view at least as liberal
as that of Plato. "Therefore it is imperative that those things
which the young first hear should be models of moral thought."1
The best that the pagan culture of the times could produce
was the ideal poise of the Periclean Greek mind. And this mind
was governed by expediency. Virtue was interpreted in terms
of patriotism, or constancy to family ties. The citizen of Hero
dotus' tale who lived free from misfortune, saw his children mar
ried, prosperous and happy, and then ended his life fighting for
his country, had lived ideally and was unusually favored by the
gods.2 Physical beauty, balance and address, a mentality col
lected, deliberative, and sympathetically attuned to harmony in
its operations with the world around, and a certain reserve which
restrained every thought and desire by maintaining a medium of
moderation both in public and private concerns, clearly defined
the best stand that Athenian culture could reach. This did not
suit Christianity at all.
But a few undeniably Christian virtues existed in the Attic
theory of rational life. Some points were common. Household
1 Plato, Republic, 378 E. S Jtpeo-ra av.ovovaw Sti xdXXtora nsuvftoXoyn*
\xiva Jtpog d<?£TT|v dxoueiv.
- Cf. Herodotus, I. 30. 7

virtues, patriotism, integrity in public and private affairs, respect
for duly constituted authority, and at least an outward reverence
for the Deity, were factors in both systems of culture. Through
these points of mutual interest an understanding was reached
which prevented a clash that would have been absolutely destruc
tive to one or the other. On these grounds both theories of life
met. Christianity taught a culture less refined but more rugged,
less artistic in detail but grander in outline and design. Pagan
culture struck for individual development to the very pinnacle
of personal and public aggrandizement, in every field. Chris
tianity taught self sacrifice. The pagan culture was weary. The
Christian was young. The outcome was logical. The better
factors of the old system were appropriated by the new, and the
elder civilization passed to its final rest. But its finer side was
not unappreciated and the very men who inherited its wealth of
thought, of beauty, and of restraint, and who preached a religion
that spelled its death, were as much alive to its wonders as were
ever its exponents in the golden age. Christian culture did not
clash with pagan culture but absorbed it, and so lost many of its
own ruder qualities. In the time of the Greek Fathers many new
influences were beginning to take effect and old standards were
subtly altered.
A body of Christian literature had begun to develop. It could
not hope to compete with Attic models but it had followers and
a value of its own. Christian writers were producing commen
taries upon the scriptures, christian romances, ecclesiastical his
tories, sermons, orations, apologies, and tracts of many forms.
The volume of these productions grew steadily. The Church was
conservative but was also careful to cut away from her doctrines
all the overgrowing accumulation of legend and tradition which
throve upon the wonders of the early ages. Hellenism was be
ing affected by Christian and Jewish canons of style and aesthetic-
ism, for Hellenistic literature had received many deep and lasting
impressions from without.
Hellenism was a name rather loosely applied to the spirit of
that Grecian civilization expressing itself chiefly through litera
ture, art and general culture, which, after pervading the whole
Greek race, gradually wrought an influence upon peoples not of
Greek blood who came in contact with it. For instance, a person
who shared in this intellectual sympathy by writing or thinking
like the Hellenes would be called Hellenistic. Hellenism was a

matter not of race but of culture, not of genius but of canons. It
invented little or nothing, but throve upon the existing literary
monuments of the past.
Semitic associations with Hellenism were very large and un
usually noticeable. In Egypt the population was about one-seventh
Jewish and the Jews had spread their trading influences through
out all stations of life, altering to some extent many of the older
and accepted canons of art, literature and aestheticism. The
Jewish merchants were very numerous and exceedingly active.
This situation had a decided effect upon the language of the
people, and a more remote but still very perceptible effect upon
the written medium. These activities of Semitic representatives
are perhaps too little recognized, or are even minimized by many
students of that period. Alexandrian scholars were affected by
Jewish associations, and their efforts at organization and classi
fication had a noticeable strain of Jewish thought. The syncretism
of Alexandria was deeply shaded by Semitic surroundings.
The influence of these great schools at Alexandria had spread
into every field of literature, profoundly affecting it by influenc
ing the educational tendencies of the times. Early Christian
literature had attacked Hellenism violently, because all things
pagan were coming in for a sweeping condemnation. Christian
Fathers of the first century had thought pagan philosophy was
from the devil. But as early as the time of Justin Martyr the
first destructive and blind opposition had begun to take other
channels, and Justin, himself originally a pagan philosopher, far
from abandoning formal philosophy after conversion, cherished
it as finding its real truth in Christianity.3 In his Second Apology
Justin has occasion to refer to himself as "taking delight in the
teachings of Plato"* and in the opening chapter of the Dialogue
with Trypho, writes, "Do not philosophers make all their disputa
tions about God, said he, and do not debates arise upon every oc
casion about His unity and His foreknowledge? Assuredly, he
replied, and so we understand.""
But the pagan culture pointed toward an object distinctly
different from that which the early Christians had in mind, and
s Cf. Eusebius, H. E., 4, 18, 6.
* Justin Martyr, Second Apology, 12, 1. rotg n^dxtovog %a(go)v 818017-
s Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, I. 3, 4- °vx °l <piX.6ao<poi jieqi
¦fteou t6v &tavra jioiouvtcu Xovov JxeTvos e?.eys, "al jceqI novapxlag afltoi;
xal jipovoia? at ^t)TT|Oeis yivcm/zai ixamoxE; "H ov touto egyov ean cpdoao-
<p£ag llEtd^Eiv jteqI rov ftEtou; Nal, £<pr\v, outoj xal -rjixeis SfiSo^dxanEv.

10
the wisdom at which the Greek philosophers aimed had entirely
left out of account the high religious ideas of the Christians. To
this fatal defect the Fathers naturally objected.
The question of Hellenism then was one on which the Fathers
were fairly united. It was the dominant spirit of pagan culture.
The finer phases of pagan civilization had been nothing if not
Hellenistic. Politically, Hellenism was dead; artistically, it was
experiencing all the finely wrought involution of a self conscious
over-development recoiling upon itself, and such elaborate striv
ings for a perfection which weakened and lowered the original
as characterize helpless and hopeless decadence. Socially and
morally its essence was decay. It stood for a great age. But
that age was gone. Hellenism was becoming Asiatic.
Asianism was a development in the field of rhetoric which
infused into Greek public speech on the continent the more strik
ing features of thought and oratory common to the Asiatic type
of mind, and resulted in building up on the groundwork of Greek
language and style, an accumulation of such details as appealed
to the fanciful eastern intellect, a great deal of vivid coloring, an
extraordinarily figurative address, a tendency to expression
through the medium of parables and apothegms, and a weakness
for far-fetched metaphors in which the implication is not always
clear. In contrast, Atticism was the literary movement which at
first tended to regulate literature according to the canons of style
which had prevailed among Attic writers of the classical period,
but later degenerated, and instead of employing Attic standards as
an inspiration and guide, because of their purity and symmetry,
insisted upon imitation of things Attic for little other reason than
that they were Attic. While it led to some good, because it made
brief headway against the tide of extreme Asianism, yet it
ultimately became essentially artificial and lifeless. With these
two tendencies is connected the movement called the New or
Second Sophistic. This latter activity started out as an attempt
simply to revive Greek Rhetoric, and prevailed over Greece and
Asia Minor for approximately four centuries, dating from about
the end of the first century A. D. It strove to restore the style
of ancient Greek Rhetoric by close imitation of various ancient
masters such as Lysias, Isocrates and Demosthenes. In its be
ginnings it was Atticism, but many contemporary influences pre
vented it from arriving at the pure Grecian oratory which most
of the sophists would have liked to revive, the most important

u
of these influences being Asianism itself. In other words the
Second Sophistic was Asianism with Atticism superimposed. But
whatever the scholars of the day might name it, the spirit that
prevailed was not Attic, or Hellenistic. The ideals that were
set up and striven for constituted florid and extravagant Asianism.
In a few places a stand had been made. But the prevalent litera
ture shows very little of perfect aesthetic taste, or of the classic
spirit of restraint. Tropes, figures, artificialities, rhetoric for its
own sake, an inexhaustible stock of commonplaces, the most
astounding and extravagant forms of compliment with invective
proportionately vicious, were all synthetized into a system of
glaring coloring and hyperbolical imagery. Its qualities signified
the exotic and unhealthy nature of its strained development.
Church leaders clearly interpreted all the better things of the
sophistic rhetoric of the day^ but equally clearly understood and
opposed the worse qualities that accompanied it. They were not
alone. Some pagan professors stood out for a better grade of
Hellenism, but a language expresses the spirit of its time, and the
spirit of that time had but little kinship with that of old Greece,
except in so far as it was pagan. The word Hellene meant in
that day only a pagan. Julian, in speaking of his subjects, regu
larly refers to Hellenes, Hebrews, and Galileans, as he called the
Christians. The fact that he assailed the Christian religion by
forbidding the Christian teachers to explain the classics would
argue that the Christians had been delving into pagan literature
rather noticeably.6
The whole question of Christian education was very much de
bated but it is clear that this was a problem that the Church dealt
with very differently in different places. At no time were pagan
classics absolutely condemned, and among Christians after the
first century the regard for pagan scholarship increased. But
where conditions made it impossible for Christians to go far into
this field without endangering their faith, such studies were not
encouraged. But the greater minds of the Church recognized
the value in all the finer parts of pagan civilization and busied
themselves in appropriating these for the benefit of Christian
education.7 For, to smooth away some of the rudeness inevitably
6 For a discussion of this legislation by Julian confer Allard, Julien
L'Apostate, Tom. II., La legislation scolaire de Julien.
7 There was a catechetical school at Alexandria of which Pantene was
the first head. Clement lectured there between the years 190 and 202 a.d. It
was probably the best and most noted Christian school.

12
connected with its origin among the unlettered classes, Chris
tianity needed the help of this dying civilization. The Christian
religion, rising from among poor and unsophisticated people,
brought with it some of their views of culture and education.
But the new creed had rapidly seized all classes and enlisted the
highest and most learned, and these acquisitions almost imper
ceptibly altered some of the older opinions. Justin Martyr had
lectured in a school of philosophy at Rome, and had given educa
tion a trend by the influence he had there exerted. His conver
sion had another effect.8
Thus, while educated Christians were carefully sifting through
pagan studies and delving into what did not assail their faith
and morals, at the same time they were hastening the development
of the Christian literature that had begun to form. New fields
were opened and thought took many new turns. The variety of
Christian activities is amazing. For example, when Julian's
edict hampered the Christians' study of the Greek classics, the
two Apollinares made themselves famous in Christian literature
by paraphrasing a large part of the Old Testament in imitation
of Plato's dialogues, and re-writing some sections in epic style.9
The literary value of such work is doubtful, but the zeal and
activity of the writers and their acquaintance with the classics
is in no doubt.
The training of the Christian young was gradually growing
to have new objects and new needs. In the time of the three
Cappadocians the violent pagan persecutions had passed, and
toleration existed in the Empire. Since religion could be Openly
practiced and argued there was greater need for highly educated
exponents. Ability to preach, teach and explain, had become more
important than sheer zeal and a courage for martyrdom. Edu
cated and capable Christian leaders became a necessity. But
Christian schools were few. That at Alexandria was the most
famous.10 Others existed at Nisibis, Edessa and Antioch in the
East, and at Rome, Milan and Carthage in the West. Perforce
education was largely sought in pagan centers and Christian minds
bent to the task of eliminating paganism from what was taught
in the schools, and then, from what remained, selecting such
material as best served Christianity. In this striving for educa-
8 For a brief account of Justin's school see Lalanne, Influence des Peres
de l'Eglise sur l'education publique, p. 17 and 18.
0 Cf. Socrates, H. E., 3, 16, for a discussion of this event
10 Cf. Lalanne, Op. eit. p. 31.

13
tion, the Hellenism of the day was variously received. The essen
tial balance and finesse of the Greek mind, the mean of phil
osophical calm and perfect address, and the shrewd reasoning,
were praised and sought for steadily. The historian Socrates
mentions these studies at length and tells how the Christians strove
for greater perfection, and were extremely careful in their studies
of the pagan authors, to gain all the mechanical tricks of pagan
skill without adopting the false ideas that pervaded the works.
He reminds the Christian reader that the Apostle himself was
instructed in Greek learning and did not seem to neglect it, and
certainly did not forbid any one else to study it.11
Literary education, much as it was needed, carried with it the
menace of a lapse into the shallow sophistry characteristic of
the times. Hence it was considered carefully, even dubiously,
but those churchmen who understood the situation were unani
mously in favor of the spread of literary education among the
Christians. They had a keen sense of the worth of higher studies. Justin
Martyr above quoted, says, "Is not this the province of philosophy,
to inquire about God? Assuredly, he replied, and so we under
stand."12 Clement of Alexandria, in his Exhortation to the
Greeks, successively commends Plato, Antisthenes, Socrates,
Xenophon, Cleanthes, and some of the Pythagorean doctrines,
pointing out the ethical purity of their views and teachings, and
saying "These doctrines through the inspired intention of God
were written by their authors and we have selected them. To
lead one toward a full knowledge of God these teachings are
enough for anyone who can seek the truth even to a small extent."
Then continuing in the same section to commend the poets, he
preaches in favor of the Greek authors.13 After these remarks
about the philosophers he begins in the following chapter to cite
the poets by name. "Aratus then, indeed, knows that the power
of God animates the universe."1* Again in the same section he
11 Cf. Socrates, H. E., 3, 16.
12 Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, I., 3. 4. "H ou toOto Epyov eotI
(pdoaoqiia;, t%exo%z\x jieqI toC -fteiou; Nal, fcpT)v, outto jcaif|u.Ei? SsSogdxanev.
13 Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation to the Greeks, ch. 6. droSxpn xol
rdSfi ei; litiYvcoaiv -ftEoO Ircurvofa dEoii Jtp6c; avrrav y,h dvaYEYQanui-va np6g
Se -fju.cov i^eiKeyfiiva to) Xs xal ajuxpov Sia-8-pEiv dWffl-Eiav Swauivcp.
14 Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation to the Greeks, ch. 7. "Apa-tog
fiky oftv 8id Jtdvrcov tttv 8\>va,u,i,v xoO -6-eou Sitjxeiv voei.

14
says of Hesiod, "In the same spirit the Ascraean Hesiod likewise
speaks about God."15
More quotations of the same order are offered, such names as
Homer, Orpheus, Euripides and others being cited.
There can be no doubt whatever that the really great leaders
of the Christians took a view of literary education at once highly
cultured and eminently sensible. As might have been expected,
the Fathers' views of Atticism followed their views of literary
education. All their writings are pervaded by the influences of
the prevalent literary and stylistic movements, and it seems at
times that the more they endeavor to be natural, the more forced
and labored are their efforts. Among the teachers of the inflated
rhetoric which then prevailed it was a common habit to carry
the sophisms of professional speech and the stock idioms of their
lecture courses into their regular conversation, so that even their
everyday speech took on a bombastic and semi-theatrical tone.
Inability to be at home in such a grotesquely academic conversa
tion, whether it resulted from never having studied such matters,
or from having forgotten them and resumed the diction of the
people, would be embarrassing to a scholar addressing a sophist.
So this situation affected even the ordinary language of the people.
Orators of the fourth century, pagan and Christian alike, were
steeped in the rhetorical influences of the times. The hyper
bolical compliment, the profusion of figures, the hollow self de
preciation, the flowery and gaudy tone, the wild flights of fancy,
were all as natural to them as the air they breathed. Beyond
doubt the efforts for Attic purity of speech were cherished among
many men of learning. Grammarians and scholars labored as
siduously to interpret, explain and teach the best of the Attic
writers. No standard could be better than that of ancient Athens,
so they would have no other. Basil thinks it a high compliment
to call one's tongue Attic. His view was typical. So much in
fact did some scholars, especially the Alexandrians, insist upon
studying, commenting upon, and above -all imitating the classical
authors that an idea arose, and for many years prevailed, that
all the Alexandrians never did anything more than servilely
imitate their classical predecessors. It was believed that they
produced endless arrays of cold and ponderous imitations of
Hesiod and Homer, and their kinsfolk the cyclic poets, great lists
15 Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation to the Greeks, ch. 7. Taurrj toi
xal 6 'Aaxpalo? alvtrTEtai 'Hak>8oc; xiv -8-e6v.

15
of dull and spiritless tragedies modelled after Euripides, and
that in like fashion, in other fields of literature, they exhausted
their strength in copying and nothing more. These conclusions
were not entirely true, though drawn from premises undoubtedly
true, namely that the Alexandrians remained almost blindly faith
ful to the ancient classics and made them the center of all their
study. But in the age of Himerius, of Prohairesius, of Libanius, with
the models of classic Atticism before him, a man of letters whether
he was christian or pagan, was tinged with Atticism. Education
had centered in points of learning. There scholarship flourished.
Only at large libraries were there the best opportunities. This
was inevitable in an age of no printing. Libraries were few.
Hand made and hand written books took time, labor, and money
as well. So professors established themselves at these centers
where they read, studied, lectured, and wrote commentaries and
imitations. In smaller places libraries were imperfect, or lacking,
and the facilities for university life impossible. But at, Athens
the center of classicism, and at Alexandria, for many years en
dowed by the Ptolemies, there were vast degrees of wealth, of
resources, of general opportunities. Here the finer phases of
Attic influence were keenly studied and highly valued.16 Time
and custom had added their touch of magnificence to these an
cient schools. Scholars traveled from far and near to reach these
centers or to hear the more famous professors. Basil's wander
ing journeys to hear the philosopher Eustathius17 are a fair index
to the difficulties under which students sometimes sought their
more advanced education.
It is not unreasonable then to believe that in their literary
studies and education the Fathers were quite as ready to accept
the high and noble sentiments of Atticism as the scholars of today.
As they recognized the need for education, and argued for it
systematically, they exerted a great influence over the systems of
schooling then prevalent. Hence their attitude toward the second
sophistic is one of curiously seeming contradiction, true and yet
apparently inconsistent. Every faulty influence was readily
marked and exposed by them, but the orators who spoke in the
eastern churches showed every rhetorical trick of the period.
16 In ch. 23 of his oration at Basil's funeral, Gregory Nazienzen gives
a sketch of the variety of studies and readings in which students. at Athens
could engage.
" Cf. Letter, 1.

16
They had, however, perhaps the least objectionable elements of
the sophistic and judging their speeches without considering their
audiences would be deeply unfair. Asianism in its last develop
ments was thoroughly objectionable, yet in the beginning it had
served a definite purpose. The highly imaginative, fickle, and
restless intellects of these peoples responded better to such stimuli
than to any other. If the writer, or rhetor, in his desire to please,
to refute, or to be stylistic, overran all the bounds of good taste
according to Athenian models, he did it at least in the conscious
ness that the reader or hearer was fully in sympathy, and might
be engaged in estimating the merits of the composition by the
extravagence in diction or imagery.
The attitude of the Fathers toward sophistic rhetoric was
colored by the fact that nearly all the great church leaders were
also great speakers, and some, like Basil, had been professional
rhetoricians or sophistic teachers, or had had some connection
with the greater schools of declamation. Very few thought of
sophistic influence without a bias of some sort. After all, a
speaker must persuade. If he cannot, he might as well not speak.
The Church had bitter assailants. Necessity weighed upon the
speakers who defended the orthodox creed. The homoousion
quarrel had shaken the Eastern Church to its foundations, and
heresies were rampant. The fathers might condemn the shal
lowness of sophistic, but they used its figures, they raged against
its irreligious tendencies but they found its melodious diction an
asset. Its quibbling and hair splitting disgusted them, neverthe
less it was popular and they had to preach to the people. The
seeming contradiction between their attitude toward sophistic
and their actual practice, is in reality no contradiction. A view
has long prevailed that they were united in a sweeping condemna
tion of the whole movement. But this is no more true than that
they unreservedly favored it. Sophistic influence prevailed with
the people. The faith had to be represented in terms that the
people could understand. Christian orators followed the mean,
generally with good success. Basil's sermons are close reasoning.
Frequently they are also highly figurative. With two such dif
ferently constituted characteristics, the greatest skill was re
quired to make them fit side by side.
The attitude of the Fathers then, on this question of the sec
ond sophistic must be properly understood. As in their ideas
upon education they strove patiently to make clear the distinction

17
that what was great and noble in the pagan classics was well
worthy of admiration and imitation, while the degenerate ele
ments that had crept in were to be sedulously avoided, so, in their
views of sophistic, they endeavored to distinguish definitely be
tween the formal rhetoric with the practical devices of a writer,
reader, or speaker, and the unworthy ends to which such devices
when improperly employed or controlled, frequently tended. Un
fortunately there was often a hopeless entanglement between
the devices of sophistic ingenuity and the shallow consequences in
which their better strength was wasted.
Hence the spirit that animated the whole work of the Fathers
and the view that they regularly advanced of sophistic must be
understood in connection with these two points. They preached
to pagan and Christian. But to do this they had to use the medium
of the day which the people would understand. This was the
popular rhetoric, saturated with many foreign forms, and tran
sient elements, literary, political, social, religious, Christian, Alex
andrian, Semitic, Hellenic and pure Asiatic. Thus, to illustrate
their views they used whatever pagan medium they could employ
which would promise telling effect without being in itself perni
cious or condemned.

CHAPTER II
ST. BASIL'S EDUCATION
Basil's religious education was begun at a very early age and
was kept up without intermission during the years that he spent
at home. Training of a very austere type prevailed. His father,
Basil, and mother, Emmelia, were Christians of the most pious
kind, and the whole household was apparently more or less under
the control of Basil's grandmother, Macrine. While the elder
Basil taught rhetoric at Neocaesarea, the old Macrine directed
the concerns of the family which was located at Annesi, and in
structed the children in the teachings . of Gregory Thaumaturgus
and his successors. Basil and his brothers, Peter of Sebaste and
Gregory of Nyssa, all became saints by acclamation, while their
sister, the younger Macrine, attained the same distinction, too.
The three brothers became prominent in the church of Cappa
docia, and all were bishops. These facts speak significantly for
the old Macrine's methods of training. The religious teachings
given by Macrine concluded with studies in the lives of the earlier
saints, and some chanting of psalms. Her recollections reached
back to times of actual persecution (Diocletian's), and she had
been personally acquainted with Gregory Thaumaturgus, so that
her discourses were based upon a background of personal knowl
edge, observation and experience, which would make her dis
course particularly impressive. The saint was deeply affected
by Macrine's words. As a child he was physically weak, sensitive,
and even sickly, and his infirmities seem to have continued with
him throughout life, and perhaps being aggravated by the hard
ships of his asceticism, and the later worry and strain of his epis
copal career, had much to do with hastening his death. Children
less sensitive than Basil would have received lasting effects from
such teachings and surroundings.
Much of our information about Basil's early life is of doubt
ful worth. Scattered references in his own works, Gregory of
Nyssa in his life of Saint Macrine, and Gregory of Nazianzus in
18

19
some indirect references and mainly in his funeral oration over
Basil furnish about all the indices we have to the saint's career.
It is to be remembered, too, that Gregory of Nazianzus was not
a companion of Basil's extreme youth and got his information
from sources other than observation. Conjecture thus enters
very largely into the study of Basil's youth and, indeed, of the
greater part of his life. Many of the dates are hopelessly con
fused. Basil's home life then gave him, besides a strong religious foun
dation, something of an insight into classical literature, for Ma
crine had her youthful students read the more elevated passages
of the Greek poets and gave them many points of advice in such
amusements. The father had planned brilliant careers for his
sons, and in due time dispatched them to Caesarea, the capital
and chief city of Asia Minor, where he himself at one time had
been a teacher. Caesarea was almost entirely Christian, and
Basil and Gregory, who went there together, could have found
but little paganism to allure them. They could hardly have found
anything else either, for the schools were poor and Cappadocia
not highly intellectual. In more cosmopolitan centers Cappa-
docians were considered extremely provincial and uncouth. Per
haps the most important part of their education in Caesarea was
the friendship that they formed with Gregory of Nazianzus. In
the funeral oration Gregory dwells admiringly upon Basil's pro
ficiency in his studies while at Caesarea, saying that the saint
appeared better than his teachers. Possibly this brilliancy
hastened their departure to more noted centers of learning where
the teachers were more practised. Byzantium, the great head
quarters of the Eastern Empire, drew their attention.
It is to be marked closely that upon leaving Caesarea they prac
tically left sure Christian teaching and committed themselves to
pagan schools. Christian professors existed in these too, but the
influences were not professedly Christian as had been the case
in Caesarea, but rather professedly pagan. Gregory of Nazianzus
went to Alexandria and Basil to Constantinople. Basil probably
attended the lectures of Libanius, the celebrated sophist, and his
studies in Greek were particularly successful, resulting in a per
sonal friendship with Libanius. But he acquired an excellent
insight into true Hellenic studies, and in consequence decided to
seek Athens. Libanius, if his letters are any index, had the deep
est respect for his pupil's talents,

20
Just where Basil met Libanius is a much discussed question.
It seems that with such data as now exist no absolutely certain
conclusion follows.1 There is no definite statement anywhere to
the effect that Basil studied with Libanius in Constantinople. But
the chronology of Libanius' career in Constantinople and Nico-
media makes such an event possible, and Libanius was undoubtedly
one of the greatest teachers of his time. This gives reason to
suspect that Libanius is the man meant by Gregory of Nazianzus
when he says in the funeral oration that Basil studied with the
most famous of the sophists and philosophers of Constantinople
during the stay there.
From Constantinople Basil went to Athens. At its university
paganism and Hellenism were making their final stand. Here he
began his regular and systematic studies. Gregory of Nazianzus
had arrived there from Alexandria shortly before. Greek litera
ture was, of course, the keynote to the whole system of university
education. Basil and Gregory studied philosophy and logic,
rhetoric and grammar, which latter was at that time very com
prehensive and embraced a variety of lesser studies, and some
rudiments of the sciences of astronomy, geometry, mathematics
and medicine.2 In the literary studies Homer was supreme.
Christian and Pagan alike took the two great epics as the pinnacle
of fine literature. Hesiod and the tragic poets came next. Pindar
1 Wilhelm von Christ states explicitly (Gr. Liter. Gesch. III., p. 801)
that Basil was at Libanius' school in Nicomedia, and that later, when
Libanius taught at Antioch, Basil the Great, with Theodorus of Mopsuestia,
and Gregory Nazienzen were his scholars. He gives a note to Socrates'
Ecclesiastical History, but the reference is confused and the Basil there men
tioned was probably a man of the same name who was bishop of Raphanea,
and not Basil the Great. It is all a confused question. Opposed to von
Christ are Lothholz, Dorgens, Scholl and Schafer, who gave Constantinople
as the place of Basil's meeting with the sophist. Lothholz (1857, Basilius des
Grossen Rede an christliche Junglinge, p. 11) writes "In Constantinople he
heard as it seems the celebrated sophist Libanius," apparently accepting
the statement of Niebuhr (Vortr. ub. alt. Gesch. 3, 539). Dorgens writes:
"It was also in Constantinople where he became the friend and auditor of
the sophist Libanus, fifteen years older than himself." (Dorgens, Der
heilige Basilius und die classischen Studien, p. 5, 1857.) And in 1881 Scholl,
discussing the matter (in a footnote), writes: "In Constantinople he came
into relations with the heathen philosopher Libanius." (Scholl, Die Lehre
des heiligen Basilius von der Gnade, p. 1.) J. Schafer in 1909 writes, "From
there (Csesarea) Basil went to Constantinople . . . there he also heard
Libanius." (J. Schafer, Basilius des Grossen Beziehungen zum Abendlande,
p. 38.) Schafer dismisses the case for Nicomedia in a footnote (p. 38)
because Gregory of Nazienzen says nothing of it. Otto von Bardenhewer,
in his Gesch. d. altkir. Lit., says nothing on either side.
2 Cf. Gregory Nazienzen, Oratio in laudem Basilii Magni, ch. 23 ff.

21
seems to have been a favorite, according to Gregory, and the his
torians Thucydides and Herodotus furnished prose records of
more ancient times, while the orations of Lysias, Isocrates and
Demosthenes were the models of public speech. Aristotle and
Plato appear to have been the main philosophers, but Basil betrays
a wide acquaintance with other Greek thinkers, some of whom are
very early. Other studies also had been well developed. Euclid
in geometry, Strabo in geography, Ptolemy in mathematical
astronomy and geography, Archimedes in mathematics and me
chanics, Eratosthenes in scientific chronology, Galen in medicine,
were all known, and read and studied. So, if Basil's scientific
courses were diligently followed, he would have had some very
fair leaders, but Basil, to judge from his own writings, did not
learn much science, or rapidly forgot what he did learn. His
geography is especially faulty. In literary fields the body of folk
lore, legend and story which had grown up over the earlier litera
ture was tremendous, and in its turn exercised an influence over
studies. A vast quantity of commentaries upon such authors as
Plato, Homer and the tragic poets was accessible to students.
Grammarians, mostly from Alexandria, compiled these studies,
and as early as 170 B. C. had begun to quarrel over such ques
tions as that of Homeric unity, with the arguments based upon
the style of the two epics. Such a stand implied true literary
criticism. There was a well developed connection between the schools of
Alexandria and Athens. They had much in common. Neoplatonic
doctrines found places in both universities. Athens was the
capital of the literary world, but Alexandria had the Museum and
great institutions of the Ptolemies, with wealth, and scholarship,
and genius, and a library unique in ancient times. Science was
fully at home in Alexandria. The two schools had good reasons
for their relationship.8
Basil had therefore many excellent opportunities at his com
mand, an exceptionally famous university for his studies, a cur
riculum decidedly liberal, and teachers like Himerius and Pro-
hairesius, who were of world-wide renown. It is no exaggeration
to say that he was very fortunate. But the atmosphere of the
university was frankly pagan. Retaining the severely Catholic
spirit of provincial Cappadocia, Basil and Gregory kept as clear
as they could of surrounding influences, going from their lecture
a Cf. Jules Simon, Histoire de 1'ecole d'Alexandrie, Torn. 2, Bk. 5, ch. 1.

22
rooms to their quarters and back as quietly and unobtrusively as
possible, and regularly frequenting the churches. Life at the
Athenian school, while democratic, throve upon the intensest
rivalry among students and professors. Older scholars fell upon
newcomers and hustled them away to their favorite rhetoricians.
New men went through a variety of rough treatment by way of
initiation. General student life showed many of the same peculi
arities that it does today in its democratic activities, its genial dis
regard for city laws, and habits of hazing the freshmen.4
Such was the general situation in which Basil placed himself
at Athens. He set to work vigorously at his studies. Though
rhetorical exaggerations color Libanius' letters to Basil, there is
no room to doubt that this last great pagan rhetor had the highest
regard for the saint's talents, studies and scholarly development.
The correspondence between Libanius and Basil, like their meet
ing in Constantinople, has come in for a great deal of criticism.
The letters are not admitted by some critics to be genuine. With
out entering at length into a discussion of this tangled case, it is
still possible to point out a few matters of primary importance.
Though some think the correspondence false, it has never been
proved such. The letters do not condemn themselves by any
gross errors or evident contradictions. Tillemont in his "Notes
sur S. Basile"2 argues strongly for the authenticity of the cor
respondence, urging that the letters have all the possible marks
of truth. Bardenhewer, in discussing Basil's correspondence,
gives it as von Seeck's opinion that the letters are genuine.8 In
reviewing the sources for Basil's life and writings, J. Schafer
gives the combined opinions in favor of the authenticity of the
letters and stands for this view himself.7
Though personal friendship may have raised the estimation
somewhat, Gregory lauds Basil's diligence and attention to studies
during the life at Athens.3 Too much stress cannot be laid upon
the fact that Basil's training in these years was essentially non-
Christian. It would not give the correct idea to say that it was
essentially pagan. A distinction must be kept clear. The studies
originated, the curriculum was arranged, the university life and
4 Cf. Gregory Nazienzen, Oratio in laudem Basilii Magni, ch. 14 and 15.
0 Cf. Tillemont, Notes sur S. Basile, Tom. IX., p. 659, No. 36.
ft Cf. Bardenhewer, Gesch. d. Altkir. Lit., p. 157.
7 Cf. J. Schafer, Basilius des Grossen Beziehungen zum Abendlande,
P- S- 8 Cf. Gregory Nazienzen, Oratio in laudem Basilii Magni, ch. ai.

23
tradition were founded in strictly pagan times, but some of the
students were now Christians, some of the schedule was made out
by Christian teachers, and some of the studies were to a partial
extent controlled by the Christians. Still the atmosphere was at
best frankly pagan and in these surroundings Basil went through
his advanced studies.
In his Speech to the Youths, Basil remarks, in reference to
use of pagan authors, "If, therefore, some relationship to each
other exists between these literatures, knowledge of them would
be helpful to you."9 Further he remarks, "But that this pagan
learning is not unprofitable to the soul is sufficiently explained."10
The poets, Basil says, are to be read when "they expound for you
the words and deeds of good men, and you should love and imitate
them and earnestly endeavor to be the same."11 But he adds
instantly, "When they portray impure men it is necessary to avoid
such conduct, stopping up your ears no less than Odysseus, as
they say, against the songs of the Sirens."12 Gregory of Nazianzus
in his eulogy of Basil dwells admiringly and at length upon Basil's
proficiency in his pagan studies and was himself an earnest student
with the pagan rhetor Himerius. Gregory of Nyssa pursued
courses of similar study and was also a vigorous worker.
In his letters Basil regularly uses terms of endearment, of
affectation, of hyperbolical compliment, and in many parts of his
discourses exhibits an exaggeration as violent as that of the
formal teachers of rhetoric, which profession he indeed followed,
as will be seen later. Yet Basil is restraint itself compared with
John Chrysostom and some other speakers. In addressing
Leontius, the sophist, Basil writes as an apologetic introduction
to his letter, "And it is perhaps being lowered by too much par
ticipation in common conversation that probably causes the re
maining hesitation in engaging in speech with you Sophists."13
In the same letter Basil says, "You being the ablest speaker of the
9 175, B. Ei n&v oBv £dxi tic o'ixei6tt); Jtpo; dXXr\kovz xoi? Xoyoi?,
jtpoupYOu &v tim-Iv auxcov r\ yviaaiz yevoito.
10 175, C. 'AkV Sti ythf ouv. &xqv\ox<im alroxal? p,a-&T|jiaTa xd e|wd£v St]
xaOxa, Ixavc&s EipTvtai.
11 175, C. 'AW oxav uiv Tag xwv aYadwv dvSpdiv jtpd|et; rj X6yovg
fyuv 8iE?tcooiv, ayanq.v te xal ^tjXouv, xal 6xi p-dXtcrta JtEipaaftai xoiovtavs
slvai. 12 175, D. Sxav 8e foil hox*t)0°«S #v8pa; fX&coai ttiv nfynifftv xawnv 8eI
(pevYEiv imcpQaoaoiiivovs xd Sna ovx foxov 11 tov '08-uaa£a qpaalv ixeivoi xd
xfijv 2Eipif|vtov uiX-n.
13 Letter 20. xal t6 olovsl iQQVizaa^ai XouiAv xfj, xaxaxopEi cuvn#E£a
upoc tBicoxianfrv oxvav etxoxcos IjwtoiEi XQOoyiHyytafra.. una; xou? ooqpiffrds.

24
Greeks, I think that I know the most renowned among you."1* In
setting Leontius above such famous orators of the time as
Libanius and Himerius, without even mentioning more famous.
ones who had gone before, Basil was following the style of con
ventional sophistic compliment. Writing to Libanius, he begins,
"My fear and ignorance dissuade me from writing to you, who
are so learned."15 Libanius had referred to Basil in terms of the
most extravagant compliment, saying that fountains of words live
upon his lips; that he is Homer, Plato, Aristotle; that (compared
with Basil) Demosthenes lived in vain ; that he is golden tongued,
and similar expressions. Again Basil begins a letter with these
words, "Reading your oration, O wisest of men, I am struck
with wonder. O Muses, O Learning, O Athens, what gifts do you
not give your lovers ?"16 Addressing Libanius at another time, "I
am pleased at receiving what you have written me, but to your
importunities for an answer to what you have written, I find
myself in a quandry. For what can I say to so Attic a tongue,
except that I am a pupil of fishermen, and that I admit and take
satisfaction in it."17
In the right study of Greek literature Basil found the best
and purest of Hellenic speech and custom, remarking that "We
must attend chiefly to the many passages in the poets, and in the
historians, and especially to those passages in the philosophers,
in which they praise virtue."18 It would be of no avail to study
the pagan authors if not thoroughly, and of no moral good, if not
discriminatingly. Basil was very insistent that his students dis
criminate intelligently in their studies.
It is worth remarking of Basil that in his many ecclesiastical
difficulties, his religious-political struggles with Valens, in the
strange disagreement with his ghostly superior Eusebius, all the
entangling troubles that followed up the council of Nicea never
affected his ready flow of rhetoric nor his admiration for things
14 Letter 20. ejux-hSeiov ovxa Eiraiv, <5v avx6c; ol8a 'EXX-iivaiv, ol8a ydp
&S olfiai TO115 ovoixaaxoxaxouc; -xtov iv fyiiv.
16 Letter 344. x6 p/fi wvExto? he yQ&cpnv jip6s xfjv anv jtaiSEuaiv, reei-
douai x6 te 86o; xal rj du.adta.
18 Letter 353. 'Aveyvwv t6v X6yov ooqx&xaxe, xal &tEpTE-fhxuu.axa. TD
HoOcrat, xal \6yoi, xal 'A-ftfyvai, oia xot; ipaoxate. SwpEiadE.
17 Letter 356. Ae/onivois ulv ipw & yQ&<peit; %apd. dwiTouu.£v<xc;, 84
jtpA; & YQ<kpElS dvrEiaaxeXXeiv, iytay. x£ vdp fiv euhhhev rcpig oStmc,
d-mxftouaav YXffixxav, jiXt)v 6x1 dXiitov fiiul jiafhixri; 6iioXoya> xal cpiXai;
18 176, D. etg xauxriv 8s jioXXd fi4v noi/nxa!;, JioXXd 84 ovYYPa<peO<Ji,
ju>XX$ 84 £u jiXefto <piXoao<pois dv8pdaiv Guvrytai to!; toiovtoi; xfflv k6yayy
IxdXuxxa nQOoexz&av.

25
Hellenic. Enemies of the saint never attacked him on grounds
other than dogmatic, for his reputation was unassailable. The
intense admiration felt for him by the natives enabled him to
easily eclipse Eusebius.
Basil is not free, though, from being affected with no end in
view beyond an impression, and makes such remarks as these:
"But now your wealth clings to you closer than the limbs of your
body, and separation from it pains you like the amputation of
your vital parts."19 Hinting at the asceticism of Annesi, he says
to his wealthy hearers, "What good is your money to you ? Would
you wrap yourself in costly clothing? But a tunic of two cubits
length would be enough for you, and the encircling of one cloak
satisfies every need for garments."20 His auditors had apparently
no intention of becoming ascetics. He follows up these state
ments by attacking the customs of the rich, urging them to sell
their substance and give it to the poor, strengthening his argument
with figures and paradoxes. "But if you had clothed the naked,
if you had been a father to the orphans, if you had had compas
sion upon the cripple, would you now be grieved by reason of
your money?"21 His previous figure about the keen pain that
they would feel at separation from their money contrasts strangely
with this remark.
It is evident, then, that Basil's studies at Athens made him a
regular product of his age and that he is an excellent instance of
the fourth century education in its best form. He developed to
the fullest extent that admiration for the classics of the golden
age, and that shrewd insight into their merits and defects which
he sets forth so ably in his address To the Youths. Even if he
had not been noted for the diligence with which he worked at his
studies, the wide knowledge of pagan classics which he displayed
in his later works, and his appreciation of them, would be a fair
evidence of how much time he gave to the efforts of the pagan
authors. The success of his literary career indicates that his
studies were both well directed and well rewarded. He went into
19 52, B. Homilia in Divites. Nuvl 84 jipomteqiuxE ool xd XQ-HM-axa itXeov
r[ xd m-eXt) xoO oconaxog, xal Xiotei as avxwv 6 xwQiayibt; &<; dxpux-npiafffiog
xt&v xaipicov.
20 53, A- 'AXXd xl xoriot rip itXovxqj; 'Eafrfjxi jtoXimp,r|Tq) jtEpi|SaX£lc.
osauxov; Ouxoiiv 8i5o u,4v col Ki)%&v xtTcnvioxo; dpxecrei, evo; 84 l(j.axLO\j
jtepifJoXri Jidaav xwv EvSuiidTrav EXrtXnpcoaEi tt]v xpEiav.
21 52, C. El Yap d|X(piEffas yv\>L\6v ei eScoxac; jieivcovxi tov apxov aov eI
f\ -fhjpa aoO dvEcpxxo jtavxl ?evco, el iyivov Jtaxrip opqpavaW, ei itavxl odve-
jtaaxE? dSuvdxtp vjcep Jtoiov av wv lhmr\1h\t; xpriM-dxcov;

26
them very thoroughly, and he teems with proofs of his readings,
the evidence growing stronger as the time of the writers grows
earlier, till at the golden age he is fairly saturated with the legend,
story and literature of Periclean Athens. By their very nature
these influences were pagan to the core.
The precise length of time that he spent in Athens is in some
doubt. But he probably arrived there in 351 and left in 355 or
356, to return to Caesarea. He had courses, therefore, during
four or five years of apparently continuous residence. Such is at
least a fair assumption, as we have no knowledge of journeys else
where during this period. This length of time would offer oppor
tunity for a great deal of connected study.
After leaving Athens Basil was active for a time in Caesarea.
He began as a professor of rhetoric and was successful enough
to draw an invitation from the citizens of Neocaesarea to teach in
their town. He was teaching during 357 as a regular rhetor, and
laying some of the foundations for his great popularity with the
people. It was shortly after this time that he finally severed his
connections with the schools and decided upon an ecclesiastical
life.

CHAPTER III
THE POETS
It is not an unfair inference to say that the quotations em
ployed and the use that is made of them give a good index to
Basil's poetical readings. The manner of citation is significant.
The correctness, or lack of it, that is displayed, indicate about how
closely Basil knew his authors. It will be seen that Basil regularly
takes the indirect method, seldom endeavoring to reproduce exact
speech. When he makes the attempt he is frequently wrong.
Taking Basil's poetical allusions and parallelisms in three
general fields of dramatic, lyric and epic verse, it will become
apparent that Basil's references must give a fair index to his
studies in each field.
i. Dramatic poets.
Basil names Aeschylus but once. In a letter to Martinianus
he says : "Why name Simonides ? I would rather mention Aeschy
lus or any other who has set forth a great calamity in words like
his and uttered lamentations with a mighty voice."1 The remark
would indicate a good appreciation of Aeschylus and the crashing
style that had made him famous. In the address To the Youths,
Basil tells of the quarrels among the pagan gods. Legend told of
similar quarrels among human beings in remote times. Basil
says, "Among them, brother, excites sedition against brother."2
As he hints, every sort of misfortune rises from such intra-family
dissensions. In Greek legend the classic instance of brothers
quarreling was the case of Eteocles and Polyneices, whose feud
became the subject of Aeschylus' Seven against Thebes. The
same subject was treated by other tragedians whose works have
not survived.
1 Letter 74. Kalxoi xi X4y» SiH-covt'Sryv; 8eov AlaxuXov EutEiv t\ 8rj xi;
exEpog jtapoutXnaiwc Ixfiivcp oiwopac. uiYettog 4vapYWc SiadsnEvos p,£Ya-
Xo(p(&v<os d>8ipaxo.
2 176, B. 'ASsXtp&s y<*Q 8f| nap' 4xeWoi; SLaaxasid^Ei jtp5c, d8EX(p6v . . .
27

28
Basil does not name Aristophanes at all. The very significant
remark by Gregory to the effect that the indecencies of the comic
poets were banned from Basil's early education is here perhaps
supported by actual evidence.3 The only Aristophanic connection
that appears in Basil is the use of some words of a grotesque
nature, traceable to Aristophanes, who first used them in a bur
lesque sense. Nearly eight hundred years had elapsed between
the two men, and the use of these scattered expressions shows
but a slender thread of evidence, if any. Basil writes in his Liber
de Spiritu Sancto, "Therefore, self-appointed scions and place
hunters reject the government of the Holy Spirit."* Such a place
is an odd one for an Aristophanic expression. The word which
Basil uses for place hunters also occurs in Aristophanes and seems
to have had a comic origin.5
The other case is almost equally vague. In the Hexaemeron
he speaks of people who are beset by vagaries and are much dis
tracted, noting that their attention wanders, and that they dream
of strange and impossible things, and of matters that were before
their minds during the previous day, saying that, for instance,
some who frequent the races fancy themselves horsemen, and
"Not even in their sleep are they freed from their phantasies."6
The same idea is used in a more compact and neater way by
Aristophanes in the Clouds. He speaks of "dreams of horses"
and "even in sleeping, dreams of horsemanship."7
Basil's reference to Euripides are not very wide, but they are
more definite. There are but four, two being from the speech To
the Youths, and two from the Letters. The first allusion in the
speech is to the famous line in the Hippolytus, "My tongue is
sworn indeed, but my heart's unsworn."8 Basil says in his ora
tion, "But with his tongue indeed he swore, though his mind was
unsworn, as Euripides would say."9 It is interesting to note that
the wording of the two statements, though similar, is not quite
3 Cf. Gregory of Nyssa, Life of St. Macrine, ch. I.
4 66, D. ToiyapoOv avrcoxEtpoT6vrytoi xal anouSapxiSai xcov 'ExxXrimwv
xd; jtpoaxaala; 8iaXaYxdvouau
0 Aristophanes, Acharnians, line 595.
Saxig; jioXCxti? %Qrvax6z, ov anouSapxiSnc,
0 33, B. Kat SXco; xfis HE-ftrtfiEpivfig dtppoawt); ou84 hi xaij xad' {jjtvov
<pavxaaiaig dcpavxiaxdvxai.
7 The Clouds, i, 16, i, 27. SveipojcoXeI V famous . . . 6vEipora>Xsi ya.Q
xal xadeiiScov Iroaxtyv.
8 Hippolytus, 1, 612. -rj yXwoo' 6u.cop.ox', 'h 84 cppriv dv<op.oxos.
3 178, A. dXX' -n YXcoxxa uiv 6u.cohoxev, fl ^4 tppfiv dvc&u.0T0£, xax' Eupt-
raSTyv 4pei.

29
the same, and that Basil by throwing it into indirect speech takes
away the requirement of an absolutely correct quotation which
direct discourse would have implied.
Again in the same chapter he intimates that, in spite of the
Christian precept to bear with oppression, one must defend one
self, citing a line from Euripides to justify the view. "Anger
arms the hand against foes."10
The wording is sufficiently different to justify a suspicion that
Basil misquoted the verse in question. It is noticeable that he
names no author for the play, which is attributed with some
hesitancy to Euripides.
In a letter Basil finds occasion to mention Euripides by name.
"I count the wise man my friend, even if he dwell in a far distant
land, even if I have never seen him with my own eyes ; this is the
opinion of the tragic poet Euripides."11 Here again Basil names
the author of the view which he endorses. The passage that he
refers to is from a lost play and is preserved in a fragmentary
form. It reads, "But the noble man, even if he dwell in a far
land and I have never seen him with my eyes, I count him my
friend."12 The remaining reference is a loose one. In a letter
to Martinianus, referring to the condition of the country, he says
that "She is torn by daemons, by Maenads, as Pentheus."13 The
best and only complete surviving work upon the fate of Pentheus
is Euripides' tragedy of the Bacchae, in which the entire play
centers around the rites of Bacchanalian worship, and the death
of Pentheus, who, like Orpheus, was torn to pieces by the Bac
chantes. 2. Lyric poets.
In his homilies upon the Hexaemeron he remarks upon the
origin of dew, ascribing it to a moisture mingled with heat and
developing from the moon. "A certain imperceptible moisture
mixed with heat, which the moon emits when approaching the
10 Rhesus, I, 84. djtXofls sV exftpoig nWog ortXi^stv xsoa. Basil's version
is : 'Eji' ex*0°"S bvi~bq onXi^Ei xeiQa.
11 Letter 63. xov oocpov dvSpa xfiv 4xdg vain x^ovog, xav p/i^tox' <xux6v
80001?. jtpoai8co, xpfvco cpiXov. EuputiSou loxi xou xpaYixoO Xoyo;.
12 Cf. Nauck's Tragic Fragments, Euripides, No. 902.
xov 4oftX6v dv8pa xav 4xd; vaiti x^ovd;,
xfiv p/nitox' Saaois eIctiSco, xpivco cpiXov.
13 Letter 74. oxi nsvftscoc; xponov Maivd8eg ovxcov xive? Saiiiove? auxriv
iieaitaaavto.

30
full, and which penetrates everywhere."14 The same subject
occurs in Aleman, who figuratively describes the dew as the
daughter of Zeus and Selene. "Such dew, the daughter of Zeus
and Selene, gives nourishment."15
The remark about Archilochus is definite. "Shall we emulate
the cunning and adroitness of the fox of Archilochus?"16 In
iambic verses Archilochus wrote a fable about the fox and the
eagle, only fragments of which have come down to us, and the
theme of the original story, as well as any connected idea of the
case, is entirely lost.17
In the second homily upon the Hexaemeron, Basil refers to
Hesperus, the evening star, as the fairest of stars. It may be that
he did not have Bion's idea in mind, but the same thought is
beautifully put in Bion's Hymn to the Evening Star. Basil writes,
"The Evening Star, most beautiful of the stars."18 Bion writes,
"Dear Evening Star, sacred gem of the dark blue Night, as much
dimmer than the moon as brighter than the other stars."19 It is
certain that the Evening Star was not a new theme in Basil's time.
He mentions Simonides in terms that imply a keen apprecia
tion. "Assuredly we want some Simonides or like poet to bewail
our misfortunes from personal experience."20 Simonides proba
bly occurred to Basil as a poet particularly fitted to write of
mournful affairs, as his elegies were epitaphs of Greeks killed in
the Persian wars. In the case of Solon the usage is clear. "No
end is manifested for men's wealth, according to Solon, son of
14 61, A. 816x1 •uYQOTT|Ta xwa -&eqp.6ttiti xExpajtlvriv ixl, x6 Pd-frog
cpddvowav XeXt)#6xco5 evir\ai.
15 Aleman, Anthologia Lyrica, 62 (47) . oia Aiog fruYax-np spaa TQsqiei
xal SfiXdvag 8iag.
16 183, D. xal xfjg 'ApxiXoxou dXc/wcExog x6 xsp8aX4ov xe xal noixfXov
tTlXa>0O|j,£v; 17 Cf. Archilochus, Anthologia Lyrica, f r. 81 (67) . alvog Tig dvftpeoncov
S8e, cog dp' dXcwtril xai£x6g |uvcovir|v s?u.Ei|av.
The fox is mentioned in another framgent 96 (68).
tip 8' dp' dXionri^ xEpSaXrj ctuvtivxeto jtCxvov Ixouoa voov.
The fox of Archilochus is also mentioned in Plato's Republic, II., 365.
xtjv 84 xoO aoqpcoTdxov 'ApxiX<5x°u dXawtExa IXxteov
4|6mad£v XEpSaXEav xal jtodhXtvv.
18 20, A. xal "EffJtEQog aax&Q(ov xdXXiaxo;.
19 Cf. Bucolici Graeci. Bion., Hymn to the Evening Star.
"Eajxepe xvavia; lepov cpCXri Nuxto? S.yaX\).a,
x6ooov d(paup6xEp05 M/nvag, Soov IS-oxo; ficrtptov.
20 Letter 74. ^ oxt StuwviBou ovxcog, \\ xivog xoiorixou u.eXojxoioO lbs6\Ls&a,
EvapYco? El86xog litiaxevd^Eiv xoi; itdftsat.

31
Exestides."21 The exact idea is not reproduced in any surviving
fragment of Solon's verse, but there is an approach to it in this :
"I do wish, indeed, to have wealth, but I do not wish to get it
unjustly."22 The other verses must have been lost. This is an in
stance of a very loosely handled quotation. The following verse
may be either Solon's or Theognis'. If Plutarch is right it belongs
to Solon, for Plutarch states this explicitly and quotes the line.23
But the same verse without the slightest alteration occurs in the
fragments of both authors. Basil quotes from Solon : "It seems
to me that Solon was speaking to the rich when he said, 'We, for
our part, will not exchange our virtue for money, for virtue
always remains the same, but the wealth of men changes
hands.' "2*
The verse in Theognis is the same.25 Basil quoted this correctly,
which is not a common thing with him. The references to Theog
nis all occur in the speech To the Youths. "And like these are
the verses of Theognis, in which he says that God, whatever he
means by God, depresses the scales for men, sometimes one way,
sometimes another, and makes some men affluent and makes
others have nothing."26 The verses of Theognis are, "For Zeus
forces the scales down for one one way, and for another another
way, making some rich and others have nothing."27 Basil gets
in the idea skillfully without losing any of the force and without
quoting directly. Again, "Theognis, the teacher, must also be
followed, he who said, T do not love to be wealthy, nor do I desire
it. May it be granted to me to live with a little, suffering no
21 183, B. xaTd xov 'E|t)xeti8ou 26Xcova, og cprjai, jiXoutou 8' o#84v
TEpu.a Jtecpaapivov dv8pdai xeitoi.
22 Solon, Anthologica Lyrica, fr, 12 (4). xQ^W-o-xa 8' lp,£ipco (i4v I'xeiv,
dSixcog 84 jtEJtafffrai oux 4-6-4XW.
23 Cf. Plutarch, Life of Solon, III.
24 177, A. oOev 8r| xal SoXcov u.0'1 Soxei jtpog xoiig EVJtopoug euieiv to.
'AXX' f|u.£ig avToig ov 8iau.Eiili6u.sfra Tfis dpsxfjg xov jiXoOxov. ejieI xo uiv
eIuieSov atel, xcflM-OTa 8' dvftpawtcov SXXoxe dXXog exei.
25 Cf. Solon, Anthologia Lyrica, f r. 14 (6) . Cf. also Theognis, Antholo
gia Lyrica, 316, 317, 318.
'AXX' f|u.£t£ xouxoig ov 8iap.£ul)6u.£{ra xfjg dpsTfjg tov jtXauxqv, eksi to niv
e^jieSov alel xoflM-ttTa 8' dv&pioraov SXXoxe SXXtog lx£i-
26 177, D. napartXTJcna 84 xovxoig xal xd 0e6Yvi8og, iv oig tprjol tov #eov,
ovTiva 8t| xal (prjol, TOig dvftpawcoig xo xdXavxov emppEJtew aXXoxE dXXcng,
dXXoxe (tEV jcXouteiv, fiXXOTE 84 HT)84v exeiv.
27 Theognis, Anthologia Lyrica, i, 157, 158. Zevg yaQ Toi t6 TaXavrov
IjtippCTEi, dXXoxe fiXXtog, aXXoxE p,4v jxXouteiv, SXXote |xr)84v exeiv.

32
evil.' "28 The verse as quoted is absolutely correct. Later in the
same chapter he refers to an instance that Theognis develops at
length: "And just as they say, the polypus changes its color
according to the ground upon which it lies, so this man will
change his mind according to the views of those who are with
him."29 In his seventh commentary upon the Hexaemeron Basil again
remarks the polypus, saying, "I will not pass by in silence the
cunning and trickery of the squid, which takes the color of the
rock to which it attaches itself."30 Theognis develops the idea
vigorously. "Keep from the rage of the much wreathing polypus
which, once twined upon the rock, seems to appear like the rock
itself. Now, indeed, it occupies itself with this rock; formerly
it was of another color, and the craftiness in its movelessness
becomes more evident."31 It is worthy of note that a contempo
rary of Basil, the emperor Julian, makes use of the same figure:
"You do not approve the word of Theognis, nor mimic the Poly
pus which suits its color to the rocks."32 It was perhaps a stock
figure for the rhetorical schools.
3. Epic poets.
In the opening chapter of his address To the Youths, Basil
begins, "Accordingly, if you receive my words with alert intelli
gence you will have a place beside those who are praised by
Hesiod." Then he gives a general paraphrase of the ideas ex
pressed in Hesiod's Works and Days, saying, "He is the best
man who perceives by himself the matters in which he is lacking;
he also is good who can be persuaded by proof from other people ;
but the one who is affected by neither is useless to everybody."33
28 183, B. tc[> 84 ©eoyviSi npog TaiJTa SiSaaxdXcp xpriaT£ov Xeyovti. Oux
epau-ai jiXouteiv, out' Eiixoum, dXXd M-oi Eiiq. Ztjv duo xoiv oXiycov, p,T$4v
e'xovti xaxov.
29 184, B. xal c'oojtEp epaoi xov jtoXwtoSa xt)V xpoav jtpog tt)v imoxEiu-Evrtv
YV(6p,ag u.ETaf)aXeiTai.
80 65, C. oxiy. fiv jtapEXftoip-i to xoC JcoXiwoSog BoXspov xal EitixXo^ov, 8g
oitoia hot' av ixdaroTE JtExpa JtEputXaxfj xr\v 4xEivng &t4px£Tai xpoav.
31 Theognis, Anthologia Lyrica, 1, 215, ff.
jwhjXujtovj 6pyT)v ioxe jw>XiotX6xou, og jtot'i itETpn, Tfj Jtpoao|xtXr|crn, Toiog
18eIv Ecpdvri. vOv uiv Tfj 8' £(pejteu tote 8' dXXoiog %q6o. yivev, xpEaatov xol
ooqjiT) yivexai dxpomrig.
32 Julian, Misopogon, 349, D. ovb Ejtaivsxris e! xou ©EdyviSog, ou84 u.ip,fj
xov d<ponoio\Su.evov xaig Jt^xpaig jtoXuitouv.
33 174, A. El uiv oCv jtpoW(iiog 8exoicrfrE xd \ey6iiEva Tfjg 8Eux4"pag xcov
4itaivovnevcov KxEafre nap' "Hai68cs> xd?ECog . . . "Apiarov \ae\ slvai xbv nap'
EavixoC Ta Ssovxa luvopcbvra. 4cr8X6v 84 xaxEivov tov Toig nap' 4t4q(ov
unoSexfl-Eiaiv 4jtop,£vov. xov 84 Jtpog oti8EXEpav ejuxt|8eiov dxpsiov elvai np6g
foavxa.

33
The section which he has paraphrased is : "That man is entirely
best who considers all things himself and judges what will be
better at a later time and at the end, and that man is good who
listens to a good counsellor, but he who does not think for him
self and does not remember what another warns him is of no
worth."34 Basil then uses another instance from the same author : "For
the putting of a little to a little, as the poet says, may rightly be
thought as spoken not more for the increase of wealth than for
the increase of wisdom."35
Hesiod is the poet mentioned: "If you add only a little to a
little, and do this often, soon will that little become great."36
Urging thrift upon the youth has always been a favorite device
of rhetoricians. In an effort to exhort the youth to virtue, Basil refers to
another Hesiodic verse : "What else can we suppose Hesiod had
in mind making those verses that are sung by everyone, if not to
exhort the youthful to virtue? That at first the way is difficult
and rough and full of toilsome labor and pain and uphill, the
road that leads to virtue, and therefore on account of its steepness
it is not for everyone to start, nor starting, to reach the summit
readily. But, on reaching the top, man sees it as smooth and
beautiful, as easy and with good footing, and as more pleasant
than the other, the road that leads to vice."37 The same idea is
given in a more concise form by Hesiod : "Long and precipitous
is the way to virtue, and rough at first. But when one has reached
the summit, he can see it is easy, after having been difficult."38
34 Hesiod, Works and Days, i, 291, ff. ofoog jxev Jtavdoioxog, og auxog
jtdvxa vorioti cppaaadfiEvog, xd x' BJtsixa xal sg TEXog flow dfXEivco. EcrfrXog 8'
au xaxEivog og eu e'uiovti jcKhvxai. og 84 xe (xtit' auTog vosfl \ir\x' dXXou
dxoucov, Iv ihiu.cp f3dXXr|Tai 08' aftr' dxprjiog dvrip.
35 184, B. to y<*P xai ojwxpov ixi OLuxpco xaTaxHrEafrai ov jxaXXov slg
dQY*>eu>u jtpoo-frfixiyv fj xal elg T\vxwaouv eitiTT|p.Trv ogfttog "fiYEiaftai fe'xeiv xe?
Jtonytfi Jtpoa-rixEV.
36 Works and Days, 1, 359, ff. si Yap xev xal auixpov eicl auxxpep
xaTafteio xal ftaud tout' IpSoig, xdxa xev u.Eya xal x6 yevoito.
37 176, A. "H ti jcoxe aXXo 8iavor]ftEVTa xov 'HaioSov v>JioXd|3cou.EV xauxl
Jioifjaai xd s'jtri a itdvxeg §8ouaiv f) ou/l jipoxp&jtovTa Toug v4oug eV dpET-riv;
"Oti Tpaxsta piv jtpwTov xal 8ua(3aT0g, xal ISptOTog eruxvou xal itovou nXriprig,
fj jxpbg dpETf)v qp4pouaa, xal dutdvTTig 686g. AioitEp ov navrog ouxe jtpoftfjvai
auxfj 8id xo opfriov, ouxe vouivcp 6p$v urcdpxEi, tag uiv Xsia xe xal xaXfi dig 84
£a8ca xe xal Ewtopog, xal xfjg sxspag f|8icov xfjg im, xrjv xaxiav aYoiiarig.
38 Hesiod, Works and Days, 1, 290 ff. u,axpog 84 xal opdiog olp.og 4g
aux-fiv xal xpnx^S xo jtpanrov. 4jitiv 8' elg axpov ix-rytai ^TiiSi-n 8t| sjtEixa jieXei,
XaXenri keq douaa.

34
This same passage in Hesiod is quoted in Xenophon's Memora
bilia, and as will be seen later, there are good grounds for think
ing that the whole section in Xenophon has been taken over by
Basil. Basil's other reference to Hesiod occurs in the Hexaemeron:
"The eye that never sleeps sees all."39 The thought is used by
Hesiod thus : "The eye of God, seeing all things and understand
ing all things."40
The references to Homer are more scattered than the other
poetic instances. This might indicate that having them better in
hand at all times, he referred to them the more readily. Cor
respondingly it might be inferred that when his references are
grouped, in one discourse or passage, that they were more spe
cially prepared for the occasion, or were called to mind by a
recent reading, or some similar occurrence.
The case of the Margites is in the speech To the Youths.
After saying that Sardanapalus might take a prize for sheer use
lessness, he goes on to add, "Or that Margites, if you prefer,
whom Homer said neither plowed nor dug the earth, nor per
formed any other activity in life which would yield a produce, if
indeed these things are in Homer."41 Basil's last remark goes to
show that he himself had some doubt of the authenticity of the
poem which has since been judged not an Homeric production.
Aristotle, in the Poetics, seems to think it certainly Homeric.42
In as much as it is all lost and but a few fragments survive, it is
hard to decide in regard to Basil's use or knowledge of it. The
verse that Basil refers to is preserved in the Nichomachean Ethics :
"The gods taught him neither to plough nor to dig, nor any other
wisdom."43 The story of Tithonus occurs in the Homeric Hymns. Eos
loved Tithonus and asked from Zeus the gift of immortality for
him, but she forgot to ask that of perpetual youth. Later legend
assigned different fates to him, but all considered him an ex
ample of extreme age. Basil says : "If anyone should offer me
39 68, B. rcdvxa oxoneuei 6 dxo(|M|xog 'OqpfraXudg.
40 Hesiod, Works and Days, I, 267. rtdvxa I8cbv Aiog '0<p#aXp,6g xal
ndvxa vorjaag.
41 181, C. D. t\ xal 5 MapYiTTig, el fiouXei, ov oCx' dpoxfjea, ofixs
erxajcxfjpa, oCxe SXXo xi xcov xaxd xov |3iov IjuxtiSeicov slvai "0(fnpog Ecp-noev,
ei 8r| 'Ofi,r\QOV xauxa.
42 Cf. Aristotle, Poetics, 1448, b. 30.
48 Aristotle, Ethics, VI., 7. x6v 8' oux' ap' oxaJtTJpa -ftEol freoav oBx'
dpoxfjpa oCt' fiXXco; xi <$oip6v.

35
the age of Tithonus or of Arganthonius."44 The story of
Arganthonius will be seen later in Herodotus, and the fale about
Tithonus is explained at considerable length in the Homeric Hymn
to Aphrodite : "Thus also Eos of the golden throne carried away
Tithonus, who was of your race and resembled the deathless gods.
And she went up to the dark clouded son of Cronos, demanding
that he should become deathless and live forever. Zeus nodded
his head and granted her desire . . ."45
Of the references to the Iliad, four occur in the correspond
ence, divided among four letters, and two in the Hexaemeron.
Each of the four letters in question is to a different man, and in
the Hexaemeron each reference represents a different homily. It
is noteworthy, too, that in the speech To the Youths, in which
Basil is obviously endeavoring to be very literary, there is no
reference to the Iliad. The fifteen references to the Odyssey are
well scattered. Four are in the speech To the Youths, one in a
commentary upon Isaias, the remaining ten are in letters, these
letters being addressed to five men. A letter to Aburgius contains
four references, one to Eustathius two, and one each appears in
letters to Gregory and Martinanus, while the last two are in a let
ter to Antipater.
In the second homily upon the Hexaemeron, Basil says : "We
could likewise say about the heavens that they were as yet imper
fect and had not received their natural ornaments, since they were
not shining with the brilliancy of the moon and the sun, and were
not wreathed with the choirs of the stars."46 In describing
Hephaistus' work upon the shield of Achilles, Homer says : "On
it he wrought the earth, and the heaven and the sea, and the tire
less sun, and the moon in full, and upon it also he wrought all of
the constellations with which the heavens are wreathed, the
Pleiades, the Hyades, and the strength of Orion."47 The simi-
44 184, C. 'Ey<» 84 xSv x6 Tiftcovou Tig YilPaS> "Sv xo 'ApYav&owiou
Xeyu . • •
45 Homeric Hymns, V., To Aphrodite, 1, 218, ff. "Qg 8' al Tiftcovov
Xpua69-povog TJpjcaaEv 'Hcbg, fyiETEpms YE'WTiS. 4tueixeXov dftavdxoiot. fJi} 6'
ip.£v ah-rioouaa xfiXaivetpea Kpoviwva, dddvaTOv t' eIvoi xal %(heiv rinaTa
jtdvTa. x-fi 8e Zsug ejceveuo-e xal IxprnrvEy I^XScop.
"12, B. Ta auTa 84 Tairta xal jiep'i oupavoC eitcoihev, 8ti oux 41-EipYaaxo
a&tco ou84 aux&g, ou84 xbv olxelov djt£Xriq)Ei x6a\LOv, S.xe y,T|jta> creXiivri \if\xin
¦f\kit$ jt£piXa(irt6nEvog, ht)84 xoig X°0OiS tffiv daxpcov xaxaaxep,uivog.
47 Iliad, XVIII, 483, ff. 'Ev ulv yalav IxeuI', iv 8' oupav6v, Iv 84
6-dXaooav, f|4Xiov x' dxan-avta ceXtivti'v xe jcX-rv&oucav, iv 84 xd xelpea
jtdvxa, xd t' otipavig lffr£<pdvtDxai, nXn'idSag #' 'YdSag xe xo xe oftlvog
'Qpfoovog.

36
larity, as in the case of Basil's usual poetical usage, is not closely
expressed, but the thought develops from the quotation along easy
lines. Writing to Trajan, Basil says that one of his friends has ex
perienced great misfortunes and has asked him "to make clear
to you how an Iliad of woes has fallen upon his head."48
In a letter to the clergy of Samosata, Basil draws out a well
worded bit of advice upon the subject of strife and internal dis
sensions among the clergy: "These indeed are small at first and
easy to cure, but as time goes on they tower up in contention, and
they are likely to end in misfortune such as cannot be alleviated."49
The figure of the growth and elevation of Strife is personified
effectively by Homer: "Strife raises her head, small indeed at
first, but then afterward she rears her head to the heavens and
stalks over the earth."50 Later, in a letter to Eusebius, Basil brings
out another mark of Homeric recollection : "For I am led to say,
as Diomede said, 'Would that you had not supplicated him, since
as they say, he is a proud man.' "51 The words used are Homeric,
although taken from different lines. The whole quotation occurs
in the ninth book of the Iliad between the lines 698 and 700. The
expression "Would that you had not supplicated him" is in line
698, and the rest of the remark, "for he is a proud man," is found
in a slightly different order in line 700. The whole verse reads:
"Would that you had not supplicated the illustrious son of Peleus,
giving him countless gifts, for he was a proud man even before
that."52 This is a case of a quotation practically correct. The
words in the second half of the remark are not quite as in our
text, but the difference is not more than could be accounted for
easily by different readings in the manuscripts that Basil used and
the ones that we have.
The flight of cranes was a favorite subject among the older
Greek writers, and Homer uses it effectively. Basil says : "It is
not possible for me, as in the case of the cranes, to escape from
48 Letter 148. &g Iv xeipaXaicp (pavepdv yzviaftai aoi xf)V jtEpiaxaaav
auxtp x(av xaxwv 'IXid8a.
49 Letter 219. ai jtapd uiv xryv jtpcoxryv juxpai elcri xal Ev&EpdjtEUTOi,
jipouWxo; 84 xou xqovou foro cpiXovsixiag au|av6|XEvai rig dviaxov jravxEXtog
IxjifatxEiv Jiscpuxaai.
30 Iliad, IV., 442, ff. r\ x' 8XiYn uiv Jtpcoxa xopuaasxai, auxdp eiteito
oupavcp loxrjpi^e xdpn xal Im, xfrovl PaivEi.
51 Letter 239. 'Eu.01 u.4v ydp xo xou AionrjSoug litlpxexai Xeyeiv. Mr|
oqpfiXEg XiaaEadai, 8toxi (pnaiv, aYflvcop loxlv 6 dvnp.
62 Iliad, IX., 698, ff. p,T) oqpsXEg Xioosorftai d(ii5p,ova, n-riXetcova pugia
8<op« 8i8oug. 6 8' dynvcop laxl xal dXXeog.

37
the discomforts of winter."53 In the opening lines of the third
book of the Iliad, Homer writes that the cries of the Trojans
resembled "the clangor of the cranes, fleeing across the heavens
from winter and limitless rains, winging their way with clamor to
the streams of the Ocean."54
The last reference leading up to the Iliad is the use of a rather
peculiar Homeric word. In a letter to Libanius the saint says, in
referring to some planks, that "They are, according to Homer,
'long-shadowing.' "55 The word for "long-shadowing" is an odd
word and one peculiarly Homeric, the same expression being used
by Homer upon fifteen different occasions.56
In the speech To the Youths the first reference to the Odyssey
occurs in the second section, in which Basil states that when they
describe great and good men the poets are to be read, "But when
they turn to evil men, we must needs flee such imitation, closing
our ears, no less than, as they say, Odysseus did against the songs
of the Sirens."57 The resource employed by Odysseus was to
stop up the ears of his companions with melted wax. Odysseus,
in relating his adventures to Alcinous, says: "Then I anointed
with this (the melted wax) in succession the ears of all my com
panions."68 In chapter four Basil cites the adventures of Odys
seus among the Pheacians and makes them illustrate several
points. He explains that the virtue and reputation of the hero
made him respected, even though he appeared shipwrecked, naked
and alone, and that finally "he was held in such esteem by the
Pheacians that, giving up the ease in which they lived, they all
admired and copied after him."50 Homer tells the story at length.
The adventures of Odysseus were known wherever Greeks were
known, so that this story could not fail to make an impression.80
33 Letter 193. 'Hp.lv ou6' oaov xaig YEQa'votS tntdpxEi xd SuaxEpri xou
X£iu.(bvog SiacpuYEiv.
54 Iliad, III., 3, 4, 5. t|ute jtsp xXaYYfl YEodva)v jieXei oupav6fti xp6, a!
x'IjieI ofrv xeiM-wva (j>uyov xal dfHatpaxov ouPpov, xXayYfi xai ye Jilxovxai in'
'QxEavoio (Jodcov.
65 Letter 348. xal xaTd t6v aov "Ou.r|pov, SoXixoaxioug.
30 Cf. Iliad, III, 346, and elsewhere.
jcpocrfre 8' 'AX4|av8pog JtpotEi BoXixooxlov eyx°S-
57 175, D. o'xav 84 inl noxiHipoug avSpag sXftaxn, xr\v u-ip/noiv xauxriv 8ei
(psuyEiv, 4ju<ppaaaouivoug xd &xa, oux flxxov 1\ xiv 'O8uoo-£a qpaalv Ixeivoi
xd xtov Seiptivcov heXt).
580dyssey, XII., 177. I^elng 8' Ixdpoiaiv in' oCaxa jtaaiv Gleitya.
39 177, C. Ertetxa u-evxoi xal xoig Xoutoig $a£a|i toooutou fi^iov
vop,iafrfjvai, (bote, dqplvTag tt|V Tpuijpriv fi ouvl^tov, Ixeivov djtoPX&tEiv xal
£r|Xouv fijtavTag.
«o Cf. Odyssey, Books VI. and VII.

38
Further, in the same chapter Basil again refers to the activities of
the hero, using a verse partly quoted from the Odyssey: "That
man alone takes his philosophy literally who acts upon his belief
with his fellows, 'such a one breathes ; the rest flit about as
shadows.' "61 The line in the Odyssey is, "To him even in death
dark Persephone granted reason with which to understand while
the rest flit about like shadows."62 It has reference to the Theban
seer Tiresias. The latter part of Basil's statement reproduces part
of the Homeric verse. This is another case of Basil's dexterous
use of indirect speech, giving him ample opportunity to begin
and end as he wishes and to quote as his own need justifies. His
final reference in the speech To the Youths is in the eighth chapter,
in which he refers to the well known story of Proteus. Telling
the youths that a wise man must never swerve from what he con
siders the right, Basil goes on to say that if he does begin such
practice and veers about according to expediency, then "shall we
think him any different from that famous Egyptian sophist who
became a plant, or a beast, or fire, or water, or all such things ?"63
The case of Proteus is vividly related in the Odyssey : "But at
first he turned into a lion, then a serpent, and a leopard, then a
huge wild boar. Then he turned into flowing waters, and into a
tree, high and leafy . . ."64
The story of Proteus was well known in Greek legend, and
the idea reappears in many forms. According to the story, Proteus
would change his identity, as described, to escape the necessity
of answering questions asked of him. Somewhat similar in the
idea of changing form was the tale of Achelous and his struggle
with Heracles.
In the commentary upon Isaias a single reference to the ad
ventures of Odysseus is brought out in a remark about the Sirens:
"Other evidence has given it out that the Sirens were women
singing sweet songs."66 One reference to Odysseus and the
61 178, C. 65g 8 ye tt)v &XOL 'pTlM-dxaw itapd xolg SXXoig tpiXoaotplav epycp
fJEfJaiaiv. olog Jtlvuxai. xol 84 axial aiooouai.
62 Odyssey, X., 494. xcp xal xE-fhricbxi voov jrope nepoetpdvEia oiip
jiEJtvuaflm. xol 84 oxial aitraouaiv.
63 184, A. "H x6v m-A oCxcog Sxovxa xl xou AIywitiou aoqpioxou (p-rjaonEv
dnoXeiJtEiv 8g q>ux6v iyiyvexo xal ftrjp(ov 6n6xe PoijXoito, xal Jtup xal u8<og
xal jtdvxa XQ^axa;
84 Odyssey, IV., 455, ff. 'AXX' r\ toi jtgwxiaxa Xecdv yevex' T|UY4vEiog
afixdp SitEixa 8pdxa»v xal JidpSaXig f|84 uiyag crug yiveto 8' uypov u8o>p xal
84v8peov vn|)utlTT)Xov.
63 588, D. SEipfjvag 6 uiv e|m#ev Xoyog Jtapa848coxE Ywatxdg xivag
u.£Xco8ou<rag.

39
Sirens has already been noted. The story of the Sirens was too
well known to be more than a commonplace. Homer's remarks
about their singing are brief : "The Sirens beguile him (the trav
eler) with their sweet sounding song."66
In his correspondence Basil's allusions to the Odyssey are
easily divided. One occurs in a letter to Martinianus, and it is
noticeable that many other literary allusions occur there also.
Martinianus was evidently no ordinary correspondent : "Where
fore, I desire to hear you not so much for one year, but through
out my whole life, as Alcinous did Odysseus."67 The case of
Alcinous was a fairly strong instance, too, for Alcinous offered
to sit up all night to listen to Odysseus telling about his adven
tures : "Indeed, I could stay here till bright daylight, so you should
tell in the hall about your woes."68 This was a fair offer and
probably occurred to Basil as a well recorded instance of an
unusually complimentary proposal.
Another case is in a letter to his brother Gregory, in which he
says, describing his retreat in Pontus, that it is comparable "to
Calypso's isle, which Homer marvels at most of all for its
beauty."69 The wonders of Calypso's island are mentioned in
different places, but probably nowhere more effectively than in
these lines : "There even an immortal, coming in, might wonder
and, gazing around, delight his heart."70
Two references easily connected with the story of Odysseus
are found in Basil's first letter: "I passed by the city on the
Hellespont, as Odysseus did the songs of the Sirens."71 Odysseus'
escape from the Sirens is described in some thirty-five verses in
the Odyssey, which give the details that explain it.72
Further in the same letter, after describing his efforts to meet
Eustathius and hear his philosophical lectures, Basil says : "Do not
these adventures very nearly surpass the fables of the poets con-
66 Odyssey, XII., 44. dXXd te SsipfjvEg Xiyupfj ftEXyouaiv doiSfj-
67 Letter 74. <5<tte oux elg Iviauxov udvov d>g 6 'AXxivoog xou 'OSuaorlcog,
dXX' elg jrdvxa fiov xov 0iov Eulainrrv dv aou dxoueiv.
68 Odyssey, XL, 375, 376. xai xev Ig f[W Slav dvaaxoip,T)v oxe p,ol orii
xXai-ng Iv p,EYapep Ta dd xT|8ea (ivOrjo-aaftai.
69 Letter 14. xal xtiv KaXui|>oug vfjaov r\v 8t| naaiov jiXeov "Op-ilQog elg
xdXXog -ftaundoag (paivExai.
70 Odyssey, V., 73, 74, £v#a x' 4'jteiTa xaldddvaTog jtep IjieXOwv fhyncfaiTo
i8<bv xal TEpcpdEi-n eppeoiv fjaiv.
71 Letter 1. jtapeSpaixov 84 xx\v etp' "EXXr|<m6vT(j> jtoXiv cog ou8elg
'O&uoaevg SeipTrviov piX-n.
72 Cf. Odyssey, XII., 16S-200.

40
cerning Tantalus?"73 Odysseus, describing his adventures, speaks
of Tantalus: "And I saw Tantalus in violent torment, standing
in a pool, the water reached up almost to his chin, and he appeared
thirsty but could not drink, for whenever the old man stooped
forward, being eager to take a drink, the water so often would
recede and disappear."74 Many other poets made the sufferings
of Tantalus a subject for their writings.
In a letter to Antipater, Basil remarks: "In future I shall
think nothing quite as good as cabbage, not even the lotus of
Homer, nor the ambrosia, whatever that may have been."75 The
effects of the lotus upon those members of Odysseus' crew who
ate it were described as being destructive to memory : "And who
ever ate of the fruit of the lotus, which was sweet as honey, no
longer wished to carry away the word or to return."76 The
ambrosia that is mentioned by Basil in the same sentence is de
scribed by Homer as the food of the gods : "Speaking thus, the
goddess set for him a table laden with ambrosia."77 After re
marking a proverb that cabbage at repeated meals might not be
healthy, Basil says : "Now, however, I am forced to change my
mind and laugh at the proverb when I see cabbage such a 'good
nursing mother of men.' "TS The expression "good nursing mother
of men" is an imitation of a phrase in the Odyssey in which
Ithaca, the home of Odysseus, is referred to as "rugged, but a
good nurse of hardy men."79
The letter to Aburgius contains four references, an unusually
large number as most of Basil's references go, for even when writ
ing to a sophist like Libanius, Basil is conservative in the number
of literary allusions that he employs.
Referring to the final shipwreck which left Odysseus upon the
coast of the Pheacians, Basil says: "He had great wealth, and
73 Letter i. xauxa ouxl uxxpou 8eiv, xal Toug tcov jroirytcov Irel TavTaX<{>
p-ufroug wtEppdXETO;
74 Odyssey, XL, 583, ff. xal p/f|v TdvraXov IcreiSov xaXsit' SXyi, e'xovta
eaxaox' iv XC|xvr|. "f| 84 itpooeitXa^ri yevzlqi. oxeuxo 84 Siijidcov, icieew 8' o\>x
eIxev eXIaftai. oaodxi ya«? xuqpel 8 yiQiav jtieeiv ueveaivcov, xoaadx' uScop
dnoXeaxex' dvafSpoxEV.
75 Letter 186. xai ou84v glvai xou Xouitou xax' outtjv fiYiloofxai, oux oitaig
tov 'OpiTipix6v Xcdtov, dXX' ou84 xriv duppoaiav IxEivryv fjxig jiox' fipa' flv.
76 Odyssey, IX., 93. xwv 8' og xig Xcoxoio cpdYOi p.eXir)84a xapjtfiv, ouxlx',
ditaYYEiXai ndXtv ^A-eXev ou84 veeadai.
77 Odyssey, V., 93. fig dpa tpwvricaaa fted itapldrpte xQOJXE^av dpPpoot"og
jtXriaaaa. 78 Letter 186. vuv 84 urn Boxio xal 4naux8v hetojieicteiv xal xfjg jiapouutag
xaTOYeXdaEofrai opiov aurnv ouTOig dyaiHiv xoupoTpoipov.
79 Odyssey, IX., 27. xpr)XEi' dXX' dyadri xoupoxpdtpog.

41
he returned stripped of everything."80 The treasures that the
Greeks took at Troy were popularly supposed to have been fabu
lously great, but Odysseus' misfortune among the Laestrygonians
and on the Pheacian coast reduced him to complete poverty. Basil
says of a friend, Maximus, that he had lost a great deal of prop
erty, suggesting that "Perhaps he fell in with some Scylla, who
hid a dog's fierceness and fury under a woman's form, or having
irritated some Laestrygonians against him, suffered these
things."81 The Laestrygonians had wrecked eleven of Odysseus'
ships by hurling huge rocks against them. Being a race of giants,
such a feat was in keeping with their physical prowess. The
whole story of the Laestrygonian adventure is related at length
in the Odyssey.82 The adventure with Scylla, who was a monster
that had formerly been a woman and had been transformed into a
figure with six heads and something of a dog's appearance, is also
narrated shortly after.83
Speaking of Maximus again, Basil says : "This man was gov
ernor of no insignificant people, just as Odysseus was chief of the
Cephallenians."84 Later Basil remarks upon the contrast between
the Iliad and the Odyssey, saying: "Up till this time I thought
Homer was a fable, when I read the other part of his poem in
which he tells the story of Odysseus."85
The reference to Odysseus being the chief of the Cephallenians
occurs in a general way in a verse spoken by one of Odysseus'
followers : "Woe for the blameless Odysseus, who put me in
charge of his cattle when I was still a boy in the land of the
Cephallenians."86 Homer does not say that Odysseus was chief
of the Cephallenians. Basil's remark about thinking the Homeric
verses fabulous is a general reference to the wanderings of Odys
seus, and a comparison of them with the misfortunes that have
befallen his friend Maximus. He says a moment later that the
"misfortune that has struck the excellent Maximus has made me
80 Letter 147. xal JtoXXd xeflM-axa dywv IxEivog yup-vog IrcavfiXftE.
81 Letter 147. xai xauxa jt&itov&E Aaicrcpuyovag Taxa nov iff' lauTov
jtapo^uvag, xal 2xuXX-n jtEpuisacbv Iv Yuval5tE^ M-opqpfj xuvsiav exouari
djtavdpcoitiav xal dypioTTipa.
82 Cf. Odyssey, X., 80-130.
83 Cf. Odyssey, XII., 225-260.
84 Letter 147. xal ya.Q xal ofoog apx<ov Iyeveto Isvdoug ou (pauXaxdxou,
(Sarcep Ixsivog 6 axpaxTjYog xiov Ks<paXXT|V(ov.
85 Letter 147. Mu-9-ov Ivopi^ov xswg xd xou 'Opripou oxe Ijtfjeiv auxou x6
IxEpov u-spog Tfjg jrotr|o"ecog, Iv 4» xd xou 'OSwKTEtog jra^n u.eraSi8doxei.
86 Odyssey, XX., 209, ff. & poi sneix' '08uafjog dpu|j,ovog Sg u.' im, fSoufflv
elg exi xuxdov 46vxa KE(paXXr|v(ov Ivl 8riu<p.

42
think what I used to regard as fabulous and unbelievable as being
quite probable."87
To sum up satisfactorily the evidence displayed by Basil's use
of the Greek poets is no easy task. Quotations that are identified
by the author are easy to handle, but there remains the difficult
task of treating those allusions that he does not explain. Most of
the sophistical rhetors were extremely imaginative and poetical in
their own way, and the use of highly developed figures express
ing wildly fanciful thought, frequently in words long associated
with poetic usage, results in a diction that will often seem to have
a trend such as might have been taken from poetry when in
reality no such usage occurs. The vivid imagery and artificial
rhythm that occasionally occur in a sophistic writer are no certain
evidence that he took his choice of words from any poet, or even
that a borrowing of ideas happened.
But Basil makes a few points very clear, and some others if
conjectural are at least probable. The number of authors that
he names is comparatively limited. He mentions Aeschylus,
Euripides twice named, Archilochus, Simonides, Solon, Theognis,
Hesiod, and Homer, who is named five times. But all these names
represent outstanding figures in Greek literature and are such as
would readily occur to a man who wished to emphasize a point
with a story or apt quotation.
Basil's use of epic verse is decidedly greater than that of lyric
and dramatic together. He has eight references that can be con
nected with more or less probability with Aeschylus, Aristophanes
and Euripides, though in the case of Aristophanes it is necessary
to add that the connection is almost negligible. Curiously enough,
Sophocles does not appear.
Basil has nine references traceable to lyric sources. In four
he cites authors, Archilochus, Solon, Simonides, and Theognis.
He has one perhaps belonging to Aleman, one from Archilochus,
as he himself says, one perhaps from Bion, one from Simonides,
in which that author is named, and one that Basil says is Solon's,
and another attributable to Solon and Theognis both, and three
certainly from Theognis, in one of which he names that writer.
Basil was more at home among the epic poets. He quotes or
alludes to Hesiod four times and to Homer twenty-three times.
It is interesting, however, to note that the bulk of the Homeric ref-
87 Letter 147. 'AXX' Ixeiva xd ixuftixd xltog xal fijwsra ndvu fijiag roftavd
voui?eiv 48t8a?£v -fj jtepl xov Jtdvxa dpioxov Mdgi|xov rapucETEia.

43
erences or quotations have to do with the Odyssey, and that as a
whole the Iliad is overshadowed. Fifteen references are con
cerned with the Odyssey and six with the Iliad. One is from the
Homeric Hymns. One refers to the Margites, long attributed
to Homer. Basil uses Homer's name five times. He names Hesiod
but once. The adventures of Odysseus occur to him frequently
and he refers to Odysseus, either calling him by name or alluding
to him in a significant way, six times. All the instances from
Hesiod are from the Works and Days, which being full of sen
tentious utterances and pithy bits of practical wisdom, are espe
cially apt for the use of a glib speaker. Three of the Hesiodic
instances are found in a single work, the Speech to the Youths,
and the remaining one appears in the Hexaemeron.
He likes to appear well acquainted with the poets, but if in his
hurry he could not remember the exact wording of the passage he
wanted to quote, it was easy to throw the whole into indirect dis
course and tell it as an incident. This Basil generally does. Only
twice does he give a correct quotation, but upon seven occasions he
gives quotations that are partially correct, or that contain the
most noticeable phrasings of the correct verse. He finds it very
effective to use the wording of the poet and then say at the end
of the sentence, "as Euripides would say," or "as the poet says."
, If he had gotten the lines right well and good, but if he had failed
nothing had been lost. The indirect citation had removed the
necessity for absolute accuracy. In the delivery of the practiced
orator the indirect narration could be used as effectively as direct,
and if his memory failed he would not be under the necessity of
having to admit a mistake.
Moreover, as time went on Basil had many cares and distrac
tions, which precluded a continued study of literature. But he
still had to meet people and address them, so he was of necessity
often compelled to tax his memory for the common places of
former days. It is not to be wondered at, then, that with increas
ing age his grasp upon the intricacies of the literature that had
charmed him as a boy gradually relaxed and only those higher
points remained with him, which were almost unforgetable. A
sympathetic view of the arduous labors that fell to his share and
the difficulties that beset his position will go far toward explaining
the occasional confusion that appears in his literary reminiscences
and allusions.

CHAPTER IV
LEGEND AND HISTORY
Basil seems well acquainted with legendary tales and refers to
them with telling effect, proving not only that he had the stories
well in hand, but that he had a keen sense of their value. Like
any other sophistical rhetor, he is exact when his memory will
serve. When it fails he becomes sufficiently vague to escape an
imputation of being ill informed upon details, though still suffi
ciently accurate to present his case with a good front. Most of
the references that indicate his legendary information come under
three general heads : First, stories about men, places or societies ;
second, pure folklore ; third, ancient customs, habits and manners.
The first group may have a foundation in fact; the second is
popular fabrication ; the third may be either fact or not, according
as the custom survived, down to a time when it could be verified.
i. Legend. Anecdotes in the lives of famous men, or groups
of men, appeal to him. He makes at least four direct references
to the Pythagoreans, or their founder, and on four occasions
recalls incidents bearing upon Diogenes the Cynic. He likens
pleasure to the hydra, and twice finds occasion to refer to the
labor of Heracles in killing the monster. He urges self-control
both in temper and judgment, and reinforces his argument with
two stories about Socrates and how he behaved. He follows up
the case with further instances, citing stories about Pericles and
Euclid, and remarks a Stoic proverb, or one attributed to the
Stoics, and all in favor of moderation or forethought in deed or
judgment. The Pythagorean doctrines were widespread and had
many admirers, so of course would be readily understood. He
cites the Pythagorean Cleinas: "The (case) of Cleinas, one of the
disciples of Pythagoras, can hardly be thought to conform to our
teachings accidentally and not from deliberate plan."1 Then he
1 179, A. t6 84 xou KXeiviou t<Sv IIuftaY6pou YV<op(p,cov Ivog, xaXfijtiv
jucxEuaai dito xauxojidrou cruu-Piivai xoig rjnexlpoig dXX' ouxl hiu.tio-ohe'vou
onovBfj. 44

45
goes on to tell a story of how Cleinas displayed unusual honesty.
Arguing against elaborate music, he again falls back upon a
Pythagorean legend: "It is said that Pythagoras, chancing upon
some revelers who were drunk, commanded the flute player, who
led the masque, to change the time and play the Doric air for
them, and they were so sobered by the music that, throwing down
their crowns, they went home."2 To urge moderation in eating,
Basil finds an occasion to use Pythagoras again. A mass of
legend surrounds the quasi-altruistic doings and sayings of the
philosopher : "And it will be remembered of Pythagoras that, call
ing one of his familiars from the gymnastics and eating, which
were fattening him very much, he said, 'Will you not cease mak
ing your imprisonment harder for yourself ?' "3 In order to
express a high degree of admiration he says that "The Pythag
oreans do not esteem their tetracton so much."4 The tetracton
of the Pythagoreans was their magic number, and many peculiar
ideas were prevalent about its powers. Basil's reference would
appeal to the people. Fully as famous in Greek story as Pythag
oras was the Cynic Diogenes. Many tales were fabricated about
his surly answers, curt remarks and democratic ways. Basil used
such legend occasionally, and with good effect: "And I admire
likewise the contempt for all human beings of Diogenes, who
proved himself richer than the great King, since he needed less
to live than the other."5
The wealth of the Persian king was long a subject for wonder
and speculation among the Greeks. Parallel with the above idea,
Basil brings out a similar view expressed in a different way.
Writing to Olympius and discussing his own voluntary poverty,
the saint makes comparisons between his state and that of various
famous characters who conducted themselves well in straightened
circumstances. He says of himself that "He never ceased admir-
» 182, D. Abyetoi 84 xal nudayopav xiouaaxalg XEpixuxovxa heWouoi,
XEXfiuaai xov auXrixnv xov xou xcopou xaxdpxovxa jiExaPaXovxa xtiv dpuWav
fotauX-tiaai acpioi x5 Acopiov. xoug 84 ouxcog dvaqjpovfjaai uno xoug psXoug
ffioxE xoug axecpdvoug ^utiavrag alaxuvouivoug EJiavlXteiv.
3 182 C. xal xou nuftay6pou u.£u/vficrflai og xiov 0uv6vxtov xivd xaxau.a-&d>v
Yuu-vafftoig te xal ovrioig eaux6v eu (idXa xaxaaapxouvxa, ouxcog Ecpn. Ou
nauon jcaXejic&xeQOv CEmn'i> xaxaaxEud^eov t6 8eau.OTripiov;
4 Letter 21. oibk Yap ol nudaYopioixoaouxov jtpo£Ti|j,r|aav xtiv xExpaxxuv.
3 183 B. 'Eyo) 84 xal AiOYEvoug dy'*!-10"' Tryv jtdvxcov 6|xou xiov dvftpawcivcov
tepotylav 8g y6 *«"• PaoiXsug xou pEydXou lauxov duteqprivE nXouaicoxepov tc$
4XaTx6vwv f\ Ixeivog xaxd tAv Piov jrpoSeiadai.

46
ing Diogenes, who was content to get along with only the things
of nature."6 A vast number of stories were told of Diogenes' rough ways
of living — that he made his quarters in a tub, and so on. Most
of these tales were late inventions. A man who lived so hardily
would naturally have slight care for the niceties of external ap
pearances, and thus Diogenes again furnishes material for an
allusion : "According to Diogenes' theory, to busy oneself with
the hair or clothes more than is necessary is the act of an un
fortunate or of an unjust person."7 Diogenes would naturally
consider persons who expended upon such concerns the time
needed for more important matters to be highly unjust, or un
fortunate, probably putting a hint of mental deficiency in the
epithet "unfortunate."
But the summing up of Diogenes' contempt for worldly great
ness lay in his behavior with Alexander the Great. This monarch
represented to the Greeks the pinnacle of earthly prosperity, and
to treat such a man with scant regard was awe inspiring. In his
letter to Maximus, the philosopher, Basil touches upon the famous
reply that Diogenes was said to have made to Alexander when
the king invited the philosopher to pay him a visit. Basil says :
"Do not give me the answer of Diogenes to Alexander, Tt is as
far from you to me as from me to you.' "8 Diogenes Laertius
records the equally famous tale of how Diogenes the Cynic told
Alexander to stand out of his sunlight. This disregard for great
ness became proverbial.
Still more famous in Greek legend and impossible to locate
with any degree of accuracy is the character of Heracles. His
toils for the benefit of early Hellas, and especially his twelve
labors, were themes for many writers. Basil enlarges upon the
many forms of pleasure and the efforts of moderate people to
restrain these by comparing them to the many headed hydra, and
Heracles' attempts to kill it by cutting off the heads : "The wise
men of Greece give us to understand the many forms of pleasure,
and the contest against this, the pleasure generated from the body,
by a fabulous figure, the hydra, a many headed serpent lying torpid
6 Letter 4. x8v 84 Aioylvriv ou84 litauaaxo rnSxe ftauiidi;iov xoig stapd
qpuoewg udvoig dpxEicr&ai <piXoTiu.ouu.svov.
7 181, B. xoupdg 84 xal dujtExdvag £§co tcov dvayxafoov nEpiEpYa^Eo-frai fj
Buaxuxouvxcov laxl, xaxd x8v Aioylvoug X6yov, 5j dSixouvrcov.
8 Letter 9. o'ncog ofrv (i-f) -to tou Aioylvoug jrpog xAv 'AXIS-avSpov xal auxig
¦fituv Eutug Sti taov lexi nap' dp,(Sv to Ssupo xal jtpig fyiag 4V&4v8e.

47
in a swamp for physiological reasons. And the head of this ani
mal, struck off at one blow, gave forth a triple head born from
the one. However, being recut with caustic, once for all they
wisely show it straightway separated from the body."9 He
returns to the idea of the hydra later, saying of a certain woman
that she "inhabits a home more savage than that of the many
headed hydra."10
He mentions Socrates in an argument for keeping one's tem
per under provocation, telling the following: "A certain person
once struck Socrates, the son of Sophroniscus, in the face, con
tinually repeating this, but Socrates did not strike back, but per
mitted the enraged man to exhaust his anger."11 He remembers
a similar case in the lives of Pericles and Euclid : "Like this was
the deed of Pericles and Euclid,"12 and says of Euclid again that
"Once a certain person, enraged at Euclid the Megarian, swore
death to him, but Euclid in turn swore that the man should surely
be satisfied and so cease from hostility to him."13 Plutarch tells
the story of Pericles, but makes no mention of Euclid. The latter
was a pupil of Socrates and seems to have figured in the Socratic
legend. Stories about Socrates were legion. To show fore
thought, Basil calls up another Socratic story : "It was renowned
of Socrates that he said he would never admire very greatly a
wealthy man, proud by reason of his wealth, before he could
declare him from experience of the thing to know how to use it."14
Considering circumstances philosophically when writing to
Eustathius, he cites a proverb attributed to the Stoics: "Thus
runs the Stoic proverb, 'Since things do not happen as we prefer,
9 680, C. xal twv 'EXXtivcov yap ol aocpol xo xe jtoXusi84g xfjg -fifiovfjg xai
xfiv stpog xouxo udxTrv W-m 8id u-u-ftixou nXdcpaxog alvixxoM-evoi, i)8pav xtiv
Y£vixt|V Iv xip acou-axi ASovrjv, sfprcov xi jtoXunopcpov, Iv e'Xei <p<dXeuov
cpuaioXoYOUVTES dveiiXaaav. xal Taux-ng xr|v piv ditXibg xEpvouivriv xEtpaX-riv
xputXaafovag dvxl xfjg uxdg Ixipueiv Jtap48oaav. x-f)v 84 xauxfjpi Tepvouivryv
dvaipsiofl-ai xaftduta| tpiXoadcpcog &t48si|av.
10 Letter 315. xal olxiav olxouati u8pag Tiv6g noXuxscpdXou xaXEjtcoxIpav.
11 179, C. "Exwtxl Tig xov Saxppoviaxou Scoxpax-nv rig aux6 x6 jtpoaemov
l^uxEodiv dtpei8fi>g. 6 84 oux dvxfjpeiv dXXd naprixs Tip raxpoivovv ti xfjg ogyrlc
|p,tpopeiffftai. 12 179, D. xo 84 xotj IlEpixX4ovg fj x6 EuxXeCBou Tip xoug Si.oV.ovxag
fatouiveiv. 1S 179, B. ndXiv Tig EuxXriSr) Tip Meyap6dev itapoiuvoelg -frdvaTOv
fptetXnae xal Ijccouooev. 6 84 dvxcop,oaEv fj M/frv tXECoaaoftai aux<>v xai jtatfaeiv
XoXejcw; Jtp8g auxiv gx0^"'
14 183 C. x8 yaQ xov Scoxpdxaug eu ixei. og (i^Y« (ppovouvxog jtXovaiou
dvSpog litl xolg xo-rmaai, ou jxpikepov atix6v ftau|idaEtv gcpi-], jrplv fiv xal 8x1
y.exp-fjtrftai xouxoig Iraaxaxai raipadfivai.

48
we prefer what happens.' "15 Basil is free in his use of proverbs,
or aphorisms. Most of these are very varied in meaning, accord
ing to the varying situations that call them forth. Writing to
Maximus, the philosopher, he says, "I have learned from your let
ters, as they say, to know a lion from his claws."16 The idea is a
very old one, but is perhaps traceable to the sculptor Phidias, who
is said to have been capable of judging from the claw of a lion
how to model correctly the rest of the animal's form.17 On a par
with this keen observation is the idea that Basil expresses in the
following: "I have learned Thee from observing myself, and
observing myself, I have known Thy infinite wisdom."18 Credit
for this idea is ascribed to many philosophers such as Thales,
Chilo, Cleobulus, Bias, Pythagoras and Socrates. It was doubt
less a common idea of the philosophical schools and perhaps re
lated to the famous saying, "Know thyself." In the speech To
the Youths, Basil urges activity in seizing opportunities, rein
forcing his words with two well placed sayings, "But we to whom
rewards are proposed, so marvelous on account of their number
and greatness that they cannot be set forth in words, if we 'sleep
upon both ears' and if we live loosely, will this reward be given
'to grasp with one hand.' "19 The expressions "to sleep upon both
ears" and "to grasp with one hand" were common ones, indica
tive of dilatoriness and sluggish behavior in the face of oppor
tunity. Continuing the argument for greater activity, he says:
"I advise you to leave no stone unturned, as the proverb has it,
working hard to prepare a viaticum that you may have for all
time."20 He uses other stray proverbs in various ways. Urging young
men to examine their study in order to make it accord with their
purpose in life, he recommends them to do it, "testing each stone
with the measuring line."21 This is a Doric proverb, cited also
13 Letter 151. 6 \iev ovv xou Sxo'ixou Xoyog. 'EjieiSt) cpT)ol p,-f) yivExai xd
jtpdynaxa <og PouX6p£fta tog yivExai pouX6|x£fta.
16 Letter 9. xaxEp.d-frop.Ev oiv oe 8id xou yedppaxog 6'aov cpaaiv, l|
ovuxiov x6v Xeovxa.
17 Cf. Lucian, Hermotimus, 54.
18 87, C. 'E*aup,aaxc6frT| t| yvtooig cou l| luou. xouxeoxiv Ipauxov xaxa-
paftcbv to ujiEppdXXov Tfjg Iv ooi coqpiag I§£8i8dx-9riv.
19 180, C. 'Hutv 84 o!g dfrXa tou fiiou npoxEiTai outgo daup,aoxd nk^ei xe
xal (xeye#ei coote dSuvaxa rivai $TV&rjvai Xoycp in' apcpco xateuSouoi xal xaxd
itoXXriv Siaixconivoig fiSeiav xfj Ixlpa XaPsiv xaiv xsipcov fotdp|Ei.
20 184, D. Ilpog ovjtep xxaafr-ai jtapaivEaaip' dv xd 4cp68ia itdvxa Xidov
xaxd xrjv «apoip,iav xivouvxag.
11 176, D. xov Xi-frov jioxi xav ajtdpxov fiyovrag.

49
by Gregory Nazienzen (Letter 38) and by John Chrysostom
(Homily 25).
In a letter to Censitorus, Basil makes use of an expression
traceable perhaps to Aristotle : "Remembering the author of the
wise saying, 'A friend is another self.' "22 The idea is generally
expressed in the Eighth Book of the Nichomachean Ethics. In a
letter to Antipater, Basil refers to his own poor health and his
inability to derive help from medical treatment, saying that he
has been "not heeding the proverb which says, 'Warmth is of no
good to the dead.' "23
Writing to Timotheus and referring to the uselessness of re
minding him about the scriptures, as he knew them quite well him
self, Basil says : "To recite to you the evidence of the Holy Writ
would be as ridiculous, as they say, as "to carry owls to Athens.' "2i
How this proverb originated is hard to say. Athens was devoted
to Athena, whose symbol was an owl, and the owl was stamped
upon Athenian coins. Aristophanes in the Birds gives the idea
very generally expressed. It was like "carrying coals to New
castle." It will be evident that Basil, while not using such sayings very
frequently, knew how to employ them with good effect. In public
addresses, or in a letter where a bit of friendly advice is offered,
such ideas come to the front. Elsewhere he is not much in favor
of their employment.
Games and athletic contests were dear to the Greek mind, and
references to them were effective. The rage for such exhibitions
and public shows is too well known to require comment. Basil
makes six direct references to the games, and there are through
out his writings unmistakable traces of perfect familiarity with
such affairs. In other places obscure remarks might be construed
as having a bearing upon the same theme. Urging the need of
spiritual exercises, he says to his hearers: "Toil is fitting for
athletes."25 Throughout his works he finds many occasions to
tell his auditors that a similarity exists between the physical labors
of life and its contests, and the spiritual struggles of those who
22 Letter 83. xal pEpvripEvog xou aocpcog riitovxog dXXov lauxov rival xov
cpiXov. 23 Letter 137. ht]8s Tfjg napoipiag dxoucov Tfjg ou84v anb ftsppiov ocpEXog
eEvai TOig TE-frvnxoai Xeyovof\q.
24 Letter 291. Ta 84 Ix tcov Tpacpcov aoi SiiyyEicrfrai oux fjxxov lerxl
xaxayEXaaxov fj yXauxa <p-r)dv 'Atirrvaioig ayEiv.
23 Horn, in Ps. Prima., sec. 4 (93, A). IvEpynp-axi loxlv d-frXiyraig
jtplrtovxa.

50
would gain salvation. He puts the thought clearly in a letter, say
ing, "Just as athletes win crowns in the arena, so Christians are
brought to perfection by the trials of their temptations."26 These
references to the great games of Greece had good effect.27 Writ
ing to Libanius, Basil mentions by name Polydamas, an athlete of
Scotussa, and Milo, a famous athlete of Crotona. Pausanias tells
about Polydamas,28 but Basil's letter offers no information except
the common conception of his great strength. In another letter
Basil reminds a friend that "great crowns seem laid aside for an
athlete of long endurance,"29 and further in the same letter calls
Job a great athlete, evidently because of his patience. Basil likes
to expatiate upon the patient endurance of athletes and their
steadiness under hardship, and likes to touch upon the technical
points in games, perhaps to show his familiarity with them. In
the Liber de Spiritu Sancto he remarks that before one begins a
new life he should endeavor to put a proper end to what is past,
"as in the case of sprinters who turn and take the second course, a
kind of pause intervenes between fhe opposite motions."30 Basil's
idea about the runners was particularly apt, for the race track was
narrow and elliptical in shape, and it was only with a great effort
and with an almost complete loss of motion that the sprinter, after
reaching the end, circled the post and started back. For a moment
after checking himself and before he got started upon his return,
he would be almost motionless. Basil finds occasion to enlarge
upon the customs prevailing at games, saying that it behooves
spectators to be themselves somewhat athletic : "One should learn
from this, the laws of the show, that all who collect at the stadium
should sit with their heads uncovered. This, it seems to me, was
not only for the sake of the view of the contests, but also that each
one should be in a measure an athlete himself."31 Greek games
26 Letter 101. <og yap Toug dftXrixdg ol xiov dyioviov xdjxaxoi xotg
crxEcpdvoig jtpooaYouoiv ouxto xal xoug Xpioxiavoug -fj Iv xoig ji£ipaap,oig
Soxip,ao"ia Jtpog xtiv xeXe^woiv ayei.
27 On this eagerness of the Greeks for athletic contests cf Herodotus
VIII., 26. Xenophanes (fr. 19) comments ironically upon the importance
attached to the athletic events of a city.
28 Cf. Pausanias, VL, 5.
29 Letter S- xal Sxi xfjg p-EydXng wtopovfjg u-EyaXoi jtapd Tip ddXoftETfl
axlcpavoi 86§-ng dm5x£ivxai.
30 29, A. ^ dig ydp foil xfflv xov 8iauXov dvaxaujtxdvxcov crxdoig Tig xal
IjtripEpTHJig Tag Ivavttag xivrjcreig 8iaXapPdv£i.
31 50, B. xal touto Ix xcov jtavTiyupixcov deau-ffiv Sv xig xaxi8oi, ol xoug
ouyxaftE^OM-lvoug elg x6 oxdSiov Y«M-vf) xaftfjcrftai tfj xeqiaXfj Siayopeijoucnv.
*uol BoxeIv Eva prj t>Eaxf|g \16vov aywviaxGyv, dXXd xal dycoviaTTig gxaaxog
aurog Iv xip uipei xvyx&vq.

51
were extremely open air affairs, and the lack of any large covering
frequently compelled all to submit to the strong sunlight.
Basil would naturally be very ill disposed to the pagan oracles
and the many trickeries that they practiced, but he finds occasion
to refer to them as his discourse requires. This, however, is not
very frequently. In the course of a wild flight of rhetoric he
mentions Delphi and one of the other famous places in Castaly :
"No longer is there a Delphi, no longer oracles, and the seeress
has become silent; the Castalian fount may be drunk, but the
drinkers retain their senses. Amphiaraus is an exile, Amphilochus
is nowhere found, and the statues of false gods are not shown."32
The Greek mind was affected by at least an outward reverence
for Delphi, so famous in their legend and surrounded by so many
stories of Apollo's doings and responses. The Castalian spring
has evidently something of a fascination for the rhetoricians, for
it affords opportunity to display some uncontrollable flights of
fancy. The spring itself was a fountain in Thessaly, long consid
ered by the Greeks a witch-haunted land. Sometime in the past
the Muses had drunk there. Later witches frequented it. Hecate,
who presided over crossroads where murderers had been buried
and lonely places, was its guardian. Those drinking its water fell
into a frenzy, inspired by the powers that presided over it. Such
a body of legend would allow a popular speaker opportunity for
a wild display of imagination. The only other instance in Basil's
text of a reference to oracular or pagan rite beliefs is a remark
about the customs of the Corybantes and of people who went
insane by reason of the Bacchic frenzy : "Others, according to the
custom of the Corybantes, went mad at the flute playing and
became bacchic."33 This theme is discussed in many parts of
Greek mythology and is seen in many late variations. Euripides'
Bacchae pictures the rites. A great mass of legend grew up
around the ritual.
In his remark above about Delphi, Basil mentioned also two
characters famous in the saga of the time, Amphiaraus and
Amphilochus. Amphiaraus was a noted figure in Greek legend.
He was one of the Seven against Thebes and, fleeing after the
fight, was swallowed up by the earth. His son Amphilochus was
almost equally noted and was supposed to have founded many
32 446, A. o()xexi AfiXqpoi, ouxexi xd XQrio-x-rjpia, xal aitonq. p4v f|
wpopavxig Jtivexai 84 -rj KaoxaXia, xal oojcppovouaiv oi itivovxEg. qpuydg 6
'Au-aiidpaog. 6 'AipiXoxog ou8a|xou, xal xd dqpiSpupaxa 4gn<pdvi<7xai.
53 182 A. "Exepoi 64 rtpog auX&v xopuPavxuoca xal Ixpaxxeuovrai,

52
cities. Herodotus mentions two men of the same names, though
they came much later than the period of the Theban legend.84
As might be expected, Basil does not neglect the famous story
of Daedalus and Icarus, working in his allusion neatly in a letter
to Libanius: "If the art of Daedalus had only been safe, I would
have made Icarus' wings for myself and come to you. But wax
cannot be trusted to the sun, so instead of Icarus' wings I send
you words to prove my affection."35
He does not omit the well known tale of Marsyas, the satyr,
and his musical competition with Apollo. Speaking of athletes
and urging his hearers not to go out of their fields, he says : "If
they had meddled with the airs of Marsyas . . . would they
have won the laurels or crowns?"36 Marsyas had not only failed
but had been flayed by Apollo for his presumption. Basil's advice
to his hearers to stay in their own departments was certainly
reinforced by a pointed example. Further on he mentions Timo-
theus, long famous in Greek story as an expert flute player. Ac
cording to common belief Timotheus, figuring in Alexander's cam
paign against Darius, affected Alexander's spirits by the power
of his music. Though all the Greeks liked athletics, Basil notes
that the musicians did not overdo them, but concentrated upon
his music : "On the other hand, Timotheus did not continue in the
palestra, neglecting his song."37 There are many stories told of
Timotheus, most of which are late inventions.
Among the characters of the older legend the daughters of
Danaus were well known. For the murder of their husbands
they were condemned by the gods to fill sieves with water, carry
ing it from a spring. Later they became symbolical of never end
ing labor. Later still they personified the rainy sky. Basil speaks
of "bearing water in a sieve, pouring it into a perforated jar,
having no end of labor."38 The toils of the Danaids were pro
verbial. s4 Cf. Herodotus, III., 91.
33 Letter 359. 'Eytb 84 EutEp fjv dotpaX4g f| xou 8i8aoxdXou xexvri, fjXfrov
av jiapd 001, Jioir|06u.Evog 'Ixdpou jtxepov. 'AXX' Sp.a>s 4jiei&t| oux £axw
jucrreuaai TjXttp x-npov, dvxl xwv 'Ixdpou jtXEpcov ImaxIXXw erdi X6youg
Ssixvuvxag xt|v -fipsxEpav tpiXiav.
36 180, A. El 84 Ta Mapauou . . . jtEptEpyd^ovTO xpoupaTa . . . xaxd
y' av OTEcpdvcov r} 86|r|g etuxov . . .
37 180, A. 'AXX' ou pevtoi ou84 6 Tipo-frsug x^v p.EXa>8iav dcpElg Iv xalg
rcaXaioxpaig BifjyEv.
38 181, B. Kal xoaxivcp tplpovxEg C8oip xal rig xexpriuivov dvxXouvxeg
mftov ou84v jtlgag xiov jiovcov e'xovxsg.

53
In contrast with such exertions are the easy lives of such
people as Sardanapalus. He was considered in fable as a jovial
character who kept a standing reward for anyone who could
invent a new pleasure. The saint cites him as an example of
inertia. If worthlessness were to be cultivated, "then sluggish
ness would be praiseworthy in this life, and Sardanapalus, that
famous man, would be esteemed the most happy of all."39
Basil uses the wealth of Hymetius as an instance of extreme
riches, saying in a letter to Sophronius, "How could I place the
wealth of Hymetius before one prodigal of his property, as you
are."40 In different sources the name is given as Hymintius.
Basil, however, is never at a loss to mention famous characters.
He cites Polycleitus and Phidias, the sculptors, in contemning
pride: "Phidias and Polycleitus, if they had extolled themselves
by reason of the gold and ivory, of which one made the Elean Jove
and the other the Argive Juno, would have -been laughed at,
because abandoning their art, by which very thing they had made
the gold more beautiful and precious, they had taken glory from
an alien source."41
Basil frequently uses such generalized references as the fol
lowing : "O Muses ! O Learning ! O1 Athens ! What do you not
give to those who love you?"42 He is in the midst of a violent
outburst of praise for the style of Libanius. In another letter
addressed to Libanius he comments upon the large groves that
grew by the sacred river Alpheus, remarking that, though many
rafters had been cut there, that more trees will soon grow, because
"the sacred Alpheus has promised to restore them."43 The mar
velous nature of the sacred river and its life-giving qualities were
long celebrated in song and story.
In his commentary upon Isaias, Basil finds occasion to make
use of many ancient references, and in one book manages to
devote an entire chapter to an attack upon the customs of pagan
banquets.44 The fashions that prevailed in the banquets of
39 181, C. noXXou uiv x' fiv aliov, fyv r\ pafrupia Tip Piep xal o ye 2ap8a-
vajtdXug xd Jtpaixa jtdvxcov rig Eu8aiuoviav Itplpexo.
40 Letter 272. n<og 84 xtiv 'Yp/nxiou ewtopiav jtpoxiuoxlpav Ixi-frep/riv xfjg
afjg olxeicoaetog dv8p6g oSxco Bajtavwvxog xtiv ouaiav;
41 183, C. "H $Ei8iag uiv xal noXuxXfiixog ri x(j> xpuoicp uiya Iqppovouv
xal Tip IXIqpavxi <?>v 6 p4v 'HXeioig tov Ala, 6 84 xtiv 'Hpav 'Apyeioig
4jcoiriadTTiv xaxayeXdaxcp Sv tjottjv dXXoTpiip jiXovxtp xaXXuMti£6u.Evot dipevxeg
ttjv xixvr\v, uqp' -rjg xal 6 XQvooc; TJ8icov xal xipicoxEpog drtE8£ixfhf).
42 Letter 353. & Mouoai, xal Adyoi, xal 'Adfjvai, oia xoig IpaoTafg
8cop£iad£! 43 Letter 348. Oug 8 Ifipog 'AXipaiog ditoxaTaaTiiaEiv xaT£jir|YYEiXaro.
44 Cf. 491, A-B-C.

54
Xenophon and Plato had given place to the greatest luxury, and
though Basil may have had examples of elder times in mind, it is
more than probable that later dates or his own time furnished him
with the theme which he attacks.
In a letter to Diodorus, Basil touches upon an idea wide
spread in antiquity and in places proverbial, the hatred of a step
mother for children of a former marriage : "Only the race of
stepmothers extends hatred beyond death."45 Many stories are
told on this theme, and Euripides and Menander use it with effect
in their plays.
The next division of these loose references is the group that
falls into the province of folklore and popular belief. The Greeks
left very few of their notions unaccounted for and nearly always
had a definite locality to which they could attach their stories. A
belief that was very widespread was that of the baleful influence
of the moon. This was common to many of the ancients.
on]\t]VLaafiois was a common expression for epilepsy. Basil
writes, "Observe how those who sleep under the moon feel abun
dant moisture filling their heads."46 Some of the ideas about the
sinister influence of the moon were late and owed part of their
origin perhaps to confusion in the worships of Hecate and Selene.
Hecate frequently appeared as the ill-omened deity worshiped in
the dark of the moon, and in contrast to Selene, who represented
the moon in its brighter and better aspects.
Basil makes two references to Aesop and his Fables. Both
are in letters, in which one would naturally expect him to be some
what reminiscent. The first is in a letter to Eustathius, in which
the saint says : "Taking the unforeseen attitude of hate toward
me, my opponents appear to renew the old story in Aesop. For
he has a wolf bring an accusation against a lamb, being ashamed
to seem to kill an animal that had not injured him, unless with
some plausible reason. When the lamb refuted the lie the wolf
continued the attack and, being worsted in doing the right, came
off better in biting."47
43 Letter 160. Mdvov yap xo y4vog xiov (xrixpuiiov xal p£xd ftdvaxov
IXauvEi xrjv EX^pav.
46 61, B. At)Xouoi 84 ol xaftettiavTEg ujio oe\-r\vr\v uypdrnxog jtEpiorofjg
xdg xfjg XEtpaXfjg Eupuxcoplag JiX-npoupevoi.
47 Letter 189, sec. 2. "E8o|av o5v u.01 JtapajcXT)at6v xi jtoiei-v Tip Aiaojtsuo
p,ud(p ol t6 drtpoipdaiaxov xaft' f|u.fi>v dvaXaPovxEg ptaog. wg yap Ixeivog
lYxXrJuaTd Tiva x$ dpvtip x8v Xuxov npotplpsiv litoi'naEV alaxuv6nEvov 8fjftsv
x8 8oxeiv dveu Sixaiag jtpoqpdaecog dvaipriv xiv p,T|84v npoXuitriaavxa. tou 84
dpvog jtaaav ttiv Ix auxocpavrlag Iraxyouivryv aklav efixspio; BiaXuavTog
(W)84v naXXov ucpteefrai Tfjg opp-fig tov Xlixov dXXd Toig piv Sixatoig fj-rraodai
Toig 84 68ouat vix§v.

55
Another reference almost as effective and equally cant is a
remark in a letter to a writer : "Avoid making your pen go slant
wise like Aesop's crab."48 The story of the wolf who wished to
kill the sheep and sought a pretext, but being unable to find one
killed him anyhow, and the remark attributed to the crab, who
told his mother, when she reproached him for walking slantwise,
that he would walk straight when she showed him how, were well
known and would have required no comment. Basil could have
been sure that anyone would understand.
In dealing with the customs of different nations, Basil gives
some predominance to the Spartans, though this is perhaps ac
counted for on the ground that the Spartans had a wide reputa
tion for habits and manners conducive to discipline and training.
In a letter to Gregory he hints at the Lacedaemonian brevity of
speech in this remark: "Certainly there is no trouble in writing
the Laconian letters that continually reach us from you."49 He
notes this idea of very curt conversational habits in a letter to
Olympius: "Therefore, return to your former habit and do not
make me complain of your Laconic ways."50 The Spartan brevity
of speech afforded theme for a vast deal of comment from the
rest of the Greeks, who were by no means so reticent.
Referring to the light clothing worn by the Spartan women
because of their many exercises, Basil finds occasion to mention
that the garments were transparent, calling them "garments that
are for the home and transparent Laconian garments." In the
same paragraph he says: "Thus are imitated the clothes of
Laconian women who eschewed being plainly naked as an un
seemly thing, but cast on a linen garment wound around them
very thinly."51 The saint seems displeased with women of his
own times who affected the Laconian transparent style without the
Laconian excuse of exercising.
His only other reference to a Spartan custom is a mention
of the Spartan skytale. In a letter to Candidianus he makes his
48<Letter 334. Mrj 84 Pidtov xov xdXapov Xo|d PaSl^Eiv Scnep xbv itap'
Alawjtcp xapxivov.
49 Letter 19. Ildvxcog 84 ouSrig Jtovog Aaxcovixfjg ImaxoXfjg 8jtoiai rialv
al napd aov IxdaxoxE Jtp8g fipdg dcpixvoup-Evai.
30 Letter 12. 'EitdvEXdE xolvuv inl xo Ifftog cbg oux exi 001 p,EUA|>6jiE#a
Aaxwvltovxi Jtp8g -fipag 8id yocwixtov.
31 469, A. Kal xd &uPXrjp,axa xd xaxd xrjv olxlav xal xd 8laqpavfj
Aaxaivixd . . . &oxt u.iu.£ioihxi xd xffiv Aaxaivwv lmPXrip,axa. al xaxd ttiv
opxr|0iv t8 <pav£Qiog YVH-vouoftai e&g daEpvov jtapanroupEvai urapPdXXouaav
XErtT6xT|Ti, Xivtjv IcrfMiTa jtepiPaXX6u.Eva.

56
allusion very cleverly: "I respect that as if it were a public an
nouncement, and while I am smoothing the tablet, looking in, I
am excited, as was no Laconian defendant looking into the
Spartan skytale."52 The skytale was a staff of peculiar shape car
ried by a Spartan general in the field. One like it was kept at
Sparta. To write a despatch a paper was folded around the staff
and writing made lengthwise upon it. When the papyrus, or
whatever the tablet was composed of, was unrolled, the letters
were seen scattered all over the sheet, making no sense. To read
the message the sheet had to be folded again around the skytale.
Thus the letter if intercepted was of no good to the enemy.
Basil touches upon a matter that could hardly be called
Athenian, yet it was carried to a greater length at Athens than
anywhere else. Speaking of the proverbial wordiness of the
Athenian people, Basil remarks of a certain person, when writing
to Leontius, "In no wise will he be silent, being both sophistical
and Attic."53 Gossiping and tale bearing was a notorious pro
pensity of the Athenians. Scandalmongers and their ilk throve
in Athens. Basil finds the people of the city in his own day
decidedly inferior to those of classical Athens : "Now, it would be
rarer for a wise or eloquent man to appear in our Agora than it
would have been for branded men, or those with unclean hands,
to have come into Athens of old."54
In his work against Eunomius, Basil makes a peculiar ref
erence to the use of the scarabaeus, or a beetle similar to our
scarabaeus, for estimating a period of time. He says : "Accord
ing to the opinion of the best informed person, since the scarabei
move in time, we define the time as the motion of the scarabei."65
The scarabaeus was especially sacred in Egypt, and some of these
ideas of Egyptian customs reflect institutions unusually aged and
confused. In his commentary upon Isaias the saint refers to a local habit
of the Phoenicians, who cultivated their vines with oxen, though it
does not appear why this was so. Basil writes of some people that
32 Letter 3. EuXafSrjUTyv auTTjv dig ti 8tp6oiov npoaayyEXXouaav, xal
nap' ov l^eXuov xaipov tov x-npov Itpopoup-ryv itpoapXertcov, tog ouSrig Iv
alTiaig 8>v 2jiapxidxT)g AaxcovixTiv axuxaX-nv.
68 Letter 20. cicojit|o-ei 84 ouSauiog, cocpicrtixrj te oZoa xal 'Attixti.
54 Letter 74. <S<jte tgjv rapl jtaiSeiav xal X6youg fJTTOv fiv cpavEi-n vuv Tig
iM-PaXdiv Tfj dyopQi r\ Adrivnai jtpOTEpov oi aTiulav xaTayvtoaplvoi ij Tag
xeipag SvxEg p-f| xaftapoi.
55 233. C. Ouxouv xaxd xov xou oocpcoxdxou Xdyov, litEiST) xal xdvfrapoi
Iv X9<5vcp xivouvtai 6piac6pefta t6v xpovov rival jtoidv Ttva xavftdptov xwtioiv.

57
"The diction of these people indicates the indigenous custom ot
their country, just as cultivating the vines with oxen in the case
of the Phoenicians."56
2. Historical Writers. In discussing the historians from whom
Basil draws most of his references and most of his information
about antiquity, it seems advisable to include among them not
only the professed historian, but also the biographer, who collected
information not of great political importance, but frequently very
significant when the lives of the men who guided the politics of
the time are considered. Basil works in two references to Xerxes
in his letters. He is distinctly literary in his correspondence and
handles his allusions effectively. Speaking of creating great
wonder, Basil says that Libanius could not have caused more "if
you had led the barbarian sailing over Mt. Athos."57 Xerxes'
feat in digging a canal through the promontory back of Mt. Athos
was a source of never ending wonder to the Greeks. Herodotus
discusses it as an almost impossible feat of engineering.58 Later
Greeks thought the whole story a fable.
In another letter to Libanius he alludes to the number of the
troops mustered at Thermopylae, saying, "I have ordered as many
rafters supplied as were soldiers at Thermopylae."59 Popular
legend long gave the number of men as three hundred, but these
were the Spartans alone. The allied forces made up a much more
numerous contingent.60
Speaking of great wealth in his address To the Youths, Basil
says : "For us, however, unless the talents of the Mysian Pythius
are at hand, unless there are numberless herds of cattle, unless
there are so many lands and so many fields, nothing suffices."61
Pythius was a Lydian of great wealth who banqueted Xerxes'
entire army when it passed through his country on the great in
vasion of Greece.62 Inasmuch as Herodotus asserts in another
passage that Xerxes' armed forces comprised about two millions
56 488, D. 'H u.4v X4|ig ttiv lyxwpiov oruvrifl-Eiav Xeyei x&v xaxd $oivixt)v
8id Pocov dpoxpic&vxcov x-fjv SujieXov.
37 Letter 339. fj eI xov pdppapov fjyeg <ox4p xov "Afteo jtXIovxa.
38 Cf. Herodotus, VII., 22, 23.
59 Letter 348. laapifrp-oug xoig Iv fteppaniuXaig aycovitjopEvoig oxpaxicoxaig
axpcoxfjpag XQ^o^V^0-1 Jtpoo£xa|a.
60 Cf. Herodotus, VII., 202, for a detailed catalogue of the troops.
01 183, C. 'Hp.iv 84 dpa el prj xd Ilvfriou xou MuooO n,QOaeli\ xdXavxa
xal jtXedpa vfjg; Toca xai xoaa xal poaxTpaxayv lapol jtXeioug Fj dpiftpfjaai
otj84v liapxlasi.
«2 Cf. Herodotus, VII., 27, 29.

58
of men, such a feat as Pythius performed would justly be regarded
as remarkable. In his Consolatio ad Aegrotum, Basil delivers this opinion:
"The age of man is brief ; the splendor of a toilsome life is short.
It is the web of a spider ; human opinion is uncertain. The phan
tasy of life is a dream, but the repose of the just is most happy."63
This idea is an echo of a speech which Herodotus puts down as
Xerxes', in which the King says : "After meditating the thought
struck me to weep for the shortness of all human existence, for
of all the men who are here present, in a hundred years from now
not one will be alive."64 Then, taking up the theme throughout
succeeding paragraphs, another character who answers Xerxes
develops the idea of the mutability of human affairs and their total
uncertainty. Dwelling upon clemency in a letter to Andronicus, Basil com
ments upon a story Herodotus tells about Croesus, whose son was
accidentally slain by a man called Adrastus, but who "ceased from
wrath against the slayer of his son when he gave himself up for
punishment."65 The story is related at length by Herodotus, who
says that "Croesus, having heard Adrastus' request for death,
pitied him."66
The other reference to Croesus appears in the same letter,
when Basil speaks of the friendship that began between Croesus
and Cyrus the Great, after Cyrus had subdued Lydia : "The great
Cyrus became a friend to this very Croesus after the victory."67
The story is told at considerable length and with the addition of
many details by Herodotus.68 The one other case in which Basil
mentions Lydia is in the speech To the Youths, when he has an
opportunity to expatiate at length upon the necessity of shunning
superfluous wealth: "Whatever is superfluous and exceeds the
measure of necessity, whether it should be the Lydian sand or the
63 Consolatio ad ^Egrotum. 6 ptog xiov dvfrpcojtiov Ppaxug xal oXiyo-
Xp6viogxfjg Ijtipoxftou ^wrjg r\ <pai8p6xTig, lax8g dpdxvrig EuSidXuxog t| 86S=a T)
tpavxaaia tow p(ou ovap dXXd paxpuoxdxTi xwv Sixaicov r\ dvsaig.
64 Herodotus, VII., 46. 'EcfjXfts ydo he Xoyiaduevov xaxoixxipai dig
Ppaxug eit) 6 Jtag dvfrpiorovog Piog ei xouxcov ye lovxcov xoaouxtov ouSrig Ig
ixaxoorxov exog jtepiEdxai.
65 Letter 112. ouxoi xal Kpoiaog xip jtaiSoipovcp xtiv 6pyf|v dqjEivai XsyExai
4auxov jtapaSovxt rig xipmpiav.
86 Herodotus, I., 45. Kpoiaog 84 xouxiov dxouaag xov xe "ASp-rjaxov
xaxoixxipEi. 07 Letter 112. Kal Kupog 6 uiyag aux$ xouxtp x# Kpoiaio ipiXog yevEff&ai
(xexd xf|V vixiyv.
68 Cf. Herodotus, I., 88.

59
labor of the gold bearing ants, so much more should be shunned."69
The river Pactolus in Lydia carried down gold in its sands and
was considered a source of great wealth by the ancients. Croesus
had controlled all the gold mines and made himself famous for
his riches. The gold of the river's sands was well known.70 The
case of the ants is also derived from the same author. An idea
long prevailed that in India existed ants which mined and hoarded
gold. This is also dwelt upon at considerable length in the same
book.71 Besides Herodotus, Basil could have used other writers effect
ively for information on Egyptian matters, but the old historian
was popular among the Greeks. The saint is touching upon a very
ancient idea among the Hellenes when he says that "the blood of
the bull is poison for you."72 This notion was very prevalent in
Greek literature. Aristophanes makes one of his characters in the
Knights, when contemplating suicide, say, "It were best for us to
drink the blood of a bull,"78 and Herodotus tells at length the story
of Psalmennitus, the last ruler of Egypt, and how, when he had
been taken by Cambyses and convicted of a plot, "Being con
strained by Cambyses, he drank the blood of a bull and died.
Thus, then, he perished."74
Basil takes up a peculiarly Egyptian instance when he speaks
of the hippopotamus, which the Greeks first met on the upper Nile,
and which they ever after associated with things Egyptian. In
speaking of various kinds of amphibious animals, he mentions the
hippopotamus, saying, "Such amphibia as seals, crabs, crocodiles,
river horses and frogs."75 Herodotus, the first Greek traveler
who left a connected record of his Egyptian impressions, describes
this peculiar animal at some length.76 Basil's final reference to
Egyptian things has to do with the statues and carvings that
Herodotus mentions as being so numerous in certain parts. The
Commentaries upon Isaias have this passage, in which Basil writes :
69 183, A. To yag xfjg XQSiag jtepixxoxspov, xav Au8iov rj i(>fjYM.a xav xiov
pupprixcov epyov xiov xpvooqpopcov xoaouxtp nXeov dxipdasi, Sain Jtep av fjxxov
jtpoaSe-nxat. 79 Cf. Herodotus, V., 101.
71 Cf. Herodotus, III., 102.
72 43, B. ljtEi8-rj 001 8-nXT)xr|piov xo xaupiov alpa.
73 Knights, 83. PeXxioxov r\[)Xv atpa xaupEtov jtiEiv.
74 Herodotus, III., IS- uno KapPuOEio alu-a xaupou iticbv ane-dave napa-
Xpfjpa. ouxco 8-f) ouxog exeXeuxiqoe.
75 63, D. olov ipcoxai xal xpox68EiXot xal 01 Jtoxa|j,oi uutoi, xal pdxpaxoi,
xal xapxivoi. " Cf. Herodotus, IL, 71.

60
"in what way will the carved things cry out, carved from wood
and stone or other material, formed by the art of man into images
either of four-footed brute animals, or birds, or reptiles, such as
the simulacra of the Egyptians."77 Herodotus mentions in many
places the various images and the interest in them that the
Egyptians showed.78
In his Commentaries upon the Hexaemeron, Basil uses many
peculiar ideas about natural history, two of which are taken di
rectly from Herodotus. He says that "Vipers are born by gnaw
ing through the womb of their mother (killing her), inflicting a
proper return upon her."79 Again he repeats the very idea in the
same words in the second commentary upon psalm fourteen, say
ing, "Vipers are born by gnawing through the womb of their
mother."80 Basil's statement reproduces the story of Herodotus : "Being
yet in the womb, they gnaw their mother, and having gnawed her
womb, they make their entrance into the world."81
The remaining reference comes also in the Hexaemeron, when
he states that "A lioness with difficulty gives birth to one lion."82
Herodotus has it : "The lioness, the strongest and fiercest of wild
beasts, bears but one in her life."83
Basil's remaining references that can be directly connected
with Herodotus are scattered and without connection with each
other. He speaks of the old age of Tithonus and Arganthonius,
having said that he would reject the offer "If anyone were to
proffer the age of Tithonus or of Arganthonius."84 Tithonus has
been mentioned. Herodotus tells of Arganthonius : "Arganthonius
77 558, C. niog 6XoXuS=ei yXujtxd, a Ix E=uXou xal Xiftou ri xivog dXX-ng uXrig
eoti popqpouarig auxd xfjg xlxv-ng rig dvftpcojrrov rixovag rj £cocov dXoyoov
T£Tpajt68cov rj jtTTivrav, fj xal EpjtETiov, oia xd x&v Alyuitxirav eotiv
dcpiSpupara; 78 Cf. Herodotus, IL, 4, 131, 143, 176, etc.
79 85, A. Kai e'xi&vou Tag ivnxpag extpayoOcai jtpolpxovxai JtpEJtovxag xfj
Y£vvr|aau.£vn xoug pifffroug Ixxivvuouaai.
80 in, D. xdg 4x(8vag Xsyouai xf|v yaoxeqa xfjg M-^Tpog Sisoftiouaag
TlXTEOftai. 81 Herodotus, III., 109. iv xfj yaaxpl !6vra Ta TExva StEadiEi xr\v mxeQa
SiacpaydvTa 84 xr\v vrj8uv auxfjg oiixio xt)v 4'x8uaiv itoilsxai.
,82 85, A. o#ev Xlovxog 4v6g udXig t| Xlaiva ptixtip yivExai.
83 Herodotus,^ HI.,^108. ti 84 8r, Xlaiva 46v laxupoxaxov xal fl-paouxaxov,
obtal; Iv x^ Pup xixxsi ev.
84 184, C. 'Eyih 84 xdv xo TiftmvoO xig yrJQag, xav xo 'Apyavdooviou
XeYTI • • •

61
ruled over Tartessus eighty years, and he lived altogether one
hundred and twenty."85
In the same work occurs another stray reference: "I do not
see, except as it is in the fables of the dragons, that it is pleasant
or satisfactory to keep guard over treasures that have been
buried."86 Herodotus tells at length of the gold guarding griffins
of Scythia and the one-eyed Arimaspi who inhabited the country
and who fought with the griffins for the gold.87 The same fan
tastic theme must have been well known to the poets. Aeschylus
has a line in Prometheus Bound, "The one-eyed equestrian army
of Arimaspians."88 The Scythians were always known to the Greeks as an eques
trian and nomadic nation. Basil is aware of the rough and un
civilized habits of these peoples, and calls attention to them in a
homily upon the psalms : "The Scythian nomads are trained in
rough and inhuman customs."89 The same subject is discussed at
length by Herodotus in his book upon the Scythians.90
Speaking of the relative length of days in the different lati
tudes, and the shorter days in the more northern places, Basil
says, "It is this which happens to all of us 'hetero-skii' who inhabit
the northern regions of the earth."91 Herodotus has left the
oldest recorded idea upon the alteration of shadows according to
the changing position of the sun. He tells of Phoenician navigators
who sailed around Africa, and noted in the course of their voyage
that the position of the sun altered, being first upon one hand, and
when they returned upon the other.92
In Basil's Consolatio ad Aegrotum is found a parallelism to
some passages upon a corresponding subject in Herodotus. The
saint points out the uncertainty of human efforts and the fleeting
nature of human gain, and indicates ways to happiness and the
life of a man who would attain happiness. He concludes, "Such
85 Herodotus, I., 163. 'ApYavfhoviog IxuppdwEuas 84 Tapxiriaou oySco-
xovTa ETEa ipCtoaE 84 jtdvra rixooa xal IxaTov.
86 83, A. 'Ey<b u-ev oux 6pm jiXtiv eI prj xaTa Toug Iv Toig pudoig 8pdxovTag
f|8ovrfv xiva cplpoi Orioaupoig xaxopaipuypEvoig inayQvnveiv.
87 Cf. Herodotus, III., 116, IV., 13, 27.
88 Prometheus Bound, 80S. tov te pouviojta CTpatov 'Aptp-aajtov
"uutopdpov. 89 102, C. Sxuftai 84 NopdSeg, dvnpipoig xal ditavdpi&Jtoig auvxpaqpevxeg
ijdsaiv. 90 Cf. Herodotus, IV., 62-73.
si t)yt C. xal xouro nap' rj|uv Toig ETepooxioig XEyoplvoig Saoi Ta dpxxaia
xfjg Y^JS lltOlXOUJlEV.
92 Cf. Herodotus, IV., 42.

62
is the life of man, a stormy sea, an unsteady wind, an inconstant
dream, a wandering river, a vanishing smoke, a receding shadow,
an ocean stormy with breakers, the tempest awe inspiring, the ves
sel unsafe, and we, the sailors, asleep."93 Herodotus takes up the
theme of the vanity of human wishes and gives the pagan concep
tion of happiness. He relates the story of Tellus, the Athenian,
who after a blameless life died fighting for his country, and again
the case of Cleobis and Bito, who earned happiness by filial piety,
and with it the praise of the people and a reward from the gods,
who sent them a happy and painless death before age had brought
any of life's evils. The changeable nature of human things seems
strongly evident to both authors.94
Basil's acquaintance with Thucydides shows but slightly. He
writes in a letter to Gregory, "Assuredly Alcmaeon, having found
the Echinades, did not wish to go further."95 Alcmaeon is used
as an instance of someone halting after arriving at a goal, only
with the greatest difficulty. Thucydides narrates at length the
whole story: "It is said that Alcmaeon, son of Amphiaraus, was
told by Apollo, while wandering after the murder of his mother,
to settle in this land, hinting at no deliverance from his terrors
until Alcmaeon had found a place not in existence and not seen
by the sun at the time he killed his mother, for the rest of the
world was cursed for him. And he, wandering, as they say, with
difficulty, discovered this mud deposit of the Achelous, and it
seemed to him that enough earth had accumulated to support a
person during the time that he had been wandering after killing
his mother. There he settled . . ."96
Basil says in a letter to Martinianus, "When I speak of the
Podandus, suppose that I am referring to the Spartan Ceadas, or
93 Consolatio ad ZJgrotum. xoiouxog 6 xiov dvfrptoitoiv Piog daxaxog
ddXaaaa drip dviopaXog ovap dpipaiov $£up,a jtapaxplxov, xaitvdg StaXe-
X£6p,Evog, axid UExaitnSioaa jteXayog vnb xupdxcov IvoxXoupevov. xal f| u.ev
£dXri cpoPepd 6 84 jtXoug IjtiaqpaX-fig ol 84 Impdxai vuaxd^opev.
94 Cf. Herodotus, I., 30, 31.
95 Letter 14. ndvxog yap ou84 'AXxp.a(<ov 'ExivdSag eup&v Ixi TTJg
itXdvrig f|v4axexo.
96 Thucydides, IL, 102. Xlysxat 84 xal 'AXxuiam t$ 'Ap,tptdpEU> ote 5f|
dXaafrai aurdy hetoi T6vtp6vov Trig priTpdg, tov 'AjtdXXco xa.'rxryv xr\v yi\v
xpfjaai olxslv wteutotrca oux Elvai Xucav xcov SEipdxaw jiplv fiv e-Spoav Iv xa-fixfl
Tfj X«oa xaxoixiax-nxai fjxig Ste exteive tt)v pTyxlpa pifjiwo vnb fiXCot) IcopaTO
pri84 yfj V 6g Tfjg ye dXXtig aux® p.£p.iacp.4vi>;. 6 8' dnoptov &g q>aal ndXig
xaxev6naE xrjv jtp6ax»oiv xaiJxirv xou 'AxeX$ou, xal ISoxei a6x$ txavfi fiv
xExGaflai 8Caixa xtp ato(j.axi dtp' oujtep xxeivag ttvv p,-*ycepa otix 6XIyov x<?6vov
fotXavaxo xal xaxoixicrfteCg.

63
any natural fissure that you have seen."97 Thucydides mentions
the Spartan Ceadas. The pit outside the city into which dead
criminals were cast was long called by this name. Thucydides, in
felling of the death of the Spartan general, Pausanias, says, "They
were about to cast him into the Ceadas, where they throw crimi
nals."98 Of the ten references which Basil makes that can be referred
to Plutarch, three deal with Alexander the Great. This is not at
all strange, considering what a noted character he was in Greek
history and how he dazzled the Greek imagination as no one had
done since Achilles. Basil twice finds opportunity to make men
tion of Pericles, but the remainder of the observations are scat
tered. In the speech To the Youths, Basil argues for self-restraint,
urging the need of respect for others, and telling a story of Alex
ander : "I will not pass the deed of Alexander, who, having cap
tive the daughters of Darius, whose beauty was said to be unusual,
did not think it right to look at them."99 Plutarch, after discussing
the treatment of the prisoners, concluded by saying, "Displaying,
in opposition to the beauty of their appearance, the fairness of his
own control and moderation, he passed them by as though they
were but lifeless images."100
Urging charity in judging, Basil backs up his argument with a
story of how Alexander acted in a difficult case : "Imitate Alex
ander, who received a letter saying that his physician was plotting
his death. At the very moment when about to drink the medicine
he was so far from believing the slanderer that he at one and the
same time read the letter and drank the draught."101 Plutarch
97 Letter 74. oxav 84 n o8av86v Eireoi x8v Ke&bav pe oiou Xeyeiv x8v
Aaxwvix&v t| ei Jtou xfjg olxoupevrjg ElSsg pdpafrpov auxoqpueg.
98 Thucydides, L, 134. Kal auxov IpiXXijffav p4v Ig tov KaidSav (ofot£p
xoug xaxoupyoug) lapdXXEiv. The traveler Pausanias mentions the pit also.
Cf. Description of Greece, IV., 18, 4, 1. There is a casual notice in Strabo
of such natural pits, which were called Kaietoi. Cf. Strabo, Geographica,
VIII., 367- , „ .
99 179, A. oux av jtaplXftoipi xo xou 'AXE^avSpou, og xag <h>YttTEpag
AapEtou alxpaXcoTou; XaPciiv dauuaaTov xi olov xoxdXXog itaplxEiv papxupou-
pivag ou84 jtpooi8Eiv f|?kooav.
100 Life of Alexander, 21. dvTEJti8Eixvup,£vog 84 jtpog xr\v ibeav tttv
Ixeivcov x8 Tfjg I8lag lyxpaxEiag xal acoqppoauvTic xdXXog, <Sa;tEp dajiuxoug
elxdvag dyaXpaxiov ;tap4jtEijiEv.
101 Letter 272. x6v 'AXIJ-avBpov pipoupsvog 8g wiutxoXtvv xaxd xou
laxpou 8e|dpEvog <&g IniPouXEUovxog Itcei8ti I"xuxev Iv aux$ x^ xaip®
ipdpnaxov XaP&v coaxe mevv xooourov aniaxe maxeuaai xip SiaPdXXovxi,
&ort opou xe ttjv ImaroXriv dvayiYvtooxE xal xb (pdppaxov Smvev.

64
gives the story: "When the time appointed was at hand, and
Philip (Philip, the Acarnian, Alexander's physician) came in
with the king's medicine in a cup, Alexander handed him the let
ter, while he himself took the medicine with readiness and no sign
of suspicion. It was an amazing sight then, and one well worthy
of the stage, the one reading the letter, the other drinking the
medicine . . ,"102
The last reference to Alexander occurs in a letter from Basil
to Elias. When asking impartiality, he says, "You remember that
Alexander, as they say, when one of his friends was being
calumniated, left one ear open to the slanderer, and carefully
closed the other with his hand, with the object of showing that he,
whose duty is to judge, ought not to be easily and entirely given
to those who first get a hearing, but should keep half his hearing
for the defense of those absent."103 Plutarch gives the same story,
though for once in a more abridged form. He writes, "It is said
that at first, when he was trying capital cases, he would put his
hand over his ear while the accuser was speaking that he might
keep it free and unprejudiced for the accused."104
In discussing moderation and self-control, Basil uses a story
that was current about Pericles. "A man of the agora abused
Pericles,"105 Basil writes. He was a ruffian of exceedingly low
character, according to Plutarch, who says that he insulted Pericles
at opportunity throughout the day, but Pericles, "When he was
about to go home, as it was already growing dark, ordered one of
his domestics to take a torch and accompany the man guiding him
to his home."106
Basil remarks that the conduct of Pericles and Euclid conform
102 Life of Alexander, 19, 3. iog 84 xou xaipou Jtapovxog ElafjXdE pexd
xiov Ixaiptov 6 $iXiroiog x6 tpdppaxov Iv xuXixi xopi^cov, IxEivcp p,4v IjiISioxe
xtiv imcxoX-nv, aflxog 84 xo tpdppaxov ISIgaxo npoOupcog xal dvuraSrextog,
&axe daupaaxriv xai foaxpixfjv xf|v 6>iv slvai, xou p4v dvaYiYvcoaxovxog, xov
84 TOvavrog. 103 Letter 94. xal YaQ exeivov cpaal SiaPaXXopivau xwog xt&v ouvfV&tov
xtiv pev Ixlpav xwv dxoiov dveivai Tip 8iapdXXovTi t*|v 84 iTlpav ImpeXwg
Imtppdlaofrai xfi xeiQt,- IvSeixtopevov oti Seoi t6v opftiog xptvEiv piXXovxa
pf| SXov sufKig Toig jtpoXaPouaiv ditdyEaGai dXXd t8 tJpictu Tfjg dxpodaetog
dxlpaiov Siaato^eiv jtpdg dutoXoyiav Tip p-p jtapdvri.
104 Life of Alexander, 42. XlyExai 84 xal xdg 8£xag SiaxpCvmv Iv dpxfi
xdg davaxixdg xt)v xri»a xav &x<nv Tip Ixlpip itpoaxtftEvai xou xaxriydpau
Xlyovxog oitiog xip xivSuveuovxi xafrap8v (puXdxxrytai xal dSidpXTixov.
103 178, B. olov, 4Xoi86pei tov nspixXIa tcov 4| dyopag tig dv#pautcov.
198 Life of Pericles, 5. &g 8' I^eXXev Elailvai axdwug SvTog t|8t|
KQoaixali tivi x&v oIxetiov (ptog Xo66vti jtapcotlpijiai xal xaTaaTfjaai repdg
T-f)v olxiav t8v av&powov.

65
to the Christian precepts : "The deed of Pericles or of Euclid ac
cords with this 'to bear with those who persecute you, and endure
their anger mildly.' "107
In a letter to Libanius Basil works in the famous story of
Theseus and the Cretan Labyrinth : "Going back again to seek for
the right order, retreating and following the furrow, like Theseus
in the story, as they say, following Ariadne's thread."108 Plutarch
in his life of Theseus tells the story with all its details. In regard
to the affair of the Labyrinth, Plutarch says, "When Theseus
sailed to Crete, as most of the poets and historians say, he got a
thread from Ariadne, who had fallen in love with him, and was
instructed by her how to find his way through the windings of
the Labyrinth . . ."109
The story of the first Gallic invasion of Italy, of how Brennus
and his men very nearly took the Capitol, but were frustrated by
the sacred geese, furnishes an anecdote for the Hexaemeron:
"When the enemy was advancing by subterranean passages to the
peak of the Capitol of Rome to fake it, the sacred geese announced
the danger."110 Plutarch tells it thus : "The geese, being specially
wakeful and restless by reason of their hunger, perceived the
approach of the Gauls and dashed at them with loud cries and so
waked the garrison."111
In another part of his commentaries upon the Hexaemeron,
Basil describes the faithfulness of dogs, referring to a type of
incident that Plutarch uses in his life of Pyrrhus. Basil remarks
that "Many dogs are said to have fallen dead in lonely places by
their murdered masters, and others when a crime has been com
mitted have led those who were searching for the murderer, and
caused the criminals to be brought to justice."112 Plutarch's story
107 179, D. to 84 xou nspixXloug ii xo EuxXeiSou xip xoug Sidjxovrag
ujtopeveiv xal Jtpdcog auxcov Tfjg opyfjg dvexeaftai.
108 Letter 334. dvaTplxEiv eSei jtdXiv xal xryv xd|iv lititJ-nTeiv dvara>8(-
£ovxa xal jtap£jtop.Evov Tip auXaxi xauwtEp xov ©riala xm pixip xfjg 'Apid8vrig
<paai. 109 Theseus, 19. 'EjieI 84 xaxIxXeuaev slg KpTJxirv a>g p4v ol jtoXXol
Ypdqpouoi xal a8ouai Jtapd xfjg ApidBvng Ipacr&Eiarig xo Xivov XaP&v xal
8i8ax^Elg cog eoxi xou AaPupCvfrou xoug IXiypaug 5i£§£X-fr£iv.
110 78, C. itoXEpioug xtvdg vnb yfjg 81' uitovopiov dcpavcov rjSri uiXXovxag
x-fiv dxpav xfjg 'Pcop/ng xaxaXapPdvsiv xaxaprivuaavxEg.
111 Camillus, 27. exeivoi 84 xai 8id Xipov dypuJtTivnxixol xal flopupcoSEig
YEYOvoxEg xaxu xt)v E(f>o8ov fjcrfrovxo xcov TaXaxcov xal p£xd 8p6pou xai
xXayY7!? <pepopevoi jtpog auxoug IjtrjyEtpav obtavxag.
112 84, D. onov ye xal cpoveufrEtai SECJtoxaig xax' Ipriuxav jtoXXol xiov
xwtov ereaitoftavovxeg pvripoveuovxai. "H8e 84 xivsg ini -freppip xop itd-frei xal
68tiyoI xoig Ix^Tixouai xoug qpovlag Iyevovxo xal into Six-r|V dxOfjvai toig
xaxoupYOug Ijtoiiraav.

66
is as follows : "King Pyrrhus, going upon a journey, chanced upon
a dog guarding the body of a murdered man . . . (He ordered
the body buried and the dog brought along with him. After a
considerable length of time the dog came into the presence of the
criminals.) . . . When he saw the murderers of his master
present he rushed upon them with violence and barking . . .
and they say that the dog of Hesiod, the philosopher, did the very
same things."113
Writing to Candidianus, Basil tells of the affairs of Demos
thenes in comparison with those of Candidianus: "I could com
pare the condition of your affairs with Demosthenes. He, indeed,
you remember, when he furnished choruses with a few choristers
and flute players, wished no more to be called Demosthenes, but
choregus."114 Plutarch makes the following remark upon the
same case : "Demosthenes, who is now not Demosthenes, but law
giver, choregus, and crown-bearer."115
Urging Martinianus to stand fast by his expressed political
principles, Basil writes : "You will thus either prove some help
to the state or you will at least have done what Solon did."116
He then goes on to tell the story of how Solon, when the Pisistrids
seized the Acropolis, being then an old man and unable to prevent
the action, put on his arms and sat down before the gate to indicate
that he was not in sympathy with the move. Plutarch has it,
that Solon "Went to his house and, taking his arms, put them in
the street before the gate, saying, T have done all I can to help
the country and the law.' "117 Aristotle mentions the case in his
Constitution of Athens, using it to illustrate his theories of gov
ernment.118 Diogenes Laertius also speaks of it and gives the
113 Plutarch, De Sollertia Animalum, 13. nuppog 8' 6 paaiXEug bbeviov
Ivetuxe xuvl ippoupouvTi acopa jiEipovEuplvou . . . IjtEi 84 xoug cpovlag xou
8£CJt6xou jtapiovxag eISev 4|48papE p-Exd qpcovfjg xai -frupou in' auxoug . . .
xauxd 84 xal tov 'Hoi68ou xuva xou coqjou SQdaai Xeyouai.
114 Letter 3. touto 84 itpog xa Aripoaftevoug Ta ad xpivavTi. ori 8 p4v
ejieiSti 6Xiyoig Tial xopfiuraig xal auX-rrcaig IxopriYEi ouxeti figiou AripoffftEvrig
dXXd xopriyog Svopd^Eadai.
113 Plutarch, Prsecepta Gerendae Reipublicae, 22. oxi vuv oux eoxi
AtiM-oa#EVTig povov, dXXd xal ^ea\io&exr\q ij xopi-jyAg ij ax£g>avri<p6pog.
118 Letter 74. "H yap yevriari xi oqpsXog xoig xoivoig rj xo YE xou 26Xwvog
jteitoiTixrog eon.
117 Solon, 30. djtfjXfrEv rig xtiv olxiav xfvv lauxou xal Xaprav xd SrtXa xal
jtpo xiov frupiov dlpevog rig xov axsvioitov, 'Epol uiv sfotEv, cog 8uvaxAv fjv
PEPotVfrrixai xfj JtaxpiSi xal xoig v6poig.
118 Cf. Aristotle, Politeia Athenaion, 14, 2.

67
answer that Solon was supposed to have made on being reproached
for his behavior.118
In the case of Xenophon there is very little to indicate the
extent of Basil's readings in or familiarity with this author.
Xenophon speaks of the "mandrake, which gives men sleep."120
Basil uses the same expression. In the Hexaemeron he says that
"By the mandrake physicians give us sleep."121 The thought is
the same as well as part of the wording, but the connection is
loose. Such a remark proves nothing. The other instance is a
story cited by Basil in the address To the Youths. Xenophon
relates at length in his Memorabilia the tale of Heracles and his
choice between Vice and Virtue.122 The theme is an old one and
did not originate with Xenophon. The use that Basil makes of the
story gives good grounds for suspecting that he had Xenophon's
version in mind, especially as he quotes a notable verse, also quoted
in Xenophon's text. The Greek, too, shows numerous resem
blances.123 The story of Milo, which Basil refers to, may be from Pau
sanias. Milo, according to the latter's account, was a famous
wrestler of Crotona. Basil says that Milo would cling to a greased
shield, and that his strength was so great that no one could push
him off: "Milo could not be moved from his shield, but pushed,
as he was, clung to it no less firmly than statues that are soldered
with lead."124 Pausanias tells the same story : "He would stand
on a greased quoit, laughing at those who tried to shove him and
push him off.""5
With Basil affairs that appeal to the dramatic and excitable
parts of his hearers' or readers' natures are far more to the point
than cold facts. This was natural, for he sought effect. Many
references point to Herodotus, who was a born story-teller, but
not an historian.
Basil's historical field is not very wide, and the range of
authors that he seems to have in mind for ready reference is not
119 Cf. Diogenes Laertius, Solon, 49.
120 Symposium, 2, 24. 6 pav8pay6pag xoug dvffptoreoug xoipX^ei . . .
121 43, D. Aid p4v yap xou pavSpayopou uitvov laxpol xaxendyouaiv.
122 Cf. Xenophon Memorabilia, IL, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26.
123 Cf. 178, B-C. Cf. Dorgens, Op. eit., for a detailed parallel of the
- two passages.
124 180, D. Kal o ye MiXcov anb xfjv dXr|Xiup,4vT)g dam8og oux 4|codeixo
dXX' dvxeiXEV Cofrouu-Evog oux Tjxrov fj ol dv8pidvxEg ol xcp poXuPScp
ouv8e8eu.evoi. 123 Pausanias, VL, 14. lardpsvog 84 inl dX-rtXippsvcp xcp 8icrxcp ylXcoxa
ejkheixo xoug Ipjiutxovxdg xe xal tbftouvxag djto xou 8ioxou.

68
very great. It will be seen that historical events that are of much
importance and widely known are practically impossible to assign
to any definite author. It is necessary in such cases to point out
which writers do mention them and which ones Basil probably
read. He made eighteen references that are easily traceable to
Herodotus, but only two to Xenophon, twenty-four to Plutarch
and two to Thucydides. In the case of Plutarch it was necessary,
though, to divide the references according to philosophy and his
tory. Those that had to do with history are all that have been
treated in this chapter. The remaining ones will be found among
the philosophical references.
In the ideas derived from Herodotus, mention of the great
invasion of Greece by Xerxes occurs four times. Three references
occur to Lydia, two being to Croesus, and one to the gold of the
country. Three notices appear that trace readily to the book upon
Egypt. Two observations upon natural history, one of which is
repeated in another passage, point to the third book of Herodotus.
The five remaining references are scattered and without connec
tion among themselves.
Basil's method of referring to incidents of an historical nature
is the next point to be considered. It is never precise. He uses an
instance in a way that to an historical reader is neither definite
nor informative. He inserts his allusions gracefully, but, of
course, gives no hint of where he got them. His use is purely lit
erary and not at all historical or scientific.
The situation runs true to form. For Basil was a product of
the second sophistic. We can assume that his presentation was
truthful as far as he knew, but we can see that it was not specific.
We recognize a fundamental basis of fact behind the general inci
dents to which he airily refers, but we perceive that his references
are consistently vague.
We cannot think that he subordinates facts to his fancies, but
we know that he uses facts loosely to illustrate his fancies. We
can grant that he would not change facts, but we know that he
gives the facts in his own language and with his own ideas of
presentation, which latter were suited to his imaginative audience.
And an historical event is easily altered in the hands of a speaker
bent upon presenting it dramatically to his audience. Recording
of history was not his object. An impression upon his hearers
meant much. Thus, his use of history is literary or rhetorical,
and never technical nor historical.

CHAPTER V
THE PHILOSOPHERS
i. Early philosophers.
Among the very ancient philosophers Prodicus, of Ceos, was
one of the most noted characters. Basil's solitary connection with
him is related to an instance already discussed under Xenophon.
The origin of the story about Heracles' choice between vice and
virtue is attributed by Socrates to Prodicus, though there is no
extant writing of any sort which can be attributed to Prodicus
directly. Besides the reference already given under Xenophon,
the only other source from which we can draw information about
the story is a scholium on Aristophanes' Clouds.1 Basil could have
heard the story from many sources unknown to us. In the speech
To the Youths, Basil remarks, after enlarging upon the necessity
of choosing virtue, "And indeed the sophist Prodicus, of Ceos,
somewhere in his writings has set forth views resembling these
about virtue and vice, and he is a man to whom we must give
attention, for he is not to be slighted."2
The ancient philosopher Zeno receives two notices, one in a
letter to Olympius and one on the Hexaemeron. Personified
philosophy, who is supposed to be speaking, says, "I choose to
live with this man (Basil), who admires Zeno. That illustrious
man having lost all his property in a shipwreck, cried out in no
unmanly way, 'Well done, O Fortune, you have reduced me to a
well worn cloak.' "3 Zeno, as the founder of the Stoic school,
was famous, and innumerable stories grew up about the Stoics.
Another reference to a Stoic doctrine set forth by Zeno is rather
1 Cf. Diels, Fragmente d. Vorsokratiker, Vol. II.
2 J77j A. Kal pf|v xal 6 Ksidg itou aocpoaxrjg np68ixog xaW iauxou
miyypappdxcov dSfiXipd xouTOig Elg dpETTiv xal xaxiav EqpiXoaocp-naEV, § Sri xal
auTep ttiv 8idvoiav jipooexteov. ou yap ditoPXrixog 6 dvrjp.
3 Letter 4. Touxcp ctuvoixeiv riXop/ryv lyco vSv p4v xov Zrjvcova Ijiaivouvrt,
8g vauayup itdvra dutoPaXwv ou84v dy£v4g lipftllam dXX' ESys, EfctEv, G>
xvxn cruveXauveig ripdg slg to TpiPcoviov. 69

70
vague. After arguing that the nature philosophers disagree among
themselves, Basil goes on to say of the sea that the heat of the sun,
evaporating the water, "leaves behind the salt and bitterness of
the water, and by reason of the warmth absorbs the pure and
drinkable mollicules."4 The idea is paralleled by a stray remark
in Diogenes Laertius' life of Zeno : "The moon is more earth-like,
being nearer the earth, and the fiery masses and the other stars
are nourished from the great sea, and even the sun is intellectual
and kindled from the sea."5 How they are nourished or from
what particles of sea water they draw power is not clear. Such
ideas were very old and had been threshed over again and again
in various schools. Diogenes in the same article repeatedly cites
men who are only names to us, and who had written book after
book, not one of which has come down. Most of these confused
theories are almost beyond definite location.
Basil throughout his works shows many traces of acquaintance
with the early philosophers. For instance, he cites a teaching as in
the case of Heraclitus, "The essence of fire is necessary to the
universe."6 This was the thesis of Heraclitus, who entered many
fields and endeavored to find the first cause of things. Basil
remarks of these early philosophers that "Some had recourse to
material principles and attributed the origin of the universe to the
elements of the world."7
In this characterization he probably had in mind the Atomists.
He seems to have had a poor opinion of the Stoics, saying, "Let
the supporters of impiety hereafter be classed with the Stoics and
Epicureans."8 In a letter to Amphilochius he brings up a quota
tion, perhaps not offered in earnest, speaking of "The weighty
problem put by Eucratites, 'Why do we not eat everything?'"8
Eucratites does not appear among the pre-Socratics and was
probably one of the quibbling sophists.
Basil speaks of the books of the philosopher Dionysius, writ-
4 30, A. Kai JtpoaETi dXpupdv xal jtixpdv ditoXEiJisfffrai tou Xejitou xal
jioxipou vnb xfjg dlpn-ng dvaXcod4vxog.
5 Diogenes Laertius, VII., Zeno. (145)- YEioSEOXEpav 84 xf|v oelryvr)V &xe
xal jipooyEioxIpav oBaav xplcpscflai 84 xd 4'pjtupa xauxa xal xd dXXa aaxpa,
xov p,ev t^Xiov ex xfjg pEydXrig ftaXdxxrig vosp5v ovxa avapjia.
8 27, C. 'EtoiSti dvayxaCa xcp jcavxl xou jtupog ti ouaia.
7 3, A. Aid xouxo ol p4v lid xdg uXixdg foiafreaEig xaxlipuyov, xoig xou
x6apou oxoixEioig xfvv alxiav xou jtavx&g dvafrlvxEg.
8 36, C. 'Ovopa^lcrfrcoaav lovnbv pexd Sxwixwv xal 'EjiixoupeCttv ol
8iai|>T|<piaxal xfjg doEPsiag.
9 Letter 236. xoig 84 xourjioig 'Eyxpaxixaig jtpog x8 aepvov afafiiv
jtpopXripa 81a tI xal -rjpEig ouxl Jtdvta laMopEv.

71
ing to Maximus, another philosopher, "What you mentioned of the
writings of Dionysius reached us and, indeed, they were very
many."10 This man was an Alexandrian, a scholar, a philosopher,
a man of letters, and his books would naturally have an interest
for Basil.
Diogenes Laertius appears in a secondary sense in some of
Basil's allusions. His lives of the Philosophers gave him, of
course, wide reputation, and in the case of many very old sys
tems and men his word was, even in Basil's day, practically the
only authority. His presentation is faulty and imperfect, but
such as it is, his record is valuable. Basil does not name him at
all, but tells incidents that Diogenes has recorded, offering a fair
ground for comparison. The references are. well scattered. There
is one in a letter, two in the speech To the Youths, and four in
three different homilies of the Hexaemeron.
The remark in the letter is to the story of Cleanthes, who was
very poor and got the money to support himself and pay for edu
cation by working at night at a public well, drawing water. Basil
refers to himself as a "Great admirer of Cleanthes, who drew
water from a well for pay, whence he supported himself and paid
his teachers."11 Cleanthes was called the "Water-Drawer."
Diogenes says that Cleanthes "Was poor and very anxious to get
some money. He pumped water by night in the gardens and by
day busied himself with his studies, hence he was called the
Water-Drawer."12 Both of the references in the speech To the Youths deal with
the Seven Wise Men of Greece. Basil says, "Is not rather the
word of Pittacus true, who said, Tt is difficult to be good' ?"13 The
life of Pittacus was a theme for much legend. Diogenes says
that the following saying (of Pittacus) has been handed down,
"It is difficult to be good."14 The same remark is celebrated by
Simonides, with whom, as already seen, Basil is acquainted.
"Truly it is difficult for a man to be good," writes Simonides,
10 Letter 9. "A 84 EJti^Trceig x&v Aiovuoiou fjX-fte p4v elg f|pag xal itdvu
jtoXXd. 11 Letter 4. vuv 84 x6v KXedvfhyv piaftcp u8cop xou ipSsaxog drtavxXouvxa
ftfrsv auxog xe biit,r\, xal xoig SiSaaxdXoig niaftoug otexeXei.
12 Diogenes Laertius, VII., Cleanthes. og y£ jtlvrig &v ayav SppnaE
pia#ocpop£lv. Kal vuxxcop p4v Iv xoig xifaoig iyvxXEi peft' fipepav 8' Iv xoig
X6yoig lyupvd^Exo. Sftev xal $p£dvxXng IxXiiih).
13 181, C. 'AXXd (XT) dXT|frf|S paXXov 6 xou nixxaxou Xoyog, 8g xaXsitov
gqpiiOEv lafrXov eppevai;
14 Diogenes Ljertius, I., Pittacus. Eine xe, xaXwtov lawXov Eppevai.

72
naming Pittacus in connection with the idea, further in the poem.15
The other reference to a Wise Man is to Bias: "Bias, when
going with his son to Egypt, said to him as he inquired what course
of action he could please his father with, 'Prepare an allowance
for your old age.' "16
The remark attributed to Bias by Diogenes reads, "From youth
cultivate wisdom as a resource for old age. For this is surer than
your other possessions."17 Basil had been arguing on the value
of an education.
In homily three of the Hexaemeron he leads up to a view
perhaps attributable to the philosopher Democritus: "For there
are some among them (the pagan philosophers) who say that
infinite heavens and worlds exist."18 This view may be referred
likewise to Anaximander. Diogenes Laertius gives it as one of
the opinions of Democritus : "The world is boundless, but it had
an origin and is destructible."19 But Anaximander stated outright
that "The Beginning and Principle (of all things) is the Infinite."20
So that the exact origin of the idea is in some doubt and; like many
other early speculations, had probably been long used before being
assigned to one man or a few.
A fragment of verse attributed to Solon has already been seen.
In addition one other and very vague possible reference appears
in the Hexaemeron. Basil has compared the weakness of the
pagan philosophical and scientific systems to a spider's web, which
holds only the weak, "But when one of the stronger animals ap
proaches it, it pushes through easily, dragging the thin substance
with it."21 Solon's idea is parallel : "He said that the word was
the image of the deed. That the king was strongest by reason of
his might, but the laws are like spiders' webs, for they, if any-
15 Cf. Simonides, Anthologia Lyrica, fr. 3 (12).
16 184, B. 'O u4v ouv Btag Tip met Jtpog Alyujtxioug dwaipovxi xai
jtuvfravopsvcp xi fiv jtoi&v auxep paXiaxa xExapiaplva Jtpdnot. 'Ecp6Siov, ecpn,
npcg yfjpag xTT)adp£vog.
17 Diogenes Laertius, I., Bias (88). ItpdSiov anb veoTTiTog rig yfjpag
dvaXdpPavE aocpiav. Pspaioxepov yap xouxo xav aXXcov xxripdxcov.
18 24, A. Elal yap Iv auxoig oi cuteipoug oupavoug xal xdapoug Elvai cpaaiv.
19 Diogenes Laertius, IX., 7, Democritus (44) . ditelpoug x' slvai xdapoug
xai yEvnxoug xal (pdapxoug.
20 Diogenes Laertius, IL, 1, Anaximander. oCxog eqpaaxEV dpx-fiv xal
oxoixsiov to areeipov.
21 56, B. IrceiSdv 84 xwv laxupoTeptov ti £cocov lyylari avx6 xe gaSicog
SiexrciitTEi xal td dSpavfj iiqpdapaTa 8ilppT)§E xal f|CpdviaE.

73
thing light or weak falls in, stop it, but if anything strong, cutting
through, it is gone."22
In the eighth homily of the Hexaemeron, where he makes a
final attack upon the pagan philosophers, Basil says, "Beware of
those arrogant philosophers who are not ashamed to say that
their souls resemble those of dogs, or believe that they were
formerly women, or shrubs, or fish."23 This statement, if
Diogenes gives a correct account of Empedocles, is a direct attack
upon that philosopher : "He taught that the soul put on the various
forms of living and growing things."24 Diogenes also credits
Empedocles with the following statement, which, if true, explains
Basil's remark very well: "Once, formerly I was a boy, then a
girl, then a shrub, then a solitary bird, and a fish from the sea, a
burnt offering."25 The ideas about the transmigration of souls
were very ancient. There is no absolute certainty that Empedocles
was the man Basil had in mind, if indeed the saint were recalling
a man and not a system.
Before Plato it might be well to trace out those authors of
scientific work whose traces are found in Basil's writings. Strabo
is the only one that can be referred to with any degree of proba
bility. There are many ways in which a knowledge of geography
could have been acquired besides by reading Strabo, and that
Basil and Strabo use the same expressions proves nothing very
definite. Basil says, for example, that "Some think the Hyrcanian
and Caspian seas are enclosed in their own boundaries"26 (mean
ing that they have no outlets), and the idea is possibly an echo of
Strabo's statement that "From the Caspian sea the second sea
takes its rise, into which the former empties. And this is called
the Hyrcanian sea . . . It is a sea apart from the ocean."27
22 Diogenes Laertius, I., 2, Solon (58). eXeye 84 tov u4v Xoyov EiSeoXov
Elvai Tiov epyiov. paoiXIa 84 xov laxupoxaTOV T^ 8uvdpei. Toug 84 vopoug
xoig dpaxvioig 6potoug lav p4v lujtEcrn xi xoucpav xal dafteveg crtEyeiv lav
84 pei^ov Siaxdijjav oixscfrai.
23 71, B. $euye cpXryvdcpoug tcov aoPapcov cpiXoo"6<pa>v, 01 oux alaxwovrai
Tag lauTtbv ijiuxdg, xal xdg xuveiag 6poei8sig dXXr|Xaig Ti-frlpevoi. 01 XeyovTeg
iauTOug ysyevfjaffai jtote, xai yuvaixag, xal ddpvoug, xal txfruag OaXaooioug.
24 Diogenes Laertius, VIII., 2, Empedocles (77)- Kal ttiv Tjnjxfiv Jtavxoia
elbt\ §<S<dv xal cpuxcov 4v8uEaf>ai.
23 Diogenes Laertius, VIII., 2, Empedocles (77). "H6r| ydp nax' iyfo
yEvopiyv xoupog xe xopt) xe ftdpvog x' oloovog xe xal l| dXog gujtupog ix*ug.
28 36, A. Ei xal ttiv ' Ypxaviav ofovrai Tiveg xal tt]v Kacrcttav jtEpiyE-
ypdqpflai xaft' lauxag.
27 Strabo, 507, C. "H 84 SeuTspa pEplg fipxETai \iev &nb Tfjg Kawtiag
ftaXdrniS elg rjv xaxejtauev ft jipoxepa. xaXeixai 8' f| outti -ftdXaxxa xal
'Ypxavla . . . etra 8' 6 xoXjtog dvlxeov Ix xou djxeavoO . . .

74
Strabo refers to an "inflow" with regard to this sea, but mentions
no outlet. Even in the time of Herodotus the Greeks had collected
much stray information about the country.
In a succeeding book of the Hexaemeron Basil uses an expres
sion that Strabo employs. Speaking of different kinds of sea fish,
Basil says, "Some are known to fishers of the Indian Ocean, others
to Mauretanians."28 In Strabo the word Maurusia or the Mau-
rusians is used to signify Mauretania or the Mauretanians, Strabo
mentioning these fishers who "With these boats sail as far as the
river Lixus on fishing trips around Maurusia."29
2. Plato.
Basil's studies in Plato cannot well be gauged by the way in
which he names or instances the pagan writer, and yet it is inter
esting to note that he refers to Plato by name oftener than to any
other Greek writer. He names Plato seven times and Aristotle
but three. The number of passages that can be traced out in Basil
as showing a dim connection are legion. This similarity shows
itself in many fields besides that of literature itself. Naming an
author, or a direct quotation, or a passage with obvious resem
blances, can be recognized as a literary effort on the part of the
man who produces them, for such citations generally have a direct
literary purpose. But the fainter resemblances that are scattered
throughout are more difficult to classify. In all such cases memory
has undoubtedly been affected by past reading, but to say that
such reminiscent passages, vague and half formed and totally
beyond the grasp of an audience, unless one extraordinarily well
read and informed and acute, are employed for literary effect, is
passing beyond the bounds of legitimate direct effect. This is
entering a department of thought which is individual, but affected
by other men's ideas in the general way that every one's ideas are
affected by the thoughts and opinions of those around him. Such
sections of text are a legitimate field for speculation, but to judge
that a close connection follows is making too little allowance for
the effort of the writer in question. It must be remembered that
Basil was himself something of a genius and had solved many
philosophical problems.
Like any other sophistic speaker, he had the end in view all
28 64, B. "AXXa yvcopi^ouaiv ol xtiv 'IvSixrrv dXieuovreg ftdXaoaav . . .
xal dXXa Maupouoioi.
29 Strabo, C, 99. Touroig 84 JtXeiv pexpi tou A££ou itoxapoO jtEpl xt)v
Maupouofav dXievopevaug.

75
the time. An impression was a great thing. He stood for the
truth, but the truth had to be presented so as to suit his Asiatic
audience, and the use of a famous name or of a striking story was
a great stroke of oratory and well applauded among his eastern
hearers. They liked that style of address.
Those references that occur in the Hexaemeron are generally
of an uncertain nature. In this work Basil was reinforcing his
sermons with a wealth of ideas partly his own, partly taken from
all sorts of writers. About natural history he shows a vast series
of notions, often incorrect, which may have been borrowed from
Aristotle or Aelian. Similarly, other views that he advances may
be cited from other authors. Yet topics of natural history would
have been within the reach of anyone, and could hardly be as
signed definitely to any one man. Some of these ideas are also
partly theological or philosophical, and it is difficult to distinguish
whether the trend of thought which led to their introduction and
which influenced their quality and position in the discourse was
more philosophical or more the hope of driving home an argument
by the aid of a great philosopher's thoughts and reputation.
In the De Misericordia et Judicio Basil shows but one very
noticeable instance, the use of an expression which Plato employs
many times in a sense analogous to that which Basil evidences:
"Pity him whom you have unjustly treated, and dispose yourself
toward him with brotherly love."30 Plato has the same use of the
expression "to dispose" in many sections. For instance, "He dis
posed them for the strengthening of the state."31 A mental attitude
is signified. In the speech To the Youths there are three cases that are
pretty certainly developed from Plato, and three more in which
the philosopher is named outright. Some of Basil's references
are, of course, extremely condensed. For example, he says, in
referring to the pagan poets and their writings, "We shall strongly
approve those passages in which they praise virtue, or condemn
vice."32 This statement comes at the end of a section in which he
assails the poets for their frequent representations of vicious con-
so De Misericordia et Judicio, 702, B. 'Exeivov IXeiiaav 8v dSixeig. Elg
touxov xaxaxpfjaai xfj cptXavftpauti^.
31 Republic, 520, A. dXX' iva xaxaxpfjxai auxog auToig foil x5v ouvBeapov
Tfjg JtdXEcog. 82 176, C. " &XX' Ixeiva auTiov pdXXov &7to8£|6u.£*a, Iv olg dpEtfrv
inx\veaav t\ jtovripiav SiipaXov.

76
duct in men and gods. In a very concise form it is the summary
of long arguments by Plato in the Republic.33
Basil once uses an aphorism partly reproduced from Plato:
"That which is seen is not the man."34 It would be stretching the
meager thread of evidence far to say that the expression is
Platonic, but it is paralleled in the pseudo Axiochus. After the
flight of the soul "The body remaining, which is earthy and irra
tional, is not the man."35
Attacking deceitful appearances, Basil says, "If any belief is
to be had in Plato, it is the last extreme of injustice for one to pose
as good who is not."36 Basil handles the idea well, for his state
ment is almost a replica of Plato's: "The worst injustice is to
seem just when one is not."87 Again in a succeeding passage Basil
calls Plato by name and makes a significant mention of St. Paul :
"One should indulge his desires, as Plato says, to that extent by
which right living is served, or as Paul says, somewhere in a
similar passage, 'Make no provision for the lusts of the flesh.' "38
This is an excellent instance of the connections so called that
sometimes appear in source studies. This idea is in the very basis
of Christian doctrine, and set down by St. Paul. Here it is very
well paralleled in Plato. But it would be ridiculous to say that
Plato's view affected St. Paul's. Cases of so-called influence are
frequently built up, though on no more evidence. Further in the
same chapter Basil again names the philosopher, and urging
restraint instead of too much attention to bodily comfort, rein
forces his argument with an appropriate story: "Therefore, they
say that Plato, looking forward to the harm that might come from
undue attention to the body, selected with malice aforethought as
his Academy the unhealthy part of Attica, so that he might cut
83 Cf. Republic, 377, 378, 379. 380, 381, 382, 383.
34 181, C. 8ti ov to opcopevov Soriv 6 avftpuwtog.
35 Axiochus, 365, E. t8 {wtoXeiqtfev aSpa yeoo8eg 8v xal dXoyov oux
eotiv 6 dvfrpcojtog.
88 178, A. 'AXX' o«T6g iaxw 6 eoxaTog xfjg dSixCag Spog et xi 8ei
IIXdTfljvi Jtetdeaftai x8 8oxeiv Stxaiov Elvai (if| Svra.
87 Republic, 361, A. 4crxdTT| yap d8ix£a SoxEiv 8£xaiov elvai prj ovra.
38 182, B.Saov cpT|«rl nXdTtov fctnpeolav ipiXoaocpta xTtopivou emxdxa
nov Xlytov x$ nauXtp Bgjtapaivei pnSepfav XOfjvai xou otSpatog jtpdvoiav
exew elg emttupicov d<poppr|v.
Cf. Plato, Republic, III., 411. Throughout this and succeeding chap
ters Plato argues for temperance in athletics and education by which an
even mean between physical and mental powers can be reached and the
best sort of education result. Cf. St Paul, To the Romans XIII 14

77
away undue comforts of the body, as one cuts away excessive
development of the vines."39
In the letters Basil introduces three instances from Plato, all
of which are brought in neatly for rounding out the general idea,
and are very effective. It is worth noticing, too, that a student of
Basil must beware of forming opinions of the saint's writings,
based upon the letters. For Basil was not professedly literary in
his works, and many of his productions are severely doctrinal.
But the one field in which he did permit himself some relaxation
was his correspondence. Letters addressed to literary and political
great men show a style that seldom, if ever, appears in his other
productions. A letter to Candidianus, who was the governor of Cappadocia
and a man of consideratipri, contains various allusions for a well-
read man, and among them one to Plato: "As Plato says, in the
storm and turmoil of business, you stand aside as if under some
strong wall, letting none of this confusion affect your soul . . ."40
Suggesting a resemblance between the affairs of this man and of
Plato was something of a compliment, too. The idea is much the
same with the philosopher. He compares the man who pursues
philosophic tranquillity and thought to "One who, in a storm of
dust and snow, driven by a rushing wind, retreats under the shelter
of a wall."41
In a letter to Diodorus, Plato comes to the front as a graceful
writer, and some other philosophers are compared with him not
at all to their advantage. The letter itself is a discussion of the
style of some books sent to Basil, and literary views come out nat
urally in such a composition : "Your good taste has perceived that
those pagan philosophers who wrote dialogues, Aristotle and
Theophrastus, went straight at the matter, knowing that they were
not gifted with the graceful style of Plato. Plato, in contradis
tinction with his vigor of style, assails such and such opinions,
39 182, C. Aid 8f) xal nXdxcova cpacri xr|v Ix acopaxog pXdPryv jtpo'C86pevov
xo voaffiSeg x^O^ TTlS 'Axxixfjg T-fyv 'Axa8rip,iav xaTaXaPstv l§ejtiTT|8eg,
iva Tr|v fiyav EUJtdfteiav xou crcop.axog olov dpjtIXou xfyv elg xd JiepiTtd ipopdv
jtegixdirtoi. It does not appear where Basil heard this story. In the neighborhood
of Athens a great mass of legend grew up around Plato and such stories
were on the order of the Platonic and Socratic teachings of self restraint
and voluntary deprivations of comfort.
40 Letter 3. dXXd to xou IIXdTcovog Iv xeihwvi xal %akx\ Jtpaypdxcov olov
vnb xei/ei xivl xapxepcp ditocrtdg, ouSevog ftopfjpou xf|v iIiuxttv dvartipjtXacrai.
41 Republic, 496, D. olov Iv xeiu-Svi xoviopxou xal £dXr)g vnb jtveupaxog
(pepopivou vtxb xeixfov djtoordg.

78
ridiculing the people in question, now rebuking the rashness and
forwardness of Thrasymachus, now the light mindedness and
ignorance of Hippias, and now the arrogance and pretensions of
Protagoras. When he brings into his dialogue persons not intro
duced he uses the questioners to make a point clear, but brings into
the dialogue nothing else about these persons. There is evidence
of this in the Laws."42 The first book of the Laws offers a fair
example of the introduction of characters to clarify a dialogue.
An Athenian stranger talks to a Cretan Cleinas and at odd inter
vals a Spartan Megillus throws in explanatory remarks or ques
tions designed further to bring out the truth. Megillus is in every
sense a secondary character, whose statements are of the briefest
sort, befitting his Spartan nature, it is true, but very curt and
blunt nevertheless. The philosophers mentioned by Basil were
all ridiculed by Plato in different works. He introduces Thrasy
machus into the Republic, and throughout the first book has him
worsted in a debate with Socrates. Hippias and Protagoras ap
pear as the sophistic opponents of Socrates in the Protagoras, and
at the end are seen refuted.
In a letter to Libanius, Basil brings in a reference to Plato. He
says of Libanius in the letter, "This ypurl£av is said to mean "to
gain," and has this signification which your sophistic ingenuity has
drawn from the depths of Plato."43 ypuri£av is a rare word, signi
fying "to fish," and the use of it here is figurative.
In none of the references in the Hexaemeron is the philosopher
named outright. They are much scattered, showing that connec
tions with Plato are well divided among Basil's different views.
In the opening homily Basil states briefly a thought that Plato
puts forth at great length in the Timaeus. Talking about the
wordy arguments of philosophers upon the nature of the heavens,
Basil says, "Some of them say that the heavens are composed of
42 Letter 135. 'Exeivo ydp Jtdvxcog cuvEi8£ aou fj dpxivoia 6'xi xal xiov
gicoftev cpiXoo6cpcov ol xoug SiaXdyoug auyypdi|)avxEg 'ApiaxoxIX-ng xal
©EocppaaTog, sufrug auTcov fjijiavTo xiov xapixcov xrjv e'vSeuxv. nXdxcov 84 xfj
llouata xou Xoyou 6pou p4v xoig Sdypaai, pdxExai 6pou 84 xai jtapaxcopcoSEl
xd Jtgocrcojta, Opacrupdxou p4v x6 flpaau xal ixap8v SiaPdXXwv, 'Latum 84 xo
xoucpov xfjg Siavoiag xal xaCvov, xai Ilpcoxayopou xo dXa^avixov xal
iwtepoyxov. oitou 84 dopiaxa Jtpdacojta EjtEiodyEi xoig 8iaX8yoig xfjg p,4v
EuxpiVEiag e'vexev twv jtpaypdTiov xlxptycai Toig JtpooSiaXsyoplvoig ouSev 84
exepov Ix tcov itpoacojtcov IneiaxuxXEi xaig uitoftlcTEaiv ojtEp IjioItioev Iv xoig
N6poig. 43 Letter 348. El xo XEp8aivEiv xoCxo yputi^Eiv Xlyexai xal xduxTyv e'xei
T-fjv a-npaaiav f) Xelig, rjv Ix ttov nXdxcovog d8uxtov Tj cKMjpiaxixfj aou -rjplv
jipoexEipwraxo.

79
four elements, being tangible and visible, earth for its solidity, fire
because it is perceptible, and for the rest air and water because of
the mixture."44 These theories are discussed through the seventh
book of the Timaeus. As in the case of many of these repetitions
of ideas, Basil expresses briefly what the pagan philosopher took
a great deal of space to set forth and elucidate. In the second
homily Basil states in a sentence a series of half paradoxical ideas
that Plato dwells upon prosily in the Phaedo. Plato begins, "And
some one of those present, hearing this, said — whoever he was, I
do not recall clearly — 'By the gods, did we not agree before in our
debates on the very opposite of the things now said, that the
greater is generated from the less and the less from the greater,
and in the case of opposites that this absolutely was their origin,
from opposites.' "45 Plato goes on to talk about opposites and
incorrect notions concerning them, wandering through a multitude
of other ideas. Perhaps with the same thought in mind, Basil
says, "Life does not engender death, darkness is not the origin of
light, sickness is not the maker of health."46 He had been arguing
that evil could not come from God, but that like comes from like,
and good from good, an idea that Plato clears up after considera
ble wandering.
In the third homily he returns to Platonic similarities. Writing
about the philosophers, he says that "Indeed, they state as a prin
ciple that there is only one heaven."47 The theory of Plato is
worded clearly: "Then can we rightly affirm that heaven is one,
or would it be more correct to speak of numerous and boundless
heavens? One it must be, if it is created according to design."48
Again Basil says of the motion of the spheres and of the stars
that "These circles, as they (the philosophers) say, being carried
in an opposite direction to the motion of the world, and striking
44 IO, B. xal oi p4v auvftexov auxov Ix xiov xeeradptov oxoixeicov eipfj-
xaaiv dig dutxov ovxa xal opaxov xal pex4xovxa yfjg u.4v 8id xf|v dvxixwtiav,
jtupog 84 8id to xadopao-ftai, Tibv 8e Xoutiov 8id xf|v pt|iv.
*5 Phaedo, 103. Kai Tig ebte x&v jtapovxcov dxouoag — «axig 8' fiv ou
aacpiog pep,vr)pai — npog fte&v oux Iv xoig ngbaftev fipiv Xoyoig auxo xo
lvavx(ov xiov vuvl XEyopivcov cbnoXoyEixo ex xou IXdxxovog xo p,ei£ov
ylyveoftai xal Ix xou p,Ei£ovog xo IXaxxov xal dxexvcog auxri elvai fj yeveaig
xoig Ivavxloig Ix xiov Ivavxltov;
46 16, C. ouxe yap r| £a>T| ddvaxov yevvq. olixe xo axoxog cpcoxog laxiv dpxri
ouxe f| v6oog uyiElag Stipioupyog.
47 23, D. "Eva yap ujioxlirEvxai oupavdv.
48 Timaeus, 31, A. jtdxEpov ouv dpftcog Eva oupavov JtpoaEipfjxapEV r)
jtoXXoug xal dnsCpoug XlyEiv ?jv opdoxspov; |va eutep xaxd xo Jtapd8eiypa
8e8Tpiovpyt)pevog 4'<rtai.

80
the aether, make a sweet and harmonious melody not to be equaled
by the finest music."49 There is no doubt that this is from Plato,
The idea of the music of the spheres is very old.50
In the fourth homily is an idea, also extremely condensed,
which Plato gives at length. Speaking of musicians, whom he
condemns, Basil says, "The notes of harpers and flute players are
filled with sensuality."61 Plato would have all these piping
musicians banished from his ideal state : "What then ? Would you
admit flute players and flute makers into the state ? . . . Certainly
not, said he."52 Most of these finely wrought forms of melody
were connected in one way or another with fhe dissipations of the
times, and both Plato and Basil recognized a danger that accom
panied them. Basil's remark would be obvious to any one who
had acquaintance with Plato and his theories upon government.
In the sixth homily the saint makes use of an expression prac
tically proverbial, but well used by Plato. He mentions those
" 'Who overstep the bounds,' making scripture their argument for
astrological forecasts of birth."53 The first part of the expression
is repeated in Plato : "I seem to be making longer question than is
fitting and to be stepping over the bounds."64 Basil endeavors to
impress his hearers with the relativity of sizes: "If you have ever
viewed a great flat plain from the peak of a lofty mountain, how
large did the team of oxen look to you? And how large did the
farmers look? Did they not resemble ants?"55 Plato in the
Phaedo makes use of a similar idea. He speaks of the different
parts of the world and argues that they are not so large as the
parts then unknown to the Greeks. "Moreover, then," said he,
"the earth is very large, and we who inhabit the part from the
river Phasis up to the Pillars of Heracles are living in a small part
49 24, C. xouxoug 84 xr|v Evavxiav xep jtavxl cpEpoplvoug Jtspiaxi^oplvou
xou al ftlpog auxoig eutixov xiva xal Ivappoviov dito8i86vai (pdoyyov oiaxe
Jtaaav xf)v iv psXcoSlaig fj8ov?|v uitepPdXXEiv.
30 Cf. Republic, 617, 618, for a detailed account of how this music is
produced and the motion of the spheres.
51 33, A. xd xiov xiftapiaxwv r\ xd xiov auXiqxcov xpoupaxa pxpoupevoug.
52 Republic, 399, D. xi 84; auXojtoioug fj auXtytdg jiapa8E|n Elg xfjv
rtoXiv; . . . AfjXa Sfi, fj 8' og.
53 54, A. 'AXX' ol &tep xd laxappjva m)8iovxeg fell xr\v auvi}yop(av xfjg
yevE-flXiaXoyiag xov Xoyov 4'Xxouai.
54 Cratylus, 413, A. Soxio xe ij8r] paxpdxEpa xou Jtpoarjxovxog lpo)T§v
xal iwtlp Td laxajxplva aXXEadau
55 59, C. Ei jtote djto dxpiopsiag uEydXr,g jieSiov ri8£g jtoXu te xal ujixiov,
fjXixa plv aoi xiov pofflv xaxEipavt) xd ^euyn; icr>Xixoi 84 ol dpoTfjpeg atixoi;
El pf) pupp-rjxcov xivd aoi jtaplaxov cpavxaafav;

81
around the sea, like frogs or ants around a pond, and elsewhere
many other nations live in similar places."56 The Liber de Spiritu
Sancto is of a very technical nature, and the instances that occur
here are not at all certainly of a literary nature. Basil remarks
in one place upon the balance of the earth and its poise among
the heavens in terms like these: "He it is Who holds the earth,
surrounding it with His grasp, Who has arranged everything in
order and adorned it, Who gave the mountains their poise and
divided the waters."57
The ideas about the divisions of the water and the poise of the
hills are probably scriptural. Plato argues, "Well, then, first of
all, I am persuaded, said he, that the earth is a round body in the
center. of the heavens, and that it has no need of air or any other
such force to support it, but the equilibrium of the heavens is suf
ficient to keep it there, and then, too, there is the equipoise of the
earth itself. For anything that is in an equipoise, being in the mid
dle, will not incline in any way — will remain the same, without
deviation."58 Later Basil makes use of an expression well used in the
Platonic vocabulary: "The 'of which' does not always indicate
the material as it seems to them (the pagan philosophers)."59
It is certain that besides these scattered and more obvious
ideas that are partly taken from Plato and sometimes expressed
in words borrowed or derived from him, many other passages
contain notes that have a striking resemblance. A difficulty is to
decide where the relationship of any particular section ceases to
be a philosophical influence and begins to be a literary use. Since
Basil shows little evidence of being engaged in producing litera
ture with a literary taste or development and no more, while he is
deeply interested in the thoughtful side, it is difficult to say how
36 Phaedo, 109, B. "Exi xoivuv £<pri na\nt,ey& xi Elvai auxo xal ripag
olxeiv xoug pEXQi 'HpaxXElcov axiiXiov duto <Mca8og Iv optxpio xivi popfcp
w«l£p JtEpi xlXpa pupp-nxag rj Paxpdxoug JtEpi x-fyv -ddXaxxav oixouvxag xal
dXXoug dXXodi JtoXXoug Iv JtoXXoiai xoiouxoig xditoig olxslv.
57 Liber de Spiritu Sancto, 7, C. ' Ouxog laxlv 6 ouvex<ov. xf|v yfjv xal
jt£pi8£8pap.Evog auxfjg. 6 84 rig xd|iv'jtdvxa xal Staxdapricnv dyayiov. 6 xal
bpEaiv laoppojiiav xal u8axi psTpa.
58 phaedo 109, A. n ejteiap.ai toivuv <c\ 8' og lya) cog npiOTOv p4v el Iotiv Iv
plcep Tip oupavoi jtepicpegrig ouaa \x.r\bev auTfj 8eIv p-fae depog Jtpdg t8 pf)
jteo-EiV pfJTE dXXiig dvdyxng pin8£piag Toiaurng dXXd Ixavfrv slvai aurfjv ioxeiv
ttiv opoioTri-ta tou oupavou auTou lauTip jravrn xal xfjg yfjg auxfjg xf)v
laoppojtiav, Icrdppoitov ydp Jipayp,a dpoiSu xivog Iv plcrtp xe#4v oux ?1«i
paXXov au8' fjxxov ouSapoaE xXtftfjvai opoicog 8' Exoy dxXivlg pevei.
39 5 A. ou ydp ndvxwg to s£ ov ttiv CX-nv crnpaivei xafl-cbg exewoig Soxei.

82
far literary influences are carried. Past question the general style
and diction are much affected. A detailed analysis of any large
section reveals many striking similarities in the trend of thought,
the manner in which an idea is developed, and finally in the syntax.
But examining Basil's use of Plato, as evinced by citing the
philosopher's name, the occasional partial quotation, and what was
as effective, the occasional condensation of well known Platonic
passages, shows that Basil made a general and open use of Plato
to a great extent and an undersurf ace employment that in a hidden
and half-conscious way enormously surpasses the visible use.
Basil had sounder and more stable premises from which to reason,
and the advantage of using the truths of revealed religion as a
guide. In all these points a vague similarity is bound to exist,
for they reasoned much alike, and in such thinking is always the
tendency to use established terms, and for thought to follow well
defined channels. These facts result in many places in a certain
sameness of presentation. Keeping these points in mind, the true
literary influence of Plato upon Basil will perhaps be more clearly
recognized and better presented for an understanding of the two
men. 3. Aristotle.
For the purpose of discussing Aristotle's connection with Basil,
it will be best first to consider Basil's references and parallelisms
with the Greek in connection with other 'early thinkers. Thus
many of Aristotle's own views come out, expressed principally in
the De Caelo and Meteorologies., with observations upon the
theories of earlier men who wrote upon the same subjects. Basil
gives such passages scant notice, yet it is significant that he always
understands well the meaning of the part referred to, thus giving
an index to his reading of the whole. Thales, the Milesian ;
Anaximenes, Anaxagoras, Democritus, and Pythagoras, and
Xenophanes, of Colophon, are the men brought to light and crit
icized. Nine instances belonging to this class occur in the Hexa
emeron, and two in the Liber de Spiritu Sancto. Four are in the
opening homily, and three of these bear upon Aristotle's De Caelo.
Basil's remark has to do with the old theory that the earth floated
upon a bed of air : "If you say of the earth that it reposes upon a
bed of air, you raise a difficulty."60 Aristotle takes up the idea:
"For Anaximenes and Anaxagoras and Democritus say that the
60 9, B. 'Edv te ydp dlpa ipfjg wtEpaTpioaftai jtXdTEi Tfjg yfjg djtopfjaeig.

83
cause of its remaining as it is, is the breadth, for it does not cut
through, but floats upon the aether that is beneath it.61 These
speculations of Ionian nature philosophy are all repeated more or
less throughout early philosophy. Basil notes the theory of
Thales : "Again, do you suppose that the earth is supported by
water ?"62 But he gives no sign of where he learned it. Aristotle
gives it, in speaking of different theories, and mentions the one
"Which Thales, the Milesian, held, that the earth remained in
space like a log floating, or some such thing, but it is no wise in
the nature of these things to float upon air, but upon water."63
Another idea from the De Caelo is paralleled when Basil says,
in speaking of the immobility of the earth, that "By all necessity
it is obliged to remain in its place, unless a movement contrary to
nature should displace it."64 Aristotle develops the idea in treat
ing of the way bodies in motion sink toward a common center,
where they remain as long as the conditions stay the same : "And
moreover, the motion of the parts and of the whole body itself,
according to nature, is toward the center of the whole."65
The last instance of Aristotelian usage in the Hexaemeron is
a remark about philosophers who tried to get beyond the four
elements earth, air, fire and water. After arguing about cer
tain hypotheses concerning them, Basil says, "It is because of the
force of these reasons, say the inventors of the fifth kind of body
for the genesis of heaven and the stars, that they are constrained
to reject the system of their predecessors and have recourse to
their own hypothesis."66 Aristotle recognizes another vague and
altogether unfathomable element, but he thinks that it is part of
the composition of the soul, and hardly seems to use the notion
61 De Caelo, IL, 13, 16. 'Avalipivi-jg 84 xai 'Ava|ayopag xal Ainpoxpixog
xo nXdxog aixiov slvai cpaai xou plvsiv auxfvv. ou ydp xepveiv dXX'
litutcopaxi^Eiv tov dlpa tov xdxcoftEV.
62 9, B. ndXiv lav uitoftfjg lauxcp 68(op rival xo ujioPePXtiuevov, xfj
Yfi • • •
63 De Caelo, IL, 13, 13. 6'v qpaaiv e'uieIv ©aXfjv xov MiX-fjaiov cog 8id xo
itptox-fyv elvai pevouaav &onsp |uXov. fj ti xoiouxov ETEpov xal ydp xovttov
lit' dspog p4v ouS4v JtlepuxE plvsiv dXX' Iqp' iiSaxog.
64 10, D. n<xcra ydp dvayx-n plveiv auxf)v xaxd x^pav ij Jtapd cpuaiv
xivouplvryv xfjg olxsiag 4'8pag 4|iaxaai)m.
63 De Caelo, IL, 14, 5. exi 8' r\ cpopd xiov popicov xai 8Xr|g auxfjg fj xaxd
cpuaiv fed xd plaov xou itavxog laxiv.
66 11, D. Aid p4v 8-fj xauxag cog cpaai xiov Xoyiapcbv xdg dvdyxag xoug
xtov jtpoayovxcov dftEXTiaavxEg Xoyoug olxriag Tuto-ftlaECog ISE-rjihiaav oi
jtEpjtxriv acopaxog qpuaiv Elg x-fjv aupavou xal xiov xax' aux8v daxspcov ylvEaiv
ujioxiftepevoi.

84
in the same sense that Basil would appear to give it : "Therefore,
the power of the whole soul seems to participate in another body,
more godlike than those things that are called elements. And as
souls differ among themselves by nobility or ignobility, such dif
ference, therefore, is fhe distinction of the body."67
Basil criticized Xenophanes, of Colophon. Speaking of the
support of the earth, he refers to the idea that it stands upon a
base : "Even if we are able to imagine that, our reason will demand
another support, and thus we come to the infinite, always imagining
a base for the base that is already assumed."68
Aristotle offers a reason of Xenophanes' theory. He mentions
philosophers who were "Saying that the earth was rooted down
to infinity, like Xenophanes, of Colophon, so as not to have the
problem of looking for a cause."69 Plato mentions the same
theory, saying, "One man keeps the earth below the heaven
by setting a vortex around, and another considers the earth a flat
trough, being supported by a base of air."70
Basil makes one reference to the Pythagoreans in a sense that
closely follows Aristotle's views of them: "They (the pagan
philosophers) call a strong body one which is compact and full."71
It appears that vao-rov is taken in the sense of close or firm, as
Democritus uses it. Democritus opposes it to kcVov, empty or void :
"Aristotle writes in the first book about Philosophy of Pythagoras
that the heavens are one, and that from infinity sprung time, and
air, and the void that ever distinguishes the place of each."72
Other similarities in this homily bear more upon Meteorology:
67 De Gen, Ani, IL, 3, 11. ndorig p4v ouv ijiuxfig Suvapig ixepou acoixaxog
eoixe xsxoivcovEXEvai xal dsioxepou xiov xaXouuivcov otoixeiwv. tog 84 81a-
qplpouai xipuSxTrxi ai i|wxal xal dxipia dXXr|Xcov, ouxco xai r\ xoiauxri SiaqplpEi
q>uaig. 68 9, C. Kav xi SuvndcopEv Ixeivcp crupjtXdaavxEg urcacVeivai xo Ixeivou
jtdXiv dvTEpeiapa 8 voug ripibv feu^rvrriaEi, xal ouriog elg Sroipov IxnEaoupEfta
Toig del Eupiaxouivoig pdftpoig ETEpa ndXiv feuvoouvTEg.
89 De Caelo, IL, 13. in' obtEipov autfiv Ippt^coaffai Xeyovteg coanep
Eevoopdvrig 6 KoXoqpcoviog iva pf| jtpdypaT' excooi ^nxouvTEg ttiv aklav.
70 Phaedo, 99, B. 816 84 xal 6 pev xig 8ivriv jtepixifrslg xfj yfj iuto xou
oupavou plveiv 8-rj jmheI xf|v yfjv. 6 84 cocoiEp xap8cuicp jtXaxEia pddpov x8v
dlpa uitEps(8Ei.
71 25, D. ol p4v ydp e|io*ev oxepeov Xeyouai oiopa xo olov vaarov xai
wXfjpEg. 72 Aristotle^ Fragments, No. 201. Iv 84 xip jtEpl xfjg nu*ay6pou cpiXocro-
qpfag npcoxip ypdcpEi (ApiaxoxeXTjg) xov p4v oupav8v elvai gva, feteiadyeaftai
8' Ix xou djteipou xpdvov xe xai revofjv xal xo xev8v xal 8 Siop^si exdaxov
Tag x&Qas del.

85
"By nature the sun is not fiery, and its heat develops, they affirm,
from the speed of its revolution."73
Aristotle states at more length the same ideas : "So we see that
motion is able to divide the air, and to ignite it so much that very
frequently by this motion things appear to be liquefied, and there
fore as coolness or heat is thus generated, the rapid motion of the
sun is alone able to bring this about."74 In the same homily the
saint gives Aristotle's ideas of the formation of snow: "Water,
whipped by the blast of the wind, changes into foam, and passing
through excessive cold, freezes completely and, breaking from the
cloud, falls as snow."75 Basil did not pretend to be a scientist,
and most of his guesses in this department are taken at second
hand. Aristotle has it : "It is likewise with frost and snow. For
when a cloud becomes condensed there is snow, and if vapor there
is frost."76 The final instance in the Hexaemeron occurs in the
fourth homily. This case is touched by other writers and is diffi
cult to place with accuracy. Speaking of a projected canal at Suez,
Basil says, "Thus we have abandoned this undertaking, as also
did the Egyptian, Sesostris, who conceived the scheme, and Darius,
the Mede, who later planned to complete it."77 The idea of putting
a canal through the isthmus at Suez was an old one and had been
tried out by different ancients. Aristotle agrees with the Sesostris
theory : "Sesostris is said to have been the first of the ancients to
put his hand to this, but he found the sea higher than the land
(and hence desisted for fear of flooding the country)."78
Herodotus has a different story, which is the same as regards
the canal itself, but assigns a different reason for the cessation of
efforts and gives another monarch credit for the attempt. "Neco,"
says Herodotus, "was the son of Psammetichus, and became king
73 29, B. Kaitoi yE ou84 $Epu.6v slvai tov fjXiov Ixeivoi Xeyouai . . .
dXXd xal xouxou cpaal to deppov Ix Tfjg Taxsiag Elvai JtEpiaTpoqpfjg.
74 Meteor, I., 3, 30. op&pEv 8f| xal xivrjaiv 6'xi 8uvaxai 8iaxpiveiv tov
depa xal Ixjtopouv cooxe xal ra cpEp6(i£va rnxopEva, cpatvEadai jtoXXdxig.
to p4v ouv yiyveaftai ttiv dXsav xal xf]v dsppoxTyta Ixavfj laxi jtapaoxeud^eiv
xai T| xou T|Xfou cpopd povov.
73 30, B. oxav 84 xb uypov 4!|acppurfrfi xaig Puxig xcov dvepcav dvaxorelv
elxa elg dxpov xaxaijiux*4v SXov 816X0U rtayfj t>pauopevou xou veepoug fj xwkv
xaxacplpexai. 76 Meteor, I., 9-12. opoicog 84 xal jtdxvr) xal xwfrv- oxav ydp Jtayfj xo
vecpog xiwv loxiv, OTav 8' fj aTpig jtdxvT).
77 35, C. Aiojtep ineaxov ttiv Irtixeipriaiv 6' te jipartog dpldpsvog
Slaioarpig 6 Alywrxiog xal 6 uExd xauxa pouXn*elg IjteiEpydaaaftai AapEiog
6 MfjSog. 78 Meteor, I., 14. XlyExai 84 Jtpioxog Slacoaxpig fetixsipfjaai xiov itaXaiibv
dXX' eflpev uiJ>T|Xoxepav ouaav xf|v ddXaxxav xfjg yfjg.

86
of Egypt. He was the first one to attempt the canal leading into the
Red Sea, which Darius, the Persian, afterward dug . . . Neco
then ceased in the midst of his digging, because an obstructing
prophecy had arisen that he was laboring for a barbarian."79
Outside the references already seen are a number of scattered
ones, not to the philosophers, but to ideas they promulgated, and to
Aristotle himself. The philosopher is named three times. One of
these cases has been mentioned under Plato : "Those pagan philos
ophers who wrote dialogues, Aristotle and Theophrastus, went
straight at the matter, knowing that they were not possessed of the
graceful style of Plato." Other instances do not introduce com
parisons. Two appear in the book against Eunomius. Aristotle's
famous reasoning in syllogisms is first mentioned when Basil says,
in general "There was need for us to learn of the syllogisms of
Aristotle and Chrysippus."80 The first book of the Analytica
Priora is given over to a discussion of syllogistic reasoning. The
other case in which Aristotle is named occurs further in the same
work : "For there are, concerning habits and privations, the words
of Aristotle, who says privations come after habits. Those are
able to testify to this who have read the book inscribed with the
Categories of Aristotle."81
The work that Basil had in mind is the Categories and section
from chapter eight to a late part of chapter twelve is taken up with
a discussion of habits and privations. The ready reference would
indicate Basil's familiarity with the book.
Other notes in Basil's works are of a more indirect nature.
One very striking one occurs with reference to the opening section
of the Nichomachean Ethics. Basil says, "Hence, well have some
men defined the good, as what all men seek."82 The second
sentence of the Ethics begins, "Therefore, well have they defined
79 Herodotus, II., 158. YapjwiTixou 84 Nsxwg jtaig eyevexo xai
ipaaiXEuae Alyujtxou, og xfj 8ubpuxi EJteixEiprittE jtptoxog xfj eg xfjv 'Epuftpijv
ftdXaaaav cpepouan, xfjv Aapeiou 6 JJepang Seuxepa Siiopuge . . . Nexiog pev
vuv pexa^u 6puaarav luauaaxo pavxiniou IpjioSiou yevopevou xoiouSe t§
Pappdpip auTov jtpoEpydteadai.
80 Liber adversus Eunomius, 214, C. "H xiov 'ApiaxoxIXoug ovxcog fjpiv
xal Xpuairotou auXXoyiaptov e'Sei jtpog xo pat>Eiv.
81 221, A. 'ApiaxoxIXoug ydp e'ioiv rag oi dvEyvwxoxEg euxoiev av Iv xatg
feiiYpacpoplvaig auxou Kaxr)yopiaig. ol itspl E'gEcog xal axep-fjaecog Xdyoi
BEUxIpag elvai XlyovTog xiov e|ecov xdg axEpfiaEig.
82 160, A. Aidxi xaXrag ropiaavxo tjSti xivlg ayaftbv slvai 08 Jtdvxa
IcpiETai.

87
the good, as that at which all men aim."83 Others have had the
same idea, but the concise wording of the two sentences gives
them a noticeable resemblance. In the Hexaemeron occurs an
example in the opening homily : "Among arts some have as their
end production, and some theory."84 Aristotle, in speaking of
arts, says, "Every instance is either practical, poetical or theoret
ical."85 In the opening chapter of the Ethics, Aristotle elaborates an
idea much upon the same order. "Every art and every science,"
he says, "and likewise every activity and every act of choice, seem
to aim at something good. Wherefore, well have they defined
the good as that at which all men aim. But some distinction ap
pears with reference to the ends. For some are energies and some
are certain deeds outside the energies . . ."86
In the second homily of the Hexaemeron, Basil gives Aris
totle's philosophy in this fashion : "Matter is taken from the out
side, art furnishes a form, and the work is thus composed simul
taneously of matter and form."87 Aristotle in his Metaphysics
furnishes the germ for this argument: "All things developed are
developed from something, and by something."88 Many of the
ideas of the older philosophers were worked over by later thinkers
and more fully stated. In the third homily Basil returns to
Aristotle : "What He holds as beautiful is that which shows in its
perfection all the development of art, and that which points to the
utility of its end."89
In his Rhetoric the Greek philosopher has developed the idea
thus presented: "That is beautiful which is praiseworthy also,
83 Nichomachean Ethics, I., i. 816 xaXiog ajtEcpfivavro xdyaft8v o5 Jtdvx'
Icptexai. 84 7, A. 'EitEiS-fj 84 xal xiov xexvcov al plv noi-nxixal Xsyovxai al 84
jtpaxxixal al 84 ftECopTytixai.
85 Metaphysics, 5, i. coax' eI naaa Sidvoia r) jtpaxxixf) tj JioiTyiixfi ti
¦ftEcoprixixfi. 89 Nichomachean Ethics, I., I. Jtdaa xexvti xal itdaa pilftoSog opoicog 84
jtpd^ig xe xal npoaipEOig dyaftou xivog Icpleadai Boxei. 816 xaXSg dbte(pT|vavxo
xdyadov o5 :tdvx' IcpiExai.. 8iacpopd 84 xig cpaivExai xiov xeXcov. xd plv ydp
slaiv Ivlpysai, xd 84 nap' auxdg Epya xivd.
87 13, B. Kal eaxiv fj p4v uXt| e|co-9ev jtapaXappavoplvn xo 84 ElSog Jtapd
Tfjg TEXvng Iqpappo^opevov dbtoxIXeapa 84 to 4| dpcpoiv auvxidlnEvov Ix xe
xou EiSoug xal xfjg liXrig.
88 Metaphysics, VL, 7. itdvxa 84 xd yiyvopEva uno xe xivog yiyvsxai xal
ex xivog xal xi.
89 32, C. dXXd xaXov xo xcp Xoycp xfjg xexvng IxxeXsaftev xal npog xfyv
xov xeXoug euxpiiaTiav artVTEivov.

88
besides being worthy, on its own merit, of choice, or that also
which is good, and pleasant, because it is good."90
In the eighth homily Basil again touches upon an Aristotelian
theme, approaching this time to an idea in the Ethics. Speaking
of the community life of birds, he says, "Very many others lead a
common life, such as doves, cranes, starlings and daws."91 The
community of daws was a proverb with Aristotle, "daw with
daw"92 being commonly used in very much the same sense as
"birds of a feather."
The seven references that occur in the Liber de Spiritu Sancto
are all of a largely philosophical nature. Basil remarks upon the
shallow systems of the pagan philosophers, "These cautious dif
ferences, which inexperienced thinking and empty error have
given forth, our opponents in the beginning studied and admired,
and then afterward took over these distinctions to the simple and
unstudied doctrine of the Spirit, and this is for the disparagement
of God, Who is the Word, and for the denial of the Divine
Spirit."93 Basil's idea is an insistence upon fhe vast difference between
the pagan systems and the philosophy of the Christian life. Aris
totle sets forth something of the same theory: "If there is any
end for the activities which we choose on account of this end, and
such other matters as we choose, and we do not select everything
for either reason (for thus we would advance into infinity, as to
an empty and vain desire), it is evident that this end must be
what is good "and what is best."94 Discussing the wording em
ployed by pagan philosophers, Basil says, "They have led them
selves into this error through their assiduous study of pagan
authors, who employed the terms 'of whom' and 'through whom'
to matters that were, according to their nature, distinct."95
90 Rhetoric, I., 9, 3. KaXov |x4v ouv laxiv 8 fiv 81 auxo alperov ov
fetaiveTov fj, ij o fiv dyaftov Bv -rjSu fj oti dyadov.
91 73, B. Mupia 84 fiXXa tov d&poiapaTtxov fjpiycat Piov cog jtepioxepal,
xai yepavoi, xai tyfipeg, xal xoXoioi.
92 Nichomachean Ethics, VIII., 1, 6. xoXoiov jioti xoXoiov.
93 3, C. xauxa paddvxeg xal ftaupdaavxeg ouxoi xd Ix xfjg paxaioxrixog
xal xsvfjg drtdxrig Jtapaxr|pf|paxa xal litl xfyv dnXfjv xal dxEXvoXoyrixov xou
nvEupaxog SiSaaxaXiav psxaxopi^ouaiv elg IXdxxcoaiv p4v xou fteou A6you
df>ETT)Civ 84 xou dyiou nvEupaxog.
94 Nichomachean Ethics, I., 1. Ei 8fj ti xeXog eoxl tiov JtpaxTwv 8 81
auTo PouX6pEf>a TdXXa 84 8id xouxo xai pf) jtdvxa 81 Exepov alp6upE*a
(jipdeici ydp ouxio y' elg dneipov &ax' elvai xevtiv xal paxaiav xtiv ope|iv) ,
SfjXov cog xoux' fiv bit) xdyad6v xal fipiaxov.
98 s, A. uitiy/dyExo plvxoi auxoug Jtp8g xf|v dndxT)v xai5xT)v xal fj xffiv
eiradsv JtapaxfjpTiaig ot xo 4§ oB xal xo 81 o5 XEXcopiapevoig xaxd x-fjv cpuaiv
ntpdypaai itpoaSilveipav.

89
The terms and their use, for which Basil lays Aristotle under
contribution, are discussed at considerable length in the Meta
physics and Physics of Aristotle.96 Later derivations and newer
meanings that other philosophers might have read into these words
are not available, and Basil may have had in mind other and quite
different interpretations from the versions propounded by the
thinker to whom the first statement can be attributed. But Basil's
use of philosophic terms is very much like Aristotle's. For in
stance, "For thought cannot travel outside 'was' nor imagination
beyond 'beginning.' "87 The term for imagination is Aristotle's
and is defined by Aristotle as a movement of the mind, generated
by sensation.98 The ideas of "was" and "beginning" as philosophic
terms were old and did not begin with Aristotle. Basil touches a
note of the Pythagorean theories, which Aristotle also employs:
"The variety of the universe sets forth well the excellence of His
might."99 The Pythagoreans use the same term that Basil em
ploys for the variety, but give it the sense of arrangement : "They
(the Pythagoreans) had such acknowledged principles to set forth
in the numbers and the concords, and towards such things of the
heavens as are affected and drawn, and toward the whole universe,
inferring that these things fit the part with reference to the ar
rangement of the whole."100
Again he makes use of an expression that was common among
the pagan philosophers. Both the Pythagoreans and others used
ava-Toixia to signify a series of similar things. Aristotle has it in
such a connection. Basil says, "When names are classified in the
very same series of similar things, what chance is there for nam
ing on this side connumeration and in that subnumeration ?"101
Aristotle uses the same word in the Ethics: "The Pythagoreans
would seem to speak more plausibly about this, putting in their
96 Cf. Metaphysics, I., 3, and Physics, IL, 3.
97 11, A.'AvlxPaTov p4v ydp Biavoiaig to fjv. dvroiepPaxov 84 qpavxaalaig
aQXfp 98 De Anima, 429, a. -fj cpavTaoia av eit; xivrjaig uito Tfjg alafrfjaecog Tfjg
xaT' Ivepyeiav yiyvopevri.
99 15, A. Liber de Spiritu Sancto. Kal r| jioixiXti tou navTog Siaxdap-naig
to uiteplxov Tfjg laxuog auviOT-naiv.
100 Metaphysics, 986, a., 5. Kal oca elxov opoXoyoupeva Seixvuvau ev Te
xoig dpiftpoig xal Taig dppoviaig jtpog Ta xou oupavov itd-Sh) xal pepr) xal jtpog
xfrv SXryv 8iax6<jpTpnv TauTa auvdyovTeg IcpfipoTTOv.
101 37^ A. xiva oCv Sxei X^Q«'V T° V-&v auvapi-ftpEiaflm, xo 84 ujtapi-
flpeiaftai Xeyeiv iv puj xarxfj auxfj auaxoixia xaxaxexaypevcov xiov ovopdxcov;

90
series of the goods."102 In the twentieth chapter Basil dwells at
length upon an idea that Aristotle develops at length in his Politics.
Throughout the chapter Basil discusses slavery in a tone much
like Aristotle's. The theory is this — that some people are nat
urally fitted to be slaves, for, being deficient in intelligence, and
liable to be cheated or misused by unscrupulous persons, they are
better off when attached to a wise and kind master, who will
understand their difficulties and care for them properly. The
theory was not an uncommon one.103
Again in the twenty-sixth chapter Basil borrows an expression
from Aristotle : "Form is said to be in matter, power is said to be
in what can sustain it, and habit is in one who is moved by it, and
so on."104 Aristotle takes up an entire chapter with a discussion
of definitions of matter and form.105
Basil offers the following idea on the same lines as it is in
Aristotle: "For if you take away the black, cold, weight and
density, the characteristics that pertain to perception — in short,
what we can see — a substance disappears."106 Aristotle gives the
same thought : "But with the length, and breadth, and depths taken
away, we see nothing left, unless that which had been bounded
by those qualities."107
Speaking of various rivers, Basil is led into an error which
Aristotle also commits. Basil says, "Others from the higher
regions of the South flow through Aethiopia and discharge them
selves, some into the outer sea and some into inaccessible seas —
the Aegon, the Nyses and the Chremetes."108 Aristotle writes,
"And in like fashion those rivers flowing through Libya, from the
mountains of Aethiopia, the Aegon, the Nyses, and the Chremetes
102 Nichomachean Ethics, I., 6, 7. II i-ftavioxepov 8' loixacw ol nv9a-
ydpeioi XlyEiv itspl auxou xiftlvxeg Iv xfj xtov dyaftiov eruaxoixia xo ev.
103 Cf. Aristotle, Politics, I., sec. 5.
104 51, B. XlyExai p4v o5v xo ElSog Iv xfj uXn Elvai xal f) Suvapig iv tq)
Seaxixip xal fj I'Sjig Iv Tip xaT' auxfyv SiaxEiplvcp xai jtoXXd xoiauxa.
195 Cf. Metaphysics, VI., 7.
106 9, B. 'Edv ydp duiooTfjorig to plXav, to ijruxpov, to Papu t8 xvmbv
Tag xaxd ysuaiv Ivuxapxouaag auxfj jtoioxrrrag fj el xivEg aXXai JtEpl airrfyv
fterapouvxai ouSlv Kaxai xo uitoxeipevov.
107 Metaphysics, VL, 3. dXXd pfyv dcpaipoupevou pfixoug xal itXdxoug xai
Pddoug ou84v 6pcopEV uitoXEUt6pEvov jiXfiv ei xi 4'axi xo opi^dpevov &18 xouxcov.
108 28, A. "AXXoi Ix Tfjg pEariuPpfag avcodEv 8id Tfjg AHHoitiag ol p4v
fed ttiv Jtpog fipdg 4'pxovxai ddXaaaav ol 84 Ijtl xf]v eico xfjg jiXEOplvng
dbtoxEvouvxai. 8 xe Alycov xal 6 Niiarig xal 6 xaXoupsvog Xpeiilxng.

91
the greatest of them."109 There are no large rivers in the section
Basil had in mind, and the streams that flow from upper Egypt
fall into the Nile. The remaining mass of reference and evident
parallelism from Aristotle is practically all from the Hexaemeron
and is very largely taken up with a discussion of birds and fishes
and animals in the different days of creation. The ideas were all
taken from some easily available natural history or from memory,
and may have been learned in any of a great number of ways.
Such references are treacherous, for while indicating a possible
great familiarity with Aristotle's book, they do not by any means
give conclusive proof of this, or even that conscious reference
occurs. There is always the underlying possibility that they may
be folklore or stories of personal observation.
Basil's whole address of the Hexaemeron is intended for a
polished and effective homily, and it is to be presumed that such a
scholar would reinforce his address with such literary assistance
as he could bring to bear without obviously overdoing the matter.
He has his natural history allusions roughly divided into three
groups. They consist of stories and remarks about fishes or other
marine creatures, birds, and land animals. Basil dwells at length
upon the virtues of the bee: "Imitate the talent peculiar to the
bee, who, hurting none nor destroying alien fruit, collects its
honey." Again, "Whence it (honey) was liquid from the first
and in process of time was collected." And again, "The king bee
has a sting, but does not use it to revenge himself."110 All these
ideas are found in Aristotle: "So, indeed, it makes honey, as I
have related . . . Spreading its wings in haste, the honey is col
lected, for from the beginning such water existed, and after some
days it is a liquid . . . Bees have a sting, but drones do not.
King bees have a sting, but do not use it, wherefore some think
that they do not have them."111 The theme of the bees and their
109 Meteorologia, I., 13. opoicog 84 xal jiep'i xtiv AiPuryv ol p4v Ix xiov
AldiOJiixtov oprav 8 te Alyebv xal 6 Nuarig ol 84 peyicToi xwv Sitovopacpevrav
8 te Xpeperng xaXoupevog.
110 74, A., B. Mip-naai Tfjg peXtaaTig to ISioTpareov oti ouSevI Xupaivoplvri,
ou84 xapjtiv dXXoTpiov 8ia«p#£ipouaa Ta xnpia aupjiTJyvurai . . . odev xal
uypov rtapd ttiv JtpraTTyv £otiv rixa Tip XQOvc? <rupjiEd4v . . . icrri p4v ydp
xevxpov xio PaaiXei dXX' ou xt?7!™1 Tourcp jtpog fipuvav.
i" Hist. Anim., 553, b., 31, 553, b., 29, 554, a., 13. These and many sim
ilar ideas appear throughout these passages. T8 pev ovv xrtpiov Jtoiei i&ajtep
eloriTai Ix xiov dvftlcov . . . auviaxaxai 84 to pIXi jtsrTdpevov. i% dpxfjg
ydp olov G8cop yivExai xal lep' fiuipag plv xivag uypov eaxiv . . . xevxpov
6' al uiXinai exouaiv ol 8f] xricpfjvEg oux exouaiv. ol 84 TJyEpoveg Ixouai p4v
xlvrpov dXX' ou TUJixouai, 818 evioi oux oiovTai exeiv auroug.

92
diligence, their many activities and their common government was
a favorite one in antiquity. Isocrates concludes a well rounded
period in an address to Demonicus with a comparison based upon
the bees, and Basil reminds his hearers that the "Book of Proverbs
has given the bee great and honorable praise."112
The only other reference to insects is, "Thus, then, ladies, when
you are seated and busy with weaving — I mean the silk sent from
the Chinese for making delicate dresses — bear in mind the develop
ment of the creature, and you will have clearly the idea of the resur
rection."113 The idea of the chrysalis is explained clearly by Aris
totle: "From a great worm which has horns, and differs from
others, first changing it becomes a caterpillar, then a chrysalis, and
then from this a necydalos."114 The precise stage Aristotle means
by necydalos is not certain.
Animal references are comparatively few and scattered. One
is in the Oratio de Hominis Structura : "Thus we see dogs eating
grass for the sake of their health, not because that is the regular
food for them according to nature, but by a certain instinct animals
are led to what is suitable for their disorder."115 Aristotle explains
it: "At other times they (wild animals) do not take grass, but
when they are sick they eat it."116
The story of the hedgehog shifting in his den, according to
changes in the wind, is well known : "If the south wind succeeds,
the animal passes to his northern door."117
Aristotle tells it more fully : "The perception of the hedgehogs
may be learned in many ways, for with the north wind blowing,
or the south wind, they change their holes, and those reared in
dwellings change their walls, so that those people in Byzantium
n2 74, C. KaXcov xal jtpeitovxcov auxri xiov feiaivcov jtapd Tfjg napoipiag
TSTUXT1XE. 113 79, D. oxav ouv xaftl£nafts xf|v xouxcov Ipyaaiav dvarcryvitjopevai al
yuvaixeg xd vfjLiaxa Xeyco a jieiutouaiv fjpiv ol Sfjpeg jtpog ttiv x&v paXaxwv
IvSupdxrav xaxaaxeufiv pepvnplvai xfjg xaxd to i;ijjov xouxo pexaPoXfjg,
• Ivapyfj XapPdvETE Tfjg dvaaxdaecog ewouxv.
"4Hist. Anim., 551, b., 9. Ix 84 Tivpg axcoXrixog psydXau 8g ?xei olov
xIpaTa xal Siacpepei xiov aXXcov yiyvExai jtpmxov p4v pexaPdXXovxog xou
axcoX-nxog xdpjt-n e'jteixa PonPuXlg Ix 84 xouxou vexi58aXog.
n3 340, B. xal oia 6pwpev xuvag ftepaitEiag evexev jtoXXdxig fiypcoaxiv
fenvEpoplvoug oiix fetEiBf) aupqpufjg auxoig laxiv i\ xpoipf) dXX' IjiEtSf) d8i8dxxcp
xivl cpuoEtog SiSaaxaXCa fed xo oupcplpov 4"px£xai xd dXoya.
11° Hist. Anim., 594, a., 29, ff. noag 8' dXXatE p4v oux djtxovxai otov 84
xdpvouai xaddjtEp xal ai xuvEg ladiouai.
117 83, B. vdxou 84 jtdXiv psxaXapPdvovxog elg x-fjv itpodpxxiov pexa-
Paivovxa.

93
say a certain person, from observing the hedgehog doing these
things, made forecasts, acquiring a great reputation."118
Drawing distinctions among animals, Basil writes, "Man, your
head is erect toward the heaven, your eyes can look up."118 Aris
totle gives it: "Of all living things, man is the only one that is
erect."120 The longevity of the elephant is noted : "We are told that the
elephant lives three hundred years and more."121 Aristotle has it :
"Some say that the elephant lives two hundred years, some say
three hundred."122
Discussing fish and marine animals, Basil says, "The species of
testacea is of another kind, as muscles, scallops, sea snails, conches,
and many varieties of oysters, and besides these kinds there are
the other kinds, which are called crustaceans, like lobsters, crabs
and creatures similar fo them. After this the soft-shelled class."123
The grouping is Aristotle's: "Of the testaceans there is another
race called ostrean (oyster family), and one of the crustaceans
which is without a name, such are lobsters and the whole race of
crabs and crayfish, and there is another race of mollusks."124 Of
marine animals, Basil says, "There are dolphins and seals, which,
it is said, receive their young, when recently born and delicate, into
their stomachs. This is for purposes of protection or when the
young have been terrified by anything."125 Basil may have heard
vague stories about animals, such as the kangaroo, which carries
its young in a pouch. Aristotle writes, "The dolphin and the seal
n8 Hist. Anim,, 551, b., 9. nEpl 84 xfjg xwv Ixivrav aia-ft-fioeiog
aupPip-nxe jtoXXaxou xsdEcopEioftai oxi psxaPaXXovxcov Poplcov xal voxcov ol
u.ev ev xfj yfj xdg oitdg auxwv pexapelpoucnv ol 8' Iv xaig olxiaig xpeqpopevoi
pexaPdXXouai Jtpog xoug xoixoug &ax' Iv Bu^avxira ye xivd tpacn JtpoXlyovxa
XaPriv 86|av Ix xou xaxavEvo-rptlvai jtoiouvxa xauxa xov Ixivov.
119 81, A. 'H ofi XEcpaX-fj Jtpog oupavov Biavlax-rtxEv. ol 6q>#aXpoi aou xd
dvco pXfetouaiv.
120 Part. Anim., 689, b., 11. 816x1 povov eoxiv opdov xiov £ipcov dvfrpcojtog.
121 86, B. Nuv 84 rjSri xiv4g loxopouai xal xpiaxoaia extj xal jiXeico
xouxcov Piouv xov IXecpavxa.
122 Hist. Anim., 596, 12. tov 8' IXIcpavra £fjv ol p4v JtEpl btti Siaxoaia
cpdaiv, ol 84 Tpiaxoaia.
123 64, C. "AXXou yevoug laxl xd oaxpaxoSeppa jtpoaayopeuopeva olov
xoyxat, xal xxeveg xal xoxXiai -ftaXdaaioi, xal axpopPoi xal al pupiai xiov
Aaxplwv Siacpopai. "AXXo jtdXiv jtapd xauxa ylvog xd paXaxoaxpaxa
jtpoaeipripeva, xdpaPoi, xal xapxivoi, xal xd jtapaitXf|aia xouxoig.
124 Hist. Anim., 490, b. aXXo 84 ylvog laxl xo x&v 6axpaxo84ppa>v 0
xaXsixai ooxpEOv. SXXo xo xiov paXaxoaxpdxcov, dvravupov 4vl dvopaxi, olov
xdpa6oi xal yevri xivd xapxivcov xal daxaxrav. dXXo xo xtov paXaxuov.
126 64, A. 8eXcplveg xal epioxai & xal veapoug exi xoug oxupvoug Siamxori-
ftevwig uno alxiag xiv8g, Xeyexai JtdXiv xfj yaaxpl ujtoSsxdpeva JtepiaxIXXeiv.

94
give milk and suckle their young and take them in again when
they are small."126 Basil repeats the idea about seals in the fol
lowing: "Are not those animals included which give living birth
like the seals, dolphins and torpedoes, and those like them, which
are called cartilaginous?"127 In Aristotle it is, "Some animals
give living birth as the human being, the seal, the horse and others
that have hair, and of the marine creatures the whale, the dolphin
and such are called cartilaginous."128 A last similarity in their
views of marine animals occurs when Basil says of eels, "Their
genesis is from the earth."129 Akin to this is the superstition about
toads springing from the earth after a rain. And Basil says again
in reference to field mice, "Around Egyptian Thebes after a heavy
rain in hot weather the ground is covered with field mice."130 The
very natural explanation that the mice were forced out of their
burrows by the sudden inflow of rainwater and thus compelled to
appear in the open, which they would never have done under
other circumstances, does not seem to have occurred to him. The
remark about rain at Thebes in Egypt seems peculiar, in view of
Herodotus' statement: "When Psammenitus, son of Amasis,
reigned as king, a prodigy happened to the Egyptians, the greatest
that had ever happened, for rain fell at Egyptian Thebes where
rain had never fallen before, nor did it fall afterward down to
my time. The Thebans tell this themselves, because in upper
Egypt no rain falls at all, but on the occasion I mention rain fell
in a drizzle."131 Either Herodotus was misinformed or the climate
had changed in Basil's time. But if rain rarely fell it would be all
the more natural that wild animals should have made little pro
vision against it and, being caught unawares, would be compelled
to appear on the surface. Concerning the whole theory of animals
being generated spontaneously from the earth when conditions are
favorable, Aristotle has probably supplied Basil's idea, for he says,
126 Hist. Anim., 566, b., 16. 4'xei 8' 6 SeXcplg xal tj cpcoxT) ydXa xai
<HlXd£ovxai. xal elaSlxovrai Ta Tlxva pixpd Svxa.
127 63, D. ou Ta £cpoToxouvTa olov cpioxai xal SeXcpIveg xal vdpxai, xal xa
Spoia TouToig Td aeXaxn Xsyopeva.
128 Hist. Anim., 489, a., 35. i;(pox6xa p4v olov avwptojiog xal ijbk>s xal
cptoxri xal xd aXXa oaa Ixei xpfcag xal xiov IvuSpwv Td xr\xd>br\, olov SeXcplg
xai Ta xaXoupeva aeXdxir.
129 81, A. dXX' Ix Tfjg yfjg ecmv afrtoig f| ylveaig.
^ 1308i, D.^ Sitou ye jtepl 0fjPag Tdg AlYUJtTiag, IjieiBdv {Sorn Xdpptog Iv
xaupaaiv, Eudug dpoupairav pucov fj x<opa xaTOJiXripouTai.
131 Herodotus, III., 10. fed Wapp-rivtrau 84 xou 'Apdaiog PaciXe&mog
'Aiyunxau cpdapa AiYuitrtotai plyiaTov Sfi lylvexo. uafrnaav Ydp ©fjPat al
Alyujixiai oCte jtpdTepov ouSapd uafteicai, oBte {SoTEpov x8 pixpi Ipeu &g
Xlyoucnv auxol ©iipaioi, ov ydp 8f) uexai xd fivco Tfjg AiyiMtrfov x8 jtapdutav.
dXXd xal t6xe uadriaav al ©fjpai ijiaxd8i.

95
"Evidently the matter is thus : In certain muddy lakes, when all
the water is exhausted and the mud smoothed, as soon as there is
a heavy rain eels spring forth again. They are not born during
droughts, nor in perennial lakes. But they live and are nourished
by rainwater, and therefore it is evident that they are not born by
mating nor from eggs."132 Referring to the preferences of fish
for fresh water, Basil says of the north sea that "Its water is
sweeter than that of other parts of the sea, because the sun does
not stay there so long, and its rays do not evaporate all the drinka
ble particles, and even sea creatures love fresh water. Thus, one
often sees them enter rivers and swim up from the sea."133 Aris
totle phrases it : "On account of the influx of rivers, the sea water
is sweeter, and as the rivers bring down much nourishment many
of the fish swim up into these rivers."134 Basil writes, "Are not
those classes included that lay eggs, as almost all kinds of fish?"186
Aristotle says explicitly, "The. nature of fishes is oviparous."138
Speaking of their migrations and their visits to various breeding
places, Basil has, "Of all the gulfs, the Pontus is the most suitable
for them as being most fit for breeding and nourishing their
young."137 Aristotle gives it: "The fish swim into the Pontus
because of the nourishment and for their young, because these
places are suitable for breeding, and the fresh and sweet water
nourishes their offspring."138 Continuing the idea, Basil says of
the departure, "When what was desired has been fully fulfilled,
then all of them in a convoy turn back again homeward."138 Aris-
132 Hist. Anim., 570, a., 7. <pavEQ8v 8' IotIv oti oikcog exei. Iv IvCaig ydp
TeXpaTcoSeoi Xiu/vaig xou 0' uSaxog Jtavxog IJ-avrX-nflivrog xal xou jiiiXou
§uorftevxog yiYvovxai JtdXiv oxav u8cop yEvr]xai opPpiov. Iv 84 xoig auxpoig
ou Yiyvovrai ouS' Iv Taig Siapsvouaaig Xipvaig. xal yo.Q gioai xal xplcpavxdi
dpppicp BBaxi. oti p4v ouv oux' 4§ oxeiag oux' e£ raiov yiyvovxai cpavepdv
laxiv. 133 67, B. TXuxuxepov ydp xfjg Xoutfjg ftaXdaaTig Ixeivo xo u8cop 816x1 fet'
dXtyov afafj jxpocSiaxpipcov 6 -fiXiog oux 4§dyei auxfjg oXov 8id xfjg dxxivog
jtoxapov. xataEl 8e xoig yXuxlai xal xd ftaXdaaia. oOev xal fed xoug
jtoxapoug dvavfJxExai jtoXXdxig xal jtdppco ftaXdcarig cplpExai.
134 Hist. Anim., 601, b., 16. Sid ydp to jtXfjftog xiov jtoxapcov yXuxuxepov
to CScop xal xpo<pf)v ol jtoxapol xaxacpepouai jtoXXfjv. ixi be xal elg xoig
jtoxapoug dvawXeouai jtoXXol xe&v Ixfrucov.
135 63, A. ou xd cboxdxa fijtep laxl redvTa oxeSov twv lx#ucov xa. yivr\;
136 De Gen. Ani. Iri 8' laxlv raoroxov xb xiov Ix-ftucov yevog.
137 67, B. Ix xouxou jtpoxipoxepog auxoig 8 ndvxog xcov Xoutiov laxl
xdXjttov dig fetirnSEiog Ivcutoxu-fjaai xal Ix ftplil>ai xd Sxyova.
1 18s Hist. Anim., 598, b., 3. eIojiXIouoi 8' elg xov ndvxov 8id xe ttiv
Tpocp-fjv . . . 8id Te Sf) xfiv xpoipfiv slajtXIouoi xal 8id tov toxov. tojioi y&Q
elaiv feiiTTJ8eioi Ivxixxeiv xal xb jidxipav xal to yXuxuxepov 68cop 4xTp4(pei xd
xufjpaxa. 139 67, B. 'EjteiSdv 84 x8 ajtou8a^6pevov dpxauvxcog exjiXripto-flfi JtdXiv
jtavBtipsl Jtdvxeg ujioaxp4<pouaiv oixaSe.

96
totle writes, "When they have finished breeding and accomplished
what was designed, they straightway swim out again with the
Pleiades."140 In discussing their habits of breathing, Basil again
relies upon Aristotle : "With them the motion of the gills in open
ing and shutting in succession, and inhaling and exhaling the water
takes the place of respiration."141 The original has it, "Wherefore
none of the fish have lungs, but in place of these they have gills,
just as I have said in those matters concerning breathing. They are
cooled by the water as those who respire are by the air. Where
fore, all things that respire have lungs."142 Basil develops the
thought more fully when he says, "What air is to the terrestrial
animals, water is to those that swim. The cause is evident. A
lung lies in us, a thin and porous membrane which takes in the
air by the distention of the chest and thus cools and airs our in
ternal heat, and the distention and contraction of the gills in
those creatures that inhale and exhale water takes the place of
this form of respiration."143 Aristotle has it, "From these things
it is evident, and through what cause it happens, to breathers
among animals, to be choked in the water, and to fishes in the air.
To one the coolness, indeed, comes through the water and to one
through the air, and either of these being changed from its place
is deprived of its natural resources for breathing. And the cause
of the movement of the gills among some and of the breath with
others is the rising and collapse in some of the exhalation and
inspiration, and in others of the receiving and expelling of the
water."144 Basil speaks of the manner of feeding or of the food
140 Hist. Anim., 598, b., 6. oxav 84 xlxraai xal xd yevopeva au|Ty#fj
IxjtXeouaiv Euuug psxd nXsidSa.
141 63, B. Ixeivoig 84 -fj xiov Ppayx'icov 8iaaxoXf| xal fetiixxu^ig 8exop4vcov
xo uScop xal Sulvxcov xov xfjg dvcutvofjg Xoyav djtojtXripoi.
142 De Part. Anim., III., 6. 8i6jiep xiov p4v IxOucov ouSslg e'xei JtXEupova
dXX' dvxl xouxou Ppdyxia xaftdjtep sipTytai Iv xoig jispi dvcutvofjg. v8axi ydp
jtoiEixai xfyv xaxdijiu^iv xd 8' dvcutveovxa xcp depi SiojtEp Jtdvxa xd dvoutveovxa
4'xei JtXEupova.
143 63, B. dXX' ojtEp xoig xspoaioig eotiv dfjp xouxo xm jtXcoxcp ylvEi to
uScop. xal fj aixia 8tJXti. oti -fjpiv p4v 6 jtvEupcov eyxeiTai dpaidv xal
jtoXfetopov aitXdyxvov 6 8id Tfjg xou flcopaxog SiaaToXfjg tov depa Sexopevov
to ev8ov fjpi&v ftep|i.6v Stappuiiijei xal dvaipuxei.
144 De Respiratione, 19. AfjXov 8' Ix xouxcov xal 8id xiv' alxiav xoig
p4v dvajtveouai xiov |ipwv ajtajrviyeaftai oupPaivEi Iv xw uypcp xoig 8' Ixfruaiv
Iv xcp dlpi. xoig p4v ydp 8id xou uSaxog fj xaxd\()u|ig yivsxai xoig 84 Sid xou
dlpog 5>v IxdxEpa axEpiaxeTai psraPaXXovTa Toug Tdreoug. -fj 8' ahta Tfjg
xtvfjaEcog Toig p4v twv Ppayxtrov Toig 84 tou Jtveupovog &v alpopevcov xal
auvi^dvxcov xd p4v IxjtXIouai xal ela^vlouai xd 84 Sexovxai x6 uypdv xal
4|tdaiv exi 8' -fj cuaxaaig xou opydvou xov 8' exei x6v xpojtov.

97
of fishes upon four occasions. He begins once, as follows : "The
majority of fishes feed upon each other, and the smaller among
them is food for the greater."145 For the first half of the state
ment Aristotle says, "They all eat each other, except the pike and
conger eel."146 While continuing the idea of their carnivorous
habits he again says, "The stronger make war upon the lesser
ones, for they devour them."147 Again Basil says, "Food in the
case of various fishes is divided according to race — some draw
their nourishment from the mud and some from sea weeds, and
some are satisfied with the herbs that are nourished in the
water."148 Aristotle has three statements closely connected in his
text: "Some fish feed upon their own offspring at the time when
they are born, and they have no other food . . . The pike is
nourished by sea weeds and in the sand . . . The capitones feed
upon the mud . . . But the river fish find food eating each other
and herbs and roots and whatever they can take from the slime."149
Aristotle's remark does not agree with modern versions of the
pike's habits, which make it so savage and carnivorous that no
other fish can exist in the same streams. In reference to the feed
ing of fish, Basil says that "They all have a very sharp row of
teeth, which are set closely together so that their food may not
escape in time that they are chewing it."150 Aristotle gives it,
"All of them have sharp teeth, so that they are able to tear, and
tear quickly. For they do not spend time in consuming."151
Before making this statement Basil notes that "None among these
fish ruminate except the scar."152 Aristotle explains it, "But of
145 65, c. 'AXXT)Xo<pdyoi 84 xiov Ixftucov ol jtXeiaxoi. xal 6 pixpoxspog
jtap' IxEivoig ppcopd laxi xou Liei^ovog.
146 Hist. Anim., 591, a., 17. dXX-nXocpayouai 84 jidvxeg p4v JtXfjv xEoxplcog
pdXiaxa 8' 01 yoyypoi.
147 Hist. Anim., 610, b., 17. 6 84 noXspog eoxi xoig xpsixxoai jtpog xoug
TJxToug xaTEcrfKei ydp 6 xpeIttcov.
148 65, C. Tpoqpf] 84 IxWaiv aXXoig aXXri xard ylvog 8icopiap4vr|. ol piv
ydp IXui xplcpovxai oi 84 xoig cpuxioig. dXXoi xaig Poxdvaig xaig Iv
xpscpoplvaig xcp u8axi dpxouvxai.
149 Hist. Anim., 591, a., 7, 591, a., 22, 592, a., 24. ol 8' Ixfrusg xoig piv
xuripaoi TpEcpovtai Jtdvxeg oxav ol xoovoi xafrfjxcoaiv ouxoi xfiv 8' aXXryv
xpocpf|v ou xf)v auxfyv jtoiouvxai Jtdvxeg . . ., TpecpeTai 84 Jtdg xEOTpeug
ipuxioig xal dppcp . . . oi 84 xlcpaXai vepovtai ttiv IXuv . . . Tpocpfj 84 xal
ol jtoxapioi xotovTai dXXfjXoug x'lafriovxEg xal Poxdvag xal 'pi^ag xfiv xi Iv
xcp Poppdpep XdPcoaiv.
150 6^ q jtdvxa 84 oluxdxaig oixpaig 686vTtov xaxajteituxvcoxai iva pf) Tfj
xpovia paafjaei r\ xpoqpfi 8iapp4fl.
151 j}e Part, Ani., 675, a., 5. 6J=eig 84 jtdvTeg e'xouoiv raaTe BieXeiv p4v
8uvavrai ipauXcog 84 8ieXeiv. IvSiaxpiPeiv ydp oux olov xe xpovi^ovxag.
132 64, C. ou84 ydp pTipuxi^Ei xi nap' auxoig e'i pf) xov oxdpov povov
laxopouai xivsg.

98
fish it seems that the one called the scar is the only one that
ruminates like quadrupeds."168 Basil uses the same classification
for animals that Aristotle gives : "Some are called Schizoptera, as
eagles, and some Dermoptera, as bats, and others Ptilota, as
wasps; others Coleoptera, as beetles."164 These terms are taken
from Aristotle, who uses them repeatedly in defining different
varieties.155 Basil's ideas about animals are introduced gracefully
and serve to bring out his idea effectively. In many cases they can
be traced directly to Aristotle, though not, of course, with absolute
certainty. For instance, Basil says about the partridge, "The
partridge is deceitful and jealous, lending traitorous help to the
hunters to seize their prey."166 Aristotle, without giving any com
ment upon the nature of the partridge, explains the hunting case
as follows: "But the guide (a tame partridge), taking his stand
in front of a partridge from among the wild ones, as if about to
fight, hastens the hunters."157 The use of decoys is very ancient
and, of course, afforded the rhetorician opportunity for a great
display of feeling. Remarking upon the hooked beaks and talons
of birds of prey, Basil says, "Swooping easily upon their prey,
they tear apart their food after having seized it."168 Aristotle
says, "Such of the birds as are carnivorous have hooked beaks."138
Basil discusses the migratory birds: "There is this distinction
among them, that some are of the country itself and do not leave
it, and some will undertake to journey for great distances, and
the majority of them will migrate at the approach of winter."180
Aristotle says, "Some, indeed, find places of refuge in the locali
ties in which they are, some go forth from those places after the
autumnal equinox from the Pontus and the cold regions, . . .
163 Hist. Anim., 591, b., 23. Soxei 84 xiov !x<h5cov 6 xaXoupEvog axdpog
M.T)puxd?Eiv coctjiep xd XExpdjtoSa pdvog.
154 72, C. xal xd p4v mvopaaav oxi^ojtxEpa, rag xoug dexoijg. xd 84
8Epu,6jtXEpa tog xdg vuxxepiSag. xd 84 jtxiXcoxd rag xoug acpfjxag, xa 84
xoXedrtTepa 6g Toug xavfl-dpoug.
135 Cf. Hist. Anim., 489, b., and 490, a.
156 73, C. AoXepov 6 Jtlp8i| xal £tiX6tujiov, xaxoupycog aupjipdrtrav xoig
fb)paxaig Jtpog xf]v fiypav.
137 Hist. Anim., 614, a. fed 84 x8v dripsuxfiv JtlpSixa wdsixai xiov dypirav
6 fjyEpcav dvxdoag rag paxoupEvog.
158 73, A. raaxE xai auXX-ncp&fjvai pa8icog xo frfipapa xal 8iaaitapay4v,
xpocpfiv xcp 4X6vxi yEvlaftai.
139 Hist. Anim., 592, a. xiov 8' 6pvM)rav 0001 p4v yaLtijKovuxEg aapxoqpdytn
jtdvxEg Elai.
i«o 7j] b. "HSt> 84 xig xal exlpa Iv xoijxoig lent Stacpopd xaf>' r\v xd p4v
feti8ripr|Tixd te IotI xal lyxrapia xa 84 djtaipeiv Jtlcpuxe jtoppcoxdTcp xai
XEipravog lyyi^ovTog ixToni^Eiv (»g Td jtoXXd.

99
fleeing the approaching winter."161 A bird like the eagle would
naturally attract much attention and has long been a favorite
theme for rhetoricians : "In the rearing of its young the eagle is
most unfair, for though it hatches but two young ones, it hurls
one of these out upon the earth, throwing it down with blows of its
wings. And though it takes the care of the other upon itself,
while the survivor is still growing, it leaves the other young bird
because of the difficulty of finding food. But, as they say, the
osprey will not permit the fallen bird to perish, but picking it up,
rears it along with its own young ones."162 The same theme is
treated by Aristotle : "The eagle lays three eggs, but abandons two
of these, as is told in the verse of Musaeus, 'Which hatches out
three, abandons two, and cares for one.' "163 The rest of the story,
about the fish hawk, is told at another point : "That bird called the
fish hawk, being well disposed and of a diligent nature, a food car
rier and gentle, rears both its own young ones and the eagle's, for
when the eagle casts out its young prematurely, not being far
enough in life and not able to fly, the eagle seems to cut off its
young through jealousy, as it is by nature jealous and greedy, and
rapacious in grasping whatever it may take. Accordingly it envies
its nestling young when they become large eaters and can tear
with their claws. Then the young fight with each other for places
and food. So, it strikes and throws them out, and they, falling,
scream, and the fish hawk picks them up."184 Discussing birds that
181 Hist. Anim., 596, b., 29. Kal Ta piv Iv auToig Toig ouvfjdEai xdjtotg
eupiaxETai Tag Por)f}eiag xd 8' Ixxoiti^ei peTa p4v T-fyv cpdivoJHopivfjv laripepiav
Ix tou ndvrou xal tcov ijiuxpcov xojtcoy cpEuyovxa xiv feiiovxa XEipcova.
162 76, C. 'ASixcoxaTog irepl ttiv Ixy6vrav IxTpocpfiv 6 aETdg. Auo ydp
l|ayaycbv VEoaaoug t8v ETepov auTiov elg yfjv xaTappfjyvuai Taig jtXtiyaig
tcov jtrepiov ditco-ftoupevog. t5v Se Irepov pdvov dvaXaP&v, olxeiouxai, 8id x8
xfjg xpocpfjg fetiitovov ditonoioupevog ov lyewrjaev. 'AXX' oux iq. xouxov dig
cpaai 8iaq>dapfjvai fj (p-fjvri. 'AXX' fetoXaPouaa auxov xoig olxeioig lauxfjg
veoaaoig cruvexxpecpei.
163 Hist. Anim., 563, a., 17. 'O 8' dexog ipd |x4v xixxei xpia IxXfetsi 84
toutcov Td bvo &ansQ iaxi xal Iv Toig Mouaaiou Xeyoplvoig e'jteaiv, og xpia
piv xlxxet, 8uo IxXejtei, ev 8' dXsyi^Ei.
164 Hist. Anim., 619, b., 23. -fj 54 xaXoupevn ipfjvri eaxiv EutExvog xal
EuPioxog xal Bsutvocpopog xal rjitiog xal xd xexva Ixxpeipei xal Ta aurfjg xal
xd xou deTOu. xai ydp Tauf>' OTav IxPdXti, exeivr) dvaXaPouaa Tplipei.
IxPdXXei 6 deTdg Jtpo upag exi piou 8e6peva xal ounco Suvdpeva jtlxeaftai.
IxPdXXeiv 84 8oxei 6 dexog xoug veoxxdug 8id cpddvov. (puaei ydp Iaxi
qpflwepog xal 6|ujteivog, Ixi 6 6|uXapfjg. Xappdvei 84 plya oxav XdPrj.
qpddvei o5v xoig veoxxoig xal dSpuvoplvoig 8x1 qjayeiv dya-9-ol yCyvovxai xal
ffjiqi xoig 8vu|iv. pdxovrai 84 xal ol veortol xai auTol jtepi Tfjg SSpag xal Tfjg
Tpocpfjg. 6 8' IxPdXXei xal xdjtTei aircoug. ol 8' 4xPaXX6ppvoi poiooi, xal
ourcog lutoXapPdvei auTOiig fj cpfjvn.

100
follow leaders, Basil says, "Returning to these again, there are
some without government, and such are autonomous. But those
that are under a leader do not rebel at being led, as the cranes, for
instance."165 Aristotle has it, "Of the birds, some are under a
leader, and some are leaderless, those like the crane, and the whole
race of bees being under a leader."168 Anecdotes about the cranes
now come out naturally. "After finishing his watch," Basil says,
for according to his picturesque view they put out a set of sentries
who keep guard, waking each other in turn, "the sentry gives a
cry and goes to sleep, and the one that awakes in his turn repays
the sense of security that he has enjoyed."167 Something of the
same version is given by Aristotle : "When the cranes rest, some
sleep, having their heads under their wings, and "standing upon one
foot, but a sentry, keeping his head uncovered and looking out,
when he perceives anything signifies it, crying out."168 This ac
count is a little less romantic than that given by the moralizing
orator who is exhorting his hearers to a like faithful performance
of their duties.
The kingfisher draws attention : "All winds are hushed and the
waves of the sea grow calm during the seven days that the halcyon
sits."169 The waves would have had to be very calm, according to
the prevalent superstition to which Basil refers, namely, that the
halcyon makes her nest upon the water and floats about with it
during the seven days' incubation. Aristotle gives the story : "The
halcyon hatches with the returning winds of winter. And there
fore the seven days before the winds, when the weather" has be
come genial, are called halcyon days, and the seven days after the
winds."170 The turtle dove receives notice as being of a loving
and constant disposition: "They say that the turtle dove, being
165 73, B. ndXiv Iv Touroig Td p4v dvapxd Iaxi xal olov auxovopa. xd
84 ucp' fjyEpovi XExdxftai xaxaSEXopeva rag al yepavoi.
166 Hist. Anim., 488, a., 10. jtoXixixd 8' laxlv S>v ev xi xal xoivov yiyvexai
itdvxcov xd e'pyov Sjtep ov jtdvxa jioie! xd dyeXaia. e'axi 64 xoiouxov avftpcojtog,
plXixxa, aqpf|3=, pupM-T)?, ylpavog.
167 75, B. el xd xou xaipou xfjg cpuXaxfjg JiXripoupevou fj p4v Po-rjaaaa
Jtpog ujcvov Ixpditexo f| 84 xfjv 8ia8oxT)v ujto8E§ap4vn, fjg e'xuxev dacpaXEiag
dvxIScoxEV Iv xcp pIpEi.
168 Hist. Anim., 614, b. 8'xav 84 xa^ravxai al p4v dXXai &to xfj jtxlpuyi
xf)v XEipaXfiv exouaai xafteuSouaiv Icp' 4v6g jto86g IvaXXdl 6 8' fiyep&v £x<ov
tt|v xefraX-fjv npoopqi xal oxav alcr#T|xai ti aripalvei poiov.
169 75, B. dXX' oiicog xoipit>vrai p4v Jtdvteg dvEpoi f|auxd^Ei 84 xupa
daXdaaiov oxav dXxucbv fetcpd^j) xdg litxd -fjulpag.
170 Hist. Anim., 542, b., 4. t| 8' dXxumv xixxei jiep'i xpcwtdg xdg xsiM-epivdg.
8u> xal xaXouvxai Sxav euSieival ylvwvxai ai xpoital dXxuoviSsg fjplpai litxd
p4v Jtp5 Tpojtcov littd 84 pETa Tpoitdg.

101
separated from its mate, will not enter a new union, but remains
in widowhood."171 Aristotle mentions the case without the flourish
of the orator : "The turtle dove keeps the same one for its mate,
and the pigeon does not approach another."172 Legend easily lends
fanciful developments, and it was a good instance' for a clever
speaker. Telling of the resourcefulness of the swallow, Basil cites
Aristotle's account. When the swallow has no mud to cement
her nest, she has to make some : "Moistening the tips of her wings
in water, she rolls in very fine dust and thus procures mud in
abundance."173 Aristotle tells it briefly, as is his wont : "If mud
is lacking, wetting herself, she wallows with her wings in the
dust."174 Aelian, who is not always so frank in acknowledging
his debts to Aristotle, says, "The swallow, when there is an abun
dance of mud, bears it in her claws and fashions the nest, but if
there is any lack of it, as Aristotle says, she moistens herself and,
flying to the dust, flutters her wings, thus producing mud."175 The
affection of storks for one another, and especially for their parents,
is a theme for Basil to enlarge at length: "They surround their
father when old age makes his feathers drop off, and warm him
with their wings, and provide abundantly for his support."176 The
remark made by Aristotle is, "Therefore, concerning storks, it is a
matter of common talk among the many, that they are nourished
in turn."177 The song of the nightingale gives Basil opportunity
to dwell upon contentedness with one's lot : "How the nightingale
is always awake when sitting on her eggs, and passes the night in
continual melody."178 Aristotle makes no statement from which
Basil's remark would certainly follow, but he says, "And the
171 76, C. ttjv Tpuyova, cpaal Sia^EuxfrEiaav Jtoxe tou opo^uyog ptixexi
Tfrv Jtpog Ixepav xaxaSexEafJ-ai xoivraviav dXXd plvsiv dcuv8uaaxov.
172 Hist. Anim., 613, a. exei 84 xov appeva -fj xpuycbv tov auxov xal
qpdxxa xal aXXov ou Jtpoaiexai.
173 75, A. xd axpa xiov jtxepibv iS8axi xaxaPp4£aaa Elxa xfj XejtToxdTi)
xdvei IveiX-ryfteiaa ouxcog Imvoei xou jtriXou xfiv gpeiav.
174 Hist. Anim., 612, b., 24. xfiv ditopfjxai jrr)Xou, Ppexouaa auxfjv
xaXtvSeixai xoig jtxepoig Jtpog xfiv xoviv.
175 .Elian. Hist. Anim., III., 24. 'H xeXi8cov oxe eujtopoiri jitiXou xoig
ovu|i cpepsi xai aupjiXdxxEi xfiv xaXidv. el 8f) dutopia eiti rag 'ApiaxoxIX-ng
Xeysi lauxfiv Ppexei xai Ig xoviv IpjtEaouaa qpupsi xd jtxEpd, xai xou JtriXou
jteputayevxog. 176 75, C. 'Exsivoi xov jtaxlpa uno xou ynprag itxEpoppufiaavxa jtepi-
axdvtEg Iv xuxXcp xoig olxeioig itxEpoig SiaftaXnouci xal xdg xpoqpdg dcpftovcog
jtapaaxEud^ovxEg. 177 Hist. Anim., 615, b., 23. TlerA p4v ot5v xrav jteXapymv, oxi dvxExxpl-
cpovrai, ftpuXEiTai Jtapd jtoXXoig.
178 77, A. niog aypujtvov f| d-nBrav otav litcpd^T), 8id Jtdarig vuxTog xfjg
psXwSiag pfj djtoXfjyouo-a.

102 "176

nightingale sings continuously during fifteen days and nights
The time required would be about the same, and the active
imagination of the eastern orator would supply details. But no
certain connection fallows. Basil sees in the long neck of the
swan an instance of utility in the purpose of the Creator. It is,
"So that he may throw it like a line and take up food that is hidden
at the bottom of the water."180 Aristotle explains it thus : "Some
of these birds have the beak long, just like the neck is, for they
take their food from the depths."181 Aristotle cites a natural
remedy which Basil has employed, but the instance is the same :
"If any one of the young swallows should injure its eyes, the swal
low has a certain remedy from nature through which it restores
the vision of its offspring to health."182 Substantially the same
story is told by Aristotle. Speaking of celandine and its healing
qualities, he says, "And through this, if any of the young swallows
injures its eyes, it is restored to health."183 In spite of the fact
that their locomotion is in the air, the winged creatures need feet,
and Basil sees in this a provision of Providence : "Hence, no one
of the winged creatures is without feet, since it finds its food upon
the earth, and by every necessity is unable to do without feet."184
Aristotle phrases it: "With good reason do winged things have
feet, and fish lack feet. For with the former life is in the dry,
but being hardly able to remain forever on the wing, there is neces
sity for having feet."185 Basil contrasts the singing of the birds
with the silences that follow : "For the twitterings and flappings of
the wings are of the birds, as are the silences."188 The bird songs,
and especially the song of the nightingale, was a favorite in Greek
literature. Aristotle's mention of the songs and silences is : "Their
179 Hist. Anim., 632, b., 27. fj 8' driScbv 6i8si p4v ouvexcog fjplpag xal
vuxxag Sexojievte.
180 78, B. iva, coojiep xivd oppidv xaTaycov xfjv iv xa Pddsi XExpupevn
xpocpfiv Ixjtopi^Tvrai.
181 De Part. Anim., 693, b., 20. EVia 84 xouxcov paxpov exei xo puyxog
xa-Odjtep xal t8v auxlva. xf)v ydp xpotpfyv XapPdvouaiv 4x xou Pdfroug.
182 75, A. &v lav xig Ixxevxfjoxi xd oppaxa %xe\, xivd Jtapd xfjg ipuaecog
iaxpixfrv 81 fjg Jtp6g uysiav Ijtavdyei xiov Ixyovrav xdg oipEig.
183 De Gen Anim., IV., 6. xal 8id xouxo xiov xeXi86vcov Idv xig Isxi vlcov
ovxcov Ixxevxfian xd oppaxa JtdXiv tiyid^ovxai.
184 72, A. nXfiv ye 8x1 ou84v xiov jtx-nvrav fijtouv, 8id xo Jtaai xf)v Siaixav
dito xfjg yfjg uitdpxeiv xal jtdvxa dvayxa'itog xfjg xtov Jto8cov -futoupylag
itpoaSeiaftai. ^ 185 £)e Incessu Anim., 18. EuXdywg 84 xal xd p4v Jtxnvd jt6Sag Sxei. ot
8' IxWeg fijto8eg. Toig piv ydp 6 Piog Iv xa %t\qw pETlcopov 8' del plveiv
dSiSvaTov, Sot' dvdyxri jt68ag £xsiv.
186 73, C. ol p4v ydQ xcoxiXoi xal XdXoi t&v oovt&wv elaiv. ol 84 aiyriXoi.

103
enunciation is inarticulate, the twitterings and the silences, the
singings and the silences."187
The diversity among kinds of birds and their characteristics is
a theme for wonder : "There are also, however, ten thousand dif
ferences of species among birds, which if one catalogues according
to their nature, which we touched upon in part in our examination
of the fishes, he will find, indeed, that though there is one name
for flying things, there is an infinity of differences among them in
sizes, colors, forms, according to their lives, activities and cus
toms . . ,"188 Aristotle states it: "For each one of these has a
difference, according to its race, and there are many species of
fishes and birds. And the most part differ among themselves, ac
cording to their opposing characteristics, such as color and form,
some being more different and some less than others. Besides
these differences they vary according to number, fewness, size,
smallness and, all in all, according to excess or defect."189 Exhort
ing his hearers to acts of charity, Basil says, "Do not imitate the
savagery of the hook-beaked birds, who, when they see their young
already about to fly, beating them with their wings and forcing
them out, cast them from the nest, and for the rest take no care of
them. The love of crows for their young is to be praised.- The
crows accompany their young already flying, furnishing them sup
port and nourishing them a very long time."190 Aristotle speaks
of the activities of crows, as follows : "Since all birds who have
hooked beaks are predatory, and when they desire their young to
187 Hist. Anim., 488, a., 33. xai xouxcov xd p4v SidXsxxov exei xd 84
dypdppaxa, xal xd p4v xraxtXa xd 84 aiyr|Xd, xd 8' <5)8ixd, xd 8' avcpSa.
He uses avaba to signify the sudden and hushed stillness that follows
just after a prolonged burst of song, as opposed to aiyf|Xa, the ordinary
word for stillness.
188 72, B. Eloi plvxoi yevcov Siacpopal pupiai xal Iv xoig opviaiv fig lav
xig xaxd xov auxov xpojtov fetiri xaf>' ov Iv uipsi xal xfjg xiov Ixuucov
l^exaOEtog liprnpapeda eupfjoei ev p4v ovopa xwv jtexEivibv, pupiag 84 Iv
xouxoig 8iacpopdg e'v Te Toig peylfteai xal iv xoig axripaai xal Iv xaig xQoaic,.
xai xaxd xoug pioug xal xdg Jtpd^Eig xal xd rjdr|.
189 Hist. Anim., 486, a., 23. xouxcov ydp IxdxEpov b'xei 8iacpopdv xaxd xo
ylvog xai loxiv eiSn nXeico ixfturav xal opvifrcov. Siaqpepei 84 oxeSov xd
jtXeiaxa xiov popicov Iv auxoig jtapd xdg xwv jtafh-jpdxwv IvavTiraaEig, olov
XpcopaTog xal axri^aTog Tip Ta p4v paXXov Taurd jtsjtovfl-lvai Ta 8' fjxxov exi
84 JtXrjfrEi xal oXtyox-nxi xal peyeftei xal apixpoxaTt xal oXcog wtepoxfj xai
IXXeUpsi. 190 76, A. Mfi pipTJari twv yapipcovuxrav opviftcov to djiT)v4g. 01 IjteiSdv
I8raai Toug eauTwv veoTToug xaxaxoXpravxag Xoutov xfjg Jtxrioecog IxPdXXouai
xfjg xaXiag xujtxovxeg, Toig jtTEpoig xal cbftouvxeg xai oi&Sepiav liuneXeiav
JtoioOvxai Jtpog xo Xoutov. 'Ejtaivex&v xfjg xopwvng xo quXoxexvov. r\ xai
Jtexoplvoig fjSri JtapfetExai, oixi^ouoa auxoug xal Ixxpecpouaa plxpi JtXeiaxou.

104
fly they cast them struggling from the nest, and as has been said,
the greater part of birds do this, excepting the crows, and when
the young are reared, take no further note of them. But the crow
for some time, loving its offspring, feeds it while flying, for the
most part."191 Basil sums up the many activities of the birds,
their numerous kinds and the different colors, forms and charac
teristics by saying : "Innumerable, as we have said, are the activi
ties and differences of their lives. Some among these irrational
animals are political, as it were proper to a civil administration, as
when they concentrate the individual energy of their number to the
one common end, as in the case of the bees. This one may see."192
Aristotle develops the idea a little more elaborately: "And there
are certain differences, according to their lives and activities, for
some of them are gregarious and some are solitary, some walk,
some fly, some swim, and some do two of these things. Of the
gregarious, some lead a civil life, as it were, some are scattered,
and the gregarious among winged things are such as the dove, the
crane and swan. And of swimming things the whole race of
fishes, such as are called runners, tunnies, pylameds and bonito.
Man, however, has either nature. And there are the polities
among them, in which one thing is common to all, as not among all
gregarious beasts. Such are man, the bee, and the wasp, and the
crane."193 Aristotle means in these remarks that the man and the
bee, and so on, belong to the politically organized, contrasting them
with certain gregarious animals that, indeed, herd together, but do
not appear to do anything toward a common end. The observation
of any normal person who lived a retired life at Annesi, in an
191 Hist. Anim., 563, b., 7. enei jtdvxEg y' cog Elitsiv oi yaptyravuxEg oxav
Mxxov oi veoxxoi Suvwvxai jtlxEafrai IxPdXXouai tujixovrsg Ix xfjg vEOxxiag
itai xcov fiXXwv 84 raanep eip-rrrai axebbv 01 jtXsiaxoi xouxo 8p<5ai xai
f}p4ij>avx£g ouSEpiav IjtiplXEiav JtoioOvxai To Xoutov JtXfyv xopcbvrig. aiix-n 8'
feti xiva xQovov feapeXEixai. xal ydp ii8r| jtexoplvtov aixt^ei jtapajtETopevr).
192 73, D. Mupiai cog e'qpapev xai twv jtpd|Erav xai riov picov 8tacpogai.
"Eoti 84 Tiva xal JtoXixixd xwv dXoywv eutep jtoXixeiag i8iov xd Jtpog ev Jtlpag
xoivov cruvveuEiv xfiv Ivlpyeiav xwv xa-fl' sxaaxov wg fed xiov peXioowv av
xig IS01. 103 Hist. Anim., 487, b., 33. Eloi 84 xal al xoiaiSe Stacpopal xaxd xoug
pioug xai xdg jtpd§eig. xd pev ydp auxwv loxiv dyeXaia, xd 84 povaSixd, xal
Jt£^d, xai itxTyvd, xal jtXcoxd, xd 8' fetapcpoT£pit;£i. xal xcov dyEXaicov (xal
xiov povaSixwv) xd p4v JtoXixixd xd 84 anopaSixd loxiv. aYeXaia p4v ouv
olov 4v xoig JtxT)voig xo xiov jtspiaxEpibv ylvog, xal ylpavog, xal xuxvog
(yapijfwvuxov 8' 6u84v dyeXaiov) xal tc&v jtXroxrav noXXd ylvrj tcov IxWcov,
olov otig xaXouot 8popd8ag, duwoi, jtriXapiiSEg, dpiai. 6 8' dvftpmjtog
IjtapqpoxEpi^Ei. JtoXixixd 8' loxiv &v ev xi xal xoivdv yiyvexai jtdvxwv x6
fpyov Sjtep ou jtdvxa jtoiei xd dysXaia. e'oxi 84 xoiouxov fivftpcojtog, pIXixxa,
o<pf||, Hupp-nl, Y^e^vog.

105
unsettled locality, would enable him to make notes upon the habits
of wild creatures inhabiting the near country and occasionally
coming within view. This simple source would supply many of
the reminiscences and theories that Basil later evinces.
4. Aelian, Plutarch and late philosophers.
Allusions traceable to Aelian are few. A superstition long pre
vailed among the ancients that vultures brought forth their young
without mating. Basil mentions it casually : "Vultures, as people
say, bring forth without mating, and are for the most part very
long lived."194 Aelian gives it thus : "Male vultures are said not
to beget, but females altogether."195
Speaking of the care of unreasoning creatures for their own
safety and convenience, Basil says, "When the sea urchin foresees
a disturbance of the winds, it gets under a great pebble and, cling
ing to it as to an anchor, it tosses about in safety, retained by the
weight, which prevents it from becoming the plaything of the
waves."196 Aelian tells it thus : "The wave, rolling along the sea
urchins toward the outer world and dashing them violently from
fhe sea against dry land, casts them forth. But they, therefore,
fearing this, when they perceive the waves heaving and about to
rise up even stronger, with their spines lay hold of pebbles, which
are easy to carry, and thus have a prop and are not easily rolled
away, nor do they suffer what they feared."197 Telling of the
means of defense that wild creatures have, Basil expatiates upon
the sea hare : "The sea hare is not less terrible, bearing with it
swift and certain death."198 Basil had been speaking of the sting
ray, and probably had in mind some variety of the Portuguese
man-of-war. Aelian gives it: "When the hare is sick, then being
least able to swim, it is cast up on the beach, and whoever, being
194 76, B. xoug 84 yimag cpaolv dauvSudoTcog xixxeiv cog Ta jtoXXd xai
xauxa paxpoPiWTdxoug ovxag.
193 vElian, Hist. Anim., IL, 46. yvna 84 fippeva ou cpaal yiveaum itoxe,
dXXd -fhjXeiag djtdoag.
196 67, A. og oxav jtpoiSti xapaxT)v li dvepcov tyri<pi8d Tiva fatEXftrav
Yevvaiav in' auTfjg coaitep lit' dyxupag PsPaicog aaXEUEi xaT£x6p£vog Tip
PdpEi Jtpog to pf| paSicog Toig xupaoiv uJtoaupEoflai.
197yElian, De Nat. Anim., VII., 33- Toug Ixivoug 6 xXuSrav xuXiwv Ig
Td \%a xal jtpocappdTxcoy xa ^ripcp xfjg flaXdcarig Piaidxaxa. IxpdXXei xouxo
xoivuv IxeIvoi 8E8ioxEg oxav aiodcovxai cppixxov xo xu>a xal pIXXov d8p6xspov
ujiaiviaxacrftai xaig dxdvdaig dvaipouvxai XiftiSia 80a EiixoXa laxl eplpsiv
auxoig xal ixovaiv 4'pn.a xal ou paSiwg xuXiovxai ou84 jtdaxouoiv o 8e8oixaaiv.
i9869, C. xal Xayraog 6 -ftaXdooiog oux -fJTxov Iaxi cpaPEpd xaxeiav xal
djtapaixT)oav xf)v (pdopdv fetwpepovxa.

106
careless, is touched by it on the hand, perishes."199 A popular fal
lacy about the lamprey and the viper comes in for notice in the
same section : "The viper, crudest of reptiles, unites itself with the
sea lamprey, and announces its arrival by hissing. It calls the
lamprey from the depths of the sea to conjugal union."200 Aelian
tells it : "The lamprey, when it desires conjugal union, proceeds to
the land, and is anxious to mate with an especially evil partner.
For it repairs to the den of the viper."201 In connection with the
calculations of animals upon future events, Basil states that "You
may see flocks of vultures following armies and calculating the
results of warlike preparations."202 Aelian has it : "Vultures, in
deed, follow outgoing armies, knowing, as if by divination, that
they are going to war, and that each fight results in dead men, and
being aware of these things."203 The art of the bee is graphically
presented : "See how the advances of geometry are but child's play
to the sagacious bee."204 Aelian expresses the thought briefly:
"The bees exhibit geometry and other plans and suitable moulds
of their own accord, without the art either of regular canons or
the compass of the mathematicians."205
Basil has a single instance probably from Aratus. Speaking of
the new moon, he says, "If its horns appear thick and red, the
weather portends for us heavy rains or a gale from the south."206
The verses as Aratus gives them are : "With all bright, it is a sign
199 .(Elian, Hist. Anim., XV., 19. oxav 84 apa voafjaag §8e 6 Xayraog
elxa ijxiaxog rav vfJxEaftai Ixppaoftfj jtdg oaxig fiv auxou jipoadilmxai xfj xeipi
ditoXXuxai dpsX-rvfrEig.
200 68, B. "ExiSva t5 xaXEitwxaxov xiov epjtETiov Jtpog ydpov drtavxql
xfjg ftaXaaaiag pupaivng xai oupiynip xf|v jtapouolav ar\\if\vaaa IxxaXEixai
auxfiv Ix xwv Puf>wv np8g ya|iixfiv aupjtXoxif|v.
201 .<Elian, De Nat. Anim., I., 50. 'H pupaiva 8xav dppfjg dcppoSlaou
ujtojtXr|cr&fj jtpdEiaiv Ig xfiv yfjv xai dpiXlav jtof>Ei vupcpiou xal pdXa jtovnpou.
jtdpEioi ydp slg 4xEcog (pcoXeov.
202 78, C. "ISoig ydp fiv pupiag dyeXag yuitffiv xoig axpaxcwtlSoi;
Jtapejtoplvag Ix Tfjg tcov ojtXrav itapaaxEUfjg TExpaipoplvcov Tfrv ExPaatv.
203 .(Elian, De Nat. Anim., IL, 46. xal plvroi xal Taig IxSfJuoig arpatiaig
fetavrai yujteg xal pdXa ye pavrixcog Sxi Ig jioXehov xtopouoiv el86xeg xal Sxi
pdxri Jtdaa lpyd?Exai VExpoug xal touto lyvraxdTeg.
204 74, D. xaxdpade Jtcog xd xfjg yEra|j.Explag Euplpaxa Jtapepyd Iaxi Tfjg
aoqicoTaT-rig peXtaarig.
203 ^Elian, De Nat. Anim., V., 13. TErapExpiav 84 xal xdXXri oxn^dxrav
xal &paiag JtXdaEig auxrav Sveu xlxvrig xe xal xav6vcov xal xou xaXouplvou
imb xrav ooipiov Siap-fjxou djto8£txvuvrai al plXirtau
206 53, C. Jiaxfiia 84 Taig KEpalaig xal ujtlpuftpog q>aivou.!vrt rj 68(D(j
XdPpov djto vetpcov t) v6tou Piaiav xlvnoiv dutetXei.

107
of fair weather ; with a reddish sky the ways will be windy, but
when dark in all quarters it is a sign of rain."207
Among late influences Plutarch's ideas hold a place. Basil
read Plutarch extensively, and effect is quite noticeable at times.
For instance, "Those writing upon the nature of the world have
written much about the shape of the earth. If it is spherical or
cylindrical, if it resembles a perfect circle and is equally round at
all points, or if it is like a winnowing basket or is hollow in the
middle, . . . writers upon the world have suggested all these pos
sibilities, each destroying what went before him."208 Plutarch
states the theories : "Thales and the Stoics, and those after them,
thought that the earth is spherical. Anaximander, that the earth
is formed in a stone cone of plane surfaces. Anaximenes, that it
is flat like a table. Leucippus, that it is shaped like a drum.
Democritus, that it is quoit shaped and hollow in the middle."20"
A theory of Empedocles is reviewed in the same manner. Basil
says that "Rock crystal owes its metamorphosis to extreme con
gelation, they say."210 Plutarch writes : "Empedocles thought that
the heavens were hardened from congealed air, crystallized by fire,
the fiery nature and the airy nature circling around in either of the
hemispheres."211 Another early thinker is brought in. Speaking
of the tides, Basil says, "And the moon draws the sea back again
by her own respiration, and then by her respiration forces it again
to its own boundaries."212 Plutarch gives the origin of the
opinion: "Pytheas, the Massilian, thought that the flood tides
207 Aratus, Diosemeia, 70, ff. n awn ydp xaftapfj xe pdX' Eu"8ia
xexpripaio. jtdvxa 8' Ipeufl-oplvrj 8ox4eiv dvepoio xeXeuf)oug. fiXXofti 8' fiXXo
peXaivopevu Soxleiv foxoio.
208 80, C. Ou84 fet£i8-fj ol xd jtEpl xdapou ypdijiavxEg itoXXd Jtepl axTpaxow
yfjg SieXexfrnaav elxe acpaipaeaxiv eixe xuXivSpog eite xal Sioxcp lorlv
Ipcpepfig f) yfj, xal !§iaou Jtdvxoftev djtoxexdpvuxai, f) XixvoeiS-fjg Icrxi xal
nea6xoiXog jtpig ndoag yap xaurag Tag ujtovoiag ol Ta jtepl tou xoapou
ypdtyavxeg ujtTyvexfhicav xd dXXf|Xcov 4'xaoxog xaxaXuovxeg.
209 Plutarch, De Plac. Philosophorum, III., 10. ©aXfjg xal ol Sxraixol
xal ol dJt' atixcov acpaipoEi8fj xtiv Yfj-v. 'Ava?ipav8pog Xiftcp xlovi xtiv yfjv
jipoCTcpepfi xiov fetutlScov. 'AvaJjiplvrig xparte?0E8fj. AEuxuotog xupjtavoEi8fj.
Aripdxpixog 8uJxoei8fj pev xcp JtXdxEi xoiX-rpr 84 xcp plow.
210 26, B. &jtoia lorlv f| Te tou xpuoTdXXou Xidou 8v 81' uitepPdXXouaiv
tou v8axog jtfj|iv pexajtoieioftal cpaaiv.
211 piutarch, De Plac. Philosophorum, IL, 11. 'EpjteSoxXfjg axeplpviov
elvat xbv oiipavov i% depog aupjtayevrog xmb itupog xpuaraXXoeiScog xb
jtupfflSeg xal t8 depioBeg Iv exaTlpm twv ripiaqpaipicov jtepiexovra.
212 61, C. Kal JtdXiv xaig ajt" auxfjg ixjrvoiaig elg to olxeiov plTpoi;
jtpocoftaupevri.

108
occurred from the increase of the moon toward full and the ebb
from its decrease."213 Pytheas was apparently the first man who
connected the influence of the moon with tidal movements.
Another trace of Plutarch appears in the following : "The tortoise,
indeed, when it is gorged with the flesh of the viper, escapes harm
from the venomous animal through the power of marjoram."214
Plutarch says explicitly that "Tortoises eat marjoram when bit
ten by a snake, and wild rue also, and so do civets."215 Basil
touches a common idea concerning ants when he says, "You may
be certain that you will not see rain fall from the sky so long as
the ant has left out its grain."216 The idea that ants carried out
their hoarded grain and spread it on the ground to dry, when they
feared it might mould, was common. Plutarch says, "Aratus
makes this a sign of rain, 'And the ants bring in more quickly from
without all the seeds of the hollow food.' And some do not write
seeds, but grains, as referring to hoarded fruits. For when the
ants find the collected grain damp, and they fear its decay and
change, they bear it out. And the anticipation of the sprouting of
the wheat surpasses all the forethought of intelligence."217 The
action of the moon's rays is a matter for comment : "Observe how
fresh meat is soon spoiled under the action of the moon."218
Plutarch says, "By far the greater part of what is gathered is
changed by the moon, and it is difficult to decide concerning the
cause."219 The development of earthly things before the creation of the
sun is a theory Plutarch credits to Empedocles. Basil writes, "If
213 Plutarch, De Plac. Philosophorum, III., 17. nuftlag 6 MaacaXuDXT)S
xfj jtX-npwOEi xfjg OEXfivng xdg JtX-rippupag yiveotou, Tfj 84 peicoaei xdg
dnJiwxiSag. 214 82, A. XeXcovti 64 oapxiov IxiSvtig IptpopTy&Elaa 8id xfjg xou dpiYavou
dvxuta#£iag cpeuyei xf|v pXdprrv xou u>p6Xou.
213 Plutarch, De Soil. Anim., 974, b. XeXcovoi piv dpiyovov yaXai 84
jtfjyavov oxav ScpEcog cpdyraaiv fetediouoi.
216 83, A. 'AplXei oux fiv JSoig opPpov Ix vecpiov fetippulvxa raxp' oaov
Xpovov Ix xav pupp-fjxcov 6 aixog jtpoftipXTjxai.
217 Plutarch, De Soil. Anim., 967, F. uexou jtoieixai or|p«iov 6 "Apaxog.
rj xo£Xt)s pupp/rpceg dxng £? &^a jtdvxa daaoov dvnyveyxavTO. xal xiveg oux
&a ypdcpouaiv, dXX' Id cbg xoug dnoxeiplvoug xapjtoug 6xav eupaVta
tTuvdyovxEg aloftravxai xal cpopTidffiai qpftopdv xal ofjijw dvacpepdvxwv.
uJteppdXXei 84 jtaoav fedvoiav ouvloewg ¦fi xou jtupou xfjg pXaoxfjoecog
jtpoxaT«Xrp|)ig. 218 61, B. xal Td veocpayfj xwv xpefflv xaxu jtpejidp^va xfj JtpoopoXfj xfjg
treXfjvris. 210 pimarch, Quast. Conv., III., 10. aXXov gcp-n jtoXfj pei^ova xopi^dpevov
fcid xfic oeXfjvrig 8i«ip#apfjvai xal oipdSpa ye Jtepl xfjg alxuxg ftiouiopelv.

109
they are sure that the earth was adorned before the genesis of the
sun, they ought to withdraw their vast admiration for the sun,
because they believe that plants and grasses vegetated before it
rose."220 He refers to pagan philosophers who had professed
admiration for the sun, and Plutarch, in discussing Empedocles,
says, "Empedocles says that the trees were the first of living
things to spring from the earth, before the sun rose and before
day and night were divided."221 A Stoic theory comes also to note :
"It is just as impious to say that evil originates from God."222
Basil has been discussing one variety of error, and here turns to
another, which Plutarch charges to the Stoics.223 The opinions of
most ancient philosophers were well and freely misrepresented by
friend and foe alike, and it is always difficult to judge them with
certainty. Speaking of the skill in tracking displayed by a dog,
Basil says that after scenting one of different trails he can know
ingly take the right one: "What more is done by those who,
philosophically occupied in theorizing, draw lines in the dust, re
jecting two propositions to show that the third is true?"224 Such
sophists, the saint contends, show no more intelligence than the
dog, if as much, for after scenting trails he picks the right one, as
it is the only one to follow, while the sophists, rejecting all theories
except the one that they had beforehand decided to accept, must
needs come to it at last. Plutarch tells stories of quibbles used
by the sophists on the same point.225 Basil endeavors to explain
the theory of sight : "Objects lose size in our sight when at a very
great distance, because the sight can not clear the intermediate dis
tance and is, as it were, exhausted in the middle of its rush, and
220 40, B. 'Edv dpa jteioftiooiv Sxi jtpo xfjg Ixeivou yevlaEcog xd Jtepl xfiv
Yfjv jtdvxa 8iaxex6a|xr|xo xal xou dplxpou jtepl aux&v Oaupaxog xaftucpaioiv
4yf)up-r|ftevTeg 8x1 xopTOu xal Poxdvrtg vewxepog loxi xaxd xfjv yeveaiv.
221 Plutarch, De Placi. Philosophorum, V., 910, C. 'EpjteSoxXfjg jtpi&xa
xd 84v6pa tcov tJclScov Ix yfjg dvaSuvat (p-nai, Jiplv xdv -fjXiov jtepiajtXcoftfjvai xai
jtplv fjplpav xai vuxxa Siaxptdfjvai.
222 16, C. Ou pf|v ou84 jtapd fteou xo xaxov xf|v ylveoiv l%eiv euaePIg
Iaxi Xeyetv.
223 Cf. Plutarch, Stoicos, 1976. In this section Plutarch lays this error
to the Stoics' account, but it is not certain that they ever said it or that it
was their opinion.
224 84, C. xl nepiaaoTEpov itoiouoiv ol fed tcov 8iayoappdTcov oepvoSg
xafte^dpevoi xal ttiv xdwv xaTaxapdaoovreg xpiiov jtpoxderecov dvaipauvxeg
xdg 8uo xai Iv xfj Xeutoplvn to dXriftlg l|euptaxovxeg.
223 Plutarch, De Sollertia Anim., 726, ff. Most of these quibbles, which
consisted in sleight of hand tricks, or verbal plays that confused the hearer,
are too well known to need mention.

110
only a fraction of it gets to its visible object."228 Plutarch gives
the idea as if it were really due to Plato : "Plato said that we see
by the sunaugeia ; that there was a flow of rays from the eye of a
human being at a certain time through the air, and an outflow of
rays from the object seen. This flow was easily dissolved midway
in the air, and it was co-extensive or otherwise along with any
inflammation of the eyes. It was called the Platonic sunaugeia."227
Plutarch's idea is confused, but he has approximately the same
idea that Basil is trying fo state.
A fair instance of the indirect way in which connections will
sometimes appear is found in this remark. "For may not some
word be found," says Basil, "a. healer for such misfortune?"228
While Plutarch dwells upon the thought of words being healers,
thus, "For words are like healers of a sick soul, when one's heart
is weakened at a critical time."229 The thought is the same, but
it has traveled through a very roundabout channel. Basil, as a
regular reader of Plutarch, might be expected to give much from
Plutarch and to refer to many ideas that Plutarch had formu
lated. His rendering of the thought would almost necessarily be
less accurate than that of the earlier writer, and Plutarch is never
celebrated for accuracy. Basil seldom tries fo give the account as
he got it, but rather to reproduce it as effectively and fluently as
possible, and arrange the ideas to suit the case in hand. This
destroys most of the possibilities for connecting instances.
A single case occurs that may have been taken from Marcus
Aurelius, but like most of the other ideas upon moralizing, it lies
open to doubt because of Basil's tendency to preach religion into
all his compositions. He expatiates in the Hexaemeron upon the
necessity of considering one's misfortunes not as injuries, but as
helps on the road of moral perfection: "Sickness and poverty,
obscurity, death, and in short, all human evils should be regarded
really not as evils, because the things which are their opposites are
226 59, B. 2uvaipeiaf>ai ydp jtlcpuxev Iv Toig peyiaxoig 8iaarf|paoi xd
peyl-ftTi tcov dpwpevcov xfjg Spaxixfjg Buvdpecog o&i 4|ixvauplvng t8v pEXa^-i)
tojiov 8iajtep4iv dXX' oIoveI Iv Sajtavcoplvrig xcp plow xal xax' tiklyov aikfjg
plpog jtpoapaXXouorig Toig 6paT0ig.
227 Plutarch, De Placitis Philosophorum, IV., 13. nXdxcov xaxd owaiS-
Yeiav xou p4v Ix x&v ocpftaXpcov qpwxog fed jtoo8v djtopplovrog elg t8v 8poyevfj
dlpa xou 8' cbt8 tcov aoopdrcov cpepoplvou tou 84 reepl x8v peTa|t) dlpa
eu8idxuTov Svxa xai Euxpejtxov auvexTEivouivou to) jtupc&Sei xfjg oipewg. aCrx)
Xeyexai nXaxovixf) auvauyeia.
228 Letter 29. xig ydp fiv xal Xoyog eiipe-ftetTt xocra«5xf)g oupqpopdg iaxpog;
229 Plutarch, De Consolatione, Consolatio ad Apollonium. tyu%fjg ydp
voooiScrng elolv laxpol Xdyoi Sxav xig Iv xaip$ ye paX-^daat) xlap.

Ill
not rated as unmitigated good."230 In a very general way the
same ideas appear in the works of Marcus Aurelius.231 Other dim
resemblances could be traced out in different passages, and just
as Basil approaches Marcus Aurelius, he also seems to touch upon
the works of Epictetus and similar moralizing writers. But these
similarities are vague. The general rules of the Christian religion
would be preached in any case, and in many points they resembled
the doctrines of the better pagan philosophers. The efforts of the
Stoics and other moralists were vague and cloudy and offered but
little ground for comparison with the strong light of revealed
faith. In the use of the philosophers, or such persons as can generally
be classed among the philosophers, according to the ancient con
ception of philosophy, it would seem that the greatest borrowings
are from Plato. Most of the Fathers, both Latin and Greek, were
strong admirers of Plato, and found much in his writings which
approached the Christian ideals, and they found these doctrines
beautifully expressed. With good reason they liked him. In
Aristotle, Basil has an influence far less direct than that of Plato,
and yet Aristotle has had a force in Basil's writings which is very
important. It is all the more to be considered for the fact that
Aristotle's powerful thought and far reaching influence are so
subtile. Of the other thinkers the influences are far to seek.
Basil read Plutarch freely. He also read many of the earlier
philosophers, and he doubtless knew their lives. Diogenes Laertius
has the only record on a general scale of the careers of these men.
Some remarks may be referred to Diogenes Laertius with at least
the right to give him the greater degree of probability, but the case
is simply one that cannot be sure. Basil's debt to the Greek
philosophers then is very large. It is in no doubt. The literary
obligations are mainly to Plato. Other men were used only as
occasion demanded, and irregular citations give little clue to their
literary bearing either upon Basil or such men as may have in
fluenced him. In the vaguer class of usages Basil's expressions
are always open to various uncertainties because of his many
other associations, and a shadow of doubt must attach to any
evidence of connections.
230 v], B. Ndaov ydp xal jtevlav xal dSoSjiav xal Gdvaxov xal Saa Xuirnpd
xoi; dvfrpc&jtoig oiutco xal Iv xfj poipa xiov xaxiav xaxaXoyi^Eaftai figiov 8id
x8 p/r|84 xd dvxixEipEva xouxoig Iv xoig pEYiaxoig fip.ag xiov dyaftwv dpidpEiv.
231 Cf. Marcus Aurelius, Meditations, IL, n, ff.

CONCLUSION
Fourth century learning was on the dividing line between
Christianity and Paganism. A little before Basil's time educa
tion wa i almost all pagan ; a few years later it had become Chris
tian, ai d imperial edicts had closed the schools to pagan pro
fessors. The readings and studies open to a fourth century student
are fairly well exemplified in the display of his erudition that Basil
exhibits. Various universities and libraries in turn had exerted
their influence upon Hellenism and its literature, and the passing
nations had successively given their contributions. Jewish traders,
who made up nearly one-seventh of the population of Egypt at this
period, and Alexandrian scholars who labored with the resources
of the Ptolemies, had played their part in affecting the language
and literature that prevailed in their age. Basil is a product of
the century.
His employment of Greek authors is such as might be expected
of a rhetorician of his time and accomplishments. He shows a
knowledge of more important writers, based upon thorough ex
amination. His employment is everywhere that of a friendly and
intelligent critic. At no time does he formally condemn either
the pagan classics or the study of them. The distinctions that he
makes are no more sharp and severe than had been made by Plato.
Intelligent discrimination is his rule. There is, then, no ground
for suspecting that he was an enemy to classical learning, and
every reason for believing that he was its champion.
His education was obtained at the pagan university of Athens,
and the works of pagan writers formed the curriculum. For four
or five years Basil read and studied these books with a zeal and
intelligence that drew attention and compliments from all teachers.
His ready reference to the productions of the old masters, and his
insight into their spirit are evident. In view of these facts alone,
his attitude toward the pagan classics would seem to need no
explanation. But in his Speech to the Youths, Basil reinforced
his almost obvious stand by direct statement, saying in so many
112

113
words that when the pagan writers teach what is good, and noble,
and true, they are to be read, while if they teach vice they must
be shunned. There exists no more explicit declaration of the
right position of the classics in education than this. Every edu
cator from Plato down has maintained similar views. "If anyone,"
says Basil, "praises the good thus, we will listen to his words with
satisfaction, for our objects are in common." And again, "Thus,
then, we shall be influenced by those writings of pagan authors
which have an exposition of virtue." His stand is clear enough.
The pagan classics have a place in Christian education, and when
properly selected and intelligently taught and received, their in
fluence in education is beneficial and necessary.
It was but natural that he should champion the classics, for he
understood them. He could admire them, for he appreciated the
great minds that had produced them, and he had a true sense of
their power and worth. As he had no thought of appearing as a
formal literary critic, the remarks that give an index to his views
of Greek literature are of necessity scattered and casual, yet none
the less they ring true, and time, while confirming most, has not
changed one of them.
From the consideration of the poets, the following points are
reasonable inferences : There are twenty-eight instances, all told,
leading up to epic poems, while but nine appear in lyric, and eight
in dramatic verse. Epic verse had taken the strongest grasp upon
his mind, with lyric and dramatic about an even second, for the
difference between the two is too slight for consideration. The
overwhelmingly preponderant reputation of Homer accounts for
the first case. But, considering lyric and dramatic verse together,
and in view of the vast bulk of plays that had been produced, one
might have expected a wider range of dramatic reminiscence from
such a scholar. It is an established fact that with the later Greeks
Euripides was the popular dramatist. He was the materialist, the
scoffer even. He was read almost to the complete exclusion of
Aeschylus and Sophocles. Basil does not even name Sophocles
and gives Aeschylus but passing mention, drawing almost all his
real dramatic references from Euripides. It shows how well
Basil followed the canons of his age, and how truly he may be
judge4 a fair representative of it. Still, this does not account for
the small number of dramatic references. But in this considera
tion a significant fact occurs. In the first chapter of his Life of
St. Macrine Gregory of Nyssa, is discoursing upon Basil's early

114
education and laying stress upon the predominant religious phases.
He says that when the Greek poets were read the noble sentiments
of tragedy were commended, while comic poetry was banned, and
its indecent or irreligious points held up to horror. This is a very
interesting statement and perhaps accounts for the fact that Basil,
who gives evidence of being so widely read in other Greek litera
ture, and who quoted freely from authors in many other fields,
does not quote from comedy and makes no reference to known
comedians. But if comedy were subtracted from the body of
dramatic writings, the bulk of the total would be largely reduced
and the range of possible quotations would be very much lessened.
So, if it is considered that Euripides occupied the attention of
dramatic readers, to the great detriment of Aeschylus and
Sophocles, and that comic writers were absolutely excluded, the
small number of Basil's dramatic references may be in some meas
ure explained.
His other literary views among the poets are very clear. "As
suredly we want some Simonides or like poet," he says, when
indulging in a condolence, "to bewail our misfortunes from per
sonal experience, but why name Simonides ? I would rather men
tion Aeschylus, or any other who has set forth a great calamity
in words like his, and uttered lamentations with a mighty voice."
The verses of Simonides bewailed Greeks killed in the Persian
wars. The characterization of Aeschylus is excellent. Basil ac
cords popularity and high motives to Hesiod when he says that
Hesiod's verses are sung by everyone: "What else can we sup
pose Hesiod had in mind in making those verses that are sung by
everyone, if not to exhort the youthful to virtue?" He mentions
the Margites, long attributed to Homer, expressing a doubt that
the production is truly Homeric. Modern criticism has agreed
with his doubt and definitely separated the work from real
Homeric verse.
Basil's use of quotation is strictly rhetorical and subservient to
the needs of the case in hand, the verse being given accurately
where possible and in a loose manner when memory fails. His use
of the poets is effective and in some instances accurate. His read
ing would seem to have been very wide, and it indicates an ac
quaintance with some of the first figures of Greek literature. The
friendly way in which he regards them is shown fairly in the use
and criticism that he makes of them.
His usages of history and of historical events is that of a

115
rhetor who pretended to no scientific knowledge of history, but
who employed historic incidents as tales that adorn a speech when
well and dramatically introduced. He gives no clue as to where
he gets them, but leaves that out as a matter of no importance in
the case at hand. His use, therefore, is never precise, nor can it
be called either definite or informative.
In considering philosophical ideas it must be remembered that
certain forms of thought are common to many schools, and have
survived through centuries, and have been used by so many men
and in so many systems that assigning them a definite place is next
to impossible. Basil, who was well read in philosophy and who
shows traces of a wide knowledge of the very early thinkers, has
hints of many forms of philosophy and many systems of thought.
In his use of the philosophers Aristotle, Pythagoras and others are
mentioned, but Plato is the outstanding figure. The obligations to
Plato are more evident than those to other thinkers, for Plato was
also one of the great literary lights. Of the Greek prose writers
and, most of all, of the philosophers, there was not one who was
so poetical and imaginative, or who was so elevated in theories
and brilliant in delineations as Plato. Without question the more
elaborate passages of oratory approach closer to poetry than any
thing else in prose. And Basil was at one time a teacher of
rhetoric. So a certain easily recognized literary kinship existed
between his field and the bright imagery of Plato's fancies. The
poetical flights of the Greek appealed to Basil's sensitive mind and
vivid imagination, and the philosopher's diction was at once a
model and a despair to succeeding imitators. If the saint's attitude
toward Plato could be gauged merely by the number of times that
he names him, this alone would show how much preference Basil
gave him. Basil makes a shrewd characterization in this remark :
"Your good taste has perceived that those pagan philosophers who
wrote dialogues, Aristotle and Theophrastus, went straight at the
matter, knowing that they were not possessed of the graceful style
of Plato." The criticism is just. The respective styles of the
extant works of Aristotle and Plato are too well known to need
comparison. The lesser philosophers are of small importance in a
literary way, and the fragments of their works which exist leave
little trace for study of literary abilities or tendencies.
In Attic literature the only men whom Basil seems to have left
out of his ready references are the Attic orators. A mention,
indeed, is made of Demosthenes. But Antiphon, Andocides,

116
Lysias and others, who were widely and favorably known, do not
appear. The great predominance of the sophistic rhetoric of his
own day had undoubtedly much to do with this situation. But an
orators' works do not lead themselves to quotation so readily as
the verses of the poets and the apothegms of the philosophers.
The extent of his knowledge of Greek literature is evinced by
his citation of names and of well known authors. He names
thirteen men whose works have come down to us, prominent
among whom are Homer, Hesiod, Theognis, Plato, Aristotle and
Demosthenes. He names ten philosophers whose works have per
ished, or survive only in fragments, or who have left no regularly
recorded works, citing such figures as Anaximander, Anaximenes,
Democritus, Leucippus, Empedocles and Xenophanes, of Colo
phon. He gives anecdotes readily connected with Xenophon,
Plutarch, Thucydides and Herodotus. In short, the range of his
ready references takes in almost the whole sweep of Greek litera
ture and leaves no room to doubt that he did not know his classics
thoroughly. Basil's use of literary adornment, and figures, and
citations is, in general, decidedly sparing,1 and far from the ex
treme developments of such men as St. Chrysostom.2 There is no
passage in Basil in which it does not appear that he, could have
said more if he had wished. But rather there is a trace of re
ticence, and a use of classic allusion in a way graceful and effec
tive instead of showy. It proves that he not only understood the
classic spirit of moderation, but acted upon it.
Among other Fathers of the Eastern Church, Basil stands out
prominently in his views of education. While not one of them
was opposed in a blind and destructive way to pagan learning, not
one took the extremely enlightened and advanced position that
Basil assumed. In his theory of education Basil favored the
rational study of the pagan classics. Some of the Fathers were
undecided, and their attacks upon pagan writers gave the impres
sion that they were unalterably opposed to the whole theory of
pagan literature, from which it would follow, of course, that its
use in the schools is to be condemned. St. Chrysostom, by his
violent invectives against the vice and error of paganism, has long
been thought an enemy of Greek classicism from every angle.3
1 Cf. Campbell, J. M., Influence of the Second Sophistic upon the Ser
mons of St. Basil the Great.
2 Cf. Ameringer, T., Stylistic Influence of the Second Sophistic on the
Panegyrical Sermons of St. John Chrysostom.
3 Cf. Naegele, A., Johannos Chrysostomos und sein Verhaltnis zum
Hellenismus.

117
The falsity of such impressions is well established. But in con
tradistinction to the men who were not so outspoken, Basil's stand
is clear. His education at the pagan university of Athens alone
would give an index to his ideas upon the question of education,
and the readiness with which, in contrast to the other Fathers,
he grasped the non-christian writings, and selected from them
such as suited the christian purposes of education, training and
philosophy of life, indicates satisfactorily how favorably and
logically he considered the case of the classics in education. His
viewpoint was certainly the most enlightened of his time, and de
serves especial mention in an age when paganism was dying and
Christianity wavering whether or not to accept the heritage of
beauty, thought and culture bequeathed to it by the civilization that
was passing away.
Basil's acquaintance with pagan literature is that of an under
standing friend, not blind to its worse qualities, but by no means
condemning the whole on that account. His use is rhetorical and
sophistic. He quotes the poets and paraphrases their famous lines
and expressions. He tells the stories that the historians had made
celebrated. He knows the names and theories of the philosophers.
He employs each and every one as the oratorical occasion de
mands, but never in a hostile or bigoted manner. Examination of
Basil's works makes these points evident. At no time does he
formally condemn or reject the pagan classics. Whenever his sub
ject permits he uses them in an elaborate and sympathetic way,
and with evident understanding of their spirit and purpose. It
follows that he was in every sense a true friend to the better pro
ductions of pagan literature.

Heraclitus. Fragments, 70
Herodotus, Histories, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62
Hesiod. Works and Days, 33, 34
Homer. Homeric Hymns, 35
Iliad, 35, 36, 37
Odyssey, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41
Julian. Misopogon, 32
Justin Martyr.
Dialogue with Trypho, 9
Second Apology, 9
Lucian. Heromotimus, 48

INDEX OF AUTHORS QUOTED BY, OR CONNECTED
WITH, ST. BASIL
Aelian. Hist. Anim., 101, 105, 106
Aeschylus. Prometheus Bound, 61
Seven against Thebes, 27
Aesop. Fables, 54, 55
Aleman. Lyrics, Fragments, 30
Anaxagoras. Fragments, 82
Anaximander. Fragments, 72, 107
Anaximenes. Fragments, 107
Archilochus. Lyrics, Fragments, 30
Aratus. Diosemeia, 106, 108
Aristophanes. Acarnians, 28
Clouds, 28, 69
Knights, 59
Birds, 49
Aristotle. Categories, 86
Constitution of Athens, 66
De Anima, 89
De Caelo, 82, 83, 84
De Gen. Ani., 84, 95, 102
De Incessu Ani., 102
De Respiratione, 96
Hist. Anim., 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96,
97, 98, 99, mo, 102, 103, 104
Metaphysics, 87, 89, 90
Meteorologica, 82, 85, 91
Nichomachean Ethics, 89, 87, 88,
89
Part, Anim., 93, 96, 97
Physics, 89
Poetics, 34
Politics, 90
Rhetoric, 87, 88

Bion. Pastorals, 30
Clement of Alexandria.
Exhortation to the Greeks, 13, 14
Demosthenes, 66
Diogenes Laertius.
Lives of the Philosopher, 70, 71,
72, 73
Empedocles. Fragments, 107
Epictetus. Sayings, 11 1
Euripides. Bacchae, 29
Hippolytus, 28
Rhesus, 29

Marcus Aurelius.
Meditations, no
Menander, 54
Pausanias. Description of Greece, 67
Plato. Axiochus, 76
Cratylus, 80
Hippias, 78
Laws, 78
Phaedo, 79, 81
Protagoras, 78
Republic, 75, 76, 77, 80
Timaeus, 78, 79
Plutarch. De Plac,' Phil, 107, 109, no
De Soli, Ani., 108, 109, 66
Lives, 63, 64, 65
Quaest, Conv., 108
De Consolatione, no
Pracepta Ger. Rei, 66
Prodicus of Ceos, 69
Pythagoras, 84
Simonides. Lyrics, Fragments, 27
Strabo. Geography, 73
Thales the Milesian.
Fragments, 83
Theognis. Lyrics, Fragments, 31, 32
Theophrastus. Philosophy, 86
Thucydides. History of the Peloponnesian
War, 62, 63
Xenophanes of Colophon, 84
Xenophon. Memorabilia, 67

119

GENERAL INDEX

Aburgius, 35, 40
Academy, 76
Achelous, 38
Achilles, 35, 63
Adrastus, 58
Aegon, 90
Aelian, 75, 101, 105, 106.
Aeschylus, 27, 42, 113, 114
Aesop, 54, 55
Aethiopian, 90
Alcinous, 37, 39
Aleman, 30, 42
Alcmaeon, 62
Alexander the Great, 46, 52, 63, 64
Alexandria, 9, 12, 15, 21
Allard, n
Alpheus, 53
Amasis, 94
Amphiaraus, 51, 62
Amphilochius, 70
Amphilochus, 51
Anaxagoras, 82
Anaximander, 72, 107, 116
Anaximenes, 82, 107, 116
Andocides, 115
Andronicus, 58
Annesi, 18, 25, 104
Antioch, 12
Antipater, 35, 40, 49
Antiphon, 115
Antisthenes, 13
Aphrodite, 35
Apollinares, 12
Apollo, 51, 52, 62
Aratus, 13, 106, 108
Archilochus, 30, 42
Archimedes, 21
Arganthonius, 35, 60
Ariadne, 65
Arimaspi, 61
Aristophanes, 28, 42, 49, 59, 69
Aristotle, 2, 3, 24, 34, 49, 66, 74, 75,
77, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90,
91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100,
101, 102, 103, 104, m, 115, 116
Asianism, 10, n, 16
Athena, 49
Athos, 57
Atomists, 70
Atticism, 14, 15
Augustine, 4
Bardenhewer, 22
Basil of Raphanea
Bias the Sage, 48, 72

Bion, 30, 42
Bito, 62
Book of Proverbs, 92
Brennus, 65
Bucolici Graeci, 30
Byzantium, 19
Calypso, 39
Cambyses, 59
Camillus, 65
Candidianus, 55, 66, 77
Capitol, 65
Carthage, 12
Caspian Sea, 73
Castaly, 51
Ceadas, 62, 63
Censitorus, 49
Cephallenians, 41
Chilo, 48
Chinese, 92
Chremetes, 90
Christ, Wilhelm von, 20
Chrysippus, 86
Cleanthes, 13, 71
Cleinas, 44, 45
Clement of Alexandria, 13
Cleobis, 62
Cleobulus, 48
Corybantes, 51
Croesus, 58, 68
Cronos, 35, 67
Crotona, 50
Cyrus the Great, 58
Daedalus, 52
Danaids, 52
Danaus, 52
Darius, 63, 85, 86
Delphi, 51
Democritus, 72, 82, 84, 107, 116
Demonicus, 92
Demosthenes, 7, 10, 21, 24, 66, 115,
116
Diels, 69
Diocletian, 18
Diodorus, 54, 77
Diogenes the Cynic, 44, 45, 46
Diogenes Laertius, 1, 46, 66, 70, 71,
72, 73, in
Dionysius, 70, 71
Dorgens, 20
Echinades, 62
Edessa, 12
Egypt, 9, 56, 59, 68, 86, 91

121

122

Egyptian Thebes, 94
Elias, 64
Emmelia, 18
Empedocles, 73, 107, 108, 109, 116
Eos, 34, 35
Epictetus, in
Epicureans, 70
Eratosthenes, 21
Eteocles, 27
Euclid, 21, 44, 47, 64, 65
Eucratites, 70
Eunomius, 56
Euripides, 7, 14, 15, 28, 29, 42, 43, 51,
54, "3, "4
Eusebius the bishop, 24, 25, 37
Eusebius the eccles. historian, 9
Eustathius, 15, 39, 47, 54
Galen, 21
Gregory of Nazianzus, 18, 19, 20, 23,
35, 49, 55, 62
Gregory of Nyssa, 18, 23, 113
Gregory Thaumaturgus, 18
Hecate, 51, 54
Hellenism, 8, 9, 10, n, 13, 20
Hephaistus, 35
Hercules, 38, 44, 46, 67
Heraclitus, 70
Herodotus, 7, 21, 35, 52, 57, 58, 59,
60, 61, 62, 67, 68, 74, 85, 94, 116
Hesiod, 14, 20, 32, 33, 34, 42, 43, 116
Hesiod the philosopher, 66
Hesperus, 30
Himerius, 15, 21, 24
Homer, 7, 14, 20, 21, 24, 34, 36, 37,
39, 40, 42, 43, "3, "4, 116
Hyades, 35
Hymetius, 53
Hyrcanian Sea, 73
Icarus, 52
India, 59
Indian Ocean, 74
Isaias, 35, 38, 53, 56, 59
Isocrates, 10, 21, 92
Ithaca, 40
Job, 50
John Chrysostom, 4, 23, 49, 116
Julian, n, 12, 32
Justin Martyr, 9, 12, 13
Labyrinth, 65
Laestrygonians, 41
Lalanne, 12
Leontius, 23, 24, 56
Leucippus, 107, 116
Libanius, 15, 19, 20, 22, 24, 37, 40, 50,
52, 53, 57, 65, 78
Lothholz, 20
Lucian, 48
Lydia, 58, 59, 68
Lysias, 10, 21, 116

Macrine, 18
Maenads, 29
Marcus Aurelius, 2, no, 11 1
Margites, 34, 43, 114
Marsyas, 52
Martinianus, 27, 29, 35, 39, 62, 66
Mauretanians, 74
Maximus, 41, 46, 48, 71
Menander, 54
Milan, 12
Milo, 50, 67
Musaeus, 99
Neco, 85
Neocaesarea, 18, 26
Niebuhr, 20
Nisibis,»l2
Nyses, 90
Odysseus, 23, 37, 39, 40, 41. 43
Olympius, 45, 55
Orion, 35
Orpheus, 14, 29
Pactolus, 59
Pausanias the historian, 67
Pausanias, a Spartan general, 63
Persephone, 38
Pentheus, 29
Pericles, 44, 47, 63, 64
Peter of Sebaste, 18
Phasis, 80
Pheacians, 37, 40
Phoenicians, 56, 57
Phidias, 48, 53
Philip the Acarnian, 64
Pindar, 20
Pittacus, 71, 72
Plato, 1, 7, 9, 12, 13, 21, 24, 54, 73, 74,
75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 84, 86,
no, in, 112, 113, 115, 116.
Pleiades, 35, 96
Plutarch, 2, 47, 63, 64, 65, 68, 105,
107, 108, 109, no, 116
Podandus, 62
Polycleitus, 53
Polydamas, 50
Polyneices, 27
Pontus, 95, 98
Prodicus of Ceos, 1, 69
Prohairesius, 15, 21
Proteus, 38
Psalmennitus, 59, 94
Psammetichus, 85
Ptolemies, 15, 21, 112
Pyrrhus, 65, 66
Pythagoras, 45, 48, 82, 84, 115
Pythagoreans, 44, 45, 84, 89
Pytheas the Massilian, 107, 108
Pythius, 57, 58
Rome, 12
Samosata, 36
Sardanapauls, 34, 53

123

Schafer, 22
Scholl, 25
Scylla, 41
Scythia, 61
Second Sophistic, 10, n
Seeck, von, 22
Selene, 30, 54
Sesostris, 85
Simonides, 27, 30, 42, 71, 114
Sirens, 37, 38, 39
Socrates, the eccles. historian, 12, r3
Socrates, the philosopher, 13, 44, 47,
48, 69
Solon, 30, 31, 42, 66, 72
Sophocles, 113, 114
Sophronius, 53
Spartan customs, 55, 56
St. Paul, 76
Stoics, 44, 47, 69, 107, 109
Strabo, 1, 21, 73, 74
Suez, 85
Tantalus, 40
Tartessus, 61
Tellus, 62

Thales, the Milesian, 82, 83, 107
Thedorus of Mopsuestia, 20
Theognis, 31, 32, 42, 116
Theophrastus, 77, 86, 115
Thermopylae, 57
Thessaly, 51
Theseus, 65
Thrasymachus, 78
Thucydides, 21, 62, 68, 116
Tillemont, 22
Timotheus, 49, 52
Tiresias, 38
Tithonus, 34, 35, 60
Trajan, 36
Trojans, 37
Troy, 41
Valens, 24
Xenophanes of Colophon, 82, 84, 116
Xenophon, 13, 34, 54, 67, 68, 69, 116
Xerxes, 57
Zeno, 1, 69, 70
Zeus, 30, 31, 34, 35

VITA
Leo Vincent Jacks was born at Grand Island, Nebraska, March
14, 1896. He received the A.B. degree from St. Mary's College,
St. Marys, Kansas, in June, 19 17. He served in the U. S. Army
from 191710 1919 inclusive, with the Thirty- fourth Division in the
United States, and with the Thirty-second Division overseas. He
received the A.M. degree from the Catholic University of America
in 1920. During his course at the Catholic University he has
attended the lectures of Roy J. Deferrari, A.M., Ph.D., in Greek,
Latin, and Sanskrit Languages and Literatures, and of the Rev.
J. P. Christopher, A.M., in Latin, and of J. M. Campbell, A.M.,
in Greek, and of Charles H. McCarthy, Ph.D., in American
History.

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