YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

THE LIBRARY OF THE
DIVINITY SCHOOL

CLARK'S

FOREIGN

THEOLOGICAL LIBRARY.

NEW SERIES.
VOL. XXXY.

Hefl'a Biblical Srcijtealasg.
VOL. II.

EDINBUEGH:
T. & T. CLAEK, 38 GEOEGE STEEET.
18 88.

PRINTED BY MORRISON AND GIBB,
FOR
T. & T. CLARK, EDINBURGH.
LONDON, HAMILTON, ADAMS, AND CO.
DUBLIN, . GEORGE HERBERT.
NEW YORK, . SCRIBNEK AND WELFORIt.

MANUAL

OF

BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.

CAEL FEIEDKICH KEIL,
DOCTOR AND PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY.

WITH ALTERATIONS AND ADDITIONS FURNISHED BY
THE AUTHOR FOR THE ENGLISH TRANSLATION.

VOL. II.
afraitalateto from tfje ffietman anto ffiftftrt bg tije
Eev. ALEX. CUSIN, M.A.,
EDINBURGH.

EDINBUEGH:
T. & T. CLAEK, 38 GEOEGE STEEET.

PREFACE.

While this volume was in course of translation the dis
tinguished author passed away, after a life of extraordinary
industry and devotion to Biblical studies. His latest " altera
tions and additions " had all been already forwarded for use
in the translation of this volume as in that of the former, and
they appear in their proper places.
As indicated in the Preface to the first volume, Professor
Crombie contemplated doing for the second volume what he
had done for the first. But he found it necessary to be
relieved of the undertaking. For the second volume, as it
is now presented in English, I am alone responsible.

ALEXA3STDEE CUSIN.

Free Lady Glenorchy's Manse,
Edinburgh, November 1888.

CONTENTS.

FOUETH DIVISION— continued.
WORSHIP IN RELATION TO THE TIMES FIXED FOR
ITS OBSERVANCE.
Second Chapter.
the cycle op sabbaths.
SECT. PA0E
77. The Weekly Sabbath, ..... 1
78. The Monthly Sabbath, or Sabbatic Month, . . .7
79. The Sabbatic Year, .... .10
80. The Jubilee Year, or Year of Freedom, . . . .13
Third Chapter.
the first series of yearly feasts.
81. The Feast of Passover, . . . . 20
82. The Feast of Unleavened Bread, . • 3°
83. The Feast of Weeks, or Pentecost, .... 37
Fourth Chapter.
the second series of yearly feasts.
84. The Day of Atonement, ... 40
85. The Feast of Tabernacles with its Octave, . . . .52
86. The Typical Character of the Mosaic Feasts and Feast Times, . 59

PAGIt

Vlll CONTENTS.
Fifth Chapter.
post-exilic feasts.
SECT. 87. The Feasts which arose after the Exile, . . . .62
88. The Synagogue Service, ...... 65
Sixth Chapter.
on the history of jewish worship.
89. Survey of the History of the Levitical Worship, . . .67
90. Worship on High Places and Image-worship, . . .72
91. Idolatry, ........ 80

III. SECOND PAET OF BIBLICAL AECEL4EOLOGY.
PART II.— SOCIAL RELATIONS OF THE ISRAELITES.
92. Introductory, ....... 102
FIEST DIVISION.
THE DOMESTIC RELATIONS OF THE ISRAELITES.
93. General Character, . . .... 103
FIRST SECTION.
dwellings aud nourishment.
First Chapter.
the dwellings of the israelites.
94. Various Kinds of Dwellings, . . . . .104
95. Building and Furniture of Houses, ..... 106
96. Villages, Towns, and Cities, ..... 109
Second Chapter.
food of the israelites.
97. Articles of Food, or Meats and Drinks, . . . 112
98. Aim and Meaning of the Mosaic Laws regarding Food, . . 117

CONTENTS. jx

SHOT.

Third Chapter.
the clothing of the israelites.

101. Its general Character,
102. The Dress of Males, .
103. The Dress of Women,
104. Care and Adorning of the Body,
105. Jewellery and Ornaments,

PAOB

99. Preparation of Food, ..... 125
100. Meal Times and Banquets, .... 130

133 136142144
148

SECOND SECTION.
family relations.
First Chapter.
marriage.
106. Nature and Character of Israelitish Marriage, . . . 150
107. Forbidden Marriages, ...... 153
108. Levirate Marriage, .... . 162
109. Contracting of Marriage, Betrothal, and Wedding, . . 167
110. The Married State and Divorce, . . . . .171
Second Chapter.
children and servants.
111. Upbringing of Children, ... . 175
112. Servants and other Inmates of the House, .... 178

THIRD SECTION.
FAMILY LIFE IN JOY AND SORROW.
113. Social Intercourse. Amusements. Hospitality, . . . 182
114. Sicknesses, ........ 186
115. Burial of the Dead, and Mourning Usages, .... 199

CONTENTS.

SECOND DIVISION.

THE EVERYDAY OCCUPATIONS OF THE ISRAELITES.
SECT. PAGE
116. The Beginnings of the various Occupations, . . . 203

FIRST SECTION.
occupations for the support of life.
First Chapter.
agriculture.
117. Development of Agriculture among the Israelites, . . . 205
118. Field Work, ...... .210
119. Wine and Olive Culture, ... 213
120. Fruit and Garden Culture, . . . . . .216
Second Chapter.
cattle-rearing, the chase, and fishing.
121. Cattle-rearing among the Israelites, ..... 218
122. Hunting and Fishing, ...... 221
SECOND SECTION.
trade and industry.
First Chapter.
industries and handicrafts.
123. Their Development among the Israelites, .... 223
124. The chief Trades, ....... 225
Second Chapter.
trade of the israelites.

125. Weights,
126. Measures,
127. Money,
128. Commerce by Land and Sea,
129. Modes of Travelling and Transport,

229 232
238245255

CONTENTS. XI

THIRD SECTION.
SCIENCE AND ART OF THE ISRAELITES.

SECT.

PAGE

130. Their Character, ....... 258
First Chapter.
the sciences.
131. Writing and Literature, ...... 259
132. Theological Schools, .... .265
133. Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes, . . . . 268
134. The Cultivation of particular Sciences, . . . 273
Second Chapter.
the fine arts.
135. Poetry and Oratory, ....... 277
136. Music, Singing, and Dancing, ... . 280
137. Musical Instruments, . . ... 283
138. Constructive and Plastic Arts, .... 287
THIED DIVISION.
STATE RELATIONS.
139. The State in its Fundamental Elements, . . . .290
FIRST SECTION.
the constitution of israel.
First Chapter.
the civil constitution.
140. The Classification of the People of Israel, .... 292
141. Land and Property of the Israelites, . . • .302
142. Succession and Right of Inheritance, . • ¦ 307
143. Organization of Tribes and People, ..... 312

XU CONTENTS.
Second Chapter.
the theocratic constitution.
SECT. flan:
144. The Congregation of Jehovah, . . • 318
145. The Israelitish Constitution or Theocracy, .... 320
146. The Prophetic Order, ...... 324
147. The Earthly Kingdom,  327
SECOND SECTION.
administration and courts of law.
First Chapter.
law courts.
148. Idea and Origin of Civil Law and Justice, .... 337
149. Judges and Courts of Law, .... . 339
150. Judicial Procedure, ... . 346
151. The Council, .... ... 350
Second Chapter.
theocratic penal law.
152. Character of the Theocratic Penal Law, . . . .354
153. Detailed Punishments, ... . . 357
154. Offences against Property, . . . . 363
155. Offences against the Person and Life, .... 367
156. OflFences against the Fundamental Order of the World, and of the
Kingdom of God, . . . . . . .374
THIRD SECTION.
Israel's political standing toward other peoples.

157. International Relations. Treaties, .
158. Army and Arms, ....
159. Conduct of War, ....
160. Victory, its Celebration, and Conclusion of Peace,
Index, .....

380383 390395 399

FOUETH DIVISION— Continued.
WORSHIP IN RELATION TO THE TIMES FIXED FOR ITS
OBSERVANCE.

SECOND CHAPTEE.
THE CYCLE OF SABBATHS.
§ 77. The Weekly Sabbath.
The observance of the seventh day of the week or Sabbath
(naB> (1), to o-dfifiarov, to, crdfifiaTa), by which Israel was
distinguished from all other peoples as the people of God (2),
was partly negative and partly positive. Negatively it con
sisted of the entire cessation of all work (3) ; positively, of a
holy assembly, the doubling of the daily offering by two
lambs of the first year with the corresponding meat and drink
offerings (Num. xxviii. 9 f.), and the providing of new shew-
bread in the holy place (Lev. xxiv. 8). Accordingly the
hallowing of the Sabbath, enjoined Ex. xx. 8, or its observance
as Hin^ prQB' rats' EH'p (Ex. xxxv. 2 ; comp. xxxi. 15), cannot
consist of " simple resting taken in itself " (4), but the resting
or cessation of every kind of work can only be a means of its
sanctification, the condition without which it could not be
truly kept holy to the Lord. And hence the prohibition to
do any work was made punishable by cutting off (Ex. xxxi. 15>
xxxv. 2 ; comp. Num. xv. 32 ff.) (5).
The hallowing of this day is founded partly on God's
resting after His creation of the world (Ex. xx. 1 1 comp. with
Gen. ii. 3), partly on the redemption of Israel from the
bondage of Egypt (Deut. v. 15) ; not, however, so that the
creation of the world or the redemption from the bondage of
Egypt is made the subject of Sabbath celebration. Indeed,
the Sabbath has no one event as the subject of its observance,
keil n. A

2 BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
but is only the day which Israel is called to sanctify to the
Lord its God, because God blessed and hallowed the day at
the creation of the world by resting on it. According to
Gen. ii. 2, God's resting forms the completion of the work of
creation. And so this rest is not merely a pattern for man's
rest. Neither is it, " as being a ceasing to create, at the same
time a returning within Himself, that is, into His eternal
unchangeable being, wherein He now stands in contrast with
the created world in its changeable being " (6). But, as the
completion of creation, the rest of God is His blessedness in
the contemplation of the finished work, the satisfaction of
God in His work, which overflows in blessing upon the
creatures. This blessedness was lost to the created world
through the fall of man, its head, but not for ever ; for
through redemption divine mercy will again restore it.
Hence the rest of God is the goal which the whole creation
is destined to reach. To guide it to this goal, the people in
whose history the preparation for redemption was to be made,
had the Sabbath enjoined by way of compensation for the
losses which accrue to man under the curse of sin, from that
heavy oppressive labour which withdraws him from God (7).
To this end God hallowed the seventh day, that is, He
separated it from the other .days of the week to be a holy
day for man, by putting the blessing of His rest on the rest
of this day. For it is for man " as the image of God " that
this blessing and hallowing are chiefly intended. As he is
ordained to the work of God (Gen. i. 28), he is also to have
part in the rest of God. The return of this blessed and
hallowed day is to be to him a perpetual reminder and enjoy
ment of the divine rest (8).
This signification of the Sabbath explains why the keeping
of it through all future generations of Israel, is called a per
petual covenant and a sign between Jehovah and the children
of Israel for ever, by which they shall know that Ee, Jehovah,
hallows them (Ex. xxxi. 17). This, indeed, does not mean
that " the creation and completion of the world is a revelation
of the absolute distinctness of God from the world, of His
unity, personality, and therefore also of His holiness, and that
the acknowledgment of this revelation constitutes the dis
tinctive character of the Mosaic economy in contrast to all

§ 77. THE WEEKLY SABBATH. 3
other religions, so that its observance is a practical acknow
ledgment of the revelation " (9). But a perpetual covenant
is established by the observance of the Sabbath as the sign
by which Israel knows, i.e. experiences, that it is Jehovah who
hallows it. But the hallowing which Israel experiences in the
observance of the Sabbath lies in the fact, that through the
cessation of every kind of work it is set free from the labour,
the cares and burdens of this life, that it may withdraw the
soul from the dissipating influences of earthly occupations and
find quickening for it in the rest of God (E'23'; Ex. xxiii. 12).
This quickening is provided in the " holy convocation," and
that in three ways. Pirst, by meditation on the law of the
Lord it is edified by God's word (10). Next, in the increased
or doubled (11) burnt-offering, it finds union of soul with God,
and has the body with all its members hallowed by the
fire of divine grace burning on the altar. Finally, in the
presenting of new shewbread it appears with the fruits of
this hallowing before the face of the Lord and enjoys access
to Him. Thus the Sabbath was to Israel " a day of gladness "
(Num. x. 10 ; comp. with Hos. ii. 11), "a delight to the
holy of the Lord, honourable." If Israel honoured this day,
not following its own ways, nor finding its pleasure, nor
speaking its words, then it should have its delight in the
Lord and enjoy the highest prosperity (Isa. lviii. 13 f.) (12).
This blessing from the hallowing of the Sabbath was made
possible for Israel by its deliverance from the bondage of
Egypt. Accordingly in the hortatory recapitulation of the
commandments (Deut. v. 12-15) this divine benefit is stated
as a ground for emphasizing the sanctification of the Sabbath.
Thus there is contained in the Sabbath rest the idea of the
Israelitish holy day or feast, and in this idea there is pre
sented the goal of Israel's calling to be God's people, or its
blessedness in fellowship with God in His rest. Hence also
the Sabbath forms the centre of the Israelitish feasts, not only
because the feasts which occurred at longer intervals are grouped
round the Sabbath, but also because the Sabbath rest forms
the sum and substance of them all (13). Hence also the
earnestness with which the law repeatedly inculcates the
keeping of the Sabbath, and the severity with which it
condemns the desecration of it by work.

4 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
(1) The word naB>, an intensive form of rOB>, to rest, to keep
holy day, denotes the holy day keeper, the resting or still day.
Comp. Ewald, Lehrb. d. hebr. Spr. § 155c, and 212(2, note 1.
(2) The Sabbath was first instituted by Moses. This view
is held in common with most of the Eabbins (comp. Selden,
De jure not. et gent. iii. 10), Eusebius (Hist. eccl. i. 4. 3, Prmp.
evang. vii. 6), Spencer {De legg. Hebr. rit. i. 4. 9), and many-
others, by Ewald {Alterthumer, p. 130 ff.), Winer {R.W. ii.
p. 347), de Wette {Archaol. § 2146), Hengstenberg {Der
Tag des Herrn, Berl. 1852, p. 16 ff.), and Eiehm {Theol. p.
1308 ff.). The grounds on which older authors, e.g. Iken
{Dissertatt. phil. ii. p. 26 sqq.), Jahn {bibl. Archaol. ii. p. 288 ff.),
and more modern writers, such as Liebetrut, Oschwald, have
sought to establish a pre-Mosaic observance of the Sabbath,
are wholly unsatisfactory. Prom mention of the week (Gen.
xxix. 27 f., viii. 10, 12), it does not at all follow that there
was any observance of the seventh day ; further, the passages
Gen. ii. 2 and Ex. xvi. 22 ff. serve no doubt to prepare for the
institution of the Sabbath, but do not contain any trace of an
already existing holy day ; for in Gen. ii. 2 the name rs^ does
not once occur, and the event recorded in Ex. xvi., that on the
sixth day a double portion of manna fell and was gathered,
while on the seventh there was none to be found, contains the
actual hallowing of the day by God, before He enjoins its
hallowing on the people, as is evident from the fact that the
people could not understand God's action in the matter (comp.
Hengstenberg, ubi supra, p. 14 ff.). It is on this act the com
mandment rests : " Eemember the Sabbath day to keep it
holy" (Ex. xx. 8). — Again, the Sabbath institute is neither
borrowed from the Egyptians, as in recent times, Baur especially
(d. hebr. Sabbat u. die Nalionalfeste des Mos. Gxdtus, in d. Tubing.
Ztschr. f. Theol. 1832, p. 125 ff.), and George {Die dlteren
jiidischen Feste, p. 193 ff.), following Spencer, whom Witsius
{JEgyptiaca, 1. iii. c. 9) already refuted, have sought to prove,
nor does it stand in any connection whatever with the worship
of Saturn, so that with Vatke {Theol. d. A. T i. p. 199) and
Movers {Phonizier, i. p. 315) we might explain it as a modifica
tion or reformation of Saturn-worship. The view of Priedr.
Delitzsch (in his translation of Dr. Smith's Chaldee Genesis,
p. 300), that the Assyrians called the seventh day of the week
Sabbath, still lacks further confirmation.
(3) " Thou shalt not do any work ; thou, nor thy son, nor thy
daughter, thy man-servant, nor thy maid-servant, nor thy cattle,
nor thy stranger that is within thy gates " (Ex. xx. 10 ; Deut.
v. 14 ; comp. Ex. xxxi. 14 f., xxxv. 2 f., and xxxiv. 21) ; " in
ploughing time and in harvest thou shalt rest." — The idea of

§ 77. THE WEEKLY SABBATH. 5
work (ro&6») is not more precisely defined in the law, except
that in Ex. xxxv. 3 the kindling of fire for cooking is expressly
forbidden, and Num. xv. 32 ff. the gathering of wood is punished
as a transgression ; whence it is evident that work, in its widest
sense, was to cease. Accordingly it was quite in keeping with
the law, when not only labour, such as burden-bearing (Jer.
xvii. 21 ff.), but travelling, as forbidden by Ex. xvi. 29, and
trading (Amos viii. 5 f.), were to cease on the Sabbath, and
when Nehemiah, to prevent marketing on this day, ordered the
closing of the gates (Neh. x. 32, xiii. 15, 19).
(4) As Bahr still thinks (ii. pp. 532 ff. and 566), and accord
ingly can make good a deeper idea for the observance of the
Sabbath, only by adopting an etymological absurdity of Kanne,
and deriving the idea of ri3E> from the word 2W. Comp. the
thorough refutation of these and similar views by Hengsten
berg, ubi supra, p. 27 ff.
(5) Unintermitted bodily labour blunts man's capacity for
occupation with divine things, prevents the soul from rising to
God in devotion in order to the quickening of heart and spirit,
and the strengthening of spiritual life. Therefore the cessation
of labour is an indispensable condition to the right hallowing
of the Sabbath. In this character it appears also in the law,
where rest on the Sabbath, as on the high feast days, which
comes under the same view-point, is connected with the holy
assembly (Lev. xxiii. 3 ; Ex. xii. 16), and on the day of atone
ment with afflicting of the soul, fasting (Lev. xxiii. 32) ; nay,
at this feast the cessation of work has this reason assigned for
it, " for it is a day of atonement, to make atonement for you
before the Lord your God " (Lev. xxiii. 8). — From this view of
rest as a means of sanctification arose the custom of the pious
in Israel, of assembling round the prophets on the Sabbaths for
edification by divine service (2 Kings iv. 23), the origin of the
later synagogue worship. This view of Sabbath observance
was always held by the Jews. Thus, for example, Josephus
says, C Ap. ii. 17 : oux ilauirai* axpoaeaithovs olio's big n <rro\Xdxig,
&XX' izuarris ijSo'o/iao'os ruv 'ioym atpgfihoug in) rriv axpoam tou
nfiou ixiXeuae evXX'syfaOui xai rovrov axpifiu; sx/tuvtSdviiv. Similarly,
Aben Esra on Gen. ii. 3 and Ex. xx. 8 ; also Philo, only
expressing himself in his philosophizing way. See Hengsten
berg, ubi supra, p. 28.
(6) Comp. Bahr, ii. p. 580.
(7) " If there is anything clear, it is the connection between
the Sabbath and the fall. The work which needs interruption,
unless the divine life is to be endangered by it> is not the glad
unlaborious work referred to in Gen. ii. 15, it is the oppressive
and distracting work described iu Gen. iii. 19, labour in the

6 BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
sweat of the face upon the earth, now bearing thorns and
thistles." Hengstenberg, ubi supra, p. 12.
(8) M. Baumgarten, Theol. Comment, i. p. 29.
(9) Bahr, Symb. ii. 581 f.
(10) What urp sqpp signifies is matter of dispute. Verbally
false is the translation of Coccejus and Vitringa {De synag. vet.
p. 290) : indictio s. proclamatio sanctitatis ; for nouns formed
with d do not denote the simple action, but the place, time,
instrument, or subject of the action (Ewald, Lehrb. § 160J).
Accordingly $OpD is not convocatio (neither is it so in Num.
x. 2), but convocatum {xXyrri kyiu, LXX.), the holy assembly,
corresponding to the Greek hp& iruvityvpii. The object of this
holy assembly of the congregation (*oyn &opo Num. x. 2),
which the law does not directly determine, could be nothing
else than the edification of the congregation by sacrifice and
prayer, as indeed among the patriarchs calling on the Lord
was conjoined with sacrifice {e.g. Gen. xii. 8). To these were
added the reading of the law of God with meditation, and
certainly also, at a very early period, sacred song; so that
Josephus {ubi supra) is not wrong when he speaks of the people
being called evri t^v axpoamv tou vo/tou. For the divine service of
Sabbath, as it was held after the exile in houses of prayer
expressly erected for the purpose, the so-called synagogues, is
in its essential parts of high antiquity (comp. 2 Kings iv. 23
and my commentary on the passage), and certainly going back
to Moses, as indeed according to Acts xv. 21 Moses has lx ytnw
&P%aim in all cities those who preach him. Comp. once more
Hengstenberg, p. 33 f.
(11) " It is evident that this doubling, which, as in similar
cases, is to be regarded as a sort of superlative, designates the
Sabbath in relation to the ordinary days of the week as the
day of days, i.e. the highest and most important " (Bahr, ii.
p. 584).
(12) In this place " the essence of Sabbath observance is
placed in the most unconditional and all-embracing self-denial,
the renunciation of the whole natural being and natural desires,
the most unconditional dedication to God." Hengstenb. p. 35.
But this Scripture view of the Sabbath rest was lost when
Pharisaism arose and perverted it into the external rest of
doing nothing ; so that in the time of the Maccabees Jewish
armies at first did not fight on the Sabbath, and let themselves
be massacred by the enemy (1 Mace. ii. 32 ff. ; 2 Mace. vi. 11),
till at length perceiving the advantage which the enemy had
thereby, they were brought to hold a truce on the Sabbath
only in respect of offensive operations (1 Mace. xi. 34, 43 ff.).
This microscopic system of externals meets us also in the

§ 78. THE MONTHLY SABBATH OR SABBATIC MONTH. 7
Pharisees of the gospel history ; comp. Matt. xii. 2 ff. ; Mark
ii. 23 ff. ; Luke vi. 1 ff. ; John v. 10, vi. 1 ff. ; and spun out to
the utmost in the Talmud, Tract. Schabbath in Surenhus. ii.
p. 1 sqq, where thirty-nine chief kinds of work (msta nnx),
each with its nnbin, are reckoned as forbidden. Comp. Winer,
B. W. ii. p. 345 f.
(13) As a rule, the feast days and the first and last day of
those feasts, which embrace a plurality of days, are holy or
rest days. Hence the name ri3B> is given to the great day of
atonement (Lev. xxiii. 32), and to the first and seventh day of
the feast of unleavened bread (Lev. xxiii. 11, 15), because on
both all works were to cease. Yet the law here makes the
difference which was already pointed out by Gousset in Lex.
p. 817, that on the weekly Sabbath and on the day of atone
ment all work (naxSp, Lev. xxiii. 3, 28 ; comp. v. 30 f.), but on
the other holy days of the feast only all laborious (servile)
work (muv rp^ip) is forbidden (comp. Lev. xxiii. 7, 8, 21, 25,
35, 36). For the more exact determination of this difference,
it is to be observed that on Sabbath and on the day of atone
ment it was forbidden to kindle a fire for cooking, which was
allowed on the other holy days. In Ex. xii. 16, where also
work in general is forbidden for the first and seventh day of
the feast of unleavened bread, the preparation of food is after
wards expressly excepted, proving that this is properly included
under work. The greater stringency of the prohibition of work
on the Sabbath indicates a higher degree of holiness as belong
ing to this day, in which it was equalled only by the day of
atonement.

§ 78. The Monthly Sabbath, or Sabbatic Month.
The beginning of every month, or every new moon
(n^in K>SO), was solemnly celebrated (Num. xxviii. 11-15)
according to the law by an offering in addition to the daily
burnt-offering, without being a holy day with cessation of
work (1). The additional sacrifice consisted of two young
bullocks, a ram, and seven lambs of the first year, as a burnt-
offering with the corresponding meat-offering, and a goat as a
sin-offering, on presenting which the priests blew the silver
trumpets (Num. x. 10). — The seventh new moon of the year,
however, or the first day of the seventh month, was to be
celebrated as a feast day in the strict sense, as iinaE'; by
resting from all work, and as a memorial of blowing of horns

8 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
(nyvw tf-fi!) by a loud blast of horns (2), by a holy convoca
tion, and by a special sacrifice (besides the usual new moon
and daily offerings), consisting of a bullock, a ram, and seven
lambs of the first year as a burnt-offering, with the corre
sponding meat-offering, and a goat as a sin-offering (Lev. xxiii.
23-25; Num. xxix. 1-6). From the blast of trumpets this
feast received the name nyvw 0h\ the day of (horn) sounding.
By this Sabbath-like feast at the beginning, the whole month
was consecrated as a Sabbatic month.
(1) Yet in after times the new moon EHh is often called a
feast along with the Sabbath (Isa. i. 13 ; Hos. ii. 11 ; Ezek. xlvi. 1),
on which all business ceased (Amos viii. 5), the pious in Israel
waited on the prophets for edification (2 Kings iv. 23), many
families and tribal clans presented their annual thank-offerings
(1 Sam. xx. 6, 29), a great banquet took place at Saul's court
(1 Sam. xx. 5, 24), and the most devout persons down to later
times omitted their fasting (Judith viii. 6).
(2) The word njjnn is used (Lev. xxv. 9) of the sound both
of trumpets (Num. x. 5 f.) and of horns (rri"iSiB>, great horns).
But though the instrument is not named here, we have not to
think, with Knobel, of the silver, trumpets, but only of the horns
{Fosaunen), partly because of the analogy between the seventh
new moon as a day of trumpet-sounding, and the jubilee year
introduced by trumpet-sounding (Lev. xxv. 9 £); but chiefly
on the ground that the use of the silver trumpet on the new
moons and feast days is restricted by the law (Num. x. 10) to
blowing in connection with the presenting of burnt-offerings
and other victims, from which the seventh new moon could not
receive the name iWiri DV, Num. xxix. 1, as if from something
distinguishing it from other new moons. Besides, Jewish
tradition clearly testifies to the blowing with horns. Comp.
Lundius, jiid. Heiligth. B. 5, c. 17.
The keeping of new moons may perhaps rest on ancient
custom, for many ancient peoples observed new moon as the
return of the gladsome moonlight with festivities (3). Neverthe
less, it was not the object of Moses by his ordinance to suppress
heathen celebrations of this day (4). Eather the distinguish
ing of the first from the other days of the month by a special
sacrifice arises naturally from the relation of the month to the
single day. The congregation of the Lord was to hallow its
life and work to Him by a daily burnt-offering, and so it

§ 78. THE MONTHLY SABBATH OR SABBATIC MONTH. 9
could not omit this at the beginning of the larger division
of time formed by the month, but must observe it with
divine worship by a special offering. For the single day a
burnt-offering sufficed, in which the idea of atonement was
subordinate to the idea of consecration to the Lord. But for
the month, in view of the sins committed and remaining
unexpiated during the course of the past month, a special sin-
offering must be brought for their atonement, and thus on the
ground of the forgiveness and reconciliation with God thereby
obtained, the people might be able in the burnt-offering to
consecrate their life anew to the Lord. This significance of
the sacrifice of new moon was still further enhanced by the
fact that, while it was being offered, the priests blew the
silver trumpets that it might be for a memorial before God in
behalf of the congregation (Num. x. 10). The sounding of
the trumpets was meant to bring before God the prayers of
the congregation, embodied in the sacrifice, that God might
think of them graciously, vouchsafe forgiveness of sin and
strength for holiness, and quicken them anew in the blessed
fellowship of His grace.
But it was not only the close of the week as the shortest
cycle of days, but also the end of the larger cycle of weeks
through the lapse of the seven months, which was to be cele
brated by the congregation of the Lord as a Sabbath of months
by participation in the rest of God, that in it the congregation
might edify itself by meditating on His word in holy convoca
tion. By doubling the new moon offering, by the holy con
vocation, and the cessation of work, which distinguish this
from the other new moons of the year, the seventh mouth of
the year, corresponding to the seventh day of the week, is
consecrated as a Sabbath or Sabbatic month. For in its first
day, as the beginning or head (cni) of months, the whole
month is hallowed, and its entire course is raised, by the
Sabbatic celebration of its beginning, to the rank of a
Sabbath (5). But this is so because of what the seventh
month provides for the congregation. The day of atonement
which falls in this month provides full expiation of all sins
and removal of all uncleannesses which separate the people
from their God, and the feast of tabernacles beginning five
days thereafter provides a foretaste of the blessedness of life

10 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
in fellowship with the Lord. This significance of the seventh
month is indicated by the sounding of trumpets whereby on
the first day the congregation present a memorial of them
selves loudly and strongly before Jehovah, calling on Him to
vouchsafe the promised blessings of grace in fulfilment of His
covenant. The trumpet-sounding of this day is a prelude to
that whereby on the day of atonement every seventh year,
the dawn of the jubilee, that greatest year of grace known to
the ancient covenant, was proclaimed to the whole people
(Lev. xxv. 9). As the seventh month forms the transition
from the weekly Sabbath to the Sabbatic and jubilee years, it
corresponds as the Sabbatic month, more to the jubilee than
to the Sabbatic year which is forshadowed in the weekly
Sabbath. (3) Com. Isidori Origg. v. 33 ; Macrobii Saturn, i. 15, and
others in Dougtsei Analect. sacr. ii. p. 132 sqq., and Spencer, I.e.
p. 805 sqq. ; also Winer, R. W. ii. 149 f., and Ewald, Alterth.
p. 465.
(4) As Michaelis, Mos. R. iv. § 200.
(5) According to the Jewish idea, which the Apostle Paul
expresses Eom. xi. 16 in the words : el ds n aitapyji ayia, xal rb
f{/pa/j,a, xal el % piZa. ayla., xal ol xXddei.
§ 79. The Sabbatic Year.
After every six years, i.e. after sowing and reaping had
gone on for a space of six years, the land was to hold a
Sabbath to Jehovah in the seventh year; the field was not to
be ploughed and sown, nor the vine cut, nor their produce
gathered in. What grew in the field without sowing, what
the vine and olive bore without tending, belonged as a common
good to every one without distinction. It was to serve for
food to free and bond, maid, hireling, and stranger, and also
for the cattle and wild beasts of the land (Lev. xxv. 1-7 ;
comp. Ex. xxiii. 10, 11). As a consequence of this rest of the
land, there followed for the people a cessation of tillage, their
main employment. And from the stoppage of the labour,
which formed their most important source of gain, there
necessarily came also an arrest on the collection of debts. On
this account there is enjoined on the creditor, for this year, a
leaving over (nopf, i.e. respite, not remission or acquittal) (1)

§ 79. THE SABBATIC YEAR. 11
of the debts due by his countrymen (Deut. xv. 1 ff.) (2).
Finally, at the feast of tabernacles in the Sabbatic year the
law was to be read to the people (men, women, children, and
strangers) in solemn assembly before the sanctuary (Deut. xxxi.
10-13). (1) As is the view of the Eabbins in Mischna Schebiit x. 1,
in Surenh. i. p. 155 sqq., and of many Christian writers, e.g.
Hug {Zeitschr.f. d. Erzbisth., Freiburg, i. p. 16). But the law
says only : t5i»B>, i.e. every creditor shall let lie, take off his
hand from that which he has lent to his neighbour, and shall
not oppress his neighbour or brother. DDK* is also used in this
sense (Ex. xxiii. 11) of the field or its produce, which was not a
letting lie for ever, but only for the year. Comp. Bahr, ii.
p. 570 f.
(2) The view is also without foundation, that the Israelitish
slaves received their freedom in the Sabbatic year. In the ordi
nances regarding the Sabbath year there is not a word of this.
Deut. xv. 12 does not treat of the Sabbatic year, and here, as in
Ex. xxi. 2 (comp. Jer. xxxiv. 14 ff.), it is emancipation in the
seventh year absolutely considered, i.e. in the seventh year of
their servitude, which is commanded, as even Josephus {Ant.
xvi. 1. 1) understood it.
The end and significance of the Sabbath year arise naturally
from the right idea of the Sabbath in general. The rest
which the land was to keep to the Lord in the seventh year
(Lev. xxv. 2) had for its end neither to increase the fruitful-
ness of the soil by allowing it to lie fallow, nor merely to be
a time of recreation for labouring men and beasts, and still
less other material advantages, such as the encouragement of
hunting, the securing of the land against famine by the
storing of grain in magazines during the six years of cultiva
tion, and more of the like (3). It is not the physical
recreation of the land and people, needful and useful as this
may be for men, cattle, and fields in this sublunary world,
that God will provide for His people by the Sabbath (4), but
rather true spiritual rest and quickening, which flow from its
sanctification, and bring with them life and blessedness. As
on the Sabbath day the congregation, so in the Sabbath year
the land of the Lord, is to observe a time of refreshing, while
the hand of man ceased to labour and prune the fields and
fruit trees, so as to increase their produce for himself. The

12 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
land itself or the earth (H??) was to be taken out of the
hand of man — that hand which claims its power as its own
property for its own ends — and to enjoy the holy re^t with
which God blessed the world with its produce after the
creation. Thus Israel, as the people of God, was to learn
two things. First, that the earth, though created for man,
was yet not merely created that he might turn its powers to
his own profit, but that it might be holy to the Lord and
participate also in His blessed rest ; next, that the goal of life
for the congregation of the Lord did not lie in that incessant
labouring of the earth, which is associated with sore toil in
the sweat of the brow (Gen. iii. 17, 19), but in the enjoyment
of the fruits of the earth, free from care, which the Lord their
God gave and ever would give them, if they strove to keep
His covenant and to take quickening from His law. This
association of ideas is plain from the public reading of the
law appointed in the Sabbatic year. This reading did not at
all contemplate " merely the keeping of the law in the know
ledge of the people," nor was it intended to be merely a
solemn promulgation and restoration of it as a standard for
the public (religious and political) life, to set aside the depar
tures from it which in the lapse of time might have crept
in (5). For had this been the object, the reading must have
been appointed, not on the feast of tabernacles, but rather at
the beginning of the year or the Passover. The appointing
of it at the feast of tabernacles must be understood in close
connection with the idea of this feast, and the object of the
reading sought, in the desire to use the law to quicken the
soul, rejoice the heart, enlighten the eyes, in a word, to afford
to the whole congregation that blessing of the law which
David praises from experience in Ps. xix. 8-1 5.
(3) Which Michaelis, Hug, and others in the writings cited by
Winer, R. W. ii. p. 349, and partly Winer himself, adduce as
the main advantage of the Sabbath year. Others (as George,
de Wette) have condemned the law as impracticable, and as
injurious if it were carried out. These objections have moved
Hupf eld and Eiehm to get rid of this " institution morally so
prejudicial in its consequences" by explaining away the
simple meaning of the words, Ex. xxiii. 10 f. Hupf eld
(in his Progr. de anni sabbatici et jobclei ratione, p. 10 sq.)

§ 80. THE JUBILEE YEAR OR YEAR OF FREEDOM. 13
would refer the suffixes in fwbm rapptSTn (v. 11), not to
^vix, but to nnKwri (v. 10), thus making the institution
mean that the field was indeed to be cultivated in the seventh
year, but the produce not to be gathered in by the owner,
but left to the poor and to beasts. Eiehm {Theol. Stud. u.
Krit. 1871, p. 761, and in Hwb. p. 1313 ff.) has rejected this
explanation as utterly untenable, and sought to explain the law
to this effect, that what is spoken of is " not a Sabbath year to
be observed at the same time," but an intermission of the
usufruct " of single properties falling in different years." For
the expression 1?"iK is not to be understood of the land of Israel,
but denotes in the narrower sense, " thy, that is, the individual
Israelite's ground," as appears from the following ipvb 1P"]3^
and from the word ^7_E> used in its place in Lev. xxv. 3 (p. 762 f.).
But though we should admit these arguments, the hollowness
of which is obvious at a glance, yet, according to Eiehm's view,
the word *]V"is does not denote the property of each individual
Israelite, but only six -sevenths of his ground. For the law
according to him says, thy land shalt thou sow six years, but so
that thou shalt yearly leave the seventh part thereof fallow, in
order that thus in the course of seven years every property
may enjoy the agricultural advantage of lying fallow for a year.
— The proposition will not escape the fate of Hupfeld's explana
tion " of having found no acceptance." — Besides, the doubts
raised against the practicability of the law of the Sabbatic
year are sufficiently refuted by history. The keeping of the
Sabbath year is very distinctly attested by 1 Mace. vi. 49, 53,
and Josephus, Antia. xiii. 8. 1, xiv. 10. 6, xv. 1. 2 ; de bell. jud.
i. 2. 4 ; and according to Josephus, Antiq. xi. 8. 6, it was also
observed by the Samaritans.
(4) In which even Bahr (ii. p. 602 f.) finds its main purpose.
(5) So Bahr, ii. p. 603.
§ 8 0. The Jubilee Year, or Year of Freedom.
After the lapse of seven times seven :years, on the tenth
day of the seventh month, in the forty-ninth year, on the day
of atonement of the seventh Sabbatic year, the trumpet was
to sound throughout the whole land, and the fiftieth year (1)
was to be announced and hallowed as jubilee year (??i'C ruts') (2),
or year of freedom pVn Dlf) (Ezek. xlvi. 17) (3), by the pro
clamation of freedom to all the inhabitants of the land, that
every man might return to his property and family. As in
the Sabbatic year there was rest for the whole land, inasmuch

14 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
as it was not cultivated, and what grew of itself without
sowing or care of man was left in the field for any one to eat.
The freedom proclaimed embraced not only persons, but also
property. Every Israelite, who through poverty had sold
himself to one of his countrymen or to a strange settler in the
land, if he had not been able before the jubilee year to
purchase his freedom, and had not been redeemed by a
kinsman, was then to go out free, not in his own person
merely, but also with his children, and again return to his
kindred and to the inheritance of his fathers (Lev. xxv.
39-55) (4). Similarly, all property in fields and houses
situated in villages or unwalled towns, 'which the owner had
been obliged to sell through poverty, and which neither he him
self nor his next of kin had redeemed, was to revert without
payment to its original owner or his lawful heirs (Lev. xxv.
8-16, 28, 31) (5). The only exceptions were houses in
walled cities, which remained with the buyer for his descend
ants, unless they were redeemed within a year after the sale
(Lev. xxv. 29, 30) (6), and the fields, which fell to the
sanctuary in virtue of a vow which, unless again redeemed by
the owner, had been sold and thereby rendered unredeemable,
so that they, even in the year of jubilee, did not return
to the original owner, but, being holy to the Lord as devoted
land, became the possession of the priests (Lev. xxvii.
17-21) (7):
[The idea of jubilee, according to Dr. Keil, is not found
in the Hebrew jobel, note 2. The English word jubilee has
been used in the translation to avoid the intolerable circum
locution, year of the sounding of trumpets. — Tr.]
(1) Not the forty-ninth ; as is held by the Gaonim, following
E. Jehuda, the chronologists Scaliger, Petavius, Calvisius,
Gatterer, Franck, and lastly Hug and Eosenmuller. Decisive
against this view is the fact " that in Lev. xxv. 10 ff. not only
is the fiftieth year expressly named as the year of jubilee,
but the forty-nine years which make seven Sabbatic years
are expressly distinguished from it" (Winer, R.W. i. p. 623).
Equally untenable is the hypothesis of Hug. According to
him, the seventh month of the forty-ninth sacred year coincides
with the beginning of the fiftieth civil year, so that the last
six months of the forty-ninth sacred year, inasmuch as they
were also the first six of the fiftieth civil year, shared the

§ 80. THE JUBILEE YEAR OR YEAR OF FREEDOM. 1 5
designation of the jubilee year, and only the forty-ninth was a
fallow year. This view is overturned by the simple fact, that
the lawgiver could not possibly have spoken of the forty-ninth
and fiftieth years according to different reckonings, with which,
besides, the promise would be incompatible, v. 20 ff., that the
fruit of the sixth year would yield " enough for three years."
This supposes two fallow years immediately following one
another. The real state of the case is this : sowing and reaping having
gone on continuously for six years (v. 3), the sowing in the
late autumn for the seventh year, the sacred beginning of
which was about four months later, was omitted. But when
it was simply the Sabbatic year, there was again in the late
autumn, or last third, after the fields had lain fallow for a full
year, a sowing for the following one, and so in it there was a
harvest. Only in the case when the jubilee year followed, the
sowing towards the end of the seventh Sabbatic or forty-ninth
year was omitted, so that in the eighth or fiftieth year also
there could be no harvest, and not till autumn of the fiftieth
year did the sowing for the fifty-first again take place. Only
in this case, i.e. when the Sabbatic was followed by the jubilee
year, was it necessary to eat of the old till the ninth year,
when its harvest came in. — Such is also the view of the
Talmud {Rosch haschschan. fol. 8. 2, 9. 1), and of the most of
the Eabbins, who make the Sabbatic and jubilee years begin
with the month Tisri in autumn ; and this view is undoubtedly
more correct than that of Ideler {Hdb. d. Chronol. i. p. 502 f.),
who thinks that the fields lay fallow from the middle of the
seventh to the middle of the eighth, and in the jubilee year
from the autumn of the forty-ninth year for two years to the
harvest of the fifty-first or first year of the new jubilee period.
According to this view, which is also held by Winer and
others, the festival-half of the Sabbatic year would be filled
with the full work of tillage.
(2) Comp. J. G. K. Kranold, De anno Hebraiorum jubilaio,
Gott. 1837, and G. Wolde, De anno Hebr.jub., Gott. 1837, 4.—
The name ™\ which the fiftieth year bears (Lev. xxv. 10 ff.),
is variously explained. Of the different explanations, concern
ing which see Kranold, ubi supra, p. 143 sqq., only two need be
noticed. The one is still maintained by Gesenius {Lex.) and
Wolde, which takes the word onomatopoetically in the sense
of jubilee. The other derives the name from ??}, to stream
violently, with noise, and understands ?$'' of the strong sound
ing notes of the trumpet streaming far and wide with which
the year was proclaimed throughout the land. Conclusive for

1 6 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
this explanation and against the former is the use of ^
elsewhere in Ex. xix. 13, Josh. vi. 5, and the analogy of
nynn Di' for the new moon of the seventh month, which also
derives its name from the blowing of trumpets. Comp.
Kranold, p. 12 sqq, and Bahr, ii. p. 573 ff. Accordingly
^3V ruts' signifies not year of jubilee, but year of the sounding
(of trumpets).
(3) This name seems to have been formed by Ezekiel merely
from the idea of the year.
(4) Hereby ownership of the person was changed into a
matter of hire, as the law in w. 40 and. 53 expressly says ; and
in the case of a sale, only the produce of the labour for the
interval between it and the jubilee year was paid for.
(5) This holds also of the fields which, though bought, not
inherited property, had been vowed to the sanctuary by their
owner. For these, too, reverted without payment to the
hereditary owner {i.e. the seller, not the buyer who had vowed
them) as his hereditary lot in the land (Lev. xxvii. 22-24). So
with the houses of the Levites in their cities and the fields
annexed to them, which, if they had sold and not again
redeemed them, came back to the Levites in the jubilee
without payment of a farthing (Lev. xxv. 32-34). In the much
misunderstood clause: vybrrp bw -ik'xi (v. 33), «if a man
purchase of the Levites," the use of bit), in the sense of purchase,
is best explained by the remark of Hiskuni : Scriptura utitur
verbo redimendi non emendi, quia quidquid Levitae vendunt
ex Israelitarum hsereditate est, non ex ipsorum hsereditate.
Nam ecce non habent partes in terra, unde omnis, qui accipit
aut emit ab illis est acsi redimeret, quondam ecce initio ipsius
possessio fuit (see in Baumgarten, in loc.). Thus every sale of
a piece of ground was, strictly speaking, only a leasing of it
for a certain number of years, since only that number of
harvests was sold (v. 15 f.).
(6) The law itself gives the reason for this exception, when
it thus explains v. 31 why houses in villages go out free:
"they shall be reckoned with the fields of the country."
Hence it is clear, that in the jubilee year only that became
free which belonged to the ground and soil which the Lord
gave His people to inherit. The possession of houses in
unwalled cities, no doubt mostly inhabited by labourers,
tradespeople, artisans, was not so immediately bound up with
this inheritance, that the buying or selling of such houses
would affect the share of the land originally assigned to jeach.
Comp. Bahr, ii. p. 607 f.
(7) According to Josephus {Antiq. iii. 12. 3 : h u 0/ •^psuerat
ruiv daveiuv ofrnXiiovrai), all debts were also remitted or cancelled.

§ 80. THE JUBILEE YEAR OR YEAR OF FREEDOM. 17
But as the Bible account says nothing of this, and the Eabbins
teach the contrary {prasstat Sabbaticus annus Jubilmo eo
quod remittit debita, jubilceum vero non, Maimon.), we can
attach no importance to this statement.
If in the jubilee year the idea of the Sabbath reaches its
fullest development and temporal perfection, it cannot have
had merely a politico-economical object. It cannot have been
intended merely to restore the State to its original integrity,
" in order that all, which the long course of time had imper
ceptibly thrown into confusion in its institutions and order,
might return to a condition of purity, and rise, like a new
State with new powers," or to effect a re-creation or regenera
tion of the whole State (8). No doubt in the law itself the
return of every one to his possession and family (ver. 10) is
given as the divine intention of the jubilee year. But that
neither the main object of this institution nor its fundamental
idea can be thus exhausted, may be gathered from the fact,
that the rest from field labour common to the jubilee with the
Sabbatic year has no internal connection either with the
restoration of the State to its integrity or with the liberation
of slaves. Besides, the names P?' and li"^ n?ts>, jubilee and
free year, have not on this view their full justification.
The law states three respects in which the jubilee year is
hallowed, i.e. separated from the other years : (a) No sowing
nor reaping, nor gathering from the unpruned vine (ver. 11) ;
(b) the reversion of properties, which had been sold because
of poverty, to their original owners (ver. 12 ff.) ; and (c) the
emancipation of those Israelites who through impoverishment
had become slaves (ver. 39 ff.). The last two particulars make
it a year of grace. But to the freedom which was to be
proclaimed throughout the land to all its inhabitants this also
pertained, that the labour of the field should cease, and every
man could eat freely what the land produced without sowing
and tilling. Not only was the soil to enjoy the holy rest, but
man was to be freed from the sore labour of sowing and
reaping, and in blessed rest to live and enjoy the bounty
which the Lord had provided for him in the sixth year (ver. 24),
and gave him during the two fallow years without work.
Thus the jubilee year became one of freedom and grace to all
the suffering, bringing not only redemption to the captive and
KEIL II. B

18 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
deliverance from want to the poor, but also release to the
whole congregation of the Lord from the sore labour of the
earth, and representing the time of refreshing (Acts iii. 19)
which the Lord provides for His people. For in this year
every kind of oppression was to cease, and every member of
the covenant people find his Eedeemer in the Lord (9), who
brought him back to his possession and family. Thereby, no
doubt, the State was more or less " restored to its original
condition, as ordered by Jehovah — to its integrity." Thereby
also the people were, on the one hand, " kept in constant mind
fulness of their position as servants of Jehovah ; " on the
other hand, " their feeling of freedom was cherished in relation
to man and other peoples." But this " restoration " and
"restitutio in integrum" form only a subordinate interest (1 0),
not the chief object of the jubilee year. Its main idea is the
airoKaraaTaavi t?)? j3aaiXeLa<i tou Qeov, i.e. the restoration
of all that has been destroyed by man's sin in the course of
time, the entire removal of the slavery of sin, the setting up of
the true freedom of the children of God, and the emancipation
of the creature from the bondage of vanity, under which it
groans because of man's sin (Eom. viii. 19 ff). This year
of grace instituted by the Lord, which according to Isa.
lxi. 1-3, the promised One, anointed by the Spirit of the Lord,
will bring to the weary and heavy-laden, and for which we
too, who have received the first-fruits of the Spirit, wait with
eager longing (Eom. viii. 23), is foreshadowed by the jubilee
and free year of the Israelitish theocracy.
How it got its name Jobel, from the strong, far-sounding
note of the Shophar, with which it was proclaimed throughout
the whole land, is easily understood. The long and loud
sounding of the trumpet (11) accompanied the manifestation
of God on Sinai when He came to establish His covenant
with Israel, and ever after the far - sounding note of the
Shophar became consecrated as a symbol of the proclamation
of every new revelation of the Lord, in order to the complet
ing of His covenant (12). At Sinai, when the Jobel sounded,
the people were to ascend the mountain (Ex. xix. 13) to
celebrate their union with the Lord. And in like manner
the Jobel in the seventh month of the fiftieth year was to
proclaim the opening of the year of grace, which was hallowed

§ 80. THE JUBILEE YEAR OR YEAR OF FREEDOM. 19
to bring redemption to God's holy people from all want, and to
guide them to His rest. But the entrance into this rest pre
supposes full forgiveness of sin ; therefore was the jubilee
year proclaimed over all the land on that day on which the
atonement for all sin was carried out.
(8) The view of Hug, ubi supra, p. 31 ; Ewald, A Iterth. p. 493 f.;
Winer, R. W. i. p. 624 f., and others. Even Bahr (ii. p. 604 ff),
though he (p. 609) designates the political standpoint as wholly
subordinate for the Lawgiver, and the religious as the dominant
one, does not really rise above this view. For he reduces the
idea of the bringing back, — return and restoration, — which
comes so decidedly into prominence in the jubilee year, to the
restoration of the theocratic State to its integrity.
(9) To be remarked are the series of exhortations included
in the law of the jubilee year, requiring the Israelite not to
oppress his neighbour, to set free the property and person of
the impoverished (Lev. xxv. 14, 17, 25, 36 f., 39 f., 43, 46^=8 f.,
53. (10) Wherein Bahr, ii. 605, finds the main idea.
(11) Comp. the "1ND pm lap top (Ex. xix. 16,19)., Comp. also
xx. 18.
(12) Bahr's attempt to explain the trumpet -sounding as
njrr top (ii. p. 594 ff.), is as unfounded as Hengstenberg's ob
servation {Offenb. i. p. 432 ff.), that " the trumpet sound has
no definite meaning," and in connection with the jubilee
year merely denotes " that an important time for the land has
arrived." That the blowing of the "isie> at the Lord's command
has the meaning which we have developed above, is further
confirmed by the blowing of horns at the taking of Jericho
(Josh. vi.). For since Jericho with its walls represented the
Canaanitish power in general, its fall was a picture of the over
throw of the world-power before the Lord, by which He fulfilled
the covenant promise, to give His people the land of Canaan,
and established His kingdom on the earth. Because of this
event the blowing of the trumpet is used by the prophets as a
symbol of the revelations of the Lord in great judgments,
whereby through the destruction of one world-power after
another His kingdom is carried on to that completion which it
will reach when, with the last trumpet (1 Cor. xv. 52), the Lord
Himself, with the trump of God, will come down from heaven
to awake the dead, to transform the living, and to swallow up
death in victory.
As to the observance of the jubilee year, we have no definite
historical testimonies. The reference to it which many exposi-

20 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
tors find in Isa. xxxvii. 30 is uncertain. Comp. Delitzsch on
the passage. But in Ezek. vii. 12 f. there is not only a refer
ence to the jubilee law, but it is assumed that it was held before
the exile (if not regularly). Ezekiel has therefore (xlvi. 17)
taken up the jubilee institution into his prophecy of the refor
mation of the theocracy.

THIED CHAPTEE.
THE FIRST SERIES OF YEARLY FEASTS.
,§81. The Feast of Passover.
The keeping of the Passover (nps, trduya, according to the
Aramaic, KnDS) was as follows : Every head of a family (1)
chose a male of the first year without blemish from the small
cattle (l&&), i-e. from the sheep or goats (2), on the tenth day
of the first month (Abib or Nisan). On the fourteenth the
father began with the slaying of this victim between the two
evenings, i.e. towards sunset (Deut. xvi. 6) (3), for his family
(nias JV3), with which, if it was too small to eat a lamb, the
neighbouring family might unite (4). A bunch of hyssop was
dipped into the blood which flowed from the animal, and
applied to the two posts and the upper lintel of the door of
the house where they had assembled for the meal. The
animal itself, of which no bone was allowed to be broken, was
wholly roasted with fire (5), with head, legs, and inwards, and
when it was perfectly done it was eaten that same night with
unleavened cakes and bitter herbs (6), by all who were in the
house ; but only if they were circumcised children of Israel,
or in the case of slaves or strangers, only if they had been
received by circumcision into communion with the covenant
people, for no one uncircumcised could partake of the feast.
Those who ate were to have their loins girded, shoes on their
feet, and a staff in their hand, to be ready for the march out
of Egypt that same night. What they could not eat was to
be burned on the morrow, and nothing of it to be carried out
of the house (Ex. xii. 1-13, 21-23, 28, 43-51).
This solemnity was to be observed by Israel as an ever
lasting ordinance for future generations (vv. 14-24). But

§ 81. THE FEAST OF PASSOVER. 21
with its repetition in the promised land, modifications were
introduced (7). The paschal lamb was no longer slaughtered
and eaten in every house, but at the central sanctuary (Deut.
xvi. 5 f.) ; the blood was no longer applied to the posts and
upper lintels of the door, but sprinkled on the altar by the
priests ; and the fatty portions were burned on the altar, as in
the case of the sin and holy [see vol. i. p. 254] offerings (8).
The Levitically unclean were also excluded from the feast.
But these, and all who at the legally appointed time were
on a distant journey, were to hold it on the fourteenth of
the second month, as the law prescribed. The man who
neglected the feast was to be cut off from his people (Num.
ix. 6-14) (9).
(1) The text says : bvp&\ my bnp bz (Ex. xii. 6 ; comp. ver. 3),
which means, not the whole assembled congregation of Israel
(de Wette), but, as Vitringa {Observatt. ss. lib. i. c. 3, § 9) ex
plains : bn? universam Israelitarum mtdtitudinem notat, nemine
excepto. The ordinance means : " The slaying shall be done by
the whole people (the entire congregation) at once, simultane
ously " (Bahr, ii. p. 615).
(2) So Ex. xii 5, which was still customary in the time of
Josiah (2 Chron. xxxv. 7). Later, however, it became the fixed
practice to take a lamb. Accordingly the Chaldee paraphrast
always renders nt? by K"ipK, lamb.
(3) The meaning of D?3"iyn pa (Ex. xii. 6) is disputed among
the Jews. The Karseans (see Trigland, De secta Karceor. c. 4) and
Samaritans (Eeland, De Samarit. § 22) understand it of the
time between the disappearance of the sun below the horizon
and the time of total darkness ; so also Aben Ezra on Ex. xii. 6.
But the Pharisees and Eabbanites understand it of the time when
the sun begins to descend to his real setting (from 3 to 6 o'clock
in the afternoon). This was the temple practice so early as the
time of Josephus {de bell. jud. vi. 9, 3), and is also the view of
the Talmud (Mischna Pesach v. 3). On the contrary, the
former explanation is rendered more probable by the KWn Ktaa
(Deut. xvi. 3) circa occasum solis, and is also confirmed by the
ordinance : to light the holy lamps between the evenings (Ex.
xxx. 8). — Hitzig's hypothesis {Ostern u. Pfingsten, p. 16 f.), that
the two evenings are the hours before and after sunset, and
that " between " denotes the point of time in which these hours
meet, — a border-line between both days, — is, apart from the
groundless assumption that the fourteenth was a Sabbath,
refuted by the fact that the daily evening offering (burnt-offer-

22 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
ing and incense-offering) was to be presented "between the
two evenings " (Ex. xxix. 39, 41, xxx. 7 and 8 ; Num. xxviii. 4),
which could hardly have taken place at the border time between
the day which had just come to an end and that wliich was
beginning. Comp. J. V. Gumpach, Alttestamentl. Studien
(Heidelberg, 1852), p. 224 ff.
(4) In Ex. xii. 4 we read : " If the household be too little for
a lamb, then shall he (the father) and his neighbour next unto
his house take one, according to the number of his souls ; accord
ing to every man's eating ye shall make your count for the
lamb." Jewish tradition fixes the number of persons at ten.
Comp. Jonathan, ad h. I., and Josephus, de bell. jud. vi. 9. 3.
(5) According to George {die alt. jud. Feste, p. 93), the re
quirement : " not sodden in water (bf2a)t but roasted with fire
(e>K 'to?) " (Ex. xii. 9), is in direct contradiction to Deut. xvi. 7 :
" Thou shalt seethe (nto|>3) and eat it." Only ^3 means neither
" seethe " nor " roast," but " to prepare thoroughly." If this is
done by seething, then the words " in water " are added ; if by
roasting, the words " with fire," as appears from 2 Chron. xv. 13.
But in Deut. xvi. 5, Moses regarded the more exact description
as superfluous, because the original law (Ex. xii.) was as express
on the point as it could possibly be. To roast sheep and lambs
whole is otherwise not uncommon even yet in the East. Comp.
Eosenmuller, A. u. iV. Morgenl. i. p. 304 f.
(6) Dnhp (Ex. xii. 8; Num. ix. 11, LXX), mxptdee, Vulg.
lactuca: agrestes, i.e. endives, wild lettuce ; and these herbs are
eaten, according to Niebuhr, by the Jews of the present day in
Egypt and Arabia with the paschal lamb. The Mischna
{Pesach ii. 6) reckons to these bitter herbs : [wtoyni mtnn
-iram runrnnm toonm, i.e. according to Bochart's {Hieroz. i.
p. 691 sqq., ed. Lips.) learned investigation: lactuca, intybi
genera, parthenium (or rapJianum, radish), urtica and lactuca
amara. Comp. also Celsii Hierobot. ii. p. 217 sq.
(7) The Eabbins enumerate nine such diversities. Comp.
Carpzov, Appar. p. 406, and Lightfoot, Opp. i. p. 727.
(8) Comp. Mischna Pesach vv. 6 and 10. The blood-sprink
ling on the altar is attested by 2 Chron. xxx. 17 and xxxv. 11.
For the burning of the fat on the altar we have no biblical
testimonies ; for the passage adduced by Chr. B. Michaelis and
Kurtz [Eng. tr., Messrs. T. & T. Clark, vol. ii. p. 299] does not
treat of paschal lambs, but of burnt-offerings. The slaying of
the paschal lambs took place in the outer court of the temple,
and was carried out by every Israelite who was Levitically
clean, the Levites being at liberty to help. Comp. 2 Chron.
xxxv. 5 f. with xxx. 17.
(9) Only males were required by the law to appear at the

§ 81. THE FEAST OF PASSOVER. 23
national sanctuary at this feast (Ex. xxiii). This was held fast
by the Karseans. On the contrary, the school of Hillel ex
tended the obligation to present the Pesach also to women.
Comp. J. Triglandii Diatribe de secta Karmorum, c. iv. (p. 28 in
Syntagmatis de sectis «/M£&Eorwm,P.ii.,Delphis. 1703). — "Israehtes
who were not resident in Jerusalem were allowed by the inhabit
ants to have the necessary apartment free of charge {Babyl.
Joma xii. 1 ; comp. Wetstein on Matt. xxvi. 18), in return for
which they presented the skin of the paschal lamb, and the
earthen vessels which had been used. But the number of Jews
attending the passover was much too large (Joseph., bell. jud.
ii. 14. 3, vi. 9. 3) to admit of their finding accommodation in
this way (the circumference of the city amounted to something
more than a German mile [about five English miles]). Most of
them might therefore camp before the city, and eat the paschal
lamb in tents, like the Mohammedan pilgrims to Mecca at the
present day." Winer, Real- Wort. ii. p. 200.

The name nps, sparing (10), is given to this feast from the
fact that Jehovah spared the Israelites (M'.to^ 7?npB, Ex.
xii. 13), passed over (ver. 27) their houses sprinkled with the
sacrificial blood, when He slew the first-born of Egypt (Ex.
xii. 12 f., 27). This sparing of Israel is the beginning of its
redemption from the bondage of Egypt, and of its exaltation
to be God's free people. As a sign that God would spare
them, they were to put the blood on the posts and upper
lintels of their doors. The blood was atoning sacrificial
blood ; for the paschal lamb was a sacrifice (n?J) (11), which
combined in itself the significance of the later sin-offerings and
holy offerings, i.e. it shadowed reconciliation as well as glad
fellowship with God (12). — As a sacrifice appointed by the
Lord, the lamb suffered for the father of the family, who
offered it for himself and his house, representing death as the
effect of sin ; and through its blood his (the offerer's) soul was
translated into the place of God's sin-forgiving grace, and
rescued from the effect of the wrath due to sinners. This
place in all later celebrations was the altar, where the Lord
in His kingdom vouchsafed to His congregation grace, salva
tion, and life. But at the first celebration in Egypt, when
Israel had no fixed sanctuary for the revelation of His name,
the houses inhabited by the Israelites were converted into
such places of grace or altars (13), and the blood put on the

24 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
posts and upper lintel of the door (14) representing the
house, was declared to be the sign that he who is in the
house is to be spared (15) the stroke which is to fall on
the Egyptians, the Lord vouchsafing to that house (family)
forgiveness of sins. With this sparing and reconciliation
accomplished through forgiveness of sin there is immediately
associated the meal, in which Israel was to celebrate com
munion with the Lord, i.e. its adoption into God's family.
The sacrificium becomes the sacramentum, the sacrificial flesh
a means of grace, whereby the Lord takes His spared and
redeemed people into the fellowship of His house, and pro
vides it with food for its soul-quickening (16). This food
consists of flesh and bread, the usual articles of human
nourishment ; but the flesh is holy, sacrificial flesh con
secrated to the Lord ; the bread is unleavened, i.e. holy
bread, and thus both fitted to be a holy nourishment for
the natural and spiritual life, food not only satisfying the
psychical, but also the pneumatic nature, and developing the
powers of the higher life.
To this fundamental idea of the meal correspond the
special prescriptions regarding this sacrificial feast. In the
first place the call : " the whole assembly of the congregation
of Israel shall kill it, and shall take of the blood and put it
on the side-posts and on the lintels " (Ex. xii. 6 f.), was in
harmony with the call addressed by the Lord to the whole
people to be a kingdom of priests (Ex. xix. 6). For though
the slaying of the victim pertained to every Israelite, dealing
with the blood was the exclusive right of the priests. But
when the people at Sinai fled from the face of the Lord,
asking a mediator between them and Him, and receiving one
in the person of the Levitical priests, they lost this right, so
that at the later celebrations of the passover the sprinkling
of blood even on these occasions became the business of these
mediators (1 7). So also with the prescriptions : " to roast
the lamb without breaking a bone of it, with its head, legs,
and inwards, and not to seethe in water" (vv. 9, 46) (18).
If we consider the internal connection of these various
particulars, it is obvious that the roasting instead of seething
cannot be accounted for by the ease and rapidity of the
process (19), but this kind of preparation is commended by

§ 81. THE FEAST OF PASSOVER. 25
the fact, that " all decomposing of the flesh with a foreign
substance was avoided, and so it in its eatable condition was
still pure lamb's flesh, and the lamb came to the table as
an undivided, perfect whole " (20). By the oneness and
integrity of the lamb given them to eat, the partakers were
to be united into an undivided unity and fellowship with the
Lord, who had prepared the meal for them (for this comp.
especially 1 Cor. x. 17) (21). This oneness and fellowship
were also represented by there being one lamb ordained for a
Beth-Aboth, and for one house or family. The same appears
in the arrangement, that if two families ate of it because of
there being too few in number, they were to come together
for this purpose into one family in one house, a united whole ;
finally, from the fact that even of the flesh none was to be
carried abroad from the house (ver. 46). To complete this
idea of fellowship in one at this feast, none of it was to be
left over till the morrow with a view to still using it as
food ; but if all could not be eaten up at the one feast, the
remainder, as in the case of all holy offerings, was to be
burned with fire, and so annihilated. — Further, the pre
scription : " with unleavened cakes and bitter herbs shall ye
eat it" (ver. 8). The bread baked unleavened, i.e. without
leaven, the symbol of spiritual corruption (see § 41, vol. i.
pp. 262 and 265), symbolizes the spiritual purity after which
Israel in covenant with the Lord is to strive. The bitter
herbs (D'T"?, strictly bitternesses), as a relish to the roast flesh
and sweet bread, were not merely intended as seasoning for
the flesh, to make the sweet flesh of the roasted lamb more
palatable (22), but were intended first to call to mind the
bitter experiences which the Israelites had suffered in Egypt
(Ex. i. 14), and also to point to the bitter experiences in this
sinful world generally which Israel has constantly to taste in
its natural being, but which in its spiritual being it is to
overcome in connection with every repetition of the passover,
through the flesh of the lamb slain for its sin (23). — Finally,
the command : to partake of the meal in the attitude of
pilgrims ready for a journey, held only for the first cele
bration in Egypt, where, called forth by the circumstances
of the case, it was intended to point to the march out of
Egypt to be entered on immediately after the feast (24).

26 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
(10) The root-meaning of HDB is to go, or leap over, hence
npan, a place of passage ; then figuratively, to overlook, equivalent
to, to spare (Ex. xii. 13). There is no proof that in Arabic
(Hengstenberg) it originally denotes to ransom. The meaning
also of nps, the limping one, is to be referred to overleaping.
If Philo, vita Mos. iii., uses for it the word dia^arr/pia, he only
means thereby to designate the Passover as a sacrifice for a
successful exodus. For the name hiafiarripia is thus explained,
dicebantur sacrificia pro transitu i. e. pro felici expeditionis
successu, quibus si non esset litatum expeditio in aliud tempus
rejiciebatur. Bochart, Hieroz. i. 629, ed. Lips. Comp. also
Bahr, ii. p. 627, note.
(11) This is disputed by many older Protestant historians,
Chemnitz, Gerhard, Quistorp, Varenius, Dorscheus, Leusden,
etc. (comp. Lundius, jud. Heiligth. v. 12, § 80, and Carpzov,
Appar. p. 396 sq.), from polemical zeal against the Catholic
doctrine of the sacrifice of the mass ; but in more modern times
only by Hofmann {Weiss, u. Erf. i. p. 123, and Schriftbew. ii. 1,
p. 270 f.) from defective insight into the nature of sacrifice.
On the contrary, even many older writers (Brochmann, Hack-
span, Bochart, Lundius, etc.) vindicate its sacrificial character.
Decisive for this view is the designation rut, for rot nowhere
means merely to slay, like rna or ton^; not even in Prov.
xvii. 1, where l'"} 'nnr are strife-offerings, i.e. fat pieces of
sacrifice, which are eaten in a house where there is strife
(Ewald) ; nor in 1 Sam. xxviii. 24, where inrnrril is to be trans
lated : " she sacrificed it (the fatted calf) to the king." It is
impossible to determine the meaning of rat from the improper
use of the word in both these places. And TNvb rot (Ex. xii. 27)
is always a real sacrifice. Still less weight has Hofmann's
objection, that the lamb was not a nrup, for its author could
not but know that nroo in the law is the technical expression
for unbloody sacrifices.
(12) Most recent authors reckon it to the class of the ff'pbe' TOT,
" which are also (Ex. xxiv. 5) before the more exact regulation
of sacrifice, and whose distinguishing peculiarity is the sacri
ficial meal partaken of in common." Bahr, ii. p. 632. Kurtz
also {History of the Old Covenant, ii. p. 298, comp. Opferc. p. 316
[Eng. tr. p. 364 f.]) calls it "a distinct kind of Shelamim."
Hengstenberg, on the other hand {Ev. K.Z. 1852, p. 124),
explains it as a sin-offering, and both Baur {Tub. Ztschr. 1832,
1) and Ewald {Alterthiimer, p. 467), expiatory offering. Both
meanings are one-sided. The right interpretation is found
already in Harnack, Der christl. Gemeindegottesdienst im apostol.
und altkathol. Zeitalter, p. 191 f.

§ 81. THE FEAST OF PASSOVER. 27
(13) As the Eabbins acknowledged. Comp. Eeland, Antiq.
ss. iv. 3, 4.
(14) The door or gate by which one goes out and in, which
determines the inhabiting of the house, is to the Oriental, on
this account, its most characteristic part, and hence often stands
for the building itself to which it leads. (Comp. the " within
thy gates," for " within thy cities," and the name " Porte " for
the palace of Oriental sovereigns (Esth. iv. 2, 6), and Eosen-
miiller, A. und iV Morgenl. i. p. 123.) But of the door again it
is the posts and upper lintels which form the most character
istic part, and on them, therefore, because the door itself stood
open and was not always wholly seen from without, there was
written whatever stood for the whole house, i.e. for its inhabit
ants (Deut. vi. 9 ; Bahr, ii. p. 633).
(15) Excellently Bochart, Hieroz. i. p. 679, ed. Eos.: Non
quod in agni sanguine naturalis esset ulla vis, aut quod externo
signo Deus egeat, ut suos dignoscat ab hostibus et Israelitas ab
.ZEgyptiis. . . . Novit Dominus, qui sint sui, 2 Tim. ii. 19. . . .
Itaque hoc signum Deo non datur, sed Hebrmis, ut eo confirmati
de liberatione certi sint. In opposition to Baumgarten {Theol.
Comm. ii. p. 465) and Kurtz {History of the Old Covenant, ii.
p. 303), it is to be remembered that the Scripture text
(Ex. xii. 13) expressly says, " and the blood shall be to you for a
token upon the houses where ye are."
(16) Hofrnann {Schriftbew. ii. 1, p. 271) holds this meal to be
one appointed by God, but not an act of divine worship, and
allows the latter character only to the later passovers, when
the blood was brought to the altar. He was already rightly
answered by Harnack, ubi supra, who says that this distinction
can neither be carried through, nor does it correspond to the
state of the case ; and he adds, by way of explanation : " Neither
of these excludes the other, but both must come together in
every holy action ; for as the execution of a divine ordinance —
one that is directly bearing on man's relation to God — is always
a part of divine worship, so conversely there is no true divine
worship without God's ordinance and promise. Every celebra
tion of the passover was both of these at once, and the difference
between the first and succeeding ones is partly formal, necessarily
arising from the distinction that came in between temple and
house, priest and people ; partly material, in so far as the first
celebration founded a relation which was attested and preserved
as such by the later ones, the former thus having an originating
character, the latter a memorial and conservative one."
(17) Accordingly, all those are in error" who, with Bahr
(ii. p. 632 f.), following Philo, find in the supposition that the
whole congregation carried out the slaying of the victims, a

28 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
proof for the proposition, "that at the passover the whole
people are priests, have a priestly calling."
(18) Since all sacrificial flesh intended to be eaten, even in
the case of the most holy offerings (Num. vi. 19), was sodden.
(19) So Winer, R. W. ii. p. 200, referring to Hottinger,/ifs. Heb.
p. 23, where, in a Eabbinical passage which is quoted, the haste of
the exodus is given as a secondary ground,but as the main ground :
haec consuetudo est filiorum regiorum et principum ; also Hof-
mann ( Weiss, u. Erf. i. p. 123) and Bahr (ii. p. 636). The latter
thinks : " Seething and cooking suppose vessels, house-gear, and
house and hearth to boot, settlement and residence; hence,
among the ancients, soldiers on the march and in the field,
where they were without the hearth and cooking utensils of
their homes, used to prepare flesh immediately by fire, i.e.
consequently, to roast or broil; such food prepared with fire
Plato directly calls fidXiara toT; arpariuTaig eviropa (comp.
Spencer, I.e. p. 309). At its exodus from Egypt, Israel ap
peared as Jehovah's army, now entering on its warlike march
(Ex. xii. 41). Accordingly, not only by the dress of the
partakers, but by the preparation of that which they ate, it was
signified, that they had now done with their stay in Egypt, that
Israel was no longer settled there, but was leaving and entering
on its martial journey to the promised land." But this deduc
tion leaves two things out of account : (1) That the Israelites,
when they prepared the lamb, had not yet left house and
hearth, and consequently must still have had the necessary
utensils ; (2) that the parallel with the conduct of soldiers on
the march seems far from the point, because soldiers neither
take care that the animal be roasted undivided, nor that none
of it remain uncooked. But to have a whole lamb of the first
year roasted with fire undivided, without a bone of it being
broken, and so that the flesh shall be thoroughly done, pre
supposes more time and care than seething the flesh. Belon
indeed met shepherds in the East who, using their staves as
spits, roasted whole sheep, to sell them to travellers (comp.
Eosenmiiller, A. u. N. Morgenl. i. p. 304). But in Persia and
Armenia the roasting of whole sheep and lambs is done in
ovens specially prepared for the purpose (comp. Eosenm., ubi
supra), such as the Eabbins also suppose and describe for the
paschal lamb, in Eeland, Antiq. iii. 6. 18.
(20) Comp. Baumgarten, Theol. Comm. i. p. 466, and Kurtz,
History of the Old Covenant, ii. p. 306 f.
(21) " The securing of the bones from being broken is meant
as a preserving in undisturbed wholeness, in full integrity
(Ps. xxxiv. 20). . . . The sacrificial lamb to be eaten was to be
thoroughly and entirely whole, when it came to the eatino- it

§ 81. THE FEAST OF PASSOVER. 29
must appear as a perfect whole, and therefore as One ; for not
that which is fragmentary, divided, broken, but only that which
is whole, is eo ipso One. But this had no other object than that
all those who shared in that One whole, i.e. ate of it, should
regard themselves as one whole, as one community, even like
those who eat the New Testament passover, Christ's body
(1 Cor. v. 7), of which the apostle (1 Cor. x. 17) says : It is one
bread, and so we being many are one body, because we are all
partakers of one bread." Bahr, ii. p. 635.
(22) As is thought by Hofmann, Weissag. u. Erf. i. p. 125 ;
Baumgarten, Theol. Comm. i. p. 468 ; and Kurtz, History of the
Old Covenant, ii. p. 307 ; Sacrificial Worship of the 0. T, p. 369.
(23) This is not in contradiction to the designation of the
unleavened cakes as "Oy Qnb, bread of affliction (Deut. xvi. 3).
This expression does not denote " miserable, unpalatable bread,"
but refers only to the misery amid which Israel ate the Mazzoth
on the day of its exodus from Egypt. This is evident from the
explanation added by Moses himself in his hortatory recapitu-.
lation of the law: "for in haste (titBrn, in close-pressed, troubled
flight) thou earnest forth out of the land of Egypt," especially
when compared with the promise (Isa. Iii. 12) : " Ye shall not
go out in haste." " That exodus, so like a flight, was a sign
still remaining of the inglorious dependence in which the
Israelites were ; for they saw themselves forced by the Egyptians
to leave the land in haste, without being able to provide even food
for the journey. It was also by constraint that they came on
the following days to eat pure bread, such as they had used at
that extraordinary sacred meal, commanded by Jehovah before
the exodus. But in Deut. xvi. 2, 3 it is not the eating of the
lamb which is in question, but the sacrificial meals of the feast
of passover." Hofmann, Weiss, u. Erf. i. p. 124 f.
(24) The selection of the animal on the tenth, and the keep
ing of it till the fourteenth, belong, according to Pes. ix. 5, only
to the celebration in Egypt, and is so far significant inasmuch
as it served to give to the lamb in this case, where in the
absence of an altar no sacrificial ritual could be practised at
its slaying, the character of a significant offering. Four days
long the sight of this lamb was to cherish in them the thought
of their near redemption. But this interval is hardly to be
taken as fixed with a reference to the four riiiii wliich had
elapsed since Israel had settled in Egypt (Hofmann, Weiss, u.
Erf i. p. 123), but the choice of the lamb was timed on the
tenth of the month, because ten, as the number of perfection,
was meant to indicate the close of the time spent in Egypt.
At a later time a special ritual was drawn out for the

30 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
paschal meal, no doubt by the Eabbinical commentators,
containing the following particulars, which are not unimportant
for the understanding of the feast of passover, at which our
Lord instituted the Holy Supper. When the meal was
prepared and the company ready to partake, a cup of wine
(generally red) was filled, consecrated with thanksgiving by
the head of the house, and drunk by those present. Then,
after the washing of hands, the meal was opened by every one
taking and eating of the bitter herbs, at which stage the
reading of the Pesachhaggada began. Thereafter a second cup
of wine was filled, when, in answer to a question put by the
son, the father explained the object and meaning of the meal
according to Ex. xii. 26, the singing of the Hallel was begun,
and after the singing of Ps. cxiii and cxiv., the cup was
emptied. Then, with the blessing of the unleavened bread,
broken into pieces, and of the lamb, followed the meal proper,
when every one took his place at table, and ate and drank at
pleasure. Eating finished, the father washed his hands,
thanked God for the meal, blessed the third cup, which was
specially called nyun Din, calix benedictionis (comp. 1 Cor.
x. 26), and drank it with the rest ; whereupon the fourth cup
was filled, the Hallel again struck up, and closed with Ps. cxv.
and cxviii., the father blessing the cup in the words Ps.
cxviii. 26, and drinking it with the guests. These four cups
were necessary to complete the meal, so that even the poorest
must provide them. But sometimes a fifth cup was added, and
with it Ps. cxx. to cxxxvii. were sung ; this addition, however,
not being regarded as necessary (25).
(25) Comp. Buxtorf, Synag. jud. c. 18 ; Lundius, jud. Heiligth.
B. v. c. 13, § 27 ff. ; and Bartolocci, Biblioth. rabb. ii. p. 637 sqq. ;
besides Mor. Kirchner, die jiidische Passahfeier und Jesu letztes
Mahl, Gotha 1870.

§ 82. The Feast of Unleavened Bread.
Immediately on the passover followed the feast of unleavened
bread (nispn jn); lasting seven days, from the 15th to the 21st
Abib or Nisan (1). On each of these seven days, after the
daily morning sacrifice, a sacrifice in connection with the feast
was presented, consisting of a goat for a sin-offering, and two

§ 82. THE FEAST OF UNLEAVENED BREAD. S\
young bullocks, a ram, and seven lambs of the first year as a
burnt-offering, with the corresponding meat and drink-offerings
(Num. xxviii 17-24), and unleavened bread was eaten, all
leaven whatever being removed from the houses from the 14th
(Ex. xii. 15-20, xiii. 6-8; Deut. xvi. 3 f.). But all these
were not equally holy ; only the first and seventh days of the
feast were celebrated with a holy convocation and resting
from work, the preparation of food excepted ; on the inter
vening days work might be carried on, unless the weekly
Sabbath fell on one of them, in which case the full strictness
of Sabbath-keeping was observed, and the feast-sacrifice was
not presented till after the Sabbath-offering. — On the second.
feast day, the 16th Abib (2), the first sheaf of the new har^
vest, a barley-sheaf, was presented to the Lord, not, however,
burned on the altar, but symbolically offered to Him by
waving ; and, in addition, there were brought a lamb of the
first year without blemish for a burnt-offering, two-tenths of
an ephah of flour sprinkled with oil as a meat-offering, and a
fourth of a hin of wine for a drink-offering. Previous to this
offering, neither bread nor roasted or bruised grain of the new
harvest was allowed to be eaten (Lev. xxiii. 9—14). Besides,
on all the feast days, especially the intervening ones, there
were presented by those who appeared . at the feast, free-will,
burnt, and holy offerings of sheep and oxen (Ex. xxiii. 15 ;
Num. xxix. 32 ; Deut. xvi. 2), and sacrificial meals were held ;
no doubt, also, firstlings of the ripe grain were paid. On the
21st the feast was closed with rest from work and a holy
convocation, whence this seventh feast day is called rmy
(Deut. xvi 8) (3).
(1) The passover on the evening of the 14th Abib is expressly
distinguished from the immediately following seven days' feast
of unleavened bread ; comp. Lev. xxiii. 5, 6 ; Num. xxviii. 16,
17, and our explanation, § 76, i. 471. No doubt npa in the wider
sense of Passover, including the feast of unleavened bread, is
used in Deut. xvi. 1 ; but so late as 2 Chron. xxx. 15 and 21,
Ezra vi. 19, 21, 22, tlje difference is carefully observed between
npa and niJfp in as well as by the Eabbins, and in general by
Josephus, though the latter here and there uses mdoya as
synonymous with r£>v aty/iuv hprri, e.g. Antiq. xiv. 2. 1, xvii.
9. 3, etc. So also in Matt. xxvi. 17 and Mark xiv. 12, the
14th Nisan, in the last hours of which the Passover fell, is

32 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
called n irpwTy ruv dlv/iM. Bahr is therefore inexact in setting
aside this distinction and using nps in and nispn jn as two
names of one and the same feast {Symbol, ii. p. 627 ff).
(2) The meaning of natfri rnnpp was disputed between the
Eabbanites and Baithoseans. The former understood it of the
morrow after the first feast day, the 16th Nisan, the latter of
the day after the Sabbath which fell within the seven days'
feast. Comp. Lightfoot, Opp. ii. p. 692; Trigland, de secta
Karasor. c. 4, p. 28 sq. ; Ideler, Hdb. der Chronol. ii. p. 613.
In the most recent times Hitzig {Ostern und Pfingsten. Sendschr.
an Ideler, Heidelb. 1837, und Ostern und Pfingsten im 2 Decaloge.
Sensdchr. an Schwetzer, 1838) has advanced the hypothesis that
the " morrow after the Sabbath " was not the 16th, but the 22nd
Nisan, so that the passover always fell on a Sabbath (Saturday),
and the feast of unleavened bread always ended with a Sabbath
(Saturday). But this hypothesis cannot be proved either from
the word n3E> or from the command : " seven full Sabbaths
(ninacy) shall there be" (Lev. xxiii. 15). Against it is the fact,
that if the 7th, 14th, and 21st Nisan were always to be Sab
baths, the year must always have begun on a Sunday, which
was impossible, unless the old year had commonly broken off
in the middle of the week, and thereby the weekly reckoning
already sanctioned by creation along with the Sabbath had been
interrupted. Besides, the beginning of the months coincided
with the new moon, which certainly did not appear on Sunday
after every twelfth or thirteenth month. Further, n3B* does not
denote the seventh day of the week, though the weekly Sabbath
was always the last day of the week, but the day of rest ; so
that not only the seventh day of the week (Ex. xxxi. 15, etc.),
but also the day of atonement (the tenth of the seventh month),
is called mt>>, and even ;iri3E> rmc> (Lev. xxiii. 32, xvi. 31). With
the same right, the first day of the feast of unleavened bread
observed with a Sabbatic rest might, independently of the day
of the week on which it fell, be called r\3.p. In harmony with
this, nin3E>' y3E> (Lev. xxiii. 15) is rendered in the parallel pas
sage (Deut. xvi. 9 f.) by niy3B» nync'. Another argument
against the hypothesis which assigns the offering of the wave-
sheaf to the 22nd Abib, is the circumstance that then " the
celebration of harvest, which was intended to be an essential
element in the feast of passover, would really have taken place
post festum ; for with the 21st Abib it was at an end" (Kurtz,
Sacrificial Worship, p. 357, note). But this hypothesis is fully
refuted by the gospel fact that Christ, after holding the
paschal feast on the evening before with His disciples, was
crucified on Friday, and rose from the grave on Sunday, the

§ 82. THE FEAST OF UNLEAVENED BREAD. 33
first day of the Jewish week, and that on the fiftieth day after
His resurrection the day of Pentecost was fully come (Acts
ii. 1). Since, according to this, the feast of Pentecost, which
was to be observed fifty days natfri rnnpp, fell that year on a
Sunday, the day of Christ's resurrection, and also the day of
the presentation of the wave-sheaf, must have fallen within the
seven days' feast of unleavened bread or paschal feast. Any one
who would contradict this must go in face of the Gospel history.
For if any fact of ancient history is certain it is this, that Christ
was not crucified six days after the Jewish paschal feast (the
14th Abib), i.e. on the 20th Abib (Nisan), and did not rise on
the 22nd Nisan, after the close of the feast of unleavened bread.
Yet Kurtz {Sacrificial Worship, p. 357 f.) thinks he has
found " irresistible " proofs in favour of Hitzig's hypothesis.
The chief proof is furnished by the passage Lev. xxiii. 15, 16,
where the day of Pentecost is thus fixed : " Ye shall count
DaE'n rnnpp, i.e. from the day that ye brought the wave-sheaf ;
seven full Sabbaths (npipn rrinaB>) shall there be, even unto
njpatfn rnnpp, the morrow after the seventh Sabbath shall ye
number fifty days," etc. This passage is held to prove that
" the morrow after the Sabbath " in ver. 16 must mean the same
as the like expression in w. 15 and 11, that therefore " the day
of Pentecost, as well as the day of the wave-sheaf, must always
be preceded by a na^ whether a common Sabbath day or a high
feast day with a Sabbatic character ; but since the latter was
never the case, the former must necessarily be assumed." The
pith of this "unassailable main argument " lies in the proposi
tion : " na$n rnnpp in ver. 16 must mean the same as the like
expression in vv. 15 and 11." Of this only so much holds
true, that ny'OE'n natfn rnnpp (ver. 16) refers to nb'pri ninaa* yap
(ver. 15), and therefore na$n (ver. 1 6) is used in the same sense as
nbspn rrinaB> (ver. 15). But ninaa5 in ver. 15, to be understood of
Sabbath days, does not admit of the predicate rfcon, whole,
complete, which, as applied to Sabbath days, would not only be
needless but misleading : for the Israelites were not accustomed
to reckon the duration of weekly periods by halves, or fourths,
or other fractions of Sabbath days, but by Sabbaths (of course
whole Sabbath days). Accordingly, seven rib^pn ninae> are not
seven Sabbath days, but seven whole (complete) Sabbath periods,
i.e. seven periods or weeks measured and marked off by Sab -
baths, as the expression is rightly explained in Deut. xvi. 9 by
nyae> njne\ — Thus is this " unassailable " proof nullified ; and if
ri3K>n in ver. 11 denotes the same as in w. 15 and 16, it denotes,
not the Sabbath as the seventh day of the week, but the first
KEIL II. c

34 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
day of the feast of unleavened bread, i.e. the 15th Abib, which
was kept as a Sabbath. — Yet weaker is the second " irresistible "
proof for the transference of the wave-sheaf to the 15th Abib,
which is drawn from Josh. v. 101: "They kept the passover at
even on the fourteenth day, and did eat unleavened cakes rnnpp
npsn of the produce of the land." For npa is here used as in
Deut. xvi. 1 ff., so as to include the days of unleavened bread ;
and npsn rnnpp must be understood according to the law,
specially according to Lev. xxiii. 11, and therefore is not avail
able to decide the question at issue. — While such is the quality
of the " irresistible main arguments," we can attach no import
ance whatever to the remark of Knobel, though it is characterized
as " weighty : " " It is impossible to see why precisely the
second day of the Azyma, when the people returned to their
work and had not to assemble at the sanctuary, should have
been distinguished by the peculiar offering of the feast, as if
the people were not called to be present when the gift dedicated
by them to Jehovah was solemnly presented ! " Were the
people, then, forbidden to come to the sanctuary on the feast
days, on which ordinary work was allowed, to be present at the
offering of the wave-sheaf after the morning sacrifice ? Or did
any law command the men of Israel, if they appeared before
the Lord, according to the prescription of Ex. xxiii. 14, 15, at
the feast of unleavened bread, to come to the sanctuary only on
the first and seventh day of the feast, and to go to their houses
on the intervening days to follow their ordinary occupations ?
Comp. further the note in my commentary on Lev. xxiii. 11.
(3) On rmy, which is used first in the law in respect to the
eighth day of the feast of tabernacles (Lev. xxiii. 36 ; Num.
xxix. 35), and then also Deut. xvi. 8 in respect to the seventh
day of the feast of unleavened bread, comp. Ikenii Dissertatt.
phil. i. p. 50 sqq. There can be no doubt that it denotes the
solemn conclusion of a feast of more than one day's duration —
clausula festi. Comp. Bahr, ii. p. 615, and Hengstenberg, Beitr.
ii. p. 95 f. But it is disputed whether this meaning is to be
derived, with Gesenius and others, a coagendo, congregando
populo ad festum, or with Iken: a cohibitione laboris, ab
interdicto opere. Against the former derivation, which would
make it parallel with vh'p N"ipp, is Lev. xxiii. 36 : " And on the
eighth day shall be a holy convocation ; and ye shall offer an
offering made by fire to the Lord, it is rmy, ye shall do no servile
work." But against the second there arises the difficulty, that
not only on the seventh day of the feast of unleavened bread
and on the eighth of the feast of tabernacles, but also on the
first day of both feasts, a holy convocation and the cessation
of labour were appointed. The radical meaning is therefore

§ 82. THE FEAST OF UNLEAVENED BREAD. 35
certainly to be found in the idea of closing. But since these
clausula; festi were holy days, with a holy assembly and cessa
tion of work, the word easily came in after times to be used of
the keeping of feasts, at which the people resting from work
assembled for edification by divine worship, e.g. Joel i. 14 ;
Isa. i. 13 ; 2 Kings x. 20.
The peculiar signification of this feast lies in the eating of
unleavened bread and the removal of leaven from the houses,
and even from the whole country (Ex. xii. 15, 19 ; Deut.
xvi. 4). This appears not only from the gravity with which
the command is repeatedly inculcated, and the eating of
leavened bread threatened with cutting off from the congre
gation, but from the fact that the feast has its name Mazzoth
therefrom. The eating of unleavened bread was neither
intended merely to remind the Israelites of the haste with
which they had quitted Egypt, leaving them no time to allow
the prepared dough to get leavened (Ex. xii. 3 3 f. and 3 9), nor
as bread of affliction (Deut. xvi. 3), i.e. as coarse and tasteless
food, to remind them of the oppression endured in Egypt
(comp., on the contrary, § 81, note 23). In that case the
feast would have been made a time of chastening, a day of
mourning and penance ; whereas it was not instituted as a
memorial of the affliction of Egypt, but was intended to be
an anniversary of their glorious deliverance and a joyous
feast, at which Israel was to appear before its God, to thank
Him with burnt and holy sacrifices for its redemption and its
exaltation to the place of a holy people (4). — It was the fact
that the Egyptians drove out the Israelites, and left them no
time to leaven their dough and prepare food for the way, so
that in the first days after their exodus they were obliged to
content themselves with unleavened bread. But this was
brought about by the stroke with which God the Lord was
threatening the Egyptian first-born, that is, by God Himself,
to sanction the longer use of unleavened bread for the future
celebrations of the seven days' feast, and to convert the sign
of temporary necessity into a symbol of holy joy. The un
leavened bread, which on account of the haste of the exodus,
was bread of oppression, was 'designed to remind them con
stantly of the day of the exodus, not, however, of the oppression
endured in Egypt, but of the deliverance from it. For the

36 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
bread not pervaded with leaven is pure or holy bread, which
the people, purified from the leaven, i.e. rescued from the
moral corruption of Egypt, is to eat during the days which it
keeps holy to its God, in memory of His gracious deliver
ance (5). The one day of deliverance being extended to a
seven days' feast, becomes by the very number, the holy
number seven, a hallowed feast of holy joy, in which Israel
rests from the oppression and drudgery of Egypt and enters
into the blessed rest of God. By the Sabbatic observance of
the first and last days, the beginning and end of the feast, the
whole is raised to a great Sabbath-festival. But it is not rest
as such which is the object and aim of the feast, but the
work of Israel's creation, by its deliverance from Egypt (Isa.
xliii. 15-17), to a new life under the protection and in the
fellowship of its God. To preserve and strengthen this new
life received through the almighty grace of their Lord, the
Israelites in the daily sacrifices of the feast dedicate their
bodies as living sacrifices, holy and acceptable to God, while
the thank-offerings with the sacrificial meals typify the blessed
ness secured to them by covenant fellowship with their
Eedeemer; But because the new life in our present state
can only thrive on the basis of bodily strength, Israel also
consecrates its bodily nourishment to its God in the offering
of the sheaf of first-fruits, and thus makes its confession in
act that its daily bread comes from the Lord. The burnt and
meat-offerings added to the sheaf of first-fruits, point to the
obligation to strengthen all the members of the body by the
use of bodily nourishment for the Lord's service with a view
to increase of holiness and diligence in good works.
Thus Israel in the feast of unleavened bread celebrates the
fruit of its redemption and adoption into God's family, i.e. the
regeneration and hallowing of that new life into which it has
been brought by its God. Now as this new life is represented
by the eating of the Mazzoth, the eating of unleavened bread
would be a denial in act of the new nature which has been
given to Israel; therefore it is visited with the penalty of
cutting off.
(4) Comp. Bahr, Symbol, ii. p. 629.
(5) " The Egyptian leaven, , to use the same figure, had
already threatened to pervade, i.e. corrupt, the whole mass of the

§ 83. THE FEAST OF WEEKS OR PENTECOST. 37
people; so Jehovah separated Israel from the Egyptians and
chose it to be a pure people, which as such must now remove
from the midst of it all leaven (corruption)." " The leading or
deliverance of Israel out of Egypt was for it as a people a
freeing fironi all corruption, a help from death to life, the con
dition of its being. The Passover was therefore the feast of
life for Israel, and while it lasted the people must also eat the
bread of life. But that all these references contained in the
fundamental idea of the feast to the being and destination of
the people should be grouped round the food used, appears so
far natural, inasmuch as food, and especially its representative
bread, the means of all life and subsistence, stands in immediate
relation to life ; and so the quality of this means of life during
the feast pointed to the kind and nature of the life into which
the people were to enter." Bahr, ii. p. 630 f.

§ 83. The Feast of Weeks or Pentecost.
Seven full weeks after the wave-sheaf was presented and
the sickle put to the corn (Deut. xvi. 9), i.e. on the fiftieth
day (1) thereafter, Israel was required to bring a new meat
offering to the Lord, to keep the day by rest from work
(cooking excepted), a holy convocation, and a special sacrifice
for the feast (Lev. xxiii. 15-21). In addition to the daily
morning sacrifice there followed first a goat for a sin-offering,
a ram and seven lambs for a burnt-offering, with the corre
sponding meat and drink offerings (Num. xxviii. 26-31).
Hereupon there were brought as firstlings for Jehovah (2)
(Lev. xxiii. 17), two loaves of two-tenths of an ephah of
Hour baked with leaven as a " new meat-offering," and with
these loaves a goat as sin-offering, seven young lambs, a
bullock and two rams, with the corresponding meat and
drink offerings, and two lambs besides as peace-offerings (3).
The firstling loaves with these two lambs were devoted to
the Lord by waving as a thank-offering for the harvest which
had been gatherod in, during the seven previous weeks, and
they were assigned by the Lord to the priests, and that
wholly, so that of the wave loaves (naufi Dr6, Lev. xxiii. 17)
nothing, and of the two lambs only the fatty portions, as in
the case of all peace-offerings, were burned on the altar.
Besides, the males were to appear at this feast before the
Lord with free-will, burnt, and thank offerings in proportion

38 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
to the blessing which in the harvest they had received from
their God, and to rejoice before the Lord {i.e. at the sacrificial
meals to be held at the sanctuary), with their children,
men - servants and maid - servants, and the poor (Levites,
strangers, orphans, and widows), Deut. xvi. 1 0 f. ; comp. Ex.
xxiii. 16 (4).
(1) Hence it is called n irstrexoerri, Acts ii. 1 ; Joseph, de bell.
jud. ii. 3. 1. In the Eabbins DV D^nn an ; comp. Delitzsch,
Pfingsten, in Eiehm's Hwb. p. 1184 ff.
(2) The words : " Ye shall bring out of your habitations
wave-loaves " (Lev. xxiii. 17), are understood by Calvin, Osiander,
Bonfrere, ad h. I., and lastly, George {d. alt. jud. Feste, pp. 130,
273), as if every head of a house were to bring two such loaves,
as each had to offer a lamb at the passover. This is a mistake.
The two loaves were presented for the whole people as the
congregation of the Lord, similarly to the sheaf of first-fruits on
the 16th Nisan. The specification: " out of your habitations "
merely indicates beforehand that they were to be loaves pre
pared for the daily nourishment of the house, not specially for
a holy purpose. The Eabbins mistakenly : non ex habitationibus,
quae extra terram sanctam. Comp. Lundius, jud. Heiligth. p.
1020, and Bahr, ii. p. 621 f.
(3) So Jewish tradition, in harmony with the older Christian
antiquarians. Mistakenly, on the other hand, are these sin,
burnt, and meat offerings pertaining to the wave-loaves identi
fied, by Baur, Jahn, George, and even Bahr (ii. p. 623), with the
feast-offerings appointed Num. xxviii. 27 f., and the difference
in the number of the victims is either ignored or declared to be
unimportant ; while modern criticism turns the alleged differ
ences to its own ends. Comp. my commentary on Lev. xxiii.
15-22. (4) In post-exilic times this festival was greatly frequented
especially by Jews from abroad. Comp. Acts ii. 1 ff, xx. 16 ;
Joseph. Antiq. xiv. 13. 4, xvii. 15. 2 ; de bell. jud. ii. 3. 1.
This feast, which lasted only a day, forms one whole with
the feast of unleavened bread as a harvest-feast. First by
name: feast of weeks (Ex. xxxiv. 22; Deut. xvi. 9), which
it received from the fact that seven weeks were to be counted
from the day when the sheaf of first-fruits was presented.
Next by the designations: feast of harvest (Ex. xxiii. 16),
and: day of the first-fruits (Num. xxviii. 2 6), .which point to
that day when the first-fruits of the harvest ("Vyjjrt ri,?iT!) Lev.

§ 83. THE FEAST OF WEEKS OR PENTECOST. 39
xxiii. 1 0) were presented. It is to be regarded as the close of
that feast (5) in which the meaning of this side of the feast
of unleavened bread, as developed in § 82, reaches its con
clusion. — The harvest-offering peculiar to it is called a " new
meat-offering" because made from the flour of the new
harvest ; and the loaves prepared from it are, unlike all other
meat-offerings, baked of unleavened dough ; for it is the daily
bread which is offered to the Lord, as the giver of the harvest,
by way of thanksgiving for His goodness. But in order that
the eating of the daily leavened bread might not minister to
the leaven of the old nature, the animal sacrifice accompany
ing the consecration of the bodily food was not, as in the case
of the feast of unleavened bread, to consist only of a burnt
and meat offering, but was to be strengthened by a sin-
offering preceding, and a special peace-offering following it.
The sin-offering was intended to keep alive in the congrega
tion the consciousness of sin and the longing after atonement.
In the increased burnt-offering, they were to apply their
thankfulness for the blessing of harvest to an intensified
consecration and hallowing of every member of the whole man
in the Lord's service, and by means of the peace-offering they
were to enter more deeply into that which it represented, the
blessed fellowship with the Lord, to which in their inheritance
they should attain by His blessing (6).
(5) " Forming the beginning and end of the corn-harvest,
both days belong to one whole, and embrace a larger, exactly
measured period, which from the very fact of embracing within
it two days related to one another, is itself characterized as a
festal, hallowed period, a divine season." Bahr, p. 646. This
connection was recognised by the Jews from ancient times, and
hence Pentecost as the closing day of this period of seven weeks
is called nnyy, though this designation of the feast does not
occur in the law. So already Josephus, Antiq. iii. 10. 6 :
¦zevTexoerri, rjv'TZfipuToi 'AffapHa xaXoZer eriftafru 6'e tovto irevTexoarrjii,
and the Eabbins in Misch. Rosch. haschsch. i. 2, Chagiga ii. 4,
etc., and nD3 bw msy, Midrash Schir haschsch. xxxvi. 1. Comp.
Eeland, Antiq. ss. iv. 4. 2, and J. Meyer, ad Seder Olam, p.
290 sqq.
(6) Later Eabbins — for Philo knows nothing of it — have
associated this feast with the giving of the law. Maimonides
says {More Nevoch. iii. 43) : Festum septimanarum est dies ille,
quo Lex data fuit. Yet Abarbanel remarks, comm. ad Legem,

40 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
fol. 262 : Hoc quidem extra controversiam est, quod in festi
Septim. die Lex data sit, sed festum in ejus memoriam non est
institutum. Accordingly the older Christian theologians (comp.
Lundius, ubi supra, p. 1019), who make it the anniversary of the
giving of the law as well as the harvest-feast, do not once claim
the Eabbinical tradition for their view, and still less Scripture,
which does not contain a hint of the kind.

FOITETH CHAPTER
THE SECOND SERIES OF YEARLY FEASTS.
§ 84. The Day of Atonemetn.
On the tenth day of the seventh month Israel celebrated its
reconciliation to the Lord. This day was a high Sabbath
(linsE* nzw, Lev. xvi. 31, xxiii. 32), with a holy convocation,
on which no work was done ; and all the people were to afflict
their souls, i.e. to fast (from the evening of the 9th to the
evening of the 10th), under penalty of being cut off for
transgression of the law (Lev. xxiii. 27—32). The centre-
point of this feast was formed by the expiation made by the
high priest (Lev. xvi.) (1), after the daily morning sacrifice.
The high priest, having bathed his body and put on the
holy garments (comp. vol. i. § 35, p. 219) specially prescribed
for this service, presented for himself and his house, i.e. for the
whole priesthood, a bullock for a sin-offering and a ram for a
burnt-offering. For the congregation he presented what was
taken from it, i.e. provided at the public cost, two goats for a
sin-offering and a ram for a burnt-offering. Over the two
goats he then cast lots before the door of the tabernacle, one
for Jehovah, the other for Azazel. The goat which fell by lot
to Jehovah was devoted to be sacrificed as a sin-offering ; the
other on which the lot for Azazel fell was presented alive
before Jehovah to be sent to Azazel in the wilderness, after
atonement had been made. — Hereupon he slew the bullock,
the sin-offering for himself and his house, then took a censer
full of burning coals from the altar of burnt-offerings, and
having his two hands filled with sweet-smelling incense beaten
small, he brought it into the most holy place within the veil,

§ 84. THE DAY OF ATONEMENT. 41
and laid the incense on the burning coals before Jehovah,
that the cloud of incense might cover (2) the Capporeth over
the testimony, and that he might not die. Thereupon he
sprinkled of the blood of the bullock on the front of the
Capporeth once, and before the Capporeth seven times (3). —
Then he slew the goat, the sin-offering for the people, and did
with its blood what he had done with that of the bullock. — ¦
As he hereby atoned for the holiest of all, so he required
afterwards to atone for the tent of meeting, i.e. the holy place of
the tabernacle (4). — Then he came out of the tent and applied
the blood of the bullock and goat to the horns of the altar of
burnt-offering. — By these blood-sprinklings, the holiest of
all (5), the holy place and the altar of the court having been
atoned for and hallowed, because of the uncleannesses and
transgressions of the children of Israel, the high priest
presented the live goat (in the court), laid his hands on its
head confessing over it all their sins and transgressions, and
sent it away into the wilderness by a man who stood ready
for the purpose, that the goat might bear away all their
trespasses into a waste land. — Thereafter he returned to the
tent of meeting, took off his white garments, laid them down
there, bathed his body in water in the holy place (in the laver
of the court), put on his usual official robes, and completed his
own and the people's burnt-offering in the court, at the same
time burning the fat of the sin-offerings on the altar. But
both of the sin-offerings were carried without the camp and
burned, with skin, flesh, and dung. — The persons who had
taken the live goat into the wilderness and burned the sin-
offerings outside the camp were, before their return into it, to
wash their clothes and bathe their bodies (Lev. xvi. 2-29).
This act of expiation for the people and the holy places
being finished, there was presented immediately before the
evening sacrifice, according to Jewish tradition, the offering
prescribed for the feast of the day, a goat as sin-offering, a
bullock, a ram, and seven lambs as burnt-offerings, with the
corresponding meat and drink offerings (Num. xxix. 7-11),
and therewith the feast of the day was closed.
(1) Comp. my commentary on Lev. xvi. ; Oehler in PRE. xxi.
p. 446 ff. {Versohnungstag), where also the most important

42 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
literature is given ; and Delitzsch, Versohnungstag, in Eiehm's
Hwb. p. 1710 if.
(2) Lev. xvi. 13. If we compare with ver. 2, we shall find
it is not to be understood, as Bahr (ii. p. 669) and Baumgarten
{Theol. Comm. ii. p. 184) think: that Aaron by means of the
burning incense was to raise a cloud in which Jehovah should
appear above the mercy-seat, but with the cloud of incense, the
light-cloud, in which Jehovah manifested His appearance above
the Capporeth, much more than the Capporeth itself was to be
enveloped and covered, and thereby Aaron's approach to the
presence (not merely the throne) of God was to be made
possible without his dying. Compare the explanation regard
ing the Shekinah, vol. i. § 20, note 25.
(3) With the words rnaan yato npnp rnaan ^srbv of the
blood of the bullock (ver. 14) and rnaan \jato rnaarrto; of the
blood of the goat (ver. 15), — as Bahr, ubi supra, rightly remarks,
— " a twofold sprinkling is commanded, and it is more than
inexact to confound the two and find in them a mere repetition.
First the high priest was to sprinkle upon (by) the Capporeth
in front (np"ip), but thereafter seven times before {^sb) it
— whether on the ground or otherwise is not indicated."
Accordingly the first sprinkling, in reference to which no
number is given, is to be thought of as done once. This is
attested also by Jewish tradition. "In the second temple,
where the ark of the covenant was wanting, the high priest,
according to the unanimous testimony of tradition, sprinkled
in all eight times, namely, once upwards and seven times on
the ground." Comp. Carpzov, Appar. p. 436 ; Lightfoot, Opp.
i. p. 745 ; and the exhaustive description of the high-priestly
functions by Delitzsch, ubi supra.
(4) The words 131 nyto br\i6 ne>£ jgi (ver. 16) can have no
other meaning than this, that the high priest made atonement
for the tent of meeting even as for the holiest of all, i.e. that
after sprinkling the blood in the holiest, he went back into the
holy place and here sprinkled the blood of both the victims,
first on the horns of the altar once, and then seven times before
the altar towards the ground. For since tsnprt here denotes the
holiest of all within the veil, *ryiD br\k can only denote the holy
place (the outer division of the tent). But in that case the
altar (ver. 18), the last to be sprinkled, and which in ver. 19
is named with the holy place and the tent of meeting as the
third object of spiinkling and atonement, can only be the altar
of burnt-offering, as is already indicated by the clause uab -ib>k
nin; (ver. 18), similar to rrtrn >:s!?K>, ver. 12.— On the contrary1,
the later Jewish tradition explains the words in question thus.

§ 84. THE DAY OF ATONEMENT. 43
The high priest, after completing the sprinklings in the holy
of holies, retired, and stood between the altar of incense and
the inner veil ; approaching the latter, and taking care that no
drop touched it, he sprinkled the blood of both sin-offerings once
upwards, and seven times towards the ground. Thereupon
stepping in front of the altar of incense, i.e. between this altar
and the entrance, he mingled the blood of both sin-offerings,
and having applied it to the four horns of the altar of incense,
he cleared its surface of coals and ashes, and sprinkled the
place thus cleansed seven times. According to this view, there
was a double sprinkling of the holy place, once and seven
times. Comp. Lundius, B. v. c. 20, § 52 ff, and Carpzov,
Appar. I.e. — The view of Bahr, Hofmann, Knobel, etc., that
the altar (ver. 18) is not the altar of burnt-offering, but that
of incense, has been fully refuted by Kurtz {Sac. Worship 0. T.,
p. 392 f.).
(5) The question so much ventilated by the older archaeolo
gists, how often the high priest on this one day of the year
(&«£, Heb. ix. 7) went into the holiest of all, whether only
twice, as we read in Philo, or four times, as the Talmudists
teach, is not of great importance. The biblical text does not
speak more precisely on the subject, but makes it probable on
the whole that he entered four times : 1. With the incense ;
2. With the blood of the bullock ; 3. With the blood of the
goat ; 4. To fetch the censer, which, according to the Talmud,
was done after the evening sacrifice. Comp. Bahr, p. 670 f. ;
Winer, Realwbrt. ii. p. 657 f. — It may also be that as the high
priest retired he went backwards, without turning his back to
the Capporeth.
The meaning of this feast, expressed in the name D^aan U)\
day of atonements, i.e. of full atonement, is contained in the
atoning act peculiar to the day, the full understanding of
which depends on the right interpretation of the obscure
word toKW, Azazel. Of its various explanations only those
can be justified, as in keeping with the context, which under
stand by it a spiritual being, a demon. The command : to
present two goats to Jehovah for a sin-offering (DNpnp,
ver. 5), and to cast lots on them, one for Jehovah (n5nV), the
other for Azazel (tow1?, ver. 8), requires us to take Azazel as a
spiritual personality, in contrast to Jehovah, who must be
thought of as dwelling in the wilderness, the habitation of
demons and impure beings (Matt. xii. 43 ; Luke xi. 24),
inasmuch as the goat devoted to Azazel is sent into the

44 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
wilderness (vv. 11, 21 f.). Thus he must belong to the
kingdom of evil spirits, and that not as a subordinate demon,
for he is here put in contrast to Jehovah, but can only be
the ruler of the kingdom of the demons or their head, that
evil spirit who is afterwards called Satan (6).
(6) Comp. on Azazel, besides the Lexicons, Diestel on Seth-
Typhon, Azazel and Satan, in Niedner's Ztschr. f. histor.
Theologie, 1860, p. 194 ff. — The view that Azazel is the
designation of an evil spirit dwelling in the wilderness
(Spencer, Eosenm., Gesen.), is now almost universally acknow
ledged, not only by Hengstenberg, Baumgarten, Khefoth,
Kurtz, Oehler, but also by Diestel, Ewald, Knobel, Fiirst. Of
the other explanations, the one proposed by Paulus, Steudel,
Tholuck {Beil. zum Comm. ub.d. Hebrbr. p. 93, d. 3 A.), Bahr
(ii. p. 668), Winer {R.W. ii. p. 659): "for complete taking
away," has in most recent times found a defender in Merx
(in Schenkel's Bibellex. i. p. 255 f.). The second, that Azazel
denotes the goat (Vulg. : emissarius ; Luther : the poor goat),
has only been taken up again by Hofmann {Schriftbew. i
p. 431 f.) ; and the third, that it denotes the place to
which the goat was sent, the wilderness or the solitary land,
only by Wangemann {Opferc. i. p. 382 f.). But against all
three explanations the remark of Gesenius {Thes. p. 1012) :
" Vi oppositi (nin^ towy^) exspectatur persona eaque talis, quae
Jehovae apte opponatur et contraria sit,"holds with undiminished
force. A person and an action or region can never form a
natural and appropriate contrast. — Of the explanations of the
word, that of Ewald {Alterthumer, p. 479) is the most probable :
" tosty is according to its origin (comp. tox, to go away) exactly
the same as anoiropiraTo; (as indeed the LXX. translate it),
averruncus, a goblin, a demon whom one bids away from him."
As to the objection frequently raised against explaining Azazel
of the devil, that belief in demons, and especially the idea of
Satan, cannot be proved as existing among the pre-exilic
Israelites, it has been disposed of by Vaihinger {PRE. i. p.
636) by the true remark : " We need not suppose that the
Israelites in Moses' time had already a developed view of the
nature of the devil. But if we are to regard the later demonology
of the Jews as a phenomenon natural to Israelitish soil, and
not merely an exotic product, the foundation for it must have
existed at an early period." The only remaining question is,
whether the idea of the Azazel is to be taken as an old
Hebrew, pre-Egyptian view of the Set-Typhon, as a desert
inhabiting Cacodaemon. The latter is held by Hengstenberg
{BB. Mose u. ;Eg. p. 177- ff.) ; on the contrary, Diestel, ubi

§ 84. THE DAY OF ATONEMENT. 45
supra, p. 197, sought to prove that the notion of Typhon as an
evil principle arose much later among the Egyptians than
Moses, not earlier than the tenth or eleventh century B.C. So
much at least is certain, that the sending of the goat into the
wilderness to Azazel is not to be explained by Egyptian, but
by specifically Israelitish ideas, and that Ewald's contention :
" the distinguishing of a demon in contrast to Jehovah, is at
variance with the stricter Jehovah-faith," is unfounded, since
even in Gen. iii. there occurs the idea of an evil being hostile
to God, though still veiled. — Quite uncritically, Movers
{Phonizier, i. p. 367 ff.) identifies Azazel with Mars-Typhon,
and reckons the scape-goat sent into the wilderness to Azazel
to be one of the relics of a Phoenician-Egyptian Moloch-worship,
which had survived in Hebraism. — A remarkable parallel to
the Azazel-rite, which shows that it is not specifically Egyptian,
is communicated by K. Graul, Reise nach Ostindien, iii. p.
296 ff. (Leipzig 1854). It is a rite practised by the Badagas
on the Blue Mountains in the East Indies, which forms the
central point of the solemnities observed in connection with
the dead by these worshippers of Siva. The body having
been brought to the place where it is to be burned, and set
down not far from the funeral pile, two buffalo calves are
brought and bound ; then there are laid on one of them, in
somewhat solemn fashion, all the sins of the dead and of his
whole family; whereupon it is let loose and hunted at full
speed into the desert, and only then is the corpse laid on the
pile and burned.
The atoning act of this day had for its object complete
atonement, not only atonement and removal of all sins and
trespasses of the whole congregation, priesthood, and people,
but also purification of the sanctuary from the impurities with
which it was polluted by sin. The atoning sacrifice of the
day differed from all other expiatory offerings in this, that the
atoning blood was not only brought to the altars of the court
ajid the holy place, but also into the holy of holies, and sprinkled
on the throne of God. Thus there is represented a higher
degree of atonement to make up for the defectiveness of the
other sin-offerings (7). With the sprinkling of the blood on
the throne of God an atonement was made which brought the
congregation into the nearest communion with God which was
possible under the old covenant. Accordingly, this atonement
related not merely to the transgressions which had remained
unatoned for in the course of the year, but to all sins and

46 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
misdeeds whatever, whether already atoned for or not, and besides
to the yearly expiation for the sanctuary and altars appointed in
Ex. xxx. 10, which was effected by special sprinklings of blood
peculiar to the atoning sacrifices of the day. For this highest
act of atonement the congregation was required to prepare
itself by an entire cessation of work, that it might be wholly
occupied with God, and humble itself in penitence for its sins
before the holy God by affliction of soul, i.e. by fasting, and
appear contritely before Him in holy convocation. But since
the atonement concerned the whole congregation, only the high
priest, as its lawful representative before God, could perform
the atoning rite ; and since he, with the priesthood, belonged
to the congregation, he must make atonement first for himself
and the priesthood, before he could make atonement for the
congregation of Israel because of their sins. To this end he
was required to prepare himself by a washing of the flesh, i.e.
bathing of the body (not merely washing of the hands and
feet, as was prescribed for the other acts of divine worship,
Ex. xxx. 19), denoting an intensified purification. Moreover,
he must put on perfectly white, holy, official garments, in
order to appear before the All-holy God, as one cleansed from
all the filth of sin, and in the august sanctity of God's highest
servants (8). But, that he might not be consumed as a
sinful man on entering into the holiest of all by the fire of
the divine holiness, he was required, after presenting the
sin-offerings in the court, on passing within the veil, to cover
the Capporeth on which God appeared in His holiness with
the cloud of incense. The cloud ascending from the censer, a
symbol of prayer going up to God (vol. i. p. 144), is intended
to shelter the high priest in the presence, even the veiled
presence of God. Thereafter he presented the sin-offering for
himself and the priests, while sprinkling its blood first in the
holy of holies on the Capporeth, to effect their reconciliation,
to bring his own soul and that of the priests symbolically into
the fellowship of sin-forgiving grace. Thereupon, by blood-
sprinkling repeated seven times on the ground before the
Capporeth, he cleansed the holy of holies from the impurities
with which the sinful atmosphere of the priests had defiled
it (9). Similarly he then made atonement and purification
on the altar of incense and in the holy place, and, moreover,

§ 84. THE DAY OF ATONEMENT. 47
on the altar of burnt-offering in the outer court. This done,
he slew the goat for the people's sin-offering, and as with the
sin-offering for himself, he carried out by the sprinkling of
blood the atonement for the people, and the purification of
the sanctuary from its sinful defilement. With these sacri
ficial acts atonement was made for the sins of the priests and
people, and the sanctuary and altars were cleansed from all
the stains of sin. Not only was all removed which could
separate priests and people from God, but the whole congrega
tion was reconciled to God, and again brought into the full
enjoyment of divine communion (10).
But to take away sin and transgression wholly out of the
kingdom of God, or, to speak more correctly, to impress the
truth on Israel, that sin can have no place within the congre
gation of the Lord, a people holy to God, the last act of the
atoning rite of the day — the treatment of the second goat — was
appointed. This goat, on which the lot for Azazel had fallen,
was, during the making of atonement, with the bullock and
the first goat, to stand before Jehovah Ivy ">????, that is to say,
to atone for it, i.e. to make it an atoning object, in order that
it might be employed as a means for the complete removal of
sin, as the bearer, that is to say, of the sin that was to be
borne away from the kingdom of God. This is evidently the
meaning of the words : " to atone with him, (then) to send
him into the wilderness to Azazel" (ver. 10) (11). To effect
this, i.e. represent it symbolically, the high priest having
ended the atonement of the sanctuary and. altar, was to bring
the living goat, i.e. place it before the altar (anpn, ver. 20, in
the same sense as Lev. i. 3, and in the case of every victim).
Then he was to put his hands (not one hand, but both, to
make the action more emphatic) on the head of the goat, and
by confessing over it all the sins and trespasses of the
children of Israel, to lay them on its head ; thereafter send
the goat, laden with the sins of the people, into the wilderness,
into a land cut off, i.e. a land such that no way leads back
from it to the dwelling-places of the people, so that the goat
might have returned thither. The goat was thus to bear the
sins, which God forgave His people, to Azazel, the father of
all sin, not only as a testimony to him that he had gained
nothing through his seduction to evil against the people of the

48 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
Lord, who have received atonement for their sins, but also to
testify to the people of Israel that those burdened with sins
cannot remain in the kingdom of God, but, unless they are
redeemed from them, are doomed to the kingdom of evil
spirits (12).
(7) So Kurtz rightly, Opferc. p. 335 [Eng. tr. p. 385 f.] ; and
Oehler in PRE. xxi. p. 446 f.
(8) The pure white garments, in contrast to the magnificent,
coloured, official robes, are not to be taken, with Winer {R. W.
ii. p. 660), Hofmann {Weiss, u. Erf. i. p. 148; Schriftbew.
ii. p. 287), etc., as the " dress of the common priest," the girdle
of which was coloured, not white, as if he were required " to
appear to the people, not in the glorious dress of Jehovah's
confidant, but before Jehovah in the simple purity of his God-
appointed office." Still less is it to be understood, with several
Eabbins, Grotius, Eosenm., Knobel, and Kurtz {Opferc. p. 337)
[Eng. tr. p. 387 f.], as a penitential dress "in keeping with the
character for humility, contrition, and chastening belonging to
the occasion." For where in all the world are dazzlingly white
garments worn for mourning or as the dress of penitence?
Kurtz's polemic against taking the white garments as eminently
holy has already been set aside by Oehler, ubi supra, p. 449,
and Wangemann {Opferc. i. p. 370 f.), as entirely mistaken.
In the first place, Kurtz takes no account of the emphatic words
of the text : " they are holy garments " (ver. 4). Next, he has
not adverted to the fact, that in the highest act of atonement it
is not the person, but the office of the high priest that is of
importance. The white garments were not for the .priest's
person, but were for his entrance into the holy of holies before
God's immediate presence (Wangemann). And he has over
looked that the high priest presented even the sacrifice of
atonement for himself and the priests, as the God -ordained
mediator between Jehovah and the congregation. The signifi
cance of the official dress prescribed for this act of atonement
lies in the fact that it is intended to be a symbol of the highest
purity; hence the high priest, before putting it on, was to bathe
his body. As Oehler remarks, " he wears the white linen
garments on the day on which he has to tread the holy of
holies, the place of the divine Shekinah, for the same reason
that they are ascribed (Ezek. ix. 2, 3, 11, x. 2, 6, 7 ; Dan. x. 5,
xii. 6 f.) to the highest spirits in heaven that stand nearest the
throne of God. Conversely, in the vision of Zech. iii. 3, the
unfitness of Joshua the high priest to intercede with God for the
people is signified by his filthy garments."

§ 84. THE DAY OF ATONEMENT. 49
(9) Comp. on the difference between this blood-sprinkling
and those which were customary in connection with simple
sin-offerings for the congregation, the remarks in vol. i. § 46,
note 5, pp. 302 and 308, and my commentary on Lev. xvi.
14, 19.
(10) This reconciliation of the whole congregation of Israel
to Jehovah could only be accomplished inasmuch as Israel was
chosen to be Jehovah's people by the sprinkling of the atoning
blood on Jehovah's very throne. For in all atonements made
merely on the altars of burnt-offering and of incense, the veil
before the holy of holies- still separated the congregation from
their God.
(11) The difficult vto/-iED!> (ver. 10), which Diestel gives up in
despair {Jahrbb. f. d. Theol. viii. p. 497), proposing to reject it
from the text as a glossy can. exegetically have no other mean
ing than: "to atone for it, or make it an object of atonement."
The other explanation : to-i perform an atoning action over (on)
it, which I adopted in my Comm. on Lev., after Kliefoth, Hof
mann {Schriftbeiv. ii. p.. 289), etc., is linguistically utterly
unjustifiable. It offends against the constant usage of the v6y 133,
according to which by denotes, without exception, the object of
atonement, the person or thing to be atoned for ; and "IBS never
occurs without an object, not even in ver. 32, as Kurtz mis
takenly thinks. But if constant usage requires us to understand
vby here also as the object of atonement, the strong terms in
which Kurtz opposes this meaning, as that " the making atone
ment for a victim in any case is a contradictio in adjecto," a
" piece of pure nonsense ; " and that the goat needed no purify
ing or atonement, because as a sin-offering it was pure, holy,
guiltless, and stainless {Opferc. pp. 354, 357 [Eng. tr. 407,410]),
have no force. On the contrary, Wangemann {Opferc. i. p. 386)
has already very justly observed : " Neither can Kurtz, in the
statement of his view, escape the charge of self-deception which
he brings so liberally against his opponents. For self-deception
it undoubtedly is, when he adduces the capper without an added
alav in ver. 32 in proof of the meaning of the capper in ver. 10
connected with alav, for it is precisely the addition of alav
which makes the difficulty. Further, it must be regarded as
self-deception, when Kurtz first maintains that there is no
atonement whatever without sprinkling of blood, and yet thinks
in this case, because the atonement by blood has been already
accomplished by the blood of another goat, an atoning action
can be completed even without the blood of the sin-offering.
The reference to the fact that the second goat was the alter ego
of the first has no bearing, because the lecapper alav is expressly
repeated in reference to the second goat." Moreover, it is a
KEIL II. D

SO BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
mistake to assert that no atoning act, i.e. no 1B3, is effected
without sprinkling of blood ; comp., on the contrary, the cases
adduced, vol. i. p. 273 f. It is a mistake also to assert that the
making of atonement for a pure, holy, guiltless victim is sheer
nonsense. The altars of burnt-offering and of incense, and the
Capporeth, were also holy and guiltless, and yet required atone
ment, because they were defiled by the sins of men. So also
might the goat devoted to be a sin-offering yet be regarded as
needing atonement to hallow it for the object for which it was
to be used. The objection of Kurtz to the contrary, that the
victim was not a piece of atoning furniture, goes for nothing.
A piece of furniture of course the goat was not, but a means or
medium of atonement, just as the altars were not merely atoning
furniture, but also means or media of atonement. But this
second goat was atoned for, not as Oehler, ubi supra, p. 451,
holds, by smearing with the blood of the offered, as in the
case of the purification of the leper the one bird was dipped in
the blood of the other (Lev. xiv. 6, 51), for so important a
particular would not have remained unmentioned in the ritual ;
but atonement was made simply according to the words in ver.
10, by the fact that it was thereby not only brought into rela
tion with the offered goat, but participated in the Cappara
(atonement) made on the altar, its strength and efficacy passing
over or being transferred to it. The presenting of two goats
as a sin-offering was indeed, as is universally admitted, only
necessary in this case because, after the slaying and offering of
the one, a second live goat needed to be provided on which the
sins of the people might be laid to be borne away. But, inas
much as both goats were set apart to be sin-offerings, and the
particular way in which the one and the other were to be used
was determined by lot, Jewish tradition has so strongly pressed
the equality of both, that in Mischna Joma vi. 1 we are taught :
De duobus hircis diei expiationis mandatum est ut sint pares in
aspectu, statura et pretio, et ut simul etiam capiantur. To the
same effect Maimonides, de die propit. v. 14.
(12) Hengstenberg, in his treatise, which really opened up
the discussion of this rite {BB. Mos. v.. Aeg. p. 165 ff.), acknow
ledges only the first of these two elements as " the dogmatical
kernel of the symbolical action, so far as it relates to Azazel."
But the second also is to be taken into account. For though
it is not specially brought out in the text, as indeed the first is
not expressly stated, yet it lies unmistakeably in the fate which
was to overtake the goat in the wilderness. It must remain in
the land, cut off from approach to the dwellings of men, till it
found its death — that is to say, till it suffered that which the
sinner must endure on whom his sins remain ; and this, though

§ 84. THE DAY OF ATONEMENT. 51
it may be only a later ordinance, without any foundation in the
law, which the Eabbins (tract. Joma vi. 6) teach, that the goat
was hurled from a rock in the wilderness, and fell, to be dashed
to pieces on the ground. Comp. Lundius, jud. Heiligt. B. v. c. 20.
Accordingly, it is self-evident that in what was done with this
living goat we have not to think of a sacrifice offered to Azazel,
since, according to 0. T. notions, no animal sacrifice could take
place without shedding of blood. Comp. the full refutation of
this mistaken view in Hengstenberg, BB. Mos. p. 169. ff.
Having finished the act of atonement, the high priest put
off in the holy place of the tabernacle the white garments
which he had put on to enter into the holy of holies, cleansed
himself by washing his body in a holy place from the
impurity with which he was polluted by laying the sins of
the people on the scape-goat, and resumed his ordinary official
robes. This he did, that by offering the two burnt-offerings,
and burning the fat of both the sin-offerings, he might give
himself, the priesthood, and the whole people, with every
organ of their bodies, to the Lord, to be hallowed by the holy
fire burning on the altar, and so complete the reconciliation of
the whole congregation (including his own person and the
priesthood). Finally, the bodies of both sin-offerings, laden
with the sins put on them, were burned outside the camp,
and thus sin was symbolically mortified in the flesh. But
because all contact with the sin-laden victims was defiling,
not only the man who drove the goat into the wilderness, but
the other, who was charged with the burning of the sin-offering
outside the camp, were thus rendered unclean till the evening,
so that they must submit to the purification prescribed for
this degree of defilement if they were to return into the camp,
i.e. into the fellowship of the Lord's hallowed people (13).
Only now could the congregation, justified from all sin, and
hallowed, anew consecrate its life to the holy service of the
Lord by presenting the burnt-offering of the feast appointed
for the day (14).
But because sin ever cleaves even to the holy on the earth,
and disturbs even their holiest resolutions and works, and
they, therefore, need forgiving grace for all they do, this
burnt-offering and meat-offering could only be acceptably
presented to the Lord on the basis of a sin-offering. Finally,

52 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
this was followed by the daily evening sacrifice, with which
the keeping of this feast day was brought to an end.
(13) The reason of the purification prescribed for the two
men is sought by Bahr (ii. p. 684 ff.), Oehler, ubi supra, p. 454,
and Kurtz {Opferc. p. 362 [Eng. tr. p. 415]), merely in their
" removal from the camp, the communion of the pure," and a
possible defilement there. Altogether unsatisfactory. Eightly,
on the other hand, do Wangemann (i. p. 368 f.), with Hengsten
berg, Delitzsch, Philippi, etc., find it in the fact that the goat
as the bearer of the people's sins, defiled, like the flesh of the
sin-offering (see above, § 46, note 9), while the character of
purity and impurity attached to both ; and what Philippi, iv. 2,
p. 249 f., says of the burning of the flesh of the sin-offering holds
of the goat : " If these remains were nevertheless to be burned
in a clean place outside the camp, this proclaims the double cha
racter of the sin-offering, which is at once clean in itself and un
clean by imputation. . . . This twofold point of view is expressed
in the fact that the high priest, after completing the sin-offering
on the great day of atonement, required to bathe his flesh with
water in a holy place " (ver. 24). The overlooking of this idea
arises from the want of clearness regarding the notion of atone
ment, or from the mistaken view, that with the blood-sprinkling,
representing the forgiveness of sin, the sin itself was removed,
i.e. annihilated, whereas by its forgiveness only the punishment,
the suffering due to its guilt, is remitted to the sinner.
(14) That these sacrifices of the feast were not offered till
after the act of atonement, is not indeed expressly stated in
the law, but flows from the idea of these sacrifices, and is
unanimously attested by Jewish tradition as the practice of
the temple. Comp. Lundius, jud. Heiligt. B. v. c. 21.

§ 8 5. The Feast of Tabernacles with its Octave.
The last feast of the year was that of tabernacles (niapn Jn,
Lev. xxiii. 34-36, 39-43; comp. Ex. xxiii. 16; Deut.
xvi. 13-15; called er/cwvoirriyla, John vii. 2, and in Josephus,
also fppKn an, Ex. xxiii. 16, xxxiv. 22), beginning five days
after the day of atonement. It was kept for seven days,
from the 15th to the 21st of the seventh month, on the first
with a Sabbatic rest and holy convocation, on the other days
only with numerous sacrifices offered at the central sanctuary,
while during these days every home-born one in Israel was to
dwell in booths (^ap), which were constructed on the first

§ 85. THE FEAST OF TABERNACLES WITH ITS OCTAVE. 53
day of fresh branches of fruit trees, palms, boughs of trees
thick with leaves, and willows, in courts, on roofs, streets, and
public squares, in memory of their dwelling in booths after their
exodus from Egypt (Lev. xxiii. 40, 43, comp. with Neh.
viii. 15 f.) (1). The daily sacrifices at this feast were more
numerous than at any other. Besides the daily sin-offering of
a goat, a number of young bullocks, which from thirteen on
the first day diminished to seven on the seventh day (seventy
in all), were offered daily, besides two rams and fourteen
lambs of the first year as burnt-offerings, with their corre
sponding meat and drink offerings (Num. xxix. 12-34).
To these seven days there, was added an eighth, the 22nd
of the month, as the close of the feast (TTSjf, comp. § 82,
note 3), which again was observed with a Sabbatic rest and
holy convocation, but had only a simple sacrifice (similar to
the first and tenth day of the seventh month), consisting of
a goat for a sin-offering, and a bullock and a ram and seven
lambs for a burnt-offering, with the corresponding meat and
drink offerings (Num. xxix. 35-38).
(1) In Lev. xxiii. 40 we read : " and take to you on the first
day Tin fV na, fruit of goodly [ornamental] trees, D^pn riaa,
branches of palms, and riajrpy f)?y, boughs of thick [leaved]
trees, and bm uny, willows of the brook, and rejoice before
Jehovah your God seven days." If we compare this verse
with ver. 42 : " ye shall dwell in booths seven days," it is
evident that the fruits, branches, boughs, etc., mentioned in
ver. 40, merely indicate the material of which the booths were
to be constructed. So the command was still understood in
Nehemiah's time, as appears from Neh. viii. 15: "Go forth
unto the mount and fetch olive branches and branches of wild
olive, and myrtle branches, and palm branches, and branches
of thick trees to make booths." Comp. my comm. on Lev.
xxiii. 39 ff. On the contrary, the Talmudic tradition finds in
Lev. xxiii. 40, not a description of the material for the booths,
but of a bunch atoto, which every Israelite was required to carry
at the feast of tabernacles, while it allows the booths to be con
structed of all sorts of shrubs which were free from uncleanness.
Comp. Mischna, tract. Succa (in Surenhus. ii. p. 259 sqq), and
published separately with a full commentary by Dachs, Succah,
cod. talm. babyl. sive de tabernaadorum festo, Utrecht 1726.
If the feast of atonement was a day for afflicting the soul,

54 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
a day of penitential sorrow for sin, the feast of tabernacles
was one of joy. This is emphatically expressed in the two
elements which it unites, viz. the ingathering of the labour of
the field (Ex. xxiii. 16), the fruit of the earth (Lev. xxiii. 39),
or the ingathering of the threshing-floor and the wine-press
(Deut. xvi. 13), and the dwelling in booths, which were to be
matters of joy to Israel. Comp. Lev. xxiii. 41 : " Take to
yourselves on the first day fruit of goodly trees, etc., and
rejoice before Jehovah your God seven days." Deut. xvi. 14:
" And rejoice in thy feast, thou and thy son and thy daughter,
and thy man-servant and thy maid-servant, and the Levite,
and the stranger, and the fatherless, and the widow, that are
within thy gates;" ver. 15 : "for Jehovah thy God shall bless
thee in all thine increase and in all the work of thy hands ;
therefore be joyful." The ingathering of all the fruits of the
ground, and the blessing of God thus made visible in this
last passage, are prominently presented as the subject of joy.
But we dare not regard the feast of tabernacles as originally
a vintage feast (2), nor may we seek the character of special
and exalted gladness chiefly in the fact that the ingathering
of the fruit, oil, and wine not only formed the close of the
entire harvest, but that these products, " still more than the
bread needed for daily support promote the enjoyment of life,
and are, especially oil and wine, witnesses of wealth and
superabundance " (3). For the gladness was to be expressed,
not so much in the unstinted enjoyment of this fulness of
divine blessing, as in the dwelling in booths which dis
tinguished this feast from all others, and in the increased
number of sacrifices. Besides, the feast not only derives its
chief name from the booths, but this kind of celebration is
also prescribed as an everlasting ordinance for posterity
(Lev. xxiii. 41). By their dwelling in booths, posterity is
to recognise that God made the children of Israel to dwell in
booths when He brought them out of Egypt (Lev. xxiii. 43).
This historical reference is therefore the higher, and the
natural reference to the harvest the secondary one.
The dwelling in booths was not to remind the people
of the privations of the wandering life in the wilderness
and its misery, now over and gone. For privation and
want cannot be grounds of joy (4). The booth (n?P) in

§ 85. THE FEAST OF TABERNACLES WITH ITS OCTAVE. 5 5
Scripture is not an image of privation and misery, but of
protection, preservation, and shelter from heat, storm, and
tempest (Ps. xxvii. 5, xxxi. 21 ; Isa. iv. 6). That God made
His people dwell in booths (5) during their wanderings
" through the great and terrible wilderness, fiery serpents,
scorpions, and thirsty ground where was no water " (Deut.
viii. 15), was a proof of His fatherly concern for His
covenant faithfulness: which Israel, by its dwelling in
booths at this feast, was to recall and bring vividly to the
remembrance of succeeding generations. But the booths
constructed for the feast were not made of scraggy brush
wood such as is found in the desert, but of the branches of
fruit trees, with fruits hanging from them, of palms and
other thick-leaved trees which abounded in the " good land,
a land of brooks of water, of fountains and lakes springing
forth in valleys and hills, a land of wheat and barley, and
vines- and fig - trees, and pomegranates and olives " (Deut.
viii. 7 f.), and which in this character were lively images
of the rich fulness of blessing with which the Lord blesses
His people. This fulness of blessing and unstinted happiness
were to be brought before the souls of the Israelites by their
dwelling in these booths, that in the land where they ate
not their bread in scarceness, where they wanted nothing,
where they built goodly houses and dwelt in them, where
their sheep and oxen, their silver and gold, and all their
possessions increased (Deut. viii. 9, 12, 13), they should not
say in their hearts : " my power and the might of mine hand
hath gotten me this wealth," but should remain mindful that
it was Jehovah their God who gave them power to get
wealth (vv. 17, 18), that their heart should not be lifted up
and forget Jehovah their God who brought them out of the
land of Egypt, the house of bondage (ver. 1 4). In compari
son with the " house of bondage," the dwelling in booths on
the march through the wilderness was in itself an image of
freedom and happiness. But when the booths were, besides,
formed of such branches as represented the wealth of the land
of Canaan, given to Israel for its inheritance, there could
hardly be a more impressive way of awaking and nourishing
in the heart of the people the feeling of their blessedness than
by the feast of tabernacles.

56 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
To this was added the reference to the completed harvesting
of the produce of the land with the vintage. The foliage
of the booths alone pointed to the goodly possessions which
they had received from the Lord in their inheritance. But
the beautiful and - delicious fruits which were gathered, to
be enjoyed in peace at the close of their labour in the fields,
must have raised their hearts to a yet higher note of thankful
joy to the Lord and giver of all, and have made this feast a
marked type of the blessedness of God's people in resting from
their works.
To this blessedness prepared by the Lord corresponded the
large number of burnt-offerings in which the congregation, on
each of the seven feast days, on the basis of a sin-offering,
presented themselves soul and body with all their powers as
living and holy sacrifices to the Lord, to be ever more and
more hallowed, transfigured and perfected by the fire of His
holy love (6). No doubt, also, the peace-offerings, which were
never wanting at any high feast, were more numerous on this
than on any other, and the sacrificial meals provided from
them must have secured to all partakers, even the poor, the
stranger, the widow, and the fatherless, a foretaste of blessed
ness in the kingdom of God (7). But this blessedness was,
and remained, only the earthly type of the eternal blessedness.
After being enjoyed for seven days,- the feast ended on the
eighth day with a Sabbatic rest, from which the congregation,
through edification from God's word in holy convocation,
joined with a simple sacrifice, were to gather strength to
continue their pilgrim life in the earthly Canaan ; and so,
after finishing the walk of faith, to enter into the heavenly
Canaan and see God face to face.
(2) As George {die alt. jud. Feste, p. 278 ff.) thinks that first
of all it was only the vintage festival, at which booths made of
the branches of trees were set up, because of the constant
working in the fields and spending the night in the open air,
and that not till later was the reference to the national history
added. On the other side, comp. Winer, R. W. ii. p. 7, and
Bahr, ii. p. 668 f.
(3) So Bahr, ubi supra, p. 657.
(4) According to Bahr (p. 653), " the dwelling in such booths
or tents was a well-known description, in the view of the
Hebrew, of a wandering, unsteady, more particularly nomadic

§ 85. THE FEAST OF TABERNACLES WITH ITS OCTAVE. 57
kind of life, in contradistinction to that which takes its character
from fixed dwellings and the life attaching to them, especially
agriculture." Of course the dwelling in tents is so, but not in
booths ; and the inference drawn therefrom is wholly mistaken,
that " there is inseparably associated with dwelling in booths
the idea ... of the want of fixed, quiet homes, the idea of an
unsettled mode of life." For this there is no proof in Scripture.
Had dwelling in booths been intended to remind Israel " of the
sorrows of their wandering life in the wilderness " (Bahr, p. 658),
the feast must have been rather one of mourning than of joy.
To derive a joyous feast from the troubles and privations of
desert life, might recall lucus a non lucendo. — It is one-sided
and unjustifiable to refer the dwelling in booths, in contrast to
dwelling in Egypt (Lev. xxiii. 43), only to the stay of the
Israelites at Sinai (in Kurtz, Opferc. p. 333 [E. tr. p. 383]),
according to which the feast of tabernacles would commemorate
merely the first year after the exodus, the year during which
the covenant lasted. The assertion : " The thirty-eight and a
half years of the suspension of the covenant cannot be the
subject of the festival," is beside the mark. For it was not
even the one year of the subsistence of the covenant which was
the subject of the feast, but the protection which Jehovah
vouchsafed to His people in the wilderness. But this protection
was given to them not only at Sinai, and in the first year after
their departure from Egypt, but during the following thirty-eight
and a half years, since, according to Deut. viii. 2-4 and 16, He
led them and fed them with manna during the forty years of
their journeyings in the wilderness, because not the whole of
Israel was to die in the wilderness, but only the older genera
tion which had come out of Egypt, while a new generation
was to grow up in their children and receive the promised
land. (5) The Talmudic ordinances regarding the structure of these
booths in Mischna, ed. Surenh. ii. p. 260, where a large number
of illustrations are to be found, have at the most an antiquarian
interest, none for biblical archaeology.
(6) Much as it corresponded with the idea of the feast to
multiply the number of burnt-offerings, it is questionable
whether any symbolical meaning attaches to the number of
the offered bullocks, and their distribution over the seven days
of the feast. If the total number seventy was intended to be
taken as a holy and significant number, it is difficult to under
stand why ten were not offered each day, by which the total
number would have come prominently into view. What Bahr
(ii. p. 680 ff.) says on this point leaves the impression of
artificiality.

58 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
(7) As to the reading of the law at this feast in the Sabbatic
year, comp. above, § 79.
From the nature and significance of the feast of tabernacles,
it is easy to understand why the post-exilic Jews not only
regarded it as their greatest and most glorious feast (8), but
sought to make its celebration still more honourable by various
usages and ceremonies added in the course of time. Such
additions are (according to the tract, Succa 3-5) — {a) the
custom (9), derived from Lev. xxiii. 40, of carrying a citron
in the left hand at the feast, in the right a palm branch
(aW>) wound with willow and myrtle branches ; (&) the
libation of water joined to the morning sacrifice on each of
the seven days, a priest fetching the water in a golden jug
from the fountain of Siloah, and pouring it out, mixed with
wine to music and song, into two perforated cups put at
the west side of the altar (10); (c) the illumination prepared
on the evening of the first day in the court, of the women, by
means of large golden candlesticks, before which men executed
a torch dance to song and music (11).
(8) So Josephus calls it {Antiq. viii. 4. 1) : \opTr\t etpibpa
ayioiTdrqv xal //.eyigryv, and XV. 3. 3 : eoprnv slg to, [idXiOTa Trjpovpivrjv \
Philo (ii. p. 286) : eopTuv fieylsTW, the Eabbins, from the multi
plied number of the sacrifices, nanon QV, dies multiplications
(Mischna Menach. xiii. 6). And the mirth which rose, especially
in the evenings, to excess, gave Plutarch occasion to describe
the whole as a feast of Bacchus. Comp. his description, Sympos.
iv. 6. 2, given also in Winer, Realwort. ii. p. 8.
(9) According to an arbitrary, at least unfounded interpreta
tion of the Pharisaic commentators; comp. Bahr, ii. p. 625;
whereas the Karasans, more in agreement with Lev. xxiii. 40 and
Neh. viii. 15, do not carry the citrons and branches in the hand,
but use them to adorn the booths.
(10) To this ceremony Jesus is said to have attached His
discourse, John vii. 37 ff. Comp. the commentators on the
passage. But in that case the ee%aTri rn^ipa fj.iydXr\ Trig 'eopTTJg
cannot be understood of the eighth day, but only of the seventh.
For on the eighth day the water libation was not repeated.
Comp. Succa iv. 1, and Dachs, I.e. p. 368 sq. Entirely in harmony
with the Mosaic law, the eighth day is not reckoned by the
Eabbins to the feast, so that on it even the dwelling in booths
was at an end. Comp. Lundius, jud. Heiligth. B. v. c. 26, §
13 ff. — For the rest, this rite may easily be brought into
harmony with the significance of the feast, if it is understood

§ 86. THE TYPICAL CHARACTER OF THE MOSAIC FEASTS. 5 9
as referring to the miraculous outflowing of water from the
rock, during the march through the wilderness (comp.Frommann,
Opuscul. i. p. 223 sqq.); the Eabbins, however, think that
thereby it was meant to supplicate God for a rich blessing on
the new seed-time. The origin of this libation is probably to
be sought in Isa. xii. 3, comp. with 1 Sam. vii. 6. But that
it was not approved by the Sadducees is evident from Succa
iv. 9 ; comp. Dachs, p. 406 sq.
(11) Comp. tract. Succa v. 2-4. According to the Mischna,
this illumination only took place on the evening of the first
day; according to later Eabbins, this jubilation was repeated
all the seven evenings of the feast ; comp. Dachs, I.e. p. 431.
Anyhow, no illumination took place on the eighth day, so that it
could not have been with reference to it that Jesus described
Himself in John viii. 12 as the light of the world.

§ 86. The Typical Character of the Mosaic Feasts and
Feast Times.
The typical character of the feasts instituted in the law of
Moses appears in general from what we have already explained
regarding the typology of the place of worship, of the priestly
office and service, and of the acts of worship, for these feasts
consisted mainly in the presenting of sacrifices and in sacri
ficial meals. The daily divine service, consisting of a burnt
and meat offering as a symbolical presenting of the body to
be a living, holy, and acceptable sacrifice, prefigured the
XoytKr) \arpela of Christians (Eom. xii. 1). And so the whole
Mosaic cycle of feasts had a typical significance. The funda
mental idea of the 0. T. feasts is contained in the celebration
of the Sabbath. This appears from the fact that not only did
all yearly feasts reach their climax in a Sabbatic celebration,
but the entire series was organically incorporated in the
Sabbatic cycle which widened from the Sabbath day to the
jubilee year (comp. § 76). The command: " Eemember
the Sabbath day, to keep it holy " (Ex. xx. 8), is taken up into
the Decalogue, the fundamental law of the Sinaitic covenant ;
and the hallowed rest which the Sabbath was intended to
secure for the quickening and refreshing of the Israelites, their
man-servants, and maid-servants, and cattle, from the toil and
labour of this earthly life, is extended in the Sabbath year to
the whole land, and in the jubilee year to the entire theocratic

60 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
State. For thereby not only the land was to recover and gain
strength for a new harvest by lying fallow, but every one who
in the course of time had lost his inheritance and freedom
was again to be restored, in the jubilee year, to the possession
of his inheritance, and to the freedom of the citizens of God's
kingdom. This deliverance provided for the Israelites, in the
institution of the Sabbath, from grievous labour in the sweat
of the face, and from every kind of servitude to man, is a
prophetic type of the o-a/3/3arf (37109 which is reserved for the
people of God, i.e. the celebration of their resting from their
works, as God, after finishing the work of creation, rested on
the seventh day from all His works (Heb. iv. 9, 10) ; a type
of the times of quickening {icatpol avatyv^em) which come
from the presence of the Lord, the times of the restoration of
all things {xpovoi airoK.aTa<TTaa-e(o<; •kclvtosv, Acts iii. 20, 21),
which begin with Christ's return from heaven ; a type of
the Palingenesia (Matt. xix. 28), and of the new creation of
heaven and earth (2 Pet. iii 13) ; for the creature, made
subject without its will to the service of corruption {SovKela
Tr}? j>6opa<;), will share in the glorious liberty of the children
of God (Eom. viii. 19-21).
This glorious goal, which God's ways have in view in His
dealing with His people, was set before the congregation of
Israel in the observance of its Sabbatic seasons. And to guide
it in the way to this goal, so far as the 0. T. economy could,
the annual feasts, sacred to the memory of the divine works
wrought for its deliverance and blessedness, were so dis
tributed over the Sabbatic cycle, as to make it taste the
blessing of divine grace in an ever heightening degree. Those
feasts were a consequence and fruit of the covenant of grace
which the Lord had made with Israel at Sinai. In them the
memory of God's saving acts was celebrated in this order.
The first series of feasts had for its subject and contents the
redemption of Israel from the bondage of Egypt, and its adop
tion into covenant with the Lord, to which the hallowing of
the daily bread needed for the support of life was subordinate.
The second, falling in the seventh month, related to the goal
of the covenant, representing in the great day of atonement
the reconciliation of the whole congregation with its God, and
in the feast of tabernacles the full blessing of the covenant, — -

§ 86. THE TYPICAL CHARACTER OF THE MOSAIC FEASTS. 61
blessedness in the enjoyment of the God-provided salvation.
But inasmuch as neither the expiation on the day of atone
ment could purify the conscience from sin, nor the feast of
tabernacles provide the peace of eternal life, both were
manifested to be only shadowy types of the true reconciliation,
and of the grace and blessedness of God's people which Christ
achieved by His sacrificial death. By this completion of the
sacrifices of the law the goal of the 0. T. feasts was made
the foundation and starting-point of the N. T. feasts. —
This turn of things is already indicated by Ezekiel in his
prophetical picture of the transformation of God's kingdom.
Among the feasts which the congregation of Israel, redeemed
from among the heathen, was to celebrate in the new kingdom
of God (Ezek. xiv. 18, xlvi. 15), the day of atonement is
wanting. Instead of it two sin-offerings, one presented on the
first, and one on the seventh day of the first month, are to
precede the passover, and the passover itself is to begin with
a sin-offering on the fourteenth day of the month. Besides
this, only on the seven days of the Mazzoth and of the feast
on the seventh month shall a sin-offering be presented daily;
on the contrary, the sin-offering at new moon, and likewise the
daily evening burnt-offering, shall cease. Finally, the burnt-
offerings of both the yearly seven-day feasts shall be equal,
and the presenting of the wave-sheaf at the feast of unleavened
bread, as well as the feast of weeks and that of trumpets, shall
cease. Thereby the seventh month is deprived of its Sabbatic
character, and the relation of the annual feasts to the harvest
is abolished. — These differences are significant. In the Sinaitic
ordinances prescribed for feasts and sacrifices, the fullest
atonement which the ancient covenant could provide occurs in
the seventh month, to indicate that the Sinaitic covenant
leads the people onwards toward reconciliation, and presents it
in the middle of the year. On the other hand, in Ezekiel's
new order of worship, reconciliation through the forgiveness
of sin and purification from its transgressions is offered to
penitent Israel at the beginning of the year, so that in the
strength of the atoning blood it may walk before God in
righteousness, and enjoy the riches of His grace all the year.
In so far, then, as the great expiatory sacrifice of the day of
atonement points typically to that eternal efficacious sacrifice

62 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
which Christ was to offer in the middle of the ages by His
death on Golgotha, the transference of the chief atoning
sacrifice to the beginning of the year in Ezekiel points to the
fact that for the Israel of the new covenant this eternally
efficacious sacrifice will form the foundation of all its services
and feasts as of its whole life (1).
These great expiatory sacrifices of the first month of the
year, which in this prophetic vision take the place of the day
of atonement, have been offered in an eternally efficacious
way, by Christ's sacrifice of Himself, who as our paschal lamb
was slain for us, that we might and should keep the passover,
not with the leaven of malice and wickedness, but with the
unleavened bread of sincerity and truth (1 Cor. v. 7, 8).
Christ is the bread of life, whereof whosoever eats shall not
die, but live for ever (John vi. 35, 48-51). He presents to
us in the Holy Supper His body given to the death for us, and
His blood shed for the forgiveness of our sins. After taking
up again the life offered for us, He went as the true High
Priest with His own blood into heaven, there to appear before
the presence of God for us and to represent us (Heb. ix. 24).
As at once Son of God and Son of man exalted to the risht
hand of the Father, He poured out His Holy Spirit on the
harvest feast of Pentecost on His disciples, and by this gift
founded the kingdom of heaven on the earth, and established
a Church, which has the promise that the gates of hell shall
not prevail against it (Matt. xvi. 18). This kingdom will
overcome all the kingdoms of this world, and stand till He
come again from heaven in the glory of the Son of God,
to judge the world, to renew heaven and earth, and bring His
elect into the Sabbatic rest of eternal blessedness.
(1) Comp. my Commentary on Ezekiel, p. 533 ff., 2nd ed.
FIFTH CHAPTEE.
POST-EXILIC FEASTS.
§ 87. The Feasts which arose after the Exile.
To the yearly feasts instituted by the Mosaic law, several
were added after the exile, of which some were as

§ 87. THE FEASTS WHICH AROSE AFTER THE EXILE. 63
regularly kept as the Mosaic yearly feasts. They were the
following : —
I. Purim (ania or Qi-yia '»;, days of the lots, Esth. ix. 26) (1)
was instituted by a missive of Mordecai and of Queen Esther,
in memory of the extraordinary deliverance of the Jews living
in the interior of the Persian Empire from the murderous
plot of Haman. It was generally adopted, though not at
first without opposition (2), and kept as MapBoxaiicr} rgj,ipa
(2 Mace. xv. 36), or Purim, by the Jews of all lands, pn the
14th and 15th Adar, without any special sacrifice, with
reading and expounding the Megilla Esther (Book of Esther)'
in the synagogues, and with great banquets. This people's
feast so well suited the fleshly taste of the later Jews, that in
their leap years, which had two Adars, it was kept twice,
while the 13 th Adar, as the day fixed by Haman by lot for
the destruction of the Jews, was made a fast day (3) (riuyn
-ifidn, Esther's fasting).
(1) Comp. Esth. ix. 21 ff., and iii. 7, toiian ron ma.
(2) According to Gem. Hieros. Megill. fol. 70 : contra institu-
tionem festi Purim per Estheram et Mordochaeum Ixxxv.
Seniores, quorum plures quam xxx. erant prophetae, cavilla--
bantur ut novaturientem contra Legem. Lightfoot, Hor. hebr.
ad ev. Joann. x. 22.
(3) Comp. on Purim, Oehler in PRE. iv. p. 388 f. ; Dillmann
in Schenkel's Bibellex. v. p. 16 ff. ; and Eiehm, Hwb., p. 1245.
Dillmann and Eiehm also mention and set aside the suppositions
of Hitzig and de Lagarde with respect to the origin of this
feast. — For more particulars regarding it, see in W. Schikart
(Prof. Tubingen), Purim s. Bacchanalia Judmorum, Tub. 1634
(in Critt. sacr. vi. p. 482 sqq., ed. Frcf.) ; Buxtorf, Synagog. jud.
cap. 29 ; and Carpzov, Apparat. p. 469 sqq. — Following Kepler
and Petavius, many modern critics understand Purim as meant
by the ioprr) ruv 'Uudaiuv (John v. 1). Comp. Wieseler, Chronol.
Synopse, p. 206 ff.
II. The dedication of the temple (n3!|3D, ra-iyicatvui, John x.
22, Luther, Kirchweihe) was kept on the 25 th of Chisleu
(December) for eight days, with brilliant illumination of
the houses and other places in Jerusalem, to commemorate
the purification of the temple from the abominations of
Syrian idolatry, and the consecration of the newly-raised

64 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
altar of burnt-offering {iy/caivta-fib? tou Qvaiaarnpiov, 1 Mace.
iv. 69), in accordance with an ordinance of Judas the Maccabee
(1 Mace. iv. 56 ff.; 2 Mace. x. 6 ff). Though the consecra
tion of the altar, after the purification and restoration of the
temple had been completed, was celebrated by presenting
burnt, thank, and praise offerings, with singing and music
(1 Mace. iv. 54 ff.), and by carrying staves of ivy, goodly
branches, and palms, after the fashion of the feast of tabernacles
(2 Mace. x. 6 ff.), yet the yearly repetition of the feast did
not consist of any special act of worship, but only of the
festive illumination of the houses. Hence Josephus calls it
<j)a>Ta, and interprets it as a figure of the strength and freedom
which, contrary to expectation, dawned on the people (4).
(4) Josephus, Antiq. xii. 7. 7 : Ka! 1% sxelvov /t'exf" ^vpo rr\v
ioprrjv ayofiet xaXouvTig avrrjv <S>uiTa' Ix toZ map iXiridac or,u,ui Taurrjv
jj/i/ii (pavr^ai rr)\> iH^oveiav, rrjv rropodriyopiuv 6e/y,svoi Tri eoprrt. The
Talmudic explanations of this feast, now by the legend of a
sealed jar of oil found at the cleansing of the temple, the oil
of which miraculously burned for eight days; again, by the
victory of Judith over Holofernes (Judith xvi. 31, Vulg.), see in
Selden, De Synedriis, lib. iii. cap. 13, § 9 sqq. — On the festival,
comp. Buxtorf, Synag. jud. c. 28; Othonis, lex. rabb. phil.
p. 238 sqq. ; and Carpzov, Appar. p. 471 sq, who remarks :
Celebratio festi non tarn religioso quam Sardanapalico peragitur
more, comessando, genio suo indulgendo et in diem vivendo.
Prascipuus autem et necessarius ejus ritus est candelarum
accensio. Candelabrum quippe, septem sive lampadibus olei
puri, sive cereis instructum, suae quisque domi habet, et ita
accendunt, ut nocte prima accendant lampadem sive candelam
unam, secunda duas, tertia tres, et sic porro per integrum sep-
tiduum, singulis diebus unam addendo, etc. Comp. also Oehler
in PRE. iv. p. 389, and Eiehm, Kirchweihfest, in Hwb. p. 829 f.
III. The other feasts mentioned by Josephus and the
Talmud are altogether doubtful. 1. The feast of wood-carrying
{^vkofyopiav eopTT), Joseph, bell. jud. ii. 17. 6) on the 3rd Elul,
on which every one was accustomed to carry wood to the temple,
that the fire on the altar might be kept always burning.
This celebration seems to have been derived from Neh. x. 35,
and to have been nothing more than a day of rejoicing,
which was observed yearly in Jerusalem after providing the
necessary supply of wood for the altar (5). — 2. The feast
which the high priest Simon appointed on the 23rd day of

§ 88. THE SYNAGOGUE SERVICE. 65
the second month to commemorate the reconquest of the tower
in Jerusalem, and its purification from heathen defilements
(1 Mace. xiii. 52), of which, however, Josephus says nothing. —
3. The Nicanor feast on the 13 th Adar, instituted to com
memorate the defeat and death of the ruthless Nicanor
(1 Mace. vii. 49), which was still celebrated in the time of
Josephus (6). — 4. The feast of joy in the law (n-iinn nnpfc> in)
on the 23rd Tisri, as the day on which the reading of the
Torah ended yearly, and was again begun. Most likely only
a Eabbinical invention (7).
(5) Probably the same feast mentioned by Jac. Jehuda Leo,
De tempi. Hieros. lib. ii. c. 13 (§ 76), in the gloss.: Ligna autem
idonea excidebant sacerdotes a mense Martio usque ad XV.
Quinctilis : quo die tunc immensam excitabant Imtitiam, vocantes
eum diem fractionis falcis h. e. fracturae ligonum, eo quod ex
illo tempore et deinceps non opus fuerit ligonibus caedere ligna
struis illius. The Talmudists do not mention it, but give nine
yearly times for this fetching of wood. Comp. Eeland, Antiq.
ss. iv. c. 9, § 7.
(6) Comp. my Comm. on the Books of the Maccabees, p. 135,
note. (7) Comp. Buxtorf, Synag. jud. c. 27. — On other Jewish
anniversaries named in the Megilla Taanith, in addition to
these, comp. Selden, De Synedr. iii. c. 13, § 11, p. 137 sqq.
§ 88. The Synagogue Service.
Not till after the exile did there arise gradually (comp.
§ 30) the service regularly held in the synagogues on Sabbath
and feast days, consisting of prayer (1), reading of biblical
portions of the law and the prophets, and on certain feast
days also from some of the Hagiographa (2), which were
translated into the language of the people, and explained for
edification (3) in free addresses (sermons), whereupon the
congregation was dismissed with the Aaronic blessing (4).
In after times this service was also appointed for the second
and fifth days of the week (Monday and Thursday) (5), and
a daily morning and evening prayer for the congregation
introduced (6).
(1) Eeading and exposition of the Scriptures was, from the
beginning, the chief object of this institution, and hence it is
KEIL II. E

66 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
frequently mentioned in the New Testament and in Philo.
Comp. Luke iv. 16; Acts xiii. 15, xy. 22; 2 Cor. iii. 15.
Philo {Opp. ii. 458): 'lepa r\ 1/35o>jj vevopiSTai, xa§ r]v . . . ilg
iipoug dipr/tvovfiivoi rbwoug, ol xaXouvrai ewiaywyal, xaS rjXix/ag e\i
Ta^iaiv uirb irpeaBuTipoig not xaHfyvTai fieTO. xodftov tou xpoarixovTog
'iyowtg dxpoanxZg. E/if b ph rag /3//3Xous avayivuiffxei Xafiuv, iTepog
be tuiv i/jjireiporaTuiv, oSa fir] yvuipi/^a irapeXQ&n avadiddexei. Page 630 :
AuToiJg el; raurbv r)%hv (Moses) euvdyesSai xal xafafy/tivov; . . .
tuv vbjjjiiv axpoasSai, tou fir\h'eva, ayvor\aai %ap<i<. Kal &r)Ta auvep%pvrai
del xal awjidpeuovGi ij.it' dXXrjXuiv. . . . Tojv lipeuv de rig 6 Kaput r\
tuv yepovrwv ejg dvaymuaxei Toug hpoiig vofiovg auToTg xal xa6 ixuent
e^nyerrai (j>'eyj?t <r%eSov SeiXyg b-\>iag. But prayer was never omitted.
Already, from Neh. viii. 5 ff., it is clear that the reading of the
law was opened with a short prayer ; and from Neh. ix. 3 ff,
that after the reading longer prayers followed. But the intro
duction of standing prayers, such as the morning prayer (rmnB>),
of the prayer e>np before the reading, and the mana thereafter,
as given by Maimonides, Hilc. Tephill., in Vitringa, De synag.
vet. p. 962 sqq., certainly did not take place till later, and that
gradually, and can hardly have prevailed uniformly. Comp.
Bodenschatz, Kirchl. Verfassung d. heut. Juden, ii. p. 149 ff.
(2) The portions to be read from the law are called ni'Bna,
Paraschoth, those from the prophets rriipan, Haphtaroth. For
more particulars, see my Lehrb. d. krit. Einl. in d. A. T. p.
540 f., and the table of these Pericopes which were not always
and everywhere uniformly fixed in Bodenschatz, ii. p. 22 ff. — •
Of the Hagiographa, there were read at particular feasts, after
the Paraschoth, only the five Megilloth : the Song of Songs at
the passover, the Book of Ruth at Pentecost, Lamentations on
the 9th Ab (July), the day of the burning of the temple ; the
Preacher at the feast of tabernacles, and Esther at Purim.
Comp. Carpzov, Critica sacr. p. 134.
(3) The Scripture portions were read in the original ;
whether it was the same among the Hellenists is doubtful ;
comp. Winer, R. W. ii. p. 549, note 9. But with the dying out
of Hebrew, as the language of the people soon after the exile,
even in Palestine a paraphrase became necessary in Aramaic
(comp. Neh. viii. 8). An edifying exposition or sermon was
joined with it from the beginning. Hence Maimonides {Hilc.
Teph. x. 10) says rightly : A diebus Esrae moris fuit, ut adesset
Interpres exponens populo, quod Lector in Lege praelegebat, ut
sententiam verborum perciperent. Comp. Vitringa, I.e. p. 689 sqq.
(4) See above, § 75, and Vitringa, p. 1114 sqq.
(5) The institution of this weekly service is referred in
the Gemara, in keeping with oral tradition, to Ezra; by
Maimonides, expressly to Moses. Comp. Vitringa, p. 238 sqq.

§ 89. SURVEY OF THE HISTORY OF THE LEVITICAL WORSHIP. 67
(6) The prayer which every male Israelite of full age is
expected to repeat daily, morning and evening, consists of the
y»a* nsnp, lectio s. recitatio Schema, i.e. of the passages Deut.
vi. 4-9, xi. 13-21, Num. xv. 37-41 (comp. Vitringa, p. 1052
sqq. ; and Eeland, Antiqq. ss. i. 10. 6), and the most important
of the eighteen benedictions (miry njDK>), which, as taken from
Maimonides, are to be found fully in Vitringa, p. 1033 sqq.
It was in the synagogues also that circumcision took place.
Comp. Buxtorf, Synag. jud. cap. 4. Eeland, Antiqq. ss. i. 10. 8.
and Bodenschatz, ubi supra, iv. p. 60 ff.

SIXTH CHAPTEE.
ON THE HISTORY OF JEWISH WORSHIP.
§ 89. Survey of the History ofthe Levitical Worship.
It is true that Israel even at Sinai, and while the law was
being given, set up an idolatrous service (Ex. xxxii. 1 ff.), and
in no period, from the time of Moses down to the Babylonian
exile, did it fully and continuously overcome its tendency to
seek other gods and modes of worship. Nevertheless the
Mosaic worship was introduced and steadily kept up among
the people by the Levitical priests chosen for this purpose,
on the whole, according to the precepts of the law. When in
the anarchical times of the Judges every man did what was
right in his own eyes (Judg. xviii. 6, xxi. 25), and the word of
God was rare in Israel (1 Sam. iii. 1), the offering of sacrifice
was kept up in legal fashion at the tabernacle at Shiloh, and
the people gathered from year to year at the sanctuary to
present their offerings and celebrate their feasts (Judg. xxi. 19 ;
1 Sam. i.-iii.). Even when at a later time, by the separation
of the ark from the tabernacle (1 Sam. iv. ff.), this place of
legal worship lost the symbol and pledge of the divine
presence, and became a body without a soul, we find at Nob,
to which after the destruction of Shiloh the tabernacle had
been brought, the legal service in regular operation at this
central sanctuary under charge of the Levitical priests
(1 Sam. xxi., and xxii. 17 ff.) (1). So was it afterwards at
Gibeon, when Saul had massacred all the inhabitants of Nob

68 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
with the edge of the sword (1 Sam. xxii. 19), till the build
ing of the temple. David, indeed, removed the ark to Zion,
and set up a tent for it there with regular worship (2 Sam. vi. ;
1 Chron. xv. and xvi.). But at the same time he appointed
the priest Zadok with his brethren to take charge of the
service before Jehovah's dwelling on the high place at Gibeon
(1 Chron. xvi. 39 ff), and regarded it as the sanctuary at
which sacrifices were to be offered (2). And hither, too,
Solomon repaired at the beginning of his reign, to offer a
sacred hecatomb on the altar (1 Kings iii. 4 ; 2 Chron. i. 3).
With the erection and solemn consecration of the magni
ficent temple of Solomon, the public worship of Jehovah was
raised to higher glory in the sanctuary hallowed by the Lord
Himself for His name to -dwell in, though it cost the zeal of
the pious theocratic kings many a long fight against the
widespread worship on high places to suppress them and
carry out the law of the unity of the place of worship
(Deut. xii.). The lawful worship of Jehovah in the temple
was not assailed even under the idolatrous kings Joram and
Ahaziah, for the high priest Jehoiada presided over it
(2 Kings xi. 3 ff. ; 2 Chron. xxii. 1 2, xxiii. and xxiv.). The
godless Ahaz was the first to break this continuity ; he
wickedly laid waste the temple (comp. § 26), and closed the
doors of the porch, so that the service in the holy place ceased
(2 Chron. xxix. 7) (3). But yet he did not venture to abolish
the daily sacrifice, but only set aside the brazen altar of
burnt-offering, and ordered his own sacrifices and those of the
people to be presented on another, constructed after a model
which he had seen at Damascus (2 Kings xvi. 10-16).
Finally, Manasseh transformed the house of Jehovah com
pletely into an idol-temple, so that the legal worship wholly
ceased under him for a time, and was not restored till the
reign of Josiah (2 Kings xxi. 3 ff., xxii. 3 ff. ; 2 Chron. xxxiii.
and xxxiv.). But not long afterwards the Chaldee catastrophe
put an end to the kingdom of Judah, and with the burning
of the temple also to the worship of Jehovah for the whole
duration of the exile.
Immediately after the return of the people from the exile,
the altar of burnt-offering was raised again in its old place,
and the public sacrificial worship of the congregation again

§ 89. SURVEY OF THE HISTORY OF THE LEVITICAL WORSHIP. 69
restored. Thereafter it was interrupted only for three years
(1 Maco. i. 54, 59, comp. with iv. 52), under the tyranny of the
half-crazed Antiochus Epiphanes, who, to extirpate the religion
of Jehovah, forbade the practice of the Mosaic ceremonial law,
set up an idolatrous altar on the legal altar of burnt-offering
at Jerusalem, and sacrificed idolatrous offerings on it (1 Mace.
i. 20 ff). But immediately after the expulsion of the Syrians
from the temple mount, and the cleansing and restoration of
the sanctuary, it was restored, and thereafter continued with
increasing external propriety till the destruction of Jerusalem.
But with the exile the earlier glory of the service was
irrevocably gone. Not on one occasion could the oppressed
people celebrate it with the ancient splendour ; at the greater
festivals foreign kings had to supply the materials of
sacrifice (4) ; still less could the internal glory of the
earlier worship be recalled. With the ark the Shelunah
had vanished from Israel ; with the ceasing of prophecy and
the springing up of Pharisaic scholasticism, the people lost
more and more the consciousness of the holy symbolism of
their service, and its ceremonies degenerated into a soulless
opus operatum, with other good works, such as alms, fasting,
and the like, placed on an equal, if not higher level (5).
While all the internal vital conditions of the Levitical
worship thus disappeared, all typical sacrifices having been
fulfilled by the sacrificial death of Christ, the shadowy service
must needs cease for ever with the destruction of the second
temple by the Eoman eagles (6).
So long as the sacrificial service was rightly practised and
administered at the legal central sanctuary, the Sabbaths and
feasts were also regularly celebrated and the other ordinances
observed. As soon, however, and as often as the sacrificial
service sank to an opus operatum, the Sabbaths and feasts
were also profaned, though their external celebration was not
wholly omitted (7). Hence, when it is said of the pass-
over under Josiah that from the days of the Judges or
of the prophet Samuel, and during the whole time of the
kings of Israel and Judah, no such passover was kept
(2 Kings xxiii. 22; 2 Chron. xxxv. 18), the observance of
the passover in earlier times is not thereby denied, but rather
presupposed ; and all that is meant is, that of the earlier

70 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
celebrations, none equalled that one again held by the whole
nation, in every respect according to the precepts of the
law (8). We are not entitled wholly to deny even the
celebration of the Sabbatic and jubilee years by the absence
of positive and clear testimonies as to their observance before
the exile. Eather it may be inferred, not only from 2 Chron.
xxxvi. 21, where with reference to Lev. xxvi. 34 ff. the
seventy years' desolation of the land is represented as a
punishment for neglect of the observance of the Sabbatic
years, but also from Ezek. vii 12 f., xlvi. 17, that even these
institutions had struck their roots deeply into the life and
consciousness of the people, so that with the increasing
prevalence of idolatry under the later kings they were no
doubt frequently omitted, not, however, wholly neglected.
But from the times after the exile we have in 1 Mace.
vi. 49, 53, and in Josephus, express testimonies to the fact
that the Sabbatic years were carefully observed (9).
(1) According to 1 Sam. xxi. 7, the shewbread is regularly
provided and removed, and the removed bread, from want of
any other, is given by Abimelech to David and his followers ;
but only on the assurance that they were not unclean.
(2) This appears from the statement 1 Chron. xxi. 29, by
which David's sacrifice on the threshing-floor of Araunah is
justified. (3) The words 2 Chron. xxix. 7 : " And they offered not
burnt- offerings in the holy place to the God of Israel," do not
denote the entire cessation of the sacrificial worship, but only
that no burnt-sacrifices were offered to the God of Israel, i.e.
Jehovah. The sacrifices offered on the altar of burnt-offering,
which was constructed after a heathen pattern, are not acknow
ledged by the author of Chronicles as sacrifices offered to
Jehovah. (4) So Darius at the consecration of the new temple, Ezra
vi. 17, comp. with ver. 9 ff, and Artaxerxes, ordained that
everything needful for the keeping up of the worship should
be supplied to Ezra by his treasurers, Ezra vii. 20 ff.
(5) " The apocryphal writings, Philo, Josephus, testify how
tame and spiritless, how death-cold the worship of God was,
which, instead of the holy flame of the burnt-offering on the
altar, requires only good behaviour from those who would serve
the Lord." Neumann, die Opfer des A. B., in deutsch. Ztschr.
f. christl. Wissensch. 1852, p. 252 f., and the proof adduced in a
note : " Compare only, if necessary, expressions like those of

§ 89. SURVEY OF THE HISTORY OF THE LEVITICAL WORSHIP. 7i
Judith viii. 9-13 (?); Tob. xii. 7, 9, xiv. 10, 11; Sir. xxxi. 11,
iii. 33 (30), xvii. 18 (22), iii. 1-8. The out-and-out rejection
of sacrifice, we find Judith xvi. 16 ; Sir. vii. 9, xxxiv. 23. In
its place comes the striving after wisdom, in the Book of
Wisdom vi. 10, vii. 14, 18, xv. 3. For God loves them who
love wisdom (Sir. iv. 15) ; to obey it is better than the cere
monies of sacrifice (xxxv. 1^4). Yet neither are these to be
omitted. For he who gives to God, receives so much the more
from Him," etc.
(6) Comp. the treatise of Bernh. Friedmann and Dr. H.
Gratz: "die angebl. Fortdauer des jud. Opfercultus nach der
Zerstorung des zweiten Tenipels," in Baur and Zeller's theol.
Jahrbb. 1848, p. 338 ff, where proof is led to the following
effect : " With the destruction of the temple under Titus, Jewish
sacrifice came wholly to an end ; neither in nor out of Jeru
salem, neither on the altar nor anywhere else, was sacrifice
afterwards offered ; not even a substitute for sacrifice with
anything of a sacrificial character found a place ; equivalents
for sacrifice with apparent accommodation to the character of
sacrifice, prayer and study of the law, had wholly supplanted
sacrifice and rendered it superfluous ; only a single reminiscence,
and that on the evening of the passover, has kept its ground
to the present day ; but even that with the most careful and
anxious setting aside of every trace of a sacrificial kind"
(p. 358).
(7) According to 1 Kings ix. 25, Solomon offered burnt and
thank offerings and incense three times in the year, i.e. at the
three annual feasts (2 Chron. viii. 12 f.). — Even in the kingdom
of the ten tribes Sabbaths and new moons were regularly kept
(2 Kings iv. 23), impatient as the rich usurers were of these
solemnities (Amos viii. 5). That this keeping of the yearly
feasts had taken deep and firm root in the consciousness of the
people appears from the fact that Jeroboam for his kingdom
transferred the' feast of the seventh month (tabernacles) to the
fifteenth day of the eighth month, to strengthen the political
separation by religious differences (1 Kings xiii. 32) ; and with
equal clearness from the circumstance that all the denuncia
tions of the prophets- against profanation of the Sabbaths and
feasts supposes their external observance (Isa. i. 13 f., lvi. 2,
lviii. 13; Jer. xvii. 21, 24; Ezek. xx. 16, xxii. 8), and that
Jeremiah in his lamentation over the destruction of Jerusalem
and the temple dwells on the fact that Jehovah causes feast
and Sabbath to be forgotten in Zion (Lam. ii. 6).
(8) Comp. Hengstenberg, Beitrdge z. Einl. iii. p. 83, and my
comment, on the passage.. Even the pious Hezekiah, in the
solemn passover appointed by him, was obliged to depart in

72 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
many particulars from the law, and especially to keep it in the
second month, 2 Chron. xxx. 2. — The same holds of the remark
regarding the feast of tabernacles under Ezra and Nehemiah :
" Since the days of Joshua the son of Nun had not the children
of Israel done so " (Neh. viii. 17), i.e. they had not at this feast
dwelt in booths specially erected for the purpose.
(9) Many expositors find a reference in Isa. xxxvii. 30 to the
Sabbatic year, but the reference is uncertain (comp. § 81. 12).
On the other hand, the passage Ezek. vii. 12 f., as Jerome
already recognised, becomes clear only from the idea of the j ubilee
year, and shows how deeply that ordinance had penetrated
and dominated the whole life of the people, so that its abolition
could be here regarded as something which must be felt veiy
painfully by them. Havernick, Comment, p. 87. — Altogether,
if these institutions had not lived in the minds of the people,
and therefore been observed in earlier times, neither would the
chronicler have represented the lying waste of the land during
the exile as a compensation secured to the land for the neglected
observance of the Sabbatic years (2 Chron. xxxvi. 21), nor would
Nehemiah (x. 31), when laying the people under obligation to
keep the law, have mentioned the Sabbatic year along with the
Sabbaths and other holy days. — The regular observance of the
Sabbatic year in post-exilic times appears from the facts that,
according to Josephus, Antiq. xi. 8. 1, Alexander the Great, and
according to xiv. 10. 6, Caesar, remitted their taxes to the Jews
every seventh year, because in it they were accustomed neither
to reap nor to sow ; that, according to xiii. 8. 1, a siege is raised
because of the beginning of the Sabbatic year ; and according to
xv. 1. 2, a famine arises under Herod in the Sabbatic year.
Comp. also Wolde, De anno jubil. p. 65.

§ 90. Worship on High Places and Image-worship.
I. Worship on high places. — Side by side with the legal
service in the tabernacle and temple, there prevailed from the
earliest times of the Judges onwards, almost without interrup
tion till the exile, worship on high places, forbidden in the law
(Deut. xii. 13), i.e. the honouring of Jehovah with sacrifices
and incense on altars (riioa) (1), which were mostly raised on
heights and hills (2) in various parts of the land, partly such
as were hallowed in the eyes of the people by patriarchal
memories. These altars are to be distinguished from the
idolatrous places of worship, or sanctuaries and altars, called

§ 90. WORSHIP ON HIGH PLACES AND IMAGE-WORSHIP. 73
Bamoth, on which Baal and other idols were honoured, though
the high-place cultus devoted to Jehovah could easily degene
rate into positive idol-worship, and may often have actually
done so. The origin of this worship on high places may be
partly traced to the simple custom of the patriarchs, who
built altars and offered sacrifices at the places where Jehovah
revealed Himself to them. But it is mainly to be sought in
the influence which the Canaanites, who were left in the land
with their Bamoth, notwithstanding that Israel was required to
destroy them (Lev. xxvi. 30 ; Num. xxxiii. 52), exercised, and
could not fail involuntarily to exercise, on the heart of the
people of Israel, so earthly in tone, and in its sensuality so
disinclined to the severe discipline of the earnest worship of
Jehovah, with its commands and usages insisting upon the
denial of the flesh and consecration of the heart. The Bamoth,
however, were widely spread, and the people held tenaciously
to this worship, even after the building of the temple, with
its grand and imposing service. This may be explained, to
some extent, by the inconvenience and trouble which those
who lived in remote parts of the land may have felt in
offering sacrifice only in Jerusalem. But it was mainly due
to the fact that in the disturbed and lawless times of the
Judges sacrifice was offered even by Levitical priests and
prophets, without any transgression of the law, in various
parts of the land. These facts may have strengthened people
who did not weigh the temporary relations and circumstances
which rendered those sacrifices lawful, in the delusion that
this service, if only it was paid to Jehovah, and not heathen
idols, was not displeasing to God (3).
The pious kings of Judah, indeed, earnestly exerted them
selves, though long without complete success, to suppress and
root out this illegal worship, so dangerous to the true homage
of the living God (4). But with the revolt of the ten tribes
from the royal house of David, it was expressly sanctioned -by
Jeroboam in the kingdom of Israel founded hy him, and
raised to the place of the national worship, by his erecting
high-place temples (ni»a wa, 1 Kings xii. 31, xiii. 32) at
Bethel and Dan, and appointing priests (Q,l?3) over them, not
only of the Levites, but any one of the people who was willing
(1 Kings xii. 31, xiii. 33). This cultus, introduced on

74 • BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
political grounds (1 Kings xii. 26 ff.), was maintained by all
the kings of the ten tribes down to the fall of the kingdom
(2 Kings xvii. 9, 29, 32).
(1) The proper meaning of npa is still doubtful. On the
one hand, npa is distinguished from natp (2 Kings xxiii. 156 ;
2 Chron. xiv. 3). But, on the other hand, in 2 Kings xxiii. 15<x,
" the altar (natp) which is at Bethel " is identified with the
" HD3 which Jeroboam had made." Hence it is clear that
noa does not, indeed, denote thealtar; but the altar of sacrifice
was the main thing in the Bamah. That npa denotes a height
is evident, (a) from the LXX. and the Vulgate, which translate
rtoa in the historical books mostly by to. i-^riXd, tx u^ri,
excelsa ; {b) from the phrase p.K tipa-^ apn, to ride on the high
places of the earth (Deut. xxxii. 13; Isa. lviii. 14; Micah i. 3;
comp. ay "npa, Isa. xiv. 14 ; D' ''npa, Job ix. 8, etc.) ; (c) from
the fact that Ezekiel uses np-j for it (xvi. 24, 31, 39, comp.
with ver. 16). Comp. Gesenii Thes. i. p. 187 sq. There is no
support for the meaning : fencing, a place fenced off, a sacred
grove (Thenius in the Ztschr.v. Winer, i. 1, p. 145 ; comment, on
1 Sam. ix. 12 and 1 Kings iii. 3 ; Bottcher, De Infer is, § 82).
As to the nature and arrangements of the Bamoth there is
nothing certain. Of the two places in which npa is clearly
distinguished from narp, 2 Kings xxiii. 15 refers to the
sanctuary at Bethel, which was a ni»3 ^3 (1 Kings xii. 31), a
temple in the strict sense, in which a golden calf was set up as
Jehovah's symbol, with an altar of sacrifice ; the other (2 Chron.
xiv. 3) treats of Canaanitish sanctuaries, dedicated to Baal and
Astarte, which, according to Ezek. xvi. 16, were (at least some
times) tent-temples hung with cloth of various colours. But
whether the Bamoth erected for the service of Jehovah were like
these cannot be proved from the Old Testament. Ewald thinks
{Gesch. d. V. Isr. iii. p. 418): "These high places were an old
Canaanite kind of sanctuary, which also became common in
Israel, consisting of a high cone of stone as the emblem of the
holy, and of an altar, the ' high place ' proper, a holy tree or
grove, or some image of the particular god." But this view finds
a very precarious support in the representation of the temple
at Paphos, preserved on a coin, and none at all from the
passages adduced in its favour, Num. xxxiii. 52 ; 2 Kings xxiii.
15 (Deut. xii. 3) ; and besides, it is rendered improbable by the
constant distinction observed between noa and mete. And
even Thenius (on 1 Kings iii. 3) can find the " high cone "
[hohen Kegel] in no passage of the Old Testament.

§ 90. WORSHIP ON HIGH PLACES AND IMAGE-WORSHIP. 75
(2) That the Bamoth were also erected in valleys cannot be
proved, with Bottcher, ubi supra, from Num. xxi. 28 and Hos.
x. 8 ; only .the Bamah devoted to Moloch stood in the valley of
Hinnom (Jer. vii. 31, xxxii. 35). In the kingdom of the ten
tribes every city had its Bamoth (2 Kings xvii. 9). Comp.
Ezek. xvi. 24, 31, 39.
(3) In perfect harmony with the law are the sacrifices of the
people at Bochim (Judg. ii. 5), Gideon's at Ophrah (Judg. vi.
13 ff.), and Manoah's at Zorah (Judg. xiii. 19), because these
were called forth by appearances ofthe angel of the Lord. For
where the Lord reveals His presence, there may His people
sacrifice to Him. " Where God appears, there, so long as the
appearance lasts, is a sanctuary ; and he to whom God appears
becomes for the time a priest " (Hengstenberg, Beitr. iii. p. 41).
Perfectly legal, also, are the sacrifices at those places where the
ark of the covenant was, though only for a time, as at Bethel
(Judg. xx. 27), where an altar was built and sacrifice offered
(xxi. 4 ff.). On the contrary, Samuel's offering at Mizpah
(1 Sam. vii. 9 ff.), Eama (1 Sam. ix. 12), and Gilgal (1 Sam.
x. 8), are not to be explained by his plenipotentiary powers as
a prophet ; for the prophets did not stand above, but under the
law, in all particulars wherein the Lord had not specially
revealed His will to them ; but they find complete justification
in the circumstances of the time, i.e. in the fact that from the
time that the ark was taken by the Philistines, and even after
its restoration to the Israelites, it was not brought into the
tabernacle ; the tabernacle itself had lost the pledge and symbol
of the divine presence, and ceased to be the place where the
Lord put His name (Deut. xii. 5, 11, 21). Thereby the taber
nacle itself became a Bamah, and so long as God Himself did
not restore His sanctuary, it was permitted to the prophet
Samuel, at the places where he appeared as judge of the people,
to erect altars, which also are described as Bamah (1 Sam. ix.
11 ff, etc.), and to offer burnt and other offerings on them.
This interim was brought to an end partly by David's solemn
transference of the ark to Zion, with the setting up of the
orderly Levitical service, but not completely, till the building
of the temple, which Jehovah, after it had received the ark
into its holy of holies, filled with His glory (1 Kings viii. 10).
Now the law (Deut. xii.) came again into full force, and all
other places of sacrifice in the land became illegal Bamoth.
But this difference of time and relation was not regarded by
the people, as it is still overlooked by many modern theologians.
Thenius, e.g. (on 1 Sam. vii. 5), who can explain Samuel's con
duct only as an " intentional and calculated opposition to the
traditional priesthood," and a striving, with a deliberate avoid-

76 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY,
ance of Shiloh, because he had known the priestly government
in all its shamelessness, " to introduce a freer Jehovah-worship."
The correct explanation is already given by the old Seb. Schmidt
{Comment, in libr. Sam. p. 187 sq), and recently in Hengsten
berg, Beitr. iii. p. 48 f.
(4) This is related specially of the kings Asa (1 Kings xv.
14 ; 2 Chron. xv. 15, comp. with xiv. 2), Jehoshaphat (1 Kings
xxii. 44 ; 2 Chron. xx. 33, comp. with xvii. 6), Jehoash (2 Kings
xii. 4), and Amaziah (2 Kings xiv. 4). The kings Hezekiah
and Josiah were the first to root it out (2 Kings xviii. 4, xxiii.
8, 19), though not permanently. Of these high places it is
expressly remarked (2 Chron. xxxiii. 17), that the people offered
sacrifices on them to Jehovah their God.
II. Image-worship. — The worship of Jehovah by images,
as visible representations of His eternal invisible being, wliich
was also strictly forbidden in the law (Ex. xx. 4 ; Deut. iv.
16, v. 8, xxvii. 15), is closely related to that on high
places. In one respect, indeed, it is only a continuation of
it, for image-worship was also celebrated with sacrifices. The
Israelites had partly brought it out of Chaldea, the home of
their fathers ; partly adopted it from the Egyptian idolatry
(Josh. xxiv. 14). From Chaldea come, according to Gen.
xxxi. 19, 34, the teraphim (B'anri) (5), smaller or larger
images in human form (6) of household gods or penates ;
that is to say, patron deities, protectors, and givers of earthly
good fortune, at whose hands were sought help and protection
in the difficulties of life, and insight into what was hidden in
the case of precarious undertakings (7). These teraphim are,
in the time of the Judges, brought into connection with the
high priest's ephod, — the Ephraimite Micah creating for him
self a house of worship, with an image of Jehovah, and an ephod
and teraphim, for which he took into his service a Levite as
priest (Judg. xvii.) (8). By this image-worship, whose sacred
apparatus was carried off by the Danites and set up in the
city of Laish-Dan, which was conquered by them (Judg. xviii
15 ff.), the teraphim became oracles, to which men ascribed
the power of prophecy, and as such they were honoured, down
to the exile, by the idolatrous people (Hos. iii. 4 ; Ezek. xxi.
26; Zech. x. 2).
(5) Of the various derivations of the word CBil^ on which
comp. Eoediger in Gesen. Thes. iii. 1520, the most probable is

§ 90. WORSHIP ON HIGH PLACES AND IMAGE-WORSHIP. 77
/ / /
that from the Arabic ,__; j, bonis commodisque vita? affluxit
vel iis fruitus et laetatus est, or from spn=spD Prov. xxx. 8, for
which Havernick, On Ezek. p. 347 ff. ; Eoediger, ubi supra; and
Delitzsch, Gen. pp. 411 and 555, 4th ed., decide, and which are
substantially the same. Thus understood, teraphim are
nourishers and providers, distributors of earthly blessings,
penates, from penus, the store-room of the house, according to
Firmicus Maternus in Delitzsch, ubi supra ; and perhaps also,
as Hitzig, On Ezek. p. 149, thinks connected with Sepaneg. All
other derivations are unsupported, and unsuitable. The explana
tion again taken up by Hofmann {Schriftbew. i. p. 375 f.), and
adopted by Kurtz {Gesch. d. A. B. i. p. 251 [Eng. tr. i. p. 321 f.]),
that of Lud. de Dieu: D,Enn = D,anb', nobiles,~Roed. rightly desig
nates as a consueta literarum permutatione abhorrens. — Accord
ing to Ewald {Alterthumer, p. 298), teraphim denotes " nodding
face or living mask " (!). This he deduces from the accounts
collected by Chwolsohn {Die Ssabier, ii. p. 152 ff'.), regarding
human heads and idols uttering oracles.
(6) The human figure, at least so far as head and face
are concerned, appears from 1 Sam. xix. 13, and at the same
time that Michal's teraphim-image was of a man's size, whereas
Laban's teraphim, which Eachel, on Jacob's departure from
Mesopotamia, without her husband's knowledge, stole from her
father, must have been very small, for Eachel could conceal it
in the camel's saddle on which she sat (Gen. xxxi. 30 ff). The
plural of the word, as appears from 1 Sam. xix. 13, does not
necessarily imply more images than one.
(7) In the Old Testament the teraphim are certainly only
named, as Hengstenberg, Christol. iii. 1, p. 396 [Eng. tr. iii.
p. 437], has proved, as serving to make known the future ; so
1 Sam. xv. 23; Hos. iii. 4; 2 Kings xxiii. 24; Ezek. xxi. 26;
Zech. X. 2. Laban, too, according to Gen. xxx. 27, dealt in
auguries E'ro, and must have used his teraphim for this purpose.
So, no doubt, Michal also ascribed this power to her teraphim.
But this does not exclude the view that the teraphim were,
originally and strictly speaking, penates. Similarly, from the
fact that Micah connects them with the ephod, it by no means
follows that they were intermediate deities, who might be
brought into connection with any system of religion (Hengsten
berg, Christol. i. p. 323 [Eng. tr. i. p. 278]). Laban calls the
teraphim his Elohim, and in Gen. xxxv. 4 they are named
"9?n T^N.
(8) The cultus set up by Micah in a special house was not,
properly speaking, idol - worship, but only image - worship
devoted to Jehovah. His mother had already dedicated to

78 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY,
Jehovah the silver of which the graven and molten image
(roap! i>pa) was made for this very purpose (Judg. xvii. 3 f.).
To the service of Jehovah belonged also the ephod, which Micah
procured with teraphim (ver. 5) ; therefore also he hires a
Levite to be priest (ver. 9 ff), and believes, after getting him,
that Jehovah will do him good (ver. 13) ; and this priest
answers the question of the Danites as to the prosperity of
their way from Jehovah (xviii. 6). According to these clear
declarations of the text, we dare not regard the carved and
molten image as figures of heathen idols, but as an image of
Jehovah. We have to represent the matter thus, that ^pa
was the image of God, strictly so called, carved in wood, and
npap either a silver covering or the pedestal for the image
(Hengstenberg, Beitr. iii. p. 95, and Christol. i. p. 323 [Eng. tr.
i. p. 278]). This view is still further confirmed, that in chap.
xviii. 20, 30, 31, only the former of these is named, because it
was the most important. And as the two formed a whole, so
also the ephod and the teraphim, which Micah had procured in
addition to the carved image. This connection we shall have
to think of thus, that in the ephod the high-priestly shoulder-
dress with the choschen was imitated, and the teraphim as
Urim and Thummim, were put as oracles into the choschen.
This image-worship, which in the Old Testament indeed is
charged to the idolatrous character of the Israelites, but not
" uniformly " — as Kurtz, ubi supra, says — but is nowhere
designated idolatry, sprang from the superstition which imagined
that the power to discover the divine will, promised to the high
priest as the bearer of the ephod in his official service before
Jehovah, attached to the dress, and could be secured with the
dress. This is clearly shown by Gideon's history. This
champion for Jehovah, who destroyed the altar of Baal belong
ing to his father, and cut down the Asherah beside it (Judg. vi.
25 ff.), yet had a golden ephod made and set up in his native
city Ophrah (viii. 24 ff.). That neither was this ephod an idol
(Gesenius, Vatke), but merely an imitation of the high priest's
shoulder - dress, and that Gideon only intended, with this
sanctuary in his native city, to discover the will of the national
God, Jehovah — " very much as if one who wished privately to
imitate the Catholic service of the mass would make himself
mass robes" (Winer, R.W. i. p. 333), is clearly shown to be
the meaning of the historian, for he relates (viii. 33) that Baal-
worship was not again introduced till after Gideon's death.
Nevertheless this worship in an obscure corner was illegal, and
disturbed the pure worship of Jehovah, and so became a snare
to Gideon and his house (Judg. viii. 27). Gideon does not
seem to have set up a Jehovah-image; for. the biblical author

§ 90. WORSHIP ON HIGH PLACES AND IMAGE- WORSHIP. 79
would have mentioned this of him as well as of Micah. Comp.
my comm. on Judg. viii. 27.
The second form of image-worship among the Israelites has
its origin in Egypt, where not only were the gods worshipped
under the images of animals, but two live oxen, Apis as the
symbol of Osiris, and Mne"vis as representative of the sun-god,
were worshipped at Heliopolis (9). Aaron was forced to
make such an image of the Deity for the people at Sinai, as a
representation of Jehovah ; and this image-worship brought
heavy punishment on the people, while the image was destroyed
by Moses (Ex. xxxii. 3 ff.) (10). Later, however, this example
was followed by Jeroboam, who had resided in Egypt before
his election to be king of the revolted tribes, and the worship
of Jehovah was set up under the image of two golden calves
(3ni biy, probably young oxen cast in bronze and gilded) in
temples expressly built for them at Bethel and Dan ; and this
cultus was observed as the national worship of the ten tribes
down to the dissolution of the kingdom (1 Kings xii 28 ff. ;
2 Kings xvii. 16) (11). This calf-worship is throughout the
Old Testament, and especially in the Books of Kings, very
clearly distinguished from Baal and other idol worship.
(9) See the proofs in Hengstenberg, Beitr. ii. p. 155 ff, and
Winer, R. W. i. p. 644.
(10) On the making of the golden calf, and its destruction
by Moses (burning it with fire, grinding to powder, and giving
to the people with water to drink, Ex. xxxii 20 ; Deut. ix. 21),
comp. my commentary on the passage.
(11) Comp. Hengstenberg, Beitr. ii. p. 160 ff.
A third kind of image- worship was that ofthe brazen serpent
set up by Moses in the wilderness (Num. xxi. 8 ff.), to which
the people in later times offered incense, until Hezekiah had
this image (called jne'ni) broken to pieces (2 Kings xviii. 4).
No doubt this image too was imagined to have some divine
power magically inherent in it, and which might by the
worship of it be appropriated, because God had commanded it
to be set up for the people in the wilderness as a symbol of
their healing from the bite of the fiery serpents, as a avfifioXov
awrvpia'}, not, however, Bia. to Oeapovfievov, StWa Sea. ©ebv tcop
wavrcov a-a>Trjpa, as we have it in Wisd. xvi. 6-8 (12).

80 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
(12) See the different opinions regarding the object and
meaning of this symbol in Kurtz, Gesch. d. A. B. ii. p. 428 ff.
[E. tr. iii. p. 344 ff.].

§ 91. Idolatry.
Though the family of Abraham had not kept free from
heathen ways (Josh. xxiv. 2), yet Abraham still worshipped
the one true God when He revealed Himself to him, and
called him to leave the paternal home for Canaan (Gen. xii. 1).
The teraphim which Eachel took with her from her father's
house (Gen. xxxi. 19) were household idols of an inferior
kind, which might be combined with the worship of the one
supreme God. Hence we find no idolatry in the strict sense,
either among the patriarchs or among the Israelites in Egypt
and under Moses, but only solitary traces of idolatry and
image-worship among the latter, whereby the knowledge and
worship of God, who had revealed Himself to their fathers,
was so far polluted but not supplanted (1). The people of
Israel were first seduced to apostasy from Jehovah the God
of their fathers into heathen idolatry, despite the strong pro
hibitions of it in the law (comp. Ex. xx. 19 ; Lev. xix. 4;
Deut. vi. 14 f., viii. 19 f., xi. 16, xiii. 2 ff, xvii. 2 ff),
after their possession of Canaan, in the time of the Judges,
by the Canaanites who had not been rooted out (2). — The
various gods to whose service the Israelites gave themselves
were Canaanitish, and not till after the invasion of Palestine
by the Assyrians were Assyrian idols added (3).
(1) In the patriarchs and the lawgiver of the Hebrews
— Schlottmann well remarks in Eiehm's Handworterb. des MM.
Altert. i. p. 126 — their purer knowledge and worship of God
appears, according to the undoubtedly true tradition in the
Pentateuch, as springing from God and divine revelation.
Yet not so, as many moderns have sought to represent the
matter, as if the purer spiritual worship of Jehovah had first
from Abraham or Moses onwards, especially with the help of
the prophets, gradually emancipated itself from the heathen
sensual Baal-worship with which it began. . . . According to
the Bible representation, God appears to Abraham, not as a
new, but as an anciently known God (Gen. xii. 1). The
revelation and knowledge of Him are carried back to Noah,
and beyond him to the beginnings of the human race. And

§ 91. IDOLATRY. 81
however freely criticism may treat the letter of biblical
primeval history, this holds good as the true memory of the
oldest races cleaving to the original consciousness of God. For
profounder scientific investigation leads also to similar con
clusions. So Welcker, in his treatise on the Greek doctrine of
God (i. p. 229, comp. p. 228), adduces the supernatural every
where distinguishable as the original which is expressed even
before the separation of the Indo-Germanic races in the word
d&was as the common name for God. " The original, the notitia
insita, says he, is God, not gods ; these are the work of human
thought and the formation of language. Hence the super
natural, in consequence of a disturbance of the original con
sciousness of God, was more and more dragged down to the
natural." In proof of this, Schlottmann points to the oldest
songs of the Vedas, in which the mythological process referred
to is very clearly seen, and to the course of development
followed by Semitic heathenism. Diestel, in his treatise, " der
Monotheismus des altesten Heidentums bei den Semiten unter-
sucht" (in the Jahrbb.f. deutsche Theol. v. [1860], p. 669 ff),
has not invalidated these facts. — The traces of idolatry which
have been sought in Ex. xxxii. ; Lev. xvii. 7 ; Num. xxv. 2 ;
Josh. xxiv. 14 ; Ezek. xx. 7, and Amos v. 25 f., prove nothing
more than disturbances of pure Jehovah-worship by image-
worship, heathen superstition, and proneness to fleshly sins.
The golden calf (Ex. xxxii.) was intended to be a representation
of Jehovah after an Egyptian pattern. The wyyb (Lev. xvii. 7 :
Feldteufel [field-devils], in Luther) are like the ane> (Deut.
xxxii. 17), demons, goblins, which were supposed to dwell in
the wilderness, and against whose pernicious influence men
sought to protect themselves by sacrifices — that is to say,
heathen figures especially belonging to Egyptian superstition ;
and proneness to fleshly sins seduced the Israelites into forni
cation with the daughters of Moab (Num. xxv. 2). To these
kinds of apostasy and idolatry, both the warning of Joshua
(xxiv. 14) and the rebuke of the prophet Ezekiel (xx. 7) refer.
Amos, too, with his rebuke, v. 25 f. : " Did ye bring unto me
(Jehovah) sacrifices and offerings in the wilderness forty years,
O house of Israel ? Yea, ye have borne the tabernacle of your
king and the shrine of your images, the star of your gods,
which ye made to yourselves," has in view image-worship, but
not the service of the Assyrian idols Sakkuth and Kewan.
It may be true, that in the syllabaries of King Assurbanipal
the ideogram of the star Saturn is explained by the Assyrian
Ka-ai-va-nu, i.e. Kewan, and that Sakkuth occurs as a surname
of Adar, the Assyrian ox-god, the god of the planet Saturn,
i.e. of Moloch-Kewan-Sandan-Hercules (Schrader, " Kewan and
KEIL II. F

82 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
Sakkuth Am. v. 26," in the Theol. Studien u. Krit. 1874,
p. 324 ff.) ; but this does not in the least prove that in the
passage quoted map is identical with the Asssyrian mats', and
that p'a is to be- changed into JV3. The explanation of the
BaaSp by MoXo'x may, indeed, be supported by the translation of
the LXX., and that of |isa by Kewan by the Syriac version ; but
for the explanation of map by Sakkuth there is no critical
authority whatever^ for all the old versions have rendered map
.as an appellative. And the difficulties which Schrader has
raised against our translation of the verse are quite unim
portant when compared with the critical, linguistic, arid
material difficulties to which his translation is subject : " So
shall ye then take Sakkuth your king, and Kewan your star-
god, your images which ye made for yourselves, and I will
carry you into captivity." For this explanation requires not
only the transposition of aa^'isx asia and the change of aa^x
into aap^v, but also, since Assyrian idolatry among the
Israelites as they went out of Egypt under Moses is histori
cally inconceivable, the taking of ariKtMl as a future, while its
undeniable correspondence with ane'an unconditionally requires
it to be taken as a preterite.
(2) " It has been- sought to prove it self -contradictory, and
therefore unhistorical, that the pure religion of Jehovah pre
vailed in the earliest times, and yet that from the date of the
Judges there constantly took place an apostasy to the lower
Baal-worship. But this is easily explained by the seductive
power which the nature-principle exercised, appearing bright
and gay in opposition to the austerity of Mosaism." Schlott-
mann, ubi supra, p. 115. There was, besides, the syncretist
character of the heathen cults, in virtue of which Jehovah-
worship was not excluded by Baal-worship. Comp. on this
my commentary on Judg. ii. 13 f., 2nd ed.
(3) The distinction between Canaanitish and Assyrian gods
is intended only to denote the two historical phases of heathen
idolatry to which the Israelites gave themselves. The origin
both of the Canaanite- Phoenician and of the Assyrian worships
is to be sought, according to the reliable results of more recent
investigations, in Babylonia. Baal (???) is the Canaanite-
Phoenician form of the name, which in Aramaic sounded Beel
(bya), and in Babylonian- Assyrian Bel (?3, omitting the V) ; and
this name is the most common designation of the chief deity, not
only of the ancient Babylonians, but also of the Canaanite-
Phoenicians, Aramaeans, and Assyrians who went out from
Babylonia, the cosmo-sidereal meaning and mythological form

§ 91. IDOLATRY. 83
of which experienced many modifications among these peoples
in the course of time. The religion and mythology of these
nations was in its ultimate ground of an astral nature, i.e. star-
worship, which in correspondence with the two chief heavenly
bodies, the sun and the moon, was developed dually according
to the two sexes. By the side of Baal as sun-god, stood the
moon-goddess Astarte, Assyrian Istar. Both together denote
nature-deity in its widest sense, which was worshipped in Baal
as the active, generative, in Astarte as the passive, receptive,
conceiving principle, and was probably seen from the beginning
of heathenism onwards, in the relation of the sun to the moon.
— Only it is a question whether this star-worship in its sexual
dualism originally springs from - the Semites, or, as Schrader
{Assyrien, in Eiehm's Handworterb. des bibl. Altert. i. p. 107 f.)
thinks, goes back to that ancient people (of Turanian origin ?),
from whom the Babylonians and Assyrians borrowed their
writing, the aborigines of Chaldaea whose territory the Semites
from Arabia invaded, partly to settle there, partly to pass to
the north and west. This question cannot yet be answered.
The grounds which Schrader, ubi supra, and in his treatise,
" Die Abstammung der Chaldaer u. die Ursitze der Semiten "
(in the Ztschr. d. DMG. xxvii. p. 397 ff), has alleged for it, when
closely examined, are extremely weak.
I. The idols of Canaan are comprehended under the names
Baalim and Ashtaroth ("iwyrn B^yart, Judg. ii. 11, 13 ;
1 Sam. vii. 4, xii. 10), or Baalim and Asheroth (ny^an
ni-i^'Nni, Judg. iii. 7).
1. The chief deity common to all Canaanitish peoples was
[the'] Baal (^an always with the article), originally a sun-god
as the principle and bearer of physical life, and of the
generative, propagating power of nature. But inasmuch as
there was comprehended in the name Baal the whole full
conception of the male-nature deity, he was regarded not only
as the generating and producing, but also as the preserving
and destroying principle, and accordingly he was variously wor
shipped in different places and at different times (4). There
were therefore many Baals (DvJ'a, i.e. not statues or images of
Baal, but various conceptions of the god) (5). Hence the
Greeks and Eomans identify Baal, on the one hand, with the
Olympian Zeus as the king of heaven, and with Saturn as
the principle of order, unity, and necessity in the organism of
the world, as well as with Mars, the principle of dissension,

84 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
disorder, and destruction in the totality of nature ; on the
other hand, frequently with Hercules as the mythical mani
festation of the highest nature-deity. — Of the various Baals
the most distinguished is the older Phoenician Baal, in whose
temple at Tyre there was no statue of the god, but only two
pillars, the one of gold, the other of emerald. The cultus of
this Baal was introduced by Ahab (no doubt to gratify his
Sidonian consort Jezebel) into Samaria, where he erected
(1 Kings xvi. 32 ; 2 Kings iii. 2) a temple to him with a
monumental pillar (nasp, i.e. a conical stone dedicated to Baal),
a tower-like building with an outer court, in which the altar of
sacrifice and several wooden Mazzeboth stood as irdpeBpoi, and
avfiBcofiot of Baal (2 Kings x. 25-27) (6). This cultus had
a numerous body of priests and prophets (according to 1 Kings
xviii. 2 2, to the number of 250 prophets ; comp. 2 Kings
x. 19 ff.), who in a special official dress served the god with
incense (Jer. vii. 9, xi 13, xxxii. 9) and with sacrifices, in
offering which they danced round the altar in a corybantine
sort of war-dance, and pricked their bodies with lances to the
effusion of blood (1 Kings xviii. 26 ff.).
Of particular local conceptions of Baal, there are named in
the Old Testament : —
a. The covenant-Baal (nna ?ya), worshipped in a temple at
Shechem (Judg. viii. 33, ix. 4) as god of the covenant
(nn_3 ?K, ix. 46), i.e. as protector and guardian of engagements,
similar to Zew opfctos, Deus fidius (7) ;
b. The fly-Baal (aiar 5>ya), Beelzebub, lord of flies, who pro
duces, but also removes the swarms of tormenting flies, which
in southern lands cause even sicknesses ; similar to the Zeu?
'Airoixvio? of the Eleans, the Mvlaypof, deus myiagros or
myiodes of Pliny, consulted as a predicting idol at Ekron by
Ahaziah of Israel in his sickness (1 Kings i. 2 ff.) (8) ;
c. Baal-Peor (liya ?ya), mentioned as god of the Moabites,
to whose worship the Israelites were seduced in the plains of
Moab, Num. xxv. 1 ff., xxxi. 16 ; Josh. xxii. 17, probably one
with Chemosh (C'toa), the war-god of the Moabites, to whom
Solomon built a Bamah for his Ammonite wives on the
southern slope of the Mount of Olives (1 Kings xi. 7 ;
2 Kings xxiii. 13) (9). As war-god he was called by the
Greeks 'Apir]\ i.e. God's lion, and represented on the coins

§ 91. IDOLATRY. 85
of Areopolis (Ar or Eabbath-Moab) as standing on a pillar, a
sword in his right hand, lance and shield in the left, with two
torches at his side, and worshipped by the Moabites with
sacrifices and sacrificial banquets, which in chambers degene
rated into unchastity, and propitiated in times of great
distress even with child-sacrifices (2 Kings iii. 2 7). Accord
ing to Judg. xi. 24, Chemosh gave the Ammonites their land,
as Jehovah gave their inheritance to the Israelites. The two
peoples being kindred to one another, it follows from this, not
only that Chemosh was also worshipped by the Ammonites,
but that if not identical, he was closely related to the
Ammonite god Milcom, or Malcam, or Molech (aa?p, 1 Kings
xi. 5, 33; 2 Kings xxiii. 13; D3?P, Jer. xlix. 1, 3 ; Amos
i. 15; ^b, 1 Kings xi. 7), to whom also Solomon built an
altar. Nothing further is known of his cultus (10).
(4). Comp. Movers, Religion der Phonizier, p. 181 ff, where
the proofs are collected from the old authors ; and Schlottmann
in Eiehm's Hwb. des bibl. A Itert. s.v. " Baal."
(5) Against the explanation of B^ya, statues Baalis, in Gesen.
thes. i. 224, Movers rightly remarks {ubi supra, p. 175) :
" Neither the singular nor the plural ever occurs denoting an
image of Baal, for which nasra is always used, and the unten-
ableness of the view appears from passages like Hos. ii. 15, 19,
2 Chron. xxiv. 7, in which we read of the feast days of the
Baals, of the solemn invocation of the names of the Baals, of
making images for the Baals, and where the meaning Baal-
images would be wholly unsuitable."
(6) According to Ewald {Gesch. d. V. Isr. iii. p. 491 f.), there
was to be seen in this temple " the sun-god represented (perhaps
with his fellow-gods on much smaller pillars), and in front of
the temple a very high ornamented pillar to the god." Ewald
has presented the temple with these images of Baal and his
fellow-gods at his own expense.
(7) Wrongly, Movers (p. 171), and Bertheau on Judg. ix. 4 :
" covenanted Baal, or Baal in so fat as any one entered into
covenant with him."
(8) Comp. K. B. Stark, Gaza u. die philist. Kuste, Jen. 1852,
p. 260 f. The common notion of Beelzebub as " defender from
insects " (so still in Movers, p. 175, and Winer, R. W. i. 120) is
manifestly too narrow. The name even is against the view.
" The fly-god cannot have his name as the enemy of flies, some
what like lucus a non lucendo." The LXX. translate: BdaX
jj-uTav ®ih 'Axxaptiv (2 Kings i. 2, 3, 6, 16), and Josephus

86 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
{Antiq. ix. 2. 1) writes : <aplg Tr\v ' ' Axr.apiiv Qebv MvTav, tovto yap r,v
hopa rf 0iG>, and they thereby designate the god himself as a
fly, as a fly-idol, to which also the expression Myiodes points,
the gnat-like god, or god of the gnat kind, in Pliny, hist. nat.
29. 6. More on this fly or gnat-cultus is given in J. G. Miiller
in PRE. i. p. 769, who takes the Beelzebub at Ekron to be
Myiodes, " who as sun and summer god must have stood in a
similar relation to flies as the oracle god Apollo, who inflicted
and delivered from sicknesses." On this connection it is further
remarked by Stark, ubi supra: " These (the flies), determined in
their appearing and disappearing by the changing character of
the weather, seem themselves endowed with prophetic power."
The warding off of flies is only a part of this god's activity,
which was afterwards especially maintained when animal
worship was understood only according to the harm or benefit
done by the animals. — Thus Hengstenberg's difficulty is set
aside, which he has raised in Beitr. ii. p. 25 f., against the
" fly-lord, a Walter von Habenichts " [penniless laird], etc., so
that with Scaliger, Grotius, etc., he would explain the. word as
a nickname formed from Piat ?ya, lord of the (heavenly) dwell
ing. The later Jews were the first who formed from Beelzebub
the name BeeXZe@ouX (for this is manifestly the original reading,
instead of the older received reading ~BeeXye8ou$ in Matt. x. 25,
xii. 24, 27; Mark iii. 22 ; Luke xi. 15, 18) for the apx^v rw
dai/j,ovim ; accordingly, to express sarcastically their abomination
of idols in the most emphatic way, they made out of i^ar byz
a ?at pya, dirt-God. This explanation given by Lightfoot on
Matt. xii. 24, Miiller has also rightly defended against other
interpretations. (9) That Baal-Peor is the same as Chemosh, is already
asserted by Jerome on Isa. xv. 2 ; and Hengstenberg also,
Psalmen, iv. p. 180, has declared for this view. In itself it is
extremely improbable that the Moabites should have worshipped
two chief deities who stood in no inward connection. There is
no instance of such a thing in any people of high antiquity.
Besides, the oneness of the two gods or names of gods would
not have been mistaken by so many, had a leading ground
against their identity not' been found in the alleged priapian
nature of Baal-Peor. Only the priapus nature of Baal-Peor is
— as Jo. Selden, de Diis Syr. i. c. 5, p. 83 sqq, already well
showed — a fable of the Eabbins, who derived it from Num.
xxv. 1 ff, and then sought to establish it by an obscene inter
pretation of the word "liya. Philo knows nothing of it ; Origen
and Jerome are the first to give it from their Jewish teachers.
It is more fully developed by pseudo-Jonathan on Num. xxv. 1,
and the Eabbins of the Middle Ages. "Ego" — says Selden,

§ 91. IDOLATRY. 87
p. 88 sqq. — " Priapum haud magis eundem cum Phegorio fuisse,
quam cum alio quovis Divum Asiaticorum, autumo. Fcedse
enim illae libidines, quae in historia Moabitidarum recensentur,
et vindicta veri Dei puniuntur, non minus sunt a Phegorii
cultu alienae, quam Salomonis stupra a ritu Sidoniorum. Ob
amorem enim Sidoniarum, quas deperibat ille, Sidoniorum Deos
venerabatur. Et ccepit, populus, uti verba sunt Mosis, fornicari
cum filiabus Moab, quaz et vocaverunt populum ad sacrificia
Deorum suorum ; comeditque populus et adoravit Deos illarum.
Et junctus est Israel Baal Peor concitatusque est furor Domini
contra Israel. Moabitides amasios suos, ut Deos patrios colerent,
libidine pellexerunt; ita Sidoniae Salomonem, ita aliae uti fit
alios. Libidinem in sacris Phegorii fuisse, non omnino constat,
nee ex Oseae (ix. 10) verbis, qui obsccenos mores ad populum
non ad Phegorium refert, elici potest. Neque vero Idolorum
cultum in veteri instrumento sub stupri et libidinis vocibus
saspissime intelligi quis nescit. Stercore autem cultum eum et
patente podice, quod ajunt Eabbini, fuisse, constanter nego.
Lirae, lirae sunt illud Eabbinicae et gerrae germanse." This
Eabbinical interpretation of the name is also rejected, Gesenius,
Thes. ii. 1119: "quod "iya a tali usu alienum est;" and he
derives the cognomen "liya from the Mount Peor of which
Selden thought, and for which Movers (pp. 175 and 668) and
Hengstenberg, ubi supra, have decided.
(10) That Milcom, too, is to be reckoned to the Baals, is
established on two grounds. First, from Zeph. i. 5, where aa?p
is used of the Baals ; for if the word here also is to be taken
appellatively, and not to be understood of Milcom specially, yet
this use proves that Baal was conceived as ipp. Next, from
the form sjijta for aai>p, 1 Kings xi. 7, and from the passages,
Lev. xviii. 21, Deut. xviii. 9 ff, where Moloch is designated as
an idol of the Canaanites.
2. Side by side with Baal, as female chief deity of the
Canaanites, stands Astarte (rnfoipy, 'Ao-rapTi]), or Asherah
(n"!?'^) (H), at first only the deity seen in the pure moon
light and its influence on life on the earth, and worshipped as
the conceiving and birth -giving principle in nature, but
combined from primaeval times with the planet Venus as
morning and evening star, and worshipped as goddess of love,
as Aphrodite, with voluptuous sensuality (12). In the Old
Testament there is special mention of the Sidonian Astarte
(ninety), the race and guardian goddess of the Sidonians or
Phoenicians of the older time. Solomon in his old age trans-

88 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
planted her cultus to Jerusalem (1 Kings xi. 5, 33 ; 2 Kings
xxiii. 13); as moon - goddess of the Greeks and Eomans,
she was named Ovpavla, HeXvvain, Juno, virgo coelestis. This
Astarte is identical at once with the Asherah to whom Ahab
built a temple in Samaria (1 Kings xvi. 33), where she was
served by 400 priests (1 Kings xviii. 19), and with the
Queen of Heaven, whom the Jews worshipped with drink-
offerings, and cakes baked for her by the women (13), and with
incense (Jer. viii. 18, xliv. 17-19). She was represented either
with an ox-head and horns (sickles) (14), or with the head
of a woman surrounded by the crescent moon (15). — Besides
this, there are traces of the voluptuous cultus of this goddess
regarded as Venus, and identified with 'AcppoSiTn. so early as
in the images of the Asherah (16) mentioned 1 Kings xv. 13 ;
2 Chron. xv. 16 ; and 2 Kings Xxi. 7, xxiii. 7. — From these
Asherah figures are to be distinguished the Canaanitish
Asherim (D,"!?te), which are frequently named beside altars
and monumental stones (Mazzeboth) of Baal (Ex. xxxiv. 13 ;
Deut. vii. 5, xii. 3 ; 1 Kings xiv. 23 ; 2 Kings xvii. 10, etc.),
and which were not statues, but simple symbolical representa
tions of the goddess, made of wood, commonly of a trunk
planted in the earth without roots, but with branches, twigs,
and top (17).
(11) Astarte is called on Assyrian monuments Istar, and on
Himjar monuments Athtar. Comp. Schrader, Die Keilin-
schriften u. d. A. Test. (1872), p. 83 f., and Schlottmann,
" Astarte u. Aschera," in Eiehm's Handworterb. i. p. Ill ff. The
name mht2>y, which only occurs of the Sidonian goddess
(1 Kings xi. 5, 53, and 2 Kings xxiii. 13), is not to be derived,
with Gesen. thes. p. 1083 ; Movers, ubi supra, p. 606, and many
others, from the Zend stare or actar, i.e. star, but is Semite, from
the root "WV with D inserted ; but the radical meaning is not yet
made out with certainty. See the various explanations of mney
and mete in W. Guil. Graf de Baudissin, Jahve et Moloch,
sive de ratione inter deum Israelitarum et Molochum intercedente.
Dissert., Lips. 1874, p. 24 f., note. The plural rihne>y occurs
only Judg. ii. 13, x. 6, 1 Sam. vii. 3, 4, and xii. 10, and denotes
the various local conceptions of the goddess ; also in the name
of the city Ashteroth-Karnaim (Gen. xiv. 5), and in Judg. ii. 13
and 1 Sam. xxxi. 10, where Schlottmann insists on taking it in
an abstract sense ; not her images. From the comparison of

§ 91. IDOLATRY. 89
Judg. ii. 13 with iii. 7, the name is plainly identical with nntste.
This plural form is found, besides, only in 2 Chron. xix. 3 and
xxxiii. 3 ; otherwise it is always antste, which denotes partly
the goddess in her various modifications, but mostly her
Canaanitish idols. — The supposition of Movers, p. 560 ff., that
the Sidonian Astarte was wholly different from the Canaanite
Asherah, and that only in later times were they confounded
with one another, is untenable. Comp. on the contrary, Winer,
R. W. i. p. 94 f., and Bertheau, On Judges, p. 66 f.
(12) The proofs for this are given by Gesen. thes. p. 1082 ;
Winer, R.W. i. p. 108 f. ; Movers, p. 601 ff.; and Schlottmann,
ubi supra.
(13) The image of the goddess seems to have been impressed
on these cakes (a'ija) ; comp. nawr6, Jer. xliv. 19.
(14) According to Sanchuniathon in Eusebius, prmp. evang.
i. 10, p. 45, ed. Heinichen : 'H be' AdTdprn We^%xe Ty Ibla xefaXy
fiadiXeiag irupderi/j,ov xe<paXr\i Taiipov liipiweTiiuea be Tr]v olxoujxfevr\v,
eupev depoiriTr\ daTepa, .h xal aisAoa'svr,, iv Tvpw Tr) ayia v^ffw dipiepcuae.
Tr)v be 'AardpTrjv <bo'mxeg tt\v 'Atppobirriv ehai Xeyouet.-
(15) She is represented with a woman's head and crescent on
coins, in Eckhel, doctr. num. I. iii. 365 sq. Comp. Winer, R. W.
i. p. 109. — She was also worshipped by the Philistines, and had
a temple in which they deposited Saul's armour (1 Sam. xxxi.
10), while they brought his head into the house of Dagon. This
temple is perhaps that oldest sanctuary mentioned by Herodotus
(i. 105) as sacred to 'Appobirn Oupavir, at Askelon. To this god
dess belonged the crescent, spear, and dove, which are found on
coins of Askelon belonging to the time of the Caesars. Comp.
Stark, Gaza, p. 258 f.
(16) But this sensual cultus seems especially to have pre
vailed among the Moabites, as appears from the clay figures
recently found in the land of Moab, one of which, e.g., represents
this goddess in obscene nakedness and of a repulsively coarse
obesity. Comp. the illustration in Ztschr. d. DMG. xxvi. p.
786 ff., and the more decent form from a drawing of Duisberg's
in Eiehm's Handwmierb. i. p. 113, where also for comparison
there are appended the image of the corresponding type of
the Assyrian Baaltis or Beltis according to Layard, and two
figures of the Assyrian Istar, i.e. the earnest, severe figure of
Astarte, whom the Greeks regarded as Hera, Artemis, and
Athene. Comp. Gelzer, " Zum cultus der Assyrischen Aphro
dite," in Zeitschr. fur mgyptische Sprache, 13 Jahrg. (1875) pp.
128-134. (17) That the Asherim were always of wood, appears clearly
from the expressions which are used regarding their renewal
and destruction. " The Asherim are cut down ma, and then

90 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
burned with fire, Deut. xii. 3 ; Judg. vi. 25, 26, 28, 30 ; 2 Kings
xv. 13 ; 2 Chron. xv. 16 ; 2 Kings xxiii. 6, 15, 24 ; in other
places there is no mention of burning, but either ma is used,
2 Kings xviii. 4, Ex. xxxiv. 13, which is the common
expression for felling of trees (Isa. xiv. 8 ; Jer. xxii. 7, xlvi. 23 ;
Judg. ix. 48 ; 1 Kings v. 10 ; 2 Kings xix. 23, etc.) with a hatchet
or axe (Deut. xix. 5 ; Jer. x. 3), or yii, Deut. vii. 5, 2 Chron,
xxxi. 1, xxxii. 4, which is quite the same as ma (comp. Isa. ix.
9, x. 33). How exactly the biblical writers express themselves
in this connection appears very distinctly from the fact, that to
denote the destruction of the Baal-pillars maSD, which were
of stone, they never use ma or yii, out 13B', to break, smash,
Ex. xxiii. 24 ; Deut. vii. 5, xii. 3 ; 2 Kings xviii. 4, xxiii. 14 ;
2 Chron. xxxi. 1 ; Jer. xliii. 13 ; once pro, to lay in ruins,
2 Kings x. 26 ; and, on the other hand, never la^ or pii, when
they speak of the destruction of the Asherim." Movers, p. 567.
This author accordingly conceives of the Asherah as " a con
spicuous pillar of wood, or the straight trunk of a tree with its
branches and top cut off, and which was planted on the heights
or other idolatrous places of worship belonging to the ancient
Israelites" (p. 568), commonly beside an idol or an altar of
Baal. — Schlottmann's view, given in the text, appears more
correct. Movers is certainly mistaken in further supposing
that the Asherah was sometimes also a green tree or grove, or
even a Phallus. For though the LXX. and Vulgate frequently
translate the word by aXaog, lucus, nemus (see the passages in
Miiller in PRE. i. p. 565), this meaning cannot be proved from
the 0. T., and is only inferred by the Eabbins from an incorrect
explanation of a few passages. From Deut. xvi. 21 the mean
ings green tree or grove cannot be established (see my comment.
on the passage), and are wholly irreconcilable with places like
1 Kings xiv. 23; 2 Kings xvii. 10; comp. Deut. xii. 2; Jer.
xvii. 2, where the idolaters built, set up Asherim, as they did
stone pillars, " under every green tree." Finally, the meaning
Phallus is only deduced from 1 Kings xv. 13.
3. To Baal-worship in its later peculiarly modified forms
belongs also the worship of Tammuz (flan), i.e. the Phoenician
Adonis, which had its chief seat at Byblus. Hence this
cultus spread with its richly developed cycle of legends to
Cyprus and Greece, and was in the last times of the kingdom
of Judah transplanted to Jerusalem. For here the prophet
Ezekiel is shown in a vision (viii 14), in a room of the inner
temple court, women " who sat weeping for Tammuz." The
name Tammuz denotes the decay of nature's powers (18)

§ 91. IDOLATRY. 91
developed in the Greek legend of Adoiiis to an a(f>avia/j,o$
'ASdovtSos ; and Adonis is the self-producing life of nature, in
its regular alternations of decrease and increase, dying and
reviving. Among the Phoenicians the Adonis festival was
partly one of mourning, at which the women gave themselves
up to the wildest lamentations over the lost Adonis, partly a
feast of gladness, the evpecn? ,ABu>viSo<}, days of banqueting and
mirth. But whether the Jews adopted the whole Adonis
myth, or only kept the feast of lamentation, cannot be
decided (19).
(18) Comp. Havernick, Comm. z. Ezech. p. Ill f., and Eoediger,
ad Gesen. p. 1507.
(19) The identity of Tammuz with Adonis is attested by
Jerome, in a passage quoted in my commentary on Fzekiel
viii. 14. — On the other hand, the myth of Tammuz, mentioned
by Chwolson, Ueber Tammuz und Menschenverehrung bei den
alten Babyloniem, St. Petersb. 1860 (comp. Ssabier, ii. pp. 27,
202 ff'., and Ueberreste der altbabylon. Literatur, St. Petersb.
1859, p. 101), as a man deified after his death, is nothing else
than an explanation, on the principles of Euhemerus, of the
very ancient nature-cultus, spread over the whole of Western
Asia, in which the influence of the sun on the vegetation of
the year was celebrated. Comp. Fel. Liebrecht, "Tammuz-
Adonis," in the Ztschr. der DMG. xvii. p. 397 ff., and J. G.
Miiller, "Thammuz," in PRE. xv. p. 667 ff.
4. Not connected with the Baals and Astartes are the
Philistine fish-gods Dagon and Atergatis, which are both
represented as having the body or trunk of a fish with a
human head and hands. Dagon (JiW, from F\, fish, Aayeiov)
had temples, priests, feasts, and images, especially in Gaza and
Ashdod (Judg. xvi. 23 ff.; 1 Sam. v. 1 ff. ; 1 Mace. x. 83,
xi. 4). As a male deity he is the symbol of water, and so
of all those vivifying natural powers which take effect in
warm countries mainly through water (20). — Of the female
fish goddess Atergatis, only the temple 'Arepjaretov at
Karnaim, 2 Mace. xii. 26, is mentioned in Scripture. She
is one with the Syrian Derceto, AepKerw, in whom the
fructifying power of water as well as the absorption of
fluid by the earth are mythically and mythologically
deified (21).

92 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
(20) Comp. besides Selden, de Diis syr. ii. c. 3, especially
Movers, p. 143 ff. ; Stark, Gaza, p. 248 ff, and Miiller in PRE.
iii. p. 255 f. ; and for the proof of the worship of Dagon also in
Assyria and Babylonia, under the name Da-kan (Assyr.) and
Da-gan (Babyl.) in inscriptions, see Schrader, Keilinschriften
u. d. A. Test. p. 85 f, and Ztschr. d. DMG. xxvii. p. 404. A
representation of the fish-god see in Layard, Nineveh and its
Remains, ii. 466. On the contrary, according to Friedr.
Delitzsch (in the Calwer Bibellexicon, p. 134), the Philistine
god Dagon is of Babylonian origin, the Babylonian- Assyrian
Dagon, however, having no connection with a fish, and the
name of the god being non-Semitic, and to be traced back to
the still older non-Semitic form Da-gon-na (with a meaning
still uncertain). Diestel's view {Jahrbb. f. d. Theol. v. p. 726),
that Dagon is the god of agriculture, is untenable.
(21) Comp. Movers, p. 384 ff. ; Stark, Gaza, p. 250 ff. ; and
Schlottmann in Eiehm's Handworterb. i. p. 116.
II. The transition from the worship of Canaanite idols to
the gods of the Assyrians and Babylonians appears —
1. In the Moloch-worship of the Israelites, the origin and
original meaning of which are still buried in obscurity (22).
Moses in the law (Lev. xviii. 21, xx. 2 ; Deut. xviii. 10)
already forbids the Israelites to devote their children to
Moloch, and thus probably presupposes Moloch- worship
among the Canaanites. But from the time of Joshua to the
beginning of the reign of Ahaz we find no trace of it among
the Israelites and Canaanites ; neither the name Moloch nor
offering of children is mentioned, whereas from the time of
Ahaz downwards this horrible cultus is frequently condemned
as the worst of abominations. To the Ammonite god related,
if not identical with Moloch, viz. Chemosh, to whom Solomon
built an altar eastwards from Jerusalem (1 Kings xi 7, 33),
there were no children offered {i.e. slaughtered) on this
altar (23). And the mention of sacrifices to Moloch in
the kingdom of the ten tribes (2 Kings xvii. 17) relates
no doubt to the latest times of this kingdom, when the
invasions of the Assyrians had already begun. Moloch-
worship is designated in the Old Testament by ijnjp jna
tffob Taj>r6, Lev. xviii. 21, or more shortly "$& iy")?p jrii, Lev.
xx. 2, or etea to foa Tayri, Deut. xviii. 9. So, too, 2 Kings
xvi. 3, xvii. 17, xxi. 6 ; 2 Chron. xxxiii. 6 ; Jer. xxxii. 35 ;
Ezek. xx. 31, where undoubtedly a real offering (by killing

§ 91. IDOLATRY. 93
and burning) of children took place, as appears from the
fact that not only does "iya?, burned (2 Chron. xxviii. 3), stand
instead of "I'ajP, but also in Jer. vii. 31, xix. 5, where occurs
V**Z T!^, to burn with fire, and Ezek. xvi. 20 f., xxiii. 37, the
slaughtering of children as food for the idols is mentioned.
But "nbjeb I'ayn, to pass through, to give over to Moloch, and
even =]?b? etea "Vayn, to pass through the fire to Moloch, does
not necessarily denote a real offering (slaughtering) ; and
before the time of Ahaz nothing is said of sacrificing children.
And hence this cultus has been explained of a going or
passing of the children through fire without killing them, and
of an expiation or purifying of them by fire, whereby the
children were devoted to Moloch — that is to say, as a sort of
fire baptism which either preceded the offering, or — in later
times — took place without any real offering thereafter (24).
This view is certainly possible, but cannot be proved with
certainty. For the non-mention of child-sacrifices in older
times is counterbalanced by the fact, that in the interval
between Moses and Ahaz not even is Moloch - worship
mentioned. And =]?b? Tayn is analogous to the nto? I'^vn
(Ex. xiii. 12), as the giving over of the first-born to Jehovah
is designated. This giving over was indeed not an actual
offering of the children on the altar ; but that only because
the law at the same time prescribes the ransom for first
born sons (Ex. xiii. 13), while the first-born of clean animals
were to be actually sacrificed. On this point we cannot have
perfect certainty. What is undoubted is the fact, that before
the time of Ahaz child -sacrifices did not occur, and the
introduction of this idolatrous worship by Ahaz coincides
with the appearance of the Assyrians in Palestine (2 5).
(22) Comp. J. G. Miiller, "Moloch," in PRE. ix. p. 714 ff, and
Gr. de Baudissin, Jahve et Moloch, p. 26 sqq. There is no
doubt that Moloch (King) is synonymous with Baal, lord. Von
Baud, alleges that Moloch and Baal were originally identical,
and both sun-gods, uniting the productive and destructive
principles of nature, as Bel did originally; but that these
principles were afterwards divided between Baal and Moloch,
and only combined again in the Tyrian Melkart and Hercules.
But his grounds for this view are not conclusive, because it
does not follow from the proof that Malik in Assyrian and
Malk in Phoenician were names of deities, that these names are

94 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
of high antiquity, the proofs alleged all belonging to a com
paratively late time. So much only is certain, that the Moloch
whose cultus Ahaz introduced into Judah was identical with
the Assyrian god Adar, and was seen and worshipped in the
planet Saturn.
(23) The non-mention of child -sacrifices to Milcom is
strengthened by the fact, that after the introduction of
Moloch-worship the site dedicated to Milcom remained apart
from the site of Moloch's service in the valley of the sons of
Hinnom south of Jerusalem ; comp. 2 Kings xxiii. 10, comp.
with ver. 13. Only the Moabite King Mesha, when sorely
pressed, offered his first-born son to the god Chemosh (2 Kings
iii. 27), who was identical with Baal-Peor, and closely related
to the Ammonite Milcom. But therefrom -nothing can be
inferred as to the worship of Moloch among the Canaanites.
On the contrary, the impression made by this human sacrifice
on the allied kings Jehoshaphat and Ahab (2 Kings iii. 27),
shows that child-sacrifices were at that time abhorred in Judah
and Israel as an unheard-of abomination. — Von Baud. (p. 39 f.)
goes against history when he alleges that after Ahab, to please
his Tyrian consort Jezebel, had again introduced the Tyrian
Baal-worship into Israel, the people of Israel and Judah
became accustomed to offer their sons and daughters to this
Baal as Moloch.
(24) So again in our time, J. G. Miiller, ubi supra, p. 717,
following many Eabbins, Church Fathers, and the older theolo
gians generally, down to Spencer and Witsius. He has collected
many historical proofs of this widespread custom, and by no
means denies the offering of human sacrifices, but only dis
tinguishes the usages of the two worships, and is of opinion
that at various times, and among different nations, various
forms were customary. — As to the offering of children, the
burning of them alive is not to be thought of. Nothing of the
kind is mentioned by Eusebius in the principal passage of his
Prmpdratio evang. iv. 16, where he reckons up the many
human sacrifices of the ancients ; but, on the contrary, he says
that at Salamis these sacrifices were pierced by the priests in
the belly (mra tou eTopd-xpv) with a spear, and thereupon burned
on the pile (p. 164, ed. Hein.); and he speaks repeatedly, besides,
of their epayri and diroopdTTiiv (p. 165 sqq.). While Diodor. Sic.
xx. 14 also describes the brazen statue of Cronos with its
outstretched Moloch arms made red-hot, he says nothing about
the throwing of children alive into them. His words are:
w be nap' a'jToTg (the Carthaginians) avbpiag Kpbtou p^aXxoDs,
ixreraxwg Tag yeipag LvTiag eyxexXi/hhag entl Tr)v yrj\i, utire Tbv
spriTeS'evTa tuv naidinv aKOXuXleedai xal xiimni s'ig ti j^ao/ia wXrjpeg,

§ 91. IDOLATRY. 95
mpog. Even the passages adduced by Miinter {Religion der
Karthager) from Klitarch and Photius may be perfectly well
understood of the burning of children already killed. On the
contrary, Easchi's description on Jer. vii. 31 : " fuit Molech
ex aere factus, quod ab inferiori ejus parte succendebatur ;
erant autem illius manus protensae atque candentes, quibus
infans iraponebatur ipseque comburebatur atque gemebat :
sacrificuli autem tympana pulsabant, ne pater clamorem filii
sui audiret ej usque viscera commoverentur," supposes the
burning of children alive. Similarly Plutarch, Moral., says:
" Eound the statue of the god there is the loud noise- of flutes
and drums, that the shrieking and wailing may not be heard ; "
and Minucius Felix, Octav. xxx. 3, relates that the tears of the
children were wiped away with kisses, " ne flebilis hostia
immoletur." — Comp. also E. v. Lasaulx, Die Suhnopfer der
Griechen u. Rbmer (Wiirzb. 1841), p. 11, — a rather uncritical
collection of testimonies of the ancients regarding human sacri
fice. — Following the Eabbinical accounts, Lundius, jiid. Heiligt.
B. iii. c. 34, p. 564, has given a representation of the Moloch
statue with the head of a bull.
(25) Without foundation is the derivation of the Moloch-
cultus from the Persian fire-worship in Movers, pp. 63 f. and
333 ff. ; comp. to the contrary, v. Baudiss. I.e. p. 49, and his
explanation of the " passing through the fire " as a transition,
" whereby the children, after the dissolution of the earthly
unclean dross of the body, attained to union with the deity."
On the contrary, Miiller remarks, ubi supra, p. 718, with per
fect right: "This mystic, pantheistic, moralizing notion of
human sacrifices is not the ancient original one of genuine
heathenism ; it is as little that of Western Asia as of Mexico. —
The sacrifices were rather given as food to the gods, and have
no moral end, but are intended to propitiate the gods by costly
presents, either in respect of past misfortunes or others feared
in the future." — It is scarce worth mentioning the trivial view
of Vatke, Daumer, Ghillany, etc., that the Hebrews from oldest
times slaughtered children to the idol Moloch. Besides its
refutation in Miiller, p. 718, comp. the thoroughgoing proof of
the radical difference between Jahve and Moloch in v. Baudiss.
ubi supra, p. 54 ff.
2. Of Babylonian gods there are mentioned in the Old
Testament: (a) Bel (b$, akin in root to ?ya), the lord, the supreme
deity of the Babylonians, as Baal among the Canaanite
Phoenicians, not only according to the unanimous testimonies
of the Bible (Isa. xlvi. 1 ; Jer. 1. 2, li. 44) and of the
classics (Herod, i. 181 ff. ; Diod. Sic. ii. 9, etc.), but also

96 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
according to the monuments, on which he is named the
Supreme, the father of the gods {ziru, dbu, Hi), the light of
the gods {nur Hi), the creator {bdnu), the prince of the
universe {sur gimir). Originally he was conceived of as god
of heaven in general, though not as a being without beginning,
but as the supramundane principle of the natural powers
and forces, and only at a later time combined with the sun
and worshipped as sun-god ; for in the Assyrian and Baby
lonian lists of gods the first trias, to which Bel belongs, is
separated from the deities of an astral character (26). —
(5) Merodaoh (Jer. 1. 2), written Marduk {Maru-du-ku) on the
inscriptions, and praised as the great lord, the exalted com
mander, the god of heaven and earth ; the god of the planet
Jupiter (27). — (c) Nebo (Isa. xlvi 1 and Jer. Ii. 44), pro
nounced in the Assyrian Nabi-uv, more shortly Nabuu (from
K33, to speak, to proclaim), the divine herald, and characterized
by various epithets, such as the guide of the world and
upholder of the divine government of the world, the god of
knowledge, of science, and oaths, god of the art of writing,
creator of writing on the clay tablets, the god of the planet
Mercury, thus corresponding to the Hermes and Mercury of
the Greeks and Eomans (28). — {d) The gods of fortune, Gad
and Meni (Isa. lxv. 11), who were worshipped with ban
quets (29).
(26) Comp. Schrader, "Baal and Bel," in the Theol. Studien u.
Krit. 1874, p. 335 ff, and the Assyrian and Babylonian lists of
gods there deciphered, as preserved on the clay tablets dis
covered in the library of King Assurbanipal about 650 ; also
his Keilinschriften u. das A. Test. p. 80 ff. ; Gr. v. Baudissin,
Jahve et Moloch, p. 15 ff. ; and Schlottmann in Eiehm's Hdwb.
i. p. 127. — Unfounded is the identification of Bel sometimes
with the planet Saturn (Movers, Chwols.), again with the planet
Jupiter (Gesen., Stuhr ; comp. on the contrary, v. Baudiss.
p. 20 f.) ; unfounded also is the supposition of Schrader, that
because Bel does not stand at the head of the above-named
lists, he is not identical with the Canaanite Baal, and not to be
regarded as the supreme god ; comp., on the contrary, Schlott
mann, ubi supra; untenable also is the idea of a god Bel-
Merodach, because only deduced from the fact that in the
inscriptions (see Schrader, Theol. Studien u. Kr. 1874, p. 342)
Marduk, i.e. Merodach bilu rabu, i.e. the great god, and later
.Greek authors, e.g. Damascius in Photius, Alex. Polyhistor,

§ 91. IDOLATRY. 97
according to Eupolemus in Eusebius, prazp. evang. ix. 17, § 9,
and several Fathers, distinguish a BoXdbw {i.e. |m&« bl, Bel
antiquus) from Bel, and identify the former with the Greek
Cronos. Even the Harranians still distinguish Bel as sun-god
from the planet-god Jupiter ; for, according to Dimeschki, the
sun-temple of the Harranians was quadrangular ; so that of Belos
(Herod, i. 181), but that of the planet Jupiter triangular (Chwols.
Ssabier, ii. p. 170 f.). And " the passages which take Bel as
Zeus tell rather against than for his identity with the planet ;
even Plutarch himself says {quasst. Rom. c. 77), that according
to Greek views Zeus is the sun. Chwols. ii. 169. Epiphanius
says {adv. har. i. 16. 2) that the Jews called Jupiter XoJ^e/3
BdaX ; in the Talmud this planet is called pis, the righteous.
The later Persians, indeed (after MashUdi), and the Mendaites
(Cad. Nazor. i. 212), called the planet Bil" (Diestel in Jahrbb.
f. d. Theol. v. p. 730). — Thus fall to the ground at once the
hypothesis that the Canaanite Baal originated from Bel
(Schrader in Theol. Stud. 1874, p. 336 ; comp. on the contrary,
v. Baudiss. p. 10), and the distinction of three gods called Bel :
(1) Bel of the first triad in the Babylonian list of gods, from
whom proceeded the Phoenician Baal ; (2) Bel antiquus sive
Adar, i.e. stella Saturni ; (3) Bel junior sive Marduk, i.e. stella
Jovis (see v. Baud. p. 23).
(27) Comp. Schrader, Keilinschriften u. d. A. Test. p. 276 ;
and Fr. Delitzsch in the Calwer Bibellexicon, p. 578.
(28) Comp. Schrader, Keilinschriften, p. 292, and in Jahrbb.
f. prot. Theol. i. 2, p. 338 ff. ; and Friedr. Delitzsch, ubi supra,
p. 627 f.
(29) Gad (13), strictly, that which is allotted, destiny,
generally in the sense of good fortune, and Meni (^p) fate.
Gad is not (according to Movers, Knobel) to be combined as
sun-god with Baal and Meni as moon-deity with Asherah, but
more probably (according to Gesen., etc.) Gad is to be connected
with the planet Jupiter, and Meni with Venus. For the oldest
Arabian races (according to Krehl, Religion der vorislamit.
Araber, p. 41 ff.) worshipped Jupiter (Mustari) as the star of
fortune, and applied to it the name : Great Fortune, traces of
which are also to be found among the Sabseans (Chwols. ii. 387).
In contrast thereto, Venus was called Little Fortune. Comp.
Delitzsch on Isa. lxv. 11; and Carl Siegfried, "Gad-Meni," in
the Jahrbb. f. prot. Theol. i. 2, p. 356 f.
3. Of the gods worshipped by the heathen colonists whom
Esarhaddon transplanted to Samaria (2 Kings xvii. 30 f.),
Adrammelech and Anammelech, the gods of the Sepharvites, are
manifestly akin to Moloch, for they also were worshipped with
KEIL II. G

9 8 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
child-sacrifices, {a) Adrammelech corresponds to the man's
name Adar - malik, " Adar the decider." The deity is
commonly called more shortly Adar, and is represented
under the figure of a winged bull with human head and
man's face, and is therefore the Assyrian bull-god, the god
of the planet Saturn, corresponding to the Saturn - Cronos-
Hercules, designated on the inscriptions as possessor of
might, warrior, god of slaughter, bearer of the bow, commander
of fire (30). (6) Anammelech, corresponding to the Assyrian
Anu-malik, "Anu the decider," and commonly called only
Anu, one of the chief gods of the Babylonians, represented as
a man clothed in fish skin rising upwards into a tiara. He
is characterized by epithets such as the good god or lord, the
founder of cities, the lord of the hosts of the earth ; but he
has nothing in common with the fish-man Oannes of Berosus
in Euseb. Chron. armen. i. p. 20 ff. (31). — (c) Nergal, the god
of the planet Mars, corresponding either to the Nerig of the
Mandaeans, called by the Arabs Merich or Mirrich ; or the
lion-god of the Assyrians, represented in the colossal lions at
the entrance of the palaces (32). — {d) Eegarding the other
gods mentioned in 2 Kings xvii. 30 f., nothing certain has
yet been made out. Eegarding Ashima, 2 Kings xvii. 30,
comp. Friedr. Delitzsch in Calwer Bibellex. p. 58. — Eegarding
Sukkoilv-Benoih, whom the people of Babel made for themselves,
it is supposed that she was the goddess Zir - banith, also
Zarbanith, " the seed-giver," posterity-bestowing, so frequently
named and worshipped among the Babylonians and appear
ing as wife of Merodach (33). — Eegarding the Nibchas and
Tarthak of the Avvites and the Ashima of the Hamathites,
the Assyriologues have as yet no information to give us, as
their names have not up till now been found on the cuneiform
inscriptions (34). — {e) Nisroch, in whose temple at Nineveh
Sennacherib was slain (2 Kings xix. 37; Isa. xxxvii. 38), is
either the human figure with an eagle's or vulture's head
frequently represented on the monuments, or, according to
the Assyrian word Nisruk, " the uniter," the patron of
marriage, or "the dispenser," "the good" (35). — (/) Rimmon,
a chief deity of the Aramaeans, with a temple in Damascus
(2 Kings v. 18), is said to be written in Assyrian, Ramman,
and to be the god of the weather, of air, of the atmosphere, of

§ 91. IDOLATRY, 99
thunder and lightning, represented with a trident in his hand,
the symbol of the god of thunder (36).
(30) So Schrader in Eiehm's Hivb. i. p. 29, with a figure of
the god from Layard. On the contrary, it cannot be proved, as
Friedr. Delitzsch (in the Calwer Bibellex. p. 17) seeks to do, that
the god Adar was represented and worshipped under the image
of a winged bull with human head and a man's face, and so
under the figure of the well-known bull-colossus.
(31) Comp. Schrader, ubi supra, p. 61, with an engraving ;
to the contrary, Friedr. Delitzsch, ubi supra, p. 39.
(32) For the identification of Nergal with Nerich, Schrader
pronounced in the Theol. Studien u. Krit. 1874, pp. 329 and
349, in the note ; on the contrary, in the Keilinschriften u. d.
A. Test. p. 166 f., comp. the Assyrian-Babylonian cuneiform
inscriptions in Ztschr. d. DMG. xxvi. p. 128 f. Nergal is
regarded as a lion -god, because Nirgal is interpreted in a
syllabary by Ilu-aria, i.e. lion-god, and designated as god of
the people of Cuthah. According to Friedr. Delitzsch, ubi
supra, p. 633, we learn from a Cossaean-Babylonian glossary
that Nergal is radically the same as Adar, the god of the all-
devouring sun-heat; indeed, the lion is the symbol of the
devouring sun-heat throughout the whole of Western Asia, and
even as far as Greece ; the sun is found in the zodiacal con
stellation of the lion during the dog-days.
(33) So Schrader in Schenkel's Bibellex. v. p. 429, in con
nection with which it is held that Zrb of the original text has
been changed by mistake into skt, and that instead of ni:a
we should read after the LXX. BeviS. According to Friedr.
Delitzsch, ubi supra, p. 911, the name still remains in the
meantime a puzzle. For the views of the older writers, see in
Leyrer in PRE. xv. p. 253 ff.
(34) The Eabbinical statements (in Selden, de Diis syr. ii. c.
7 ss. ; and Carpzov, Appar. f. 516 ss.), according to which
Nibhaz was an idol in the form of a dog, Tarthak in the figure
of an ass, and Ashima in the form of a shorn goat, are scarcely
supported by historical tradition. Nevertheless among the
idols discovered at Korsabad there is the human figure with
the head of a cat (perhaps tiger) and the ears of a horse, and
on a symbolically ornamented stone there is a representation
of a temple, at the entrance of which a figure is to be seen
of what seems to be a nursing bitch.
(35) Comp. the representation of the eagle-headed figure in
Layard, Nineveh and its Remains, ii. p. 459. Also the name *pM
is derived from "IBO, Assyr. na-as-ru, eagle (see Fried. Delitzsch,
Assyr. Studien, i. p. 105), with the termination •$, like Arioch.

100 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
The other explanation derives the name from T|"iD) ?nB>, Comp
Franz Delitzsch, comm. on Isa. xxxvii. 38, and Schrader, d.
Keilinschr. u. d. A. T. p. 205 f. But both explanations are
quite uncertain, for the name Nisroch has not yet been found
on the monuments. T. Hal^vy supposes that Nisroch may be
identical with the Assyrian god Nusku.
(36) Thus Eimmon-Eamman would be formed from jpin,-
thunderer, by rejection of the y and doubling of the »• Comp.
Schrader, Jahrbb. f. prot. Theol. i. 2, p. 334 ff. ; and Friedr.
Delitzsch in the Calwer Bibellex. p. 765.
III. In the wake of idolatry there always appear sooth
saying, oracles, and sorcery, as with the religion of revelation
there are connected prediction, prophecy, and miracles of the
living God. Though those false arts were strictly forbidden
to the Israelites in the law (Ex. xxii. 17 ; Lev. xix. 26, 31,
xx. 6,27; Deut. xviii. 1 0 ff), yet they were greatly practised
by them in the times of their idolatry (1 Sam. xxviii. 3, 9 ;
2 Kings xxi. 6, xxiii. 24; Isa. viii. 19; Micah iii. 11; Jer.
xxix. 8 ; Zech. x. 2, etc.). — As chief forms there are mentioned,
{a) necromancy, practised by the niaix, LXX. eyyao-TplfivOot,,
who pretended to call up the dead by magical spells, and —
perhaps imitating their voices by ventriloquism — made them
speak (1 Sam. xxviii 3 ff. ; Isa. viii. 7, xix. 4) ; (6) snake-
charming (ts*np and anan nain, ps. lviii. 6 ; Jer. viii. 17) (37);
(c) the a^jiiyp or B'OJiy' (Deut. xviii. 10; Micah v. 11 ; Isa.
ii. 6, etc.), who either predicted by the clouds or bewitched
with the eye ; {d) soothsaying, from the falling of staves, set
erect or thrown {paBBo/Mavrela, Hos. iv. 12), and from the
entrails of victims {extispicium, Ezek. xxi. 2 6) ; (e) dream and
star interpreting, and other kinds of prognostication (3 8).
(37) The notices regarding the sorcery so widely spread
throughout antiquity, but especially in Egypt, are collected by
Bochart, Hieroz. iii. p. 161 sqq., ed. Eosenm. ; and Hengstenberg,
die BB. Mos. u. JEgypten, p. 97 ff.
(38) For more on this subject, see in Winer, R. W., under the
articles : " Todtenbeschwbrer," " Wahrsager u. Zauberei." There
with comp. Delitzsch, System der bibl. Psychologie, iv. § 17 :
"Aberglaube und Zauberei" (p. 306 ff. d. 2 A. [Eng. tr. iv.
§ 17, p. 360 ff]).
Idolatry, with such evils in its train, spread fearfully in the
last times of the kingdom of Judah, until it brought down on

§ 91. IDOLATRY. 101
the people the punishment of dispersion among the heathen
which Moses had already denounced as the chastisement of
the people for their persistent apostasy from the living God to
idols. But when this punishment overtook them in the Baby
lonian exile, it bore this wholesome fruit — that the Jews in
exile wholly gave up gross idolatry ; and after their return to
their own land, so far were they from showing any inclination
to it, that the attempt of Antiochus Epiphanes to introduce
heathen idolatry into Jerusalem and Judea was utterly baffled
by the resistance of the Jews in their loyalty to the law.

III.
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
PAET II.— SOCIAL EELATIONS OF THE ISEAELITES,

§ 92. Introductory.
The social relations of the Israelites bear in general the
character of Oriental, and more particularly of Semitic life.
The great simplicity and immobility of the ancient East were
modified by the eager nature of the Semites, so as to produce
a quietly progressive development of the various relations of
life, which is essentially distinct from the restlessness and
changeableness of the West, and of modern times. This racial
characteristic of the Semites forms the natural ground in
which the kingdom of God was planted in Israel. By its
being exalted to be the people of God, Israel was brought
into so inward and living a relation to God the Lord, that the
spirit which gave law and direction to its religious life could
not fail to exercise a hallowing influence on the unfolding and
training of the natural sides of its entire life. This it did,
partly by removing those elements in the natural customs and
hereditary institutions of the people which were incompatible
with the part it had to play in the history of the world, or
were at least in the way of its reaching its God-appointed
goal ; partly by strengthening, cherishing, and ennobling those
germs of the national spirit and life which were capable of
being purified and transformed into the spiritual nature of
God's kingdom in its temporary manifestation and national
form. Thus only could the chosen people be prepared to
serve the end of its divine calling. 102

§ 93. GENERAL CHARACTER. 103
FIRST DIVISION.
THE DOMESTIC EELATIONS OF THE ISRAELITES.

§ 93. General Character.
As the word house (rva) denotes at once the dwelling-place
of a community of men, and the family inhabiting a common
house, two things fall to be considered in the household life
of men, — its outward form and appearance, and its internal
contents and spiritual essence. Externally it is established
and formed by a common dwelling and conjoint procuring of
the nourishment and clothing needed to preserve and cherish
life ; internally it is organized and takes its peculiar form
from that closely compacted living and working together of
human beings of different sexes, ages, and occupations, which
flows from marriage, whereby alone the race can fulfil the end
of its earthly being, maintain life on its bodily and spiritual
sides amid all the relations and changes of this lower world,
and rightly enjoy it as a precious gift of God.
The external side of domestic life is determined in its
special form, first and pre-eminently by the situation and
quality of the soil which a people inhabits. On this side the
domestic life of the Israelites was not essentially distinguished
from the domestic arrangements and habits of all the ancient
peoples of Western Asia, though the Mosaic law laid down
precepts regarding dwellings, food, and clothing which were
intended to remind the covenant people constantly of its holy
calling. Greater and more penetrating was the influence
which the Mosaic religion exercised on the development of the
inner side of domestic life. This it did by seeking to purify
marriage as a divine institution from all sinful corruptions,
and to restore and maintain the original divine ordinance as
the firm basis of all civil society. Hereby there was
impressed on the life of the Israelites an altogether peculiar
character, distinguishing it from all the surrounding peoples
of heathendom.

104 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
FIEST SECTION.
DWELLINGS AND NOURISHMENT.
FIEST CHAPTEE.
THE DWELLINGS OF THE ISRAELITES.
§ 9 4. Various Kinds of Dwellings.
Human dwellings have varied from the first down to the
present day — caves, booths, tents, houses, and palaces —
according to the character of the country, mode of living, and
occupation, as well as the degree of culture. The beginnings
of house-building are lost in the darkness of primaeval times,
and reach back to the beginnings of agriculture, which was
followed by Cain (Gen. iv. 2), and which demands fixed
dwellings, so that Cain with his son Enoch built a city (Gen.
iv. 1 7) (1). — The use of caves as dwellings depends more on the
peculiar character of the ground and climate than on the
rudeness and want of culture of the inhabitants. Even of the
wild, uncivilised races, those only dwell in caves whose
country is rich in natural and roomy dry caves, and whose
climate forces them to seek a cooling shelter from the heat.
But in such regions, with advancing culture, the natural caves
are enlarged and worked into commodious and even artistic
dwelling-places (2). Such cave-dwellers (troglodytes) were
the Horites, the earlier inhabitants of Idumea (Gen. xiv. 6 ;
Deut. ii. 12). On the other hand, the numerous and some
times very roomy caves in the chalk and limestone rocks of
Palestine were used by the Israelites only in time of war as
places of refuge and strongholds ; or they served robbers as
hiding-places, travellers as resting-places, shepherds who were
feeding their flocks in the open air, and country people in
harvest time, as temporary abodes ; and, finally, hermits also
as permanent dwellings (3). Dwelling in booths (niap) and
tents (avnk) belongs to nomad life, the origin of which is
traced back (Gen. iv. 20) to Jabal. While nomads (Vifc "3^,
Gen. iv. 20, a/cnvhai) put up tents for themselves and their

§ 94. VARIOUS KINDS OF DWELLINGS. 105
families, they erected booths to protect their flocks from storm
and tempest; so Jacob (Gen. xxxiii. 17). Booths made of
brushwood, leafy boughs and branches, serve human beings
only for temporary residence as a protection from rain,
frost, and heat (Lev. xxiii. 43 ; Jonah iv. 5). The patriarchs
of the Israelites, whose fathers and kindred already possessed
fixed houses in Mesopotamia, dwelt in tents because they
lived in Canaan only as pilgrims. These tents, in material,
form, and furniture, no doubt resembled the tents of the
present Bedouins ; they consisted sometimes of plaited mats,
but generally of cloth coverings, either coarser, woven of goat
hair, or finer, woven from yarn, which were hung and stretched
out over one or more stakes and fastened to the ground with
tent-pins. They varied in form, sometimes round, sometimes
oval, now larger, now smaller. The interior of the tent was
usually divided by a curtain into two roqms or chambers, and
the innermost 0"3n) was the allotted residence of the women
and little children (4). — As indispensable pieces of furniture,
there belong to a tent a carpet, some cushions for sitting or
lying, a low table, which is sometimes replaced by a round
skin, some eating and cooking utensils, and a lamp, which
lights the dark interior. — When several tents are put up in a
circle round that of the chief (scheik, emir), they form a tent-
village, m/p (Gen. xxv. 16) (5).
(1) " That at so early a time a city should arise, need not
surprise us : the origin of fixed dwellings and buildings is lost
in the legends of all peoples in immemorial mythical times ;
besides, when this Cainite city arose, centuries may already
have elapsed since the origin of the human race, and — Ty
is, in contrast to shepherds' tents, standing for a little beside
one another and then moving elsewhere, nothing more, in the
first instance, than an enclosed place with immovable dwellings."
Delitzsch, Genesis, p. 172, 4th ed.
(2) Comp. K. v. Eaumer, Paldstina, p. 77 f., 4th ed. ; and
Wetstein, Reisebericht uber Hauran u. die Trachonen (Berlin
1860), p. 44 f.
(3) Proofs for this see in Winer's R. W., art. " Hohlen."
(4) The larger tents of the well-to-do are divided into three
rooms, the first of which, at the entrance, in the case of common
people, is reserved for the young and tender of the flock or
herd, the second for men, the third or innermost for women.
More on the subject in Winer, R. W., art. " Zelte."

106 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
(5) mip; tent -camp, i.e. a circular complex of tents, round
which, and embracing a wide space, there was raised a high well-
built stone wall, for protection against robbers and wild beasts.
Comp. Palmer, The Desert of Exodus (Camb. 1871), p. 320 f.
§ 9 5. Building and Furniture of Houses.
The material for house-building is determined, partly by
what is to be had in the locality, partly by the object of the
buildings and the means of the builders. The simple houses
of the Israelites were probably such as they still are in
Palestine, mostly erected with walls made of bricks (B^??)
burned or merely dried in the sun, or of lime and sandstone ;
and only the houses of the rich and palaces were built of
hewn stone (JWa, 1 Kings vii. 9 ; Isa. ix. 9), many even of
white marble (&&, &&, 1 Chron. xxix. 2) ; clay (ion) or lime
(1?) or gypsum (TB>, Isa. xxxiii. 12; comp. Deut. xxvii. 4),
and now and then, perhaps, also asphalte OP0, as at the
building of Babel, Gen. xi. 3), being used as mortar or
cement (P^p). The walls were whitewashed outside and
inside with a coating (?an, kovIo) of lime or gypsum, palaces
with bright- coloured vermilion (Jer. xxii. 14). The beams,
with doorposts, doors, windows, and stairs, were commonly
of sycamore (Isa. ix. 9) ; in ornamental buildings, of olive,
cypress, cedar, and sandal (1 Kings vii. 2 ; Jer. xxii. 14).
Private houses had, as a rule, only one storey, with a chamber,
however, on the flat roof (upper room, n'pj?, virep&ov), which
served partly as a retiring room for rest or meditation in time
of mourning (2 Sam. xix. 1 ; Judith viii. 15), for private
conversation (Judg. iii. 20), for prayer (2 Kings xxiii. 12 ;
Dan. vi. 11 ; Tob. iii. 12 ; Acts i. 13, xx. 8), and in summer
also for cooling (Judg. iii. 20). It was used partly as a
room for guests, sleeping, sickness, and laying out the dead
(1 Kings xvii. 19; 2 Kings iv. 10; Acts ix. 37, 39).
Generally it had two outlets, the one leading to the lower
rooms of the house, the other by a stair directly to the street.
Only large palaces, it would appear, were built of more
storeys than one, at least in earlier times (1). The flat roof
was laid with tiles and stone, and the outer edge was to be
provided, according to Deut. xxii. 8, with a breast-work (n pyp)
or lattice-like railing, to prevent falling.

§ 95. BUILDING AND FURNITURE OF HOUSES. 107
The houses of men of rank, and palaces, were usually built
in a square, which enclosed the court p??n). This roomy
space, surrounded with porticoes and galleries, paved, provided
with well (2 Sam. xvii. 18) and baths (2 Sam. xi. 2), probably
also planted with trees, formed the reception room of the
house. The entrance by the outer gate (W), at which stood
a porter or porteress (o or 17 9vpa)po<s, John xviii. 1 6 ; Acts
xii. 13; 2 Sam. iv. 6, LXX.), led first into the outer court
P?C> Jer- xxxii. 2 ; irpoavkiov, Mark xiv. 6 8 ; irvXcov, Luke xvi.
20), which served as an ante-chamber. From this there was
access by steps (ni?pp, 2 Chron. ix. 11) or winding stairs
(BW, 1 Kings vi. 8) to the roof and upper chamber, as well
as by a door into the court {avKij), and from this again to the
lower rooms of the house. Like the court, the flat roof was
a favourite place for family recreation, social entertainments,
and domestic occupations. — As to the construction of the
interior, the doors were low, and only in larger buildings were
there lofty folding - doors (Owl), moving on hinges p'V,
Prov. xxvi 14) in sockets (nina, 1 Kings vii. 50). They
were closed with a bolt inside pwp, Deut. xxxiii. 2 5 ; WD,
Neh. iii 3 ; Song of Sol. v. 5), which could be inserted
or withdrawn with a key (n^BO) from without. The lintels of
the doors (nifjp) were, according to Deut. vi. 9, inscribed with
Bible texts. — The windows (fl?n) without glass panes, consist
ing only of lattice-work (3j!^te, rizHN), opened partly on the
street (Judg. v. 28 ; Prov. vii. 6 ; Dan. vi. 11), partly on the
court (2). — The inner walls of the rooms, in the houses of
the rich and princes, were wainscoted with woodwork and
artistic carving (1 Kings vii. 7 ; Jer. xxii. 14 ; Hag. i. 4),
now and then inlaid with ivory (1 Kings xxii. 39 ; Amos iii. 5 ;
comp. Ps. xiv. 9) ; the floor was laid with gypsum or tiles and
mosaics. The innermost rooms formed the women's apart
ments {&&) rva, yvvauceiov), and the houses of men of rank had
special summer and winter rooms (ppn JV3 and spnn n^a,
Amos iii. 15 ; Jer. xxxvi. 22). The latter were heated by
means 'of a stove (ns), which no house was without, and which
stood in the middle of the room in a cavity made in the floor.
As soon as the fire burned out, the heat was preserved by
putting a frame with a cover over it, and laying a carpet
above (3).

108 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
(1) So the palace of Solomon, the so-called house of Lebanon,
1 Kings vii. 2 ff. ; the three-storeyed side chambers of Solomon's
temple, 1 Kings vi. 5 ff. There is no other mention in the
Old and New Testament of any house in Palestine with more
than one storey, for Acts xx. 9 is speaking of Troas.
(2) In the modern East generally only into the court ; comp.
G. H. v. Schubert, Reise in das Morgenl. iii. p. 291.
(3) The architecture of houses is fully treated in Faber's
Archaol. der Hebr. i. p. 404 ff, with which comp. Winer, R. W.,
art. " Hauser ; " and Kamphausen, art. " Haus," in Eiehm's Hwb.
For the furnishing of an apartment, the Israelites held the
following articles indispensable : a bed (ntpp), a table (t(W), a
seat (NB3), and candlestick (2 Kings iv. 9), the lamp of which
was kept lighted, as it would appear, the whole night through.
To these were added, for the complete furnishing of a house,
the necessary cooking, eating, and drinking vessels (comp.
§ 99 f.), a handmill, and other tools and utensils. In the
houses of the rich and well-to-do, these articles were not only
provided in great abundance, but were also costly and
luxurious. The rooms were furnished with cushions and
couches (eny, sofa or divan), which served also as beds,
and were covered with costly carpets (Prov. vii. 16) and soft
pillows (ninpa, Ezek. xiii 18, 20). Even the bedsteads were
inlaid with ivory (Amos vi. 4) ; the tables and stools, which
were much more in use among the Israelites than in the
modern East (2 Kings iv. 10 ; Prov. ix. 14) (4), were artistic
ally wrought ; the vessels for eating and drinking were of gold
and silver in manifold forms ; and for the preservation of
these, as well as of robes and dresses and other ornaments, we
may be sure that the needful wardrobes and chests were not
wanting. (4) With this comfortable style of furnishing they had
become familiar in Egypt. For the ancient Egyptians had a
great variety of seats, from the simplest three-legged work and
camp stools with leather bottoms, to the most artistic arm and
easy chairs inlaid with ivory and covered with magnificent
stuffs, as appears from the plates in Sir J. Gardner Wilkinson,
Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians, vol. ii. pp.
191-198, 3rd ed. — The couches of distinguished Israelites may
have resembled the Egyptian ottomans, represented pp.
199-201, and the tables, the engravings, p. 203. Comp. the

§ 96. VILLAGES, TOWNS, AND CITIES. 109
representations of an Egyptian bed-frame and of an old Egyp
tian couch in Eiehm's Hwb. i. p. 186.

§ 96. Villages, Towns, and Cities.
_The only distinction between village pxri) and city p"y,
poet, nnp) in the most ancient times was this, that an assem
blage of houses and buildings surrounded by a wall was
reckoned a city, without such surrounding, a village (1).
But to this there was soon added the wider difference, that
cities became distinguished by the larger number of houses, as
well as by the size, solidity, and magnificence of at least many
buildings. But whether there was also in more ancient times
a definite distinction between villages (E^-JD) and townships
(anaa), and what it was, cannot be decided, for the Old Testa
ment gives almost no information regarding the site, building,
and character of villages, towns, and cities (2). From the
Book of Joshua, in which " cities and their villages " are com
monly named in the apportioning of the land to the tribes
of Israel, e.g. Josh. xiii. 23, 28, xv. 32, 36, 41, etc., so much
only is clear, that some villages belonged as a rule to the
cities, and consequently depended in some way on the cities.
With increasing population and extension, villages and towns
here and there became cities, as may be gathered in many
cases from their names (3).
The cities of Palestine were, to judge from the great
number of them enumerated in the Book of Joshua, relatively
small, like most of the cities of higher antiquity. Not till
great kingdoms arose, and flourishing commerce in favourable
situations had produced great emporiums, did the capitals or
commercial centres become large, populous, and far-spreading
cities. In plan and building the Israelitish cities had no
doubt, on the whole, the character of the Oriental cities of
to-day, that is to say, narrow, crooked streets (nittn, a^lty,
Eccles. xii. 4 ; Song of Sol. iii. 2), with roomy squares
(niarn) in the neighbourhood of the gates, where markets
(2 Kings vii. 1) and courts were held. We can hardly
suppose, however, that they spread out so widely as many of
the larger cities of the modern East, which often embrace
extensive open spaces, gardens, etc. (4). Of the streets

110 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
probably very few indeed were paved (5). — Many cities
were fortified, surrounded with high walls having strong
gates and brazen or iron bars (Deut. iii. 5), and provided with
watch-towers (2 Sam. xviii. 24 f.) (6). Many a city, too, was
almost impregnable, because of its site on a steep mountain,
though surrounded only by a simple wall. The cities built
on hills and mountains may have been laid out sometimes in
terrace or amphitheatre form, so that the flat roofs constituted
the street for the row of houses next above them, as in the
Jewish quarter of the modern Safed (7).
With the increasing prosperity of the Israelites, their cities
were naturally adorned with beautiful and imposing buildings,
especially the residences of kings and princes, though much
was probably wasted and destroyed by the ever recurring
wars. Most of the destroyed places were afterwards rebuilt.
Even the traces of the seventy years' desolation of the land
during the Babylonian exile, though very gradually, were
more and more effaced, and the country again covered with
villages, towns, and cities. Especially did Herod the Great
and his successors seek their glory in founding new cities
and in restoring and beautifying old and ruined ones, which
were furnished in Greek and Eoman style, with theatres,
gymnasiums, temples, and other ornamental buildings ; some of
them also were strongly fortified. But even of these buildings
there are only few and insignificant remains, which are not
at all fitted to give an idea of the architecture of the old
Israelitish cities and townships.
(1) This distinction is made bj the Mosaic law, Lev.
xxv. 29-31, between npin Ty (ver. 29), or npin ^"icte tj>
(ver. 30) and npin arrrpK "iete ansn (ver. 31). Later also,
1 Sam. vi. 18, a distinction is made between nsap Ty, fenced
city, and '•nan iaa, open town (village) ; and it is said of the
nina ps, Ezek. xxxviii. 11, that its inhabitants noin pxa,
dwelt without bars and gates. nna, viz., is the open, the
plain, the unwalled open township. Comp. Zech. ii. 4.
(2) The Book of Joshua knows in Canaan only any cities,
and ansn, villages (xiii. 23, 28, xv. 32, etc.), and in the country of
the Philistines " cities and their daughters and their villages "
(Josh. xv. 45-47), or " cities and their daughters " (nTiiai), which
the Manassites received in the territories of Asher and Issachar

§ 96. VILLAGES, TOWNS, AND CITIES. Ill
(Josh. xvii. 11). The rta or rrnla are, however, not towns
(xupai), but smaller cities dependent on the chief cities. On
the contrary, 1 Chron. xxvii. 25, mention is made of any and
anaa. The word "iaa, except in the proper name ''aitsyn iaa,
Josh, xviii. 24, does not occur till the Song of Sol. vii. 12,
1 Chron. xxvii. 25, and in 1 Sam. vi. 18 in the form nab, and in
the latter place it seems to denote the smaller open country
towns of Philistia ^iTnba, Josh. xv. 45 ff), not villages
(anvn). In the case of many cities which had surrounding
walls, in more ancient times as they gradually extended the
walls fell away, so that they became ,nan '•ly, Deut. iii. 5, and
nina, Zech. ii. 8.
(3) Of this we have instances in mN"isn, Num. xxxiv. 4;
ms, Josh. xv. 3 ; rnr-ixn, Josh. xv. 27; npiD-iyn, Josh.
xix. 5 ; (try) Jivy-isn, "Num. xxxiv. 9 f. ; Ezek. xlvii. 17,
xlviii. 1 ; W"1^, Josh. xv. 28, xix. 3 ; 1 Chron. iv. 28 ; Neh.
xi. 27 ; yteyrr-iaa, Josh, xviii. 24 ; ainriaa, Kapapmoup, Luke
iv. 31. Still more frequently in Arabic and Syriac; comp.
Gesen. Thes. p. 707., Thus is explained the fact that many
places are designated now cities, now villages, e.g. Bethlehem,
in John vii. 42, xu/ir, ; on the contrary, Luke ii. 4, irbXig,
(4) Comp. Winer, Bibl. R.W. ii. p. 508, with the proofs there
adduced. (5) According to Josephus, Antiq. viii. 7. 4, Solomon had the
roads leading to Jerusalem laid with black stone, that is to say,
paved. But the care to provide firm highways leads us to
infer that attention was also given to the paving of at least
the main streets in the larger cities. More certain are the
statements, that Herod the Great paved the main street in
Antioch {Antiq. xvi. 5. 3), and Herod Agrippa II., Jerusalem,
with white stones (xx. 9. 7). At present the streets of Jeru
salem (and of most cities in the East) are " narrow and badly
paved, or rather irregularly laid with broad stones; but the
slope of the ground contributes to keep them cleaner than is
the case in most Oriental cities." Eobinson, Palestine, vol. i.
p. 222 ; comp. iii. p. 190.
(6) From the constant distinction between cities and fenced
cities pvap ny), it is clear that the mere having of a surround
ing wall did not make a city a stronghold. Even in Moses'
time Bashan was famed for its strong cities, with high walls,
strong gates, and bars (Deut. iii. 5 ; 1 Kings iv. 13). In after
times, especially under the kings, many places, particularly
frontier and chief cities, and above all Jerusalem, were strongly
and artistically strengthened by the erection of thick walls

112 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
with battlements (nfoa, 2 Chron. xxvi. 6 f. ; Zeph. i. 16), and
high towers raised partly over the gates (2 Sam. xiii. 34 ;
2 Kings ix. 17), partly at the corners of the walls (a'Tnip,
2 Chron. xiv. 7, xxxii. 5); and the walls were still further
defended by ditch and rampart (^n) on the outside (2 Sam.
xx. 15 ; Isa. xxvi. 1 ; 1 Kings xxi. 23). Besides, there were
built, sometimes in the cities (Judg. ix. 51 ff), sometimes at
different points of the open country, watch-towers and keeps
or castles (ntaTa, 2 Chron. xvii. 12 ; 2 Kings xviii. 8 ; 2 Chron.
xxvii. 4), to protect the land and kingdom against enemies.
(7) Comp. Eobinson, Palestine, vol. ii. p. 421 ; and Eiehm,
Hwb. ii. 1534 ff.

SECOND CHAPTEE,
FOOD OF THE ISRAELITES.
§ 9 7. Articles of Food, or Meats and Drinks.
The articles of food used by men are chiefly determined
by the products of the land they inhabit, and change with the
growth of culture. To the first human pair in Paradise there
were assigned for food seed-bearing plants and fruits (Gen.
i. 29) ; but the use of flesh also goes back to primeval
times (1). — The articles of food used by the ancient Israelites
were, partly vegetable, partly animal, to which from the first
salt was added as a seasoning. Grain formed the chief
nourishment; wheat, barley, spelt, and millet, which were
eaten, sometimes baked into bread and cakes, sometimes in
the ear and grain roasted in the fire (vi?) (2). Along with
bread, milk was an article of daily food, not only milk of
cows, but also of sheep and goats (Deut. xxxii. 14; Prov.
xxvii. 27), sometimes sweet (3?n), sometimes as sour milk,
thick or curdled (n?9n) (3)- Much liked also were honey
(e'a1!) of bees, perhaps also grape honey (must of sweet grapes
boiled to a syrup), and wood honey of wild bees (1 Sam.
xiv. 25 ; Matt. iii. 4, p,e\i aypiov), in which Palestine was
and still is rich (4), raisins (a'ppy, Ital. simmuchi), dried figs
(B73'!], 1 Sam. xxv. 18), date-cakes (2 Sam. xvi 1) (5), and
various fresh fruits. — Of vegetables there were used chiefly

§ 97. ARTICLES OF FOOD, OR MEATS AND DRINKS. 113
pulse, lentils, and beans, with onions, garlic, and cucumbers ;
also green herbs, sometimes reared in gardens (1 Kings
xxi. 2), sometimes growing in the fields (P^J, Prov. xv. 17). —
Of animal food, the flesh of oxen, sheep, and goats ranks first.
The flesh of calves, lambs, and kids was especially prized,
perhaps also that of pigeons and turtle doves (6). On the
tables of the rich game was also to be found : stag, antelope,
buck, and various kinds of winged game (1 Kings v. 3 ;
Neh. v. 18) (7). Fish also, the taste for which had been
acquired by the Israelites in Egypt (Num. xi. 5), were
supplied from the lake of Gennesaret in great abundance
(John xxi. 11 ; comp. Matt. xiv. 17, xv. 34), so that in
Galilee, probably after being salted and roasted, they formed
the ordinary accompaniment of bread {oyjrdpiov, John vi. 9, 11,
xxi. 9 ff.), while in after times the Phoenicians brought fish
to market to Jerusalem from the sea (Neh. xiii. 16). Finally,
the poorer people also ate locusts (Lev. xi. 22 ; Matt. iii. 4 ;
Mark i. 6), sometimes salted and roasted or fried, sometimes
boiled in water and buttered (8).
(1) No doubt it is not till after the Flood that God allows
men the flesh of animals for food as well as the green herb
(Gen. ix. 3). But since the Cainite Jabal establishes the
nomad life, as father of them that dwell in tents and have
cattle (Gen. iv. 20), it is not likely that he and his posterity
used only the milk of the cattle for nourishment, and their
skins and wool for clothing, without also eating the flesh,
though Abel may have followed the rearing of his flock (Gen.
iv. 2) only to eat their milk and clothe himself with their
wool. (2) "?j? (Lev. xxiii. 14), translated by Luther mostly by
Sangen [parched corn], but in 2 Sam. xvii. 28 by Griitze
[groats] ; or ''Vi?, roasted (Josh. v. 11), denotes generally roasted
grain, especially wheat kernels, still a favourite food in
Palestine, Syria, and Egypt. Ears not yet quite ripe are
burned with their stalks, then passed through a sieve; or
wheat stalks and ears are bound in small bundles and roasted
at a blazing fire (tstea ^j? a'ax, Lev. ii. 14), and the kernels
eaten (U. J. Seetzen's Reisen, i. p. 94, iii. p. 221 ; Eobinson's
Biblical Researches, ii. p. 393). But the grain thus roasted is
not so palatable as when — as often happens in harvest time
(Euth ii. 14) — the wheat kernels, not yet fully dry and hard, are
roasted in a pan or on an iron plate and then eaten with bread
KEIL II. h

114 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
or instead of it (Eobinson's Palestine, ii. p. 50).— Leguminous
fruits also : common and chick-peas (comp. Harmer's Beobacht.
i. p. 255 ff.) are roasted in the same way, whence is explained
the double mention of b\> in 2 Sam. xvii. 28. Comp. Gesen.
Thes. p. 1215.
(3) Curdled, sour milk, nxpn, Arab. Leben, still forms, after
bread, the chief food of the poorer classes in Arabia and Syria ;
nor is it wanting on the tables of the well-to-do (Eobinson's
Palestine, ii. p. 210 f., and Biblical Researches), and is brought
to market in large quantities (comp. Eussel's Natural History
of Aleppo, and Eobinson's Biblical Researches). Travellers
carry it with them, mixed with meal and dried, and take it
dissolved in water as a refreshing drink (Burckhardt's Travels).
No doubt the Israelites prepared cheese of different kinds, na'33,
strictly curdled milk, whey (Job x. 10), according to the
dialects, also cheese (comp. Gesenius, Thesaur. p. 259), and
3^nn 'ynn, segmenta lactis (1 Sam. xvii. 18), according to the
oid versions and the Eabbins soft cheese (Gesen. Thesaur.
p. 526) ; indeed, at a later time there was at Jerusalem a
cheesemaker' s dale, pdpayi? tuv TvpovoiZiv (Joseph, de bell. jud.
v. 4. 1). — But whether they also made butter is yet disputed
(comp. Gesen. Thes. p. 486), but very probable from Prov.
xxx. 33 : " the churning of milk (3^n) bringeth forth nspn
butter." — The method followed by the modern Bedouins in
making butter is this : the milk is put into a skin, the
tanned hide of a whole goat, this skin is hung up on a light
frame or between two poles, and pushed steadily from side to
side till the butter is ready. Eobinson's Palestine, i. p. 485 ;
Wellsted's Travels in Arabia, edited in German, by Eoediger,
ii. p. 210.
(4) By EQi is to be understood bee honey in most passages
of the Old Testament, even in those where Canaan is described
as a land flowing with milk and honey (Ex. iii. 8, 17, etc.).
For since Palestine is rich in wild bees (comp. Oedmann, Verm.
Sammll. vi. p. 136), and bee culture is still vigorously carried
on in many places (Eobinson, Palestine ; Winer, R. W. i. p. 79),
it can hardly be doubted that the Israehtes also from the
earliest times gave themselves to it, especially as it is often
mentioned in the Mischna, and was, according to Philo (ii. 633),
followed particularly by the Essenes. But the Israelites seem
also to have prepared grape honey and made it an article of
export (Gen. xliii. 11 ; Ezek. xxvii. 17). By the Arabs it is called
Dibs { = &2i), and boiled to a syrup from pressed grape-must
(comp. as to the method, Eobinson's Biblical Researches, p. 381).
In .this form it contributes still an important article .of ,com-

§ 97. ARTICLES OF FOOD, OR MEATS AND DRINKS. 115
merce in Palestine and Syria, three hundredweight of grapes
yielding one of dibs, and when diluted with a little water
taking the place of sugar (Burckhardt's Travels; Eobinson's
Palestine, ii. p. 81. More fully on the subject in Bocharti
Hieroz. iii. p. 365 sqq.).
(5) The meaning of the word }*;i? in 2 Sam. xvi. 1 and Amos
viii. 1 f., corresponding to the Greek bvrupa, cannot be made out
with certainty. Most of the old versions render it by lumps of
figs {iraXdSai) ; the LXX: warm poinxeg ; Kimchi : dried fruits;
comp. Gesen. Thes. p. 1209. Only since dried fig-cakes are called
a^31 (1 Sam. xxv. 18), and since at the present day ripe dates
are kneaded into close, cake-like masses, and are taken on
journeys through the desert as satisfying and refreshing food
(comp. Sonnini and Burckhardt in Winer, R. W. i. p. 253), we
should probably understand }»ip with the LXX. to mean dates.
(6) Pigeons of various kinds (Isa. Ix. 8) were reared from
ancient times ; besides, there were and still are in Palestine
many wood-pigeons. Comp. v. Schubert, Reise, iii. 250 ; Eobin-
son, Palestine, i. 193, 500.
(7) Eegarding a^pias ana-a, fatted fowl (1 Kings iv. 23),
comp. my comment, on the passage.
(8) This custom is found still in many Arab tribes and other
peoples of the East, so that locusts are offered for sale in Arabia
at the markets, and when dried are not only preserved in sacks
for winter food, but also ground to meal and baked into cakes.
Comp. Knobel on Lev. xi. 21.
The animal food of the Israelites was, however, limited in
many respects by the Mosaic law, not only by the primeval
distinction more exactly defined in the law between clean and
unclean animals, but also by the sacrificial laws. By the
former distinction they were forbidden to eat, as being un
clean, the flesh of the camel, hare, rock -badger, and swine
(Lev. xi. 4-8 ; Deut. xiv. 7 f.), which is eaten by the Arabs
and other peoples ; further, of water animals, all fish without
scales and fins, e.g. eels and all shell-fish, such as crabs,
oysters, and the like ; of fowls, birds of prey and marsh fowls
feeding on worms and carrion ; the smaller polypeds and all
creeping creatures, with the exception of some of the
locust kind (see above, § 12); finally, the flesh of cattle
that had fallen down dead p?33) or been torn by wild beasts
(nanp, Ex. xxii. 30; Lev. xi. 39 f., xvii. 15 ; Deut. xiv. 21),
as well as all food prepared with water on which the carcase
of unclean insects had fallen (Lev. xi. 34). — By the sacrificial

116 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
ordinances, not only was the eating of all blood of cattle and
birds, and bloody flesh unconditionally forbidden (Lev. iii. 17,
vii. 26, xvii. 10-14; Deut. xii. 16, 23; comp. Gen. ix. 4;
1 Sam. xiv. 32 ff), but also of the fatty portions, which in the
sacrifices of oxen, sheep, and goats were burned on the altar
(Lev. iii. 17, vii. 23, 25). Besides these, according to ancient
tradition, the Israelites, from a feeling of reverence, denied
themselves the use of the sinew {nervus ischiadicus) of the
hip (Gen. xxxii. 33).
Of drinks, water takes the first place. For the better
quenching of thirst, the common people used a sour drink
(PPn, Euth ii. 14), a sort of vinegar mixed with oil, perhaps
also sour wine (9). The well-to-do drank wine, probably
mixed with water, and often also spiced (10), and a stronger
intoxicating drink paty, aUepa), probably date wine pressed
from ripe dates soaked, or Egyptian barley wine (11). But
every drink was unclean if taken out of a vessel which
had been defiled by the carcase of unclean beasts (Lev.
xi. 34).
(9) Still a common drink in the East, comp. Bosenmuller,
A. u. N. Morgenl. iii. p. 68, as among the Eomans acetum mixed
with water was drunk by soldiers and poor people under the
name of posca ; comp. Winer, R. W. i. p. 349 f. — According to
Num. vi. 3, the Israelites had vinegar from wine and from
Shekar, olxepa. The ojjoj //.Era ;£<>A5js fie/juyfi'evov (Matt, xxvii.
34, 48 ; John xix. 29), for which Mark xv. 23 has. olmg
fapupviep'evog, is sour wine prepared from the husks (comp.
K. F. Hermann, Lehrb. der griech. Antiquitdten, Th. iii. 1,
p. 124), mixed with myrrh or other acid having a stupefying
effect. (10) The ancient Greeks and Eomans drank wine only when
mixed with water, the common proportion being three parts
water and one part wine, or five parts water and two parts
wine, and the mixing of both in equal proportions was reckoned
the highest which a drinker should allow himself (comp. Her
mann, ubi supra, p. 125 ; W. A. Becker, Charikles, Bd. ii.
p. 277, 2nd ed. edited by Herm., and Gallus, Bd. i. p. 190,
2nd ed.). — This custom cannot indeed be proved from the Old
Testament as one common among the Israelites, but it can be
from the Mischna, Pesach. vii. 13 (ii. p. 163, ed. Sur.). Drinkers
indeed held the mixing with water as an adulteration (Isa.
i. 22). — But it was more common to strengthen the wine by
the addition of spices (Ps. Ixxv. 9 ; Prov. ix. 2, 5 ; Song of

§ 98. AIM AND MEANING OF MOSAIC LAWS REGARDING FOOD. 117
Sol. vii. 3), so as to make spiced wine njnn )« (Song, of Sol.
viii. 2). It was customary also to strain wine that had settled
on the lees through a cloth (P|3t, bwXlfyiv), to purify it from the
lees and any small insects that might have fallen into it (Isa.
xxv. 6, and Gesenius on the passage, Matt, xxiii. 24).
(11) Sicera (-iaE>) hebraeo sermone omnis potio, quae inebriare
potest, sive ilia quae frumento conficitur, sive pomorum succo,
aut quum favi decoquuntur in dulcem et barbaram potionem,
aut palmarum fructus exprimuntur in liquorem, coetisque frugi-
bus aqua pinguior coloratur. Jerome, ep. ad Nepotian. t. iv.
p. 364, ed. Martian. — More regarding the strong drinks of the
ancients in Winer's Realwort. ii. p. 687 ; and Gesenius, Thes.
p. 1410.

§ 98. Aim and Meaning of the Mosaic Laws regarding Food.
The Mosaic laws on this subject did not proceed from
considerations of diet, nor were they of the nature of police
regulations (1). Their common ground is to be sought in the
call of Israel to be God's people. Separated by Jehovah
from the peoples of the earth, that it might be holy, as
Jehovah its God is holy, Israel was called to observe, two
things. On the one hand, it was not to defile itself by
taking either the flesh of unclean animals, or the polluted
flesh of clean beasts, but in its food to be careful of purity as
the bodily reflection of holiness (Lev. xi. 44 f., xx. 25); on
the other, to be constantly kept in mind of its unholiness
flowing from sin, it was to abstain from taking either the
blood or the fatty portions of eatable animals, which Jehovah
had separated and hallowed for the altar as means of expiation
and sanctification.
1. The distinction between clean and unclean animals goes
back far beyond the Mosaic legislation, to the primeval times
of the human race (Gen. vii. 2, viii. 20), but it did not
originate in a dualistic view of the creatures (2). According
to biblical doctrine, all the creatures of the earth were created
good and pure, as creations of the holy God. , It is through
man's fall that impurity enters into the good earthly creation.
The sin which sprang from the misuse of that free-will with
which he was created has its seat, no doubt, in the soul,
animated by the spirit, but it spreads from the soul outwards,

118 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
not only over the body, which it disorders so as to make it
the prey of death and corruption, but still more widely from
man over the whole earthly creation, the earth becoming
subject, because of sinful man, to the curse of bearing thorns
and thistles (Gen. iii. 1 7 ff.), and the whole ktio-« being given
over to /iaTatdny? and j>6opd (Eom. viii. 20 f.). Yet the
irrational creature, as being without freedom, is not itself
affected with sin ; it only suffers under the consequences of
sin, and in many forms and appearances reflects sin and death
as the fruit of sin (3). This fruit and effect of sin, under
which the creature sighs for redemption, appears most con
spicuously in natural death, the corruption of the body.
Hence everything dead and corrupting is reckoned unclean,
and to be avoided by Israel, because repugnant to its destina
tion to be God's holy people. Hence human corpses are of
all things the most defiling. Next to them leprosy, as the
bodily image of sin and death, and certain discharges, partly
morbid, partly natural, from the human body, as analogues of
the matter of corruption. Lastly, dead animals, i.e. those that
have died naturally, not killed by men, and their carcase, not
excepting even beasts intended for slaughter and allowed to
man for food (Lev. xi. 39). These things defile even by the
bare touch (xi. 8, 11, 24-28, 31, 36), whereas no living
unclean animal defiles by the mere touch, because none is in
itself unclean (4). For these impurities, mostly unavoidable
in life, the law had ordained the purifications described in
§ 56 ff.
The contrast between clean and unclean extends still further
in respect of the food which man consumes. In this respect
the Israelite must not only not eat the flesh of animals that
have died naturally, and become the prey of corruption ; but
there are also various living animals which, as being unclean,
he must not use for food. That the same principle forms the
ground of this law is easily seen in the case of many kinds
which are designated as unclean. For example, all animals
are unclean which bear the image of sin, of death, and corrup
tion. So among the larger land animals, all ravenous beasts
which lie in wait for' life, spread death and destruction in
God's creation, tear and devour the living. Of winged creatures,
not only birds of prey, eagles, vultures, etc., but also marsh

§ 98. AIM AND MEANING OF MOSAIC LAWS REGARDING FOOD. 119
birds and others, which live on worms, carrion, and all sorts
of impurities (5). Of water animals, all serpent-like fishes and
slimy shell-fish, and of small creeping things, all except some
kinds of locusts, because, partly, they recall the old serpent,
partly they seek their food in all sorts of impurities, partly
they crawl in the dust, and represent corruption in the slimy
character of their bodies.
But if the image of sin and death does not meet us so
obviously in all animals designated by the Mosaic law as
unclean, and if we can still less recognise this principle in the
marks by which the larger quadrupeds are divided into clean
or unclean, we must remember that the lawgiver was not the
first to introduce this distinction, but only regulated and
defined a long existent distinction in accordance with the
spirit of divine revelation. But this distinction itself, accord
ing to which men chose for food not all domestic animals, but
of these only the ox, sheep, and goat, did not proceed from
any experience of the greater or less savouriness or palatable-
ness of the flesh of some animals compared with others. It
rests on a certain immediate feeling, induced by man's insight
into the nature of the animals and their destination to his use,
ere it was disturbed by any unnatural and ungodly culture.
For as his con-created consciousness of God became, in conse
quence of sin, a warning voice of God accusing him of sin
and unrighteousness, this voice told on his attitude toward
the earthly creation, and especially to the animal world, in
such a way, that many animals appear to him as symbols of
sin and destruction, which filled his soul with horror and
aversion. Not till his consciousness of God degenerated and
darkened did this aversion in many races become blunted,
and with this blunting the right choice of animals for his
food, corresponding to the destiny of man, became darkened.
Accordingly, to bring mankind back to God, the Mosaic
law seeks to quicken that insight into the nature of sin, and
of the disorder which sin has produced throughout nature. It
therefore defines the difference between clean and unclean
animals, partly by general marks, which, in the case of the
larger quadrupeds, are taken from the tame domestic animals,
which from the earliest times furnished man with food ;
partly by special enumeration of the animals not to be eaten

120 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
as unclean ; so that the Israelites were forbidden to eat many
animals which other peoples ate without prejudice to health ;
not, however, that we are able by reflection to recognise and
prove in every one the ground of this prohibition, or that
peculiar significance, whereby antiquity saw in it a symbol of
sin and abomination (6).
(1) So especially E. Moses Nachman, and Grotius on Lev.
xi. 3 ; Spencer, De leg. Hebr. rit. i. c. 7, sec. 2 ; Michaelis,
Mos. R. iv. § 202 ff. ; Saalschiitz, Mos. R. i. p. 251 ff, etc., in
variously modified ways. Comp. the refutation in Sommer's
bibl. Abhdll. i. p. 187 ff.
(2) As was thought by Ehode, d. heil. Sage des Zendvolks,
p. 453 ff. ; Bleek, Theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1831, p. 497 f.; v. Bohlen
on Gen. vii. 2. Comp. on the other side, Sommer, p. 193 ff.
(3) " Sin was not confined in its consequences to the region
of spirit. It also penetrated deeply into the bodily region.
Its consequence is first death, then the whole host of diseases, of
repulsive and loathsome conditions ; its influence extends even
to the irrational creation; there is found in it much which
cannot have belonged to the original creation, which clearly
reflects the image of sin, much that is weird, foul, repulsive,
impure. These consequences of sin in the visible domain are
there to bring it (sin) to our consciousness." Hengstenberg,
Offenb. Joh. ii. p. 121 f.
(4) Hence neither is defilement caused by the touch of un
clean animals, if they are killed; and unclean (not eatable)
animals which have died have no greater uncleanness than
clean (eatable) animals in the same circumstances. From Lev.
xi. 29 ff, where eight kinds of small vermin are enumerated,
which by dying defile furniture, clothes, and food on which
they fall, it is not warrantable to conclude, with Sommer
(p. 211 ff), that the impurity of these animals was greater than
that of the rest. All unclean animals that died defiled the
person who carried their carcase, so that he was bound to wash
his clothes (Lev. xi. 24, 25, 28). The things which are defiled
by those eight kinds of animals belong all of them to the house
hold ; and defilement of these things by the creatures named is
only expressly mentioned because they, so far as they can be
determined (comp. Sommer, p. 260 ff., and the commentaries on
Lev. xi. 29 f.), lived in houses, crawled about in dwellings, and
so when they died might easily fall on furniture, clothes, or
food. The other creatures, on the contrary, because not taking
up their abode in rooms, when they died could not easily fall
on household stuff, or touch and pollute meats. The lawgiver
confines himself to express mention of the most important

§ 98. AIM AND MEANING OF MOSAIC LAWS REGARDING FOOD. 121
defilement which ordinarily happened, as previously in vv. 3-7
he names expressly only the most important of the larger land
animals whose flesh was not to be eaten, as the camel, hare,
rock-badger (jaB*, hyrax Syriacus, the Wabr of the Arabs ;
Luther : Kaninchen [rabbit] ; others : leaping - hare, jerboa ;
comp. Eoediger on Gesen. TJies. s.v. ; and Eobinson, Biblical
Researches, p. 66, note 3), and swine, whose flesh the Israelites
were tempted to eat by the habit of neighbouring peoples ; on
the other hand, he passes over others, e.g. the ass, because its
flesh was not used for food, either by the Israelites or neigh
bouring peoples, except now and then in cases of extreme famine
(2 Kings vi. 25).
(5) It is on other grounds that the ostrich (nay>n na) and the
bat p?py) are declared unclean ; partly because of their mongrel
nature, after the analogy of Lev. xix. 19 ; Deut. xxii. 9 ff. ; partly,
no doubt, also because the ostrich finds a dwelling in desert
places, and the bat in darkness. Comp. Sommer, p. 256 ff.
(6) The development given in the text is called by Kurtz
{Opferc. p. 7 f. [Eng. tr. p. 24 f., note]) " a mistaken view,"
because, if the matter were as represented, it would be impossible
to see " how the apostles could regard themselves as entitled
wholly to abolish the difference between clean and unclean
animals." The point of view which regulates the distinction
is clearly expressed, according to him, in Lev. xx. 24^26. There
it is said (vv. 24, 25) : " I am Jehovah your God, which have
separated you from the peoples. Ye shall therefore separate
between the clean beast and the unclean, and between the
unclean fowl and the clean ; and ye shall not make your souls
abominable by beast or by fowl, or by anything wherewith the
ground teemeth, which I have separated from you as unclean."
" Accordingly the fundamental thought of these laws about food
is this: because, and as Jehovah separated Israel from the
nations, to be to Him a holy people, so and therefore shall
Israel also separate the clean animals from the unclean. Thus
Israel shall be reminded by its daily food of the goodness of
God. in choosing it from among the nations, of its peculiar call
ing and destination, and of its consequent obligation not to be
as the heathen are. The choice of clean animals for the suste
nance of the natural life was to typify, in the sphere of nature,
what had taken place among men through the selection and
vocation of Israel: the heathen nations being represented by
the unclean, Israel by the clean animals " (! ?). " The funda
mental idea of the Mosaic laws of food is therefore not an
e^ico-religious, but a redenvptive-historical one" (p. 26). In
keeping with this fundamental thought, the marks and signs by
wliich the clean and unclean animals are to be distinguished

122 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
are to be regarded from a symbolical point of view. What
distinguishes the clean from the unclean must, according to
him, be a bodily representation of that which distinguishes
Israel specially from the heathen. So the chewing of the cud
is to be explained " as the figure of a spiritual function," to wit,
" as the symbolical representation of the special peculiarity of
spiritual nourishment by the word of God." This meaning he
finds described in Josh. i. 8 : " Let not the book of the law
depart out of thy mouth, but meditate thereon day and night,"
etc. As to the cloven ho.of, it is " to be considered that the
tread of animals so provided is surer and firmer than that of
animals with the hoof whole " (p. 29). — This explanation of the
marks we will leave aside, for such allegoric typological inter
pretation is matter of taste, not of discussion. Neither do we
choose to enter into the investigation, whether the tread, e.g. of
the sheep and goat, is surer and firmer than that of the ass and
camel. But this we must say, regarding the whole argument,
that Kurtz labours under a great self-delusion if he imagines
that by his alleged " fundamental thought of the Mosaic laws
about food " he has also comprehended the ground, the ratio
of the distinction between clean and unclean animals. The
" redemptive-historical thought lying at the root " of the Mosaic
laws about food, to train Israel to be a holy people (comp. Lev.
xi. 43-45), and the ratio lying at the foundation of the distinc
tion between clean and unclean animals, are logically, and
according to the use of language, two very different ideas. As
little does it follow, according to the simplest rules of logic,
from that " fundamental thought in the history of redemption,"
that " the clean animals are the figures of the chosen holy people,
and the unclean of the heathen " (Kurtz, p. 26). But the vision
which was given to Peter (Acts x. 10 ff.) was intended to teach
him and the other apostles that the opinion of the Jews of that
time, that the heathen, as such, were unclean, and must first be
cleansed by circumcision to be received into the Christian
Church, was an error and delusion ; that, on the contrary, the
whole creation of God was pure, and that the distinction between
clean and unclean animals had first come by the fall of man
into the pure and good creation of God. With the removal of
sin by Christ, this consequence of Adam's fall is therefore also
removed, so that for him who has become a new creature in
Christ, the distinction of meats has lost all meaning. Thereby,
also, is the argument refuted which Kurtz has brought against
our view of the matter. To abolish the difference between
clean and unclean animals would have been unjustifiable on the
part of the apostles only if the distinction had been founded in
a dualism of creation, if the unclean animals had been the

§ 98. AIM AND MEANING OF MOSAIC LAWS REGARDING FOOD. 123
creatures of Ahriman or Typhon, or some other original principle
hostile to God.
2. Besides the flesh of unclean animals and all defiled
flesh, there was also forbidden to the Israelites the eating of
blood and of the fatty portions of sacrificial animals appointed
to be burned on the altar, and that under penalty of being cut
off. They were to eat no blood in any of their dwellings,
either of bird or beast (Lev. vii. 26), because the soul of the
flesh is in the blood, and Jehovah gave it to them for the altar
to atone for their souls (Lev. xvii. 10—12). If any of the
children of Israel or of the sojourners among them ate blood,
he was to be cut off (7). The blood of eatable game and fowl
obtained in the chase was to be let out and covered with earth
(Lev. xvii. 10, 13, 14), and the blood of cattle slaughtered for
eating was to be poured out like water on the earth (Dent.
xii. 24) (8). No fat of ox, sheep, or goat was to be eaten by
Israel ; if any one ate fat of cattle whereof an offering was
made by fire to Jehovah, he was to be cut off from among his
people (Lev. vii. 23, 25). The fat of cattle that had died
naturally or been torn, might be used for any other purpose,
but not eaten (vii. 24). By fat p?!?) we have therefore to
understand only those fat portions of animals suitable for
sacrifice, which were destined for the altar ; not the fat mixed
with the flesh (9).
(7) " The prohibition of the use of blood," says Delitzsch,
System- d. bibl. Psychologie, p. 239 f. [Eng. tr. p. 283 f.], " has a two
fold ground : blood has the soul in itself, and in accordance with
the gracious ordinance of God it is the means of expiation for
human souls, because of the soul contained in it. The one ground
is found in the nature of blood, and the other in its destination to
a holy purpose." The first ground he defines more particularly
in his Commentary on Genesis, p. 226, 4th ed., thus : " The rela
tion of the soul to the blood, a much more immediate one than
to the flesh, is indicated by the juxtaposition of iB'W and Ikh
(Gen. ix. 4), and so at once the ground of the blood prohibition,
namely, holy reverence of the life moving in the blood, life
which is God's who gave it ; perhaps also (though this ground
is nowhere expressly given in the Old Testament) prevention of
the brutalizing to be apprehended for human life, by too close
contact between it and animal life. The Mosaic legislation
repeats this prohibition of blood, apart from Lev. xix. 26, seven
times: Lev. iii. 17, vii. 25-27, xvii. 10-14; Deut. xii. 16,

124 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
23, 24, xv. 23, and also gives the ground of it, Lev. xvii. 11,
in the fact that the blood is a means of expiation B'aaa, in virtue
of the soul contained in it. This reason of the prohibition has
ceased with the typical sacrificial Torah itself, but the second,
to which witness is borne by the natural shrinking of man until
he has become savage or depraved from the use of blood,
continues although it is not binding with the force of 0. T.
law." — Only the view that the use of animal blood has a
hurtful effect on the body and soul of man, a view cherished
by many Eabbins (see Maimonides, Moreh Nevoch. iii. 48 ;
Hottinger, Juris Hebrccor. leges, cclxi. p. 209 sq.), and therefore
that fear for the brutalizing of man forms the ground of the
prohibition, we cannot regard as well founded, because it is
neither expressed nor hinted in the Old Testament, nor is there
any trace of such shrinking among the other peoples of
antiquity. Besides, if this shrinking had a real foundation,
then the prohibition of blood would not be abrogated in the New
Testament. It is true that in the apostolic age heathen who
had come to believe in Christ were required to abstain from
blood, whether without or within the animal's body {a'i^aTog xal
tvixtou, Acts xv. 20, 29, xxi. 25), and that so late as Tertullian's
time {Apologet. c. 9) the prohibition of blood was observed by
Christians. But these facts form no proof of a horror naturalis
in the use of blood on the part of men not yet sunk into
savagery, but are explained by the circumstance that it was
very difficult for the Christians of the first century to acquiesce
in the abrogation of the Mosaic ritual.
(8) Because of the blood, the eating of bloody portions of
flesh (Gen. ix. 4), or of flesh with blood (Lev. xix. 26 ; 1 Sam.
xiv. 32 ff), is also forbidden. Some Eabbins (see Breithaupt
on Jarchi [i.e. Jizchaki] on Gen. ix. 4 ; Deut. xii. 23 ; Selden,
Dejure nat. p. 827, ed. Argent. 1665) and Christian expositors,
e.g. Eosenmiiller, are disposed to explain this prohibition from
the custom which prevails among the Abyssinians of cutting
pieces of flesh out of live oxen and eating them (comp. Eosenm.
A. u. N. Morgenl. i. pp. 39 ff, 309 f. ; Isenberg, Abessinien, i. 204,
and the treatise : " Abessinische Beafsteaks aus lebenden
Ochsen geschnitten," in " Ausland," 1868, p. 406 f.). But the
explanation is unsatisfactory, for this one reason, that not a
trace is to be found of this barbarous custom among the peoples
with whom Israel came in contact. — The real ground is already
given by Josephus, Ant. i. 3. 8. — Immediately connected with
the strict prohibition of blood, was the requirement not to eat
the flesh of what was torn {i.e. torn by beasts of prey), and of
cattle that had died naturally, in the case of which there might
also be the fear that the process of corruption had already set

§ 99. PREPARATION OF FOOD. 125
in. The transgression of this prohibition caused uncleanness
till the evening, and was removed by washing of clothes
(Lev. xi. 40). The same is impressed (xvii. 15) with the
threatening that- whosoever omits to purify himself shall bear
his guilt (ver. 16). — There seems to be a contradiction between
Lev. xvii. 15, according to which the native and the sojourner,
if they eat na"ipi nbaa, defile themselves until the evening, and
Deut. xiv. 21 : "Ye shall eat no nj>33 ; thou mayest give it unto
the stranger that is within thy gates, that he may eat, or sell it
unto a foreigner ("""lpa) ; " for according to this, the foreigner pa)
does not seem to have been defiled by the eating of the
n5a3. The attempted harmony of this contradiction given
in Joh. Gerhard {Comment, on Deut. p. 883), by distinguishing
between proselytes ofthe gate and of righteousnesses untenable,
for this Eabbinical distinction is foreign to the Mosaic law.
We must rather suppose that Moses in Deuteronomy had
regard to the relations of Israel in Canaan, where intercourse
with foreigners could not take so close a form as when they
were associated in a camp. Hence he removed the restriction
for foreigners in the cities of Israel, as indeed the prohibition
of eating unclean flesh in Lev. xi. was addressed only to the
Israelites, and in the other laws it was only the eating of blood
and bloody flesh which was forbidden to foreigners as well as
to Israelites. — Thus also is removed the difference between
Ex. xxii. 30 and Deut. xiv. 21, in which Sommer (p. 244 f.)
found a contradiction.
(9) The prohibition to eat the fat of animals offered in
sacrifice is immediately connected with the ordinance, Lev.
xvii. 3 ff, that all slaughtering of such beasts was to be
sacrificial. When this precept, as inappropriate and imprac
ticable after the settlement in Canaan, was abolished (Deut.
xii. 15, 20-22), and the private slaying of animals was allowed,
as a matter of course the prohibition was abolished, especially
as only the prohibition of eating blood is inculcated as per
manent (Deut. xii. 16, 23 f.). — Knobel is mistaken in the
inference which he draws from Lev. xvii. 24 : '' In the case of
the regularly slaughtered oxen, sheep, and goats, this (the use of
the fat for any sort of purpose) was manifestly not allowed."
For if in the ordinary slaughtering of these animals the eating
of the fat was permitted, it was a matter of course that the fat
also might be used for other purposes.
§ 99. Preparation of Food.
The preparation of food presupposes the use of fire, the
invention of which goes beyond history, and seems to be

126 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
assumed in connection with the first sacrifice of Adam's sons
(Gen. iv. 3) (1). The way in which fire was first procured is
unknown. The Israelites seem, at least in later times, to
have produced it by striking steel against flint (2 Mace.
x. 3) (2). — To bake bread, corn was either pounded in a
mortar p?'"1?), or more generally it was ground by women or
female slaves in handmills (ajm, Num. xi. 8 ; Jinp, Lam.
v. 13 ; rianp, Eccles. xii. 4), with two stones, an under one
fixed (rnjinn npa, Job xii. 16), and an upper one moveable
pan, Deut. xxiv. 4 ; aan npa, Judg. ix. 53), which every
household had (3) (Ex. xi. 5 ; Isa. xlvii. 2 ; Matt. xxiv. 41).
Then the meal was kneaded on a baking board (m.KB'p) with
leaven pKB*), and after it was thoroughly raised, it was
formed into thin round or oval cakes p33), and either baked
simply on coals or red-hot stones, or in ovens pwn) (4). —
In cases of haste, the leavening was omitted and the dough
(pya) was formed into thin round cakes, and baked on heated
sand or flat stones (Q,By~!, 1 Kings xix. 6), by hot ashes or
coals put on them — ash-cakes (nixp, Gen. xix. 3 ; rrisp niay,
Ex. xii. 39 ; nay, 1 Kings xvii'. 13; aiyp, 1 Kings xvii. 12) (5).
¦ — Commonly bread was baked of wheaten flour, but also of
barley, millet, spelt, beans, and lentils (Ezek. iv. 9, 12).
From flour there were besides many kinds of confectionery
made, to wit — (a) oven-baked pian naxp), sometimes perforated
cakes (rrfpn) kneaded with oil, sometimes thin flat cakes only
smeared with oil (E^p"!) ; {b) pancakes made of flour and oil,
and sometimes baked in the pan (nanp), sometimes boiled in
the skillet (nty'mp) in oil, which were also presented as meat
offerings (comp. § 41) ; (c) honey-cakes (^ana rviray, Ex.
xvi. 31), raisin or grape-cakes (a'aay nwK or rritS;',Bte) Hos.
iii. 1 ; Song of Sol. ii. 5 ; 2 Sam. vi. 19 ; 1 Chron. xvi. 3),
and heart-cakes (nia'ap), kneaded from dough sodden in the
pan and turned out soft (but not fluid), a kind of pudding
(2 Sam. xiii. 6-9) (6).
(1) Abel could scarcely have offered his sacrifice to God of
the firstlings of the flock otherwise than by consuming it with
fire. If the opinion of the Eabbins, Theodoret, and other
Fathers (comp. Bochart, Hieroz. i. p. 614, ed. Eos.), that this
sacrifice was consumed by fire from heaven, were well founded
in the text of Scripture, men might thus have learned the use

§ 99. PREPARATION OF FOOD. 127
of fire. — "No nation has yet been discovered on the earth
which did not know the use of fire (Goguet's statements as to
peoples who were alleged not to know it have been already
fully refuted by Linck, Urwelt, i. 341) ; only it has been
hitherto impossible to show how it was discovered. We
find the use of fire among the rudest nations of the north
as well as of the south, in the interior as well as on the
coast, and on mountain ranges as well as on islands." G.
Klemm, Allg. Culturgesch. der Menschheit, i. p. 178 (Lpz. 1843).
The same is shown by Peschel, Vblkerkunde, p. 139 ff, who
remarks, p. 142 [Eng. transl., King & Co., London 1876, p.
140] : " How the task was accomplished of producing fire
artificially was explained in later times by the myth of
Prometheus, who stole fire from the king of the gods. As
this legend still endures as a national possession among the
Ossetes or Irons in the Caucasus, and the language of this hill-
tribe is of the Indo-Germanic family, it must have existed
before the later dispersion of the Aryan races ; but as in the
glacial period fire was artificially produced at the source of the
Schussen, far from all volcanic phenomena, we must not look
to this myth for the traces of an historical event. On this
point we may even appeal to iEschylus, who, in the now lost
conclusion of his trilogy, makes "Prometheus say that he has
lain in fetters for thirty thousand years, so that he also refers
the theft of fire to a period far beyond the limits of man's
memory." Eegarding the oldest mode of producing fire by
rubbing two pieces of wood against one another, which is still
found among so-called wild or half savage peoples in all parts
of the world, see more particularly, ibid. pp. 143-147.
(2) The itvpaaavreg xlhug in this passage is not indeed con
clusive for this view ; the making of the stones red-hot rather
points to the method of striking out sparks by the friction of
stones on one another, and thus getting fire without steel
(comp. my comment, on the passage). But the educing of
fire by iron or steel and flint goes back also to times im
memorial among peoples of antiquity. Plinius, hist. nat.
vii. 56 : Ignem e silice Pyrodes cilicis films, eundem asservare
in ferula Prometheus.
(3) These handmills, ^eipo/mXai, molm manuariw, were also
in common use among the ancient Greeks and Eomans, and
belong still to houses of the middle class in the East. Comp.
Eobinson, Pal. i. p. 485, and an engraving in Niebuhr's Reise,
i, plate 17 A. — In larger establishments grinding is a heavy
labour, which was committed to slaves and prisoners (Judg.
xvi. 21 ; Lam. v. 13). The later Jews had also larger mills,
which were driven by asses (hence piiXog bvixbg, Matt, xviii. 6),

128 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
and which are found among the Greeks and Eomans as well as in
the modern East. Comp. Eobinson, and Winer, R. W. ii. p. 119 f.
(4) In the simple houses of the Israelites the oven no doubt
consisted only of a large fireplace in the middle of the room,
i.e. a large stone jar, about three feet high, open at the top,
within which a fire was made, and when the sides were suffi
ciently heated the bread and cakes were put close to the outside
and the opening at the top covered, and thus the bread was
baked (Arvieux, Nachr. iii. p. 227 ; Niebuhr, Beschr. v. Arab.
p. 57, Abbild.). Or the oven is half filled with pebbles, these are
heated, and the dough spread above them (Arv. p. 229). These
ovens are still called Tannur among the Arabs. Or the
Tannur is a hole dug in the floor of the room and lined with
pottery in which fire is put, and the dough spread on the sides
and so baked (Eobinson, Biblical Researches, p. 44). Yet no
doubt bakers had already special ovens in ancient times (Hos.
vii. 4, 6), such as are now public in Oriental cities (Harmar,
Beobaclit. i. p. 245 f.), and are little different from our own.
Comp. Kamphausen, " Backen," in Eiehm's Hwb. i. p. 140 f.
(5) Such ash-cakes, and bread baked without leaven in hot
ashes, are still the common bread of the Bedouins and poorer
Orientals. On the outside it is, of course, black as coal, but
tastes well, notwithstanding, Eobinson, Pal. ii. pp. 117 f., 262.
But it is often baked also on iron plates over the fire, which
recalls the nana of the Israelites (Lev. vi. 14, vii. 9), and the
ainanpn nb'yp (1 Chron. ix. 31, xxiii. 29). Comp. Knobel on
Lev. ii. 5.
(6) By nia'Op others understand a sort of ginger-bread for
strengthening the heart, or a heart-shaped confection (Thenius
on 2 Sam. xiii. 6) ; Gesenius {Thes. s.v.) translates it suet-cakes,
from aa^>, to be fat (?). Comp. also Saalschiitz, Archaol. i. p. 53. —
The various kinds of baked delicacies and cakes had, no doubt,
become known to the Israelites in Egypt, where baking was
carried to great perfection. Comp. Hengstenberg, die BB.
Mos. u. JEg. p. 25, and the views of Egyptian baking opera
tions in Wilkinson, Manners, etc. ii. p. 385.
As to the preparation of vegetables and flesh, we learn from
Genesis that so early as the time of Isaac it was customary to
prepare soup of lentils (Gen. xxv. 29, 34) and flesh (xxvii. 14)
in very palatable ways. Vegetables, pulse, and herbs were
cooked in pots pTJ, 2 Kings iv. 38; ina, Num. xi. 8 ; Judg.
vi. 19; i!R, 1 Sam. ii. 1 4), and seasoned with oil. The flesh
was either roasted on a spit at the fire {jbi, 1 Sam. ii. 14 ;
Isa. xliv. 16) (7), or also cooked in pots or kettles pi'a or

§ 99. PREPARATION OF FOOD. 129
nnpp, 1 Sam. ii. 14; 2 Chron. xxxv. 13), then lifted out
with a fork (appp) with three prongs {O0 vfa?, 1 Sam. ii. 13),
and brought to table with the broth (p"ip, Judg. vi. 19). The
Israelites seem also to have boiled the flesh of young animals
in milk, and in this connection it is forbidden to seethe a kid
in its mother's milk (Ex. xxiii. 19) (8).
Cooking utensils were partly of clay p?n, Isa. xxix. 1 6 ;
^.D V3) Lev. vi. 21), partly of copper (vi. 21), frying-pans of
tin (Ezek. iv. 3) (9). — Baking, roasting, and boiling formed
the business of the women and female slaves (Gen. xviii. 6 ;
1 Sam. viii. 1 3 ; 2 Sam. xiii. 8) ; in the houses of the upper
classes there were also special cooks (cnap, 1 Sam. ix. 23 f.),
and in the larger cities also bakers (Hos. vii. 4).
(7) Boasting on a spit was perhaps the oldest way of cooking
flesh (comp. Jahn, Bibl. Archaol. i. 2, p. 193 f.), but less common
among the Israelites than boiling ; so that roast flesh was eaten
only by the richer and better classes (1 Sam. ii. 15), as is still
the case in the East. Only the paschal lamb was to be always
wholly roasted (comp. § 81).
(8) The reason of this frequently inculcated prohibition is
obscure, and even the explanation disputed (see the various
explanations in Bochart, Hieroz. i. p. 723 ff.). The connection
of this prohibition, sometimes with the command regarding
the offering of firstlings (Ex. xxiii. 19 and xxxiv. 26), sometimes
with the prohibitions of unclean meats (Deut. xiv. 21), seems
to point to the fact that it was a custom common in the sacri
ficial meals of other peoples, which is interdicted to the
Israelites, not so much because it was also associated with
superstitious notions (Knobel on Ex. xxiii. 19), as from tender
ness for animal nature. The seething of the kid in milk is
mentioned by Aben Ezra and Abarbanel as practised by the
Arabs of their time, and at the present day the Arabs often
seethe lamb in sour milk, which gives it, it is thought, a peculiar
flavour (comp. Berggren, Reisen, i. p. 327 f. ; and Buckingham,
Syr. ii. p. 92).
(9) For full information regarding cooking utensils, see in
Jahn, Bibl. Archaol. i. 2, p. 1 85 ff. Eegarding Egyptian cooking
apparatus, comp. Herm. Weiss, Kostilmkunde (Stuttg. 1860),
i. p. 101 ff. ; for Assyrian, ibid. p. 241 f. ; the description of
old Egyptian cooking, see in Wilkinson, ii. p. 374, with the
engravings, pp. 383, 385, and 388.

KEIL II.

130 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
§ 100 Meal Times and Banquets.
Besides a simple breakfast in the morning (John xxi. 12),
the Israelites had two daily meals, at mid-day (Gen. xviii. 1,
xliii. 16, 25; Euth ii. 14; 1 Kings xx. 16; comp. Luke
xiv. 12) and toward evening (Gen. xix. 1 ff. ; Euth iii. 7),
neither being reckoned the chief meal (1). Before and after
eatino- they were accustomed to wash their hands (Matt. xv. 2 ;
Mark vii. 2 f. ; Luke xi. 38) (2), and to say grace (nana,
1 Sam. ix. 13; evKoyla, evxapiaTia, Matt. xiv. 19, xv. 36;
Luke ix. 16; John vi. 11). In the older time the custom
was to sit at table (Gen. xxvii. 1 9 ; Judg. xix. 6 ; 1 Sam.
xx. 5, 24; 1 Kings xiii. 19) (3). Not till later was it usual
to recline on cushions or divans {avaiceio-dai, KaraKdaBai,
avaicXlveadai, Karaic\ivsa9ai), no doubt first at feasts (Amos
vi. 4), then also at simple ' meals (Luke xvii. 1 7). From
three to five persons reclined on a cushion, supporting them
selves on the left arm, and stretching out the feet behind
them, so that the one lying to the right had the back of
his head toward the breast of his neighbour on the left,
a place given to the friend most loved {dva/ceiaOat, iv tco
KoKira, John xiii. 23, xxi. 20) (4).
(1) Like the ancient Greeks and Eomans, among whom,
however, in course of time, the mid-day meal {bi7<zvov) became
a breakfast {apiarov, prandium), and the bbpvov, as Mtmoi, ccena,
became the chief meal. Comp. Hermann, Lehrb. d. griech.
Antiq. iii. pp. 73, 76. Becker, Charikles, ii. p. 234 ff, and
Gallus, iii. p. 174 ff.
(2) The washing of hands, though it cannot be proved from
passages of the Oid Testament, was necessary, from the earliest
times, on the ground of cleanliness, because food was lifted to
the mouth with the fingers ; and hence it was customary among
Greeks and Eomans, and is so among Orientals to the present
day (Winer, R. W. ii. p. 47 f.). The Eabbins, however, insist
on it only in the case of a full meal, where there is the eating
of bread (Luke xi. 18 ; Matt. xv. 20). Comp. Saalschiitz,
Archaol. i. 140.
(3) So the ancient Greeks and Eomans in earlier times ; comp.
Hermann, ubi supra, p. 128. Becker, Charikl. ii. 244; Gallus,
iii. p. 205 ; and the ancient Egyptians, as appears from the
monuments; comp. Wilkinson, ii. p. 392. The women and
children continued this habit after the men had changed it for

§ 100. MEAL TIMES AND BANQUETS. 131
reclining. The Eabbins held it to be improper for women to
eat reclining (Isador. Origg. xx. 11. 9); and neither does it seem to
have prevailed among the Israelites, though the irapaxa8i?eiv
irpbg roug mbag, Luke x. 39, is no proof for it, because this was not
connected with eating. On the other hand, at the banquets of
the ancient Persians, the women also reclined, as is clear from
Esth. vii. 8.
(4) Hence the prophet Amos (vi. 4) describes luxurious
revellers as : " Them that lie on beds of ivory, and are stretched
(BTnp) on their couches." In the matter of these cushions
great luxury was indulged, especially by the later Greeks and
Eomans; comp. Hermann, ubi supra, p. 128; and Becker,
Gallus, iii. p. 204 ff. As having been originally intended for
three persons, they were called triclinia, a name which after
wards generally denotes the combination of three xXhai, lecti,
for a company, and also the banqueting-room itself. Accord
ingly, the president was called dpx'rplxXivog (John ii. 8). — The
modern Orientals sit with legs crossed beneath them on their
heels, round a table formed of a large round tray of tinned
copper placed on a stool about a foot high, on which the food is
placed (comp. Eobinson, Pal. ii. p. 86) ; or merely a round piece
of leather {sufra) or a cane mat is spread on the floor in the
middle of the room, or on a stool-like table, which is provided
with rings at the edge so that it can be drawn together like a
bag after the meal, and hung up on a nail. Comp. Harmar,
Beobacht. ii. p. 453 ; and Winer, Realwortb. ii. p. 48, note 10.
The food was determined by the means of the family.
While the poorer classes were satisfied with bread dipped in
vinegar; milk, and parched corn (Euth ii. 14), the well-to-do
had on their tables, besides bread and other baked meats,
boiled flesh, lentils, beans, and other vegetables, honey, milk,
wine, raisins, figs, parched kernels, and other fruits ; and on
the tables of the rich there were, besides, roast of fatted cattle,
various kinds of venison, and fowls (5). Meats were in
general prepared solid, — soups were unknown to the Israelites,
— so that the pieces of flesh and vegetables were lifted to the
mouth with the fingers from the dish on a piece of bread,
which served as a plate (Prov. xix. 24, xxvi. 15). — Spoons,
knives, and forks were not used at table, as they are unused
at the present day by most Orientals (6). — Wine was 'drunk
during, but chiefly after the meal (7).
(5) The common food of the Israelites is seen from the

132 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
provision which David at different times received during his
flight, as from Abigail, two hundred loaves, two bottles of wine,
five dressed sheep, five measures of parched corn, a hundred
cakes of raisins, and two hundred of figs (1 Sam. xxv. 18,
with which comp. 2 Sam. xvi. 1 ff, and xvii. 28 f.).— What was
served at the tables of kings and princes appears from 1 Kings
v. 2 f. (iv. 22), and Neh. v. 18. That roasted flesh was preferred
to boiled, is evident from 1 Sam. ii. 15.
(6) See the proofs in Winer, R. W. ii. p. 49. Knives (maxp,
Gen. xxii. 6, 10) and forks (appp) were used only in the kitchen
to carve and prepare the pieces of flesh (1 Sam. ii. 13 f.).
(7) The ancient Egyptians (Herod, ii. 78) and Persians
(Herod, v. 18), with the Greeks (Becker, Charikl. ii. p. 270),
did not drink wine till they had finished eating, as is still
generally the case among the Persians and Arabs (Winer,
R. W. ii. p. 49). In Mischna {Berach. vi. 5, viii. 8) the drinking
of wine before and after food is assumed as customary.
The feasts which were given, sometimes in honour of friends,
sometimes on important family occasions and in other connec
tions, as well as on holidays, were distinguished from common
meals, partly by the number of invited guests (Gen. xxix. 22 ;
1 Sam. ix. 22; 1 Kings i. 9, 25; Luke v. 29), partly by
the variety and richness and goodness of the meats and drinks
(1 Kings i. 25 ; Isa. xxv. 6 ; Amos vi. 4 ; Matt. xxii. 4) (8). —
The guests were invited by slaves (Prov. ix. 3 ; Matt. xxii. 3 f.),
kissed on their arrival (Tob.vii. 6 ; Lukevii. 45), their feet washed
(Luke vii. 44) (9), the hair of the head and beard anointed (Ps.
xxiii. 5 ; Amos vi. 6) (10), and their places assigned them
according to rank (1 Sam. ix. 22 ; Luke xiv. 8 ; Mark xii. 39).
If the master of the house wished to sliow special honour to
any of his guests, particularly choice pieces were set before
them (1 Sam. ix. 24), sometimes double (1 Sam. i. 5), and
even fivefold portions (Gen. xliii. 34). — In the houses of the
common people the women and children also took part in the
feast (1 Sam. i. 4 ; John xii. 3), and men-servants and maid
servants, Levites, strangers, widows, and orphans were to be
admitted to the sacrificial meals (Deut. xvi. 11, 14). Con
versation was enlivened by jests and riddles (Judg. xiv. 1 2 ff.),
and only when feasts — an evil which the prophets frequently
condemn — degenerated into dissolute drinking bouts, were
they often prolonged with music and singing far into the

§ 101. THE CLOTHING OF THE ISRAELITES. 133
night (Isa. v. 12; Amos vi. 5 ; Ps. lxix. 13; Sir. xxxii. 7).
In these, however, it is unlikely that women took part (1 1).
(8) That the drinks at feasts were not unimportant, appears
from the name nriB'p, which occurs* so early as in Gen. xxi. 8,
xxix. 32. •
(9) This custom, common also in ancient Greece (comp. Horn
Odyss. iii. 464 ; and Becker, Charikl. ii. p. 247), is still found
here and there in Palestine (comp. Eobinson's Palestine, ii.
229 f.).
(10) The Greek custom of presenting the guests with garlands
of flowers (Becker, Charikl. i. p. 181 ff.) cannot be proved, as
Winer {R.W. i. p. 392) attempts to do from Isa. xxviii. 1,
Wisd. ii. 7 ff, to have been common among the Israelites. It was
adopted by the later Jews along with other Greek customs
(Joseph. Antiq. xix. 9. 1).
(11) In general the feasts of the Israelites were simple. No
doubt under the kings, with growing prosperity and luxury,
riotous banquets were not unknown. But dissoluteness and
drunkenness were first spread among the Jews by Greeks and
Eomans, so that at such entertainments female dancers were
admitted (Matt. xiv. 6) and licentiousness prevailed (Philo, ii.
p. 477 sq). No doubt also the xZ/xai and comissationes of the
Eomans were imitated, against which the apostles warned
Christians, Eom. xiii. 13 ; Gal. v. 21 ; 1 Pet. iv. 3. More
particular information regarding them will be found in Becker,
Gallus, i. p. 181 ff. ; Charikl. i. p. 166 ff., and ii. p. 270 ft:

THIED CHAPTER
THE CLOTHING OF THE ISRAELITES.
§ 101. Its general Character.
The first human clothing consisted of the skins of beasts
piy niaria, Gen. iii. 21); but from the most ancient times,
wool, flax, and cotton were wrought into clothing. The use
of sheep's wool is undoubtedly as old as the rearing of sheep,
certainly older than the preparation of cotton (byssus) and of
flax for this purpose (1). — Regarding the clothing of the
patriarchs and ancient Israelites we have no exact informa
tion ; yet, on the whole, it unquestionably resembled that of
the ancient Orientals and Ionians, and was tolerably simple,

134 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
as is still the case among the roving Arabs ; it no longer,
however, consisted of skins, but was already made of woven
stuffs (2). Men and women wore, as they do still in the
East, pretty nearly the same dress ; but there was an easily
recognisable distinction between the male and female attire of
the Israelites, and accordingly the Mosaic law forbids men to
wear women's clothes, and vice versa, Deut. xxii. 5. Besides
this, the use of wool and flax (linen) in the same piece of dress
is forbidden (Lev. xix. 17; Deut. xxii. 11). Both prescrip
tions flow from one principle. They are intended to prevent
the mixing of what is heterogeneous, as a disturbance and
confusion of the order and distinctions made by God, which
Israel as God's people should regard and observe (3).
The making of clothes among the Israelites was always
the business of the housewives, in which women of rank
equally took part (1 Sam. ii. 19; Prov. xxxi. 22 ff; Acts
ix. 39). So early as patriarchal times, clothing was no
longer limited to what was indispensable to cover nakedness.
Already there were various forms of clothing (Gen. xxiv. 53
and xxxvii. 3), and costly garments of byssus (Gen. xii. 42,
xiv. 22). For even then in Egypt the arts of spinning,
weaving, and embroidery in gold were carried to great per
fection. The Israelites learned them during their stay there
(1 Chron. iv. 21), and afterwards used them successfully in
the making of curtains for the tabernacle and of the priestly
garments (Ex. xxxv. 25 ff.) (4). Common clothing, however,
remained simple for centuries. Not till the time of the kings
did luxury increase (2 Sam. i. 24 ; Isa. iii. 18 ff. ; Jer. iv. 30 ;
Ezek. xvi. 1 0 ; Lam. iv. 5), and it prevailed among the Jews
down to the apostolic age (1 Tim. ii. 9 ; 1 Pet. iii. 3 ;
Jas. v. 2).
(1) The choice of stuffs for clothing always depended chiefly
on the pursuit by which men gained their living. Hence for
hunters and shepherds it was the skins of the animals shot or
slaughtered. But the use of cotton and flax for clothing goes
back to the highest antiquity. In ancient Egypt cotton was
indigenous; flax also was cultivated from the earliest times
(comp. Eossellini, monum. civ. i. p. 333 sq. ; Wilkinson, iii.
p. 137). The ancient Egyptians prepared the most various
tissues from cotton and flax for coarser and finer garments.
" The fame of Egyptian weaving is lost in myth. The goddess

§ 101. THE CLOTHING OF THE ISRAELITES. 135
Neith (Athene, Minerva) was regarded as the inventor " (Weiss,
Kostumk. i. p. 32). In Western Asia also, the cotton cultivated
from primitives times, partly in Babylonia, partly in Syria,
partly imported from India, had led very early to the artistic
working of it into various fabrics. Such garments were also
preferred by the Babylonians and Assyrians. Along with
cotton, flax was no doubt also used by them in the earliest
times to make linen garments (Weiss, p. 194). — In the Old
Testament, so early as Gen. xxxi. 19, xxxviii. 12 f., we read of
sheep-shearing ; and the cultivation of flax was carried on in
Jericho in the days of Moses (Josh. ii. 6). — Among the Greeks
the Homeric time is familiar only with wool for men's clothing;
and even for that of women we read but rarely of fine linen
{XeirTag bUovag), Iliad, iii. 141, xviii. 595. Comp. Becker,
Charikl. iii. p. 189.
(2) The first step towards clothing consisted of a covering
for bodily nakedness or shame by a meagre apron for the loins
(Gen. iii. 7). Many savage peoples content themselves with
such a covering at the present day (comp. Peschel, Vblkerk.
p. 176 ff), as well as the lower classes in hot countries. " The
loin cloth," the oldest, and originally the only piece of clothing,
remained the proper national dress of the Egyptians. It is
still so among the natives of the land of the Nile. The dress
of the men on the monuments of the earliest times consists
almost entirely of the apron. Its material, and greater or
less width, denoted profession and rank. The dress of the
(Kgyptian) women was in the earlier periods essentially
different from that of the men. The ethical feeling of the
Egyptians demanded of the female sex a fuller covering of the
body than the simple apron of the male provided. The
oldest and the national dress of the women was formed of a
(perhaps elastic) woven garment which wholly covered the
body from the breast to the feet, and was held up by shoulder-
bands. Sometimes it had also short close-fitting sleeves (comp.
Weiss, pp. 23 and 38, with illustrations). — On the other hand,
the climate of Western Asia rendered it needful to have a
covering better protecting the body. The most widely spread
dress of the Western Asiatics of the earliest times con
sisted of a shirt-like garment, which some of the Arabs use as
their only dress at the present day. This garment, made of
wool or cotton, perhaps also of linen, and of various colours,
was worn sometimes longer, sometimes shorter, and often
fastened round the loins with a girdle. Among tho upper
classes it reached down to the feet (comp. Weiss, p. 193 ff).
To this there were soon added upper wrappings, generally
consisting of a piece of cloth wound round the body.

136 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
(3) Cloth made of a mixture of linen and wool is called
tppyB', LXX.: xifibnXov, the meaning of which is uncertain.
Comp. Gesen. Thes. p. 1456. The principle at the root of this
prohibition is clear from the context, where the mixing of other
heterogeneous things is forbidden. But even in the case of the
other, regard to the distinction of sexes ordained by God forms
the proper foundation of the command. We need not, however,
exclude the purpose of preventing unchastity and sexual licence
as a subordinate element, indicated by the clause : " For who
soever doeth these things is an abomination to Jehovah." On
the other hand, it is entirely foreign to the passage to suppose,
as is done by Maimonides, More Nevoch. iii. 37, p. 447 ; Spencer,
De legg. Hebr. rit. lib. ii. c. 29 ; Clericus, etc., any definite oppo
sition to the immoral practice prevailing in Egyptian and Syrian
Aphrodite-worship, according to which women brought offerings
in men's clothes, and men in women's. — Eegarding leprosy in
clothes, see vol. i. p. 372 f.
(4) Comp. Hengstenberg, die BB. Mos. u. JEg. p. 143 f.

§102. The Dress of Males.
To the simple dress (psbo, nfsbfi) of the Israelites there
belonged, as essential parts, a tunic, which was put on, and
an upper dress, which was thrown round the person (1). The
tunic, or under dress (nana, nana, %itcov, tunica), was a dress
with sleeves of wool or cotton, generally worn on the naked
body as a shirt, close-fitting, and reaching to the knees (2).
It was fastened round the loins with a girdle pian, mian, nirx,
Zwvrj), sometimes of leather (2 Kings i. 8 ; Matt. iii. 4), some
time of linen (Jer. xiii. 1) (3). Over it was cast the upper
dress (ty??', nppB>; reap, iaa, l/xdriov), which no doubt originally
Consisted only of a large square piece of cloth (4), and served
the poor also as a bed-cover (Ex. xxii. 25 f.). The four ends,
or corners, were each to be furnished, according to Num. xv.
38, Deut. xxii. 12, with a tassel (tuft, rwy) on a cord of
blue (man yna), that Israel, looking to these tassels, might be
reminded of Jehovah's commands (5). Hose, or trousers, were
not worn by the Israelites (6). The covering for the feet
were sandals (a'yya, viroStjfiaTa, <rav8d\ia) of leather, which
were fastened with thongs piif), and were taken off on
entering a room or a holy place (Ex. iii. 5; Josh. v. 15);
while the poor and mourners went barefoot (2 Sam. xv. 30;

§ 102. THE DRESS OF MALES. 137
Ezek. xxiv. 17, 23; Isa. xx. 2) (7). Lastly, the head-dress
was a cap pyajp) or turban of various forms, which can no
longer be exactly ascertained ; while poor people, when at
work, probably only tied up their hair with a band (8).
(1) The dress of the ancient Greeks also consisted of these
two pieces, which admit of being classed under the two ideas
of putting on and throwing round, hbuvai and emSaXietlai, indui
and amiciri. Hermann, ubi supra, pp. 93 and 95. Becker,
Ghariklcs, iii. p. 159 : hbupaTa and einfSxritAaTa or vept^x^u.aTa.
(2) Whether the kethoneth at first and always had sleeves
is open to doubt. The xi6uv or p^irciv of the ancient Greeks,
especially of the Dorians, was only a short woollen shirt with
arm-holes, which not till a later time were lengthened and
narrowed to actual sleeves. Hermann, p. 93 ; Becker, Char. iii.
p. 159. Among the Israelites, too, the kethoneth varied accord
ing to times, relations, and professions. That of the priests
was a long tunic descending to the ankles, and provided with
sleeves reaching to the hands, over which they wore nothing
when ministering (§ 34). But in the case of the common
Israelites it cannot, as a rule, have been much more than a
short shirt, such as is still worn by the common Arabs (Niebuhr,
Reise, i. p. 282, taf. 56), while the man who only wore this
under dress without a girdle was counted naked (1 Sam. xix. 24;
Isa. xx. 2 ; John xxi. 7) ; as among the Greeks, also, any one
going merely in his xiT^" was called yupvog (Hermann, ubi supra,
p. 93). Saalschiitz, Archaol. i. p. 9, is mistaken when he infers
from Ex. xxii. 26 that the poorer people had no kethoneth, and
wore the simla on their naked body. Comp. to the contrary,
Leyrer in PRE. vii. 726. — Eegarding mourning dress, pis', comp.
§ H5.
(3) The girdle served not only to confine the dress, so as not
to be in the way of walking or working, but also to draw up
long trailing garments, whereby a sort of pouch {xbXmg) was
formed. It also served to keep money (Matt. x. 9) ; further,
for girding the sword on the thigh (Judg. iii. 16 ; 2 Sam. xx. 8) ;
and for attaching writing materials (Ezek. ix. 2), as is still done
in the East. Comp. Eosenmiiller, Schol. ad h. I., and A. u. N.
Morgenl. iv. p. 323. Eegarding the costliness in which Orientals
indulge in the matter of the girdle, comp. Jahn, Bibl. Archaol. i.
2, p. 80 ff. ; Winer, R. W. i. p. 448.
(4) Corresponding to the Heik of the modern Arabs, about
six yards long and three broad (comp. Faber on Harmar's Beob.
ii. p. 407 ; Niebuhr, Beschr. v. Arabien, p. 62), and to the l^drm
of the Greeks (comp. Hermann, ubi supra, p. 93). This dress
is thrown round the body (like the shawls of our ladies) in such

138 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
a way that two opposite corners (niaaa) are tucked under the
arms, and the dress, with the two other corners, hung over the
back, like that of the Arabs represented in Niebuhr's Reise, i.
p. 196, on taf. 29. Or it is hung on the left shoulder, the
corner drawn over the back, the front one over the breast and
lower part of the body, and both bound under the right arm ;
or they are fastened with hooks and clasps, as is shown in the
representations on the ruins of Persepolis, in Chardin, Voyage,
ii. p. 100, tab. 64; and in Niebuhr, Reise, ii. p. 130, taf. 22,
Nr. 8, and p. 132, taf. 23, Nr. 6 ; and those of the Arab in
Nieb. Reise, i. p. 268, taf. 54. Dress mantles were always
fastened with golden clasps {n6p<xn, 1 Mace. x. 89, xi. 58). — The
bunchy fold in front of the breast (PTJ, bosom), into which idlers
thrust the hand (Ps. Ixxiv. 11), was used as a pocket or bag, in
which flesh, bread, grain, and other kinds of food were carried
(2 Kings iv. 39 ; Hag. ii. 12 ; Luke vi. 38). Or the dress was
used as a napkin — dough, grain, and other things being emptied
into it, bound at the corners, and the bundle carried on the
shoulders (Ex. xii. 34 ; Euth iii. 15; Judg. viii. 25 ; Prov. xxx. 4),
as is still done by the Easterns. Comp. Shaw, Travels ; Host,
Nachr. v. Maroko, p. 116.
(5) These tassels, ra xpdeneba, Matt. ix. 20, Luke viii. 41,
are called in Deut. xxii. 12, ob~}}, because they were made of
twisted threads. The thread was blue in colour, because the
tassels were intended to serve as a memorial of the heavenly
origin of the commandments. For the Eabbinical ordinances
on the subject, see Carpzov, Apparat. p. 197 sqq. Modern Jews
wear two talliths ('Tpp) with such tassels, the one under the
robes, the other on certain feast days in the synagogues. Comp.
Bodenschatz, Kirchl. Verfass. iv. p. 9 ff. — Tassels at the corners
ofthe upper dress are found also on some of the figures from
Persepolis in Niebuhr's Reise, p. 130, taf. 22, Nr. 2-4.
(6) Except the drawers of the priests (see vol. i. p. 214), there
is not a trace of trousers, which were also unknown to the
ancient Greeks, and are little worn by the Arabs to the present
day (Niebuhr, Beschr. v. Arab. p. 65), though they are pretty
widely spread in the modern East among men and women, and
even on the ruins of Persepolis many of the figures have them.
Comp. Ed. W. Lane, -Manners and Customs of the Ancient
Egyptians, i. p. 33 ff. — It ij related of the Persians and Medes
by Herod, v. 49 ; Xenoph. Cyrop. viii. 3. 13 ; Strabo, ii. 536,
that they wore long wide hose, dva^uplbig, which, however, are
not intended by obsrjD (Dan. iii. 21, 27), for this word denotes
underclothes (shirts) worn on the naked body. — See my com
mentary on Dan. iii. 21.

§ 102. THE DRESS OF MALES. 139
(7) This we find on the figures of Persepolis, among the
Greeks and in the East at the present day; comp. Jahn,
p. 98 ff. ; and Hermann, p. 94. — Men of rank had these sandals
put on and fastened, unloosed and carried after them by slaves,
Matt. iii. 11 ; Mark i. 7 ; John i. 27. The sandals of the
Assyrian kings were of wood or leather, and had a border of
the latter material which covered the hooks and the sides of
the foot, leaving bare, however, the front and toes, over which
the thongs were fastened; comp. Layard, Nineveh and its
Remains, ii. p. 324, and fig. ; and Weiss, Kostumk. i. p. 205.
— On some Greek pictures there are found actual lacing boots
(comp. Hermann, p. 39). For more on the subject, see Ant.
Bynaei, De calceis Hebr. libri ii., Dordr. 1682, 1715 ; and other
writings in Winer, R. W. ii. p. 428 f.
(8) The words for head-dress which occur in the Old Testa
ment, spay, Job xxix. 14; isa, Isa. lxi. 3, 10, belong to the
dress of men of rank, and nyaap is found only in speaking of
the priest's cap, so that the common Israelites as a rule seem
not to have worn any cap, but to have confined their hair with
a band or wrapped a cloth round the head, as is still done in
Arabia; comp. Niebuhr, Reise, i. p. 292, and Beschr. v. Arab.
p. 64. The ancient Greeks also only used a head-dress in '
special cases (Hermann, p. 94). On the Assyrian and Per-
sepolitan monuments, besides various flat and pointed caps
and turbans, we frequently also find the hair confined only -
with a band ; comp. Niebuhr, Reise, ii, taf. 21, 22, especially 22,
Nr. 9 ; 23, Nr. 5, 6, 11 ; Layard, Nineveh, figs, on p. 320 ; and
Weiss, ubi supra. — The Babylonian turbans were called B'pup,
tiara tinctw, Ezek. xxiii. 15. The modern Arabs have various
and sometimes costly kinds of turbans, generally bound with
a piece of muslin. See the representation of forty-four kinds
' in Niebuhr's Reise, i. p. 159 ff., taf. 19-23.
To this simple clothing several, and sometimes costly,
pieces of dress were early added. The coat was beautified
by the wealthier classes till it became a long, many-plaited
robe reaching to the ankles, with long sleeves covering the
hands (a'aa nana, tunica talaris et manicata, Gen. xxxvii. 3) (9).
To this was added a fine shirt woven of linen or cotton, PIP
(Judg. xiv. 12 f. ; Isa. iii. 23 ; Prov. xxxi. 24), which was
worn under the tunic (10), and a second longer under dress
without sleeves, 5'yp, over the tunic (1 Sam. xviii. 4, xxiv. 5,
12; comp. xv. 27; Job i. 20) (11). Still more diversified
were the upper dresses in material, colour, and richness.

140 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
There are mentioned, rms, a wide cloak with folds, partly of
hairy skin or fur (pyty rims, Gen. xxv. 25 ; finXwrrj, Heb.
xi. 31), and worn by prophets (1 Kings xix. 13 ; 2 Kings
ii. 13 f . ; Jonah iii. 6 ; Zech. xiii. 2), but often wrought in
various colours of costly material, and brought from Babylon
(Josh. vii. 21) (12); and other garments of fine byssus and
purple, also embroidered with gold (Ezek. xvi. 10 ; Eccles.
ix. 8), which were sometimes made by Israelitish women
(Prov. xxxi. 22), sometimes brought from abroad (Zeph. i. 8),
and because they were often changed during marriages and
other festive occasions, they were called garments of change,
nia'pn, elfiara igrjfioiSd, Odyss. viii. 249 ; graves eTrvfioifioi,
xiv. 514. Kings and men of rank had alwavs a large
wardrobe of these (nrinpp), partly for their own use (Prov.
xxxi. 21; Job xxvii. 16; Luke xv. 22), partly to give
away in presents (Gen. xiv. 22 ; 1 Sam. xviii. 4 ; 2 Kings
v. 5, x. 22 ; Esth. iv. 4, vi. 8, 11) (13).
(9) For this meaning of B^pa nana, A quit, yj7^ xupwrog,
Symm. ytipiburog, Braun, Vestit. sacerd. i. c. 17, § 279 sqq., and
Schroeder, Vestit. mul. p. 246, most moderns have rightly
decided against the other : yj7^ noixlXog, LXX. in Gen. (on the
contrary, 2 Sam. xiii. 18, xitwv xapvuTog); Vulg. : tunica polymita ;
Luther: bunter Rock. — The tt"pa, Dan. iii. 21, was a Chaldee
dress, probably the xiDAiv nobrinxng xinog or xiSuv ilpuihg of Herod.
i. 195. (10) On p"ip; a^anp, only thus much is certain — {a) that the
Greek aivbum corresponds to it, for ettboiv is in any case a foreign
manufacture, and the derivation of the Etymol. Magn. Zivb&v dnb
^ibuvog Trig iroXecag, is certainly false ; {b) that it denotes a dress
of white linen or fine cotton. For the B'anp, Judg. xiv. 12
and Isa. iii. 23, are undoubtedly pieces of dress, iike the eivbuiv in
Mark xiv. 51. But it remains doubtful whether the plB was
' - T
worn as a shirt on the naked body. This rests only on the
exposition of Kimchi (Gesen. Thes. s.v.), and cannot be estab
lished either from the Old Testament or from Mark xiv. 51,
where the HifpifiefiXritjAwg eivbbva, notwithstanding the evl yupvou,
does not apply to a shirt which is put on, but to a piece of
dress thrown round the body. That pip and eivbw as a rule
were of linen is evident, partly from the comparison of Matt.
xxvii. 59 ; Mark xv. 46 ; Luke xxiii. 53 : iveruXi^ev auri aivUn,
with John xix. 40 : ebr,aav auro bhvloig, partly from Photii Lexicon,
p. 512 : anboviTrig xit&w Xmug, and other , statements of Greek

§ 102. THE DRESS OF MALES. 141
authors in Becker, Charikl. iii. p. 139. But since Herodot.
ii. 86 and vii. 181, also speaks of enb&v fiu<s<s!vr), there is no doubt
that cotton fabrics also were called by the same name (Becker,
ubi supra). — Schroeder treats exhaustively of pip, Vestit. mul.
pp. 339-361.
(11) In more ancient times worn only by kings, princes, and
men of rank, made of byssus (1 Chron. xv. 27), hence also a
piece of the high priest's dress (see vol. i. p. 217). As the high
priest's servant, Samuel also has a yyip, and a white ephod,
13 liax, 1 Sam. ii. 18 f. Saalschiitz, Archceol. i. p. 14, is
entirely mistaken when he concludes from this passage and
from 2 Sam. vi. 14, according to which David, when solemnly
bringing the ark into the city, wore a white ephod like the
priests (1 Sam. xxii. 18), that the ephod in the later dress of
males was the upper kethoneth.
(12) The prophets' mantle was probably, as a rule, a simple
sheepskin, with the wool turned outwards, as it is to be seen
on the figures from Persepolis in Chardin, Voyage, ii. p. 144,
tab. 58 ; comp. iii. 245. The Babylonian cloaks, on the other
hand, were sometimes costly, and woven of various colours or
embroidered (Plinii hist. nat. viii. 48 ; comp. my comment, on
Josh. vii. 21), sometimes artistically prepared fur mantles,
such as are worn by Easterns of higher rank at the present
day even in summer (comp. Harmar, Beob. iii. p. 4 ; Eussel,
Natural History of Aleppo, i. p. 127; Niebuhr, Reise, i. p. 158,
ii. 235, 317). — In Chaldee the cloak is called toaia (wrapping),
Dan. iii. 21 ; and the Persian war-cloak of byssus and purple,
Tpian, Esth. viii. 15.
(13) Comp. Harmar, ii. p. 112 f., iii. 186 ff. ; Winer, R. W.
i. p. 662 ; and Leyrer in PRE. vii. p. 723.
Silk stuffs also, er,pix6v (Eev. xviii. 12), do not seem to have
been unknown to the Israelites, called, however, not iin, Esth.
i. 6, viii. 15 (Hartmann, Hebraerin am Putztisch, iii. p. 409),
but ''B'p, Ezek. xvi. 10, 13, as explained by the Eabbins, though
the etymology of the word remains doubtful. Comp. Gesenius,
Thes. p. 824 ; and Fiirst, Hebr. u. Chald. Handworterb. p. 796. —
Schroeder sought to establish this explanation at length, Vestit.
mul. p. 325 sqq. — Though silk dresses were not introduced into
Greece till a late period (Becker, Charikl. iii. p. 190 ff), the
use of them among Asiatics goes back to high antiquity, for the
UdriTig Mr,bixol (Herod, iii. 84, vii. 116), according to Procop.
Pers. i. 20, were of silk. Comp. Bahr on Herod, iii. 84 ; Heeren,
Ideen, I. i. pp. 113, 214 ff. ; and Weiss, Kostumk. i. p. 194.
Under the Israelitish kings the officials of the palace had a
special rorra with oaas, as their dress of office (Isa. xxii. 21). —

142 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
In the Apocrypha and New Testament there are some Greek
and Eoman pieces of dress mentioned: yX^^^ 2 Mace. xii. 35,
the cloak of the Greek horseman or soldier, which was fastened
on the right shoulder (sometimes over the breast), and reached
to the knee (Becker, Charikl. iii. p. 174). The yXapug xoxxhr,
(Matt, xxvii. 24) is a woollen scarlet cloak, such as was worn
by Eoman generals and officers, and also by the emperors
from the time of Diocletian. Finally, paiXmr\g (2 Tim. iv. 13),
pwnula, is a travelling cloak, and waterproof, without sleeves,
provided only with an opening at the neck, and a hood to cover
the head, which was worn by men and women over the tunic ;
see Becker, Gallus, iii. 121 f.

§ 103. TJie Dress of Women.
Israelitish women (1) also wore a kethoneth (Song of Sol.
v. 3) as an under dress like the men, but no doubt, as a rule,
wider, longer, and of finer material ; the well-to-do also shirts
(Pip) of fine white linen (Isa. iii. 23), and above these also
wider under garments with sleeves (niapyp, Isa. iii. 2 2) (2). —
The girdle (B'-Wp, Isa. iii. 22), frequently of fine woven stuff
(Prov. xxxi. 24), and an article of female ornament (Jer. ii. 32),
was worn lower down on the loins, and more loosely. — The
upper dress, rinapp, Euth iii. 15, palla, was broad in the folds
and long, often scarlet (2 Sam. i. 24), of costly material, and
embroidered with various colours, rippi (Judg. v. 30; Ps. xiv.
15) (3). — The sandals were often of Thachasch, i.e. sealskin
(Ezek. xvi. 10), probably also of coloured leather or
morocco (4). — The head - dress of the common Israelitish
women is unknown. Turbans p^y, Isa. iii. 23) and nets
(a'aa", cauls, iii. 18) were a luxury of the upper classes. Only
the veil was regarded from ancient times by women of
character as indispensable, and various kinds of them are
mentioned (mi, by\, spy*) (5).
(1) Comp. Nic. Guil. Schroeder, Commentar. phil. crit. de
vestitu mulierum Hebr. on Isa. iii. 16-24, with preface by
A. Schultens, Ultraj. 1776, 4; and A. Th. Hartmann, Die
Hebrderin am Putztisch und als Braut, Amsterdam 1809 f , 3
Bde. 12.
(2) According to Schroeder, I.e. p. 128 sqq, rnatsyD denotes
tunicas, non tamen interiores, sed exteriores et hinc laxiores et
longiores, manicatas tamen et zona cingendas ac sub pallio

§ 103. THE DRESS OF WOMEN. 143
induendas. According to Hitzig on Isa. iii. 22 : "a kind of
second upper tunic, a ^yp, provided with sleeves and reaching
to the ankles; elsewhere B'aa nana, 2 Sam. xiii. 18." Similar
was the y^'™* of Ionian females (Becker, Charikl. iii. pp. 176,
180). (3) Comp. Schroeder, I.e. p. 247 sqq. A broad-plaited cloak
is probably also denoted by i^na, Isa. iii. 24, yiriiv peaomppupog,
LXX., a parti-coloured festive dress. Comp. Gesen. Thes. p.
1137. (4) "As also among the Tyrians (Virg. Aen. i. 336 sq),
Persians, Greeks, and Eomans (Martial, ii. 29. 8), shoes of
variously coloured, especially purple leather, also calcei aurei,
were a favourite article of luxury, the ornament consisting
either of the lacings only, or of a kind of leather covering for
the sides or uppers (somewhat like slippers)." Winer, R. W.
ii. p. 428.
(5) In patriarchal times, wives (Gen. xii. 14) and young
women (Gen. xxiv. 15 f.) went about, especially when engaged
in household duties, without veils, as is still done in Arabia
(comp. Wellsted's Travels ; Eobinson, Pal. i. 485) and in Pales
tine (Eussegger, Reisen, iii. p. 109). Yet in so early times the
betrothed veils herself in presence of the bridegroom (Gen. xxiv.
65) ; and harlots also veiled their faces (Gen. xxxviii. 15).
Women of the upper classes seem even then, like the Orientals
of to-day (Buckingham's Travels), to have worn several veils,
one over another, the nature of which, however, it is difficult to
determine. The oldest kind seems to be spyy, Gen. xxiv. 65,
xxxviii. 14, 19, 6ipi<STpov, LXX., a veil-dress, which at a later
time, perhaps made of finer stuff, was called TTi (Song of Sol.
v. 7 ; Isa. iii. 23). According to Jerome, qurnst. in Gen. :
Theristrum pallium dicitur, genus etiam nunc Arabici vesti-
menti, quo muliers istius provinciae velantur. On Isa. iii. 23,
anni, Sipierpa xardxXira (LXX.), he remarks : Habent et
theristra, quae nos palliola possumus appellare, quibus. obvoluta
est et Eebecca. Et hodie quoque Arabiae et Mesopotamiae operi-
untur fceminae, quae Hebraice dicuntur D'TH, Grmce (,'epieTpa.
Comp. Schroeder, I.e. p. 368 sqq. The nby-\t Isa. iii. 19, from
byn, to tremble, are veils flowing down from the head over the
temples, hence waving with the action of walking, which are
so adjusted to the eyes as to be seen through. Comp. Schroeder,
I.e. p. 80 sqq.; and the plates in Jahn, i. 2, taf. 9, fig. 10. —
Many also understand npy, Song of Sol. iv. 1, 3, vi. 7, Isa. xlvii.
2, of a veil, and that of one covering breast, throat, and chin,
such as is still worn in Syria and Egypt, and is also represented
on the figures of Persepolis (comp. Jahn, i. 2, p. 137 ; and Leyrer

144 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
in PRE. vii. p. 728). Uncertainty attaches to the meaning :
Hair-plaitings or queues, according to Kimchi, Jarchi, Schultens,
etc. Comp. Hartrnann, Hebraerin, iii. p. 236 f. — Eegarding the
veils used in the modern East, comp. Jahn, ubi supra, p. 132 ;
and Lane, Manners and Customs, pp. 66, 69-73, with illustra
tions.

§ 1 04. Care and adorning of the Body.
For the preservation and invigoration of the health, the
human body needs not only to be purified by washing of the
members which have been soiled, but also the refreshing of
the whole by baths. This, which is a natural necessity
of man, was greatly furthered among the Israehtes by the
religious purifications enjoined by the law. For, though
these precepts had a higher object (§56 ff), they could not
fail to intensify the instinct of cleanliness, and to make
frequent washing and bathing an indispensable arrangement of
the life. — From early times the Israelites, like other peoples,
were accustomed not only to wash the hands and feet before
eating (§ 100), but also to bathe the body if they were about
to visit a superior (Euth iii. 3 ; Judith x. 3), but especially
before any religious service (Gen. xxxv. 2 ; Ex. xix 10 ;
Josh. iii. 5 ; 1 Sam. xvi. 5), that they might appear clean
before the holy God. The bodily purity was intended to
symbolize purity of heart. Hence cleanness of hands was
regarded as a symbol of innocence (Ps. xxvi. 6, lxxiii. 13),
and the washing of the hands represented the refusal to
participate in a wrong or crime (Deut. xxi. 6 ; Matt, xxvii.
24) (1). — To cleanse the body, snow water was used, or lye put
into the .water (Job ix. 30) (2). — Bathing in running water
was specially favoured (Lev. xv. 1 3), or in rivers (2 Kings v.
10 ; Ex. ii. 5); but it was also enjoyed in the house in a bath
provided in the court (2 Sam. xi 2 ; Susanna 15) (3).
(1) Comp. § 62, note 8. Dougtaei, Anal. sacr. i. p. 218 ; and
Winer, R. W. ii. p. 313.
(2) According to Mischna Pesach. ii. 7, also bran.
(3) Public baths in the cities, such as are found everywhere
in the modern East (comp. Winer, R.W. i. p. 130), are first
mentioned by Josephus, Antiq. xix. 7. 5, and in Mischna Nedar.
v. 5 ; and among the Jews they were first, no doubt, an imitation

§ 104. CARE AND ADORNING OF THE BODY. 145
of a Eoman and Greek custom. Comp. Becker, Gallus, iii. p.
48 ff. ; Charikl. iii. p. 71 ff.
With washing and bathing, the anointing (spa) of the body
with sweet-smelling oil was frequently conjoined (Euth iii. 3 ;
Judith x. 3). The ancient custom, spread over all the East,
as it was among the Greeks and Eomans, of smearing and
rubbing the body or parts of it with oil (4), to keep the skin
supple, and to moderate the evaporation which is so great in a
hot climate, was early in use among the Israelites. It served
more to beautify than to strengthen the members of the body.
The olive oil was mixed with perfumes (5), and the head
regularly anointed, except in times of mourning, but especially
on holy days and festive times, with precious oil (Ps. xxiii. 5,
xcii. 1 1 ; Eccles. vii. 2,ix. 8), often so copiously that it flowed
down on the beard (Ps. cxxxiii. 2).
(4) Comp. Herod, i. 195 ; Strabo, xvi. 746 ; Iliad, x.- 577; and
Hermann, ubi supra, p. 110 ; Adam, Rom. Alterth. ii. p. 807.
(5) This is evident, partly from the prohibition, Ex.
xxxii. 32 f., to make the holy anointing oil for common
purposes, and therewith anoint the flesh, partly from Job
xii 22, etc. The perfumes for the purpose were brought from
abroad (1 Kings x. 10 ; Ezek. xxvii. 22), and they were mixed
or prepared, partly by female slaves (1 Sam. viii. 13), partly
by professional mixers (npil, Eccles. x. 1 ; Neh. iii. 8). The
most costly unguent was the genuine nard oil, vdpfag vibtixy],
Mark xiv. 3, 5 ; John xii. 3, 5 (comp. Winer, R. W. ii. p. 137).
These mixed sweet-smelling unguents (np_i, fLvpov) were articles
of luxury, with which pure oil was always used for anointing,
Deut. xxviii. 40 ; Micah vi. 15 ; Amos vi. 6 ; Luke vii. 46.
Moreover, the Israelites bestowed special care on the hair
and beard. Thick, abundant hair (jna) was regarded as an
ornament of the person, and the bald head (DIP) was exposed
even to insults (2 Kings ii. 23). Long flowing hair, how
ever, was worn only by youths in more ancient times (2 Sam.
xiv. 26; Song of Sol. v. 14), and by Nazarites during the
term of their vow (comp. § 67). But women always wore it
(Song of Sol. iv. 1 ; Luke vii. 38 ; John xi. 2 ; 1 Cor. xi. 15),
while the men cut it from time to time with a razor pyn,
mio, Ezek. xliv. 20) (6), but without shaving it bare, like the
ancient Egyptians and modern Easterns (7). Neither was the
KEIL II. K

146 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
long hair allowed to hang untrimmed, but put up (2 Kings
ix. 30 ; Judith x. 3) in plaits (nie^np, Judg. xvi. 13, 19) or
queues. Fashionable ladies were in the habit of curling
artificial locks (ntrpo nb-yp, Isa. iii. 24) (8). — The beard also
(iiJT, strictly chin-beard, B3K>) was regarded as an ornament,
and not shaven, but only clipped now and then, and regularly
trimmed (2 Sam. xix. 25) (9). — On the other hand, the law
forbids every unnatural disfigurement of the body, such as
was counted ornamental by many peoples. This included not
only the tattooing or etching in of written characters pjha,
V\>yp_, Lev. xix. 28) (10), but also the deforming of the head by
cutting away the hair round it, and of the beard by cutting
the corners, i.e. the places where the hair of the beard meets
that of the head (Lev. xix. 27) (11). — The painting of the
eyes, used by coquettish ladies to heighten their beauty
(2 Kings ix. 30), is censured by the prophets as a sign of
pride and wantonness (Jer. iv. 30 ; Ezek. xxiii 40) (12).
(6) In the apostolic age, long, uncut hair in men was
reckoned a sign of effeminacy, 1 Cor. xi. 14, and was forbidden
to the Jewish priests; comp. Othonis, Lexic. Rabb. phil. p. 118.
(7) Comp. Gen. xii. 14 ; Herodot. ii. 35, iii. 12 ; and Heng
stenberg, BB. Mos. imd JEg. pp. 28 and 73. — The hair costume
of the modern Arabs differs in different provinces (Niebuhr,
Beschr. von Ar. p. 64 ; and Weiss, Kostumk. i. p. 154), but most
Orientals have the head shaved pretty bald ; comp. Niebuhr,
Reise, i. p. 159 f., taf. 19-22. — Of the ancient peoples the
Assyrians (comp. Layard, Nineveh, ii. p. 357) and Babylonians
(Herod, i. 195) wore the hair long ; Strabo, however, speaks,
xvi. 746, of xt'ipr} /Mxpd, and the heads of the Persepolis figures
have short (curly) hair; comp. Niebuhr, Reise, ii. 128 and
taf. 21.
(8) Though combs and hairpins are nowhere mentioned in the
O. T., but first in the Talmud {Chelim xiii. 7 ; Schabb. v. 1), yet
combs have been found in the oldest monuments of Egypt, and
they must have been known to the Israelites there. Female
hairdressers, who are first mentioned in the Eabbinical writings
(comp. Lightfoot on Matt, xxvii. 56), may have existed in more
ancient times, for in Ezek. v. 1 we read of barbers (B^a). —
The fashionable braided hair, in which the Jewesses of a later
time probably imitated the style of Eoman ladies (comp.
Becker, Gallus, iii. p. 150 ff), is censured by the apostles as
unsuitable for Christians (1 Tim. ii. 9 ; 1 Pet. iii. 3). Even
men began at that time to curl their hair (Joseph. Antiq.

§ 104. CARE AND ADORNING OF THE BODY. 147
xiv. 9. 4; comp. de bell. jud. iv. 9, 10; Philo, Opp. ii. 479), a
practice, however, which was generally condemned (Philo, ii.
306, 447). But the custom among many ancient peoples of
dyeing the hair red, does not seem to have gained a footing
among the Israelites. Neither does the powdering with gold
dust, which Josephus {Antiq. viii. 7. 3) relates of Solomon's
horsemen, and which Vitringa in Schroeder, Vest. mul. p. 403,
thought to find in the word nsypp, Isa. iii. 24, nor the use of
false hair or wigs ; comp. Winer, R. W. i. p. 450.
(9) The opinion that the Israelites wore a moustache, men
tioned, it is alleged, in Micah iii. 7 (Winer, Saalschiitz), rests on
the untenable supposition that Dab' denotes the moustache,
a meaning wholly unsuitable to the phrase Bab* by npy, Lev.
xiii. 45 ; Ezek. xxiv. 17, 22 ; Micah iii. 7. — To shave the beard
was only customary in the ancient world among the Egyptians;
Herod, ii. 35 ; and Hengstenberg, BB. Mos. und JSg. p. 28 f.
The Israelites counted it a great insult to cut off any one's
beard against his will, 2 Sam. x. 4 f., Isa. vii. 20, or to pluck
off the hair, Isa. 1. 6. 'Only in the case of deep mourning was
it customary to shave the hair and beard ; comp. § 115.
(10) That ypyp nana denotes scriptio stigmatis, i.e. figuros
cauterio impressce, stigmata, is without doubt; but it is still
disputed whether the prohibition applies to simple tattooing, a
custom still found among the Bedouins and in Egypt (Arvieux,
Sitten der Beduinen, p. 115 ; Burckhardt, Beduinen, p. 40 f. ;
Weiss, ubi supra, p. 153 f. ; and Lane, Manners and Customs,
i. p. 334), or to the custom of idolatrous peoples of branding
on the body the names and symbols of their gods (3 Mace.
ii. 29, and other proofs from classic authors in Spencer, De legg.
Hebr. rit. lib. ii. c. 20, p. 411 sqq.). The latter, however, is
improbable, because not indicated in the context.
(11) Neither are these prohibitions directed against idolatrous
signs, as is evident from the words : Thou shalt not mar the
corners of thy beard (rpriBT) tib). No doubt Herod, iii. 8 tells us of
certain Arabs of the desert that they have their hair cut xaTdvep
aWbv rbv Aioweov {i.e. OupOTaX) xexdptSar xelpotTai be ntepiTpdyaXa, nepi-
%vpovvTeg roug xpoTapoug, probably the same as those mentioned (Jer.
ix. 25, xxv. 23, xlix. 32, ns<a Wj?). But this custom does not hold
of the Arabs in general, so that it might be regarded as an out
standing sign of idol-worship. For Pliny, hist. nat. vi. 32,
relates : Arabes mitrati degunt aut intonso crine, barba abraditur
praeterquam in superiore labro, aliis et haec intonsa. Besides,
it remains uncertain whether those Arabs also cut the corners
of the beard and were on this account called naa «nxp, as
Movers, Phonizier, i. p. 361, and M. Baumgarten, think. Spencer

148 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
also understands this prohibition as relating to idolatrous
mourning usages ; but he is refuted by Deyling, Observatt.
sacr. ii. obs. 14.
(12) Eye-paint, that cosmetic still so much in favour among
Eastern women, is called Tpa, i.e. stibium or antimonium, pro
bably grey antimony. The box in which it was kept — such as
those found by Eossellini in old Egyptian tombs — was called
Tjian pp, paint-horn (occurring in Job xiii. 14 as a woman's
name). The painting, i>na, Ezek. xxiii. 40 (Arab. Cohol), or
cyy *pB3 yipr, to touch the eyes with Puch, or (y spaa WW)
to overlay the eyes with P. (2 Kings ix. 30), was done in this
way. The fine black powder, purified from the ore, either dry
or converted into a salve by mixing it with oil or other fluid,
was taken up on a smooth probe of ivory, wood, or silver, and
thus put on the eyebrows and eyelashes, to heighten the lustre
of dark eyes, and in advanced age to give a youthful appearance
to grey eyelashes. Comp. Dr. Hille, " fiber den Gebrauch und die
Zusammensetzung der oriental. Augenschminke," in the Ztschr.
der DMG. v. p. 236 ff. — On the other hand, it is impossible to
prove the assertion of Hartmann {Helrrderin am Putzt. ii.
p. 356 ff), that Hebrew women, like other Oriental females,
used alkenna dust to dye the tips of their fingers and toes a
gold or orange yellow.

§ 105. Jewellery and Ornaments.
From the most ancient times there were two ornaments
pertaining to men, a staff (npp, b$Q) in the hand (Gen.
xxxviii. 18; Ex. xii. 11), and a seal (Bnh) worn by a
ribbon on the breast (Gen. ubi supra), or in a ring piyap, Chald.
Npjy) on the right hand (Gen. xii. 42; Jer. xxii. 24; Esth.
iii. 10, viii. 2) (1). On the contrary, earrings, which were
worn by the Midianites (Judg. viii. 24 ff.) and other Orientals,
seem to have been only worn by women and children among
the Israelites, not by men (2).
(1) Of the Babylonians, Herod, i. 195 relates : " Every one
carries a seal and a staff carved by the hand of man ; and on
every staff there is something put on the top, an apple, or rose,
or lily, or eagle, or something else ; for without a token dare no
one carry a staff." On the staves of the Egyptians, Wilkinson
{Manners, iii. p. 388) found the names of their owners written.
— The rings of the Israelites were engraved (anh <nws) Ex.
xxviii. 11) ; probably the name was inserted, perhaps figures

§ 105. JEWELLERY AND ORNAMENTS. 149
also. Now-a-days the seals of the Orientals have usually only
the name (at most a quotation from the Koran in addition),
from which an impression is taken with Indian ink. Comp.
Eobinson, Palestine ; and Winer, R. W. ii. p. 458. — In sealing
letters (1 Kings xxi. 8), bags (Job xiv. 17), and sacks, as well as
doors (Bel v. 11), seal-clay was used (anh iph, Job xxxviii. 14).
Comp. also Mischna Schabb. viii. 5 ; and Winer, R. W. i. p.
197 f.
(2) This appears to follow clearly from Ex. xxxii. 2, especially
when it is further taken into account that nowhere are earrings
mentioned in connection with men ; and according to Mischna
Schabb. vi. 6, even boys of the later Jews had not this ornament.
For its use among other peoples, see the proofs in Winer, R. W.
ii. p. 173 f. — Neither do gold necklaces appear as a male
ornament among the Israelites, as they do among the Persians
and Medes ; nor does the custom of the Egyptians and Medo-
Persians, whose kings adorned their highest ministers with
gold chains as insignia of office or tokens of their favour (Tai,
Gen. xii. '42 ; and Tpapn, Dan. v. 7).
Much more varied were the ornaments and jewellery (Bwn,
Song of Sol. vii. 2) of Israelitish women. They wore earrings
(BTa, Gen. xxxv. 4 ; or yiV, Ezek. xvi. 1 2) with other ornaments
besides in the ear, such as drops (nia'pa), %,c. pendants with
little bells or pearl-shaped forms (Isa. iii. 1 9), such as were
common among the Midianites (Judg. viii. 26) (3). Next
nose-rings p&? Bta, Gen. xxiv. 47 ; Isa. iii. 21 ; Ezek. xvi. 12)
in the right or left nostril, perhaps also in the division of the
nose, hanging down over the mouth. Besides, came necklaces
(Tai, Ezek. xvi. 1 1 ; paj, Song of Sol. , iv. 9), sometimes
of metal, sometimes of jewels or pearls, which were strung on
a ribbon (Win, Song of Sol. i. 10), hanging down to the
breast or even to the girdle. To these were attached golden
crescents (B^ainb/, Isa. iii. 18; Judg. viii. 21), perhaps also
sunlets (B'B'ae', Isa. ubi supra), amulets (BWp, Isa. iii. 20),
and smelling-bottles (tPBJ 'FI3). Further, armlets {~>V*, Gen.
xxiv. 22, 30; rnj>y&?, Num. xxxi. 50 f., worn also by men
of rank, 2 Sam. i. 10) and bracelets pints', Isa. iii. 19),
anklets (B11??^, Isa. iii. 18), fastened with chains pii"iJ?-f, Isa,
iii. 20), which coquettes used to make a tinkling as they
tripped along (Isa. iii. 16). To these trinkets, which were of
gold in the case of women of rank, there were added polished
hand-mirrors of brass p^ip, Ex. xxxviii. 8 ; B"1?^?, Isa. iii. 23 ;

150 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
ecroirrpa, Sir. xii. 11), which were perhaps carried in the
hand as ornaments (4).
(3) The word TOW, globulus aureus (Ex. xxxv. 22 ; Num.
xxxi. 50), also denotes, perhaps, a part of the ear-pendants.
Gesenius {Thes. p. 692) explains it of little balls strung together,
which were worn round the neck or wrist.
(4) All these ornaments, made sometimes of gold or other
metal, sometimes of horn or ivory, were and still are much in
favour and widely spread in the East. Proofs for this are
given by Winer, R. W., articles : " Ohrringe," " Nasenringe,"
" Halsketten," " Armgeschmeide," " Fussringe," " Spangen und
" Spiegel ; " and for ancient Egypt, Wilkinson, iii. p. 370 sqq. ;
and Weiss, Kostumk. i. p. 42 ff. ; for Arabia, Weiss, p. 154 f. ;
and for Western Asiatics, Assyrians, and Babylonians, ibid.
pp. 178 and 207 ff.

SECOND SECTION.
FAMILY RELATIONS.
FIEST CHAPTEE.
MARRIAGE.
§ 106. Nature and Character of Israelitish Marriage.
An essential condition of the development of mankind
towards its God-appointed goal, is the fellowship of love and
life implied in the marriage relation between man and woman.
Hereby the family is constituted as the foundation of all other
natural associations of the human race in narrower or wider
circles. In order to the fulfilment of his earthly calling, man
needs a helpmate. He was not created as a species arid
plurality, but as a personal being in two sexes. Accordingly,
God ordained marriage as that life-fellowship in and by which
the human race should not only be preserved, propagated, and
multiplied, but its spiritual nature also developed in accord
ance with its destiny, and fitted in body and soul not only to
be lord of the earth and the creatures in it (Gen. i. 26), but
likewise to be the earthly citizen of the kingdom of God (1).

§ 106. NATURE AND CHARACTER OF ISRAELITISH MARRIAGE. 151
But marriage corresponds to this end only in the form of
monogamy, when it is established in the way represented and
typified (Gen. ii.) in the narrative of the creation of the woman,
not a mere sexual fellowship, but a personal communion
during this temporal life, and in order to mutual participation
in the personal pursuit of life's great end ; when the man
receives in the one wife the helper corresponding to the need
of his heart and to his earthly calling, in whom he sees flesh
of his flesh, bone of his bone, and knows that God created her
for him.
This original ordinance of God, making marriage the indis
soluble and inviolable joining of two into one flesh (Gen.
ii. 24; Matt. xix. 4 ff. ; Eph. v. 31), was disturbed by sin.
We find one so early as the Cainite Lamech taking two
wives (Gen. iv. 1 9) ; and among the patriarchs (xxix. 1 6 ff,
xxvi. 34), the custom of taking concubines, besides wives
proper, to have children by them, especially in case of the
wife's barrenness (Gen. xvi. 3, xxii. 24, xxx. 3 ff, xxxvi. 12).
This custom, resting on the ancient tradition of many peoples
of antiquity (2), is not forbidden even by the Mosaic law. It
does not raise monogamy to the rank of the only legally valid
form of marriage, but seeks to limit bigamy and polygamy.
It does so indirectly, by the injunction provided for the future
king, not to take many wives (Deut. xvii 17). It does so
directly, by forbidding to take two sisters to wife at the same
time (Lev. xviii. 1 8), or to show preference for the one wife
above the other in settling the inheritance of the children
(Deut. xxi. 15 ff). Finally, by the command, to treat the
daughter bought from another, not as a slave, but if she had
been intended to be the wife of a son, to allow her the right
of a daughter; and if the son took a second wife, not to
diminish the maintenance, clothing, and domicile of the first ;
otherwise, she was to go free without ransom (Ex. xxi. 7-10).
Still more was the God- willed relation of marriage declared
by the earnestness with which the law punished unchastity,
fornication, and incest ; forbade marriages with the idolatrous
Canaanites; and sought, by various ordinances, to limit
divorce, which was permitted because of the people's hard
ness of heart (Matt. xix. 8). The same end was served by the
communication of the original divine institution (Gen. i. 2 7 f.,

152 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
ii. 18 ff.), by depicting the bitter fruits which resulted to the
patriarchs from their two or more wives, and by the religious
conception of monogamy as representing the union of Jehovah
with Israel, the germ of which is found even in the law,
though undoubtedly it is more clearly developed only at a
later time by the prophets (Hos. ii. 18 f. ; Isa. 1. 1 ; Jer. ii. 2 ;
Ezek. xvi. 8, 23) (3). Thus, without any legal command, by
the spiritual influence of revealed truth, the higher, ethical
meaning of marriage as a holy God -sanctioned covenant
(Mai. ii. 14) prevailed among the Israelites, and they learned
to regard a good wife as a gift of God (Prov. xii. 4, xviii. 22,
xix. 14, xxxi. 10 ff; Sir. xxvi. 1 ff). Hence also we find
that for the most part only men of wealth or rank had two or
more wives (Judg. viii. 30; comp. x. 4, xii. 9, 14; 1 Sam.
i. 2), and kings a greater number (2 Sam. v. 13 ; 1 Kings
xi. 3 ; 2 Chron. xi. 21, xiii. 21) ; but common Israelites were,
for the most part, content with one ; so that monogamy was
always predominant, and became ever more so after the exile
(Tob. i. 11, ii. 19, viii. 4, 13 ; Sus. 29, 63 ; Matt, xviii. 25 ;
Luke i. 5 ; Acts v. 1, etc.) (4).
(1) On the nature of marriage, comp. Harless, Christl. Ethik,
§ 52 ; Delitzsch, Das Hohelied (1851), p. 175 ff. ; Tholuck,
Comment, zur Bergpredigt, p. 213 ff, 3rd ed. ; and Luthardt,
Vortrdge ub. d. Moral des Christenthums, 2d ed., Leipzig 1873,
pp. 91 ff.and 234 ff. — Sir John Lubbock's view {Central Australia,
Lond. 1845), that men in their primitive state did not observe
the married relation, but that the women of a horde were the
common good of all the men, has been refuted by Peschel,
Vblkerkunde, p. 238 f. [Eng. tr. p. 228 f.], as an unsupported
fallacy. (2) See the proofs for this in Winer, R. W. ii. p. 661.
(3) Comp. Delitzsch, D. Hohelied, p. 200 ff.
(4) The mere obligation to maintain the wife must have
greatly limited bigamy and polygamy. For this reason, even
many Mohammedans refrain from polygamy. The Talmudists
lay down the rule that no Jew dare have more than four wives
at once ; and a king, at the most, eighteen. Comp. Othonis Lex.
Rabb. phil. p. 520.
History also testifies for monogamy as the divine order.
"History," says Peschel ( Vblkerk. p.230 [Eng.tr. p.221]), "on this
subject establishes the doctrine, that all peoples that have risen
to high civilisation have strictly guarded marriage and sexual

§ 107. FORBIDDEN MARRIAGES. 153
fidelity in general, and that the corruption of society followed
at the heels of all immoral laxity." And, p. 22 : " As social
creatures, we are subject to a moral order ; and this is decidedly
hostile to polygamy. The history of Oriental royal families
teaches us, that the short duration of those dynasties is always
to be traced to the quarrels of ambitious consorts, and that in
them the ennobling feeling of brotherly love is wholly wanting."
§ 107. Forbidden Marriages.
To keep marriage sacred as a divine institution of religious
and moral significance, it was necessary to put certain limits
to the formation of the marriage tie. With this view it is
forbidden to the Israelites — 1. To ally themselves with the
peoples of Canaan — doomed because of their idolatry and vice
— the Hittites, Girgashites, Amorites, Canaanites, Perizzites,
Hivites, and Jebusites ; or to form marriages with them for
their sons or daughters, lest they should seduce Israel to
idolatry (Ex. xxxiv. 1 6 ; Deut. vii. 1-4). From this emphatic
ally stated motive, it is clear that marriages with other
foreigners, which the law does not forbid, but expressly allows
in the case of women taken captive (Deut. xxi. 10 ff), were
only permitted when the heathen taken in marriage renounced
idol-worship ; and further, that Israelites dared not marry
their daughters to heathen or idolaters, though certainly to
strangers who dwelt among them and had given up idolatry,
even though they were not formally incorporated by circum
cision with the covenant people (1).
2. Besides these, there are certain marriage relations which
are unconditionally forbidden, not only to the Israelites, but
to the strangers living among them (Lev. xviii. 6) (2). — I.
With a mother, step-mother (father's wife), and mother-in-law ;
with a sister, step-sister, and half-sister (3) ; with a step
daughter (4) and daughter-in-law ; with a grand-daughter (the
daughter of son or daughter) and step-grand-daughter (the
daughter of a son or of his wife). Such connections were
pronounced accursed, and punished with death (Lev. xviii.
7-11, 15, 17, xx. 11, 12, 14, 17; Deut. xxiii. 1, xxvii. 20,
22, 23) (5). — II. With an aunt, i.e. a father's or mother's
sister, with the wife of an uncle on the father's side, with a
sister-in-law (a brother's wife), and with two sisters at the

154 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
same time. These were forbidden under the threat that the
transgressors should bear their sin, should be (die) childless
(Lev. xviii. 12, 13, 14, 16, 18, xx. 19-21) (6).
(1) The opinion of Saalschiitz, Mosaiches Recht, p. 785 f., that
" all peoples who were excluded from admission to the congre
gation (naturalization), consequently male Ammonites and
Moabites, and for the first two generations also male Egyptians
and Edomites (Deut. xxiii. 4-9), were also inadmissible to
marriage and family relationships," and " that from a heathen
who wished to marry an Israelitish woman, besides the general
conditions of naturalization, circumcision was also demanded,"
cannot be established from the Mosaic law. But since prose
lytes in the Israelitish commonwealth did not enjoy the full
rights of citizenship, marriages of female Israelites to non-
Israelites do not seem to have been of frequent occurrence.
Cases of this kind are mentioned, Lev. xxiv. 10 ; 1 Chron. ii.
17, 34 f. ; 1 Kings vii. 14 ; Euth i. 4. Neither does the other
case of Israelites marrying foreign women — apart from maidens
taken in war — seem to have been frequent, though Moses him
self not only married a Midianite before his call (Ex. ii. 21), but
a Cushite also afterwards (Num. xii. 1). For to take daughters
to wife from the uncircumcised was already regarded as a
scandal in the time of the Judges (Judg. xiv. 3). The kings,
however, in several instances took foreigners as their wives
(1 Kings vii. 14, xi. 1, xiv. 21), who did not always, as the
Eabbins (comp. Buxtorf, de spousal, et clivort. p. 4) think, go
over to Judaism ; but sometimes, as appears from 1 Kings xi. 1,
xvi. 31, directly trampled on the Mosaic law. Comp. also
Judg. iii. 6. — Such marriages greatly increased among those
who returned from the exile, till Ezra and Nehemiah corrected
the evil (Ezra ix. 2 ff, x. 3 ; Neh. xiii. 23 ff), not out of " ex
treme rigour " and zeal, going beyond the law, but quite in the
spirit of the law, because these marriages involved a confusion
of Judaism and heathenism.
(2) The law, in laying down the general prohibition : " None
of you shall approach to any that is near of kin to him" (Lev.
xviii. 6), as well as in adducing the special cases, speaks for
the most part only of " uncovering their nakedness." But it is
clear that the prohibitions do not, as Mich. Weber {Opusc.
Academ. eaque apologet.) and Eosenmiiller {Scholia ad Lev.
xviii. 6) think, treat of sexual intercourse outside of marriage
{concubitus), but, while laying such intercourse under ban, are
directed against the formation of marriages with near kin. This
is obvious from the prohibition : " Thou shalt not take a woman
to her sister " (ver. 18) ; and still more evident when we compare

§ 107. FORBIDDEN MARRIAGES. 155
the words in Lev. xx. : " The man that lieth with his father's
wife," and similar phrases (ver. 11 f.), with the forms of expres
sion alternating with them : "If a man take a wife and her
mother" (ver. 14) ; " If a man take his sister" (ver. 17) ; " If a
man take his brother's wife " (ver. 21).
(3) In Lev. xviii. 9 : " The nakedness of thy sister, the
daughter of thy father or the daughter of thy mother, whether
born at home or born abroad (pn mpi» ix rva mpin), their
nakedness thou shalt not uncover," what is forbidden is evidently
marriage, either with a full sister or half-sister, whether the
daughter of a father by a step-mother, or the daughter of a
mother by a step-father ; and the clause, " born at home or born
abroad," does not denote lawful and unlawful marriage (Aben
Ezra, L. de Dieu, Eosenmuller, etc.). For, with polygamy
allowed, the children of the father's concubine could not pro
perly be called illegitimate. Still less can it be supposed " that
the lawgiver is thinking of an illegitimate child of the mother,
and providing by law for the possibility of such a case " (Saals
chiitz, Mos. R. p. 769). Eather the clause is to be explained
with Onkelos : quae nata sit a patre tuo ex muliere alia aut ex
matre tua ex alio viro, and as a more precise definition of the
words : " daughter of thy father or daughter of thy mother," to
be understood with L. de Dieu, de filio secundarum nuptiarum,
cui prohibetur conjugium cum dimidia sorore ex primis nuptiis,
sive ea sit filia patris i. e. quam pater ex defuncta conjuge, sive
filia matris i. e. quam mater ejus ex defuncto marito susceperit.
Accordingly, ver. 11:" The nakedness of thy father's wife's {i.e.
thy step-mother's) daughter, begotten of thy father — she is thy
sister — thou shalt not uncover," is no tautology, but treats of
the son of a first marriage, who is forbidden to marry a half-
sister by a second marriage of his father (with another wife).
Sam. Bohl gives to nipio (comp. Gen. xlviii. 6) the meaning of
the active participle, " the [child] bearing one ;" and this meaning
has been again advanced by Saalschiitz, ubi supra. But this
is contrary to the usage of the language, as also Knobel's view, ,
that ^3K ntste (ver. 11) denotes " thy mother and step-mother,"
and consequently that this verse embraces the full sister, who
was excluded in ver. 9.
(4) Sexual intercourse of the father with his own daughter is
not mentioned, but included in the general prohibition of incest,
Lev. xviii. 6 ; just as in Ex. xxi. 15 parricide is not specially
mentioned, because such crimes were not to be supposed.
(5) Though the prohibitions taken singly are addressed only
to men, yet in the case of transgression both parties suffer equal
punishment, clearly proving that the lawgiver regarded the
female as not less guilty than the male.

156 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
(6) On the other hand, the following marriages, though within
the same degrees of relationship, are not forbidden : {a) with a
niece, the daughter of a brother or sister ; (5) with the widow
of a mother's brother; (c) with the widow of a sister's son ;
{d) with a deceased wife's sister. Comp. J. D. Michaelis,
Ehegesetze Mosis, § 81 ff. ; and Saalschiitz, Mos. Recht, p. 780 f.
The reason of these prohibitions is neither to be sought in
the still very doubtful experience, that the children born of
such marriages are weakly, nor for the purpose of " preventing
fornication and early seduction in families," nor in other
" observed prejudicial effects of a physical and social kind,
caused by the forbidden marriages " (7). Nor can the
divine purpose of spreading and multiplying the bonds of
love among men (8) form the only or most important
ground. No doubt there is a profound truth at the root of
this view of Augustine. For marriage, according to its
divine intention, is not merely the means of increasing the
human race and peopling the earth, but along with the
multiplication of the race it has a twofold purpose. On the
one hand, it is intended to produce the infinite plurality of
individualities included in the race, as this is revealed in all
the domains of the earthly creation, all animal and vegetable
life, reflecting the infinite wisdom and glory of the Almighty
Creator. On the other hand, it aims to unite the numberless
individualities of the human race in free love one with
another, so as to preserve likeness and unity in diversity
and plurality, and to prevent the selfish isolation of the
various families (9). But the ground that marriages within
those degrees of kinship were only in this respect contrary to
the divine will, does not suffice to brand them as incest.
The divine law forbids them not only as displeasing to God,
but as impure abominations, by which the Canaanites had
defiled the land, so that they were vomited forth from it, and
puts them on the same footing with the quite monstrous vices
of unchastity with animals and of pederasty (Lev. xviii. 22 ff).
— Their scandalousness can only lie in the fact that they are
repugnant to the nature of blood relationship, that they are
incompatible with the moral order established therein.
Not only is marriage a divine institution, but the kinship
which proceeds from it establishes a God - ordered relation,

§ 107. FORBIDDEN MARRIAGES. 157
both of parents to children, and of children or brothers and
sisters to one another. That institution and this relation are
radically different in origin, character, and object. Marriage
proceeds from the difference and separation of human nature
into two sexes, and the innate need of their union in order to
mutual completion and perfection, and rests in its proper
nature in the love of the sexes, which in its purest impulses
strives to harmonize the diversity and remove the separation,
in order by the mutual completion which man and wife give
to one another, to perfect the human personality both in
bodily and spiritual respects. This love finds full satisfaction
only when the entire possession of the one sex is communi
cated to the other, not only what pertains to the senses and
body, but that which is moral and psychico-spiritual. Hereby
the married pair pass into personal life-unity, as it were into
the unity of a person (10). In this unity of self-offering and
receiving love they found the family. By giving birth to
children and training them, they not only preserve and pro
pagate the human race as a species, but they at the same
time establish a God-ordered moral relation of mutual love
between themselves and their children. On the part of
parents this relation manifests itself as an exalted provident
love to the children, which is independent of all compensa
tion. On the side of the children it appears as filial affection
and childlike reverence to their parents and guardians ; and,
finally, in the attitude of the children to one another, as pure
fraternal love. This bond of love produced by common blood,
which unites the members of the family with one another, is
specifically different from that which in marriage unites the
spouses in spirit, soul, and body into one flesh. — Parental and
fraternal love is not only wholly free from the desire of sexual
fellowship, which essentially belongs to wedded love, but is
directly opposed to it in the object after which it strives.
Parental and fraternal love strives, with all the energy which
it draws from the fountain of the life blood common to
parents and children, to preserve the personal relations, duties,
and right of the various members of the family, to cherish
and ennoble them morally and spiritually. Wedded or
spouse love seeks to make the personalities of the individuals
of the two sexes melt into one. When, therefore, sex love

158 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
seeks the object of its choice among near of kin, it dissolves
the bond of kinship, and destroys the divine order and moral
relations which rest on it (11). By setting aside the God-
ordered moral relations of love of kindred it becomes immoral,
and sinks down to the mere satisfaction of fleshly lust ; and
hence in the Mosaic law it is only designated according to
this fleshly aspect as " an uncovering of nakedness " (1 2). —
Herein lies the monstrosity and immorality of marriages
within the nearest degrees of kinship, herein the real ground
or truth of the so-called horror naturalis, or natural abhor
rence which moral feeling experiences against such connec
tions. But the immorality becomes the greater, the closer
the relationships are which are hereby set aside ; the holier
are the family relationships which are thereby destroyed.
Hence it follows that all marriages within blood relation
ship are not equally unnatural and immoral. This harmonizes
perfectly with the law. For, notwithstanding the general
prohibition with which the subject is prefaced : None of you
shall approach to any that is near of kin to him, to uncover
their nakedness (Lev. xviii 6), it makes differences in the
punishments assigned, Lev. xx. Marriages between parents
and. children, step-parents and step-children, parents-in-law
and children-in-law, and between full and step-brothers and
sisters are punished with death ; on the contrary, marriages
with aunts and sisters-in-law are only designated as iniquity,
and threatened with childlessness ; and the transgression is
described by different words.
The closest kinship subsists between parents and children,
founded on the holy relation of fatherhood and childhood, the
basis of all moral order. Marriage, therefore, between parents
and children is the greatest abomination, a wickedness (~p?)
which is to be punished with death ; and if the fleshly confusion
takes place simultaneously with the wife and her mother or
her daughter or grand-daughter (Lev. xviii. 17), it is to be
punished with the burning of the transgressors (Lev. xx. 14).
But the moral relation of fatherhood and childhood subsists
not only between parents and their natural children and
children's children, but also between parents-in-law and grand
children - in - law ; hence these marriages also were crimes
worthy of death. He is guilty of the same crime who enters

§ 107. FORBIDDEN MARRIAGES. 159
into sexual relation with his daughter-in-law ; he commits a
sinful confusion (bin), like the man who lies with a beast
(Lev. xx. 12, comp. with xviii. 23), because she is his son's
wife (Lev. xviii. 15). He mixes or confounds the different
orders established by God. The son's marriage relation sets a
limit to the father's sex relation, to break through which is as
shameful as the confounding of the limits drawn by God
between man and beast. — But there is also between brothers
and sisters a bond of moral fellowship in love which is incom
patible with sexual love. Full and step-brothers and sisters
are, as the offspring of their parent's marriage, members of one
family, and they deny or rather annihilate this their God-ordered
relation when they enter into sexual connection with one
another, because sex love dissolves fraternal love, the marriage
relation annihilates the fraternal. Hence marriage between
sisters and brothers, as a shame pBn), is to be punished with
cutting off (Lev. xx. 17) (13).
Less unnatural are marriages in more distant degrees of
relationship, and hence they are not punished with death, but
only designated as guilty, and threatened with childless
ness (14). So marriage with a father's or mother's sister
(aunt), as a sin against the father's or mother's blood relation
ship (Lev. xviii. 12 f.), as an injury done to the respectus
parentelm, the child's piety toward father and mother (15) ;
marriage with an uncle's (widowed or divorced) wife, because
she is his aunt (Lev. xx. 20), and in the sin against the uncle
there is one indirectly against the father ; marriage with the
wife of a (deceased) brother (full sister-in-law) and the sister
of one's own wife. Marriages in the two last named degrees
are, however, only conditionally forbidden ; that with a wife's
sister only during the lifetime of the former (n"n3)> whence
the Eabbins have rightly concluded, that after a wife's death the
law allowed the man to marry her sister. The reason why this
is not allowed so long as she lives, is hardly to be sought, how
ever, merely in the prevention of jealousy between sisters,
" which is worse than between strangers " (16), but rather in the
disturbing or destroying of the sisterly relation by simultaneous
marriage with one man (17). Marriage with a (deceased)
brother's wife is also forbidden as Nidda (nia, sexual unclean
ness), and threatened with childlessness (Lev. xx. 21), only if

160 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
the deceased brother had had or had left behind him children,
because then it was an invasion of the brother's family relation
(Lev. xviii. 16) ; whereas in the case of childlessness of the
deceased it was not only allowed, but made a moral duty
(comp. § 108).
(7) So J. D. Michaelis, Abhdl. v. den Ehegesetzen Moses, etc.,
2nd ed. 1786, § 56 ff, and Mos. Recht, ii. § 108 ; Winer, R. W.
i. p. 298. Comp. the refutation of these opinions in Hengsten
berg, Ev. KZ. 1840, Nr. 50 ff.
How it became customary to avoid marriages between kindred
—says Peschel, Vblkerk. p. 232 [Eng. tr. p. 223]— belongs to the
most obscure but most instructive questions of ethnology. It
cannot be explained by the knowledge of the prejudicial conse
quences of such unions. We find marriage with a sister or
mother not only allowed in ancient Persia, but marriages between
relatives regarded even as meritorious. The Pharaoh in Egypt
could choose no more suitable consort than his sister; and
this marriage was prescribed to the Inca of Peru. While these
highly civilised peoples had no shrinking from such unions, we
find the horror of incest most keenly developed among inferior
races having little stability, and living in childish unconcern.
" The Australians held strictly by the prohibition against a man
marrying a woman who had the same family name with himself.
— Marriages between people of the same tribal names were
likewise strictly avoided among the Samoyedes and Ostjaks.
The Huron and Iroquois also tolerated no marriages between
relatives. The Hottentots punish incest with death ; and their
neighbours the Kaffirs forbid marriage between the most
distant kinsfolk under penalty of loss of property ; moreover,
they allow double marriages with sisters. The Fans in Western
Equatorial Africa, notorious cannibals, regard marriages where
there is the least degree of blood-relationship as criminal, and
always take their wives from another race. Other races like
wise, men -eaters, the Battas of Sumatra, punish marriages
between kinsfolk of the same horde with death to both parties.
Among the Hindoos the prohibition extends to the sixth degree
of relationship; nay, identity of name is also regarded by them as
a sufficient hindrance" (Peschel, pp: 233, 234 [Eng. tr. 224 f.]).
(8) Augustinus, de civit. Dei, xv. 16 : Habita est ratio rectis-
sima caritatis, ut homines, quibus esset utilis atque honesta
concordia, diversarum necessitudinum vinculis necterentur : nee
unus in una multas haberet, sed singula? spargerentur in
singulos ; ac sic ad socialem vitam diligentius colligandam
plurimae plurimos obtinerent. Pater quippe et socer duarum
sunt necessitudinum nomina. Ut ergo alium quisque habeat

§ 107. FORBIDDEN MARRIAGES. 161
patrem, alium socerum, numerosius se caritas porrigit, etc.
This view is defended by Hengstenberg in an article " On the
marriages forbidden because of relationship," in the Ev. KZ.
1840, Nr. 47 ff, as the only right one, because it conclusively
justifies the exception of the first brother and sister. " Only it
has, on the other hand, this inconvenience, that it fully justifies
Lot's daughters, — the mistake being assumed that they were the
sole survivors," — and " since it leaves wholly out of view the
specific character of the family bond, it leads logically to an
extension beyond all limits, suchas*quiekly followed." Fr. Jul.
Stahl, Die Philosophic des RechtSj ii. 1, p. 360, 2nd ed.
(9) For mankind as a whole, marriage is intended " to
complete family individualities, thereby to produce new
individualities and to effect a crossing of the human race.
Hence love between the sexes is naturally conditioned by
the charm of a diverse family individuality (Hegel) ; and
marriage is intended to go outside of the family, to spread
the bonds of love (Augustine); Accordingly marriage within
the family is a selfish (Narcissus-like) shrinking within itself,
like union within the same sex." Stahl, ubi supra, p. 355.
(10) Comp. Eich. Eothe, Theolog. Ethik, ii. p. 1 (§ 292), p. 9
(§ 297).
(11) "Near, and especially the paternal relationship, and
marriage, are God-separated relations in nature. As the physical
bond of both is different, so also is the bond of love. Therefore
they are not to be confused with one another." — "Marriage
regarded in itself is the bond>of a love which feels need, longs
and seeks for completion. Even apart from all that is physical,
though this too belongs to it essentially, it rests, in its purest
spiritual aspect, on a need of completion, is only satisfied by
being returned, and constantly seeks this. On the other hand,
the paternal relation is above all- on. the one side a bond of
exalted, provident love (God-like), as needing absolutely nothing;
and, on the other, of reverential fear. This bond would be wholly
destroyed and desecrated by the bond which demands completion
on both sides. — But the bond between brothers and sisters is
also an organic one of independent love ; it has for its organic
purpose to be the family, to realize its end, not to produce, or be
the means of the family." Stahl, ubi supra, p. 354 f.
(12) " Where a sexual relation occurs between parents and
children and brothers and sisters (step-parents, step-children,
step-brethren, including likewise the married pairs forming
with their children one person), this is only possible with the
immediate annihilation of the very being of parental, filial,
and fraternal love ; and consequently only possible as a mon
strosity and in virtue of the brutal ascendency of the flesh."
KEIL II. L

162 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
Joh. Bapt. v. Hirscher, Die christl. Moral, Bd. iii. p. 552,
3rd ed.
(13) The exception formed in this respect by the children
of the first pair, finds its justification in the fact that they
represent not only the family, but the race. " As soon as more
families than one arise, the bonds are sharply severed : marriage
as the means of establishing the family, which must go out
wards, the fraternal bond as the established family, which must
subsist as its own end." Stahl, ubi supra, p. 355 f.
(14) This, however, is not to be understood with Michaelis,
Mos. R. § 116, 5, thus : " The children born of the marriage
are to be ascribed, not to the natural father, but to the deceased
father's brother ; " but childlessness is proclaimed by God to
be the punishment of such marriages. Comp. Saalschiitz,
Mos. R. p. 773.
(15) This violation does not take place in the marriage of a
niece (a brother or sister's daughter), and hence this marriage is
not forbidden. But it is difficult to understand why marriage
with the widow of a mother's brother, the former wife of the
uncle on the mother's side, is allowed, while that with the
former wife of the uncle on the father's side is forbidden.
Saalschiitz {Mos. R. p. 782 f.) supposes " that the brother of the
father, as the head of the family, stood to his children in a
closer relation than the mother's brother." This is so far sup
ported by the circumstance, that the former bears the kins
man's name Dod, uncle, and is redeemer and heir, which is not
the case with the mother's brother. It has at least more on its
side than M. Baumgarten's remark {Theol. Comment, ii. p. 204),
" that under the Old Testament the woman had not yet come to
the same personal standing and independence as the man."
(16) So J. D. Michaelis, Ehegesetze Mosis, § 78.
(17) This seems to be indicated by the liiyp, strictly speak
ing, to pack together.

§ 108. Levirate Marriage.
When a married man died without having a son, his
surviving brother was obliged, according to ancient custom
(Gen. xxxviii. 8 ff), as brother-in-law (BT, Uvir), to marry his
widowed sister-in-law. This traditional custom of levirate (1)
is thus defined by the Mosaic law : If brothers (on the
father's side) live together, i.e. still form one family (2), and
one of them dies without male heirs (3), the wife of the
deceased shall not go outside piyin, beyond the family) and

§ 108. LEVIRATE MARRIAGE. 163
become the wife of a stranger {% not belonging to the family
kindred), but the surviving brother as brother-in-law shall
take her to wife, and the first-born son by her shall take the
name of the deceased, i.e. shall continue his name in the
family register, that his name may not perish out of Israel.
But in case the brother-in-law did not desire to marry the
widow, she might cite him legally before the elders of the
place. If, notwithstanding their attempts at persuasion, he
still persisted in declaring his unwillingness, he was not com
pelled to do the duty of a brother-in-law, but he was obliged
to submit to the humiliation of having his shoe plucked off
by his sister-in-law under the eyes of the elders (that is to
say, publicly before the judgment-seat), and of being declared
by this symbolical act unworthy of his relation to the
family (4) ; and of having his face spit upon as such (5),
with the words : " So shall it be done unto the man that
doth not build up his brother's house ; whereby he took
upon him the shame of having his house in Israel called the
house ofthe Barefoot" (Deut. xxv. 5-10).
This custom, common among ancient peoples (6), has its
natural root in that inborn need of man created immortal,
while his faith in eternal life is yet undeveloped, of securing
for himself personal continuance, and for his name immor
tality, by the perpetuation of his race by the life of a son
entering into his place. This want was not suppressed in
Israel by revelation, but was rather strengthened by the
fact that the divine promise given to Abraham was attached
to the preservation and propagation of his seed and name.
The promise which was given to Abraham's seed must not
only have raised the begetting of children to a God-willed
and God-pleasing act in the religious view of the Israelites,
but must have lent to the traditional custom of the race of
preserving name and family by this provision of marriage
duty, the meaning of thereby securing for the family a share
in the blessing of the promise. Hence the Mosaic law could
not desire violently to uproot a custom that had become
interwoven with the popular consciousness, but only to
confine it within just limits, so that it might not be pre
judicial to the hallowing of marriage sought by the law.
In order to this end, the law withdrew its compulsory power

164 EIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
from the consuetudinary right. — It did this by providing for
the case in which the surviving brother persistently refused
to marry his widowed sister-in-law, that his refusal should be
recognised as valid. At the same time, however, it allowed
to the wife the right of openly putting to shame the man
who refused the office of affection toward his deceased brother,
thus giving the childless widow a satisfaction which might
heal her offended womanly feelings, so as to prevent her
from using cunning and crime, such as those by which Tamar
once sought to gain her rights (Gen. xxxviii. 12 ff).
The divine sanction which the Mosaic law thus gives to
levirate marriage is therefore not to be regarded as merely an
accommodation to a popular prejudice. For the law allows
this marriage not merely as an evil which cannot be eradicated,
as it allows divorce, but it prescribes : " The wife of the dead
shall not marry without unto a stranger; her husband's
brother shall go in unto her and take her to wife." But it
requires this not as a strict command, the transgression of
which involves guilt and punishment, but as a duty of love,
the non-fulfilment of which only brings reproach and ridicule
on the man and his house. — Within these limits levirate
marriage not only corresponds to the idea of marriage as a
bond of pure love founded on mutual affection, but neither
does it abolish the general prohibition of marriage with a
brother's wife, but rather proceeds from one and the same
principle with it. While marriage with a sister-in-law, when
the deceased had a son or children, is forbidden as an offence
against the fraternal relation, it is required in the case of the
childlessness of the deceased, as a duty of love and in order
to the building up of the brother's house, the preservation of
his race and name. By that prohibition the brother's house
(family) is preserved in its integrity ; by this command it is
raised to a permanent condition. In both cases the dead
brother is honoured, and fraternal love preserved as the moral
foundation of his house. Here we have at once the motive
and the moral and legal significance of levirate marriage, and
not in the desire of the lawgiver to keep together the entire
inheritance, and to avoid the transference of real property
from one family to another (7).
(1) Comp. Ferd. Benary, De Hebrozorum leviratu, Berol.

§ 108. LEVIRATE MARRIAGE. 165
1835, 4; G. Mor. Eedslob, Die Leviratsehe bei den Hebr'dern,
Lpz. 1836. — The Talmudic and Eabbinical ordinances regard
ing levirate are found Mischna Jebamoth (ed. Surenh. vol. iii.
p. 1 sqq), and an extract of the most important particulars
in Saalschiitz, Mos. R. chap. 104 ; and in Leyrer in PRE. viii.
p. 358 ff. (" Leviratsehe ").
(2) This meaning of VW rats/ is evident from Gen. xiii. 6
and xxxvi. 7; not the explanation of Saalschiitz, Mos. R. p.
757 : " If their possessions immediately border on one another,"
though it has for it the authority of the Eabbins, who under
stand dwelling together of their common inheritance; comp.
Benary, I.e. p. 7. But neither should the expression be pressed,
as Eedslob does, Die Leviratsehe, p. 13, following Pfeiffer, Dubia
vex. p. 314, so as to limit it to the " common inhabitation of one
and the same house, i.e. having a common household, keeping
house together." And even in this narrowest sense it is a
mistake to infer from the words, with Pfeiffer, that the surviv
ing brother is unmarried.
(3) In the description : " If he hath no son " (pa, Deut.
xxv. 5), the word son is intended in its strict meaning, inasmuch
as only the son (not the daughter) propagates the name of the
dead and preserves it in the nation. Nevertheless the Jews
rightly understood the meaning of the law when they explained
ja in the general sense of child. So Joseph. Antiq. iv. 8. 23 ;
Matt. xxii. 25 : pr] eyon &jrepfji,a=Texiia ; comp. with Mark xii. 19,
and Luke xx. 28 : arexvog, the Eabbins, Easchi on Deut. xxv. 5 ;
Jebam. xxii. 6 ; Maimon. tr. Jibbam. i. 3 ; and Abarban. in
Buxtorf, De spousal, et divort. p. 26. Similarly most of the
ancient translators and later Christian expositors ; not indeed
for the reason adduced by Saalschiitz, p. 758 : " Since daughters
might be heiresses, and by a suitable marriage among their rela
tives preserve the name of the dead in his inheritance " (Num.
xxxvi. 8 f.). For the law regarding the marriage of heiresses,
Num. xxxvi, has no internal connection with the levirate law ;
it is intended only to prevent the transference of property from
one tribe to another. — The limitation of levirate marriage which
follows from the more general understanding of son to the case
in which the deceased has left no child (son or daughter), is
evident — apart from Lev. xviii. 6 and xx. 21, where the taking
of a brother's wife is forbidden as nia — from the general law of
inheritance, according to which, if one dies without having a
son, his possession is to pass to his daughter, and if he has no
daughter, to his brother (Num. xxvii. 8 ff). If, accordingly,
the possession of one who died without a son, but leaving a
daughter, went to the daughter, the widow could not claim to

166 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
have a son by levirate marriage; otherwise the paternal
inheritance must either have been unrighteously taken from
the daughter, or the son by the levirate marriage remained
without inheritance. If, on the contrary, Benary, I.e. p. 12,
maintains: "quod filia deficientibus filiis turn denique haeres
est facta, cum leviri matrimonium ex rei natura nullum poterat
habere locum, i. e. ubi mortuus vel solam filiam nulla superstite
vidua, vel uxorem reliquerat, quae quominus leviro nuberet, vel
aetate vel aliis quibusdam gravissimis causis (qualis morbus
est) prohibebatur," he makes levirate marriage an almost un
conditional necessity ; whereas the Mosaic law requires it only
under the supposition that the widow wishes to marry again,
claims it as a duty of love from her brother-in-law, and not
even in this case is it compulsory.
(4) The meaning assigned to this symbolical act is evident
from the custom mentioned Euth iv. 10, according to which it
was an ancient usage in Israel for a man to take off his shoe
and give it to his neighbour in a case of redeeming or exchange,
to confirm any transaction. Fixed properties are taken in
possession by treading the ground and soil, and maintained by
the possessor standing with his shoe on them ; hence tho taking
off and giving over of the shoe was the symbol of giving up
one's position and property, a symbol common also among
the Indians (comp. Benary, I.e. p. 14) and the ancient Germans
(Grimm, Deutsche Rechtsalterthumer, p. 156). Comp. Pfeiffer,
Dubia vex. p. 361 sq. — Otherwise, J. G. Wetzstein, Exc. to
Delitzsch's Comm. on the Book of Psalms. — In our case the
symbol seems so far modified, that it is not the brother-in-law
who refuses marriage who takes off his shoe and gives it to his
sister-in-law, but it is she who takes off his shoe, and thus
divests him of the position which he occupied toward her and
the deceased brother, or to the paternal house.
(5) This is the meaning of vaaa pi}, Num. xii. 14 ; l/tcrrisw elg
to irpbatiiirov (LXX.); -itTueiv elg rb' mp., Joseph. Antiq. iv. 8. 23;
not : to spit on the ground before his face, as it is explained,
after tr. Jebam. xii. 6, by Saalschiitz, Mos. R. p. 759 ; and
Leyrer, ubi supra, p. 359 ; still less : bilem evomere, to rail, as
Michaelis, M. R. ii. § 98, has it.
(6) Among the Indians, Persians, Afghans, Druses, several
peoples of the Caucasus, among the Mongols and Ostjaks in
Northern Eussia, among the Brazilian Tupinambas and the
Kolushs in the North- West of America, also among the negroes
of the Gold Coast. Comp. Benary, I.e. p. 31 sqq. ; Leyrer, ubi
supra, p. 358 ; and Peschel, Volkerkunde, pp. 24 and 241 [Eng.
tr. 22 and 231].
(7) This reason, so wholly foreign to the law, owes its origin

§ 109. CONTRACTING OF MARRIAGE, BETROTHAL, AND WEDDING. 167
to a mistaken interpretation which occurs indeed very early,
being found in Josephus, Antiq. v. 9, but not approved by any
Eabbin, of the marriage of Boaz with the widow Euth, related
in the Book of Euth, on which J. Selden, De success, in bona
defunct, c. xv., already remarks : confusio est planissime
binarum legum, quarum altera de hasreditate alienata seu
emptores invitante redimenda, altera de fratria ducenda est.
Utraque satis invicem diversa. Neque altera quid cum altera
aut in sacris literis, aut apud Magistros habet commune.
For as, the same expositor had said before: neque Machloni,
defuncto Euthae marito, erat Boazus frater ; neque de propinquo
aut fratre, qui fratriam duceret, verba fiunt ibi, sed diserte
de PNia s. anpn wia, i. e.' propinquo, cui jus aut officium erat
redimendi patrimonium venaitum ex lege lata, Lev. xxv., etc.
— Notwithstanding, this confusion of wholly different things
has obtained such currency through Clericus and Grotius,
that even Ewald, Alterthiimer, p. 276 f., Saalschiitz, and Leyrer
advanced it as undoubted truth ; and Benary, p. 21 sqq., on this
account seeks again to establish the connection of Euth's
marriage with the levirate law.
§ 109. Contracting of Marriage, Betrothal, and Wedding.
According to ancient patriarchal custom, marriage among the
Israelites was the affair of the parents, of the father, or failing
him, of the mother. They were accustomed to seek brides
and give wives to their sons (Gen. xxiv. 2 ff, xxxviii. 6 ;
comp. xxi. 2 1 and xxviii. 1 ff), or at least to ask the maidens
desired by their sons from their parents (Gen. xxxiv. 4, 8 ;
Judg. xiv. 2), whereto, besides the consent of the maiden to be
betrothed, that of the eldest brother was also usual (Gen.
xxiv. 50, xxxiv. 11). As soon as consent was obtained,
the suitor gave the bride a betrothal or bridal gift pn'»), as
well as presents to her parents and brothers piaiap) (1) ;
whereas in more ancient times the bride received a portion
only in exceptional cases (Josh. xv. 18 f . ; I Kings ix. 16
[after the Egyptian custom]) ; more frequently, as it seems,
in later times (Tob. viii. 21). In the choice of a wife,
excepting the prohibitions mentioned in § 107, there were
only certain limitations for the priests (comp. § 34 f.), and
in respect of heiresses, the restriction that they should not
marry outside of their tribe (Num. xxxvi. 6 ff); other, pro
hibitions there were none, because there existed no consider-

168 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
able difference of rank or education from which unsuitable
marriages could arise. As to the time of marriageability of
either sex, the law lays down no rule ; it is the Talmudists
who first fix for the maiden the age of at least twelve years
and one day, and for the husband of thirteen years and one
day (2). — All that was needed for betrothal was the simple
acceptance by the young woman of the offer made to her,
with the assent of her parents or brothers ; so that from that
time forward the bride, even before their nuptials, owed her
betrothed chastity, and the violation of it was reckoned the
same as adultery, and punished with death (Deut. xxii. 23 ff. ;
comp. with v. 22, and Lev. xx. 10).
The marriage union was celebrated from high antiquity
with a nuptial feast. The bridegroom in wedding attire,
attended by his friends (B'yip, Judg. xiv. 11 ; viol too
vvfj.cfiwvo';, Matt. ix. 15), conducted his bride, adorned and
veiled, from the house of her parents, and led her, attended
by her companions, with song (Jer. vii. 34, xvi. 9), music,
and dancing (1 Mace. ix. 37, 39), probably toward evening,
with the light of torches or lamps (Matt. xxv. 1 ff), to his
own house or that of his parents, where the marriage feast
was prepared (Judg. xiv. 10), and the joyous festivities were
kept up by numerous guests (Gen. xxix. 22 ; 3 Mace. iv. 8 ;
Luke xiv. 8) for several days, often seven (Judg. xiv. 12 ;
Tob. xi. 19) or even fourteen days (Tob. viii. 19). No binding
engagement took place. The bride was given over by her
parents with a benediction to the bridegroom (Tob. vii. 13 ;
comp. Euth iv. 1 1 f. ; Gen. xxiv. 5 9 f.), and brought on the
night of the wedding into the bride-chamber (Gen. xxix. 23 ;
Tob. vii. 16, viii. 1). — In later times, marriage contracts in
writing were signed before the wedding (Tob. vii. 15) (3).
(1) The widespread opinion, that the Israelites, according to
a custom very common in antiquity, and still prevailing in the
East (see the proofs in Winer, R. W. i. 296 f.), required to buy
their wives from the parents or relatives, has been contested
by Saalschiitz {Mos. R. p. 730 ff, and Archaol. ii. p. 192 ff.)
on conclusive grounds, against which Eiietschi in PRE. iii.
p. 661 f., has nothing of weight to advance. — The Old Testa
ment knows only of a Mohar, inp, i.e. however, not " purchase
SO/
money," but equivalent to the Arabic j^c, dos vel donum

§ 109. CONTRACTING OF MARRIAGE, BETROTHAL, AND WEDDING. 169
sponsalitium, quod futurae uxori promittitur, and to the Syrian
7
5<nSo, dotem dedit — the bridal gift or the present, which the
bridegroom, after receiving the bride's assent, gave to her, not
to her parents or kinsfolk. Neither has the verb inp the
signification : emit uxorem pretio parentibus soluto (Gesen.
Thes. s.v.), either in Ps. xvi. 4, where the meaning is doubtful,
or in Ex. xxii. 16 f., but : " to give a bridal present," and with
accus. of person, " to woo with a bridal gift." The passage in
Exodus runs : " If a man entice a virgin that is not betrothed,
he shall surely seek her with a bridal gift to be his wife ; and
if her father utterly refuse to give her to him, he shall pay
money according to the bridal gift of virgins," ni,ina inPa ; i.e.
in this case, too, he shall pay a sum of money corresponding to
the worth of the gift usually bestowed by suitors on virgins,
and that to the father of the seduced one ; not, however, as
purchase money for the daughter whom indeed he did not get
to wife, but as a penalty for the shame brought on the father.
That in this case the money was paid to the father is evident
from the similar case, Deut. xxii. 28 f., where the man who
had laid hold of a damsel not espoused, and lain with her, i.e.
had violently humbled her, must pay to her father fifty shekels
of silver and take her to wife, without being able to get divorce
from her during his lifetime because he had humbled her.
Here, too, the prescribed sum, which besides is not designated
as Mohar, is not a payment with which he buys the daughter
from the father, but a fine (like the hundred shekels in the
case of the slandered young wife, Deut. xxii. 19) for the shame
inflicted on the father by the humbling of the maiden. Only
in this case the punishment is still further heightened by the
fact, that he must take the seduced to be his wife and keep
her without possibility of divorce. — In both the remaining
passages in which Mohar occurs (Gen. xxxiv. 12 and 1 Sam.
xviii 25), the word does not denote a price paid to the father
(parents or kin) for the wife, but the usual present to the
bride. This is perfectly clear from the comparison of Gen.
xxxvi. 12 (|npi inp) with Gen. xxiv. 53, where Eliezer, after
receiving Eebekah's consent, gives her silver and gold orna
ments (as a bridal gift), and presents (|np=riiaiap) to her
brother and mother. " But it cannot possibly be said that the
bride was bought, if what the bridegroom gave was a present
which she herself received " (Saalschiitz, Mos. R. p. 736 f.). —
Finally, the passages Gen. xxxi. 15 and Hos. iii. 2 cannot be
used to prove that the purchase of wives was an Israelitish
custom. What follows from the former passage, in which
Leah and Eachel say to Jacob : " Are we not counted of him

170 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
(our father) as strangers ? for he hath sold us," is rather the
opposite, viz. that the selling of one's own daughters to
husbands was a course such as might be followed by a
father, at the most toward strangers, certainly not toward his
own daughters ; and such as had not happened in the house of
Bethuel, who had given Eebekah to be Isaac's wife without
any purchase money (Gen. xxiv.), and in Laban's case arose
only out of base greed, which used every means to gain money. .
From this it is impossible to deduce any popular custom ; and
as little is it possible to do so from Hos. iii. 2. Here, indeed,
the prophet buys a wife by divine command, but an adulteress
for a fixed price, that she may live with him for a time without
playing the harlot or giving herself to another man. From this
wholly singular case no conclusion can be drawn as to what
was customary in marriages in Israel ; and the buying of a
wife cannot possibly be proved from the Old Testament as an
Israelitish custom. For in the one place which treats of the
selling pap) of daughters (Ex. xxi 7), the bought maiden is
destined only to be a concubine. — Even in Eabbinical
marriage law, where the paying over of money or money's
worth is one of the three forms of contracting marriage, it
cannot be properly said that the wife is bought, because
the gift is delivered to the woman herself (Saalschiitz,
Mos. R. p. 736 f.). And when Tacitus, German, c. 18,
tells of the ancient Germans : " Dotem non uxor marito, sed
uxori maritus offert. Intersunt parentes et propinqui, ac
munera probant. ... In haec munera uxor accipitur atque
invieem ipsa armorum aliquid viro affert : hoc maximum
vinculum, hsec arcana sacra, hos conjugates deos arbitrantur,"
we can as little think here, with Winer, ubi supra, of the buying
of a wife.
(2) Comp. J. Buxtorfi, Synagoga jud. c. vii. p. 143 sq. But as
the commonest age for marrying, the eighteenth year is named
for the young man in Mischna Pirke Aboth v. 21. Besides, it
is well known that in southern lands, especially in the East,
both sexes become very early mature ; boys even of the age of
from ten to twelve being able to beget, and girls of from nine
to eleven to bear. Comp. my Bible commentary on 2 Kings
xvi. 1, note; and Peschel, Vblkerkunde, p. 227 f. [Eng. tr. p.
218 f.].
(3) In which the portion brought by the wife p'avu, portion)
and the amount assigned by the husband to the wife (naina)
was exactly stated. Comp. Mischna Chetuboth iii. 2 with the
Jerus. Gemara ; and the main points in Saalschiitz, Mos. Recht,
p. 727 ff, in the notes.

§ 110. THE MARRIED STATE AND DIVORCE. 171
§ 110. The Married State and Divorce.
As among the Israelites the wife was not bought, but the
young man, either under the direction, or at least with the
consent of his parents, carrying out his own inclination, won
his bride with a gift embodying his love and esteem ; so the
wife, in the state of marriage, was not the man's slave, but a
helpmate subject to him in devoted love, who, indeed, willingly
obeyed her husband as head and lord of the house ; but at the
same time, as his life- companion, shared with him work and
care, joy and sorrow, and took active part in the work and
management of the household (1).
In order to awaken and cherish in the nation the true mutual
love of the wedded pair as the spiritual bond of marriage,
the law not only prescribes that the man who has gained a
wife, but not yet taken her, may leave the army before battle
and return to his house, lest he should die in the fight and
another take his betrothed (Deut. xx. 7) ; but also, if any one
has just taken a wife, he need not go out with the army, but
should be free from State obligations for a year, to enjoy his
wife whom he has taken (Deut. xxiv. 5). — The law seeks,
however, with great earnestness to prevent unchastity, to
further purity and marriage fidelity, and to protect the female
sex from that concupiscence of the male which is forbidden
in the Decalogue. With this view it is required that, if any
one has forced a maiden, he shall marry her, and pay to her
father besides a fine of fifty shekels of silver, and never be
able to divorce her (Deut. xxii. 28 f.). Further, if a man
calumniated his newly married wife, alleging that he had not
found her a virgin, he was to be punished with a fine of a
hundred shekels of silver, to be paid to her father, and also to
lose the right of ever divorcing her (Deut. xxii. 13-19). But
if his accusation should turn out, on legal investigation, to be
well founded, the woman was to be stoned to death before the
door of her father's house, because she had committed a deed
of shame (n»3) in Israel (Deut. xxii. 2 0 f.). The betrothed
damsel, also, who had suffered herself to be humbled in the
city, was to be stoned to death with her seducer before the
city gate (Deut. xxii. 23 f.) (2). Similarly, adultery was not
only forbidden in the Decalogue, but punished with the death

172 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
of both parties (Lev. xx. 10; Deut. xxii. 22) (3); and even
lying with one's own wife during her issue of blood was
threatened with cutting off (Lev. xx. 18). If, finally, a man
suspected his wife of having had intercourse with another
man, he might subject her to the ordeal described in § 61
(Num. v. 1 1 ff), which was entirely fitted to bring the guilt
or innocence of the suspected to the light.
(1) This relation of the wife to the husband meets us not
only in the marriages of the patriarchs (comp. Gen. xvi. 6, 9,
xxiv. 67, xxvi. 8, xxvii. 13, 42-46, xxxi. 4 ff), but in later times in
the case of several wives mentioned in sacred history — Hannah
(1 Sam. i 11, 24 ff), Abigail (1 Sam. xxv. 14 ff), the Shunammite
(2 Kings iv. 8 ff), and others, especially in the description of
the virtuous housewife (Prov. xxxi. 10-31). This position to
the husband, and in the house, was held by wives proper, even
when a man had two. Only secondary wives shared the head
of the house as concubines, not the rights of full wives. So
far as their relation to wives proper may be learned from
history — for in the law the secondary wife, t^apa, vdxxa%,
vaXXaxig, is not once mentioned — they were either the wife's
maids, and as such subject to her, so Hagar, who is reckoned,
Gen. xxv. 6, with Keturah to Abraham's B^aVa; the maids of
Jacob's wives, one of whom is expressly called in Gen. xxxv. 22
a concubine ; or they were bought maids (Ex. xxi. 7 ff), or cap
tive women (Deut. xxi. 10-14), or finally, wives obtained by
purchase, whom the man took to himself without further cere
mony (without bridal gift or marriage), apart from their being
or becoming his slaves ; so the concubine of the Levite (Judg.
xix. 1 ff.) ; comp. Saalschiitz, Mos. R. p. 750 ff.
(2) The humbled maiden is subjected in this case to the
same punishment as her seducer, " because she did not cry out
in the city," i.e. did not rescue her chastity by calling for help
(ver. 24). If, on the contrary, she were forced by a man in the
field, where there were no other people near who might have
come to her help, the man only was doomed to die as a violent
seducer, but the woman escaped as innocent (w. 25-27).
(3) Only lying with the slave intended for another man was
punished merely with a measure of correction, and expiated
with a sin-offering (comp. vol. i. p. 288). — Moreover, since the
man in Israel might marry more than one wife, and besides his
wife take concubines also, he committed adultery only when he
was guilty of sexual intercourse with the married wife, or what
was equivalent to the same, the betrothed bride of another man.
Sexual intercourse with a (not betrothed) maiden was only

§ 110. THE MARRIED STATE AND DIVORCE. 173
reckoned fornication, and this only when he would not take her
as his wife or concubine.
As these ordinances have in view the hallowing of marriage,
so also the Mosaic regulation in respect of divorce (Deut;
xxiv. 1-4). If a man, finding in his wife something shameful
or offensive pai rniy), dismissed her from his house with a
writ of divorcement, and she became the wife of another man,
he dared not again take her to wife, not even if the second
man had also sent her away with a writ of divorcement, nor
even if the second husband had died. The law requires
neither divorce nor the giving of a writ of divorce in the
case of separation, nor does it lay down a definite ground of
divorce (4). Divorce, giving of a writ, and causes of divorce,
are accepted as established by hereditary usage, and indulged
because of the people's hardness of heart (Matt. xix. 8) (5).
So long -as the man was allowed to take more than one wife,
or to have concubines besides ; in other words, so long as the
mutual relation of the wedded pair did not yet correspond to
the nature of true (monogamic) marriage, so long divorce could
not be wholly forbidden. Only the light-mindedness and self-
will of the man (6) in dismissing a disagreeable wife were so
far met by his being prohibited from taking her back again
when she had been married to another, that marriage, as a
divine ordinance, might not be wholly given over to the caprice
of fleshly lust. Hence the law not only designates the sepa
rated wife who has married another as polluted (nxppn); and
thus gives it to be pretty clearly understood that the re
marrying of a divorced woman is to be regarded as a pollution,
or on the same level with fornication, but it condemns the
reunion of such a divorced one with her first husband as " an
abomination before Jehovah," because thereby fornication is
carried still further, and marriage is degraded to the mere
satisfaction of sexual passion. Thus the Mosaic ordinance
aimed less at limiting divorce externally, though the certainty
of not being able again to take a wife once dismissed, as soon
as she entered into a second marriage, may have prevented
many a thoughtless divorce, than at bringing home to the
conscience of the people the sinfulness of divorce, because it
is an occasion of pollution to the divorced wife. In this way
it seeks to prepare for the truth : " That every one that putteth

174 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
away his wife, saving for the cause of fornication, maketh her
an adulteress, and whosoever shall marry her when she is put
away committeth adultery" (Matt. v. 32 ; comp. xix. 9).
(4) Deut. xxiv. 1-4 reads thus in the original : " When a man
taketh a wife and marrieth her, and she findeth no favour in
his eyes, because he findeth some unseemly thing in her, and
he writeth her a bill of divorcement, and giveth it in her hand,
and sendeth her out of his house ; and she departeth out of his
house, and goeth and becometh the wife of another husband,
and the latter husband hateth her, and writeth her a bill of
divorcement, and giveth it in her hand, and sendeth her out of
his house, or if the latter husband die who took her to be his
wife : her former husband who sent her away may not take her
again to be his wife after that she is defiled ; for that is abomi
nation before Jehovah," etc.
(5) Because, however, Moses neither abolishes nor forbids
existing usage, the Jewish scribes have found in it a legal
sanction, and establish on it a formal right of divorce. But how
little this passage of the law is suited to such a purpose is
shown by the vague and manifold interpretations of the Dliy
131, which is named as the ground of divorce. This expression
occurs also in Deut. xxiii. 14, of things which profane the
camp of Israel, both of sex defilement by a chance of the
night (pollution), and of excrements not covered with earth, and
therefore denotes : something shameful or offensive, dsx^oauiiri
irpdypaTog, LXX. Deut. xxiii. 14, and aeyrifiov irpaypa, xxiv. 1 ;
so the Syrian ; Saad. : turpitudo aliqua or res fceda ; Onkelos in
both places : aana nyay, the transgression of a thing. How
very variously the expression was interpreted appears especi
ally from the contention over it of the schools of Hillel and
Shammai. The Hillelites explained it : " On account of any
case whatever, or anything unbecoming;" e.g. if the wife
had let the soup burn, or even, according to R Akiba: If
another woman pleased the husband better. The Shammaites,
on the contrary, understand it of fornication and other things
unbecoming a wife. Comp. Mischna tr. Gittin ix. 10 ; Selden,
Uxor. Heb. 1. 3. c. 18 and 20 ; Buxtorf, De sponsalib. et divortiis,
p. 85 sqq. The Hillelite interpretation became Halacha, i.e.
ruling practice ; compi Joseph. Antiq. iv. 8. 23, and Matt. xix. 3 :
xaTa naaav ahiav ; in opposition to which Christ points out to
the Jews that Moses did not command divorce {heTeiXaro), but
only allowed it {ffpbg ttjd exXripoxapblav bftSiv heTpe-^ev bfj,T\i, Matt.
xix. 8). — The Eabbinical ordinances regarding divorce and
divorce writ, are to be found in the tr. Gittin (Mischn. ed.

§ HI. UPBRINGING OF CHILDREN. 175
Surenh. iii. p. 322 sqq.), where a form of divorce writ Occurs.
Comp. Saalschiitz, Mos. R. p. 800 ff.
(6) The wife, as not being possessed of equal privileges with
the husband, had no right of divorce, so that Josephus {Antiq.
xv. 7. 10) describes the conduct of Salome, who sends a writ of
divorce to her husband Kostobarus, as offending against the law
ofthe fathers, and derives it from an invasion of Greek and Eoman
usage. — Neither is it possible, after the example of the Eabbins,
with Michaelis, Mos. R. ii. § 120, and Saalschiitz, Mos. R. p. 806,
to derive from the passages, Ex. xxi. 8-11 and Deut. xxi. 14,
a right possessed by the wife to claim divorce because of the
refusal, of marital cohabitation, or because the husband left her
to want food or clothing, and did not maintain her according to
his rank. For the rules laid down here as to bought maidens
and captives who were taken as concubines or wives, that if
they failed to please their husbands, these should not be at
liberty to use or sell them as slaves, do not admit of being
applied to ordinary wives, taken as free women in marriage.

SECOND CHAPTER
CHILDREN AND SERVANTS.
§ 111. Upbringing of Children.
It is of children that the house, the family, is built (Gen.
xvi. 2, xxx. 3). The conception and bearing of children was
a matter of longing and joy among the Israelites, especially
to the women (Gen. xxiv. 60, xxx. 1 ; 1 Sam. i. 11). On the
ground of the twofold blessing connected with creation and
the covenant promise (Gen. i. 28, xii. 2, 7, xiii. 16), a numerous,
blooming group of children was thankfully acknowledged as
a special gift of God's grace (Deut. xxviii. 4 ; Ps. cxiii. 9,
cxxvii. 3 ff, cxxviii. 3, 6 ; Prov. xvii. 6 ; Eccles. vi 3) ; and
sterility in marriage was felt sorely as a divine visitation
(Gen. xvi. 2, xxx. 23 ; 1 Sam. i. 6 f. ; Luke i. 25), and deeply
lamented as a punishment from God's hand (Isa. xlvii. 9,
xlix. 21 ; Hos. xiv. 9). — At child-birth women were helped
(Gen. xxxv. 17, xxxviii. 28 ; Ex. i. 15) even in the time of
the patriarchs by nurses, midwives (n^?) (1). The newly
born infants, after having the navel cord cut, were bathed in
water, rubbed with salt, wrapped in swaddling-clothes (Ezek.

176 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
xvi. 4), and, as a rule, nursed and tended by the mothers
themselves (Gen. xxi. 7 ; 1 Sam. i. 23 ; 1 Kings iii. 21 ; Song
of Sol. viii. 1) ; only when these died or were weakly, and in
princely families (2 Kings xi. 2 ; comp. Ex. ii. 9), by nurses
(npa'p). — After eight days boys were circumcised and got their
name, which in more ancient times was often chosen from
some remarkable circumstance connected with the birth (Gen.
xxv. 25 ff, xxxv. 18, xxxviii. 29), or according to the mother's
hopes and wishes (Gen. v. 24, xxix. 32 ff; 1 Sam. i. 30), but
in later times was frequently chosen from some esteemed
ancestor or relative (Luke i. 61) (2). — After the lapse of the
legal interval of forty days in the case of a male child, and
eighty in the case of a female, the mother had to offer a
sacrifice of purification in the temple (Lev. xii. 1-8) ; to present
the male first-born child to Jehovah, and to redeem it with
five shekels of silver (Num. xviii. 15 f., comp. with iv. 47
and Lev. xxvii. 5)- — The weaning of the child followed some
what late, sometimes not till two or three years of age
(2 Mace. vii. 27); it was celebrated with a festive entertain
ment (Gen. xxi. 8) on special occasions, also with the offering
of a sacrifice (1 Sam. i. 2 3 f.).
The mother looked to the training of the children in
their earliest years (Prov. xxxi. 1 ; 2 Tim. iii. 15) ; and the
daughters remained, no doubt, till the time of their marriage
chiefly under the mother's oversight and guidance ; while the
boys, as they grew up, were trained by the father, or in well-
to-do families given over to special tutors (JpN, Num. xi. 12;
Isa. xlix. 23) to be trained and educated (3). — The parents
or tutors also gave the needful instruction, chiefly in reading
and writing, but especially in the law; not only on the
commandments and doctrines, but also regarding the deeds
and revelations of the Lord to His people (Ex. xii. 26, xiii.
8, 14 f. ; Deut. iv. 10, vi. 7, 20 ff, xi. 19; Prov. vi. 20;
Susanna 3), for schools for boys were not set up till a com
paratively late time, and only in the larger cities (4). — The
great end of training and education was the fear of God as
the beginning of wisdom (Ps. cxi. 10 ; Job xxviii. 28 ; Prov.
i. 7), which also lays a foundation for the true piety of
children towards their parents.
Already in the Decalogue reverence for parents is impressed

§ 111. UPBRINGING OF CHILDREN. 177
on children as a condition of their prosperity (Ex. xx. 12 ;
Deut. v. 16; Lev. xix. 3), and the authority of parents
over their children is consecrated by the whole law as
inviolable. The child who cursed his parents is not only
threatened with the divine curse (Deut. xxvii 16), but is to
be put to death equally with him who actually does violence
to his father or mother (Ex. xxi. 15, 17 ; Lev. xx. 9 ; comp.
Prov. xx. 20 ; Matt. xv. 4). Even the son who, in defiance
of his father's repeated warnings and corrections, persevered in
notorious vices, drunkenness, gluttony, and the like, was, on the
complaint of his parents, to be punished by the authorities of
the city with stoning (Deut. xxi. 18-21 f.) (5). Thus was
full authority secured to parents over their children, while at
the same time the abuse of unlimited parental power (6) was
provided against. — The father was not at liberty to deprive
the first-born of his rights of primogeniture, in favour, for
example, of a younger son by a second and more loved wife
(Deut. xxi. 15-17) ; he could, indeed, render nugatory a vow
made by a daughter, as the husband could that of his wife,
but only if he did so immediately on hearing it ; if he kept
silence then, he could not prevent its fulfilment afterwards
(Num. xxx. 4-9). On the other hand, he had unlimited
power to marry his daughters, and even to sell them as maids
into concubinage, only not to a foreign people (Ex. xxi. 7 f.).
— According to this view, it need hardly be stated that it was
a duty laid on children, not only to support and cherish their
parents when these had grown old and weak, but to strive to
gain their parents' blessing, and not draw down their curse
(Sir. iii. 11).
(1) Israelitish women, however, gave birth often so easily, as
is still the case with women of Arabia and the East, that they
did not need this help (Ex. i. 19); comp. Knobel on this passage ;
Friedreich, Zur Bibel, i. p. 114 ff. ; and Dr. L. Kotelmann, Die
Geburtshilfe bei den alten Hebraern, Marburg 1876.
(2) More on this subject, see in Winer, R. W. art. " Name."
(3) The word jpk denotes, in the first place, the guardian of
the little child ; but from 2 Kings x. 1, 5, it appears that these
servants remained in charge of the boys till they became young
men, and so were their tutors, iraibayuyoi or eirkpovoi (Gal. iv. 2),
called by the Persians Ldleh (Bosenmuller, A.u.N. Morgenl.
vi. p. 272). There were often chosen for the purpose, proved
KEIL II. M

178 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
and educated slaves (Josephi Vita, 76), as in Greece ; comp.
Hermann, Lehrb. d. greich. Antiq. iii. 1, p. 169 f. — Kings' sons
were, no doubt, also trained by prophets (2 Sam. xii. 25). — On
the education of children, comp. the instructive discussions of
G. Fr. Oehler in the article, " Padagogik des A. Test.," in Schmid's
Pddagog. Realencyklop. v. pp. 668 ff. and 681 ff.
(4) Joseph. Antiq. xv. 10. 5. According to Gemara baba
bathr. f. xxi 1, Jesus the son of Gamaliel is said to have been
the first who instituted schools for boys in cities ; comp. § 132.
(5) Parricide is as little known to the law of Moses as to the
legislation of Solon (Cicero, pro Rose. Amer. c. 25) or Eomulus
(Plutarchi, int. Rom. c. 22). Neither is there the slightest trace
among the Israehtes of the killing or exposure of children, an
inhuman crime widely spread in ancient heathendom, and to
this day in China. The exposure of Moses (Ex. ii. 3 ff.) was a
matter of necessity, conjoined with -the hope of thereby saving
the child.
(6) This unlimited power was exercised by the patriarchs
(Gen. xxxviii. 24), and was possessed also by the ancient Greeks
and Eomans. Even after Solon's time the Athenian could put
his daughter to death if he found that she had not preserved
her innocence till her marriage (Aeschin. c. Timmum, c. 74) ;
and, among the ancient Eomans, the father had the power,
according to Dionys. lib. ii. c. 27, of imprisoning his son,
scourging him, holding him to his work in the fields by fetters,
and even of putting him to death ; and that though the son had
already taken part in the business of the State. But this right
was soon limited among the Greeks ; nay, in the end, it was so
weakened that children could abuse their free relation to their
parents. In Eome, also, the father's right to sell his child was
already limited by the twelve Tables (comp. Jhering, Geist des
Rom. Rechts, Bd. ii. p. 190 ff); and the right, also, of killing his
child was taken, by the emperors, from the head of the house.
Comp. on this subject, H. Dernburg, Die Rechte der v'dterlichen
Gewalt, Zurich 1854.

§ 112. Servants and other Inmates of the House.
To the household belong servants and other inmates. The
male and female servants of the Israelites, as of all the peoples
of antiquity, consisted chiefly of slaves, or men-servants and
maid-servants held as property (ninaE'i anay), who were
partly bought with money from the neighbouring nations or
from foreigners resident in the land ppa nap p), partly taken as
captives in war, partly children of slaves born in the house

§ 112. SERVANTS AND OTHER INMATES OF THE HOUSE. 179
(T3 *?.'?')• Moreover, even Israelites might fall into servitude
or slavery, not only to their brethren, Israelitish citizens, but
even to settlers or foreigners dwelling in the land ; either
when one, in consequence of poverty, sold himself personally,
or as a father with his wife and children (Ex. xxi. 2 f.), or
when one was sold by the authorities as a slave on account of
theft committed, because he was unable to compensate for the
thing stolen (Ex. xxii. 2) (1). — Without violently abolishing
slavery, the Mosaic law seeks to soften its severity, and to
convert it into a relation of service ; an essential difference,
however, in this matter being made between Israelites and
foreigners. Slaves of foreign origin were the distinct property
of their masters, and, like other possessions, were inherited by
children and children's children (Lev. xxv. 46). But every
Israelite (male or maid) who had become a slave might not
only be redeemed at any time by his relatives, but, if this did
not take place, he was bound to receive his freedom without
payment in the seventh year ; and, besides, he must not go
out empty, but with a present of cattle and fruits (Ex. xxi. 2 f. ;
Deut. xv. 12-15) (2); the man-servant, indeed, without wife
and children, if he had not had them until his time of slavery ;
whereas, on the contrary, the wife brought with her husband
into slavery received her freedom at the same time with her
husband (Ex. xxi. 3 f. ; Jer. xxxiv. 8 f.). — But if a servant,
from love to his master, or to his wife and children, did not
care to make use of the freedom allowed him in the seventh
year, but wished to remain in his master's house, he was
brought before the elders, and his one ear bored to the door
or post with an awl, in token that he was to serve for ever,
i.e. be the property of his master for life (Ex. xxi. 6 ; Deut.
xv. 17) (3). — An exception to this rule is formed by the
Israelitish daughter, whom her father had sold to another
Israelite to be his maid nPy7, i.e. housekeeper and concubine.
If she pleased not her lord as concubine, she was to be
immediately redeemed, not to be sold to a strange people ; or,
if her master intended her to be his son's concubine, she was
to have the rights of a daughter ; and if the son took another
wife, she was to suffer no diminution of support, clothing, and
cohabitation ; and if this were not done, she must go out free
or without money (Ex. xxi. 7-10) (4). Even the captive

180 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
whom an Israelite took to wife, if she fail to please him, could
neither be sold for money nor used as a slave, but allowed to
go free as she chose (Deut. xxi. 13 f.) (5). — Besides this, all
slaves of Hebrew descent, with their children, obtained freedom
without ransom in the jubilee year (Lev. xxv. 41 ; Jer.
xxxiv. 8 f.) ; those, too, who in consequence of poverty had
become the slaves of wealthy settlers in the land. These,
moreover, must be set free at any time by their masters, if
they were either redeemed by their relatives or had earned
•enough to buy their freedom, the purchase-money being deter
mined according to the number of years still remaining till the
next jubilee year, and the service being reckoned according to
the pay of a hired labourer (Lev. xxv. 47 ff).
In general, neither Israelite nor stranger in Israel was
allowed to impose slave service on the Hebrew who had lost
his freedom, or to rule over him with harshness, but to treat
him as a hired servant (Lev. xxv. 39, 43, 53). Further, men-
servants and maid-servants, without distinction of origin, were
equally with freemen to enjoy the rest of the Sabbath (Ex.
xxiii. 12 ; Deut. v. 14 f.), to partake of the fruits which grew
without sowing in the Sabbatic year (Lev. xxv. 6), as well as of
the sacrificial meals (Deut. xii. 1 8) and the joys of the feasts
(Deut. xvi. 11). Slaves, indeed, were required to work dili
gently in the service of their masters, and might be punished
by them, though only in measure ; for the law not only
punished the death of slaves as murder, but for every injury
of any member of the body (eye, tooth), it declared freedom to
the slave (Ex. xxi. 20, 26 f.) ; and in the case of a servant
who had escaped from a hard master, it prescribed that he
should not be given up, but allowed to live unmolested in the
place which he should choose in one of the cities of Israel
(Deut. xxi. 17 f.). Hereby the lot of the slaves of the
Israelites was greatly mitigated in comparison with the lot of
those belonging to other ancient peoples.
(1) Comp. M. Mielziner, Die Verhdltnisse der Sklaven bei
den alten Hebr der n, nach bibl. u. talmud. Quellen dargestellt,
Copenhagen 1859 ; and Oehler, " Sklaverei bei den Hebraern," in
PRE. xiv. p. 464 ff. — That a man might be claimed personally
and with his children by his creditors because of insolvency and
sold into slavery, is not clearly stated in the law. In fact,

§ 112. SERVANTS AND OTHER INMATES OF THE HOUSE. 181
however, creditors did thus claim the person and children of a
debtor (2 Kings iv. 1 ; Neh. v. 5 ; comp. Isa. 1. 1 ; Job xxiv. 9).
This procedure is reckoned by Winer, R.W. ii. p. 475, and
Mielziner,p. 15, " not (as among Greeks now and again, Becker,
Charikl. ii. p. 32) legal ; " whereas Michaelis, Mos. R. iii. § 148,
and Saalschiitz, Mos. R. p. 707, regard it as lawful. The passages
on the subject, Lev. xxv. 39 and 47, may be understood in this
way, that the impoverished man sells himself to his neighbour,
because he is not in a position to support himself and his
family. But they may be also so understood as to imply, that
not being able to pay his debts, he was forced to sell himself, or
directly adjudged by the law courts, as a slave to his creditor,
to work off his debt till the jubilee year.
(2) Since the law speaks of the " Hebrew servant " (nay lay),
and does not use the name " Israelite," Saalschiitz does not
understand Israelites as meant, but either " an altogether
peculiar class of such, as, without belonging to heathendom,
were yet not to be regarded as proper Israelites, but formed a
middle class that had been in servitude from their birth"
{Mos. R. p. 730 ff), or " kinsmen who had come over from the
land of the Hebrews, i.e. the original native land, with whom
there was a standing league, Gen. xxxi. 44 ff. " {Archaol. ii. p.
240). But these views are disproved, not only by Jer. xxxiv. 9,
where nay is explained by W, but also by Deut. xv. 12, where
nayn is clearly designated by the previous *pnK, thy brother, as
an Israelite. Against this neither can Lev. xxv. 35 be urged,
because here, too, *pnx is not used " of the stranger," but it is
only said: "as a stranger and sojourner shall he (thy poor
brother, who has been forced to sell his possessions) live by
thee." Comp. also Knobel on Ex. xxi. 2.
(3) The boring of the ears is found among many Eastern
peoples as a token of servitude, not only in the case of slaves,
but also dervishes and other persons devoted to a deity. See
the proofs for this in Iken, Dissertatt. i. p. 226 sq. ; Eosenmiiller
and Knobel on Ex. xxi. 6. — Theodoret, qucest. 45 on Ex. etc. ;
e.g. Michaelis {Mos. R. ii. § 127) and Saalschiitz {Mos. R. p. 698)
are wrong in regarding this symbolical act prescribed by the
law as implying something shameful or despicable, inasmuch as
Moses seeks in every way to protect and restore personal
freedom, and could not therefore approve of any one voluntarily
devoting himself to perpetual slavery. Only this does not He
in the spirit of the law, which derives the wish to be for ever a
servant from his love to his master, his wife and his children
(Ex. xxi. 5), and thus esteems love and the allegiance of love
higher than loveless personal freedom. — Mistaken also is the

182 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
Talmudic- Eabbinical explanation of the tb>yb, for ever, which
makes it denote till the jubilee year ; because, contrary to the
use of the word, comp. 1 Sam. i. 22, and because in Lev. xxv.
46 it occurs of a servitude which does not cease with the
jubilee year. It is also plain from the declaration of the
servant : " I will not go out free " (Ex. xxi. 5), that a servitude
for ever (hfe-long) is meant, apart altogether from the fact that
the token of slavery remains imperishably in the bored ear.
(4) The grounds for taking Ex. xxi. 7 f. in the above sense,
and not understanding it as treating of the sale of a daughter
merely to be a slave, are given by Vitringa, Observatt. ss. Mb. iii.
c. 14, § 4 sqq. ; and Hengstenberg, Beitrdge zur Einl. iii. p. 438 ff.
Comp. also Saalschiitz, Archaol. ii. p. 243; and Mielziner,
p. 39 ff.
(5) Among the higher classes in Arabia it is also counted
shameful to sell a concubine, especially if she has become a
mother. Comp. Burckhardt, Arabia, i. pp. 341, 342 ; and
Tornauv, Moslem. Recht, p. 184.
To other house inmates are to be reckoned such widows and
orphans, poor and strangers, as had no roof of their own, and
were forced to seek support in the houses and families of
kindred and strangers. The treatment due to them as members
of the household was directed by the relative exhortations to
love and charity, and the repeated prohibitions against
oppressing them, together with threatenings of righteous divine
retribution for any wrong done to them, Ex. xxii. 20 ff. ;
Deut. x. 18 f., xxiv. 17 f., xxvii. 19.
With the poor and needy are also included day labourers,
who worked for a fixed hire, which must not be withheld
from them, but paid before sunset, Deut. xxiv. 14 f.

THIED SECTION.
FAMILY LIFE IN JOY AND SORROW.
§ 113. Social Intercourse. Amusements. Hospitality.
Beyond the family the bond of human society is extended
by the intercourse of single families with one another, and by
the lively interest we take in the concerns of our neighbour,
our brother in the wider sense ; and that not only among

§ 113. SOCIAL INTERCOURSE. AMUSEMENTS. HOSPITALITY. 183
compatriots, but also among foreigners whom we meet in the
intercourse of life. Intercourse with other men develops
friendship, which not unfrequently forms a stronger and more
intimate bond of spiritual fellowship than bodily relationship.
Friendship, springing in its deepest source from spiritual
affinity, is preceded and preserved by sociality ; but sociality
is cherished by certain forms of intercourse which vary in
different nationalities.
The social fellowship and friendly intercourse of the Israelites
with one another had a strong natural basis in their common
descent from Abraham, and still more nearly from Jacob,
which was strengthened by the choice of all Jacob's posterity
to be the covenant people, and was spiritually ennobled by
the instruction given in the law. — The greeting at meeting
or entering another's house comes down from patriarchal
times, though it was probably expressed at first more
in inquiries after their mutual welfare (BW? b$w, Gen. xliii.
27 ; Ex. xviii. 7 ; Judg. xviii. 15 ; 1 Sam. x. 4), and "health"
or" "peace to thee" (jib aw) did not become the current
greeting till later (Judg. xix. 2 0 ; 1 Chron. xii. 1 8). For this
also other forms, such as " God be gracious to thee " (Gen.
xliii. 29), or " Jehovah be with thee," or "Jehovah bless thee"
(Judg. vi. 12 ; Euth ii. 4), were customary (1). The greeting,
called from its character blessing, ^i.3, 2 Kings iv. 29, was
conjoined with bowing (Gen. xxiii. 7), or originally perhaps
consisted of this only and of the immediately following inquiry
after the person's welfare, whereby respect and interest were
shown him ; and this became, before persons of quality, a
bowing to the ground (2). Friends and kinsfolk used to kiss
one another on meeting (Gen. xxxiii. 4 ; Ex. iv. 27, xviii. 7 ;
1 Sam. xx. 41, etc.), and that without distinction of sex
(Gen. xxix. 11), and to embrace (Gen. xxix. 13). — To the
testimonies of respect with which superiors were met, belonged
the bringing of a present of costly products, clothes, ornaments,
and such like (Gen. xxxii. 14 ff, xliii. 11), which the receiver
frequently responded to with return presents (1 Kings x. 10,
13). In conversation the inferior spoke of himself in the
third person, called himself the other's servant (Gen. xviii. 3,
xix. 2, xxxiii. 5, xliii. 28; Judg. xix. 19), and him his lord
(Gen. xxiv. 18; 1 Sam. xxvi. 1 8) (3). — The ancient custom,

184 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
according to which younger people stood up respectfully before
the aged and honourable (Job xxix. 8), is inculcated in Lev.
xix. 32 as an expression of godly fear. — Leave-taking also
took place with an obeisance, benediction (Gen. xlvii. 1 0), and
kiss (Gen. xxxii. 1 ; Euth i. 14 ; Tob. x. 13 ; Acts xx. 37).
(1) Comp. also the elpnvn 'v/iti, Luke xxiv. 36, John xx. 19, 26,
but which here expresses more than the common greeting. — The
Arabs of the present day have also, besides the usual Es-seldm
alekum (health to you), with the answer, Waalikum es-seldm
(also to you be health), various other forms, such as "good
morning," " good evening," " under God's protection," " God
preserve thee." Comp. Wellsted's Travels. — That the ancient
Hebrews on meeting " inquired after one another's welfare in
long wordy forms," as the modern Easterns do (comp. Winer,
R.W. i. p. 502), cannot be proved from 2 Kings iv. 29 and
Luke x. 4; comp. my comment, on 2 Kings iv. 29.
(2) The Hebrew language has two words for bowing, 11pT and
ninnE'n, the difference of which is given by Saalschiitz, Archaol.
ii. p. 128, to this effect, that the former means the inclination of
the head, the latter the inclination of the whole body. Hardly
with right ; for not only does nyis B)as nmnKVi, to bow oneself
with the face to the ground (Gen. xiii. 6, etc.), occur, but also lip
nxiK D'BS, and that preceding ninnB'n (1 Sam. xxiv. 9, xxviii.
14 ; 1 Kings i. 16, 31), and interchangeably therewith the Vas6
or VBSOjf paa; to fall on one's face (1 Sam. xxv. 23 ; 2 Sam. xiv
4), or nyis ^aa, to fall to the ground (Gen. xliv. 14 ; 2 Sam. i. 2), or
'a pap ^aa, to fall down before one (2 Sam. xix. 19). — There was
also a bowing (yia) with the knee (2 Kings i. 13 ; comp. Matt.
xxvii 29 ; Acts x. 25), or kneeling down with the face to the
ground (2 Chron. vii. 3). — All these words are used also of
bowing before God and of adoration (Gen. xxiv. 26 ; Ex. xii. 27 ;
1 Kings viii. 54, etc.). — If an inferior while riding met his
superior, he dismounted immediately to bow (Gen. xxiv. 64 ;
Judg. i. 14; 1 Sam. xxv. 23), as is customary to the present
day in the East. Comp. Winer, R. W. i. p. 501.
(3) Sometimes the self-abasement went so far that one called
himself a dog, as much as to say, a good-for-nothing (2 Sam.
ix. 8 ; 2 Kings viii. 13). Comp. my commentary on the latter
passage. Of the public amusements of the Israelites we know little.
The chief pleasures of modern Orientals (coffee-houses and
public baths) were unknown to them. Their places of amuse-

§ 113. SOCIAL INTERCOURSE. AMUSEMENTS. HOSPITALITY. 185
ment, where the inhabitants of a town gathered for social
recreation, were the open spaces at the gates (Ps. lxix. 13 ;
Lam. v. 14). Young men and women amused themselves
playing on the harp, singing, and dancing (Lam. v. 14 f.).
Wives and maidens celebrated with song, music, and dancing
joyful events in the history of the land or nation, glorious
victories, and the like (Ex. xv. 20; Judg. xi. 34; 1 Sam.
xviii. 6 f.). Commanders and monarchs returning home vic
torious were greeted by the people, and honoured with jubilant
acclamations: Long live the king! (2 Sam. xvi. 16); and,
accompanied with flutes and loud shouts of triumph (1 Kings
i. 40) ; the way along which they went was covered with
carpets or garments (4), strewed with branches or flowers
(2 Kings ix. 13 ; Matt. xxi. 8) ; and, when the entrance was
by night, lighted with torches (2 Mace. iv. 22). — Important
and joyful family occurrences were celebrated with banquets
(comp. § 100); for example, the weaning of children (Gen.
xxi. 8), birthdays (Job i. 4), especially at the courts of princes
(Gen. xl. 20 ; Matt. xiv. 6), marriages (Gen. xxix. 22 ; Judg.
xiv. 10 ; John ii. 1), even the arrival of valued friends (2 Sam.
iii. 20 ; Tob. vii. 8 f.; 1 Mace. xvi. 15 ; Luke v. 29, xv. 23),
and other persons to whom it was wished to show love and
esteem (2 Kings vi. 23). The close, also, of field labours,
sheep-shearing, grape-gathering, was festively celebrated with
joyous feasting (1 Sam. xxv. 2, 8, 36 ; 2 Sam. xiii. 23 ; Judg.
ix. 27). Besides these, the sacrificial meals which were held
in the sanctuary at the annual feasts were days of great and
holy joy.
(4) This custom has not yet quite gone out in Palestine ;
comp. Eobinson's Palestine. — More regarding these obeisances,
which are also common among other peoples, in Dougtaei,
Analecta, ss. ii. p. 39 sq. ; and Paulsen, Die Regierung der Mor gen-
lander, p. 229 f.
Finally, a main feature of Israelitish sociality was formed
by the hospitality (5) cultivated throughout the whole of
antiquity, and highly cherished to the present day among the
Arabs. To let a wanderer pass a night on the road, and not
to open to him the door of one's tent or house, was regarded
as a sign of base avarice (Job xxxi. 32). Even the passing

186 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
stranger was constrained to come into the house or tent ; water
was provided for his feet ; food and drink were prepared and
set before him ; the beasts and servants whom he had with
him were cared for ; a bed was -willingly provided for him ;
and the host held himself bound to protect his guest against
all annoyance, and on his departure to conduct him some dis
tance on his way (Gen. xviii. 2 ff., xix. 1 ff., xxiv. 3 1 ff. ; Judg.
xix. 17 ff).
(5) Comp. Eobinson, i. 81, 445, ii. 18 f. ; and many other
proofs in Winer, R. W. i. p. 390 f.

§ 114. Sicknesses.
The welfare of this earthly life is greatly troubled by sick
nesses and pains, which in their deepest source spring from
the sin - caused disturbance of the equilibrium between the
powers of body and of soul, and of the action and reaction sub
sisting between them, or which are " effects of divine wrath "
(Ps. xe. 7 f.) (1). Hence sicknesses are not only represented
in Scripture as divine chastisements, and threatened in the
law as judgments against transgressors of the divine commands
(Lev. xxvi. 16 ; Deut. xxviii. 22, xxvii. 35), but now and
again pestilence and other plagues and epidemics are visited
because of their sins on the whole nation or on individual
persons (2 Sam. xxiv. 15; 2 Kings v. 27, xv. 5; 2 Chron.
xxi 18, etc.).
In general the Israelites did not suffer much, in their
healthy climate, from epidemic sicknesses, and with their
simple, well-ordered life enjoyed good strong health (2). Even
epidemics, as extraordinary divine judgments, never seem to
have lasted long (2 Sam. xxiv. 1 3 and 1 5). Yet there prevail
in the Holy Land, especially in spring and autumn, various
acute diseases, mostly of short continuance, especially inter
mittent, bilious, and inflammatory fevers (3); and in summer,
dysentery, produced by sunstroke (tsw riap, Ps. cxxi. 6) ; in
flammation of the head, often fatal (2 Kings iv. 19; Judith
viii. 3 ; comp. Jonah iv. 8) (4) ; fits, apoplectic paralysis, and
various chronic troubles. Blindness, too, was not unfrequent ;
inflammation of the eyes, caused by the quantities of dust and

§ 114. SICKNESSES. 187
fine sand, but especially the contrast between the heat and
glow of the sun's rays during the day and the sea air on the
coasts and the heavy night dews producing inflammation of
the eyes, which often had an unhappy issue (Lev. xix. 14 ;
Deut. xxvii 18 ; Matt. ix. 27, xii. 22, xx. 30, xxi. 14; John
v. 3) (5).
(1) Comp. Delitzsch, System of Bibl. Psychology, p. 337 f. Only
the connection between sickness and sin must not be so applied
to the individual as to involve that his personal guilt is measured
by the amount of his physical sufferings.
(2) Tacitus, Hist. v. 6, also says of the Palestinians : corpora
hominum salubria et ferentia laborum. Comp. Eobinson,
Physical Geography of the Holy Land.
(3) Comp. T. Pruner, Die Krankheiten des Orients, Erl. 1847,
pp. 87 and 360. Tit. Tobler, Beitrag zur medicin. Topographic von
Jerusalem, Berlin 1855 ; and Eobinson, Phys. Geogr. Fevers are
especially frequent in Jericho in the Ghor, the Egyptian heat
of which is unwholesome of itself, and in connection with the
marshes in summer, gives rise to intermittent fevers. Comp.
Robinson's Palestine, i. pp. 553, 554.
(4) Comp. Eosenmiiller, A. u. N. Morgenl. iii. p. 221. If sun
stroke does not merely produce congestion in the face and back
of the hand (erythema), but affects the brain, then the inflam
mation of the cuticle of the brain, caused by hyperaemia, sets
in, in most cases with a fatal result between the fourth and
seventh day. Comp. Pruner, ubi supra, pp. 118 and 297 f.
(5) Diseases of the eye are common in all Eastern lands, the
desert excepted, especially in all Syrian coast towns, but most
of all in Egypt, a hyperaemic condition of the brain caused by
the heat of the climate predisposing the eye to all sorts of
disease ; comp. Pruner, pp. 432 ff., 456 f. ; and Tobler, ubi supra,
p. 37 f. — The blinding of the aged Tobias (Tob. ii. 10) arose
probably from an inflammation occasioned by the sharp drop
pings of a bird (swallow ?) falling on the cornea, on which white,
hard spots {Xeuxupara) formed, as a cure for which the gall of
fish, or of the ox or sheep, is used to the present day. Comp.
Fritzsche on Tobias ii. 10 ; Friedreich, zur Bibel, i. p. 250 f. ; and
Trusen, Sitten, Gebr. u. Krankh. p. 217 f. Smiting with blind
ness (anjiap), in Gen. xix. 11 and 2 Kings vi. 18 ff, was a
spiritual blinding of the eyes, so that the truth was no longer
clearly seen ; in the case of Saul (Acts ix. 9), a darkening of the
bodily power of vision, caused by the heavenly light which
suddenly streamed upon him, which, as it smote him miracu
lously, was again miraculously healed (w. 3 and 12). Finally,
the blindness with which the Magus Barjesus was suddenly

188 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
smitten for a time {ayji xaipou) by the hand of God (Acts
xiii. 11), was perhaps externally effected by a darkening of the
cornea, which, if it arises naturally, from dark spots on the
cornea {dyjkug), generally disappears of itself, or may be dispersed
by irritants.
The particular diseases which are mentioned in the Old and
New Testements can hardly be exactly defined, partly because
very few are minutely described, partly because the forms of
disease change greatly in the course of thousands of years (6).
— They fall into physical, psychical, and demoniacal.
I. Physical diseases. — Of the punishments threatened (Lev.
xxvi. 16 and Deut. xxviii. 22) for disobedience to God's
commands, consumption pane*) probably denotes the various
forms of hectic fever (7) ; and rirnp, strictly inflammation,
•jrvperos, febris; rippi, strictly burning; and imri, glowing, all
sorts of inflammatory, gastric, and gastric-nervous fevers (8),
perhaps including malignant fever, febris pemiciosa, and the
pestilence, which is otherwise called iai, and is specially men
tioned Deut. xxviii. 21, though it is not so characterized in its
general features in ver. 22, "as it still occurs in those regions
attended with great prostration, extreme exhaustion of body,
chill succeeded by heat, which passes into an inward, intolerable
burning, with heaviness of the head, stupefaction, rigid lack
lustre or wild rolling eyes, fear, restlessness, raving, nausea
and discharge of bilious, bloody or black matter, unquenchable
thirst, painful boils and carbuncles under the armpits, in the
groin, and under it " (9).
(6) The older literature regarding the diseases of the Bible,
which in medical and theological respects is no longer sufficient,
is given by Leyrer in PRE. viii. p. 49 (art. "Krankheiten").
Unimportant also are the medical fragments of J. B. Friedreich,
zur Bibel, Bd. i 193 ff. ; and J. P. Trusen, Sitten, Gebrauche und
Krankheiten der alien Hebrder, 2nd ed. BresL 1853. Very
thoroughgoing, on the other hand, is the short collection of
Leyrer, ubi supra, and of von Kamphausen in Eiehm's Hwb.
{" Krankheiten ") ; and for comparison with the forms of disease
in the modern East, especially Egypt, the work of Pruner,
comp. note 3, which is medically very satisfactory.
(7) A local consumption (atrophy), unaccompanied with fever,
is the yelp typd, Matt. xii. 10; Mark hi. 1; Luke viii. 6 f.,
healed by Jesus, a case such as may arise from paralysis of

§ 114. SICKNESSES. 189
the nerve, or in consequence of dislocation or gout, and which
is incurable if the life of the nerve is gone. On the contrary,
the miraculous stiffening of Jeroboam's hand (1 Kings xiii. 4
and 6) seems only to have been a divinely inflicted tetanus. —
At the present day, lung-phthisis (tuberculosis) prevails in the
Syrian coast towns and in Egypt, especially among negroes,
Abyssinians, and scrofulous Jews, but produced by causes
which probably seldom entered into Israelitish ways of living.
(8) Eegarding the irvperbg fi'eyag of Peter's mother-in-law,
Matt. viii. 14 f., Luke iv. 38 f., and the fever, John iv. 46 ff,
nothing more can be determined than that in both cases it was
of an acute kind. The opinion of Friedreich, ubi supra, p. 273,
that the former was an intermittent fever, rests only on the
rationalistic assumption that Jesus healed it sympathetically.
(9) Comp. Trusen, ubi supra, pp. 202 and 203. Eegarding
the fevers now prevailing in Egypt, Syria, and Arabia, Pruner
treats fully, p. 346 ff. ; and regarding the pestilence, p.' 387 ff.
The sickness of King Hezekiah (2 Kings xx. 1 ; Isa. xxxviii. 1) is
generally taken as a case of pestilence, and traced (Winer, R. W.
i. p. 498 ; Friedreich, p. 198 ff. ; Trusen, p. 203) to contagion
from the pestilence which 'wasted the Assyrian army (2 Kings
xix. 35). But Hezekiah's illness falls in the first year of the
Assyrian invasion, whereas the destruction of the Assyrian
army took place in the third year, as even Thenius on 2 Kings
xx. 1 acknowledges. Further, the boil (pn£>), in which Hezekiah's
illness broke out (2 Kings xx. 7), cannot be taken as a boil
arising from pestilence, because ]T)W in the Old Testament
occurs only of ulcers caused by leprosy (Job ii. 1, 7, 8) and
other inflammatory sores (Ex. ix. 9), nowhere of pestilence or
the boils produced by it. Comp. my comment, on 2 Kings
xx. 1. — Still less are the boils (a'pay) with which the Philistines,
1 Sam. v. 5 ff, were smitten, to be explained with Thenius of
boils of the Oriental Druse or Bubon pestilence. For absy, for
which anno occurs in the Keri, denotes in Arabic tumores ani
vel in pudendis mulierum, without our being able to determine
the nature of these tumores more exactly. Various suppositions
in Winer, AW7', ii. 254.
Of diseases of the nervous system there are mentioned
apoplexies (hemorrhages), in the case of Nabal (1 Sam.
xxv. 37 ff.), probably a blood-stroke {apoplexia sanguined);
in the case of Alkimos (1 Mace. ix. 55), a stroke with
paralysis of the members, especially of the tongue (1 0) ; and
perhaps also in the case of Uzzah (2 Sam. vi. 7), and in that
of Ananias and Sapphira (Acts v. 1 ff), they are to be

190 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
regarded as instruments of divine punishment. Partial apoplectic
paralyses in the case of the irapaXvTiKoi, •jrapaXekviievot
(Luther, Gichtbrilchige, palsied), in the gospel history (Matt.
iv. 24, ix. 2 ff, xi. 5 ; Mark ii. 3 ; Luke v. 18 ; John v. 5 ff. ;
Acts iii. 2, viii. 7), which either arise suddenly in consequence
of apoplectic shocks, or gradually from spine disease or from
gout (11) ; epilepsy, from which lunatics suffer {aeXvviaty/ievoi,
Matt. iv. 24, xvii. 15; comp. Mark ix. 17-27; Luke ix.
38 ff). For periodically returning convulsions with howling,
sudden falling to the ground, groaning, gnashing with the
teeth, are symptoms of this disease, which, if it becomes con
firmed, results in the weakening of the powers of the mind
and emaciation of the limbs (12).
(10) The death of Alkimos perd fiusdvou peydXng, i.e. in con
vulsions, is not decisive against the idea of apoplexy, for the
visible symptoms of apoplexy, twitchings of the muscles of the
face, foaming at the mouth, protruding, staring eyes, give the
impression of great torture (Pruner, p. 295). But it may
still have been tetanus, cramp, which is not uncommon in warm
countries, and when severe is fatal (Pruner, p. 302).
(11) Luther's translation of irapaXuTixig by Gichtbruchig,
palsied, does not necessarily assume gout {Gicht) proper as the
cause of the partial paralysis of the limbs ; for every one is
gichtbruchig who is so weakened in the members that he cannot
walk. The <EapaXwrtxlg beivuig fiasavifyfievog, Matt. viii. 5, is "no
doubt a paralytic seized with a tetanies, twisting the limbs as
on a rack {ftdeavog), as indeed the older medicine takes -aapaXueig
in the wider sense;" and the ymr) euyxuKTovea xal ihr\ Sumpiiti
dvaxu~\iai elg to iravreXig (Luke xiii. 11), " rather an arthritically
paralysed person than one affected with the tetanus emprostho-
tonus (forward-twister) ; for the latter does not last eighteen
years." Leyrer, ubi supra, p. 46.
(12) Of the various forms of this disease : epilepsia cerebralis,
medullaris, gangliaris, abdominalis, there seems to occur in Mark
ix. 17 ff. a case of gastric epilepsy, which happens especially
among boys before their puberty, commonly from the ninth
year, in consequence of a disease in the bowels, especially of
intestinal worms so frequent in Syria (Pruner, p. 244), and
which appears with the crescent moon. Hence epileptics are
also called lunatics (moon-struck), because their attacks were
ascribed to the influence of the moon, in so far as in this
disease as well as in other vital phenomena on our planet
there appears a rhythm corresponding with the changes of the

§ 114. SICKNESSES. 191
moon, which is variously explained. Comp. Strauss, Ueber
den Rhythmus in Lebenserscheinungen, Gott. 1825. Medicus,
Geschichte periodischer Krankheiten, i. 1, § 3 ; Eeil, Archiv der
Physiologic, i p. 135 f. ; and Friedreich, zur Bibel, i. p. 290 f.
To the chronic class belong various diseases of the vascular
system, such as : chronic diarrhma, of which Jehoram king
of Judah died (2 Chron. xxi. 18 f.), probably a chronic
diarrhoea conjoined with evacuation of the wasted peritoneum;
dropsy (hydrops) (Luke xiv. 2 ff.) ; worms, of which Antiochus
Epiphanes (2 Mace. ix. 5, 9) and Herod Agrippa I. died
(Acts xii. 23) (13) ; further, the discharges (air, Lev. xv. 2, 25)
connected with the life of the sexes, the issue of mucus and
the morbid female issue of blood, which rendered the Israelite
unclean (14) ; finally, all sorts of skin eruptions, which arise
from a diseased mixing of the juices of the body, and are
readily produced by excessive action of the capillary system
of the skin in warm countries, such -as ringworm, riB?, Xei^qv,
either an itchy ringworm, which, beginning at the chin,
spreads over face, throat, breast, and hands ; or perhaps
chronic eczema, which occurs frequently among males in
warmer regions ; itch, aia, tycbpa uypto? (LXX.) ; scabies and
Bin (Deut. xxviii. 27), perhaps psora humida ; and bohak
(Pl13, aX<po<; [LXX], weisser Grind [Luther], Lev. xiii. 39);
white scab, an innocuous or rather wholesome skin eruption,
which shows itself in pale whitish lack - lustre spots of
unequal size on the brown skin of the Eastern, causing no
discomfort, and passing off again in from two months to two
years (15); finally, leprosy, HViy, strictly stroke, because the
leper was regarded as stricken of God, Xeirpa (LXX.), com
monly called from the time of Celsus, elephantiasis (16), which
is essentially different tfrom the harmless bohak -and the lepra
vulgaris, an innocuous scaly eruption (17).
Leprosy appears in two forms which sometimes pass into
one another, but when distinctly developed have a wholly
different appearance, viz. the tubercular, called elephantiasis,
and the anesthetic, \evicn, vitiligo alba. In both forms leprosy
is a morbid condition of the organism generally, arising from a
faulty composition or decomposition of the blood, the origin of
which, however, is still unknown (18). — (a) Tubercular or
knolly, better, knotty leprosy, called also black or moist leprosy

192 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
appears in spots on the skin, reddish in colour, dark red on a
highly pigmented skin, and varying in size from that of a
lentil to a handbreadth. These spots appearing generally in
the face and at the extremities, seldom on the body, may dis
appear or occur again and again in several eruptions, though
they may also remain stationary. In the latter case the spot
which was at first reddish becomes more and more livid, at
last remaining a yellow-brown pigmented patch. After these
spots have continued for some time, knots begin to be formed,
commonly called tubercles, of all sizes, from a pin-head to a
walnut. The knots remain long stationary in many cases,
i.e. increase imperceptibly ; in others they grow somewhat
quickly, then soften, break and pass into ulcers, which secrete
an offensive whitish fluid, which, however, soon dries to a
yellow or brown scab, growing thicker and thicker by the
constant addition of new layers. If the scab falls off or is
removed by scratching, a moderately deep ulcerated surface
appears. The ulcer may strike deeper, spreading in all
directions, and often consuming the muscles till the bones
are laid bare, whereby the powers of the body are more and
more exhausted. Periodical attacks of fever also contribute
to waste the strength ; then diarrhoea or dysentery commonly
supervenes, and the sufferer dies. — (b) Anaesthetic or smooth
leprosy begins with pale, round or longish spots, the edges of
which are slightly red and somewhat raised. They appear
chiefly on the body, and spread upwards and downwards
along the sinews. Or it appears in large blisters containing
malignant matter {Pemphigus), which on bursting leave ulcers
on the surface, and these again smooth white scabs without
hair, somewhat deep in the skin. These ulcers very rarely
heal, and are altogether painless. In many cases a fluid
gathers under the skin, causing as it discharges a deep
obstinate ulcer, which works its way between the muscles
and bones. Commonly the eruptions of pemphigus are
repeated, sometimes for years, the sufferer undergoing almost
intolerable pains, both in the face and extremities. The
ulcers often attack the finger and toe joints, so that these,
sometimes even the feet to the knee-joints, fall off piece
meal with wasting inflammation. Finally, after years of
suffering, colliquative diarrhoeas, tetanus cramps, inflammation

§ 114. SICKNESSES. 193
of the kidneys, or attacks of suffocation, put an end to the
life of the incurable patient. As a rule, leprosy is incurable.
Actual cures are not attested. Only in rare cases the disease
destroys itself, new ulcers breaking out where the tubercles
have just become hardened, dissolving the rest, and ending
with a complete cure (19). Leprosy is not contagious, but
is frequently propagated by birth (20).
(13) Eegarding Jehoram's disease, comp. Friedreich, i.
p. 271 f., where also may be found other suppositions. On
the prevalence of chronic dysentery or diarrhoea, comp. Pruner,
p. 212 ff. — To think of phtheiriasis, lousy disease, with Trusen,
p. 221 ff, in the cases of Antiochus Epiph. and Herod Agrippa,
is in the teeth of the expression exiiXrixeg, which means nothing
else than maggots. In Helminthiasis not only does worm colic
appear {mxpol tZv evbov fidtavoi, 2 Mace. ix. 5), but now and
again the eating through of the intestinal canal. " What we
have to think of undoubtedly is abscesses, worm ulcers (ulcera
verminosa), out of which, when they break, maggots crawl "
(Leyrer, ubi supra, p. 43). The origin of this disease in the
case of Antiochus does not, however, admit of being explained,
with Friedreich, p. 236, by injuries in consequence of his being
thrown from his carriage, for the disease had broken out before
his fall.
(14) See above, p. 377, note 10 ; and also Leyrer, ubi supra,
p. 41 f.
(15) The Bohak is still found in Arabia. Forskal (Niebuhr,
Beschreib. von Arabien, p. 137 f.) saw it, 1763, in a Jew in
Mocha. " The spots of this eruption are of unequal size, lustre
less, dusky-white or reddish, and spread gradually. Sometimes
they remain only two months, sometimes a year or two, and
gradually disappear of themselves. This disease is neither
infectious nor hereditary, and causes the body not the least
discomfort." (16) This disease, which has been endemic in Egypt and
India from the most ancient times, spread in the beginning of
our era over the Eoman Empire, and in the Middle Ages over
the whole of Europe, where it gradually disappeared in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Since then it occurs
only sporadically in Central Europe, though it is still endemic
in Norway, in the Greek Islands, and a few marshy coast lines,
also in Madeira, and in Syria and Palestine. Comp. on the
prevalence of leprosy the exhaustive treatise of Hirsch, Hdb. der
histor. geograph. Pathologie, Erl. 1860, Bd. i. p. 301 ff. ; and on
its nature, the work of D. C. Danielssen and Willi. Boeck,
founded on many years' observation of the disease as still
KEIL II. N

194 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
extraordinarily prevalent in Norway, and entitled, Traiti de la
Spidalskhed ou Elephantiasis des Grecs ; trad, du Norwegien par
L. A. Cosson de Nogaret, Paris 1848, with an atlas of twenty-
four planches colonies (representations of the disease of leprosy
in various forms). The authors reject as unfounded the tradi
tional distinction into three or four kinds of leprosy, and
recognise only two, the tubercular and anassthetie, and a
complication of both. In accordance with this view are the
observations of Carl Wolff, " Die Lepra Arabum (Elephantiasis
Graecorum) ; nach eigenen Beobachtungen auf der Insel
Madeira geschildert," in E. Virchow's Archiv. f. pathol.
Anatomie u. Physiologic (Berlin 1863), Bd. xxvi. pp. 44-78;
and of Dr. Th. Chaplin, honorary physician to the German
Asylum for Lepers in Jerusalem, in the journal published by
Delitzsch and Becker, Saat auf Hoffnung, viii. p. 161 ff. (1873).
¦ — These observations form the basis of Kamphausen's article
in Eiehm's Hdw. i. p. 120 ff.
At Jerusalem there are found— so writes Fr. Ad. Strauss,
Sinai u. Golgotha, p. 205, 6th ed. (1865) — at the present day,
not far from the gate of Zion, the lepers' tents, unhappy men,
about thirty in number, whose limbs, after their earliest youth,
gradually die off. In 1867, Christian love founded an asylum
for these unfortunates. In Damascus there are three hospitals
for lepers ; two for Christians, Maronites, and Catholics, and one
for Mohammedans. The inhabitants, however, maintain that
never has one of them been attacked by leprosy ; and that all
the patients in the hospitals were brought from Palestine,
Hauran, Nablous, the Jebel-esh, Sheikh, the Lebanon, etc.
Seetzen, Reise, i. p. 277 f.
(17) According to Pruner, p. 163 f., scaly eruptions, the
so-called lepra vulgaris, and discol orations of the skin, the
so-called Leuce or Alphos, are now little known in the East ;
on the contrary, the knolly or joint leprosy, lepra tuber osa s.
articulorum, prevails, and sometimes has an acute, sometimes a
chronic course, — in the former case reaching in from two to six
months the same degree as it does in the latter after several
years. The name elephantiasis is not happily chosen, and has
only led to the identifying or confounding with leprosy of a
disease essentially distinct from it, which is confined to certain
parts of the body, the so-called elephant leg ; while this disease,
called also, from its frequent appearance on the island of Bar-
badoes, Barbadoes leg {Pachydermia), consists only of a violent
swelling of the foot ; comp. Kamph. ubi supra, p. 121.
(18) The signs of leprosy given in Lev. xiii. point rather to
the anaesthetic than to the tubercular form. To the latter,
however, belonged Job's disease, whose body was covered with

§ 114. SICKNESSES. 195
yi priE' (Job ii. 7) ; to it also belong the anyp pn?, " boils of
Egypt " (Deut. xxviii. 27).
(19) Comp. Danielssen and Boeck, I.e., pp. 211 and 350.
Lev. xiii. 12-17 applies to cases of this kind.
(20) The non-contagiousness of leprosy is most conclusively
established by Danielssen and Boeck, pp. 340 f., 346. To the
same effect, Pruner says, p. 172 : " We ourselves have at different
times put lepers among the other patients for months together,
and have never found a single case of contagion." " The sup
position that the disease is communicated by lying together
seems to us groundless ; besides, it is seldom that both husband
and wife suffer from it." — Legal prescriptions regarding the
uncleanness of leprosy, see above, § 56, p. 370 f. ; and those
regarding the cleansing of recovered lepers, in § 59. The
traditional ordinances regarding the course to be observed are
vividly described in the novel, Durch Krankheit zur Genesung,
by D. F. Delitzsch, Lpz. 1873.
II. Psychical diseases. — It is true that mental diseases
frequently have some disorder of the nervous system as their
physical basis, and in some forms of melancholy they are
connected with a morbid affection of the ganglionic system.
They are not, however, on that account mere bodily or brain
diseases, but are caused by a disturbance of the mental life,
a morbid affection of the mental powers, a deterioration of the
spiritual life arising from sin, a displacing of the spirit from
its normal relation to God, to itself, to the bodily personality
and the outer world. — In connection with the all-pervasive
mutual relationship which subsists in man between soul and
body, mental diseases may indeed arise from bodily sicknesses
and anomalous conditions, especially nervous disorders; but
they frequently have their immediate cause in the ethical
perversion of the mental powers, from which bodily troubles
then follow (21). In Scripture there are general references
to and descriptions of foolishness; folly pap npaa, or
nibap, ni)pin, or n^bin) and madness (flM?*) are threatened
(Deut. xxviii. 28) as divine punishments. Besides these, we
find only two cases of developed madness, in the melancholy
of Saul (1 Sam. xvi. 14 f., xix. 9) and the insanity of
•Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. iv. 13, v. 18ff.)(22); both inflicted
by God as a punishment for sinful self -exaltation. Saul's
melancholy arises from the spirit of Jehovah departing, from

196 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
him, and an evil spirit from Jehovah pin* nap njn rrn)
terrifying him (1 Sam. xvi. 14), and it rises, when the evil
spirit comes on him (1 Sam. xviii. 10), to attacks of frenzy,
so that he speaks and acts (W^'p) as a madman (aaann); and
like one in delirium ppnpnp) who casts about him firebrands,
arrows, and death (Prov. xxvi. 18), he throws his javelin at
David while playing before him (1 Sam. xviii 10, xix. 10) (23).
— Nebuchadnezzar's disease consisted of complete insanity
{insania metamorphosis zoanthropica), so that in his madness
he took himself for a beast, ate grass like the oxen, lived in
the open air, and his hair and nails grew like eagles' feathers
and birds' claws (Dan. iv. 29) (24).
(21) Comp. the proof and fuller discussion of these points in
Delitzsch, Bibl. Psychology, p. 339 ff.
(22) David's madness, 1 Sam. xxi. 14 ff, was not a real,
temporary attack of mental disease, but according to the con
text and use of the words : ioyp nx nat?, " he changed his under
standing," only a feigning of himself mad, while he consciously
played the part of a madman.
(23) The Kaann is commonly used of prophesying. It denotes
both " the speaking and conduct of a madman and a prophet,
inasmuch as in both cases there is a speaking and acting from
another spirit, abolishing one's own free personality; in the one
case an evil (comp. 1 Sam. xviii. 10), in the other a good, the
Spirit of God (comp. the Greek pdvTig from pahesSai)." Leyrer,
ubi supra, p. 47. yanK'n, to be mad (1 Sam. xxi. 15), and ywp,
mad (1 Sam. xxi. 16 ; Deut. xxviii. 34), are used not only of
false prophets (Hos. ix. 7), but also of true (2 Kings ix. 11 ;
Jer. xxix. 26) ; of the former rightly, inasmuch as they are taken
captive by a delusion ; of the latter wrongly, for " in an insane
world true prophets must indeed pass for insane ; comp. Wisd.
v. 4 ; 1 Cor. iv. 10." Leyrer.
(24) Examples of this mental disease from ancient and
modern times, see in Trusen, p. 213, and Leyrer, p. 48, and in the
monographs there quoted. Comp. my comment, on Dan. iv. 29.
Its origin, Friedreich, zur Bibel, p. 308 ff., seeks to explain
psychologically, as the natural consequence of his terror at
Daniel's prophecy (!). For he knows nothing of the sovereignty
of the living God, who brings down the man who in his heart
has raised himself above all, far beneath all others, to the level
of the beasts, till he learns that God the Highest rules over
the kingdom of men, and sets over it whom He will. Dan. v.
18-21.

§ 114. SICKNESSES. 197
III. Demoniacal diseases (25). — These are expressly distin
guished in the New Testament from natural (physical and
psychical) diseases (Matt. iv. 24, viii. 16 ; Mark i. 32, etc.).
The possibility of demoniacal action on man is due to sin,
whereby with divine permission the human race since
Adam's fall have come into a relation of servitude and
affinity to Satan and his evil spirits (ant?, oW/ioi>e?, haipovia,
irvevfiara aKadaprd), and is exposed to their seducing and
tormenting influence. This action is either of an ethico-
spiritual, or bodily, or psychico - bodily kind. The ethico-
spiritual consists of temptations and seductions to sin, which
may rise in intensity — as in the case of Judas Iscariot (John
xiii. 2 7) — to the entering of Satan into the heart. The bodily
consists of diseases or attacks of disease, which Satan inflicts
on man, such as Job's sickness (Job ii. 5 ff), the bending of
the woman's spine for eighteen years in Luke xiii. 11, the
bufferings of the messenger of Satan, which the Apostle Paul
felt as a thorn in the flesh (2 Cor. xii. 7) (26). Possession
or demoniacal disease is different from both. The possessed
{Saip,ovi£6fievoi,) in the Gospel history are indeed sometimes
the subjects of physical defects, deafness (Mark ix. 17), dumb
ness (Matt. ix. 32 ; Luke xi 14), or blindness and dumbness
(Matt. xii. 2 2) ; sometimes of psychical sufferings, epilepsy
(Luke ix. 38 ; Mark ix. 17; Matt. xvii. 15), insanity (Matt.
viii. 28 ff. ; Mark v. 2 ff. ; Luke viii. 26 ff); but their suffer
ings are neither merely physical or psychical, nor merely
somatico-psychical diseases, which only superstition perhaps
derives from the influence or indwelling of evil spirits ; but
they consist of a psychical overmastering by demons (o^Xov/iei/oi
viro irvevfidroiv dtcaOdpTcov, Acts v. 16 ; ivofaovnevoi dirb irv.
die., Luke vi. 1 8), who insinuate themselves between the bodily
constitution, more precisely the nervous system, and the soul
of man, violently bind soul and spirit together, make them
selves masters of the bodily organs (the instruments of the
senses of motion and of speech), and convert them into means
of their tormenting activity (27). — These diseases can only
be healed by driving out {iicfidWeiv) the demons.
(25) As to the nature of demoniacal diseases, comp. Delitzsch,
Bibl. Psychology, p. 347 ff. ; Dieringer in Asch bach's Allg.
Kirchenlexieon; and Ebrard in PRE., art. "Damonische." — The

198 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
Eationalistic view and literature, see in Winer's R.W., art.
" Besessene." (26) These diseases are not designated demoniacal. Thougli
it is said of the woman, Luke xiii. 11, that she had a tnevpa
uahveiag, and that Satan had bound her eighteen years (ver. 16),
yet Delitzsch rightly remarks, Bibl. Psych, p. 347, that irveupa
daL, without having a personal sense, only denotes, in accordance
with the then use of language, the hidden power of disease ;
while Luke expressly distinguishes KveupaTa wovripd and dskveiai,
viii. 2; comp. v. 15. — Neither was Saul's melancholy a
demoniacal disease, though Josephus so explains it {Antiq. vi.
8. 2 and 11. 2) ; but the evil spirit from Jehovah that came on
him was only " a spiritual agency of God, which brings to bear
upon Saul the gloomy and fiery powers of divine wrath, wliich
he had aroused by his sin." Delitzsch, ubi supra, p. 358.
(27) So Delitzsch, Bibl. Psychology, p. 354 f., in essential
accordance with Eschenmeyer, Ebrard, ubi supra, and v. Eudloff
{die Lehre vom Menschen nach Geist, Seele und Leib). The view,
that the demon established himself personally in the soul of
the possessed one, "is at variance with the limitation drawn
by the Creator round all created individual life, and with the
power which belongs to the Creator alone substantially to
permeate and pervade everything created, including spirits.
The locality of possession is the human corporeity. In this,
and indeed just where the soul exerts an influence upon it and
receives reacting influences from it, the demon establishes
himself, but from here outwardly exercises a forcible influence
extending to soul and spirit " (p. 355). — But demoniacal diseases
consist partly of physical, partly of physico- psychical over
mastering. In the former case, only the bodily life is seized
by a demoniacal power, as in the case of the dumb man (Matt.
ix. 32 f.), and of the blind and dumb man, Matt. xii. 22 ff. To
the second kind belong the cases in which the demoniacal
character shows itself in pronounced psychical appearances,
demons, e.g., speaking out of the possessed, as out of the Gadarene,
Matt. viii. 29, 31 ; out of the man in the synagogue at Caper
naum, Luke iv. 34, comp. Mark i 26 ; out of the possessed
one in Ephesus, Acts xix. 15, and others. " That it was spirits
who spoke out of such sufferers was shown by the fact, that
what was uttered betrayed a clearness of insight into the
person and work of Jesus, going far beyond the knowledge of
the men of that time ; and that they were evil and impure
spirits appeared from the fact, that they would have nothing to
do with Jesus, and that His proximity heightened the madness of
the possessed " (Mark v. 7 f.). Del. p. 350. In the Old Testa
ment cases of possession do not occur. As physical and mental

§ 115. BURIAL OF THE DEAD, AND MOURNING USAGES. 199
diseases appear variously, not only according to country and
climate, but also accordmg to times and circumstances ; so the
dominion of Satan over mankind manifests itself in various
forms according to times and relations. In the Old Testament
it was idolatry, which, indeed, in its true nature is regarded
as a worshipping of demons (B'HB', ieu/iitiu, LXX.), with its
many associated kinds of sorcery, mania, and oracles, by which
Satan held in subjection whole peoples, and Israel when it
apostatized from Jehovah. But after the chastisements of the
exile put an end to idolatry among the Jews, the action of the
wicked one upon the Jewish people took another form, and
appeared as possession. This grew to such violence in intensity
and number in the time of Christ, because, on the one hand,
the kingdom of darkness put forth all its powers to defy its
Conqueror who had come upon the field of history, and to
dispute with Him the men whom He had come to redeem ; and,
on the other, the superstition of the time, -which occupied itself
with all kinds of sorcery (Acts viii. 9 ff, xiii. 6 ff, xix. 19), laid
open the souls of men to demoniacal influences (Del. p. 358 f.).
— Finally, the question, whether possession still occurs, is
answered affirmatively by some (comp. Just. Kerner, Geschichten
Besessener neuerer Zeit, Karlsr. 1834), negatively by others, and
cannot yet be answered with certainty, because the facts which
have hitherto been adduced for its occurrence are still open to
much doubt ; and even the declarations of patients, to. the effect
that they are possessed of demons, may rest on delusion.

§ 115. Burial of the Dead, and Mourning Usages.
As the human body was formed from the earth, and by
death returns again to the earth, it was a natural custom,
originally common to all peoples, to give over their dead to the
earth, or to bury (1). So early as the time of the patriarchs,
the dead are laid in graves by their nearest kindred (Gen.
xxv. 9, xxxv. 29). Immediately when life departed, it was
the office of love to close the eyes of the dead (Gen. xlvi 4),
and of filial piety to kiss the face (Gen. 1. 1). From early
times also the body was washed (Acts ix. 37), then wrapped
in a linen cloth, aivSciiv (Matt, xxvii. 59 and the paralls.), or
the limbs separately wound with strips of linen {606via,
iceipiat, John xi. 44), then put in a coffin {cropos, Luke vii. 14)
and carried on a bier ppp, 2 Sam. iii. 31) to the grave, while
relatives and friends followed with loud weeping and lamenta-

200 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
tion (1 Sam. iii. 31 ; 2 Sam. iii. 32 ; Job xxi. 33). To remain
unburied was reckoned the greatest indignity which could
befall the dead (1 Kings xiii. 22, xvi. 4, xxi. 24 ; Jer. vii. 33,
viii. 2, etc.), because the corpse soon became the prey of wild
beasts (2 Kings ix. 35). Even criminals who had been exe
cuted were interred in accordance with the command (Deut.
xxi. 23 ; comp. 2 Kings ix. 34). The burning of bodies only
occurred in extraordinary cases under pressure of circum
stances, either to secure them from mutilation (1 Sam.
xxxi. 12), in which case, however, the bones were afterwards
buried (ver. 13); or in times of war, especially when the
number of the dead was greatly increased by contagious
pestilences in besieged cities (Amos vi. 1 0) ; finally, as a
punishment inflicted on great criminals (Lev. xx. 14, xxi.
9) (2). — The embalming (can) of the dead took place after the
Egyptian fashion in the case of Jacob and Joseph (Gen. 1. 2 f.
and 26) (3) ; it was not usual, however, among the Israelites,
but only imitated by the rich or distinguished so far that
they anointed the bodies of their loved dead with costly oil
(John xii. 7), and wound them in linen with aromatic spices
(John xix. 39 ff). — The speedy burying of the dead was not
customary in more ancient times (Gen. xxiii. 2 ff), but arose
later, when the law made dead bodies a cause of uncleanness
(Num. xix. 11 ff; comp. Acts v. 6, 10).
Graves were sometimes simple cavities, dug out in the earth
(Gen. xxxv. 8 ; 1 Sam. xxxi. 13) ; sometimes natural caves or
grottoes, which were used and fitted up as burial-places (Gen.
xxiii 17); sometimes artificial tombs hewn out in the rock,
provided with galleries and chambers, preference being given
to places outside cities, under shady trees, and in gardens
(Luke vii. 12; John xi. 30). Only kings (1 Kings ii. 10,
xvi 6, etc.) and prophets (1 Sam. xxv. 1, xxviii. 3) were buried
in cities (4). The well-to-do had generally, no doubt, family
burying-places (Gen. xxiii. 20 ; Judg. viii. 32 ; 2 Sam. ii. 32 ;
1 Kings xiii. 22 ; Tob. xiv. 12 ; 1 Mace. ii. 70), while the
poorer classes would doubtless have their public ones from
early times (Jer. xxvi. 23 ; 2 Kings xxiii. 6 ; comp. Matt.
xxvii 7). — The graves that were hewn in the rock, or laid out
in natural caves, were closed with large flat stones (Matt.
xxvii. 60, xxviii. 2; John xi 38). — On or over graves it

§ 115. BURIAL OF THE DEAD, AND MOURNING USAGES. 201
became customary in very early times to set up monuments of
hewn stone, rqxp, Gen. xxxv. 20 ; comp. Job xxi. 32 ; 2 Sam.
xviii. 18, which afterwards took the form of magnificent
mausoleums with pyramids and many kinds of emblems
(1 Mace. xiii. 27 ff.) (5). — In post-exilic times it was sought
to restore and adorn the graves of the prophets and other holy
persons, a department in which the Pharisees in particular
desired to testify their reverence for the prophets (comp. Matt.
xxiii. 30 ff.), and to give graves in general a new coating on
the outside yearly after the rainy season (Matt, xxiii. 29), to
distinguish them, and secure the passer-by from touching
them (which produced uncleanness).
(1) The chief writings on this subject are : Mart. Geier,
De Ebrceorum luctu lugentiumque ritibus, ed. 3, Lps. 1683. J.
Nicolai, De sepulcris Hebraior., hbri iv., L. B. 1706, 4. Von den
Leichen der Morgenldnder aus Reisebeschreibungen. Aus deni
Latein. iibersetzt, Cob. 1782 ; and Fr. Imm. Grundt, Die
Trauergebrduche der Hebr der, Leipz. 1868.
(2) Comp. G. Baur, d. Proph. Amoz, on c. vi. 10. J. D.
Michaelis, "De combustione et humatione mortuorum apud
Hebr.," in the Syntagm. commentatt. i. p. 225 sqq., has sought
in vain to prove from 1 Sam. xxxi 12 that burning instead of
burying became customary among the Israelites from the time
of Saul downwards. Tacitus, Hist. v. 5, still mentions the
corpora condere as a Jewish custom ; and in the Mischna Abod.
sar. c. i, burning is declared to be idolatry. The " making of a
burning," usual when kings were buried (2 Chron. xvi. 14,
xxi. 19 ; Jer. xxxiv. 5), was a consuming of sweet-scented sub
stances burned in honour of the dead. Comp. M. Geier, I.e.
vi. 2 sqq.
(3) Comp. Hengstenberg, die BB. Mos. u. JEg. p. 68 ff;
Friedreich, zur Bibel, ii. p. 199 ff. ; and Winer, R.W., art.
" Einbalsamiren." (4) Many such caves hewn out for tombs are still to be
found on hill-slopes in Palestine (comp. Eobinson's Palestine, i.
p. 349 ff), especially in Jerusalem. David and his successors,
excepting only Uzziah (2 Chron. xxvi. 23), Ahaz (xxviii. 27),
and Manasseh and Amon (2 Kings xxi. 18, 26), were buried on
Mount Zion. Comp. on the yet undiscovered "tombs of the
kings of Judah," O. Thenius in Illgen's Ztschr. f. d. histor. Theo-
logie, 1844, i p. 1 ff, and Ztschr. d. DMG. xvi. p. 495 ff— The
graves north of Jerusalem, which tradition calls the " tombs of
the kings," formed perhaps the tomb of the Queen of Adiabene.
For further particulars on this magnificent tomb, which recalls

202 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
those of Egyptian Thebes, as well as on other notable ancient
tombs near Jerusalem, the so-called tombs of the prophets and
of the judges, see in Eobinson's Palestine, i. 349-364, and More
Recent Biblical Researches, p. 253 f. Eegarding the tomb of the
patriarchs at Hebron, see Eosen in Koner's Ztschr. f.Allg.Erdk,
N. F. 1863, Bd. xiv. p. 369 ff— Comp. also Eosen, " Das Palastin.
Felsengrab und seine Bedeutung fur die formelle Ausbildung
der christl. Kirche," ibid. xvii. p. 161 ff.
(5) On the magnificent mausoleum, with its seven pyramids,
erected by Simon (1 Mace. xiii. 27 ff.), comp. Grimm, comment.
on the passage, where similar mausoleums are mentioned.
Mourning for the death of loved relatives and dear friends
was expressed by the Israelites in loud weeping and lamenta
tions (Gen. xxxvii. 35, L 1 ; 2 Sam. iii. 32, 34, etc.). This
was accompanied with rending of the garments, i.e. tearing
them in front at the breast (Gen. xxxvii. 34 ; Judg. xi. 35) (6),
and strewing the head with ashes or earth (1 Sam. iv. 12;
2 Sam. i 2, 11, etc.) ; putting on mourning (ba« naa, 2 Sam.
xiv. 2), especially a coarse, tight dress, without sleeves, made
of haircloth {p&, crdKKo<i), which was more like a sack than a
dress, and was worn by men and women (Gen. xxxvii. 34 ;
2 Sam. iii. 31 ; 2 Mace. iii. 19 ; Matt. xi. 21, etc.); fasting
(1 Sam. xxxi. 12 ; 2 Sam. iii. 32) ; the omission of anointing,
and of the washing and change of garments (2 Sam. xiv. 2,
xix. 24, comp. xii. 20 ; Judith x. 3); the laying aside of all
ornaments (Ezek. xxvi. 16), even of the shoes or sandals
(going barefoot, 2 Sam. xv. 30; comp. Ezek. xxiv. 17); to
which was probably added the shaving of the hair of the head
and beard, that ornament of the Oriental (Jer. vii. 29, xvi. 6,
etc.). But the custom of other peoples, of making incisions
on the face or body, or etching in other marks (tattooing or
making stigmata), was forbidden by the law (Lev. xix. 28 ;
Deut. xiv. 1) (7).
In the case of deep mourning, the bereaved sat, or even lay
on the ground in dust and ashes (2 Sam. xii. 16, xiii. 31),
covered his chin, i.e. his face up to the nose, in token that he
wished not to speak (Ezek. xxiv. 17), or the face and head
(2 Sam. xv. 30, xix. 4). — Deeper mourning, with fasting,
commonly lasted seven days (1 Sam. xxxi. 13 ; 1 Chron. x. 12 ;
Judith xvi. 23; Sir. xxii. 12), in special cases thirty days
(when, however, the fasting could hardly have lasted so long)

§ 116. THE BEGINNINGS OF THE VARIOUS OCCUPATIONS. 203
(Num. xx. 29 ; Deut. xxxiv. 8 ; comp. xxi 13). — On the death
of heroes and rulers, songs of lamentation were composed for
the occasion and sung (2 Sam. i 17, iii. 33 ; 2 Chron. xxxv. 25),
and their death was mourned by the whole nation. Gradually,
however, even mourning degenerated into external pageantry,
the noble, or well-to-do, hiring professional mourning women,
who raised cries of lamentation, and accompanied elegiac songs
with flute music in the house during the days of mourning,
and also at the grave (Jer. ix. 17; Mark ix. 23). Fasting,
also, as the natural expression of sorrow, leading to self-denial
of every enjoyment, afterwards changed to its opposite —
mourning feasts. From the simple token of sympathizing
affection to the afflicted, of supporting and comforting him by
presenting him with food and drink (2 Sam. iii. 35, xii. 17 ff),
there arose in course of time mourning feasts, which the
bereaved one had to give to friends (8).
(6) Laeeratio vestium fieri potest, excepto pallio exteriori et
interula, in omnibus reliquis vestis partibus, etiamsi decern
essent, sed vix ultra palmae longitudinem lacerant. Laeeratio
qua? propter parentes fit, nunquam resuitur; quae autem
propter alios, post trigesimum diem, etc. Othonis, lex. rabb.
phil. p. 360.
(7) Comp. on this custom, M. Geier, I.e. c. x. ; and Knobel on
Lev. xix. 28.
(8) Comp. Joseph. Antiq. xvii. 8. 4 ; bell. jud. ii. 1. 1. At
first, perhaps, in return for the bread of affliction and the cup
of comfort which had been given to him (Jer. xvi. 7 ; Hos.
ix. 4).

SECOND DIVISION.
THE EVERYDAY" OCCUPATIONS OP THE ISRAELITES.
§ 116. The Beginnings of the various Occupations.
Man is created by God for activity. Only by work, bodily
and mental occupation, can he maintain his life, develop the
parts and powers with which he is endowed, and reach the
goal of his life in this world. Even in Paradise, where fruits

204 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
from the trees of the garden furnished the first human beings
with the nourishment they needed, God appointed them as
their occupation the dressing and keeping of the garden (Gen.
ii. 15). But after the Fall, trouble and labour in the sweat of
his brow became the lot of man (Gen. iii. 1 7 ff), not only by
way of punishment, but also for his good. Work, and especi
ally laborious work, carries in it the great blessing of quenching
and destroying all sorts of fleshly lusts, which fight against the
soul and kill true life, while idleness teaches much evil (Sir.
xxxiii. 29). But apart from this fact, when man by his sin
fell from his right relation, not only to God, but also to the
world, he could pursue the earthly calling marked out for hiin
by his Creator of making the earth subject to himself, and
ruling over all its animals and creatures (Gen. i 28 ff), and
train and develop himself for this end in no other way than
by toil and work. Accordingly, even the sons of our first
parents begin to till the land and to rear cattle (Gen. iv. 2),
and to apply the produce of the ground and the cattle to the
maintenance and enjoyment of life. With these occupations
the culture of the human race began ; for they demand many
kinds of implements and appliances, the preparation of which
necessarily involves the working of brass and iron. With the
art, however, of " hammering implements of brass and iron "
(Gen. iv. 22), the foundation was laid for the gradual develop
ment of the various handicrafts and mechanical arts. The
origin and invention of these belong to primitive times, from
which no historical information has come to us except the
scanty hints in Genesis.
The rearing of cattle led in the very earliest times to nomad
life, with its tents and flocks, which, according to Gen. iv. 20,
originated with Jabal, and led to the invention of musical
instruments (ver. 21). Though the nomad cannot live on the
products of his flocks alone, but is forced, in order to get bread,
also to cultivate the land ; yet, in consequence of the wandering
life which compels him to limit himself to the barest necessi
ties of life, his circumstances are much less helpful to the
development of civilisation than agriculture, which accustoms
man to fixed dwelling-places, leads to the building of houses,
to the laying out of villages and cities, and the development of
city life. Thus the cultivation of handicrafts and mechanical

§ 117. DEVELOPMENT OF AGRICULTURE AMONG THE ISRAELITES. 205
arts is furthered, and trade is produced and promoted, by the
exchange of the articles prepared by craftsmen for those which
are needful to support life and to carry on business. Not
only so, but mental activity is awakened, on the one hand, for
the development of the common social and civil arrangements
of life ; on the other, of the higher efforts in science and art. —
The beginnings of these manifold activities and inventions of
the human mind are also lost in the darkness of primeval
times. From the most ancient traditions regarding the early
history of our race in Genesis, we only learn that Cain, the
first tiller of the ground, founded a city (comp. § 94, note 1),
and that his posterity were distinguished for the invention
and cultivation of the capacities and industries which go to
secure earthly prosperity. In this direction the human race
was tolerably far advanced before the Flood, of which the
building of the ark by Noah (Gen. vi. 14) gives the most
practical proof. Thus, also, we can understand how, with the
rapid multiplication of the race after the Flood, and their
division into nationalities after the building of Babel (Gen. xi),
kingdoms and states might soon be founded, which not only
exist in Abraham's time, but have already reached what is
relatively no small degree of civilisation.

FIEST SECTION.
OCCUPATIONS FOR THE SUPPORT OF LIFE.
FIEST CHAPTER
AGRICULTURE.
§ 1 1 7. Development of Agriculture among the Israelites.
The ancestors of the Hebrews in Mesopotamia followed
pastoral pursuits. Abraham also, after his migration to
Canaan, led a nomad life with his sons and grandsons ; and
the children of Israel, on their father's going down to Egypt,
settled as shepherds on the fruitful pasture lands of Goshen
(Gen. xlvii.). But this mode of life among the ancestors of

206 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
the chosen people arose more probably from the nature of
Northern Mesopotamia than from the liking peculiar to
the Bedouins for unrestrained freedom (1), and among the
patriarchs it was due to the leadings of Divine Providence.
Abraham was not to receive in actual possession the land of
Canaan, to which the Lord called and guided him, either for
himself or for his sons and grandsons, but in his more distant
posterity, when the children of Israel had grown to a nation.
And therefore the patriarchs as pilgrims in the land promised
to them could build no permanent houses, could not exchange
their nomad life for fixed settlements, nor become farmers
instead of shepherds, though they were not unacquainted
with agriculture, Gen. xxvi. 12, xxxvii. 7. — Hence the
Israelites during their 400 years' residence in Egypt did
not hold to the rearing of cattle, but with their increase in
the land began to pursue agriculture (Num. xx. 5 ; Deut.
xi. 10) and various handicrafts (1 Chron. iv. 21 ff), so that
at the time of the exodus they were sufficiently prepared and
trained in this respect to make the cultivation of the land
their chief earthly business in Canaan along with their
pastoral pursuits (2). In Egypt they not only learned, to
build houses and cities (Ex. i 11), but also to cultivate the
soil both of field and garden, which was here carried to a
high degree of perfection from the most ancient times (3).
The land of Canaan, though very different in its natural
characteristics (comp. § 13) from Egypt, was excellently
fitted by its brooks, lakes, and springs rising in the mountains
and valleys, and by the abundant rain from heaven with
which it was watered (Deut. viii. 7, xi. 11), for the growth of
oil, wine, orchard fruits and horticulture, for its soil, with the
divine blessing, richly rewarded the labours of its owner. In
view of this, the cultivation of the land is assumed in the
Mosaic law as the chief employment of the Israelitish people
in Canaan, and in this sense the Mosaic state was founded on
agriculture (4).
The legal ordinances on the right of property and inherit
ance, on the Sabbatic year, etc., must have promoted the
cultivation of the soil. Hence we find this occupation held
in esteem by high (1 Sam. xi. 5, 14 ; 1 Kings xix. 19 ff. ;
2 Chron. xxvi. 10) and low, and prosecuted with zeal and

§ 117. DEVELOPMENT OF AGRICULTURE AMONG THE ISRAELITES. 207
ability. The several portions were carefully marked off
(1 Sam. xiv. 14; Prov. xxii. 28), divided for the various
products of the soil (Isa. xxviii. 25), secured against injury
from wild animals by hedges and walls (Isa. v. 5 ; Num.
xxii. 24 f.) ; the land on mountain slopes was protected by
terraces to prevent the washing away of the soil by rain-<
falls (5), and its fruitfulness increased by artificial water
ing (6) and manuring (7). Thus the produce of the soil, in
itself fruitful, was so increased, that it not only amply
supported the numerous population, but yielded the culti
vators such an overplus that the Israelites were able to export
much wheat, oil, and wine, especially to the Phoenicians, and
to procure in exchange the rich products and costly growths
of other lands,- which they had not. Thus the Israelites
wanted nothing, and needed not to eat their bread in scarcity
(Deut. viii. 9), so long as they were true in their allegiance
to the Lord their God. Then He, blessing the work of their
hands, opened His good treasury, the heavens, and gave their
land rain in its season. This continued so long as they did
not by falling into idolatry provoke His anger, so that the
heaven over them became brass, and the earth under them
iron, and Jehovah sent down upon them dust and sand like
rain of the land (Deut. xxviii. 12, 23 f. ; Lev. xxvi. 19 f.),
or withdrew His blessing from their labour, so that locusts,
worms, and insects destroyed their seed, and ate up the vine
stocks and olive trees (Deut. xxviii. 38-42).
But Israel in this its earthly calling must show itself to
be Jehovah's people, and enjoy the divine blessing on its
work. Hence its cultivation of the land was put under
obedience to the Lord's commands. This was done by the
precepts regarding the Sabbath rest and leaving the soil
fallow in the Sabbatic and jubilee years (comp. § 79 f.), as
well as by the destination of the gleanings to the poor (Lev.
xix. 9 f. ; Deut. xxiv. 19 ff.). There were, besides, the following
institutions to the same end. It was forbidden to sow field
or vineyard with mingled seeds (Lev. xix. 19 ; Deut. xxii. 9).
It was commanded not to sow, as unclean, moistened seed on
which the carcase of an unclean animal had fallen, dry seed,
however, not being rendered unclean from this cause (Lev.
xi 37). Finally, there was the legal requirement applicable

208 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
to the planting of all sorts of fruit trees, not to eat the fruits
of the first three years as uncircumcised, i.e. unclean ; on the
other hand, to consecrate the entire fruit of the fourth year as
a holy gift to the praise and glory of Jehovah because He had
blessed the planting, and not to eat the fruits till the fifth
year (Lev. xix. 23 ff). Israel was required as Jehovah's
people to devote the first good fruits of all kinds of planting to
the Lord its God as first-fruits, and thereby honour Him as the
giver of all good things (comp. vol. i p. 452 f.). But besides,
there were two ways in which it was to show itself a holy
people. It was neither to sow seed in the case of which the
uncleanness that had touched it might have penetrated to the
inner part of the moistened kernels and rendered the fruit
unclean, nor that seed in which by the mixing of what was
heterogeneous, the original purity of things which God has
separated in creation might be disturbed and destroyed (8).
(1) That the family of Abraham which remained in Padan-
aram did not lead a nomad life, is plain from the fact that they
dwelt in the city of Haran and lived in houses, not tents.
Gen. xxiv. and xxix.
(2) As to the influence exercised on the Israelites by their
residence in the highly civilised and cultivated Egypt, comp.
Hengstenberg, Beitrdge z. Einl. ins A. Test. ii. p. 432 ff.
(3) Comp. Hengstenberg, die BB. Mose u. dSg. p. 228 ff. ; and
in addition, G. Ebers, Durch Gosen zum Sinai (Lpz. 1872),
pp. 466-69.
(4) Comp. Michaelis, Mos. Recht, i § 38 ff.
(5) The cultivation of hill-sides in terraces cannot indeed be
proved from any clear statement of Scripture, for in Num. xxii.
24 it is vineyard walls that are spoken of ; nevertheless it is
indisputable, because the nature of such soil makes it necessary.
Hence there are still seen in the land, little cultivated as it now
is, "terraces on all mountain slopes, which rise one above
another frequently to the number of sixty to eighty, and on
them rise fields, gardens, and plantations." See Strauss, Sinai
u. Golgatha, pp. 289 and 296.
(6) There is a reference to artificial irrigation by conduits in
the B]p ,apa, water-partings, canals, Job xxxviii. 25 ; Prov. xxi 1.
Besides, they were well known to the Israehtes from Egypt,
Deut. xi. 10, for there water is brought from the Nile, its canals
and reservoirs, to the higher-lying regions, in various ways.
Sometimes this is done by draw-wells with a long lever, which
are to be found represented on the most ancient monuments

§ 117. DEVELOPMENT OF AGRICULTURE AMONG THE ISRAELITES. 209
(comp. Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, etc. i p. 53, and ii.
p. 4), and are now called Shaduf (comp. Lane, Manners and
Customs, p. 24, plate 8) ; sometimes by large dredge wheels moved
by the foot, over which passes a long endless rope with earthen
jars fixed to it such as are still in use at the present day (comp.
the description of this Sakit tadir beridschel in Niebuhr's Reise,
i p. 149, with the illustration on plate 15, ii.) ; sometimes by
more complex machines moved by oxen, such as Niebuhr has
described, p. 148 f., and figured on plate 15, i and iii. Those
dredge or tread-wheels, because turned by the foot, are no doubt
those meant in Deut. xi. 10, and identified with the bbprixh
ooyanv described by Philo, de confus. lingu. i 410, ed. Mang., as
f'Xif ; for they were also used, according to the commentators on
Mischna Peah v. 3, in Palestine; but they are to be distinguished
from both the other more complex water machines represented
in Niebuhr, and wholly different from the Egyptian xoyXlag,
which, according to Diod. Sic. i 34, is said to have been invented
by Archimedes. For, while Philo describes the e'X/g as a simple
foot-wheel, the description given by Diod. Sic. v. 37 of the
xoyXlag used in the silver mines of Spain to remove water from
the shafts, unmistakably .points to the so-called cockle or water
screw of Archimedes, to the cochlea quae magnam copiam extollit
aquse sed non tarn alte, which Vitruvius minutely describes, De
architect, x. c. 6 (11). It consists of a thick cylinder made of wood
with a spindle or axle going through it, round which there is
carried a canal in the form of a screw or spiral, whereby, as it is
enclosed by the surface of the cylinder and only opened at the
lower and upper ends, the water is wound up as it revolves.
For fuller particulars regarding its construction, see in Ersch and
Gruber's Allg. Encyklop. i. Th. 5, p. 145 f.
(7) The manuring of the fields appears from the comparisons
used : " as dung (jpi) on the field," 2 Kings ix. 37 ; " dung for
the land," Ps. lxxxiii. 11. The preparation of manure from
straw trodden in the dunghill, appears from the figure Isa. xxv.
10. Comp. Paulsen, Zuverl. Nachrichten vom Aokerbau der
Morgenldnder, p. 38. — Besides, manuring with dung might be
replaced by the burning of stubble (Isa. v. 27, xlvii. 14 ; Joel
ii. 3), sometimes by the remains of the chaff left in threshing,
sometimes, finally, by keeping cattle on the fields.
(8) Michaelis, M. R. iv. § 218 f., seeks in his own way to
account for the prohibition of sowing promiscuous seed in a
field by the design of the lawgiver to accustom a rude people
carefully to seek out the seed kernels to the exclusion of weeds,
— a view which even Winer {R. W. art. " Saat ") finds all too
poverty-stricken. The real ground is to be found in the un-
naturalness of such sowing. And therefore it is not contrary
KEIL II. 0

21 0 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
to the law if a field is sown with different kinds of grain, each
divided off by itself, if a wheat or barley field was enclosed
along with spelt (Isa. xxviii. 25). — The Eabbins have sought in
Mischna Kilaim c. 1-3 to distinguish the various seeds, vege
tables, and orchard fruits, according to their homogeneity or
heterogeneity ; they apply the law itself, however, only to the
fields of the Holy Land. Comp. Hottinger, Juris Hebr. leges,
p. 376 sqq.

§ 118. Field Work.
In their fields the Israelites cultivated not only grain,
wheat, barley, spelt, millet, and lentils (2 Sam. xxiii. 11), but
also flax, cucumbers (Isa. i 8), beans, cummin, and fennel
(Isa. xxviii. 25). Both in the taking in of new land {"Ci,
novate, Prov. xiii. 2 3 ; Jer. iv. 3) as on fields already culti
vated, the soil was broken up with the plough pnn, lifts), then
levelled with the harrow and the clods loosened pits'). The
plough, presumably similar to those used in Egypt, variously
but in general lightly constructed (1), and the harrow were
drawn by oxen (1 Kings xix. 19 f. ; Job i 14 ; Amos vi. 12)
or cows (Judg. xiv. 18), perhaps also by asses (Isa. xxx. 24,
xxxii. 20), which were yoked pP-f), though never ox and ass
together (Deut. xxii. 10), and were driven with a stick pp5>P).
For sowing, furrows (B^ri, nayp) were drawn, and the seed was
sown or laid in furrows (aits', Isa. xxviii. 25, and yi-in TjE'p,
Amos ix. 13), and hence the great fruitfulness rising to a
hundredfold harvest (Gen. xxvi. 12 ; Matt. xiii. 8 ff). — The
sowing began after the feast of tabernacles and fell in the end
of October and in November, that is to say, in the time when
the autumn rains come, not suddenly, but gradually, thus
leaving the farmer time to sow his wheat and barley fields (2).
Summer fruits (millet, beans, etc.) were sown in January
and February. — Harvest began with barley (2 Sam. xxi. 9 ;
Euth ii. 23), which ripens in Palestine from two to three
weeks before wheat, and was opened by law on the 16 th of
Nisan with the presenting of the first barley sheaf (comp § 82,
note 2). At the present day harvesting occurs in the Jordan
valley during April and the beginning of May, whereas in the
hill country grain ripens fourteen days, and on mountain lands
four weeks later (3). Lentils and vetches are ready for

§ 118. FIELD WORK. 211
harvest almost at the same time with barley (4), then come
wheat and spelt, so that the grain harvest in its chief part
closed about Pentecost.
Grain was cut with the sickle (efoin/pjp, Deut. xvi. 9), the
reapers living on parched corn and bread dipped in vinegar
(Euth ii. 14) (5). What was cut was gathered on the arm
(Ps. cxxix. 7), bound in sheaves ppy, TpV, np^N), and these
laid in heaps (npij?, Song of SoL vii. 2 ; Pna, Euth iii. 7) to
be immediately threshed, while the gleanings belonged to the
poor (Lev. xix. 9; comp. Euth ii. 2). — Threshing-floors were
places in the open air, levelled and trampled hard, generally
on heights, so that in winnowing the wind might drive away
the chaff (Hos. xiii. 3; Jer. iv. 11). Threshing (fj«n) was done
in. various ways. Sometimes oxen, several of them yoked
together, were driven to and fro over the heaps of ears spread
on the floor to tread out the kernels with their hoofs (Hos. x.
11). Sometimes this was done by threshing machines, formed
either of planks provided with numerous incisions like a file,
probably also with sharp - pointed stones, {threshing - sledges,
pin aiiD, or simply pin, Isa. xxviii. 2 7, trahea), or of small
waggons with low cylindrical wheels like saws P7t?> Lsa- xxviii.
27), which, weighted with stones or iron, were drawn by cattle
over the grain; an ordinance of the law providing that no
muzzle should be put on the ox thus employed (Deut. xxv. 4).
— It was customary for the poor to beat out small quantities
of grain with a stick (Euth ii. 17), which otherwise was done
only in times of necessity (Judg. vi. 11), and as a rule in the
case of leguminous fruits (Isa. xxviii. 27). — Threshing was
followed by winnowing, to separate the kernels from the chaff ;
then the corn was carried by beasts of burden or on carts into
barns (niliap, B^DBK, niiapp, dirodrficai, Luke xii. 18), but the
chaff along with the stubble was burned on the field (Matt.
iii 12). — During harvest and threshing time the owners used to
sleep at night beside their sheaves on the threshing-floor
to watch the grain (Euth iii. 2 ff.) (6).
(1) Views of Egyptian ploughs in Wilkinson, I.e. ii. p. 136.
Perhaps the old Egyptian plough still more resembled that
which is yet in use in Syria and Palestine, which Tobler, Denk-
blatter aus Jerusalem, p. 272 ff, has minutely described. —
Eepresentations both of the Egyptian and> Syrian ploughs, and

212 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
generally of the field operations, sowing and harvesting, of the
ancient Egyptians, are given by Eiehm, Hdwb. des bibl. Altert.
i p. 20 f.
(2) Comp. Eobinson, Palestine, i. p. 429.
(3) Eobinson (i 431, 540) found the wheat harvest at Jericho
' already nearly over on the 14th of May, whereas at Tiberias it
was not so far advanced till the 19th of June (ii. 388).
(4) Comp. Eobinson, ibid. ii. p. 83.
(5) So still, according to Eobinson (ii. p. 50), "in harvest
time the grains of wheat, not yet fully dry and hard, are roasted
in a pan or on an iron plate, and constitute a very palatable
article of food ; this is eaten along with bread, or instead of it."
Only Eobinson heard nothing of vinegar.
(6) This mode of harvesting has been kept up in Palestine
in all particulars to this day. It is not only attested by monu
ments so far as ancient Egypt goes, but frequently described
by modern travellers. — The three kinds of threshing are still
customary in Egypt, Palestine, and Syria. See the illustrations
in Eiehm, pp. 22 and 23. Comp. Wetzstein, "Die syrische
Dreschtafel," in Bastian's Ztschr. f. Ethnologic, 1873, p. 270 ff. ;
and Petermann, Reisen im Orient, i. p. 74. — Even the leaving of
the gleanings to the poor (comp. Eobinson, ii. p. 100), with the
custom of letting the cattle used for harvesting eat the ripe
grain unmuzzled (ibid. ii. p. 216), has been kept up among the
Arabs ; and the Egyptian monuments represent oxen threshing
without muzzles ; only now there are sometimes yoked together
various animals, oxen and asses; horses are also employed for the
work ; and subterranean vaults or caves are frequently used for
barns, of which we have no proof in the Old Testament, though in
Luke xii. 18 we have probably a proof for the building of barns.
Comp. also the representation of corn magazines in ancient
Egypt in Wilkinson, ii. pp. 135 and 136, and of the modern
kind of threshing with the sledge, ibid. p. 190.
Eegarding the cultivation of flax and cotton the Old Testa
ment says very little. Flax (fwa) was cultivated by the
Canaanites, according to Josh. ii. 6. The Israelites, however,
must have learned the working of it in Egypt, where
especially in the delta flax thrives remarkably well and
was greatly cultivated (Ex. ix. 31) (7); and they seem to
have grown it in Palestine wherever the soil was suitable,
for according to Hos. ii. 7, Prov. xxxi. 13, flax and wool
were to be found in every house, and were wrought by the
housewife. Later statements give Galilee as the land which
produced flax in larger quantities ; and the linen of the

§ 119. WINE AND OLIVE CULTURE. 213
Hebrews enjoyed a high reputation (8). — Cotton also (w
or pa, comp. § 17, note 5), and that the herbaceous plant
{gossypium herbaceum) which is sown yearly throughout all
Western Asia, and grows in the fields (not the cotton tree,
goss. arboreum), must have been cultivated by the Israelites
from high antiquity, for in 1 Chron. iv. 2 1 among the ancient
households of Judah there is named a family of workers in
byssus ; and the cotton plant was raised in Palestine not
only in the time of Pausanias (v. 4. 2), but also in the
Middle Ages, as it is still here and there in the most recent
times (9).
(7) Comp. Winer, R.W., art. "Flax;" and views of the
Egyptian flax harvest in Eosellini, Monum. civil, i. p. 333 sqq;
and of the working of flax in Wilkinson, iii. p. 137 sqq.
(8) Comp. Mischn. Baba kam. x. 9 ; Ketuboth v. 9 ; and
Movers, d. Phonizier, iii. 1, p. 216 ff.
(9) Comp. Movers, ubi supra, p. 219 ; Eobinson, Palestine, i
561, ii. 33, 319, iii 476 ; and Eiehm, Hdwb. i p. 155 ff.

§ 119. Wine and Olive Culture.
The culture of the vine was carried on all over Palestine,
not only at Hebron and Engedi (Num. xiii. 24; Song of Sol.
i 14), but also at Shechem, on Carmel, and in the plain of
Jezreel (Judg. ix. 27 ; 2 Chron. xxvi. 10 ; 1 Kings xxi. 1 ff),
on Lebanon (Song of Sol. viii. 11 ; Hos. xiv. 8), and beyond
Jordan (Isa. xvi. 8 f. ; Jer. xlviii. 32), and formed a very
important branch of the Israelitish land cultivation, the
branches being remarkable for their size and thickness, and
the grapes for their sweetness (1). The vine hills, or vine
yards (Bia), were laid out on slopes and hills (Isa. v. 1 ; Jer.
xxxi. 5). The soil was dug and loosened, cleared of stones,
enclosed by a wall piaj to prevent the earth from being
washed away by torrents (Num. xxii 24), and secured by
hedges (rrnvfo) against the devastations of foxes (Song ii. 15),
jackals, goats, and hares. A watch-tower was also built, a
press cut out in the rock, and good shoots planted (Isa.
v. 1-4). Finally, it was sought to further and increase
(Isa. v. 6) the growth and fruitfulness of the branches by
cutting them ppj) with the pruning-knife (niBM), and repeated

214 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
loosening plJJ) of the soil. — The proprietor was richly repaid
for such work. The grape-gathering p"1?3), which took place
in September (2), was a general festival, grapes being plucked
amid song and mirth, and brought in baskets to the wine
press (Judg. ix. 27 ; Isa. xvi 10). The press (rniB, 3j£,
~kwvb<;) was commonly hewn out of the solid rock psn,
bpiaam, Isa. v. 2 ; Matt, xviii. 33), and consisted of a large
stone trough pa) with an opening in the middle of the bottom,
under which a smaller vat {imoXrjviov, Isa. xvi 10 ; Mark
xii. 1) was hollowed out in the stone, into which the juice
flowed through the opening when the grapes were pressed
in the upper trough (Isa. lxiii. 1) (3). — The juice thus
pressed p'TR) was put partly into skins (Job xxxii. 1 9 ;
Matt. ix. 17), partly into large earthen jars (Jer. xlviii. 11),
either to be drunk fresh (Judg. ix. 13; Hos. iv. 1 1), or left
to ferment, or to be cooked to a syrup as grape honey
(Gen. xliii. 11; Ezek. xxvii. 17). The fermented wine was
frequently left for a time on its lees (B'nptS') ; and if the first
fermentation did not suffice, it was not poured off the lees
till after a second fermentation increasing its strength (Isa.
xxv. 6 ; Jer. xlviii. 11), to be kept for use thereafter in jars
or skins, especially if it was meant for transportation (1 Sam.
xvi 20; Judith x. 6) (4).
(1) Comp. Eosenmiiller, Bibl. Althk. iv. 1, p. 213 ff. ; and on
the choice shoots (pits'), also Oedmann, Vermischt. Samml. aus
der Naturk. vi. p. 98 ff.
(2) Although on the mountain land of Judah, grapes are
already ripe in July, comp. Eobinson, Palestine, i. p. 431 ; and
on the way in which vine culture is carried on in Hebron at
the present day, ibid. ii. p. 81.
(3) Such an ancient winepress in perfectly good condition
was discovered by Eobinson on the way from Shechem to
Joppa at Hableh. " Advantage had been taken of a ledge of
rock ; on the upper side, towards the south, a shallow vat had
been dug out, eight feet square and fifteen inches deep, the
bottom declining slightly towards the north. The thickness of
rock left on the north was one foot ; two feet lower down on
that side another smaller vat was excavated, four feet square
by three feet deep. The grapes were trodden in the shallow
upper vat, and the juice drawn off by a hole at the bottom
(still remaining) into the lower vat." More Recent Biblical
Researches, p. 137. — The kinds of winepress in ancient Egypt

§ IIP. WINE AND OLIVE CULTURE. 215
were very various, as is shown by the description and views in
Wilkinson, ii. pp. 152-156, with which compare the represen
tations of vineyards and grape-gathering, p. 143 sqq.
(4) Illustrations of old Egyptian wine jars in Wilkinson,
ii. p. 157 sq.
The cultivation of the olive bulked as largely, if not more so.
The noble olive trees with their grey-green leaves were reared
in gardens pW Bia) chiefly on heights and mountains, for they
love sandy and dry soil. They are propagated by sprigs,
grow slowly, reach a great age ; and if the branches begin
to wither, they may be again strengthened by the ingrafting
of branches from the wild olive, so as to bear good fruit (5).
These fruits, olives, which develop from white blossoms in the
form of round berries, at first green, then purple and black,
to the size of a pigeon's egg, have a hard kernel, and ripen in
September. They are beaten off (Ban, Deut. xxiv. 20, or
T' ^P3, beating off, i.e. harvesting of olives, Isa. xvii 6,
xxiv. 13), partly when unripe, and then either pounded, by
which the finest oil of a white colour (ITTa JOE', Ex. xxvii. 2 0,
xxix. 40) is got ; or they are trodden in presses (pressed ^11,
Micah vi. 15), or finally squeezed in oil mills (6). Olives
when quite ripe and very fleshy, give an inferior oil. Still
more so is the poor oil yielded by the fruit of the wild olive
(comp. vol. i. p. 44). For the most part, only the wood of this
tree, as being firm, lasting, and taking on a good polish, was
employed for fine buildings (1 Kings vi. 23), and its branches
used at the feast of tabernacles (Neh. viii. 15).'
(5) Comp. Columella, De re rust. v. 9. 16 ; Palladius, De re rust.
xiv. 13 ; and Stephan Schulz, Leitungen des Hochsten, v. p. 88 :
" In Jerusalem I heard from many that if a cultivated olive
loses its branches, they fetch wild olive branches from the
Jordan, graft them into the stem, and then it bears good fruit."
This in explanation of Eom. xi. 17 ff, though the apostle has
given the figure a different turn.
(6) A farm on the Mount of Olives probably derived from an
oil press the name Tebo-wavr) (Nape> na, Matt. xxvi. 36), and there
now stand enclosed some very old olive trees ; comp. Eobinson,
Palestine, i p. 234. For other less probable derivations of
the name, see Winer, R.W. sub verbo. — Oil presses and mills
{moke olearim, Varro, De re rust, i 55. 5) are first mentioned in
the Talmud, Mischn. Tehor. ix. 8 ; and the process of oil-making
is more particularly described, Mischn. Menach. viii. 4. — Olives

216 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
were also moistened and preserved in salt water (according to
Colum. and Dioscor. in Winer, R. W. ii. p. 171). There is no
proof, however, of such a preparation among the Israelites,
though at present, in the region from Hasbeya to Damascus,
olives laid in salt are the commonest food of the inhabitants ;
and, even in Damascus and Aleppo, olives preserved in water,
with a solution of chalk and alkaline salt, are brought to table.
Burckhardt, Travels.

§ 120. Fruit and Garden Culture.
As Palestine was and still is, to some extent, rich in noble
fruit or orchard trees (vol. i. p. 43 f.), the Israelites must have
given much attention to the cultivation of fruit, though par
ticulars are wanting in Scripture. There is reference to the
planting of fruit trees in the land in Lev. xix. 23, and,
besides pomegranate and nut trees, which are mentioned in
Song of Sol. vi. 11, as garden trees, fig, pistachio, and almond
trees were, no doubt, mostly reared on account of their highly
valued fruits, but perhaps also apple and pear trees (see vol. i
p. 45 f.). — Gardens were probably often joined to vineyards,
as in Egypt (1). One part of the garden was used as a vine
yard, the rest laid out in trees and devoted to the cultivation
of kitchen herbs, sweet-smelling plants and flowers (Song of
Sol. iv. 13 f.). They were laid out near the houses (2 Kings
xxi. 1 8 ; Sus. 4), that people might take rest under their
vine and fig tree (1 Kings iv. 25 ; 1 Mace. xiv. 12), fre
quently also by brooks and streams (Num. xxiv. 6 ; Deut.
xi. 10), that they might be easily watered. Where brooks
were wanting, springs were sought (B^aa pyp, Song iv. 15), and
ponds made (Eccles. ii. 6) ; or the pools in the neighbourhood
were utilised for irrigation (Neh. iii. 15) (2).
Simple gardens pliaa) were mostly used for planting fruits
(Jer. xxix. 5, 28 ; Amos iv. 9, ix. 14), and for growing
vegetables (herb gardens, pijn II, Deut. xi. 10; 1 Kings
xxi. 2). But besides these, kings and rich people had large
parks (B'Blia, Eccles. ii. 5 ; Song iv. 1 3 ; TrapaSeco-os, Sus. 7)
or pleasure gardens, in which, besides all sorts of fruit trees and
sweet-smelling plants, forest-like groups of trees were planted,
and ponds provided, not only for irrigation (Eccles. ii. 6),
but also for bathing (Sus. 18). These ornamental gardens

§ 120. FRUIT AND GARDEN CULTURE. 217
were probably first laid out in Jerusalem by Solomon (3).
They served chiefly for promenading and enjoyment, as also
for resting-places for the dead, family graves being laid out
in shady places (2 Kings xxi. 18, 26 ; John xix. 41). But
they were also abused for idolatrous purposes by the erection
of altars and idols under' the green trees (2 Kings xiv. 23,
xvi 4; Isa. i 29, lxv. 3, etc.).
(1) Comp. Wilkinson, ii. p. 142 sqq.
(2) The irrigation of gardens of herbs was, no doubt, like that
which Eobinson {More Recent Biblical Researches, p. 133) found
at N&blus, and thus describes : " The ground was divided off
into beds, 6 or 8 feet long by 3 or 4 feet wide, and these were
surrounded by a rim, like pans, to receive and retain the water.
This mode is used especially for garden vegetables." — In large
parks the irrigation was, of course, more complex (comp. § 117,
note 6), similar to that described by Wilkinson, ii. pp.
137-145. (3) Apart from the words of Solomon (Eccles. ii. 5 f.) : " I
made me gardens and orchards, and planted trees in them of all
kinds of fruits ; I made me pools of water, to water therefrom
the forest where trees were reared," this appears from the name
Dlia, which occurs first in the Song of Solomon ; and, being
derived from Upper Asia, no doubt through the intercourse
opened up by Solomon with distant foreign countries, became
naturalized in the Hebrew tongue, and in Neh. ii. 8 denotes a
royal forest. We do not, however, mean to assert that Solomon
transplanted the name and thing (Pard£s) immediately from
Babylonia or Persia to Jerusalem. Such a park might already
in his time have been brought, with its upper Asiatic name, to
Egypt ; so that Solomon was made acquainted with them by
the Egyptian king's daughter whom he married, and led to lay
out a similar one in Jerusalem. For the fruit garden and vine
yard figured by Wilkinson, ii. p. 143, copied from a representa
tion in the tombs of Thebes, shows a very artistic park belonging
to an ancient Egyptian king. — Such a park Solomon had at
Etam (the present village Artls), south-west from Bethlehem,
of which there are still preserved three ancient ponds, large
basins in the shape of an oblong quadrangle of considerable
compass, lying behind one another in terraces ; comp. Delitzsch
on the Song of Sol. vi. 11 {Bibl. Comm. zum A. Test. iv. 4,
p. 103). — Saalschiitz, Archaol. i p. 123, erroneously regards the
" forest house of Lebanon," built by Solomon, as a " garden
house provided with long open porticos and airy rooms, which
received its name from the libanotic trees and growths with
which it was shaded and enclosed."

218 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
SECOND CHAPTEE.
CATTLE-REARING, THE CHASE, AND FISHING.
§ 121. Cattle-rearing among the Israelites.
Besides agriculture, the Israelites after their settlement in
Canaan continued to follow the rearing of cattle, the industry
mainly pursued by the patriarchs, not only the tribes who on
account of their great wealth in herds settled in Perea (Num.
xxxii. 4, 16), in the rich pasture land of Gilead and Bashan,
but the other tribes as well who were more devoted to field
work. These farmers, and many of them too, kept in very
considerable herds (1 Sam. xxv. 2) oxen, asses, sheep, and
goats, and used oxen and asses in field labour, ploughing,
harrowing, threshing, drawing waggons and bearing burdens,
while they used the flesh of oxen and small cattle, and milk,
wool, skin, and hair, for food, clothing, and other necessaries
of life (comp. § 12). — The tending of the cattle was seen
to, partly by the owners and their children, partly by men-
servants and maid-servants. All summer the cattle remained
on their pastures in the open air, and were penned during the
night in folds pilJ, fcyap, aiikr}, Luke ii. 8, moveable enclo
sures), kept and watched by shepherds. These were armed
with a staff, having a crook at the end to catch the beasts by
the foot, and with a pouch for provisions ; sometimes they
were also provided with a sling (1 Sam. xvii 40) ; and they
had usually dogs to keep off wild beasts (1). — As the sons
and daughters of well - to - do and noble owners of flocks
occupied themselves with the care of cattle (1 Sam. xvi. 11,
xvii. 34), the shepherd profession was generally highly
respected, and many shepherds, e.g. David, Amos, were well
educated. — Eich men who reared cattle delivered their flocks
to an over-shepherd papp 1B>, Gen. xlvii. 6 ; B"yin Tax, l Sam.
xxi. 8 ; dpxnroifLrjv, 1 Pet. v. 4), who had to answer for every
misfortune, and to replace every head that went amissing
through his fault (Gen. xxxi. 38 ff.) ; and on this account,
especially on wide- spreading pastures (wildernesses), the heads
were counted daily (Jer. xxxiii. 1 3 ; Ezek. xx. 3 7). Hence
shepherding required the greatest vigilance and care in tend-

§ 121. CATTLE-REARING AMONG THE ISRAELITES. 219
ing the flocks (Isa. xl. 11 ; comp. Gen. xxxiii. 13); and the
payment, which was made, not in money, but in a certain
portion of the products, especially the milk (1 Cor. ix. 7),
was a small one, so that the herds or cattle-keepers pp'ts',
1 Sam. xvii. 20) had to satisfy themselves with poor food
and clothing. Enveloped in a coarse cloak (2), they had to
live on sycamore fruit (Amos vii. 1 5). — In autumn; when the
rainy season set in, the herds were driven to stalls, where
they remained till spring, about the time of the Passover, and
were fed with hay, straw, and a salted composition (Prov.
xxvii. 25 ; Amos vii. 1 ; Isa. xi. 7) (3).
The wealth of the Israelites in herds consisted chiefly of
small cattle (sheep and goats), for which the many hills and
steppes of the land, with their saline plants, provided rich and
excellent pasture ; and of oxen, which throve best on the fat
pastures of Bashan and of the plain of Sharon (1 Chron.
xxvii. 29). He-asses and she-asses, which the patriarchs had
in great numbers (Gen. xii. 6 ; Job i 3), were less numerously
bred in later times, because the Israelites used them only as
beasts of draught and burden. Still more insignificant was
the rearing of camels, because this animal can only be used
with advantage for longer journeys. While David had
special overseers in his herds for she - asses and camels
(1 Chron. xxvii. 29), we find only sheep and oxen men
tioned as forming the wealth of Hezekiah (2 Chron. xxxii. 29).
The introduction of horses under David, and especially under
Solomon, may have contributed to the gradual decrease of
asses (4) ; for from this time kings and nobles instead of
asses and mules (Judg. x. 4, xii. 14; 2 Sam. xiii. 29,
xviii. 9 ; 1 Kings i 33, 3 8) used horses for riding and
driving (2 Kings ix. 21, 33, xi. 16; Isa. xxx. 16; Amos
iv. 10), and private persons used them for threshing (Isa.
xxviii. 29), no doubt also for other field work; though in the
mountainous and rocky territory of Palestine asses and mules,
because of their sureness of foot, were useful in many respects,
and had an advantage over horses even for riding, on account
of which they are still much used for this purpose at the
present day (5).
(1) Shepherds had often to fight (1 Sam. xvii. 35 ; Amos
iii. 1 2 ; Isa. xxxi. 4) with wild beasts (wolves, bears, and lions).

220 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
— To secure flocks on the steppes against robbers, watch-towers
were built (Micah iv. 8 ; 2 Chron. xxvi. 10), to espy threaten
ing dangers from a distance ; and in such regions the shepherds
had also tents for dwellings (2 Chron. xiv. 14; comp. Song i 8;
Isa. xxxviii. 12).
(2) Probably a sheep-skin; comp. Jer. xliii. 12, and Hitzig
on the passage.
(3) The n?n ^3, salted composition (Isa. xxx. 24), consisted
of kernels of grain mixed with salt, for it was cleaned with the
fan, whereas the Easterns otherwise mix saline herbs with the
food of cattle. Comp. Bochart, Hieroz. i p. 55, ed. Lips. ; and
Harmar's Beobacht. i. p. 49.
(4) Comp. Michaelis,' Geschichte der Pferdezuchi in Paldstina,
im Anhange zu Th. 3 des Mos. Rechts.
(5) All the accounts of the ancients regarding cattle and
cattle-rearing have been collected by Bochart, Hieroz. i p. 1 sqq.,
ed. Lips.
There is little in Scripture regarding other domesticated
animals. Dogs were despised animals which roamed about in
the cities mostly without owners, as they still do in the East.
They were wild and ravenous (1 Kings xiv. 11, xvi. 4,
xxi. 19; 2 Kings ix. 3 6) ; but were kept nevertheless,
according to Job xxx. 1, from ancient times to watch the
flocks and probably also houses ; later, small dogs were kept
as pets (Tob. v. 11, xi. 4; Matt. xv. 27) (6). — Fowls are not
mentioned in the Old Testament, but first in the New (Matt.
xxiii. 37, xxvi. 34 ff. ; Mark xiv. 30 ff), though the rearing
of fowls could hardly have been unknown to the Israelites
from their Egyptian experience, and it is assumed in the
Talmud as widely spread among the Jews (7). — Finally, bee-
culture seems to be referred to by the expression ?"lf, Isa.
vii. 18, in so far as it denotes the enticing of bees from and
to their hives. According to Philo, it was greatly prosecuted
by the Essenes ; it is often mentioned in the Mischna ; but
there is no clear reference to it in the Old and New Testament,
for the abundance of honey in the land of Canaan may be
explained from its wealth of wild bees (8).
The law sought to bring the rearing of cattle also into
harmony with the mission of IsraeL The people were
trained by various ordinances to be gentle and sparing
toward their beasts (Lev. xxii. 28; Ex. xxiii. 5 and 19;
Deut. xxii. 4, 6 f.). They were also forbidden to associate

§ 122. HUNTING AND FISHING. 221
beasts of different kinds for breeding (Lev. xix. 19), or to
cut them (xxii. 24) ; that as they were created by God
pure and good, they might be preserved in their natural
separateness and peculiarity (9).
(6) Comp. Oedmann, Vermischte Sammlungen, v. p. 26 ff.
(7) Comp. Othonis, Lexic. rabb. philol. p. 256 sq. ; and Winer,
R. W., art. " Hiihner."
(8) More on the subject in Winer, R. W., art. " Bienen ; " and
above, § 97, note 4.
(9) The Eabbins found the reason of the prohibition (Lev.
xix. 19) in the view, that omnia primo creatoris ordini, quo
perfectioni creaturae consultum voluit, respondeant. Comp.
Hottinger, Juris. Hebr. leges, p. 374 sq. — The other prohibition
is restricted by Clericus and Knobel on Lev. xxii. 24 to the
sacrificing of castrated beasts. But the scruples of Clericus
were sufficiently set aside by Michaelis, M. R. iii. p. 160, who
at the same time remarks that on this understanding of the
words : " In your land ye shall not have (mutilated beasts),"
the whole sentence would be tautological, and the clause, " in
your land," would be altogether out of place. But on this point
the testimony of Josephus is decisive {Antiq. iv. 8. 40 : /in
ereibai iroietv exroftlag, fii;Te dvdpuiiroug, /^fjTe rm &XXmv Z,J)oiv) ; and of
the Eabbins, who all find in this passage a prohibition of the
castration of animals. On such a point a misunderstanding of
the law could not possibly arise so long as the Jewish state
was in existence.

§ 122. Hunting and Fishing.
The chase p!¥), pursued so early as by Nimrod (Gen. x. 9)
and Esau (Gen. xxv. 27), did not form a special occupation
among the Israelites, but was practised by farmers and shep
herds only by the way, partly to kill game (Gen. xxvii. 3 ff. ;
Prov. xxvii 12 ; Sir. xxxvi. 21 [24]), partly to destroy beasts
of prey. For this purpose hunters used not only the bow
and arrow (Gen. xxvii. 31) and slings (1 Sam. xvii. 40), but
also nets (ngn, ipap, lisp), snares (ss^iD, na, B'ps), and pits
(nna, AW), especially for larger animals, gazelles (Isa. Ii. 20),
lions (2 Sam. xxiii. 20 ; Ezek. xix. 4), and others (comp.
Job xviii. 8 ff.) (1). — In favour of wild beasts the law
required that the produce of the land in the Sabbatic year
shall also serve their wants (Ex. xxiii. 1 1 ; Lev. xxv. 7),

222 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
a provision whereby they might thrive in that year. Further,
it prescribes when a bird's nest was found with young or eggs,
on which the mother was sitting, that the mother shall not be
taken with the young, but allowed to escape (Deut. xxii. 6 f.).
As Jehovah's people, who, as the creator and preserver of all
life, has mercy also on beasts (Ps. civ. 21, cxlvii. 9; Job
xxxviii. 41), Israel is required to deal sparingly and merci
fully with the brute creation (2).' — Lastly, Israelites and
strangers among them are required to let the blood flow from
the edible wild beasts and birds they hunt, and to cover it with
earth (Lev. xvii. 13), in order that even this blood of beasts
might be counted holy.
(1) Of hounds and falcons trained for the chase, which were
used in ancient times and still are in the East (comp. Winer,
R. W., art. " Jagd "), there is no trace among the Israelites.
(2) Comp. M. Baumgarten on Deut. xxii. 6 ; whereas Michaelis,
M. R. iii. § 171, seeks also in connection with this command to
prove only economical utilitarian ends.
Fishing (nail) is mentioned in the Old Testament only in
figures (Jer. xvi. 1 6 ; Amos iv. 2 ; Ezek. xxix. 4, and xlvii.
10), whence, however, it is evident that the Israelites were
well acquainted with it. Already in Egypt they acquired
such a liking for the fish of the Nile, that they felt the
want of them painfully in the desert (Num. xi 5). Besides,
the Sea of Galilee was and is still very rich in good fish, so
that in the time of Christ fishing on it was pursued as a
profession to a great extent (Matt. iv. 21, viii. 23 ; Luke
v. 5 ff, etc.). Fishers sometimes used nets of different kinds
and sizes (ntsn, niivp, hUrvov ; Bin, dp,<pi/3\7]<rTpov ; and rnpap,
aaygvn, the drag-net, Hab. i 15), sometimes hooks pan, Isa.
xix. 8) (3), and chose the night specially for fishing (Luke
v. 5 ; John xxi. 3). After the exile, and perhaps even earlier,
the Phoenicians brought sea-fish to Jerusalem to market (Neh.
xiii. 16), and one gate of the city seems to have taken its
name, Fish- gate, from this market (2 Chron. xxxiii. 14 •
Neh. iii. 3, xii. 39).
(3) Fish-hooks and harpoons (TB and nay, Amos iv. 2 ; Job
xl. 26) are also mentioned, which were probably used only
to take large Nile fish and crocodiles. Hence they were doubt
less known to the Israelites, along with the custom of putting

§ 123. INDUSTRIES AND HANDICRAFTS. 223
rings through the gills of fish that had been taken, fastening
them to the shore with lines, and leaving them in the water to
be sold alive. Comp. Bruce, Travels in Abyssinia, in Oedmann,
Vermischte Samll. vi. § 5 ; and Eosenmiiller, Bibl. Althk. iv. 2,
p. 245. — More on the fish of the Sea of Galilee and of the
Jordan, see in Eiehm's Hwb. p. 439 ff.

SECOND SECTION.
TRADE AND INDUSTRY.
FIEST CHAPTEE.
INDUSTRIES AND HANDICRAFTS.
§ 123. Their Development among the Israelites.
The wandering life of the patriarchs, with its simple
domestic economy, had too few earthly wants to be favourable
to the cultivation of handicrafts. The making of the neces
sary clothing, like the preparation of the simple food, was
looked to by the fathers or mothers, or by man and maid
servants No doubt they were also able, not only themselves
to make the simple and coarser stuff of wool, linen, leather,
and hair for clothing and tent curtains, but also the necessary
furniture for the house, implements, and weapons of wood
and metal. Thus they needed only to buy finer materials
and cloth, articles of ornament and art, from the merchants
who travelled through the land, or from the inhabitants of
Canaan.— It was in Egypt first that the children of Israel, the
longer they were brought into all the relations of a highly
advanced domestic and social life, became acquainted with
the various wants of the household in its manifold grades.
Here also they not only found the opportunity, but were
partly compelled to exercise themselves in trades and mecha
nical arts. So that when the exodus took place under Moses,
they were in a position to execute all that was required to set
up the tabernacle and prepare the entire apparatus of worship,
— in some respects very artistic work in wood and metal
(gold, silver, and brass), in engraving and setting precious

224 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
stones, in weaving with various colours, embroidery, and the
like, — all without the assistance of foreign artisans, only the
two overseers being represented as specially endowed by
Jehovah with understanding and insight for the execution of
the works requiring art (Ex. xxxv. 30 -xxxvi. 1) (1).
In the time immediately following, the Israelites indeed
made no progress in mechanical arts, but during the wars in
the time of the Judges they rather went back, and at last fell
so completely under the yoke of the Philistines, that there
was not a smith to be found in the land, and all Israel had to
go to the Philistines to have their implements and tools
sharpened (1 Sam. xiii. 19 ff). Hence Solomon was obliged
to bring a builder and artisan from Tyre for the building of
the temple and of his palace, and even to get the wood and
stone for them hewn by Tyrians (1 Kings vii. 14 ff, comp.
with v. 20) (2). But through these very buildings, and all
that this wise king, during the peaceful reign secured by the
victorious career of David, effected for the welfare of Israel,
and the blossoming of all the arts of peace, there was a
wonderful development of industries and handicrafts in Israel.
So much was this the case, that with the increasing prosperity
and wealth of the nation, luxury began to prevail, and special
trades arose, at least in the larger cities, for many kinds of
work which were formerly done in the home (3) ; though
down to the destruction of the kingdom by the Chaldeans,
the cultivation of the land and rearing of cattle continued to
be the chief occupations of the people. Not till the exile and
the succeeding times of oppression under foreign dominion,
/ and with the increasing dispersion of the Jews throughout
\^ strange lands, was the disposition for handicrafts so developed
among them as we find it in the writings of the Eabbins,
according to whom it was regarded as a sign of bad education
if any one did not bring up his sons to a trade (4).
(1) How they could learn all these arts in Egypt has been
shown by Hengstenberg, BB. Mos. u. JEg. p. 136 ff.
(2) In connection with which it must be remembered that
these buildings demanded uncommon skill ; e.g., the casting of
the colossal brazen vessels of the temple, with their carved work,
could have been carried out even in our time only by the most
distinguished masters of metal-casting.

§ 124. THE CHIEF TRADES. 225
(3) So there are mentioned in cities, bakers (nax, Hos. vii. 4 ;
Jer. xxxvii. 21), fullers (aaa, 2 Kings xviii. 17), barbers
(3?a, Ezek. v. 1), cheesemakers {ruponioi), in Josephus, bell. jud.
v. 4. 1, and many other trades besides in the Talmud. Comp.
the vivid description of the development, extension, and position
of trades among the Jews in the time of Christ, in the little
work of Frz. Delitzsch, Judisches Handwerkerleben zur Zeit Jesu,
2 A. Erl. 1875.
(4) Comp. Othonis, Lexic. rabb. philol. p. 491. According to
this, the scribes also, as a rule, learned a trade, by which they
earned their living; as, for example, Paul, Acts xviii. 3. Comp.
Delitzsch, ubi supra, p. 76 ff.

§ 124. The chief Trades.
Eegarding the degree of technical perfection which the
different trades and mechanical arts reached among the
Israelites, and the way in which they were cultivated, we
have no particular information. The most frequent notices
are those of works in wood and metal in the prophetic descrip
tions, especially of idolatry.
1. Woodwork (H? riBhri, Ex. xxxv. 33) falls into the work
of the carpenter, joiner, carver, or sculptor, which were probably
never strictly separated from one another, and into waggon and
basket making. The first three kinds came into use in the con
struction of the tabernacle (Ex. xxv. 10 ff., xxxv. 30 ff, xxxvii.
1, 10, 15, 25). Moreover, the Israelitish princes have waggons,
covered ones, too, in the desert pv rnay, Num. vii. 4), and so
must have brought them from Egypt (1) ; and baskets are
mentioned in Num. vi. 15 ff, Deut. xxvi. 2, 4, under various
names, ?B and WD, and so probably of various kinds and
workmanship. — Of tools for carpenters and joiners there are
incidentally mentioned axe and hatchet (Blip, jna), saw pi^p),
plane pVypP), compass painp, Isa. xliv. 13), hammer pajsp,
niiapn), level (ip), and pencil or red lead (Tits/), to draw the
outlines of the work to be done. — On the contrary, of cooper
ing, casks, and wooden vessels held together with hoops, there
is not a trace.
(1) Comp. the description and figuring of Egyptian waggon-
work in Wilkinson, i. p. 343 ff.
KEIL II. P

226 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
2. For the working of metals, iron, brass, or copper, silver
and gold, three different trades were early developed : that of
the smith in iron (brv itjnn, Isa. xliv. 12 ; 2 Chron. xxiv. 12),
including the locksmith (anaap, 2 Kings xxiv. 1 6) ; the copper
smith (Wrta 'ty'in, 1 Kings vii. 14), and the tjold and silversmith
(B^ai'V, founders, Judg. xvii. 4). Iron was wrought in the
most ancient times chiefly into cutting instruments, imple
ments of handicraft and agriculture; and very early it was
hardened into steel pi??, Nah. ii. 4). In the Pentateuch we
read of axes and other iron instruments (Num. xxxv. 16 ;
Deut. xix. 5, xxvii. 5), while vessels and cooking utensils
were of brass. Moreover, the working (Kw, hammering) of
iron was probably known to the patriarchs, and of high
antiquity in Egypt (2). In after times, arms and other things,
which formerly were made of brass, such as chains, bolts,
armour, were made of iron (comp. Judg. xvi. 21 with Ps.
cxlix. 8, cvii. 16; Isa. xiv. 2; Job xx. 24; 1 Mace. vi. 35
with 1 Sam. xvii. 5 f.). Iron-founding was not known to the
Israelites. — Copper was used for all sorts of vessels, pots, pans,
kettles, weapons and armour, helmets, shields, mirrors (Ex.
xxxviii. 8), and statues (Dan. v. 4, 23), sometimes wrought,
sometimes cast, and then smoothed and polished. — The know
ledge of copper - working is not older than of iron, both
originating with Tubal Cain (Gen. iv. 22). Only copper ore,
being found more frequently solid in large masses, and more
easy to work than iron ore, was more widely spread in earlier
ages than iron. — The working of gold and silver into ornaments,
rings, and such like, goes back to the highest antiquity.
These precious metals were melted, not only to make them
fluid for casting, but also to purify them (jna, e|iy)t or to
separate them from the base metals or dross (B^B, jsa j 23)
mixed with them, especially silver from lead ore, for which
purpose an admixture of alkaline salt (nta) or lead (niBjl, Jer.
vi. 29) was used. — Metal-workers used the anvil (Bya),
hammer (t^BB, Isa. xii 7), tongs, chisel, or graving tool (Bin,
Ex. xxxii. 4), bellows (nap, Jer. vi. 29), melting-pot pivp,
Prov. xvii. 3), and for large castings the furnace (i«, Ezek.
xxii. 18). They understood soldering (P31, Isa. xii. 7),
smoothing or polishing (taip, 1 Kings vii. 45), hammering out
into plates ppi, Num. xvii. 4, Eng. ver. xvi. 38, 39) of "great

§124. THE CHIEF TRADES. 227
fineness, especially of gold for gilding, which consisted in over
laying (nay, nan) with thin gold leaf, as well as for cutting
into gold thread for embroidery (Ex. xxviii. 6, 15) (3).
(2) Comp. Hengstenberg, BB. Moses und JEgypten, p. 19 f.
¦ (3) Comp. the description and figuring of Egyptian gold-
working in Wilkinson, iii. p. 221 ff. ; and of bellows, p. 338 f.
3. Stone - working consisted partly of the hewing and
smoothing of stones pwa) and marble for great buildings,
partly of cutting and engraving precious stones for ornaments
(Ex. xxxv. 33) (4). — Pottery was greatly cultivated. Even in
Egypt the descendants of Selah wrought as potters (Bny*) in
workshops near the king (1 Chron. iv. 23) ; and earthenware
kitchen utensils are often mentioned in the Mosaic law. Later
there was a pottery at Jerusalem in the valley of the Son of
Hinnom (Jer. xix. 1 f. ; Matt, xxvii. 7, 10). The work began
with the kneading of the clay pp'n), by treading it with the
feet (Isa. xii. 25). Then the faiass was shaped with the hand
into vessels (Jer. xviii. 3 f.), on a disc turned by the foot, the
potter's wheel (B)a3N) ; lastly, they were burnt in the furnace
(Sir. xxxviii. 29). Probably the Israelites got from Egypt a
knowledge of the enamelling of vessels (Prov. xxvi. 2 3 ; Sir.
xxxviii. 30) (5). — But of the preparation of glass, which the
Phoenicians are said to have invented by the river Belus, no
certain trace can be found among the Israelites, though
according to all probability glass is mentioned under the name
nia'ar (Job xxviii 1 7), as something very precious after gold ;
and in Eev. xv. 2, xxi 1 8, we read of i/aXo? (6).
(4) Eegarding the spread of the art of the jeweller and
engraver in ancient Egypt, information is given by Hengsten
berg, BB. Mos. u. ^Eg. p. 138 f.
(5) For illustrations of the manufacture of ancient Egyptian
pottery, see Wilkinson, iii. p. 164. — The Oriental potter's wheel
is described by Abulwalid in Gesen. Thes. i p. 19. — Bahr
{Symbolik, ii. p. 393) and Sommer {Bibl. Abhandl. i. p. 213)
maintain, without proof, that the Israelites did not know
enamelling, and seek thereby to explain the breaking of
earthen vessels which had become unclean, prescribed in Lev.
vi. 21, etc. But this prescription may be explained by the fact,
that in using enamelled vessels some of the enamel is easily
knocked off, and thus an unclean fluid may seek its way into

228 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
the earthen matter. Besides, there are earthen figures pre
served from Egyptian antiquity which show a coating of
enamel. (6) In Job xxviii. 17 costly glass vessels are probably
meant, such as are represented on very ancient Egyptian
monuments, beside the glass-making depicted on tombstones
from the time of Osiris the first, in Wilkinson, iii. p. 89 f.
4. Tanning and weaving. The working of skins into
leather or morocco for shoes, girdles, covers (Ex. xxvi 7),
and other household articles (Luke xiii. 48 f., 52 f.), was
followed probably from ancient times as a business by tanners
{Bvpaevi, Acts ix. 43), though in the Old Testament no
mention of it occurs. In ancient Egypt tanning had come
to great perfection (7), and the Israelites might become
acquainted with it there. — On the contrary, the weaving (ai.N)
of the common, coarser and finer, woollen, linen, cotton, and
hair cloths into garments, covers, tent-curtains, etc., was the
business of the housewives, as well as the spinning pip) of
flax, wool, and cotton, goat and camel hair (Ex. xxxv. 2 5 f. ;
Prov. xxxi. 13, 19 ; 2 Kings xxiii 7) (8). But the art of
weaving strictly so called ptrn nt2>yp, Ex. xxviii. 6) with
inwrought flowers and figures was done by men, as well as
the weaving of fine byssus, in which the sons of Selah were
engaged even in Egypt (1 Chron. iv. 21). Hence the par
ticular manipulations of this business were so generally
known, that in figurative language we often read of the
weaver's beam (BVnfc liap, 1 Sam. xvii. 7; 2 Sam. xxi. 19),
the weaver's shuttle (aiN, Job vii. 6), warp and woof ('W
and aiy, Lev. xiii 48 ff. ; riaap, Judg. xvi. 13), remnants
p?l, Isa. xxxviii. 12). The loom itself, as it happens, is
not mentioned in the Old Testament ; it was, however, chiefly
the high-shafted one common throughout all antiquity, so
that the weaver required to stand before it (9).
(7) Comp. Wilkinson, iii. p. 155 ff. ; and Hengstenberg, BB.
Moses und JEgypten, p. 142.
(8) It has already been mentioned, § 101, that the working of
linen and wool, the weaving of them one through another, was
forbidden by the law.
(9) Eepresentations of the loom, see in Braun, De vestit. sacerd.
p. 273 ; Hartmann, Die Hebrderin am Putztisch, i. taf. 1 ; and
of the Egyptian loom with its various constructions for the

§ 125. WEIGHTS. 229
different fabrics, in Wilkinson, iii. pp. 134 and 135, ii. p. 60,
where, moreover, not only men, but also women are represented
weaving, the latter also spinning. Comp. the engraving of
the Egyptian spindles, ibid. iii. p. 136. — Egyptian weaving was
famous in ancient times ; comp. Hengstenberg, BB. Mos. u. ^Eg.
p. 143 f.
SECOND CHAPTEE.
TRADE OF THE ISRAELITES.
§ 125. Weights.
As soon as trade in the first stages of its development
went beyond the simple exchange of articles and products
which one had, for others he wished to have, there must
have been fixed weights and measures to determine the
value of the things to be exchanged. The origin of
these is lost in the obscurity of primitive times, and they
were already settled in the patriarchal age throughout the
whole of Western Asia (1). — The standard weight pp^'p) of
the Israelites, by which the other weights were determined,
was the shekel ppj', i.e. weight, from 7pB!, to weigh), and the
heaviest weight the talent (133, i.e. orbis, rounding, a round
thing). It is clear from Ex. xxxiii. 25 f. that the talent
was equal to 3000 shekels, and the shekel to 20 gerahs.
Hence it has been concluded, that the Hebrew talent of
weight amounted to 3000 shekels of weight, and the mina,
60 of which go to a talent, equalled 50 shekels, and con
sequently the talent and shekel of weight were identical
with the talent and shekel of money. But this assumption
is now recognised as erroneous, owing to the discovery of
Assyrio-Babylonian standard weights in the ruins of Nineveh.
These standard weights have the form of recumbent lions or
ducks, frequently with a handle on the back, and commonly
with an inscription, in most instances a double inscription,
an Aramaic and an Assyrian (the latter in cuneiform
characters), the former the designation of the weight by
value {e.g. " two minas of land "), the other giving the name
of the king. Further, from the exact weighing and careful
comparison of them with the weights of Western Asia, it

230 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
appears : {a) that the talent of 3000 shekels was not one of
weight but of money; that Ezek. xiv. 12, a text which was
held to be corrupt, is decisive for the talent of weight, accord
ing to which it consisted of 60 minas, each containing 60
(20 + 25 + 15) shekels, and thus equal to 3600 shekels.
(b) That the Assyrio-Babylonian talent of weight was divided
into a heavy one and a light, the former of which was equal
to 60-6 kilogrammes, the latter the half, 30 "3 kilog., and
accordingly the mina, its sixtieth part, weighed 10-10 and 5-5
grammes, and the shekel its sixtieth part, 16-83 and 8-41.
But this Babylonian weight was not exactly transferred to
Palestine, for the Hebrew shekel (the holy shekel) (2) did
not weigh fully 16'83, but 16'37 grammes, as is gathered
from the statement of Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 7. 1, that the
Jewish gold mina amounted to 2\ Eoman pounds = 818-57
grammes. Besides this account of Josephus and the passage
Ezek. xiv. 12 after the Masoretic text, there are no certain
statements in the Old Testament regarding the difference
between the weight and money shekel, for no definite con
clusions can be drawn either from what is said regarding the
weight of Goliath's spear (2 Sam. xxi 16), 300 shekels, or
still less from the notice regarding the weight of Absalom's
hair (2 Sam. xiv. 26), 200 shekels.
With these weights, wliich consisted originally of stones
(Bp3K, Lev. xix. 36), the metals were weighed in the most
ancient times, and according to them so early as the age of
Abraham the value of articles of gold and silver was estimated
(Gen. xxiv. 22) (3).
(1) The chief writings on the subject are: Aug. Bockh,
Metrolog. Untersuchungen iiber Gewichte, Munzfiisse und Masse
des Alterthums in ihrem Zusammenhange, Berlin 1838. Here
Bockh has proved that the measure and weight systems of
Babylon, Egypt, Palestine, Phoenicia, Greece, Sicily, and Italy
are historically connected, and that the basis of the metrological
systems of the ancient world is to be sought in Babylon. J.
Brandis has sought still further to establish these investigations
in Das Miinz-, Mass-, und Gewichts-system in Vorderasicn bis auf
Alexander d. Grossen (Berl. 1866). The results of these re
searches as regards the Hebrew weights and measures have been
collected by Bertheau in his treatise on weights, coins, and
measures of the Hebrews, in his work, Zur Geschichte der

§ 125. WEIGHTS. 231
Israeliten, Gott. 1842. — Independently of both, 0. Thenius
sought to fix the amount of the Hebrew measures in his
treatise, " Die althebraischen Langen- und Hohlmasse nach
alttestl. und rabbin. Angaben berechnet und bestatigt durch
Erklarung altagyptischer Mass-stabe," in the Theol. Studien und
Kritiken, 1846, H. 1 and 2, pp. 73 ff. and 297 ff— Of the older
writings the most important is, J. Csp. Eisenschmidii De pon-
deribus et mensuris vet. Romanorum, Grmcorum, Hebrceorum, etc.,
Argent, ed. 2, 1737. Unimportant are : L. Herzfeld, Metrologische
Voruntersuchungen zu einer Geschichte des ibrdischen resp.
altjildischen Handels, 2 Hefte, Lpz." 1863 and 1865 ; and
Zuckermann, Das jildische Mass-system und seine Beziehungen
zum griechischen und romischen, Breslau 1867.
(2) The repeated designation of the skekel as the shekel of
the sanctuary, or holy shekel, presupposes that there were other
shekels. To this distinction we are also led by comparing
1 Kings x. 17 with 2 Chron. ix. 16, according to which 3 minas
= 300 shekels, i.e. the mina contained 100 shekels, whereas it
contained only 50 holy or Mosaic shekels. Thus the common
shekel was only the half of the holy one, or equal to the bek_ah
(Ex. xxxviii. 26), as the Eabbins also hold. Comp. Maimonides,
Constitutiones de siclis qucts  illustr., Jo. Esgers, L. Bat. 1718,
p. 19. This relation, which is analogous to that between the
heavy and light Babylonian standard weight, has a twofold
confirmation from the fact, that according to Ex. xxx. 13 there
existed silver pieces of the weight of 10 gerahs. Also from the
fact, that the name bekah occurs only in the Pentateuch, and
afterwards disappears, being replaced by the common shekel,
its equal in weight ; because perhaps silver pieces of 10 gerahs
in weight were chiefly in circulation, to which the name shekel
\PW), itself expressing no definite weight, was applied, Comp.
also Bertheau, ubi supra, p. 26 f. — The Mosaic shekel is pro
bably also identical with the " shekel after the king's weight "
(2 Sam. xiv. 26), though this passage, according to which
Absalom's hair when polled weighed 200 shekels, determines
nothing respecting the weight of the shekel. For this account
— even reckoning by the common shekel — gives far too high a
weight, and as decidedly erroneous can only have come into the
text through the mistake of a copyist. Comp. my comm. on
2 Sam. xiv. 26.
(3) On the weight of the shekels coined by Simon the
Maccabee, see further particulars in § 127. — The Babylonian
talent, by which Darius Hystaspes had his silver tribute paid,
amounted, according to iElian ( Var. histor. i 22), to 72 Attic
minas of the older or pre-Solotnic weight; each mina of this
weight equalled 338-88 drachmas (of Solon) ; and as these

232 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
weigh 82-2 Parisian grains, 72 minas weighed 822,000
Parisian grains, like the Hebrew talent (comp. Bockh, p. 47 f. ;
and Bertheau, p. 36 f.). Of the same weight was the most
ancient Greek talent, that of iEgina, wliich stood to the money
weight adopted by Solon in the ratio of 10 : 6 (Bockh, p. 77).
Since the Attic talent of Solon weighed 493,200 Par. grains,
the talent of iEgina according to the proportion of 6 : 10 must
have amounted to 822,000 Par. grains (Bertheau, p. 36). — The
Eabbinical determinations of the Hebrew weight lead to the
same result. The Eabbins fix the weight of the gerah at 16
barley corns (comp. Carpzov, Apparat., or at 17 according
to Levi ben Gerson on Ex. xxx. 13, in Leusden, Phil. hebr. mixt.
p. 194), a weight which Eisenschmid {de ponder, p. 57) and
Thenius on 2 Sam. xii 30 themselves tested and found to
harmonize with the extant Jewish shekels. — Now, since, accord
ing to Thenius {Theol. Studien u. Krit. 1846, p. 112), 345 such
barley corns go to a Dresden loth [about half an ounce], the
Hebrew talent must have weighed about 90 Dresden pounds,
while 822,000 Par. grains make about 93 Dresden pounds. —
The relation of Hebrew to more modern weights is shown by
the following scheme : —
Hebrew weights. Paris grains. New German weights.
Grammes.
1 Talent=3000 shekels . =822000 =43660-3
13700 „ 727-67
274 „ 14-5534
137 „ 7-2767
13-7 „ 0-72767

1 Mina=50 shekels
1 Holy shekel
1 Bekah (shekel weight)
1 Gerah .

The name nia {gerah), corn, may be derived from the fact that
the smallest weight had the form of grains or groats. Comp.
Bockh, ubi supra, p. 58.

§ 126. Measures.
Measures are either those of length piip) or of capacity
pliiltyp). The names of the commonest smaller lineal measures
are taken from members of the human body, because these
were at first used to measure lengths. They are in ascending
order: the fingerbreadth (VaXN, Jer. Iii. 21); the handbreadth
{nsb,palma, Ex. xxv. 25), i.e. 4 fingerbreadths ; the span
pit, Ex. xxviii. 16), i.e. 3 handbreadths ; and the cubit ppa),
i.e. the length of the fore-arm from the elbow to the tip of
the middle finger, or 2 spans, 6 handbreadths, and 24 finger-

§ 12G. MEASURES. 233
breadths (1) ; lastly, the reed paip, /raAa/to?, Ezek. xii. 8), i.e. 6
cubits. In addition to these for the measurement of distances are
the pace pJ?y, 1 Sam. vi. 13), the little way (Luther: Feldwegs,
n^n niaa, Gen. xxxv. 16, xlviii. 7 ; 2 Kings v. 19), about an
hour's walk, or J of a German mile [about 4 miles English] (2) ;
the day's journey (ai' T|i1, Gen. xxx. 36, etc.; ai' ?]?np, Jonah
iii. 4; oSos r)pApa<i, 1 Mace. v. 24; Luke ii 44), a distance of
from 6 to 12, on the average 7 to 8 hours; and the Sabbath
day's journey {a-aBBdrov 6So?, Acts i. 12), the length which
according to the Eabbinical rule, founded on Ex. xvi 29, the
Jews were allowed to go from their houses on the Sabbath, i.e.
2000 cubits, according to others 750 Eoman paces, or 6 fur
longs (3). — The absolute length of these measures cannot be
made out with certainty, because, according to 2 Chron. iii. 3,
and Ezek. xliii. 13 and xl. 5, various cubits were in use among
the Israelites, as among the Egyptians and Babylonians, at
different times. According to the most probable result of
recent investigations, the Mosaic cubit amounted to 20 inches
5 lines Dresden, or 1 foot 6 inches 6 lines Ehenish measure,
or 214'512 lines Paris, while the larger cubit of Ezekiel is
reckoned at 234-333 lines Paris (4).
(1) The words npx and rnr are still regarded by Bockh,
Metrol. Unterss. p. 265, and Bertheau, Zur Geschichte,^. 51 £, as
of Egyptian origin, because in Coptic mahe or mahi with the
prefix ammahi denotes the forearm or cubit, and in Egyptian
the word terto is also found. Only both words can be derived
and explained from the Hebrew ; comp. Gesen. Thes. sub verbis ;
and Thenius in d. Theol. Studien u. Krit. 1846, p. 77 ; and the
Hebrews were, acquainted with the cubit measure before they
went to Egypt.
(2) The strict meaning of ni33 is unknown. But the
measure corresponds nearly to the Persian parasang (as it
has been translated in Syr. and Arabs Samar. ni33), which
according to Herodotus (ii. 6, v. 53) amounted to 30 stadia,
about 4 English miles. Comp. Gesen. Thes. p. 658.
(3) More on the day's and Sabbath day's journey in K. v.
Eaumer's Paldstina, p. 21 f.
(4) See Eich. Lepsius, Die babylonisch - assyr. Langenmasse
nach der Tafel von Senkereh, mit 2 Tafeln, Berlin 1877 {Aus.
den Abhandl. der kon. Academie). — :In 2 Chron. iii. 3 the
measures of the temple spaces, agreeably to 1 Kings vi. 2 ff,
are given in cubits, but with the addition : " after the former

234 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
measure." This notice supposes a later cubit in use in the
time of the chronicler which was probably smaller than the
former or Mosaic one. To this must be added Ezek. xl. 5 and
xliii. 13, according to which the cubit by which the measure
ments of the new temple seen by the prophet in vision are
given, amounted to a (common) cubit and a handbreadth, i.e.
7 handbreadths of the common cubit. But the cubit assumed
by Ezekiel as the common one can hardly be the Mosaic. For
this prophet, who lives entirely in the law, would certainly not
have used any other measure than the Mosaic, if the common
cubit of his time had been equal to the Mosaic. We -must
therefore suppose that the common cubit, to which Ezekiel
adds a handbreadth, was shorter than the Mosaic or legal one,
for it frequently happens that the measures used in common
life are smaller than the standard measures ; that it was only
of the length of an average man's arm, which may be referred to
by the expression tS',K nps, " according to the cubit of a man,"
Deut. iii. 11 ; and that the cubit of Ezekiel was a palm or
4 fingerbreadths longer than this common one, not so much
however, but only about 2 fingerbreadths longer than the
Mosaic. — These suppositions gain a high degree of probability,
if not complete certainty, partly from Eabbinical notices, partly
from the analogy of the Egyptian and Babylonian cubits. The
Eabbins designate the Mosaic cubit of 6 palms as rvwa ncs,
cubitus mediocris (Mischna Kelim xvii. 9 ; and Bartenora and
Maimon. ad h. I., ed. Surenh. vi. p. 90 ; comp. Buxtorf, Hist.
areas f osd. c. vii. p. 86), and distinguish from it one of 5 palms
and one of 6 palms and a fingerbreadth, or more than 6 palms
(comp. Lundius, Jud. Heiligthumer, i. cap. 2, § 13). The cubit
of 5 palms may never have existed, but have been inferred
by the Eabbins only from Ezek. xl. 5 and xliii. 13 ; but the
name intermediate cubit must rest on an ancient tradition, the
more, since, on the one hand, it stands in contradiction to the
distinction likewise known to the Eabbins into a common and
a holy cubit, and yet, on the other hand, receives confirmation
from the ancient Egyptian measures which have come down to
us. For on these measures, according to the unanimous testi
mony of all the savants who have examined them closely, there
are two cubits represented, a shorter one of 26 and a longer one
of 28 inches ; but besides these, according to the very plausible
exposition of Thenius, ubi supra, p. 327 ff, there are marks for
a third, i.e. for the cubit of 24 inches used in ordinary business.
Finally also he finds divisions and markings which render it
probable that the measure of 26 inches was the most ancient
cubit, which certainly did not originally amount to more than 6
palms or 24 inches, but in course of time had been shortened

§ 126. MEASURES. 235
for common purposes by 2 inches, so that 26 inches of this
cubit in common use, which was divided into 24 inches, went
to the old cubit ; while the cubit lengthened to 28 inches is the
later, so-called king's cubit, which was also in use in Babylonia,
where, according to Herodotus, i. 178, the king's cubit was
3 fingerbreadths longer than the common one {fi'eTpiog vriyvg).
This long king's cubit, which measured pretty nearly the same
in Babylonia and Egypt (comp. Bockh, Metrol. Unterss. p. 227),
is probably the same measure which Ezekiel designated as " a
cubit and a handbreadth." — If, however, the 26 inches on the
ancient Egyptian measures formed the oldest standard cubit, its
length agrees with the Eabbinical accounts (in Eisenschm. de
ponder, p. 118), that the Mosaic cubit amounted to 144 barley
corns placed breadthways close to one another, while these,
according to the experiments made by Thenius, ubi supra, p.
109 ff, gave on the average 20-5 inches Dresden, or 214-512 lines
Paris. Finally, this length is almost exactly the same as the
intermediate Arab cubit, which is also fixed at 144 barley corns,
and according to a tolerably certain reckoning in Bockh {ubi
supra,TD. 247) amounts to 213-058 lines Paris. So substantially
Thenius, in the above treatise.
Following the reckoning of the Hebrew lineal measures there
given, p. 113, according to their equivalent in German and
French measures, we get the following relation to the new
German system: —
Hebrew measure.
1 Eeed {Kaneh)
1 Cubit {Ammah) .
1 Span {Sereth)
1 Handbreadth {Topach)
1 Fingerbreadth {Ezba)
Measures of capacity for things dry differ partly from those
for liquids, {a) The largest measure for things dry is the
homer ppn, Lev. xxvii. 16; Num. xi. 32) or cor (ia, /wS/jo?,
1 Kings iv. 22 ; Luke xvi. 7). It contained 2 letech pp.?,
Hos. iii. 2) or 10 ephahs pB'X, Ezek. xiv. 11); the ephah
contained 3 seahs ('"1KB, adrov, 1 Sam. xxv. 1 8, etc. ; Matt.
xiii. 33) or 10 issaron (fr^y, Lev. xiv. 10 ; Num. xv. 4; in
Josephus, Antiq. iii. 1. 6, do-adpcov) (5). Lastly, the seah con
tained, according to the Eabbins, 6 kabs pp, 2 Kings vi. 25).
— {b) For liquids the largest measure was the bath ps,
1 Kings vii. 26), according to Ezek. xiv. 11, the tenth part
of the homer, and so for liquids the same measure as the

Rhenish.

New German measure.

Feet. in. lines.

Meter. Ctni. Mm.

= 93 0-090

= 2 90 7

„ 1 6 6-015

„ - 48 4-5

„ - 9 3-0075

„ - 24 2-25

„ - 3 1-0025

„' - 8 0-75

„ - - 9-2506

„ - 2 0-18

IBTT BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
ephah was for things dry. The bath contained (according to
Josephus, Antiq. iii. 8. 3) 6 hins (pn, Ex. xxix. 40, etc.), the
hin according to the Eabbins 12 logs {6, Lev. xiv. 10 ; LXX.
KorvXrf). — The following table will show the relation of these
various measures to one another : —
Homer .... 1
Bath and Ephah . 10 1
Seah  30 3 1
Hin  60 6 2 1
Issaron .... 100 10 3^ If 1
Kab  180 18 6 3' If 1
Log  720 72 24 12 7£ 4 1
The actual cubic content of these measures is still disputed.
Josephus puts the bath at 72 fjeaTat, or sextarii, and the
hin = ^- of a bath at 2 Attic %cai, conchii, and so the bath
equal to the Attic metretes, which contained 12 chooz, or
72 Eoman sextarii (6). — These valuations, indeed, receive no
small confirmation from the fact that the older Egyptian
artabe contained 4^ Eoman modii or 72 sextarii, and was con
sequently equal to the Hebrew bath and ephah. And the
very names ephah and hin indicate an Egyptian origin (7).
But these valuations are again rendered doubtful by the fact
that they neither correspond to the biblical accounts, according
to which the actual content of the particular measures may
be pretty nearly determined, nor to the Eabbinical estimates
of the biblical measures, while these harmonize much more
with the biblical accounts (8).
(5) The ipy mentioned Ex. xvi. 36 is not a measure, but a
bowl, containing the tenth of an ephah.
(6) Joseph. Antiq. viii. 2. 9 : b be j3db og buvarai yoipr]sai %'ecrag
'e^bofMrixovTa duo ; and iii. 8. 3, he says of the bin : p'eTpov b' earl rouro
entyupiov buo yoag ' Arrixoug beyo/Levov ; and ix. 4 : b be E/V fierpov
apyaibv ' E(3paiuv buvaTai be duo ybag ' ATTixoug •Koir\eai. With this
agrees ix. 4. 4, where Josephus renders \ kab (comp. 2 Kings
vi. 25) by ptwjs, 72 of which go to the /ieTpn^g, while 18 kabs or
72 quarter kabs make an ephah. — These statements, however,
are contradicted by others, e.g. Antiq. xx. 9. 2, where Josephus
fixes the cor (or homer) at 10 Attic medimni, and uses the
medimnus—9& sextarii, interchangeably with the metretes=t72
sextarii ; and iii. 6. 6, where he fixes the issaron (^ ephah) at
7 Attic cotylae, and uses the xorbXrt interchangeably with the

§ 126. MEASURES.

237

Zesrvg, though even then the valuation does not exactly corre
spond. Comp. Bockh, pp. 259, 261 ; Bertheau, p. 71 f. ; and
Thenius, ubi supra, p. 107 f.
(7) Comp. Bockh, p. 242. The word nasx has no suitable
etymology in Hebrew, and probably comes from the Egyptian
bpoT, olpl, or oTpi, as it is rendered by the LXX. in various places.
Comp. Gesen. Thes. p. 83. Neither can pn be satisfactorily
explained from the Semitic, but is of Egyptian origin, and has
been preserved in the Coptic eine and ine, species, modus, forma.
Comp. Parthey, Vocabular. Copt, latin, pp. 27 and 60 ; and,
besides, Diimichen, on old Egyptian measures of capacity, in
the Zeitschr. fur dgypt. Sprache, 1875, p. 91 ff.
(8) Following Josephus, Bertheau, ubi supra, p. 72 f., reckons
the content of the various measures in the following table, in
which he takes the Attic metretes, not with Bockh (p. 278), at
1993-95 cubic inches Paris, but at 1985-77 cubic inches Par., or
739800 grains Paris of rain-water : — Weight (water).
Paris grains.
7398000 739800
246600123300 41100 10275
But, according to these measurements, the brazen sea could
not possibly contain 2000 baths of water. This has been clearly
shown by Thenius, ubi supra, p. 90 ff. — To this we have to add
the contradiction in the different accounts of Josephus. But
apart from this, all reckonings, according to these statements,
are rendered wholly uncertain by the fact that Josephus and
other authorities, as well as the reckonings which follow them,
proceed on the translation of the LXX., in which the fisrprirfo
(comp. 2 Chron. iv. 5) has been taken as the full Attic metretes,
and so the metretes probably reckoned too high. — Nearer the
truth is the estimate of Thenius, following the data of the
Eabbins, which make the log = 6 average hen's eggs (comp.
Kimchi, Lex. sub verbo ; Buxtorf, Lex. hebr. s.v. 3p ; Schindler,
Lexic. pentagl. s.v. sjik and ib ; and Lightfoot, Harmon, evang.
ad Joh. ii. 6, Opp. i. p. 412 ; and Guise on Mischna Peah iii.
6, ed. Surenh. i. p. 48), meaning, however, not as much as six
egg shells would contain, as many older antiquarians thought,
but the space occupied by six eggs, as rightly understood by
Val. Schindler, Lex. pentagl. s.v. lb- This author says : " Si in
vas aqua plenum sex ova conjiciantur, quantum de aqua effluxit

Size.

Par. cubic inches.

Homer, . .

. . 19857-7

Ephah, . .

. . 1985-77

Seah, . . .

. . 961-92

Hin, . . .

. . 330-96

Kab, . . .

. . 110-32

Log, . . .

. . 27-58

238

BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.

tanta mensura ai$> log ; " and the same is clear from the Mischna
Kelim xvii. 6, which, literally translated, runs: Quando
dixerunt (scil. auctores Mischnici) instar ovi, non magnum nee
parvum, sed mediocre intelligunt. E. Jehuda dicit: adducit
omnium maximum et minimum imponitque aquis et eas dividit,
to which Maimon. adds the explanation: si quis aliquod vas
impleverit, quo usque fieri possit, donee aqua super oras undique
effiuxerit, idque imposuerit alii vasi vacuo, turn insuper ovum
aliquod majus injiciendum erit et prodibit exinde mensura
corporis ovi absque dubio, et hasce aquas colliget, etc. Follow
ing this course, Thenius, p. 97 ff, found by repeated experiments
the content of six average hen's eggs to be equal to 21-27 cubic
inches Dresden, and the weight of water corresponding to this
content to be 19-125 loth Dresden; and accordingly he thus
fixes the amount of the various measures in a table, in which
the log=6 eggs, is estimated at 21-25 cubic inches: —

Kabs.

Eggs. Par.

Rhenish
cubic inches.

1 Homer (K

ir), 180 or 4320 = 10143-9 or

11246-7

1 Ephah (Bath), 18 „

432 „ 1014-39 „

1124-67

1 Seah,

• • 6 „

144 „ 33813 „

374-89

1 Hin, . .

. . 3 „

72 „ 169-06 „

187-445

1 Omer (Issaron), \\ „

431 n H2-467 „

101-439

1 Kab, . .

.

24 „ 56155 „

62-481

1 Log, . .

.

6 „ 14-088 „

15-62

1 Egg, . .

2-348 „

2-603

According

y the ratio to

the new German measure stands

thus : —

Cubic metre.
Litre (Kanne). H,e°toli;tre .°hoPin.
v ' (Fass).
(lierman).
1 Homer,.
= 0-201215
= 201-215 = 2 and
2-43
1 Ephah, .
„ 0-0201215
„ 201215 „ — „
40-243
1 Seah, .
„ 0-0067071
„ 6-7071 „ - „
13-4142
1 Hin, . .
„ 0-0033535
„ 3-3535 „ — „
6 7070
1 Omer, .
„ 00025151
„ 2-5151 „ - „
5-0303
1 Kab, .
„ 0-0011178
„ 1-H78 „ - „
2-0589
1 Log, . .
„ 0-0002794
„ 0-2794 „ - „
0-5588
§ 127. Money.
Besides fixed weights and measures, as soon as trade rises
above the simple exchange of products, a fixed medium
becomes necessary by which the relative worth of the
articles to be exchanged may be reckoned. For this purpose
§ 127. MONEY. 239
silver was used in Western Asia from the most ancient times
in unwrought pieces, the worth of which was determined by
their weight. Silver passed thus in the time of the patriarchs,
who used it not only to buy corn from Egypt (Gen. xiii 2 5 ff,
xliii. 15 ff, xliv. 1 ff), but land from the Canaanites
(xxiii. 15 ff). The silver, however, which Abraham weighed
to Ephron the Hittite for the field which he bought for a
burying-place, was in the form of " shekels current with the
merchant" p?Bp I3y PptP, Gen. xxiii. 16), i.e. silver pieces of the
weight of a shekel, which f or trading purposes were provided
with a mark (stamp) showing their weight (1). These silver
pieces or lumps of metal, with their weight designated on
them, are the most ancient money of which we have any infor
mation. That they circulated singly is clear from the fact
that the worth of the article bought was given in the number
of them. It is in silver shekels that the payments of the
Israelites to the sanctuary (Ex. xxx. 13 ff), compensations
and fines (Ex. xxi. 22 ; Lev. v. 15 ; Deut. xxii. 19, 29), and
the priestly valuations (Lev. xxvii 3 ff, 25 ; Num. xxviii. 16),
are fixed by the Mosaic law, and all exchange and sales
reckoned. Since, however, in Ex. xxx. 13 there is imposed
on every Israelite on the muster roll half a shekel of silver as
a tax to the sanctuary, and in this connection it is remarked :
" A shekel is 2 0 gerahs ; '' since, further, in Ex. xxxviii. 2 6 the
half shekel is called bekah, silver pieces of the weight of a
bekah (Gen. xxiv. 22) must have existed, and perhaps still
smaller, at least quarter shekels, which are mentioned 1 Sam.
ix. 8. — But very large sums were reckoned by the largest weight
of the Israelites, the talent, iaa, a round thing, a name which
indicates that there were lumps of silver in the form of thick
round discs or rings (according to Egyptian engravings), which
weighed 3000 shekels. Besides, in the exilic writings there is
still mention of the mina= 50 shekels (1 Kings x. 17 ; Ezra
ii. 69, vii. 71). — In respect of money shekels the gold is to be
distinguished from the silver shekel. While the gold shekel
and the shekel of weight were exactly equivalent, the relative
value of the two precious metals to one another was taken
into account in the case of the silver shekel used as a means
of exchange. This relative value was in the proportion of
13^ to 1. But there was not given to the silver shekel

240 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
13^ times the weight of the gold shekel, which would have
been 224'4 grammes, thus weighing nearly half a pound, and
being much too heavy to be a medium of payment. There
fore to get a handy silver medium, the entire piece of 224'4
grammes was divided by 15 = 14-96 grammes, whereby a
silver piece of 14'96 grammes was formed, coming pretty
near the gold shekel of 16'83 grammes in weight. In this
division the silver shekel weighing 14'55 grammes came into
use among the Israelites. According to the present exchange,
the worth of a Hebrew gold shekel would thus be about 45
marks (shillings), that of the Hebrew silver shekel about 2\
marks, which shows the ratio of 1 to 20 as in the case of
Persian darics, 2 0 silver shekels corresponding to the gold daric,
as at the present day 2 0 shillings go to the English sovereign,
20 francs to the French gold piece, 20 marks to the German
double crown.
The introduction of silver pieces, with their value stamped
on them, is undoubtedly to be ascribed to the Phoenicians ;
and this was the money used by the Israelites down to the
Babylonian exile (2). In their exile they became acquainted
with the Babylonian and Persian money, so that in post-exilic
writings sums are reckoned in darics (Ezra ii. 69, viii. 67;
Neh. vii. 70 ff. ; comp. 1 Chron. xxix. 7) (3). Later they
had Grseco - Syrian money, till the leader Simon, having
achieved the independence of Judea in the year 143 B.C.,
received from King Antiochus VII., Sidetes, in the fourth
year of Israel's emancipation, the right of minting his own
coins (1 Mace. xv. 6). Thereafter not only the Maccabean
princes, but also the Herodians, and last of all even Bar-
Cochba, have their own coinage. These Maccabean whole
and half shekels are stamped with the weight of the Mosaic
shekel, and have come down to us in several genuine
pieces (4). Side by side with them, however, Greek money
remained in circulation, so that in the apocryphal books of
the Old Testament, as well as in the New Testament,
drachmas, didrachmas, and staters are mentioned (2 Mace.
iv. 19, x. 20, xii. 43; Luke xv. 8 f. ; Matt. xvii. 27) (5).
Besides these, Eoman money was current under the Eoman
dominion, of which denarii {Svvdpiov, Matt, xviii. 28, etc.),
asses (dao-dpiov of copper, Matt. x. 29), and quadrantes

| 127. MONEY. 241
{KoSpavTT)<i, quadrans, Matt. v. 26 ; Mark xii. 42) are referred
to (6).
(1) The kesitah pp^p, Gen. xxxiii. 19) is a weighed piece
of metal, and, to judge from Gen. xxiii. 16 and Job xiii. 11, of
considerably higher value than the shekel (comp. Delitzsch on
Gen. xxxiii. 19), not an unstamped piece of silver of the value
of a lamb (Cel. Cavedoni, Bibl. Numismatik, i. p. 11), because
the LXX., Chald., and others have translated the word by
lamb. See the various meanings in Gesen. Thes. s. verbo.
(2) Comp. Movers, Phonizier, ii. 3, pp. 16, 27 ff, and 56,
where the words of the Greek rhetorician Alcidamas are given,
to the effect that " the Phoenicians, the most intelligent and
clever of the barbarians, invented coins ; for they had a metal
measure divided into proportionate parts, and distinct marks
stamped on them according to their different weights {xal mpZiToi
yapaXTr)pa eBaXov elg tov aTaS/Jibv rb tX?ov xal rb eXaTTOv)." Comp.
J oh. Lydii De mens, i 9, p. 5. — With this agrees the state
ment of the Talmudists, that all silver money mentioned in the
law is Tyrian money; comp. Hottinger, Cippi Hebr. p. 131. —
From the Phoenicians the stamping of coins passed over to the
Greeks, among whom Phido king of Argos, between 780 and 740
B.C., had silver money coined at JEgina according to the
Phoenician standard, not, however, as the first of the Hellenes
who did so, though this is the view of Bockh, p. 76, and
Bertheau, p. 36. Comp. to the contrary, A. V. Werlhof, Vorw.
zu Cel. Cavedoni, Bibl. Numismatik, Th. 2, p. ix. The state
ment of Herodotus, i. 94, that the Lydians first issued gold
and silver coins, can only be correct to this extent, that here
first the sovereign power stamped the pieces of metal with
their value, while this may have been formerly done by
merchants. Comp. Ewald in d. Gott. gel. Anzeig. 1855, p.
1391. Hence, in more ancient times in making payments,
the money was weighed to test the correctness of the weight,
as is still common in the case of gold coins, especially in the
East. On the coins of the Bible, comp. besides the writings men
tioned, vol. i p. 8, note 6, Celest. Cavedoni, Biblische Numismatik
oder Erklarung der in der heil. Schrift erwdhntcn alten Munzen ;
aus dem Italienischen ubers. von A. v. Werlhof, Hannov. 1855,
u. ein 2 Theil, Anhdnge u. Nachtrage enthaltend, 1856 ; M. A.
Levy, Geschichte der jiidischen Munzen, Bresl. 1862.
(3) The origin of the darics, described by the ancients as
nepeixbv voMit/ia, (|toai% also pails), is disputed; and the traditional
view that they were named from Darius Hystaspes is still very
doubtful, for Suidas, etc., derive them from an older Darius ;
KEIL II. Q

242 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
comp. Hengstenberg, Beitr. i p. 51. — Ewald {Gott. gel. Anz. ubi
supra, p. 1392 ff.) combines the name finan with bpayjw, and
holds it to have been originally Lydian; whence the name came,
he thinks, to the Greeks, as well as to the Persians, and the
Persian coinage to have been an imitation of the Lydian (?)
Persian darics were minted in gold and silver, though in the Old
Testament only gold darics are mentioned. A few specimens
of both metals, oval or round, have been preserved. On the
obverse they have a likeness of the king — a bearded (or beard
less) man, with the tiara cristata on his head, and in his hand
a spear or bow, — the reverse side is dimly stamped. Gold
darics, at their normal weight of 8 '40 grammes, have the value
in metal of 6| thalers, according to the rate of that day, or of
7 thalers 17 sgr. according to the present rate. Silver darics,
according to Bockh {Metrol. Unterss. p. 49), weighed fully 274
grains Par., and so were equal to the shekel of Simon. Comp.
Brandis, Munz-, Mass- v.. Gewichtssyst. p. 244 ff; Cavedoni, ubi
supra, i. p. 84 ff. ; and Schrader in Biehm's Hdwb. i p. 257 f.,
with illustrations.
(4) Since the learned Spaniard Fr. P. Bayer successfully
maintained the genuineness of the Maccabean coins against OL
Gerh. Tychsen, the shekels which are found in European cabi
nets, of silver (whole, half, and quarter) and brass, with the
inscription in ancient Hebrew letters, bmw bp&, and the desig
nation of the years, from the first to the fourth, of the redemp
tion or liberation of Israel, or the name pyotJ* or talG}" tctw 'vr,
have been regarded as coins which the Prince Simon issued in
the first years of his rule, even before Antiochus granted him
the privilege of coining. See further particulars on the subject
in the extracts of Eckhel, Doctr. numor. vett. P. i t. iii. p. 465 ff,
and Cavedoni, ubi supra, i p. 18 ff. On the other side, however,
De Saulcy, Recherches sur la numismatique jud. p. 93 ff, has
sought to show that none of our extant coins belong to the high
priest Simon, and has defended this view against Levy and
Madden successfully in the Revue Numismatique, 1864, p. 373 ff.
Ewald also has declared for this view in the Gott. gel. Anz. 1855,
St. 65, p. 641 ff, and has presented in his treatise, " Ueber das
Zeitalter der achten Munzen althebraischer Schrift," in the
reports of the Univ. u. kbnigl. Gcsellsch. der Wissensch. zu Gottingen,
1855, No. 8, p. 109 ff, the results of more recent researches on'
this subject, and sought to show that of the coins with old
Hebrew inscriptions which are known up to the present time
four essentially different kinds are to be distinguished : 
1. Asmonman coins, i.e. coins of the princes who first estab
lished a strictly Jewish coinage in Jerusalem, the Asmonsean.
These princes constantly designate themselves by their own

§ 127. MONEY. 243
names as sovereigns of the mint, On the front square, sur
rounded with a wreath of olive, is the name of the man and his
dignity (the latter as $>nan jnan, to which is added BTinM ian,
i.e. I3h, " Commander of the Jews," as in 1 Mace. xiii. 42) ; on
the reverse side there appears, within a wreath of pearls, a
double cornucopia with a pomegranate in the middle. The
language and writing are old Hebrew ; no date is found on any
of these Asmonsean coins. 2. The coins of the last Asmonaean
prince, who, as we learn from them, was originally called
Mattathias, but hitherto has been known only under the Greek
name Antigonus. These Ewald designates Antigonus coins,
because they are distinguished from the original Asmonasan
kind in several respects. They have on the one side the Greek
inscription, BASiAEns ANTiroNOT, partly in the square,
surrounded by the olive wreath, partly outside of it ; but on
the reverse, round the edge, the genuine old Asmonsean desig
nation in ancient Hebrew characters, avoiding the name " king."
3. The Siklos coins, so called because most of them are
described as whole {bpw), half («m), or quarter (yai) shekels,
whereas the name shekels does not occur on any other kind of
these coins. They do not bear the name of any prince, king,
or high priest, but in its place, what is wanting in the two
former kinds, a date, according to the j'ear of the redemption of
Zion (|V¥ n!wai>), or the emancipation of Zion (jw mini)), which
extends only to the fourth year. Many have the inscription
round them, nenpn n^t^n'', "the holy Jerusalem." As emblems
there appear the sacrificial cup, a triple blossom, a tree, a vine
leaf, etc. Of this kind, silver coins are also found, whereas of
the two others hitherto only brass ones have been discovered.
These silver shekels vary in weight from 256 to 272 grains Par.;
that of the half shekel amounts to 132| grains Par., according
as they have lost more or less through waste, so that the normal
weight may be taken at 274 grains Par., and their value, since
the Prussian thaler contains rather more than 314 grains Par.,
amounts to 26 *sgr., and may be estimated at 3 marks German
coinage [3 shillings sterling]. Of copper or bronze coins there
have been preserved a large one, double the weight of a silver
shekel, and a smaller one having the designation of value »xn,
half, or yai, quarter, which Eckhel, Bayer, etc., took for halves
or quarters of a shekel, but. which should probably be taken as
whole, half, or quarter gerahs. In this case, as in Egypt,
Greece, and Eome, the ratio of copper to silver must have been
as one to fifty ; comp. Cavedoni, i p. 47 ff, ii. 11 ff. The origin
of these Siklos coins is still obscure. De Saulcy would put
them in the time of the conquest of Jerusalem by Alexander,
and under the high priest Jaddua, — extremely improbable;

214 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
Ewald puts them " in the time of the two great Eoman wars,
which for a short time brought back the longed-for ancient
freedom quite in the sense of the theocratic sovereignty." 4.
The fourth kind are the Simon coins, with the inscription, pym>,
or bitrw tOtM py»B>, " Simon, prince of Israel." This Simon is
he who led the last great insurrection under Hadrian, and bears
the surname Bar-Cochba. " These coins closely follow the
pattern of the former kind, but are distinguished by certain finer
marks. So they add to rbxb or riling not p% but bitnv, also
B^SSTP, which, however, is constantly written without i in the
last syllable, otherwise than on the coins of the former kind.
The years reckoned on them reach only to the second, which
agrees with the history of that insurrection. The figures corre
spond very markedly with those of the third kind, except that
here some new ones — especially the representation of a temple
doorway — appear." More on the coins of the time of the
Eoman wars in Schiirer, Hist, of the Jewish People in the Time
of Jesus Christ, i. p. 12 ff.
The coins of Herod the Great and his successors, Archelaus,
Herod Agrippa, and Agrippa II., that have come down to us
are all of bronze, none of silver or gold, as the Eoman senate
did not allow these dependent princes to mint silver and gold.
These coins have Greek inscriptions. More particulars regarding
them, see in Cavedoni, i p. 52 ff, ii. 25 ff. — There are also small
copper coins still extant with the names of the Eoman emperors,
from Augustus to Nero, which were probably coined in Jeru
salem, as, according to Jewish custom, they do not bear any
human or animal likeness, but only the palm, the single or
triple ear, a cluster of grapes, and similar Jewish emblems. In
weight they agree with the Semisses and Quadrantes of those
Eoman emperors. Comp. Cavedoni, i p. 64 ff, ii. p. 39 ff.
(5) Of the Greek corns which circulated in Judea and Syria,
the stater {araTrip) was minted in gold and silver ; that mentioned
Matt. xvii. 27 is the Attic silver stater, which contained 4
Attic drachmas, hence also called reTpcLbpaypov, and reckoned
by Josephus, Antt. iii. 8. 2, as equal to the Hebrew (Mosaic)
shekel. A beautiful Phoenician tetradrachma of the Syrian
king Antiochus VII., a contemporary of Simon the Maccabee,
weighs, according to Lenormant's assertion {Revue numism. t. x.
p. 181), 14-20 grammes ; and a shekel coin of the year 1 corre
sponds exactly to this weight (comp. Cavedoni, i. p. 42). — The
drachma (bpayw) was the hundredth part of a mina and the
six-thousandth part of a talent, but varied greatly in value in
the different systems of coinage which were successively intro
duced. In the oldest system, the iEginetan, which faithfully
followed the Semitic, the drachma = half a Mosaic shekel (or

§ 128. COMMERCE BY LAND AND SEA. 245
bekah). Much smaller in value was the Attic drachma, many
of the pieces preserved from antiquity, when tested, being
found to weigh only 82 grs. Par., while some are so low as 77
or 76, according to which the drachma did not amount to much
more than a quarter of the Mosaic shekel, and later became
still less.
(6) With the Eoman dominion the denarius took the place of
the drachma, a silver coin having at first a normal weight of
1/72 pounds = 4m55 (exactly 4-548) grammes. But even during
the first Punic war it decreased, and in 217 B.C. weighed 1/84
pounds = 3-90 grammes, at which it remained till the time of
the Emperor Nero. The denarius, which at first was divided
into 10, afterwards from 217 B.C. into 16 asses, had at the
weight of 4'548 grs. the worth in silver of 82 pfennings ; after
217, however, with a weight of 3-90 grs., a value in silver of
66£ pfs., or a coin worth 70 pfs. — In this last form it was
officially and legally made equal in value to the Attic drachma
or that of Alexander ; and so it occurs in the New Testament,
Matt, xviii. 28, xx. 2, 9, etc. The denarii had under the
Eepublic the image of the goddess Eoma with her helmet, on
the reverse ; from the time of Caesar, the image of the emperor
pf the time (Matt. xxii. 29). Comp. Hertzberg, " Denar," in
Eiehm's Hdwb. i 269 f. — The other Eoman coins mentioned in
the New Testament were of copper, viz. (1) the ass, at first a
tenth, then a sixteenth of the denarius, about 5 pounds, with
the image of the emperor ; (2) the quadrans = £ ass. As the
smallest coin the Xsvriy is named (Mark xii. 42 ; Luke xii. 59),
taken by many for half a quadrans, but probably only another
name for it. Comp. Cavedoni, i pp. 78 ff. and 136.

§ 128. Commerce by Land and Sea.
The spirit of commerce and speculation was incompatible
with the destination of Israel to be the bearer of the true
knowledge of God and of salvation for all nations, and there
fore the land of Canaan, so far as the Israelites occupied it,
was not physically adapted for a nation making commerce its
chief business (comp. § 13). And yet the people of GooU,
were to lack no earthly good, but " to suck the abundance
of the seas and the hidden treasures of the sand" (Deut.
xxxiii. 1 8). The source of Israel's earthly riches was to be
the great fertility of its soil and the divine blessing on the
work of its hand (Deut. xxviii. 1 1 f., xv. 6), and with the
excess of the products of its soil and industry it was to pur-

246 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
chase the goods of other lands, which it lacked. For tnis
exchange the trading peoples on its borders gave full oppor
tunity. The Arabs (Ishmaelites, Midianites, Sabeans) in the
East and the Phoenicians (Sidonians and Tyrians) in the West,
who from high antiquity were the merchants of the world,
took from the Israelites the products of their land and cattle,
and brought them in exchange the goods and treasures of
foreign countries, so that they enjoyed the fruits of commerce
without pursuing it themselves. With all this, however, as
the inhabitants of a land which had the coast of the Mediter
ranean for its western boundary, and was traversed on both
sides of the Jordan by the great highways which went from
the Euphrates to Egypt and to Southern Arabia, they were
constantly tempted to take an active part in commerce, and
to reap its rich gains. This temptation to Israel was weakened
by two causes. There was the Mosaic prohibition standing
in the way of all commercial speculations, which forbade the
Israelite to take interest or usury from his brethren, i.e.
countrymen (Deut. xxiii. 19 f. ; comp. Lev. xxv. 36 f.).
There was, further, the divine provision, which was brought
about through Israel's own guilt, that they never fully pos
sessed the land of Canaan which had been promised and
allotted to them for inheritance. The coast regions most
favourable for the development of shipping remained in the
hands of the Canaanites (Josh. xiii. 2-6 ; Judg. i. 19, 27 f,
31-33). The northern part of the sea-coast, from the port of
Dor as far as Sidon, was, indeed, allotted to the tribe of
Asher (1), but with the seaports of Accho and Tyre it
remained in possession of the Canaanites or Phoenicians.
Not even did David dispute it with them, though he fully
subjugated the Canaanites dwelling in the rest of the land,
and extended the boundaries of his kingdom on the north-east
to the Euphrates and on the south to the head of the Eed Sea
(2 Sam. viii. and x. ; comp. 1 Kings v. 1). Not only did
David stand in a friendly relation to King Hiram of Tyre
(2 Sam. v. 11), but Solomon also was satisfied with renewing
the treaty made by his father David with Hiram (1 Kings
v. 15 ff), and so extending it that he was admitted to an
active share in his profitable naval commerce.
With the help of the Tyrians, Solomon built a fleet for

§ 128. COMMERCE BY LAND AND SEA. 247
trading in the Edomite harbour of Ezion-geber on the iElanitic
gulf. This fleet yearly brought gold and precious stones,
silver, and other rarities from Ophir (1 Kings ix. 26, x. 11 and
22; 2 Chron. viii 17 f., ix. 10, 21) (2). Besides this,
Solomon, by means of crown merchants p?prj ^.lP), drove an
important and profitable trade in horses, which were got from
Egypt and sold in Syria (1 Kings x. 28 ff. ; 2 Chron. i. 16 f.).
— The danger springing from this source for the theocratic
development of Israel of secularization and complicity with
the character and ways of heathendom, a danger which even
Solomon could not altogether withstand, was averted from
Israel immediately after the death of this king. By the
falling away of the ten tribes from the dynasty of David, the
kingdom of Judah lost its immediate connection with the
Tyrians, and probably also the possibility of continuing to
trade on the Eed Sea (3). This latter may have taken place
even under Solomon, through the conspiracy which broke out
in Edom (1 Kings xi. 14 ff). If not, it certainly did later
with the complete revolt of the Edomites from Judah under
Joram (2 Kings viii. 20). Then, as the result of the division
of the kingdom and the wars that followed between the two
hostile portions, the power of the Israelitish nation was
broken. Neither kingdom was able to continue the part
taken in Phoenician commerce by Solomon ; and both were
again limited to exchanging the products of their lands and
cattle and other occupations with the Phoenicians and Arab
traders, for those foreign products of nature and art which had
become necessary to them.
This exchange of their own products for those of other lands
seems to have been always considerable (4). The Israelites
supplied the trading nations, and chiefly the Phoenicians,
with their entire large provision of grain (Acts xii. 20),
especially wheat and barley (5). Besides these, they furnished
many other articles, such as olive oil, which because of its
excellent quality was exported to Syria, Arabia, Egypt, and yet
more distant regions ; wine, honey, especially date honey, and
grape syrup, and even fine confectionaries prepared by Israelitish
women (Ezek. xxvii. 17). Other articles were wool, cotton,
and flax, mostly spun and woven into fine cloth (Prov.
xxxi 24), various costly resins, which were used partly for

248 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
incense and ointments, partly for medicinal and other purposes,
as storax, laudanum, balm of Gilead (comp. § 11, note 7);
also asphalte from the Dead Sea, a substance indispensably
necessary to the Egyptians in embalming, which was also used
to pitch ships, and was even sent to Greece and Italy for
medicinal purposes (6) ; and finally, the highly prized dates
from the palm groves of Jericho, and oars of oak from Bashan
(Ezek. xxvii. 6). Many of these products were also brought
by the caravans passing through Palestine to Egypt and
Arabia, and sold in those lands (comp. Gen. xxxvii. 25) (7).
— In exchange for them the Israelites received gold and
silver, brass and iron (articles of copper and wrought iron),
tin and lead, brought by the Phoenicians, partly from Tarshish,
partly from the lands of the Caucasus ; costly woods (cedars
and cypresses) from the Lebanon, sandal wood and ebony,
ivory, precious stones, cinnamon, cassia, incense, and other
spices, parti-coloured stuffs, Babylonian garments and other
articles of luxury, partly from the Arabs (Sabeans, Isa. Ix. 6),*
partly through the Ophir trade.
This considerable commerce helped to raise the Israelites to
that prosperity and wealth to which they attained especially
during their longer intervals of peace. For they were able
not only to turn to profitable account the products of their
land and industry, but they had also the gain which accrued
to them from the merchandise passing through their land, and
from the trade carried on in it by the Phoenicians, in exchange
for the protection and help they gave in transitu by keep
ing up the highways. Many Israelites may also have taken
an active part to some extent in this trading. They may
have undertaken the buying up of the products of the land,
the transport of them to the large emporiums on asses, mules,
and camels (comp. Isa. xxx. 6), and perhaps they may also
have acted as middlemen between the so-called retail trade and
the foreign products (Amos viii. 4, 6). But these business
operations seem for the most part to have been in the hands
of the Phoenicians, or of those Canaanites who remained in
the land, especially in its northern parts, and who were made
tributary to the Israelites. These traversed the land with their
wares, set up depots in the cities of Israel, visited the Israelitish
markets, and enjoyed tolerance and protection in their business

§ 128. COMMERCE BY LAND AND SEA. 249
at fixed rates. From Neh. xiii. 16 we learn that Tyrians
carried on their business in Jerusalem, to which they brought
salted sea-fish, even on the Sabbath, so that Nehemiah closed
the gates of Jerusalem, to restore the Sabbath rest (8).
(1) Comp. Josh. xix. 25-31, and my commentary on the
passage. (2) The site of Ophir is still matter of dispute; see the
various views in C. Eitter, Die Erdkunde, xiv. pp. 348-451 ; and
in shorter compass in Pressel, " Ophir," in PRE. x. p. 654 ff. — Of
the three regions which claim to be considered : South Arabia,
the east coast of Africa, and the East Indies, the Alexandrian
translators of the Old Testament thought of the second, for
they render the Arabian Ophir (Gen. x. 29) hy'npelp; on the other
hand, they constantly express the Ophir of Solomon by ijipeipd
or loupeip, not only in the Book of Kings, but also I Chron.
xxix. 4; Isa. xiii. 12; Job xxii. 24, xxviii. 16; Sir. vii. 18;
Tob. xiii. 17, because at that time the South African Sofala
was known through the Egyptian shipping trade as a famous
gold country. This view, for which Quatremere in 1845, and
Movers, Die Phonizier, ii. 3, p. 58 ff, declared, has very recently
found a champion in the traveller Karl Mauch. He found
extensive ruins, with temples, obelisks, pyramids, and in their
neighbourhood alluvial gold, at the place called Zimbabye of the
Zimbave, westward from the port of Sofala, about 41 German
miles [about 190 English miles] in a straight line; and because
these ruins are not due either to the Portuguese or to the Arabs,
but to a more ancient time, he thought he had found in them
remains of the Ophir of Solomon ; comp. Westermann, Monatsh.
March 1872, p. 670 ; Petermann, Geogr. Mittheil. 1872, iv. p.
121 ff. ; and Ausland, 1872, Nr. 72, p. 239 f. Only hitherto no
satisfactory proofs have been given in support of this view.
Much more widely spread is the view, that Ophir is to be
sought in the Indies. The opinion, indeed, given by Lassen,
Indische Alterthumsk. i p. 537 ff, ii 552 ff, and which obtained
a wide circulation through the assent of C. Eitter, that Ophir
is to be combined or identified with Abhira, the name of a
pastoral people dwelling between the mouth of the Indus and
Gulf of Cambay, is now given up as unsupported. On the
contrary, Thenius thinks, Comm. zu d. BB. der Kbn. 2 Aufl.
1873, p. 163 f., that Ophir points to a portion of India in the
wider sense, where it is still to be found. " This name has
been borne from ancient times by a mountain situated on the
west coast of Sumatra, more than 13,000 feet high, at the foot
of which there are a port and stream called Tiku (B^an), while
not far from it at Padang lies the ape mountain. The gold

250 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
deposits of Sumatra are famous from ancient times, and gold-
washing is carried on at the present day by the side of the
streams coming from the mountains, bringing with them sand
rich in gold (see Ausl. 1853, Nr. 27, p. 630&). — And besides
gold, there are still brought from the island named, according
to the notices of geographical handbooks, sandal-wood and teak,
ivory and ebony." On the contrary, Crawfurd, a learned author,
well acquainted with India, in his Descriptive Dictionary of the
Indian Islands, has subjected all the hypotheses relating to the
Ophir question to a very searching examination, and proved
that there is not a shadow of possibility for placing Ophir in
any part of the Indies whatever (according to a communication
in Ausland, 1872, p. 240). — Otherwise Karl E. v. Baer in the
3rd part of his Reden gehalten in wissenschaftl. Versammlungen
u. klcine Aufsatze verschiedenen Inhalts, under the special title :
" Geographische Fragen mit Hiilfe der Naturwissenschaften
beantwortet," St. Petersb. 1873. Here in his treatise, " Wo ist
das Salomon. Ophir zu suchen?" he develops the following
view, pp. 112-385. Not in Arabia or Africa (p. 234 ff.) is Ophir
to be sought, but only in the Indies; not, however, with Lassen
and Eitter, near the mouth of the Indus (p. 252), but on the
peninsula of Malacca (p. 340) ; because of the articles which
the ships of Ophir brought with them, ivory, precious stones,
and apes are no doubt to be found in Africa as well as in the
Indies, but peacocks and almug (sandal-wood) only in India ;
and, besides, the names for apes, peacocks, and sandal- wood seem
to be of Indian origin, the two latter, indeed, not Sanscrit, but
Tamul (pp. 254-272). The large quantity of the gold brought
from Ophir points, he thinks, to a region where it was not got by
barter, but from deposits of it (pp. 171, 255). Now gold is found
in all the streams and mountain debris of the peninsula of
Malacca, and any strange people had the opportunity of gather
ing it there, because at that period it was inhabited by uncivilised
peoples, and almost cut off from intercourse with the rest of the
world (p. 349 ff). On the voyage thither, the Ophir traders
no doubt came to Ceylon and Malabar, whence they probably
brought silver, precious stones, peacocks, and apes ; for sandal
wood grows in Malacca and on the coast of Malabar (pp. 334,
355). Then as to the difficulty which the great remoteness of
Malacca might create, v. Baer seeks to set it aside by an in
structive collection of distant voyages made by the Phoenicians,
as he has collected with remarkable comprehensiveness all par
ticulars which go to establish and illustrate this view in the
treatise referred to and in the appendix to it in Ausland, 1874,
Nr. 35, p. 685 ff. But we cannot regard it as probable, still less
as established, for none of the arguments adduced is of decisive

§ 128. COMMERCE BY LAND AND SEA. 251
weight, and the geographical idea which the Old Testament
gives of Ophir points not to India, but to South Arabia.
That Ophir in Gen. x. 29 is a people or race in Arabia,
admits of no doubt. And there are no sufficient reasons for
holding the Ophir of Solomon to be a different one. The chief
article brought from Ophir was gold. Now Arabia was
famous in antiquity, according to the iestimonj of the Old
Testament, and of the Greek and Eoman classics, as a gold
country. From Sheba comes gold, with precious stones and
spices (Isa. Ix. 6 ; Ezek. xxvii. 22 ; 1 Kings x. 10) ; and Diodor.
Sic. (ii. 50), Strabo (xvi. 778 f.), and Pliny {Hist. nat. vi. 150,
161) attest the abundance of gold found in South Arabia. In
Oman, according to Niebuhr, Wellsted, and Palgrave (see the
proofs under Ophir in Schenkel's Bibell. iv. p. 338), gold and
silver are still to be found; and from Halevy we iearn that
gold-washings are still prosecuted in Qirwdh in Upper Haulan
(comp. A. Sprenger, Die alte Geographic Arabiens, p. 55 f.).
Strabo, too (xvi. 784), knows of silver in the land of the Naba-
tseans. If, now, the other articles which the Ophir ships
brought came originally themselves and their names from
India, it does not immediately follow that the seamen of
Solomon and Hiram brought them thence. Since an active
commerce prevailed from very ancient times between South
Arabia and the East Indies, they might buy them in Arabia.
Besides, the name kophim for apes does not necessarily point to
India ; for not only does kapi in Sanscrit and Malabar denote
ape, but in Greek also xr^og and xrjfiog is a kind of long-tailed
ape, the native country of which was Ethiopia (see my comm. on
1 Kings ix. 26-28). In the case of the other things brought,
according to 1 Kings x. 12 and 22, from Ophir, the explanation
is still doubtful. It is not made out whether almug (B'appK or
a'papx, 2 Chron. ii. 7) denotes the genuine sandal-wood {Ptero-
carp. Santal.) of a blood-red colour with black veins, or the
so-called white and yellow sandal-wood {Cmsalpinia Sappan. L.),
which also grows in Arabia ; and the derivation of the Hebrew
word from the Sanscrit valgu, i.e. beautifid, or the Sanscrit
mocha, mochdta, sandal- wood, with the Arabic article al, is doubt
ful. Moreover, in the case of B^an, the derivation from the
Malabar and Tamul togai, toghai, peacock, is very uncertain ; for
not togai, but mayil, Sanscrit mayura, is the most usual word
in Tamul for peacock. Finally, in case of B^nae/, dens elephan-
torum, ebur, the word B^n has never yet been satisfactorily
explained (see my comm. ubi supra) ; and if the latest attempt
at explanation, that of Schrader (in Ztschr. d. DMG. xxvii. 709),
that B^n is formed by doubling the 3 of the original zbn, i.e.

252 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
hal-db = Assyr. al-ab, elephant, prove correct, the Hebrews must
have received their an, a^an directly from the Assyrians. — Such
being the state of matters, we abide by the view which seeks
Ophir in Southern Arabia, on the coast of Oman, for which in
the most recent times not only Hitzig {Ophir im Bibellex. iv.
p. 366 ff), but also A. Sprenger, Die alte Geographic Arabiens
als Grundlage der Entwicklungsgeschichte des Semitismus, Bern.
1875 (Excurs. ilber Ophir, p. 49 ff), has declared.
(3) This is evident, not only from the absence of any notice
regarding the continuance of the Ophir trade after Solomon's
death, but also from 1 Kings xxii. 49 f., according to which
Jehoshaphat again built ships, which were intended to sail to
Ophir, but were wrecked in Ezion-geber before they could make
a voyage. The renewed attempt presupposes, that before the time
of Jehoshaphat this trade had been checked or come to an end.
(4) Movers, Phbnizier, ii. 3, p. 200 ff, has treated the trade of
the Phoenicians with the Israelites with great fulness, and
proved how considerable and profitable it must have been.
(5) How much grain the Israelites could dispose of to the
Phoenicians, may be judged by the fact that Solomon made
over to King Hiram for his court 20,000 cors yearly, i.e. accord
ing to the computation of Thenius, 38,250 bushels [Dresden] of
wheat and 20 cors of finest oil (1 Kings v. 25) ; and to the
Tyrian workmen on the Lebanon, 20,000 cors of wheat and as
many of barley (2 Chron. ii. 9). The thickly peopled Phoe
nician cities received their chief supply of grain from the
neighbouring fields of Galilee, but also from the more distant
corn-growing regions of Palestine, Samaria, Moab, Ammon, and
Gilead. The best wheat was got from the land of Ammon, the
so-called Minnith (Ezek. xxvii. 17), so that the Ammonites, when
subject to Judah, paid their tribute partly in wheat and barley
(2 Chron. xxvii. 5). Comp. Movers, Phbniz. ii. 3, p. 209 ff.,
who computes the amount of the Jewish corn exports to Sidon
at 12J million thalers [nearly £1,900,000].
(6) On the considerable export of asphalte ppn, Jewish
pitch) to Egypt and its use, comp. Movers, Phoniz. ii. 3, p. 225 f.
The asphalte of the Dead Sea is still collected by the Arabs,
and the riitl or pound sold for 4 piastres, and is sometimes
brought to market to the amount of 60 kuntars, the kuntar
being equal to about 98 lbs. English. Comp. Eobinson, Pal. i.
p. 518 ; and Eitter's Erdkunde, xv. 1, p. 758 ff.
(7) This land trade was shared by the Philistines, partly
with Egypt, partly with the Arab tribes on the Eed Sea. In
more ancient times at least they had no shipping trade, and it
was not till later that a harbour for Gaza was made in the coast
town of Majumas, probably by Egyptians. Comp. Stark, Gaza,

§ 128. COMMERCE BY LAND AND SEA. 253
p. 320 ff. — The Philistines as well as the Phoenicians also
traded in slaves and sold captive Israelites into distant lands,
for which the prophets threatened them with divine punish
ment, Amos i. 6, 9 ; Joel iv. 3, 8. Comp. Movers, Phbniz. ii. 3,
p. 70 ff. ; and Stark, Gaza, p. 324.
(8) From Neh. xiii. 19 it appears that foreign traders had
their depots outside the gates of Jerusalem. We have no
certain and unambiguous testimonies of settlements of Phoe
nician traders in the cities of Israel in pre-exilic times, for the
passages, Zeph. i 10 £, Prov. vii. 6 ff., adduced by Movers,
Phoniz. ii. 3, pp. 115 ff. and 202 ff., admit of different interpreta
tions. According to prophetic usage, the name people of Cdnaan
(iyaa By, Zeph. i. 11) may be applied to the population of
Jerusalem, who resembled the Canaanites in their disposition
and trading spirit. Comp. Strauss, vaticc. Zeph. ad h. I. With
more probability the strange woman p'laa, Prov. vii. 5 ff.) may
be taken for the wife of a non-Israelitish trader, who lived in
the city (Jerusalem). On the other hand, Zech. xiv. 21,
according to which no Canaanite, i.e. no heathen, shall come
into the house of Jehovah in the Messianic times, proves
nothing. Even 1 Kings xx. 34, where the conquered Ben-
hadad says to Ahab : " I will make thee streets in Damascus,
as my father made for himself in Samaria," only shows that
foreign kings as conquerors enforced on the Israelites the con
dition of giving the freedom of living and trading to their
subjects in the cities of Israel, especially the chief cities ;
whence no doubt it may be inferred that such rights might also
be acquired by independent treaties.
Apart from this foreign commerce, there must early have
been formed among the Israelites a retail trade, which is
indispensable to any people in the least civilised. This was
necessitated by the duty laid on them of appearing yearly
before the Lord in the sanctuary with gifts, firstlings and
tithes. The law allowed those dwelling at a distance to sell
the tithe of grain, wine, and oil, and the first-born of oxen and
sheep set apart for sacrificial feasts, and with the money
received to purchase at the holy place oxen, sheep, wine, and
strong drink, and all that their soul desired (Deut. xiv. 23 ff).
Very soon, therefore, a not unimportant market must have
arisen here, at which every one could obtain for money what
he needed for his sacrifices and feasts. Even the payment of
the hides of the victims, which fell to the priests as their
portion of the burnt-offerings, and the skins of the thousands

254 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
of paschal lambs, must early have given rise to a busy trade
in the central sanctuary, which must have increased with the
extension of the sacrificial system ; and in later times, when
with the introduction of foreign money into the land there
was added the exchange of foreign coins for the holy shekel
required to pay the temple tribute, this trafficking had pene
trated into the outer court of the temple (John ii 14 f . ;
Matt. xxi. 22). — This sinful trading, associated with all kinds
of usury, was in violation of the holiness of the temple. But
dealing in things required for sacrifice was no more forbidden
by the law than the sale of the superabundant products of
the land, cattle, and work, for money, or for the necessaries and
luxuries of life. Moses assumes such trading among the people
without checking it, merely seeking to prevent the sin which
easily attaches to all trade by the command, not to be un
righteous in their measures of length or capacity, but to keep
just balances, just weights, a just ephah, and a just hin (Lev.
xix. 36 ; Deut. xxv. 13 ff).
After the Babylonian exile Israelitish trading was ex
panded by the dispersion of the Jews in all parts of the
world, whence numerous caravans of pilgrims repaired to
Jerusalem at the principal feasts to present offerings and
pay the temple tribute (9). On the other hand, however, it
contributed more to the advantage of their foreign masters
than to that of the Jewish people, on account of the royalties
which those claimed in the most precious products of the
land, and the taxes which they laid on goods. But Jews
were not wanting who sought to enrich themselves by various
monopolies and privileges, as, for example, farming the taxes,
though they thereby incurred the contempt of the people and
its spiritual leaders (10). Even the growth of commerce
which resulted from the improvement of the port of Joppa
by Simon the prince, and the construction of the harbour of
Cesarea by Herod, were mostly to the advantage of foreigners,
the Jews who adhered faithfully to the law of their fathers
' being generally disinclined to trading because of the unright
eousness attaching to it. — Not till after their entire dispersion,
and under the oppression to which they were subjected, was
the love of trading and speculation developed which distin
guishes the Jews to the present day.

§ 129. MODES OF TRAVELLING AND TRANSPORT. 255
(9) According to Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 9. 1, mXXol pvpidbeg
uiUpttiiruv undertook the bringing of the temple tribute and other
sacred offerings to Jerusalem from the Babylonian Jews. It is
sufficiently well known from the New Testament how the non-
Palestinian Jews were accustomed to travel to Jerusalem to
the great feasts.
(10) Comp. the conjunction of publicans and sinners, Matt.
ix. 10 f., xi. 19 ; Luke v. 30, vii. 34. These publicans, reXSimi,
are indeed only the tax-gatherers, the taxes under the Eoman
dominion being mostly let out to rich Eomans and provincials,
who naturally sought to make the revenue as large as possible.
Comp. Winer, R. W., art. " Zollner ; " and on the gathering of
tribute and taxes, Wieseler, Beitrage zur richtigen Wurdigung
der Evangelien, Gotha 1869, p. 76 ff. — For proofs that even in
his time Jews eagerly sought trading monopolies and developed
a speculating spirit, see in Josephus, de bell. jud. ii. 21. 2, and
Vita, § 13. Comp. also Winer, R. W. i p. 460.

§ 129. Modes of Travelling and Transport.
Not only the trade, but the migrations of races from the
most ancient times, prove that journeys far and wide were
undertaken in the remotest antiquity. But commerce and
military expeditions necessitated the making of roads and
paths, of which the earliest historical trace is perhaps to be
found in the king's way (Num. xx. 17, xxi. 22) (1). At first
such roads were simply made by travellers always taking the
same way; afterwards regular paths were made by laying
earth and stones. Such are required in the law, especially
for the approaches to the cities of refuge (Deut. xix. 3). But
in earlier times the connecting roads between different cities
were in a rather miserable condition, and hardly passable in
winter or in the rainy season, though the hard rocky ground
in the mountainous part of Palestine made it easy to construct
good roads. Eegular military roads were first constructed in
Palestine by the Eomans, and provided with milestones,
lapides. But much earlier the land was traversed by high
ways for commerce, which have remained to the present
day (2).
This alone made travelling difficult. But it was still more
so from the want of suitable inns, which were wholly wanting
in the most ancient times, and were but poorly furnished

256 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
when set up at a later date (3). Travellers had therefore to
carry with them what was absolutely necessary, and hence
they travelled mostly in larger companies, with many beasts
of burden for the transport of utensils, provisions, tents, and
other necessaries (Gen. xxiv. 10 f.) (4). Single persons made
even distant journeys on foot. They carried with them the
necessaries of life in a wallet {irrjpa, Matt. x. 10), also if
need were, a bottle of water on the shoulder (Gen. xxi. 14,
xxviii. 10 ff.). Commonly, however, such journeys were
made on asses, especially if there were women and children
(Judg. xix. 9 ff. ; 1 Sam. xxv. 20 ; 2 Sam. xvii. 23 ; 1 Kings
ii. 40 ; comp. Luke x. 34). In travelling through the desert,
camels were used, as at the present day (Gen. xxiv. 10). In
inhabited regions the traveller found quarters for the night in
private houses, which the prevailing hospitality threw open
to him (Judg. xix. 17 ff), or he encamped outside under a
tent. Even in later times, when there were inns, private
houses hospitably offered were usually preferred (Luke ii. 7,
ix. 52, xxii. 11).
For the transport of articles, the things needed by the
way, and even of women and children, waggons were used in
the earliest times. These were drawn by oxen (Num. vii. 3 ;
1 Sam. vi. 7 ; 2 Sam. vi. 6), and were in use in Egypt so
early as Jacob's time (Gen. xiv. 19, 21, 27). The Israelitish
princes had waggons on their march through the wilderness
(Num. vii. 3), and in after times men of rank commonly
drove (1 Kings xii. 18; 2 Kings xix. 23 ; Acts viii. 28),
though asses, mules, and camels were always used for riding
as well as for draught.
(1) The making of these great military roads falls in the pre
historic period. According to one legend it is ascribed to
Semiramis, according to another to Memnon. Comp. Movers,
Phbnizier, ii. 1, p. 278. They were called king's ways, because
they were constructed at the royal cost, and perhaps also toll
was taken for the king from the trading caravans. Comp.
Movers, Phonisier, ii. 3, p. 132.
(2) The statement of Josephus, Antiq. viii. 7. 4, that
Solomon paved the streets leading to Jerusalem with black
stone (basalt?), can hardly be considered historical, but is
transferred to Solomon from the custom of later times; and
this much only is true, that Solomon set himself to improve

§ 123. MODES OF TRAVELLING AND TRANSPORT. 257
the trading highways. — The regularly paved roads, of which
many remains are still found in Palestine, are shown to be the
work of the Eomans, by their entire similarity to the old
Eoman roads in Italy. Comp. Eobinson's Palestine, ii. p. 262 f.,
with i pp. 187, 194, ii. 487 f., etc. Particulars regarding the
main roads of Palestine, see in Eelandi Palmstina illustr.
p. 404 sqq. ; and Winer, R. W., art. " Strassen."
(3) In Gen. xiii. 27; Ex. iv. 24; 2 Kings xix. 23, comp. Jer.
ix. 1, the word |i?p, which Luther translates Herberge [AV. inn,
E.V. lodging-place], denotes only the station, the place of rest
for the night, either under a tent or in a cave. The first trace
of an inn is to be found in Jer. xii. 17, rnijl. This is more clearly
indicated by vavboyeTov (Luke x. 34), where for money paid to
the host the needful nourishment was received; whereas by
xaTaXupa (Luke ii. 7) is meant an entertainer's private house.
— The origin of caravansaries or khans, also called Mensils
(Jix*), still common in the East, is unknown. Perhaps they
were first instituted by traders who regularly passed along the
same road. According to Herodotus, v. 52, there were royal
ways with caravansaries throughout the whole of the Persian
Empire ; but their origin goes further back, and is to be found,
perhaps, among the Phoenicians, to whom the construction of
paved roads is ascribed ; comp. Movers, Phoniz. ii. 3, p. 132 ff.
Now they are spread over the whole of the East. They are
found in cities, villages, and even on the open highway. They
consist of large buildings of massive stones arranged in a square,
which enclose a spacious court. They are frequently of two
stories ; the lower containing stores and vaults for goods and
stalls for cattle ; the upper rooms for travellers. They have a
well, or a large reservoir ; comp. Eosenmiiller, A. u. N. Morgen-
land, v. p. 161 ff ; Eobinson, Pal. ii. 487 ; and Wellsted's Travels,
ii. 218 f.
(4) Such travelling companies, Hebr. nia^n, ninik (Gen.
xxxvii. 25; Job vi. 18), are called in Persian \,C Arab.
I j; comp. Niebuhr, Reisen, iii. p. 4 f., and the description
of the caravans of Dedan (Isa. xxi. 13-17). Here we have the
custom mentioned of meeting the caravans with water, partly
by preparing and keeping in order springs and cisterns on their
route, and partly in this way, that waterless stations were pro
vided with water by the inhabitants of the neighbouring places,
of course at certain times, when the caravans arrived, for which
the travellers made payment. This arrangement existed even
in the time of Moses in Idumea and Perea (Num. xx. 17,
xxi. 20), where we read of the Israelites being willing to march
EEIL II. R

258 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
through the land of Edom, the territory of King Sihon, on the
king's way or high road, and to pay for water for themselves
and their cattle. This custom was widespread in the ancient
East; comp. Movers, Phonizier, ii. 3, p. 131 f.

THIED SECTION.
SCIENCE AND ART OF THE ISRAELITES.
§ 130. Their Character.
In primitive times, science and art belonged pre-eminently
to the service of religion. They kept this character among
the Israelites as long as the theocracy continued. Eeligion
as divine revelation, or rather, the Spirit of God as the prin
ciple of revealed religion, was the living power which animated
the more gifted spirits of the nation, and impelled them to
inquire into things divine and secular (1 Kings v. 9 ff), as
well as to give expression to their conceptions and ideas in
works of art (Ex. xxxi. 3 ff). Beside these higher spiritual
efforts directed towards the knowledge and glory of the true
God, attempts at secular knowledge and art could not gain any
firm or fruitful soil in Israel, though the cultivation of the arts
and sciences did not belong in the least to any privileged class,
such as a priestly caste, but was open to every one, and some
branches of them were prosecuted successfully by prophets
and other wise men and artists.
True to this principle and origin, the science of the
Israelites, so long as the theocracy flourished, preserved a
thoroughly practical character, equally removed from theo
retical speculations on the nature of things, and from the
study of such subjects as did not immediately touch the life
of the people. Not till the period of the dissolution of the
theocratic State did science begin to pass over into erudition,
though even then all studies had reference to the right under
standing of that knowledge of God which was deposited in the
Holy Scriptures, and had for their aim the application of the
law to the manifold relations of life and the strengthening of
the soul against doubts. — So, of the fine arts, only poetry,

§ 131. -WRITING AND LITERATURE. 259
rhetoric, and music were developed and cultivated for religious
purposes ; and even the plastic art reached its highest per
fection in the construction of the temple. Though Israel,
therefore, was excelled by many nations of antiquity in science
and art, taking the words in their common meaning, its efforts
and achievements in these fields are animated by a spirit
which outlasts all merely human science and art, and possesses
the divine power of overcoming the world with its sublimest
efforts, and of guiding the spiritual development of our race
to the predestined goal of its perfection.

FIEST CHAPTEE.
THE SCIENCES.
§ 131. Writing and Literature.
As speech furnishes man with the means of expressing and
communicating to others his thoughts and feelings, nay, as
without speech rational thinking in general is impossible, so
writing not only furnishes the means of communicating the
results of knowledge and thought truly and purely in a lasting
form to contemporaries and posterity, but it is also the essen
tial condition of the successful cultivation of every science.
Had the wise of primeval and ancient times communicated
the experiences of their lives and the results of their reflec
tion to the younger generation only by oral tradition, and
committed them in this way to posterity, the human
memory is so treacherous, that without the invention and
use of writing, the range of information would have been
very small, and the domain of knowledge and wisdom very
limited. The invention of writing, i.e. writing by syllables and letters,
goes back beyond the limits of history. It was undoubtedly
due, however, to a Semitic people, for the so-called Phoenician
alphabet, from which all alphabetic writing of ancient and
modern times is descended, corresponds perfectly to the
character of the Semitic language, rich as it is in gutturals ;
and the supposition that the Semitic writing by sounds was

260 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
formed either from the Egyptian hieroglyphic writing or
from the Assyrio-Babylonian cuneiform writing, cannot be
shown to be probable, far less certain (1). This much, how
ever, is now placed beyond doubt, that Semitic writing in
letters was in existence in Abraham's time, though in the
history of the patriarchs which has come down to us we have
no sure traces of its use, as nomads generally easily dispense
with writing. On the contrary, the knowledge and use of it
was widely spread among the Israelites in Egypt, as appears
from the fact, that the officials who superintended the task
work of the Hebrews had their name Shoterim from writing (2).
— Thus in this respect also the people of Israel were suffi
ciently prepared and trained to realize the patriarchal promises
made to them by their adoption as the covenant people, and
the founding of a kingdom of God. Without the knowledge
and use of writing, God could not have given the tribes
of Israel a law so regulating all the arrangements of life,
so settling all the relations of the people to their God
and Lord, and all their rights toward one another, that human
sin and selfishness could not alter it, as indeed it seems
scarcely practicable to have a well-ordered constitution and
administration for a State without the use of writing. — Hence
in the Mosaic legislation writing is not only presupposed as
perfectly well known, but its use is commanded in the case of
the jealousy-offering (Num. v. 23), divorce (Deut. xxiv. 1 ff),
and various other instances (Ex. xvii. 14; Num. xvii. 17;
Deut. xvii. 18, xxvii. 1 f., etc.). Under Joshua the law is
written on the memorial stones which were set up on Mount
Ebal (Josh. viii. 32). The land to be divided was first
described in writing (xviii 4 ff). And even in the disturbed
period of the Judges, a time when all culture had declined,
a youth of the people of Succoth, who chanced to fall into the
hands of Gideon, is able to write out for him seventy-seven
names, being those of the nobles and elders of the city
(Judg. viii. 14) (3).
The form of writing used by the Israelites is the old
Semitic, preserved on Moabite and Phoenician monuments,
old Assyrian bricks, Maccabee, Phoenician, Carthaginian,
and other coins and inscriptions (4), which were spread over
the whole of Western Asia, from the Tigris to Phoenicia, 'and

§ 131. WRITING AND LITERATURE. 261
over the islands and coasts of the Mediterranean as far west
wards as the Semitic language reached, and was brought by
Cadmus to the Greeks. From it were formed in course of
time the various Aramaic kinds of writing, remains of which
have come down to us on the stone of Carpentras, and the
Palmyrene, Nabatsean, and other inscriptions ; and after the
exile the so-called quadrat alphabet [uncial], in which the
most ancient Bible manuscripts are written (5).
The oldest writing-material of the Israelites was formed of
goat or sheep skins, which are presupposed (Num. v. 23 and
Jer. xxxvi. 23), and which with writing came from the
Phoenicians to the Ionians (6). These skins, which, when
more finely wrought into leaves, afterwards received the name
of parchment, from the city of Pergamos, were written over in
columns (divisions, nil?l, Jer. xxxvi. 23), and rolled up as
" volumes " pap npap, Ps. xl. 8). At an early date, though
the time cannot be more exactly determined, the Israelites
probably became acquainted with Egyptian paper, prepared
from the papyrus plant, and may have used it for letter-
writing (7). A stylus (tay.) of wood, probably a reed {/caXafios),
and black ink pi, Jer. xxxvi. 18; pekav, 2 John 12) (8),
were used for writing ; writers were accustomed to carry
writing materials p?BD rppj at their girdle (Ezek. ix. 2).
(1) More on the subject, see in my Lehrb. der hist. lent. Ein-
leitung in d. A. Test., 3rd ed., § 4. On the diffusion of Semitic
writing, L. Geiger says, in his treatise on the origin of writing,
1868, in Ztschr. der DMG. xxiii. 159 f. : " We know not only in
general, that our European written characters all sprang from
the Greek, and secondarily from a Semitic origin, but we also
know exactly, from Mommsen's investigations, the way in which
the Italic alphabets were developed. The Gothic alphabet of
Ulphila, as well as the Cyrillic one of the Sclavs, is of Greek
origin ; nay, the Eunic characters are undoubtedly from the
same source, being probably a form of development which came
at an early time by way of Massilia to the Gauls, and thence
to the Germans. A Semitic origin for the Indian Devanagari
has also been made very probable by Alb. Weber, and thus a
vast portion of Asia carried back to the same source ; for not
only the native written characters of nearer and further India,
such as Bengali, Urija, Telinga, Tamil, moreover, the Burman
and Javanese, but also the Thibetan, are daughter and sister
systems of the Devanagari The characters of the Mongols,

262 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
Tungus, and Mantchoos are, as Klaproth observed, formed from
the Syrian, and that by turning them round, and adopting the
vertical columns of the Chinese. If, in addition to these, we
reckon the written characters of the original Semitic alphabet
itself, which are still preserved in its Hebrew, Ethiopian,
Samaritan, Zend or mid-Persian, Syrian, and Arabian branches ;
if we further consider that the latter branch has been adopted
by the Turks, Persians, Malays, and in Hindustani, — we cannot
help being amazed at the marvellous diffusion of such a dis
covery from one point." L. Geiger takes Babylon to be the
fatherland of this so widely - spread alphabet, whence also
proceeded the ancient system of weights and measures. On
the other hand, the prevailing view, that the Semitic alphabetic
writing is of Egyptian origin, and was formed by a modification
of the Egyptian hieratic writing (comp. Schrader on de Wette's
Lehrb. d. Einl. in d. A. T, 8th ed.. § 105), is exposed to very
weighty difficulties from the character of this alphabet ; comp.
my Lehrb. d. Einl. § 4, notes 2-4. Moreover, W. Deecke
" der Ursprung des altsemitischen Alphabets aus der neuassyr
Keilschrift," in ZDMG. xxxi. (1877) p. 102 ff. ; the same author :
" Ueber das indische Alphabet in si en em Zusammenhang mit
den iibrigen siidsemit. Alphabeten," ibid. p. 598 ff; and "Ueber
den Ursprung der altpersichen Keilschrift," xxxii. p. 271 ff.
(2) Comp. the full discussion of the age of the art of writing
by Hengstenberg, Beitr. z. Einl. in d. A. T. ii. p. 415 ff.
(3) Comp. Hengstenberg, ubi supra, p. 457 ff.
(4) The oldest monument yet found is the stone of Mesha
king of Moab, the so-called Meshastele (see above, vol. i. p. 14),
from the first half of the ninth century B.C. The next, and
larger, is the inscription on the sarcophagus of the Sidonian
king Eschmunazar, of the fifth century B.C. (comp. Schlottmann,
Die Inschrift Eschmunazar 's, Konigs der Sidonier, Halle 1868).
Then there are about twenty Syrian bricks, found in the ruins
of Khorsabad, of the eighth or seventh century B.C. — The other
Phoenician inscriptions are given by P. Schroeder, Die phonizische
Sprache, Halle 1869, pp. 47-72 ; and the Semitic inscriptions in
Melch. de Vogue, Syrie centrale (see above, vol. i. p. 14).
(5) On the history of this development, comp. my Lehrb. d.
Einleit. § 164; and to illustrate the gradual transition from the
one form of writing to the other, the table of characters in
Schlottmann's instructive article, " Schrift u. Schriftzeichen,"
in Eiehm's Hwb.
(6) According to the testimony of Herodot. v. 58. That such
hides (bipS'epai) were used as writing material by the Israelites,
is so far clear from Num. v. 23, where a material is presupposed,
from which writing might be washed off without its being

§ 131. WRITING AND LITERATURE. 263
destroyed by water; and from Jer. xxxvi. 23, where the roll
is cut with the knife, showing that it cannot, like paper, be
torn. By comparing these two passages, we find that the
Israelites, from the time of Moses to the exile, used skins for
writing. Even the Apostle Paul has still fiepfipdvag, i.e. parch
ment (2 Tim. iv. 13), for his letters ; whereas John wrote
shorter letters on paper {ydprng) (2 John 12). Comp. also
yapTi\pla, 3 Mace. iv. 20.
(7) See fuller particulars in Hengstenberg, p. 485 ff. Letters
(B'naa) are mentioned under David (2 Sam. xi. 14), and then
more frequently (1 Kings xxi. 8 f. ; 2 Kings v. 5 ff, x. 1 ; 2
Chron. ii. 20, xxi. 12, etc.).
(8) When writing for monumental purposes was to be in
scribed on stone or metal, the stylus was of iron (Job xix. 24)
or diamond (Jer. xvii. 1). But it cannot be proved from the
word tay, rendered by the LXX. in various places by ypaplg,
ypapiTov, xa>.afi.og, oyoTvog, that the common writing stylus was
of metal, since the root taw cannot be proved to mean fodere.
Comp. Gesen, Thes. s.v. — Ink has its name, to, from its black
colour. Comp. J. J. Quandt, Dissert, de atramento Hebrmor.,
Eegiom. 1713, 4.
But writing acquires a much higher significance for the
spiritual development of mankind, from the fact that it
renders literature possible, in which the human mind deposits
the ripest fruits of its activity for contemporaries and pos
terity. The literature of the Hebrews does not begin with
the exaltation of Israel to be God's people at the exodus, but
may be traced with certainty to the times of Abraham. In
the first book of Moses not only are the oldest oral traditions
of our race regarding primeval and early times preserved, but
pre-Mosaic records are incorporated with the theocratic intro
duction to history, which were probably written by the patriarchs,
if not brought with them from their native Chaldea (9). The
creator of Israelitish literature, however, properly so called, is
Moses, who in the books named after him laid the foundation
for the sacred literature of the ancient covenant people. All
the following historians, psalmists, and prophets tread in his
footsteps, and, pursuing the paths opened up by his creative
mind, carry on and perfect especially sacred poetry and pro
phecy in their form and contents. The result is, that under
David and Solomon poetry reaches its highest point ; prophecy,
on the other hand, does not develop into an independent

264 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
branch of literature till the ninth century; then for two
centuries it eclipses all other branches, and furthers the
spiritual development of the theocratic life, judging and re
buking, instructing and comforting. Not till religious and
moral corruption spread more and more among the mass of
the people, entailing in the end the punishment of the exile,
did their sacred literature degenerate, and even during the
Babylonian exile, but still more thereafter, lose in originality
and fertility, until about the year 400 B.C. it came to an end
with the extinction of prophecy and the dying out of the
Hebrew language (10).
Besides the sacred literature comprehended in the canon of
the Old Testament, the Israelites had other works, of which
we have only the titles, with extracts of their contents, in the
canonical historical books. From these we gather that the
works in question dealt partly with the history of the people,
especially the working of the prophets, while they were partly
the products of national enthusiasm, as well as of the reflec
tions of the wise on nature and human life (11).
Even after the canon of the sacred writings was closed,
various works were written, partly in Hebrew or Aramaic,
but mostly in the Hellenistic idiom ; and in so far as they are
of a religious didactic character, or describe the struggle of the
nation for the ancestral religion, they were embraced in the
Alexandrine translation of the Old Testament, and thereby
preserved. In matter and form, however, these writings are
but weak imitations of the ancient sacred literature. They
are partly products of the scholastic learning which began to
appear at that time, partly endeavours of patriotic zeal to
counteract the invasion of Judaism by foreign, and especially
Hellenistic culture and philosophy. Or they sought to recon
cile the wisdom of the revealed doctrines contained in the
law with the ideas of Oriental and Greek speculation, and to
represent Mosaism as the source of all deeper truths in
opposition to the boastful Greeks (12).

(9) I have collected particulars on this subject in Havernick's
Handb. d. Einleitung in d. A. Test. i. § 116 ("' Eesults regarding
the Sources of Genesis "). Therewith comp. my Lehrb. d. Einl.
p. 157, 3rd ed.

§ 132. THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS. 265
(10) Comp. my Lehrb. der histor. krit. Einl. in d. A. Test.,
3rd ed., Frankfort 1873.
(11) The titles of these writings are collected in my Lehrb.
der Einleit. § 5 and 6, in the notes.
(12) These are the so-called Apocrypha of the Old Testament ;
in regard to the contents and origin of which, comp. my Lehrb.
§ 22611 § 132. Theological Schools.
Though single books of the Old Testament contain proofs,
not a few, of the diffusion of the knowledge of the Holy
Scriptures among the educated in Israel, yet there is no trace
of schools for the instruction of youth or of the people in
pre-exilic times (1). Neither have we any information —
apart from the solitary instance mentioned, 2 Chron. xvii 7-9
— as to how far and in what way the priests fulfilled their
calling to teach the people all the ordinances which God gave
by Moses (Lev. x. 1 1). — The schools of the prophets, which
were called into life by Samuel (1 Sam. x. 5, xix. 28), and
afterwards acquired a firmer organization under Elijah and
Elisha in the kingdom of the ten tribes (2 Kings iii. 3, 5,
iv. 38, vi. 1), were not theological schools. They were
associations aiming at spiritual training, with a view to
working powerfully on contemporaries by the gift of speech
and of prophecy, in order to awake a living theocratic
character among the people, and to prevent their apostasy
from Jehovah the living God (2). — Not till after the exile,
when prophecy began to decline, did the study of the law
become matter of scholastic learning ; and the priest Ezra is
mentioned as the first who set his heart to search and do the
law of Jehovah, and to teach ordinances and judgments in Israel
(Ezra vii. 10). Since he is not only called (Ezra vii. 6) a
scribe learned in the law p1™ IBB) of Moses, but is also
named in the royal letter of Artaxerxes a " perfect scribe in
the law of the God of heaven " (vv. 12 and 21), he must, as a
priest, have made the study of the law his chief business.
From that time onwards notable scribes (anaia, ypapixareis)
or lawyers {vo/ioSiBaa-KaXoi,, vofiiKol) are mentioned from time
to time, who partly applied themselves with great diligence to
the faithful observing and handing down of the letter of the
law and of the Sacred Scriptures, partly made the contents of

266 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
Scripture their special study, especially applying the law of
Moses to the practical duties of life, and giving decision in
doubtful cases (Matt. ii. 4 ; Luke ii. 46) (3). By this species
of learning a complete system of casuistry founded on the
law was gradually formed for all the relations of life. This
was orally transmitted by the scribes and their associates, i.e.
the scholars, who gathered round teachers famous for their
able explanations of the law. Under the name of the tradition
of the elders {irapahocrea twv irpeaBvrkpav, Matt. xii. 5), it was
ranked on an equality with, and in the end even placed
above, the written law of Moses (4). Under these circum
stances, it was inevitable that the scribes should set up and
maintain various opinions on many points of the law and of
its application to the relations of life, whence parties arose
among their scholars and adherents.
On the institution of these schools we lack more exact infor
mation for the period from the exile to the dissolution of the
Jewish State. We may suppose that students who sought a
deeper knowledge of the law turned to those of the scribes,
who were eminent for their wise and subtle expositions, to
receive instruction from them. This was given by the
teachers, partly in their houses, partly in the synagogues,
partly in the porticoes of the temple in the form of conversa
tions or disputations, and that gratuitously (5) ; the teachers
sitting, the scholars or hearers at first standing, but afterwards
sitting at the feet of their teachers (Acts xxii. 3). — That the
scribes took pleasure in publicly discussing questions of the
law, is evident from the Gospels. The more ancient scribes
had not any learned title. These came gradually into use in
the time of our Lord, and were formed after the destruction
of Jerusalem into a series of learned honours in the rising
schools of Jabne (Jamnia), Tiberias, and other places (6).
(1) On the traces of the diffusion of the knowledge of the
Holy Scriptures among the people before the exile, comp. my
Lehrb. d. Einleit. in d. A. T. § 153, p. 495 f. ; and on the
instruction of children and the first schools, see above, § 111,
note 4.
(2) On the schools of the prophets, comp. my comment, on
1 Sam. xix. 24, p. 159 ff., 2nd ed. The older theologians, follow
ing the Eabbins, regarded these as schools of learning. Thus

§ 132. THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS. 267
Vitringa says, De Synag. vet. hb. i p. 2, c. 7, p. 350 : " Certe hi
Prophetarum filii fuerunt Philosophi, vel si vis, Theologi et
Theologise candidati ac alumni, scientiae rerum divinarum sedulo
incumbentes sub ductu unius alicujus exercitati Doctoris." Nay,
the later Talmudists speak even of schools of the patriarchs,
and represent father Jacob as receiving instruction for fourteen
years in an academy of Shem and Eber. Comp. Waehner,
Antiq. sacr. ii. p. 794.
(3) On the zeal of the Sopherim for the faithful preservation
of the biblical text, comp. my Lehrb. der Einleit. § 158 ; on their
work as teachers of the law, comp. Herzfeld, Geschichte des Vollees
Jisrael, iii. pp. 264 ff. and 246 ff, and J. M. Jost, Geschichte des
Judenthums und seiner Sekten (Lpz. 1857), i p. 197 ff. ; and the
comprehensive statements of Pressel, " Babbinismus," in PRE.
xii pp. 470-487 ; Leyrer, " Schriftgelehrte," in PRE. xiii. pp.
731-741 ; and Schiirer, Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Christ,
i. pp. 313-328 (with the more recent literature, given p. 312). —
Of the famous scribes who flourished down to the destruction of
the Jewish State five pairs are named : 1. Jose ben Joczer and
Jose ben Jochanan at the time of the Syrian wars, who gave
forth strict ordinances regarding clean and unclean. 2. Josua
ben Perachjah and Nithai of Arbela in the last times of John
Hyrcanus, who laboured to secure a larger place and authority
for oral tradition. 3. Simon of Shetach, " the soul of the new
Pharisaic legislation," and Juda ben Tdbbai under the govern
ment of Alexandra and her sons, Hyrcanus as high priest, and
Aristobulus as military leader. 4. Shemaiah and Abtalion
{Sameas and Polion), sons or descendants of proselytes under
Hyrcanus II. and the procurator Antipater. 5. Hillel, first
with Menachem, then with Shammai under Herod the Great,
who founded famous schools, and differed from one another not
only on single points of the law, e.g. the grounds of divorce, but
in their conception of it as a whole, Hillel seeing the essence
of religion in the moral principle: "What is displeasing to
thee, do not to others;" Shammai, on the contrary, in the stricter
fulfilling of the law ; Hillel accordingly being for the milder
view of the law, Shammai demanding the stricter following of
the letter. — Among other distinguished men of the school of
Hillel was his grandson Gamaliel, at whose feet Saul the
Pharisee, afterwards the Apostle Paul, received his Eabbinical
training (Acts v. 34, xxii. 3). — More regarding the fore-men
tioned heads of schools, see in Schiirer, i. p. 351 ff. ; on Hillel
and Shammai, see Carpzovi Apparat. p. 316 ff, and in Herzfeld,
ubi supra, p. 257 ff. ; and on Hillel especially, comp. F. Delitzsch,
Jesus and Hillel, compared with reference to Renan and Geiger,
Erlang. 3rd ed. 1875.

268 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
(4) A summary collection of the oral traditions relating to
the law {Halachoth V Moscheh mi Sinai) down to Hillel is given
by Herzfeld, ubi supra, p. 226 ff.
(5) The scribes gained their livelihood by following a trade,
unless they had means of their own or acquired it by marriage.
Thus the famous Hillel is said to have lived as a day labourer.
Pirke Abot ii. 2 (Misch. ed. Surenh. iv. p. 413) : " Eabbi Gamaliel
. . . dicit: pulchra est disciplina legis cum artificio aliquo
adjuncto, labor enim utriusque oblivisci facit peccati. Omne
quoque studium cui non est junctum aliquod exercitium, tandem
dissipatur trahitque secum iniquitatem." — Comp. the collection
of Eabbins who plied trades, in Gfrorer's Jahrhundert des Heils,
i. p. 161 f. ; and Delitzsch, Jud. Handwerkerleben, 5 Vortrag:
Lehrstand und Handwerk in Verbindung, p. 73 ff.
(6) Down to the time of Hillel and Shammai scribes have
no titles. Only after these appear the titles : Rab, Rabbi, and
Rabban, of which Rab expresses the lowest, Rabbi the inter
mediate, and Rabban the highest honour. This last title is
allowed only to seven learned men, of whom Gamaliel is one.
Comp. Carpzovi Apparat. p. 137 sqq. ; and on promotion to these
honours of the learned by laying on of hands (na'pa), Carpz.
I.e. p. 143 sqq. ; and Waehner, Antiq. sacr. ii. p. 798 sqq.

§ 133. Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes.
The attitude of post-exilic Judaism to the heathen masters
of the country, and far more the zeal of the scribes, to convert
the Mosaic law by the application of its precepts to every
movement of life into a fence protecting the ancestral faith,
and thereby into a weapon of defence securing the nation
from corruption and dissolution, gave rise to the two politico-
religious parties which, under the names of Pharisees and
Sadducees, meet us in the New Testament as filling the
spiritual offices and acting as the leaders of the Jewish
people (1). This development took place under the Syrian
sovereignty, when heathenism threatened ever more power
fully to invade and destroy Judaism. By a false translation
of the designation aipio-ei<;, which Josephus uses of them,
these parties have been regarded as religious sects. Their
peculiarities have been defined by the particular questions
mentioned in the Talmudic Scriptures as disputed between
them ; whereas they, far from cutting themselves off from
their nation by special doctrines or usages, rather laboured to

§ 133. PHARISEES, SADDUCEES, AND ESSENES. 269
preserve Judaism in all its peculiarity, and to strengthen and
protect it. The points in dispute between them related
only to inferences drawn from their different fundamental
principles (2).
The name ^apuratoi, Heb. B^Yia, Aram. P^ia, &Wi ,
denotes separated ones, i.e. such as separated themselves by
observing strictly the legal ordinances concerning religious
purity from everything unclean and heathenish, and in their
conduct were careful most punctiliously to observe the
Mosaic law according to the ordinances taught by the scribes.
In this respect the Pharisees are at one both with the
Chasidim, 'AatSatoi, 1 Mace. vii. 13, 2 Mace. xiv. 6, who
allowed themselves to be killed by their enemies without
resistance on the Sabbath, that they might not transgress
the Sabbath law, and with the Maccabees, who fought despe
rately for the maintenance of the law and of the Stadij/cn
¦n-arepav (1 Mace. ii. 20). And they were warm patrons of
earnest observance of the law and upright legal piety, from
the bosom of which the most important scribes came forth.
When, however, after the victories of the first Maccabees the
nation was put in secure possession of the Mosaic. law and
the temple worship, and the Maccabees became princes and
high priests, and began to regard their dynastic interests more
than the care of the religious feeling and worship of the
nation, the Pharisees set themselves energetically against
these intrigues as patriots, who zealously and successfully
championed the Mosaic law and the ancestral vop,iyut,. In
following this course, indeed, they themselves fell more and
more under the bondage of the letter, attaching a high value
to an outward righteousness of works and the empty show of
godliness (3). On the one hand, with their zeal for the law,
and tradition, which they placed still higher {TrapdSoo-K twv
irpecrBvTepav, Matt. xv. 2 ; Mark vii. 3), they undermined
the genuine piety of the people, who were absolutely devoted
to them (4). On the other hand, with their political
Messianic hopes they deadened the national susceptibility
for faith in Jesus Christ as the Saviour and Eedeemer of
Israel, and thereby brought about the destruction of Jeru
salem and of the Jewish State.
Politically and religiously opposed to Pharisaism was the

270 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
party (alpeo-t?) of the Sadducees, whose name B»pm (Talmud),'
SaZZovicaioL, is most probably to be derived from the high
priest Zadok, whose descendants from Solomon's time onwards
held this office, and designates the posterity as well as the
adherents and partisans of this high - priestly family (5).
Though standing on the ground of the Mosaic law, the
Sadducees were less exclusive in their attitude towards the
heathen, and inclined to concessions in their conflicts with
their heathen masters. As the antipodes of the Pharisees,
they rejected the authority of oral tradition, and of all
ordinances derived by the scribes from the law. The}'
would admit as valid only the written law in its literal
sense. But by their disputes with their antagonists they
were carried away, in opposing Pharisaic tradition, to reject
the resurrection of the dead, faith in rewards and punish
ments after death, and the existence of angels and spirits (6).
(1) Josephus {Antt. xiii. 5. 9) mentions both parties for the
first time under the high priest Jonathan, about 145 B.C.
(2) The older view, that the Pharisees and Sadducees were
politico-religious sects, as it is still to be found in Winer,
R. W. ii. 244 ff. and 352 ff, is now generally given up as
inappropriate, and incompatible with the statements of
Josephus regarding them; and the question of their relation
to the people and the influence which they exercised on the
development of the Jewish State from the times of the
Maccabees onwards, has been much discussed within the last
decades. See these investigations enumerated in Schiirer,
Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Christ, ii. 1 f. ; and in addition,
J. Wellhausen, Die Pharisaer und die Sadducaer. Eine Unter-
suchung zur inneren jiidischen Geschichte, Greifsw. 1874, is
added as an appendix. Schiirer, ubi supra, also gives the
statements of Josephus in extenso, along with a summary sketch
of the social contrast between Pharisees and Sadducees, their
attitude to the law and their Dogmatic.
(3) In this state of degeneracy they appear in the Gospel
history as fanatical enemies of Jesus Christ, Matt. v. 20 ; comp.
vi. 2, 5, 6, xii. 2, xv. 1 ff, xxiii. 2 ff. ; Luke vi. 2 f., xi. 37 ft'.,
xviii. 11 ; John ix. 5 f., etc., though even then there were still
among them upright and truly pious men, like Nicodemus
(John iii. 1 ff), Gamaliel (Acts v. 34), and others.
(4) Eegarding the influence of the Pharisees on the people,
Josephus says, Antt. xviii. 1. 3: "They have the greatest
influence on the communities, so that all the actions of

§ 133. PHARISEES, SADDUCEES, AND ESSENES. 271
worship, prayers, and offerings take place according to their
ordinances ; " Antt. xiii. 10. 5 : " Their ascendency over the
masses is so absolute, that they even find a hearing when they
speak against the king and the high priest." See further
proofs in Schiirer, ubi supra, ii. pp. 27, 28.
(5) The derivation of the Sadducees from a certain Zadok,
a disciple of Antigonus of Socho, in Pirke Abot i 3, is mani
festly unhistorical, as Herzfeld, ubi supra, p. 382, recognised.
The common explanation of the name as a modification of
Zaddikim (D'p/nv) into Zedukim (B'pnv), according to the
analogy of B'K'iia, is scarcely tenable, since we have no analo
gies for the change of the i into u ; whereas the name of the
priest Zadok (P^if) appears in the LXX. (Neh. iii. 29, xi. 11)
in the form ^abboux, and in Josephus, Antt. xviii. 1. 1, in the
form ^dbbovxog.
(6) On these disputations, comp. Jost, p. 216 ff. ; but
especially the short perspicuous statement of the disputed
points by Hausrath in Schenkel's Bibellex. iv. pp. 522-27, and
the collection of the questions which according to Eabbinical
tradition were debated between them, in Wellhausen, Die
Pharis. p. 56 ff. — Josephus {Antiq. xiii. 10. 6) thus charac
terizes both parties : Noftifia iroXXd Tiva irap'ebosav tuj br)(J.uj o't
3>apieu?oi ex itaTeptav biaboyr\g, ui;ep oux avay'eypanrai h ToTg Mtouaeug
vofioig, xal bid rouro Taura to 2,ubbouxulaiv yhog exfiaXXei, Xiyov exeha
beTv riye?s9ai voftifia rd yeypaftfievu, rd b' ix vapaboaeuig rZv maTipusv jj.r)
rripeni. In the New Testament (Matt. xxii. 23 ; Mark xii. 18 ;
Luke xx. 27 ; Acts xxiii. 8) the Sadducees appear as denying
resurrection, angel, and spirit, while Jerome on Matt. xxii.
remarks : " Priores Sadducaei corporis et animae resurrec-
tionem credebant, confitebanturque angelos et spiritum,
sequentes omnia denegabant." — Decidedly false is the view of
Tertullian and of many older theologians, that the Sadducees
did not receive the whole of the Old Testament, but only the
Pentateuch, as canonical.
Besides these two parties, who exercised a very strong
influence on the spiritual life of the nation, there was
developed, probably also from the Chasidim by a still higher
striving than Pharisaism for Levitical purity, the sect of the
Essenes or Essaeans {'Ecravvol or 'Eaaaiot),. whose origin is
still obscure (7). They retired from public life, with its
party contentions, and formed themselves into an order.
They lived in sequestered regions, partly to the north-west
of the Dead Sea, partly in Egypt, mostly as celibates in
common houses, occupied chiefly with tillage, but also carry-

272 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
ing on trades. They bathed frequently, wore simple clothes,
putting on clean garments at meals, denied themselves all
delicacies in eating and drinking, ate no flesh, but lived only
on the natural or prepared products of the soil, and drank
nothing but water. Neither did they take part in the bloody
sacrificial worship at Jerusalem, though they sent offerings to
the temple. On their entrance into the order they gave over
their property to the society and lived afterwards on the
common good, which was administered by overseers from
their midst, under strict regulations for the whole day,
according to which work and meals began and closed with
prayer. According to the time of their entrance into the
order, they fell into four classes. Not till after a three years'
probation were the novices received into full communion with
a terrible oath, in which they swore : to honour God, to
practise righteousness, faithfulness, and truth, to pass on the
doctrines exactly as they received them, and — what points to
a secret doctrine — to preserve faithfully the writings of the
order and the names of the angels (8).
(7) They are mentioned neither in the apocryphal books of
the Old Testament nor in the New Testament, but are more
particularly described by Josephus {de bell. jud. ii. 8. 2-15 ;
Antiq. xiii. 5. 9, xviii. 1. 2 sqq.) and Philo (Quod omnis prob.
lib., and Apolog. Jud. Opp. ii. 457 sqq., 632 sqq. ; comp. Euseb.
Prmpar. ev. viii. 11). The derivation and explanation of the
name are wholly uncertain. Of the various explanations (see
in Herzfeld, p. 393 ff. ; Jost, p. 207, note ; and Keim, Gesch. Jesu
von Nazara (1867), i p. 285), that of Ewald is the most plausible
(Gesch. d. v. Isr. iv. p. 484), from the Syrian and later Hebrew
NBn, pius, in the plural pan, stat. emph. Npn, which would
explain both of the forms 'Eag^oi and 'Easalbi.
(8) Fuller particulars regarding them in Herzfeld, p. 368 ff,
388 ff. ; Jost, p. 207 ff ; J. J. Bellermann, Geschichtl. Nachrichten
aus dem Alterthume iiber Essder u. Therapeuten, Berlin 1821 ;
Daehne, Geschtl. Darstellung der jiidisch-alexandrin. Religions-
philosophie, i. p. 439 ff. ; Uhlhorn, " Essener," in PRE. iv.
p. 174 ff. ; Lipsius, "Essder oder Essener," in Schenkel's Bibellex.
ii. 181 ff. ; and Schiirer, Jewish People, etc. ii. p. 188 ff, where
also the most recent literature on the subject is to be found.
Very similar to the Essenes were the Therapeutes, as Philo
describes them {De vita contempt., Opp. ii. p. 471 sq.), Jewish
ascetics in Egypt, including men and women {®epairiuTal xal

§ 134. THE CULTIVATION OF PARTICULAR SCIENCES. 273
©epaireuTibeg). But there were some not unimportant differ
ences between them (comp. the collection of the likenesses and
differences in Herzfeld, ubi supra, iii. p. 399 f.). The Thera-
peutes led a purely contemplative life in lonely cells, fasted
daily, Sabbath excepted, till sunset, and every seventh Sabbath
held a holy meal together.
§ 134. The Cultivation of particular Sciences.
I. The theology and philosophy of the Israelites are summed
up in the idea of wisdom (nP3n, Hochma), which grew out of the
objective form of 0. T. religion given by the law, prophecy,
and the theocratic history of Israel. This wisdom, as it is
taught in Proverbs, the Books of Job and Koheleth (Preacher),
and a few Psalms, is essentially distinguished from the world-
wisdom or philosophy of other peoples. The latter strives a
priori to reach the final elements of the world and the highest
ends of being. Wisdom, on the contrary, because born of
faith in the supramundane personal God, the Almighty
Creator and Euler of the world, and the holy Lawgiver and
Judge of men, seeks only to comprehend subjectively the
objective contents of religion, both the view of the universe
given in revelation and the order of retribution prevailing in
it. Thus it would seek to know the life-task set before the
human soul, not to build up a knowledge independent of
divine revelation. Though it thus applies itself especially to
the consideration of the order of the universe, of nature and
moral relations, and is directed to the universally religious in
Jehovistic theology, to the universally moral in the law, and
to what is human in dealing with Israel, yet it is never
untrue to the ground of revelation from which it sprang (1).
Hence it is wholly occupied with the knowledge of that
divine wisdom which is manifested in the world and in the
historical revelation, and rises, indeed, to the idea of the
eternal personal Wisdom, who at creation sits as artificer by
the side of God and assigns measure and law to nature (Prov.
viii. 22 ff). In other words, it rises to the thought of an
all-embracing and controlling teleology, to find therein the
solution of the pressing problems and contradictions of life.
But it persistently follows the practical aim of shedding light
on all sides on the inquiry into the reality of the holy and
KEIL II. s

274 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
righteous government of the world, as this is taught by the
Mosaic law, and it seeks to prove this in the relation of man's
lot to his moral character, to teach the fear of the Lord, i.e.
the disposition and conduct in all the relations of social and
domestic life which correspond to the divine will (2).
(1) Wholly mistaken is the view which J. Fr. Bruch,
Weisheitslehre der Hebrder (Strassb. 1857), advances, that the
wise set themselves in opposition to the theocratic ordinances,
especially those of worship, that they were related to them as
Illuminati to priests, as philosophers to the orthodox. The
contrary is proved by the one fact, that Solomon, who built the
temple and completed the ordinances of worship, stands at the
head of the Wise. Not till they became acquainted with
Greek philosophy through Aristobulus, Philo, and others, was
there formed among the Alexandrine and Hellenistic Jews a
speculative system, which rejects the ground of 0. T. revelation,
though externally professing allegiance to the Mosaic law, yet dis
solving it by allegories into abstract ideas. Comp. Gfrbrer, Philo
u. die Alexr. Theosophic, Stuttg. 1831, 2 Bde. ; Dahne, Geschichtl.
Darstellung der jud. alexandr. Religionsphilosophie, Halle 1834,
2 Bde. ; and Oehler's article, "Buch der Weisheit u. jildischer
Hellenismus," in Schmid's Pddagog. Encyklopddie, x. 298 ff.
(2) For fuller particulars, see in G. Fr. Oehler, " Die Grundziige
der Alttestamentl. Weisheit" (Tubinger Univ.-Progr. vom J.
1854), Theologie des A. Test. ii. 276 ff. , and in the article,
" Padagogik des A. Test.," in Schmid's Pddagog. Realencykl. v.
pp. 677-683, in which especially there is given the rich
treasure of pedagogic precepts, which the 0. T. wisdom de
veloped. Therewith comp. Delitzsch, Comment, on the Proverbs
of Sol. and on Ecclesiastes.
II. History, on account of its great importance for the
theocracy, was written especially by prophets and put in the
light of divine revelation. This theocratic historiography — as
we have it in the canonical historical books— drew its material
for more ancient times from old trustworthy traditions, tribal
reports, genealogical tables, ancient songs (Gen. iv. 23 ; Ex.
xv. ; Num. xxi. 14), and other contemporary memorials; for
after periods, from biographical descriptions and public annals ;
and from prophetical and other writings by contemporaries of
the events in question. But the extracts thus made are not
put together in the form of annals, but, while conceiving the
facts as objectively as possible, they are pragmatically handled
in such a way, that in the history of Israel God's working

§ 134. THE CULTIVATION OF PARTICULAR SCIENCES. 275
among His people, preparing the way for the redemption and
blessedness of all nations, occupies the foreground, so that in
the guidance of the ancient covenant people there is seen the
guidance of human souls to the goal of their divine destination
on earth. To this end the history goes back to the creation
of the world and the origin of the human race, to show the
genealogical connection of the chosen people with the whole
human race, and to fix the right viewpoint for the relation of
Israel to the other peoples of the earth, a right insight into its
world-wide calling. Thus, with all its seeming particularism,
Israelitish history yet bears a truly universal character. This
character further appears in the fact, that it gives a continuous
chronology from the creation down to the exile. The succession
from Adam to Jacob's migration to Egypt is given by the ages
of the patriarchs, thereafter by their residence in this laud and
the exodus from it. Later, it is reckoned by the duration of the
reigns of the kings. Then, with the subjection of the people
to heathen masters, its history is set in the chronology of their
sovereign for the time being (3). — The theocratic books of
history supply also, in the table of nations (Gen. x.) and the
description of Canaan in the Book of Joshua, valuable contri
butions to geography, though it has not been treated as a
special science.
(3) More on the subject, see in my Lehrb. der Einl. in das A.
Test. § 5, p. 16 f., and § 40, p. 174 ff. Comp. besides, Delitzsch,
"Der Formenreichthum der israelitischen Geschichtsliteratur," in
d. Luther. Ztschr. 1870, p. 21 ff.
III. In the natural sciences, the Israelites do not seem to
have gone beyond the simplest observations and empirical
knowledge. Of Solomon it is mentioned that he spoke of
plants and animals of all kinds, and must therefore have
occupied himself with natural history (1 Kings v. 13). The
Books of Job and Proverbs also bear witness that the nature
of various and even foreign animals was observed, though from
all we have, nothing more exact can be gathered regarding
the range and character of this knowledge. — The most con
spicuous constellations, and their names, were also known to the
ancient Israelites (Job ix. 9, xxvi. 13, xxxviii. 31 f. ; Amos
v. 8), not that we can infer therefrom any strictly astronomical
attainments, against which the imperfection of their calendar

276 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
speaks. And if the shadow-pointer of Ahaz, mentioned in
Isa. xxxviii. 8, 2 Kings xx. 11, was a sun-dial (4), Ahaz
must certainly have got it from Babylonia, whence also the
Greeks received the dial (Herod, ii. 109). — In mathematics
their knowledge probably hardly went beyond the four simple
rules (Spezies) which suffice for the common wants of life
(comp. Lev. xxv. 27, 50), which they may have learned in
Egypt, along with the elements of surveying required for the
division of land (5).
(4) On the astronomy of the Hebrews, comp. Stern, "Die
Sternbilder im B. Hiob," in the "Judische Ztschr. fur Wissensch.
u. Leben," Jahrg. 1864, pp. 258-276.— On the dial of Ahaz,
comp. my comment, on 2 Kings xx. 11 ; and Martini, Abhdl. von
den Sonnenuhren der Alten, 1777, p. 36 ff.
(5) The early development of geometry and arithmetic among
the Egyptians is attested by Herod, ii 109, and Diod. Sicul. i. 81.
Comp. Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, etc. iv. p. 6 ff.
IV. If we are to judge from the frequent mention of
physicians (Ex. xv. 26 ; Isa. iii. 7; Jer. viii. 22 ; Sir. x. 11,
xxxviii 1 ff. ; Matt. ix. 12; Mark v. 26; Luke iv. 23, etc.),
the Israelites must have given much attention to medicine
from ancient times. The physicians must have understood
how to heal wounds and external injuries with bandaging,
mollifying with oil (Isa. i. 6 ; Luke x. 34), balsam (Jer. xlvi.
11, li. 8), plasters (2 Kings xx. 7), and salves prepared from
herbs (Sir. xxxviii. 8 ; Ex. xxi. 19; 2 Kings viii. 2 9 ; Ezek.
xxx. 21). The ordinances respecting leprosy also show that
the lawgiver was well acquainted with the various kinds of
skin eruptions (comp. § 114). And not only Moses, but other
Israelites also may have acquired much practical knowledge of
medicine in Egypt, where the healing art was cultivated from
high antiquity (6). But as to how far the Israelitish phy
sicians advanced in this art, we have not more exact informa
tion. From the few scattered hints in the Old and New
Testaments, so much only is clear, that internal diseases were
also treated (2 Chron. xvi. 12; Luke viii. 43) (7), and that
the medicinal springs which Palestine possesses were much
used by invalids (8). It by no means follows from the fact
that the superintendence of lepers and the pronouncing of
them clean are assigned by the law to the priests, that these

§ 135. POETRY AND ORATORY. 277
occupied themselves chiefly with medicine (9). The task
which the law laid on them has nothing to do with the healing
of leprosy. — Of the application of charms, there is not a single
instance in Scripture (10).
(6) Herodotus, ii. 84, relates of the Egyptians : " Medicine
among them is divided in this way. Each physician is only for
one disease and not for several, and physicians are everywhere.
For there are physicians for the eyes, physicians for the head,
physicians for the teeth, physicians for the stomach, and phy
sicians for internal diseases." Comp. Hengstenberg, Die BB.
Mos. u. JEg. p. 68 f. ; and Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, etc.
iii. p. 389 ff.
(7) From the various notices which Winer, R. W. i p. 92,
has collected from the Talmudic writings, it only appears, first,
that in the course of time the employment of physicians
increased, as is indicated even by Sir. xxxviii. 1 ff. ; next,
that physicians also employed various internal means, and
became more at home in surgical operations.
(8) Comp. John v. 2 ff. (Pool of Bethesda). Especially
famous were the warm baths of Callirrhoe on the south-eastern
side of the Dead Sea, at which Herod sought healing (comp.
Joseph. Antiq. xvii. 6. 5, de bell. jud. i. 33. 5), perhaps identical
with the warm springs which Anah found in the wilderness
(Gen. xxxvi. 24). On the contrary, neither the spring at Marah
(Ex. xv. 23) nor that of Siloam (John ix. 7) belongs to the
number of medicinal springs to which they are leckoned by
Friedreich, zur Bibel, i. p. 41 ff.
(9) As Trusen, Die Silt en, Gebr. u. Krankh. p. 5, still
maintains. (10) According to Josephus {de bell. jud. ii. 8. 6), the Essenes
were distinguished for their knowledge of natural history and
medicine, which they drew from ancient writings. — The special
works on Biblical medicine in Winer, R. W., art. "Arzneikunst,"
are unimportant. This holds also of the treatise on Israelitish
medicine in Wunderbar, Biblisch-talmudische Medicin, 4 Abtheill.
1850-53.
SECOND CHAPTEE.
THE FINE ARTS.
§ 135. Poetry and Oratory.
Of the fine arts, poetry flourished most highly. Its begin
nings lie in the earliest times, as is to be seen in the Song of

278 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
Lamech (Gen. iv. 23 f.). As the involuntary expression of
the strongly awakened and moved soul, no people is without
it. And, because religious thoughts and truths move the
heart most powerfully and deeply, it appears among all
peoples first in the domain of religion in praise of the Deity.
Among the Israelites, poetry never left this field. All that is
mentioned or indicated of profane songs here and there in the
Old Testament disappears when compared with the wealth and
grandeur of the religious compositions, which not only equal
the most beautiful and sublime poems of other peoples, but
excel them in vigour and depth of thought, in tenderness and
inwardness of feeling, in fulness and variety of natural images
and comparisons.
In contents and character, the poems of the Israelites are
partly lyrical, partly didactic. The former, universally the
first and most original kind of poetry, meets us so early as
Jacob's blessing (Gen. xlix.), the songs of Moses and of
Deborah (Ex. xv. ; Deut. xxxii. and xxxiii. ; Judg. v.), in
wonderful sublimity, with great wealth of strong original
thought ; but it does not reach its perfection and many-sided
development till the time of David and other masters of song
at the most flourishing periods of the theocratic State. And
it outlasts even the dissolution of the kingdom, not ceasing
till some time after the exile simultaneously with prophecy.
Side by side with lyric poetry, and interwoven with it,
flourished proverbial versification or didactic poetry. It came
to perfection through and under Solomon with the develop
ment of Hebrew wisdom. As a composition, it moved in short
sentences, pithy gnomes, pointed comparisons, and profound
riddles. It unfolds a great treasure of the doctrines of wisdom
for every relation of life, religious, moral, and civil. This
style of composition still found cultivators in after times
among the wise men at the court of Hezekiah (Prov. xxv. 1),
and after the exile in the " Preacher," last of all in Jesus the
son of Sirach, whose sentences indeed not only exhibit many
imitations of ancient models, but still more furnish prudential
rules as moral and religious maxims.
The Israelites had also a talent for the composition of the
fable, as the fables of Jotham (Judg. ix. 7 ff.) and Nathan
(2 Sam. xii. 1 ff.) show. On the contrary, epic and dramatic

§ 135. POETRY AND ORATORY. 279
poetry remained unknown to them, though their lyrics rise not
unfrequently to the vividness of the drama.
In form, the poetry of the ancient Israelites does not advance
to metrical rhythm or syllabic measure and rhyme, and
preserves its character of originality and spiritual depth, from
the very fact that it is satisfied with thought - rhythm. It
strives to give to its contents the suitable formal rounding off,
only in the parallelism of the clauses of the verses, of the verses
and strophes. It gains its poetic style, partly by the use of a
higher diction, embracing rarer words, forms of fuller sound,
and bold conjunctions of words ; partly by constructing a
beautiful symmetry of sentences and thoughts for verse and
song-rhythm. In this process there arises now and again a
perfectly metrical rhythm with similar terminations or rhymes,
but without its appearing intentional in any case, or being
uniformly carried through (1).
Oratory or rhetoric was chiefly cultivated by the prophets.
It was not only diligently exercised in the way opened up by
Moses in his last speeches for the confirming of the people in
fidelity to their God, but also carried to a high degree of
technical perfection. The speeches of an Isaiah, Micah, Amos,
and other prophets have not their equal in vigour, depth, and
fulness of thought, impressiveness of language, and variety of
form. In their plan and form they do not indeed possess the
fine, well-ordered dialectic of Greek oratory ; but, on the other
hand, the simplicity of logical development in the thoughts and
the style, ever corresponding to the change from threatening
to promise, from exhortation to comfort, make a powerfully
arresting and inimitable impression, which is further
strengthened by the rhetorical parallelism of the clauses.
In this respect, as in their diction generally, their style in
many respects approaches poetry, though, except in parts of
their prophecies which are really lyrical, the difference between
prose and poetry is nowhere set aside.
(1) For more on the nature and form of Hebrew poetry, see
in my Lehrb. der Einleit. in d. A. Test. § 107 and 108. Comp.
besides, G. Baur, " Dichtkunst," in Eiehm's Hdwb. i p. 274 ff. ;
and Delitzsch, Bibl. Comm. on the Psalms, i pp. 23-30 ; and on
Proverbs. — The latest attempts to prove distinct metres in
Hebrew poetry proceed from Jul. Ley, Grundziige des Rhythmus,

280 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
des Vers- und Strophenbaues in der hebr. Poesie, Halle 1875 ; and
G. Bickell, " Die hebraische Metrik," in ZDMG. Jahrg. xxxiv. and
xxxv. (1880 and 1881) ; the same author's Leitfaden der Metrik
der hebr. Poesie, Halle 1887.

§ 136. Music, Singing, and Dancing.
Instrumental music, the invention of which is ascribed in
Gen. iv. 21 to Jubal, was from the earliest times associated
with singing (Gen. iv. 2 0), and no doubt generally accompanied
with dancing (Gen. xxxi. 27 ; Ex. xv. 20). In this connection
it was used to heighten domestic joys (Gen. xxxi 27), as well
as to do honour to public festivals (Ex. xv. 20, xxxii. 6, 18 f. ;
1 Kings i 40 f.), and glorious national events (1 Sam. xviii 6),
especially by the women of Israel. It was also practised,
however, at all times by youths and grown men, and not
unfrequently abused at festal entertainments to increase the
revelry (Isa. v. 1 2, xxiv. 8 ; Amos vi. 5). Singing and playing
belonged also to the joys of royalty (2 Sam. xix. 36 ; Eccles.
ii. 8) ; and even on occasion of mourning solemnities, singing
and flute-playing were used (Jer. ix. 16 ; 2 Chron. xxxv. 25 ;
Matt. ix. 32).
Music and singing received a higher and nobler destination
by their introduction into divine service. — Of primitive origin,
and common to almost all peoples of antiquity, is the custom
of celebrating national feasts in honour of the Deity with
music, song, and dance. We find the custom among the
Israehtes at the Eed Sea, where a choir of women with
timbrels and in dances, led by Miriam, took part in the song
of Moses, and the people by antiphonal repetition of the chief
thought of the refrain (Ex. xv. 20). But Moses brought
music into closer connection with the sacrificial worship, by
commanding that the priests should blow the silver trumpets,
prepared for theocratic purposes, on occasion of all burnt and
thank offerings as a memorial of them before Jehovah (Num.
x. 2 ff). It was David, however, who first raised song and
stringed music to an integral part of the regular worship. He
committed the execution of the psalm-singing adopted in
worship, to Levites skilled in music and singing. These,
divided under special masters of song (nvap) into three choirs,

§ 136. MUSIC, SINGING, AND DANCING. 281
professionally studied and exercised (1 Chron. xvi. 4 ff, xxv.
1 ff.) the art of singing and playing on the harp, lute, and
cymbals (1 Chron. xxv. 1, 6). — The schools of the prophets
founded by Samuel also applied themselves to music, to dispose
the soul to receive the influences of the Divine Spirit (1 Sam.
x. 5 ; comp. 2 Kings iii. 15).
As to the character of the temple music and the degree of
perfection to which sacred song with its musical accompani
ment was developed, we have not exact information (1).
From the few hints in 1 Chron. xv. 19-22 and in several
psalm inscriptions, thus much only can be gathered, that
various airs and melodies were composed, with which the
music must have been harmonized, though we must not think
of harmony in the higher sense of the -word, for not a trace
can be found of the knowledge and use of musical notes. We
are not, however, to think of the temple singing as limited
to mere cantillation, but must suppose real melodies, for we
dare not reason back from the character of the later synagogue
singing to the singing of the temple with musical accompani
ment. This singing was lost with the extinction of the
theocratic life and the destruction of Solomon's temple, so
that in the post-exilic temple worship only feeble remnants
survived (Ezra iii. 10; comp. ii. 41 and 65; Neh. vii. 73,
xii. 27 f., 36; Ps. cl. ; Sir. xlix. 20 [18]), and to the Alex
andrine translators of the psalms the musical terms used in
the inscriptions had become unintelligible (2).
(1) Hence the various treatises on this subject give no satis
factory light. Still deserving of attention for its thoroughness
is the treatise on Hebrew music by J. N. Forkel, Allgem.
Geschichte der Musik, Bd. i cap. 3, with a statement of the
numerous writings on the subject^ p. 173 ff. Therewith comp.
Winer, R.W., art. "Musik ;" and Leyrer in PRE. x. p. 123 ff,
where the more recent literature is given ; and G. Schilling,
Encyklop. der gesammten musikal. Wissenschaften oder Universal-
Lexicon der Tonkunst, Stuttg. 1836, Bd. iii. p. 529 ff.
(2) From 1 Chron. xv. 20, 21, where the expressions nmbyby
and rva'ptPrr^y, " according to virgins," and " according to the
octave," occurring beside musical instruments, undoubtedly
denote different airs, Schilling, ubi supra, p. 535, draws the
not improbable inference: "The virgins' (boys') voice, which
Alamoth denotes, and which was therefore the same as what

282 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
we call soprano, which as a rule leads the melody, was un
doubtedly only accompanied by the men's voices in the deeper
octave, which was also done by instruments, each according to
the character of its tone, and at the most with a harmonious
minghng of fourths and fifths." Further, the same author,
p. 536, rightly observes: "Of the enharmonic and chromatic
genus, the Hebrews in David's time — and this was the most
flourishing period of Hebrew music — could know absolutely
nothing ; for, on the one hand, the enharmonic genus was in
vented much later, and on the other hand, if we were disposed
to carry the chromatic as far back as the age of David, we are
prevented by the Lacedaemonians, among whom it first arose.
Accordingly, they had only the diatonic." — The Masoretic
accents served to determine modulation of the voice in cantil-
lating the psalms in the synagogues. But that they are not at
all musical notes of the ancient Israehtes, is clear from the late
origin of the Masoretic system of accents. — Comp. also Eiehm's
Hwb., art. " Musik."
Dancing pin, Pinp) was always a favourite social pastime
among girls and women (Jer. xxxi. 4), imitated by children
playing on the street (Job xxi. 1 1 f. ; Matt. xi. 1 7 ; Luke
vii. 32), and was engaged in by female companies in honour
of national joys, especially of victories (1 Sam. xviii. 6) and
religious festivities (Ex. xv. 20; Judg. xxi 21). On such
occasions, at least in more ancient times, men also testified
the joy of their hearts by dancing (2 Sam. vi. 5, 14) (3).
The dances probably consisted only of circular movements
with artless rhythmical steps and lively gesticulations, the
women beating cymbals and triangles (Judg. xi. 34), even
when at national festivities other instruments were played
(Ps. lxviii. 25, cl. 4). — Of public female dancers, such as are
frequently found in the modern East, there is not a trace to
be found in Old Testament times. Such dancing as that of
Herodias' daughter before men at a voluptuous banquet (Matt.
xiv. 6) was first introduced among the Jews through the
influence of corrupt Greek customs.
(3) A religious meaning belonged also to the torch dance,
which arose later, by men in the temple on the first evening of
the feast of tabernacles (vol. ii. pp. 58, 59). The Therapeutes,
also, according to Philo, ii. 485, had religious dances. Even
the ancient Eomans had such sacred dances, from which the
Salii had their name (Ovid, Fasti, iii. 387 ; comp. Dougtaei, Anal.

§ 137. MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS. 283
ss. i. p. 152), whereas they held dancing as unworthy of respect
able persons, and especially of men. — " Nemo fere saltat sobrius,
nisi forte insanit," Cicero, pro Mur. 14. — It was otherwise with
the Greeks, among whom Homer reckons singing and dancing
as the seasoning of the meal ; and in after times guests gave
proof of their skill, not only in singing, but in dancing (comp.
Hermann, Lehrb. d. griech. Antiq. iii. 1, § 53), though the Greek
dance was understood and practised as an art, as mimetic in
the wider sense. Comp. Becker, Charikl. i p. 185 ff.

§ 137. Musical Instruments.
Simple stringed and wind instruments were brought by the
fathers of the Israelites from Chaldea (Gen. iv. 21, xxxi. 27).
The rest may have become known to the Israelites in Egypt,
and perhaps been afterwards modified and perfected, though
the form and nature of most of them are little known to us (1).
— The various musical instruments p'1?' v3) mentioned in the
Old Testament fall into wind and stringed instruments, and
those which are beaten or shaken.
1. Of wind instruments the sack-pipe pJW, a sort of bag
pipe) is the oldest (Gen. iv. 21 ; Job xxi. 12, etc.), and was
called by the Chaldeans sumphonia p^aapia, Dan. iii. 5, 10),
as at the present day in Italy the reed is named sambonja (2). —
Next came the flute pvn), made of reed, wood, or horn ; an
instrument which was a great favourite among the ancients
generally, used for joyful and mournful music (Isa. v. 12 ;
Matt. ix. 23), but not employed by the Israelites in public
worship (3). On the contrary, we find the trumpet pimn)
used, according to the command (Num. x. 2 ff), only for
sacred purposes, and blown (in a blast ypri, or long and loud
W~)\)) (4) by priests now, as a call to the congregation, again
at the sacrificial worship, and on feast days. — The horn also,
or trombone pBit?, buccina), with its dull, far-sounding tone,
was blown only as a signal, and at general festivities, never
for private purposes at household celebrations (5).
(1) The ancient Egyptians had all sorts of instruments in
great variety of form, and that as proved by the monuments
from the earliest times. Comp. Wilkinson, ii. p. 222 ff. ; Heng
stenberg, BB. Mos. u. 2Eg. p. 133 ff. ; and Weiss, Kostiimkunde.

284 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
i. p. Ill ff. — Instruments similar to most of those belonging to
the ancient Israelites are still found in the modern East. Comp.
Niebuhr, Reisen, i p. 177 ff , mit Tafel 26 der Abbild. ; comp.
also Eiehm's Hwb. under " Musik."
(2) The sack-pipe is still very common in Egypt and Arabia.
It is called Samara el kurbe, and is figured in Niebuhr, taf. 26 N.
Pfeifer, Musik der Hebr. p. 48, wrongly understands by aaiy,
Pan's pipes, an instrument consisting of several reeds of different
length and thickness put side by side, which occurs among the
Chaldeans under the name ttfypvX'''p, eupiy% (Dan. iii. 5), and is
still much in favour with the shepherds of the East. Comp.
Kaempfer, Amcen. exot. iv. 740, with illustrations; and Eussell,
Natural History of Aleppo, i. p. 208.
(3) The use of the flute in public worship cannot be proved
from Isa. xxx. 29 ; comp. 1 Sam. x. 5 ; 1 Kings i. 40. This is
first mentioned in the Talmud as taking place in the second
temple, and the special cases are prescribed. See fuller parti
culars in Delitzsch, Bibl. Comm. on the Psalms, i. p. 33, note 2.
— As the flute was a favourite instrument with various ancient
peoples (comp. Dougtsei, Anal. ss. ii. p. 12), the Israelites, like
the- ancient Egyptians (Wilkinson, ii. p. 232 ff.), Greeks,
Eomans, and modern Arabs (comp. Niebuhr, i p. 180, with
illustrations), had, no doubt, various kinds of it..
(4) It is only mentioned in the description of religious
festivals. The two solitary places, Hos. v. 8 and 2 Kings
xi. 14, cannot prove its use for other purposes. For Hos. v. 8
is only an application of Num. x. 9, and in 2 Kings xi. 14 the
vague expression niix'xna yphl does not refer to the preceding
H?n c?, I™* is to be limited to the trumpet- blowing priests.
For the whole assembled people, though with Thenius we
should understand thereby only all the men fit for war who
were present in Jerusalem, could not be provided with trumpets.
— The two trumpets made for the sanctuary were of silver
(Num. x. 2). Afterwards the number was increased to more
than a hundred (1 Chron. xv. 24 ; 2 Chron. v. 12), which, how
ever, could hardly be all of silver. Their form was straight, not
bent ; this is shown by the representation on the triumphal
arch of Titus (comp. Eeland, " De spoliis templi Hieros. in arcu
Tit.," etc.). On the old Egyptian monuments also only straight
trumpets are found. Comp. Wilkinson, ii. p. 260 ff. ; and
Hengstenberg, BB. Mos. u. j£g. p. 134 f.— Josephus {Antiq.
iii. 12. 6) describes them thus : Mqxog fih 'iyei nrnyuaJav bXiyifi
XeTirov, envr) S earl avpiy% auXou fipayii TayuTepa, nupeyouea be elpog
dpxouv iiri rfi grofiaTi ntpbg UKoboyfp irteu/AaTog, elg xubuva ru?g adX-
•niy^i itapanXriaiag TeXouv.

§ 137. MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS. 285
(5) Credner, On Joel, p. 164 f., is mistaken in taking laii?
and rroirri for one and the same instrument. Not till after the
destruction of Jerusalem did these two words begin to be con
founded. The Shophar is described by Jerome on Hos. v. 8,
thus : " Buccina pastoralis est et cornu recurvo efficitur, unde et
proprie hebraice sophar, grace xeparhr, appellator." On the
contrary, according to Mischna Rosch haschschana ii. 3, it
was sometimes straight, sometimes bent. — Horns among the
ancients filled very much the place of our bells ; comp. Dougtaei,
Anal. ss. i p. 99 sq.; and, generally, Winer, R.W. p. 124.
2. Of stringed instruments the Israelites knew only the
Kinnor and Nebel p33} liaa), both of which were played to
songs of joy in social circles (Isa. v. 12, xxiv. 8), and from
David's time they were played by the Levites to songs of
praise in the sanctuary (Ps. xxxiii. 2, xliii. 4 ; 1 Chron.
xiii. 8, xv. 20, etc.). The kinnor, Kivvpa, iciQdpa (Luther,
Harfe), was more like a guitar than harp, and was probably
played, according to the peculiarity of its construction, with
the hand or with the plectron (6). The nebel, vdBXa, nablium,
¦^raXTrjpiov, psalterium, psalter (Luther), a zither-like instru
ment with ten strings pit2>y ;33, Ps. xxxiii. 2), corresponding
to the Babylonian pesanter (Dan. iii. 5) and to the old Arab
santir, was a low, longish chest with shallow bottom and a
somewhat concave sounding-board, over which the strings
of metal wire were stretched (7).
(6) Harps, guitars, and lyres are found represented on the
Egyptian monuments in great number and variety. Comp.
Wilkinson, ii. pp. 232 ff, 270 ff. — But since the kinnor was
played while walking (1 Sam. x. 5 ; 2 Sam. vi. 5), it cannot
have been a proper harp, but a sort of guitar or lyre, as repre
sented in Wilkinson, ii. pp. 226 f. and 291, perhaps also like the
zither in Niebuhr, Reisen, i p. 177, taf. 26 a-c. According
to 1 Sam. xvi. 23, xviii. 10, xix. 9, David played the kinnor with
his hand ; whereas Josephus {Antiq. vii. 12. 3) remarks : r) ph
xniipa b'exa yopbatg e^rj//.//.evri T-jKTerai trXrixrpijj- r) be vdfiXa baibexa
pdoyyovg eyouea ToTg baxruXoig xpouerai, which held, no doubt, of
the instruments of his time, but whether also of the Davidic
kinnor ?
(7) Jerome, Prooem. comm. in Psalm.: "Psalterium graecum est
et latine organum dicitur quod Hebraei $>aa nebel vocant." This
instrument was like the kinnor. The difference is described
by Augustine on Ps. xxxii. (xxxiii. 2, Hebr.) thus : " Cithara

286 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
lignum illud concavum tanquam tympanum pendente testudine,
cui ligna chordae innituntur, ut tactae resonent ... in inferiore
parte habet, psalterium in superiore ; " and on Ps. xiii. (xliii.
4, Hebr.) : " Utrumque (cith. et psalt.) manibus portatur et
tangitur, psalt. de superiore parte habet testudinem, illud sc.
tympanum et concavum lignum, cui chordae innitentes resonant.
— Duo haec organa habent inter se distinctam et discretam
rationem."- — Comp. on the nebel, Wetzstein on Delitzsch's Comm.
uber Jesaj. p. 702 f., d. 2 A., and engravings of the Babylonian
pesanter in Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, plate xiii. a.
Of the Babylonian stringed instruments mentioned Dan.
iii. 5, vii. 10, Bhrpp = xlSapig (Kri : ¦ Bhn|p( LXX. xMpa, Vulg.
cithara) is a sort of kinnor ; the Naaa and fcoaty, eapQuxrj, sam-
buca, was liker the nebel of the Israelites. According to
Athenaeus, the sambuca was a triangular harp-like instrument
with four strings, which was played with the fingers, and had a
sharp tone ; comp. Gesen. Thesaur. ii. p. 935. Almost all the
instruments mentioned Dan. iii. 5 ff are found represented on
Assyrian sculptures, especially on those of Kojundschik ; comp.
Weiss, Kostumkunde, i. p. 248 f. — Bow instruments were
unknown to the Israelites.
3. Of instruments beaten or shaken, the hand-drum (s^n,
LXX. rvfiiravov, Luth. Pauke, the so-called tambourine,
Spanish, Aduffa) is a wooden or metal hoop of about a hand
breadth, having a skin drawn over it, in which there are often
fastened thin round plates of metal ; a very ancient instrument
still widely spread in the East, which is used specially by
women in dancing and singing, being struck with the fingers
to keep time. — Equally widespread and popular from high
antiquity are the cymbals or castanets (B^pV?^ or r^Srp), which
are beaten with the hand by women while dancing, much used
also among the Israelites by men (2 Sam. vi 5). They were
also introduced by David into the temple-music conducted by
Levites (1 Chron. xxv. 1, 6 ; 2 Chron. v. 12 f.). Finally,
mention is made only once of the triangle (B^pE*, Luther,
Geigen, 1 Sam. xviii. 6 [A.V. tabrets]), as beaten by women
along with the tambourine, and at the bringing in of the ark
(2 Sam. vi. 5) of the sistra (B'yayap, aelarpa, sistra, Luther,
Schellen), i.e. iron rods forming two right angles, round or
bent above, hung with a few loose rings, which, when shaken,
make a tinkling sound (8).
(8) Eepresentations of old Egyptian female dancers with

§ 138. CONSTRUCTIVE AND PLASTIC ARTS. 287
tambourines, in Wilkinson, ii. pp. 240 and 254 ; of castanets or
cymbals, ibid. p. 255 ; of various forms of the sistrum, pp. 323
and 325. — Modern Egyptian dancers with small castanets at
their fingers are represented in Niebuhr, Reise, i 184, taf. 27.
Comp. also Lane, Manners and Customs, etc. ii. p. 95, illustra
tion 25. — The cymbals used in the temple music were larger,
according to Joseph. Antiq. vii. 12. 3 : xlipfiaXa jjv irXaT'ea xal
,aiydxa ydXxea. — The triangle is called by Athanasius (iv. 175)
a Syrian invention.

§ 138. Constructive and Plastic Arts.
Of these, architecture certainly takes the first place among
the Israelites, for the temple of Solomon undoubtedly ranks
with the most important structures of antiquity. A Phoenician
artist directed the execution of this building and of the works
of art in metal. But this temple, the main forms of which were
determined by divine revelation (1 Chron. xxviii. 11-19),
bears, neither in plan and structure nor in its emblems, a
Phoenician, but in all its parts the true Israelitish theocratic
character. What it has in common with the Phoenician style
and that of Western Asia in general, is only the inner covering
of its walls, with artistic wainscoting and gilding (1), while
the sculpture thereon shows only the cherubs, palms, and
flowers suitable to the theocracy and the land of Canaan. Even
on the artistic furniture of the temple, besides the emblems
named, only oxen are found as sacrificial animals. Comp.
the description in § 23-25. Another peculiarity common to
the Israelites with the Phoenicians, seems to have been the
bevelling of the stones in all their great buildings (2). — Of
the other ancient structures, the palaces of David, Solomon,
and other kings, we have neither remains nor particular
descriptions. Even of the magnificent castellated palace of
Solomon, the so-called house of the forest of Lebanon, with its
judgment-hall and throne, and its apartments for the king and
queen, we have indeed, in 1 Kings vii. 1-12, the dimensions,
with the rows of cedar pillars and great stones ; for the rest,
however, the description is so short, obscure, and perhaps here
and there, in the Masoretic text, corrupt, that it is impossible
to make out clearly the style and construction of the build
ings (3). — From later times we have no account of great

288 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
buildings, till Greek taste gained an entrance among the
Jews under the Maccabees ; and afterwards the Herodians
especially took great pains to erect monuments of their
sovereignty in the form of magnificent structures (4).
(1) The view still expressed by Stieglitz, Gesch. der Baukunst,
new ed. p. 117, maintaining an imitation of Egyptian art, is
wholly unfounded, and is rightly set aside by Schnaase, Gesch.
der bild. Kunste, i p. 248, as destitute of any convincing proof.
But neither can the opinion of this learned author, p. 249, comp.
238, maintaining the closest agreement of the architectural style
of the Jews with that of the Phoenicians, be established, either
from the fact that Hiram sends a master-builder to Solomon,
or from the practice common to both peoples of " employing
costly wood and metallic ornaments." For the use of such
material does not prove any agreement in style, and as little
does the native country of the builder, if he does not draw up
the plan and construct the buildings according to his own
ideas, but has to carry out the work according to a given
plan. (2) This bevelling in the ancient remains of the wall enclosing
the temple area and the whole Haram was first clearly pointed
out by Eobinson, Palestine, i. p. 286 f.; and elsewhere, and
described as an example of a special style of Jewish architec
ture. Later, this peculiarity was also found in remains of old
Phoenician walls. " Bevelled stones of the like character," says
Eobinson, iii. p. 329 f., " have since been brought to light in
the vast ancient ruins of Baalbek and other temples of
Lebanon ; in the earliest substructions and walls of the great
fortresses of esh-Shukif, Hunin, and Banias ; in the old wall of
Tyre ; and in the antique remains at Jabeil and on the island
Euwad, the ancient Aradas. All these circumstances go to show
that this was a feature of architecture common in those ages
throughout Palestine and Phoenicia, but which, so far as
appears, has never been found in any country west of Palestine,
nor elsewhere in any connection with the early architecture
of Egypt, Greece, or Eome. It may have been Phoenician in
its origin, and introduced among the Jews by Hiram or other
architects from Tyre, but that it was a peculiarity in the
architecture of the country there would seem to be little reason
to doubt." — Comp. herewith the explanation regarding the area
of Solomon's temple in § 23, note 2. Since, according to what
is there remarked, it is very doubtful whether the enclosing
wall of the present Haram is to be traced to Solomon, its
artistic bevelling cannot be carried back to the Phoenician
builder Hiram, but can only be regarded, with Diestel (" Bau-

§ 138. CONSTRUCTIVE AND PLASTIC ARTS. 289
kunst," in Eiehm's Hdwb. i. p. 154), as a device native to those
regions from ancient times.
(3) From the biblical text so much is clear, that this palace
consisted of a group of connected buildings ; in the foreground
the arsenal or armoury, an oblong 100 cubits in length and
50 in breadth, enclosed by walls of large hewn stones. Inside
the walls, four rows of pillars running round enclosed an open
court, and three storeys with chambers were supported by
cedar pillars rising one above another. Adjoining this was the
throne and judgment-hall, and behind or within it, in a second
court, the dwelling-house for the king and his Egyptian consort.
Comp. besides my commentary on 1 Kings vii. 1 ff, especially
Thenius on this passage, who — certainly not without various
emendations of the text— -has sought to give a clear idea of
these buildings, and to illustrate it with a ground-plan.
(4) Comp. the collection of notices in Josephus regarding
these structures, which have no particular style in Winer's
Bibl. R. W., art. " Baukunst."
With architecture are closely connected sculpture and the
plastic art, or figure-making in wood and metal. So early as
the ark we find two golden cherubs ; in Solomon's temple
there were besides two colossal gilded cherubs of olive wood
in the holiest of all ; the wainscoting of the inner walls of
the holy place is adorned with gilded carvings of palms,
cherubim, and flowers, and the larger brazen vessels of the
temple are furnished with figures of animals in various forms
(comp. § 2 3 f.) ; also, on the steps of Solomon's throne lions
stand on both sides (1 Kings x. 19'f.). Hence, if the Mosaic
law strictly forbade the making of images for worship (Ex.
xx. 4 f. ; Deut. iv. 16 ff, xxvii 15), the development of the
plastic art generally was not interdicted by this prohibition.
It was only confined within certain bounds in which it was
free to develop itself. And even the prohibition of image-
worship was frequently transgressed (comp. § 9 0). But this
very transgression, and the infliction of the punishment with
which the prophets threatened idolaters (Isa. xliv. 9 ff. ; Jer.
x. 3 ff, etc.), had this effect, that the post-exilic Jews extended
the Mosaic prohibition to all manner of images, and would not
only have none of them in the temple, but refused to allow
any statues in palaces (5).
(5) Comp. Josephi Antiq. xvii. 6. 2, and de bell. jud. ii. 10. 4,
where a Jewish deputation represents to the General Petronius ;
KEIL n. T

290 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
ug oube Qsou ti bei'xriXov, ouy ovoig dvbpbg, ou xut& Tbv vah /j.o,oij,
dXX' oube h elxaiu tiv! rbitu) rrjg yoipag QeffSai hfLirh e'ir\. Still more
decidedly is every image rejected by the Eabbins, even in the
way of architectural ornamentation; comp. Hottinger, Jur.
Hebr. leg. xxxix. p. 51 sq. — Hence the Jews would not allow
the Eoman soldiers to march into Jerusalem with the
Emperor's image on their eagles. Joseph. Antiq. xviii. 3. 1,
and 5. 3 ; de bell. jud. ii 9. 2. Comp. also Winer, R. W.,
art. "Bildnerei"
Finally, painting seems to have remained altogether un
developed. It is only mentioned in the Old Testament in
connection with idolatry in Ezek. viii. 10, where pictures of
reptiles and other unclean animals painted on the wall in the
chambers of the gateway to the court of the priests are shown
to the prophet in vision. Comp. also Ezek. xxiii. 14.
Accordingly this art was only pursued in secret as an imita
tion of heathen ways ; but in the theocracy itself it had no
soil on which it could flourish.

THIRD DIVISION.
STATE RELATIONS.
§ 139. The State in its Fundamental Elements.
Human society with its manifold relations and bonds,
uniting them into communities and peoples, is not the result
of agreements or common understanding. It rests on normal
conditions and radical bases, which God established in creation
to guide the development of the race to its destined goal.
With the institutions of nature the Divine Wisdom laid down
fixed ordinances, not only for the reciprocal intercourse and
attitude of men to one another, whether individuals or smaller
or larger communities, but also for their dealing with the
earth, with its possessions and products, made over to them
by the Creator at once for the support of their existence and
for the fulfilment of their life-work.- — God created the human
race, not as a multitude of individuals with power to propagate
and increase, but as husband and wife, and by the institution

§ 139. THE STATE IN ITS FUNDAMENTAL ELEMENTS. 291
of marriage He founded a moral and equitable social
relation for the forming of families, in which the husband
is to be head both of the wife and of the children from
their marriage. This divine institution contains the germ for
the development of humanity in organized communities, with
which the increase and spread of families naturally form
themselves, on the one hand into races and peoples, on
the other into civil communities in the orderly associations
of the commonwealth and kingdom. Similarly God not only
gave over to men the earth with its products to supply their
necessities, but at the same time committed to them the
cultivation of its soil and the subduing of its creatures, and
by this ordinance laid the foundation for their acquiring
legitimate property, not merely to sustain life, but to further
and fulfil its individual and common ends (1).
Not only is all civil order among men and peoples rooted
in these God-appointed relations (2), but all right on the
earth, whereby human society is supported and regulated.
These relations form the main pillars for the organization of
national life and of the life of different peoples under State
and Imperial constitutions, whereby the external moral order
of the world is founded and preserved, and thus the develop
ment of the human race is guided to the goal appointed by
the Creator.
(1) To these relations and bonds on which the existence of
the human race as a whole depends, the following are reckoned
by Stahl, Philosophic des Rechts, ii. p. 163 : — " {a) The preservation
of the individual's existence : integrity and freedom of the person,
protection in the obtaining and use of his means of subsistence
(property), (b) The expansion from the individual to the kind :
the organic bond of propagation, raised in the moral sphere to
a bond of will, and hence to the perpetual interest.of individuals
in one another — the family, (c) The kind in its existence as a
totality : the completing of the kind by the mutual action of its
parts — community, rank, and corporation, and their common,
higher subjection to ideas and aims- as a morally intellectual
kingdom — the State and the community of States;" and on these
he remarks, p> 164 : " They are a great interwoven institution
of nature, whereby the human race is preserved, and when
raised to their ethical perfection, they are the moral world, the-
goal of man's earthly being."
. (2) "A so-called state of nature neither .preceded the civil

292 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
order in point of fact, nor is it to be scientifically presupposed,
as if, starting from it as a terminus a quo, we had first to dis
cover the latter." Stahl, ubi supra, p. 172 f. — But as little is
the State a natural production of the family or a result of the
widening of the family into clans and tribes, so that the head
of the family became the chief of all the clans and tribes of a
people. Still less did it arise, through the violence of indi
viduals, though from Nimrod's days many kingdoms and States
were founded by the conquest of lands and subjugation of
peoples. The State as the rightful order and form of national
life arose historically, under the guidance of Providence, out
of the moral and equitable conditions of each people. Comp.
Luthardt, Vortrdge uber die Moral des Christenthums, p. 124 ff,
with the notes, p. 251 ff, 2nd ed. — Even the tribes of Israel
first became a State or kingdom when God raised up for them
a deliverer from the bondage of Egypt in the person of Moses,
and in Joshua and the Judges leaders and deliverers from hostile
oppression, and finally in Saul and David and his posterity,
gave the kings who united into one kingdom the twelve tribes
according to the ordinances of the divine law and the historical
development of the whole national life. On this point, comp.
Franz Eb. Kiibel, Die soziale und volkswirthschaftliche Gesetz-
gebung des A. Testaments unter Beriicksichtigung moderner
Anschauungen dargestellt, Wiesb. 1870.

FIEST SECTION.
THE CONSTITUTION OF ISRAEL.
FIEST CHAPTEE.
THE CIVIL CONSTITUTION.
§ 140. The Classification of the People of Israel.
Israel forms, in virtue of its descent from the twelve sons of
Jacob or Israel, a great family, the house of Israel (bx"]^ iva
or aipJP rva), which falls genealogically into tribes (B'paB',
ntep {1), 4>vkaZ, tribus), clans (rrinae'p, S^ot) LXX. gentes),
families or fathers' houses (Bsri3, ni3N IV3, oXkou irarpiwv,
familice), and men (B'laa), i.e. fathers with wife and child.
This classification of the people is most clearly given in Josh.
vii. 14, 16-18 ; it came about naturally with the progressive

§ 140. THE CLASSIFICATION OF THE PEOPLE OF ISRAEL. 293
increase of the children of Israel in Egypt in successive
generations. The tribes were founded by the twelve sons of
Jacob as the tribal fathers of the people, the clans by Jacob's
grandchildren, and the families or fathers' houses by his great
grandchildren, the latter further branching into individual
heads of houses with their belongings and descendants, wives,
children, grandchildren. But this series of members, corre
sponding to the natural course of generations, was not strictly
observed. The two sons of Joseph, born before Jacob's removal
to Egypt, were raised to the position of heads of tribes, being
adopted by the patriarch as his sons (Gen. xlviii. 5). Thus,
strictly speaking, there arose thirteen tribes, though only
twelve are uniformly reckoned {e.g. Ex. xxiv. 4 ; Josh. iv. 2 ff,
etc.), because Levi, as entrusted with the service of worship,
occupied a mediatorial position between the people and
Jehovah, and consequently also received no continuous portion
in the land of Canaan, no special tribal territory (Josh.
xiii. 14, 33). Hence as a rule it is not numbered with the
rest (Num. xvii. 2 1 ; Josh. xiii. 7 f.) ; when this occurs,
Ephraim and Manasseh are included together as the tribe of
Joseph (Num. xxvi 28, comp. ver. 57 ; Josh. xvi. 1, 14, 17).
— The clans, too, were founded from the beginning, not only by
Jacob's grandchildren or the sons of his own and his adopted
sons, but partly also by the grandchildren and great-grand
children of the twelve heads of the tribes. Of the fifty-seven
clans enumerated in Num. xxvi., into which the twelve tribes
were divided in the lastyear of the march through the wilderness,
there are belonging to Judah two clans formed by his grand
children, the sons of Perez (ver. 21) ; belonging to Manasseh,
a clan founded by his grandson Gilead, and besides, six clans
by Gilead's. sons or Manasseh's great-grandsons (vv. 29-38);
belonging to Ephraim, a clan founded by his grandson Eran,
the son of Shuthelah (ver. 36) ; belonging to Benjamin, two
clans by his grandchildren, the sons of Bela (ver. 40) ; and
belonging to Asher, likewise two clans by his grandchildren,
the sons of Beriah (ver. 45). On the other hand, several of
those enumerated, Gen. xlvi, among the grandsons of Jacob,
the founders of clans, are wanting in that list, Ohad (Simeon's
son), Er and Onan (Judah's sons), Ishuah (Asher's son), and
Becher, Gera, and Eosh (Benjamin's sons), comp. vv. 10, 12,

294 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
17, 21, probably because in some instances they themselves,
as is related of Er and Onan (Num. xxvi. 19), in others their
sons, died without male offspring, so that their clan was extinct ¦
even in Moses' time. — Similarly we must conceive of the forma
tion of those groups of families designated as fathers' houses.
We may take it as certain, that of the descendants of Jacob the
founders of clans, not only the sons, but also the grandsons
and great-grandsons established fathers' houses, though on
this point we have no clear statements in the Old Testament.
Only the principle remains doubtful, according to which in
these cases not only sons, but grandsons and great-grandsons
were raised to be founders of clans and fathers' houses (2).
The ground of it can hardly be sought in the larger number
of sons and grandsons with which some fathers were blessed
above others. For the tribe of Dan, next to Judah the most
numerous in Moses' time, which at the first census has 62,700,
at the second 64,400, men fit for war, forms only a single
clan called from Dan's son (3) (Num. xxvi 42) ; and taken
generally, the strength of the single clans reckoned by heads
of males is extremely various (4). The distinction between
clans and fathers' houses seems from the first not to have
followed any fixed and uniform principle (5). Hence the use
of the words : clans [families] and fathers' houses, is relative
and variable (6). The latter especially is clearly used in two
senses. Father's house pK n'3) is a technical expression
denoting the larger subdivisions or family groups into which
the clans fell. But every tribe and portion of a tribe not only
proceeded from a common father's house, but continued to
retain its ancestral house in that of the first-born as the
natural head of the tribe, or larger or smaller portion thereof.
Hence the name also denotes that family which had the
primacy in every tribe, clan, and larger or smaller family
group, or that house which belonged to the father of the tribe
or his representative in each larger or smaller division of the
people. Thus the twelve tribes not only had their common
father's house in the house of Jacob, and after his death in that
of Judah, to whom the patriarch transferred the primacy, but
every tribe also had its own father's house for its members
and descendants in the house of the first-born, who ruled and
represented the tribe. Similarly every clan, every family

§ 140. THE CLASSIFICATION OF THE PEOPLE OF ISRAEL. 295
group, not only had its common, but also its special father's
house in the first-born, as the natural head and representative
of the community in question (7).
The fathers who by right of ' birth stood at the head of
tribes and portions of tribes were called prin-ces {OWtoi, Ex.
xxxiv. 31, xxxv. 27, etc.), or princes of Israel (Num. i 44,
iv. 46, etc.), and as representing the people princes of the
congregation piyn WEO, Num. iv. 34, xxxi. 13, xxxii 2; Josh.
xxii. 30, etc.), or heads (B^Ki). These names were given not
only to the twelve princes of tribes (niispn W\tn, Num. vii 2 ;
nitspn •wi, Num. xxx. 2 ; Beats' Wi, Deut. v.' 20), but also
to the heads of clans and smaller subdivisions. To the latter,
however, the name N^a, Num. iii. 24, 30, etc., is seldomer
applied, commonly sr'&ii. Thus under heads of fathers' houses
priax rva 'g'to), we have to understand, not only the heads or
representatives of the subdivisions of the clans (Ex. vi. 14 ;
1 Chron. v. 24), but frequently the tribal heads of all grades,
or the heads of all the various classes who represented the
people in the cases in question, including the princes of tribes
properly so called.
From the various, mostly incidental notices of the Old
Testament regarding the classification of the people of Israel,
it is perfectly clear that the division into tribes remained un
changeable. In the great catastrophes experienced by the
nation in the times of their dispersion it lost its meaning
no doubt, and from the exile downwards it was more and more
effaced through the loss of genealogical tables, and for many
generations completely obscured, but it was never changed (8).
But the subdivisions within the tribes underwent many
alterations. Clans and fathers' houses died out or were extin
guished by wars, and in their place came new relationships and
divisions, which cannot be traced in detail (9).
(1) npp denotes the tribe in its genealogical branches, DaiE'
is the totality of those who are under one sceptre. Comp. my
biblical comment, on Josh. vii. 1. — The tribal division is found
among many ancient peoples, Edomites, Ishmaelites, Arabs, etc.
Comp. Winer, R. W. ii. p. 513. And in the Athenian common
wealth the puXat were divided into pparplai and y'evr,. Comp.
Wachsmuth, Hellen. Alterthk. ii. p. 351 ff.
(2) The reason for this given by M. Baumgarten, Tlieol.
Comm. ii. p. 383, is, that Joseph so long as he lived, the saviour

296 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
and lord of the house of Israel, saw and blessed the descendants
of Manasseh and Ephraim, enumerated Num. xxvi, and thereby
raised them according to his privileged position to the honour
of heads of families. But this reason is unsatisfactory, because,
(a) it neither explains the exaltation of the grandsons of the
other patriarchs to the rank of heads of clans, nor (b) does it
agree with Gen. 1. 23. For according to this passage Joseph
saw Ephraim's sons to the third generation, whereas in the case of
Manasseh only the sons of Machir were born on his knees ; while
according to Num. xxvi. 29 ff, 36, his sons to the third genera
tion, Ephraim's only in the second generation, founded clans.
(3) Who is called in Gen. xlvi. 23, B^n, in Num. xxvi. 42,
according to another form of the name, Brnei ; so that in Judg.
xiii. 2, xviii. 11, we read of the clan [family] of the Danites
(pin nriBE'p).
(4) Thus, e.g., the five clans of Judah have 76,500, the four
of Issachar 64,300, the three of Zebulun 60,500, the four of
Ephraim 32,500, the seven of Benjamin 45,600, and the five
of Simeon only 22,200 men fit for war. Accordingly, apart from
the clan of the Danites, the average strength of a clan varies
from 4000 to 20,000 men.
(5) Apart from the fact, that in the tribes of Eeuben,
Simeon, Gad, Issachar, Zebulun, Dan, and Naphtali, clans are
founded only by the sons of these patriarchs, on the contrary in
Judah, Ephraim, Benjamin, and Asher by sons and grandsons,
lastly in Manasseh by sons, grandsons, and great-grandsons,
there is this striking difference, that in all these tribes those sons,
whose sons found new clans, have themselves also a clan ; on
the other hand, in the tribe of Levi the sons found clans, which
exist only in the clans of their sons or the grandsons of Levi.
Thus Judah's son Perez founds the clan of the Perezites, and like
wise by his sons Hezron and Hamul the clans of the Hezronites
and Hamulites (Num. xxvi. 20 f.). Machir the son of Manasseh
founds the clan of the Machirites, but likewise through his grand
son Gilead, the son of Machir, the clan of the Gileadites, and
through his great-grandsons, or Gilead's sons, six other clans
(vv. 29-32). In these and similar cases the clans founded by
the sons, Perezites, Gileadites, etc., are not merely comprehensive
designations of the clans founded by the sons of Perez, Gilead,
etc., so that the clan of the Perezites existed only in the clans of
the Hezronites and Hamulites, that of Machir only in the clan of
the Gileadites, and that of the Gileadites only in the six clans
of Gilead's sons ; but in addition to both clans of the Perezites,
Hezron and Hamul, there was a separate clan of Perezites ; and
in addition to, the six clans founded by Gilead's sons, there was
a separate clan of Gileadites, and besides this another clan of

§ 140. THE CLASSIFICATION OF THE PEOPLE OF ISRAEL. 297
Machirites. This is put beyond doubt by what is said regard
ing the tribe of Manasseh. According to Josh. xiii. 29 ff, the half
tribe of Manasseh, i.e. " the half of the sons of Machir accord
ing to their clans " (ver. 31), whose seven heads are named in
1 Chron. v. 24, received its inheritance in Gilead and Bashan,
because Jair (1 Chron. ii. 21 f.), the grandson of a daughter of
Machir by Nobah, had conquered the land of Bashan (Num.
xxxii. 40 ff. ; Deut. iii. 14) ; and according to Josh. xvii. 2 ff.
" the rest of the children of Manasseh," i.e. the six clans founded
by Gilead's sons or Machir's grandsons (comp. Josh. xvii. 2
with Num. xxvi. 30 ff), have their inheritance allotted to them
on this side Jordan. Thus, besides his son Gilead, Machir
had at least one daughter, and according to Gen. 1. 23 other
sons, whose children and descendants formed that clan of
Machir which existed side by side with the clans of the
Machirites founded by his son Gilead. Accordingly we may
assume, that in general, where separate clans are named from
the father and son, that of the father named along with that of
the son consisted of the families of those other sons and
daughters who are not expressly mentioned. — It was other
wise with the clans of Levi. Here the clans of the Gershonites,
Kohathites, and Merarites, named from the three sons of Levi,
consist only of the clans formed by the sons of Gershon, Kohath,
and Merari, or Levi's grandchildren. The clan of the Gershonites
consists only of the clans of the sons of Gershon, Libni, and
Shimei ; that of the Kohathites only of the clans of the sons of
Kohath, Amram, Izhar, Hebron, and Uzziel, etc., but not side
by side with them (comp. Num. iii. 17 ff. with Ex. vii. 16 ff).
For in Num. iii. 1 5-39 we read only of clans of Gershonites,
Kohathites, and Merarites, nowhere of a clan of Gershonites,
etc. (only of ninaep, vv. 21 f., 27, 29, 33 f., not pena nnae'p
iai). Besides there is mention in Num. xxvi. 58 of a clan
founded by Korah, and frequently of priestly clans. Thus
Korah, the son of Izhar, the son of Kohath, and so a great-
grandson of Levi, founded a separate clan ; while Aaron with his
sons founds the priestly clans, because by having the priest
hood committed to him and his descendants, he was raised
above his ancestral tribe.
(6) Thus in Josh. vii. 17, rnin; nnaB'p stands for niw Bap,
ver. 16 ; and in Num. xxvi. 28 we have : " The sons of Joseph
after their clans are Manasseh and Ephraim," whereas they do
not found clans of Joseph, but tribes of their own.
(7) The non-recognition of this twofold use of as rva and
niaK rva has given rise to various misunderstandings. Thus
Clericus and Eosenmiiller on Num. i 1, and Knobel on Ex.

298 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
vi. 14, thought that Beth-Aboth was "not at all a terminus
technicus for a definite community having a certain relation
ship between its members," but embraced sometimes more,
sometimes less, and was used both of the Israelitish tribes and
of the larger and smaller divisions of them. On the other
hand, Saalschiitz, Mos. Recht, p. 32, and Kurtz, History of the
Old Covenant [Eng. tr. ii. p. 165 ff], translate ntatf n% " father's
house" (in the singular), and so maintain that the word
denotes either always (Saalsch.) or in most cases (Kurtz) the
whole tribe, and is only here and there by way of eminence the
"designation of all Jacob's posterity" or "of the whole con
gregation." This view rests, as will appear afterwards, on a
pure misunderstanding of the use of the word, and requires
violence to be applied to a whole series of passages, without
getting rid of the difficulties which beset it. According to it,
the Mishpachoth are subdivisions of the Beth-Aboth, and " the
tribe or Beth-Aboth fell into as many clans as the father of
the tribe had sons" (Kurtz, ii. 169), for "a Beth-Aboth
embraced in it several Beth-abs." But the subordination of
Mishpachoth to Beth-Aboth is proved false by the passage
1 Chron. xxiii 10, according to which two sons of the
Gershonite clan Shimei are reckoned to a Beth - ab, where
consequently Beth - ab is clearly a subdivision of the Mish
pachah. This instance cannot be weakened, as Kurtz seeks to
do, by the arbitrary remark, that the passage thus regarded
" involves an undisguised and irreconcilable discrepancy with
Num. iii 24, where Gershon himself is the founder of a Beth-ab,
and the Mishpachoth subordinate to it are founded by his
sons" (ii. p. 171). For this assertion rests on a complete mis
understanding of the words : " the prince of the Beth-ab of the
Gershonites (not of Gershon) was Ehasaph ; " Kurtz identifies
Gershonites with Gershon, and further fails to see that in
Num. iii. 15-39 the children of Levi are not reckoned in
ver. 17 according to the house of their fathers, and in vv. 18-20
according to their clans ; but in ver. 17 only the names of the
three sons of Levi, and w. 18-20 only the names of the sons
of Gershon, Kohath, and Merari, who founded clans, are
given. Kurtz has confounded the BriPe'a in ver. 17 with JTa
BroK, and erroneously understood the words, ver. 20 : " These
are the clans of Levi according to their Beth-Aboth," as a closing
formula ; whereas they form a preface to the following enumera
tion of the clans of the Gershonites, Kohathites, and Merarites.
To these must be added two other passages. If in Num.
xxxvi. 1 the Mishpachah of the sons of Gilead has a plurality
of heads of Aboth or Beth-Aboth pitas ,E'Si) ; if in 1 Chron. vii. 7
the Mishpachah of the Belaites has five heads of Beth-Aboth ;

§ 140. THE CLASSIFICATION OF THE PEOPLE OF ISRAEL. 299
if in 1 Chron. vii. 40 a number of Asher's posterity are reckoned
as heads of Beth-Aboth, — it follows from these passages, naturally
and necessarily, that each of these clans had several father's
houses, and consequently the Beth-Aboth were parts or divisions
of the Mishpachoth. Kurtz evades this conclusion by saying
that in these and .similar passages DUK rx<2 stands for npp, and
denotes the tribe, and that princes of the tribe denotes not the
heads of, but heads in the tribe. But this view will remain
'untenable so long as this meaning is neither supported by
analogies, nor the signification " tribe " is proved for mas rva.
The expression niyn wtM, frequent in the Pentateuch, cannot
pass as an analogy, because it does not denote princes in the
congregation, but "the princes of the congregation." The
meaning tribe for nUK rva can as little be proved from Num. i.
If the same persons who appear in ver. 4 individually under
the name head of his Beth- A both pnax-JVaij B"Ki) are here desig
nated together, in ver. 16, as "princes of the tribes of their
fathers " (Bros nitsp wra), it does not follow " necessarily that
fathers' house and fathers' tribe are identical ; " no more does
it follow from the formula recurring in this chapter at the
summing up of each tribe: "Of the children of Eeuben
(Simeon, etc.), and their generations by their clans, by their
Beth-Aboth, were, according to the number of the names, so
many " (w. 20, 22, 24, 26, etc.), that the Mishpachoth are sub
divisions of the Beth-Aboth. The " conclusiveness " of this
argument is held to lie in the singular ntas rva, used without
exception along with the plural nina^'p. But that mas m is
not a singular, but the plural of asTTa, is clear from the fol
lowing passages : in Num. i. 2 : " Take the sum of all the
congregation of the children of Israel, by their clans, by their
nutrrva, according to the number of the names," etc.,
Dribs rP3p cannot be understood and translated as a singular:
" according to their tribe," because the whole congregation did
not form one, but twelve tribes. Similarly, in ver. 45 f., where,
after enumerating the men of all the twelve tribes, the total
number of the people is comprehended in the formula : " All
they that were numbered of the children of Israel anas nu?, i.e.
by their (formerly separately reckoned) father's houses . . .
603,500 men." But if in these verses, introducing and closing
the numbering -of the people, the ni3N n'O cannot be singular,
and cannot denote the tribe, neither can this meaning be im
posed on the word in the intervening enumeration of the tribes
taken singly. Here, also, unless rein is to be given to pure
arbitrariness, the uniformly recurring formula: JV3? anhaB'pp
Dribs, must be uniformly understood in the same sense.

300 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
As little does mas rva anywhere denote the whole people, or
the totality of the twelve tribes, the house of the twelve sons
of Jacob, or of all Jacob's posterity. The passages (Ex. vi 14
and Num. xvii. 17) by which Kurtz seeks to prove this meaning,
when rightly understood, not only afford no proof, but show
that to take mas nu as singular : " fathers' house," instead of
as plural : " father's houses," is wholly unwarranted. In the
words : these are the heads of their father's houses (Ex. vi. 14),
ntaxvra could not possibly be interpreted of the " house of the
twelve sons of Jacob," unless, with Clericus, Vater, de Wette,
and other adherents of the long exploded fragmentary hypo
thesis, we detach the genealogy to which ver. 14 forms the
introductory inscription from the connection in which it stands,
and make it a " genealogical fragment," standing in no connec
tion whatever. In opposition to such a proceeding, even Knobel
acknowledges that " the portion, vv. 14-27, is meant only to
give the tribal genealogy of Moses and Aaron, and ver. 14 is to
be translated : These are the heads of their (Moses and Aaron's)
father's houses, i.e. these stand at the head of the father's houses
to which Moses and Aaron belong."
Here, therefore, nias-JVa can as little denote a (single) tribe
as the whole people; not the latter, because this genealogy is
intended to give only the members of the tribe of Levi, and the
sons of Eeuben and Simeon are named according to their clans
in vv. 14 and 15 only to mark the place which Moses and
Aaron, who from this day forward are to stand at the head of
the whole people, took in the natural classification of the people
according to their descent from Levi. And nus nu cannot
here mean a tribe, because Moses and Aaron did not form a
tribe, and therefore it would be improper to speak of the tribe
of Moses or Aaron. — Also in Num. xvii. 17: "Take of the
children of Israel rods one for each Beth-ab, of all their princes
according to their Beth-Aboth twelve rods," Beth-Aboth is
neither " the twelve-membered unity of the whole people," nor
is " Beth-ab to be regarded without any (?) possibility of doubt
as a designation of each one of the twelve tribes " (Kurtz, ii.
p. 170). The meaning of the verse in question, compared with
ver. 21, is simply this : Take of the children of Israel, i.e. of
their princes, a rod for each Beth-ab, twelve rods for the twelve
Beth-Aboth. Hence it only follows that each of the twelve
princes has a Betli-ab, that Beth- A both is simply the plural of
Beth-ab, and denotes not fathers' house, but father's houses.
Were we to translate : " Of all their princes according to their
fathers' house," fathers' house, as the twelve-membered unity,'
could only denote the house of Jacob, and the addition : accord
ing to their fathers' house, would be superfluous, if not un-

§ 140. THE CLASSIFICATION OF THE PEOPLE OF ISRAEL. 301
meaning. — The manifest use of n"i3S~IV3 here as the plural of
SS'HU cannot be justly denied. The analogies from the Syrian
adduced by Gesenius for this plural in the Thes. s.v. rva, might
justify it. But also in Hebrew, Ewald long ago (comp. Krit.
Grammat. der hebr. Spr. vom Jahre 1844 und 1855, § 270c) indi
cated unquestionable analogies for it in nioa n'a, houses of the
high places, 2 Kings xvii. 29, 32 (comp. with xxiii. 19, where
niD3 va stands for it), ttMjrrva, houses of idols, 1 Sam. xxxi 9,
and B^pEhp rva, Ezek. xlvi. 24.
From the passages hitherto considered only thus much
appears, that father's house and father's houses are not always
technical designations for the subdivisions of the clans. Ac
cording to a more strict use of the words, i.e. one proceeding
from the natural formation of the tribes, clans, and families,
they also denote the father's houses, which each tribe, each
clan, each larger and smaller family relationship, possessed in
the houses of their first-born. This last use is beyond all
doubt found, e.g. in Num. iii : " The prince of the father's
house (3K_rV3) of the Gershonites wasEliasaph" (ver. 24); "the
prince of the father's house of the Kohathites was Elizaphan "
(ver. 30) ; and " the prince of the father's house of the Merarites
was Zuriel" (ver. 35). Here, it is true, the father's house of
the Gershonites divided into two clans, that of the four clans of
the Kohathites, and that of the two clans of Merari, denote each
the totality of these three groups of clans, but not as a mere
ideal unity. For every combination of clans had its real point
of unity, even as every single family had, in its house. This
real point of unity for the clans descended from one father is
formed by the man who, after his father's death, continued his
house, and who legally succeeded as prince at the head of the
whole relationship. From this stricter use of " father's house "
the technical use of the word for the separate divisions of the
clans was afterwards derived.
(8) Thus the elders of the congregation say, after the war of
annihilation carried on by the other tribes against Benjamin :
"A tribe may not be blotted out from Israel " (Judg. xxi. 17),
and they take measures that the 600 surviving Benjamites may
get wives, to prevent the tribe from perishing.
(9) Thus, e.g., King Saul belongs to the clan Matri (1 Sam.
x. 21), which does not occur among the older clans of Benjamin.
Moreover, the lists of Chronicles give various genealogical frag
ments of clans, whose names are not to be found in Num. xxvi.
Mention is also made in 1 Chron. xxiii. 11 of two Levites of
the Gershonite clan Shimei: "They had not many children,
and became a father's house pSTV,3^) in one reckoning."

302 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
§ 141. Land and Property of the Israelites.
When the children of Israel, now grown to a numerous
people, after their exodus from Egypt, entered into a covenant
with God the Lord at Sinai and became the covenant people,
Jehovah as their covenant God gave them the land of Canaan
promised to their fathers, casting out the Canaanites with His
almighty arm, helping them to conquer their land with its
cities and villages, and dividing it by the hand of Moses and
Joshua among the tribes of Israel (Num. xxxii. ; Josh, xiii-
xxi). — The patriarchs were promised for their posterity only
the possession of Canaan proper on this side Jordan. But in
the interval between the patriarchs and Moses, the Canaanitish
tribe of the Amorites had spread over a part of the land to the
east of the Jordan and there founded two large kingdoms,
whose kings Sihon of Heshbon and Og of Bashan met the
Israelites with determined hostility. Accordingly they were
defeated by the Israelites, their territory taken and divided
by Moses himself among them. The tribes of Eeuben and
Gad, at their own request, because of their large flocks, received
the southern portion of the land of Jazer and South Gilead,
specially fitted for the rearing of cattle. The warlike clans of
Machir and Nobah, of the tribe of Manasseh, in reward for
their valour in conquering the land, received the northern part,
or the kingdom of Bashan. These tribes entered on their
possessions only after fulfilling the promise to send all their
men of war over the Jordan, and to help their brethren to
subdue the land of Canaan (Num. xxxii. ; Deut. ii. 2 6— iii. 20 ;
Josh. xiii. 15—32). The taking and dividing of Canaan on
this side the Jordan was carried out by Joshua. The power
of the Canaanites in the south and north of the land having
been destroyed in several campaigns, thirty-one kings defeated
and their cities taken, Joshua at the divine command proceeded
to divide the whole land among the remaining tribes, accord
ing to the boundaries fixed by Moses, Num. xxxiv. The
manner of it was this. The situation of its territory within
the land was determined for each tribe by lot. Then the
compass, size, and boundaries of the several territories were
settled and regulated by the commission appointed for the
purpose, consisting of Eleazar the priest, v the leader Joshua,

§ 141. LAND AND PROPERTY OF THE ISRAELITES. 303
and twelve princes of the tribes mentioned by name in Num.
xxxiv. 16-29, Josh. xiv. 1, according to the larger or smaller
number of the clans and families of each tribe. For these
ends it was first necessary to survey the land, i.e. not to
measure it geometrically, but to have it described according
to the number of its cities and villages, the soil of the several
portions, and such like. This was done by a committee formed
of three men for each tribe (Josh, xviii. 4-9). The division
itself, however, was apparently so far carried out, that not only
had every tribe for its clans, but every clan for its families, a
proportionate share assigned in the land, regard being had to
the modifications which the natural division of the tribes and
clans had experienced by the exaltation of Israel to be God's
people. Accordingly the posterity of Joseph received for
Ephraim and Manasseh two territories ; but the tribe of Levi
being chosen to be the priestly tribe, received no independent
portion with the other tribes, no territory of their own, but
only forty-eight cities with the pastures belonging to them for
their cattle within the twelve tribes (Josh. xxi.).
The whole land was thus equally divided among the tribes
and clans of Israel, so that every clan and every father's house
received an inheritance for itself and its descendants corre^
sponding to the number of its members. But all the tribes
and parts of tribes did not come into actual possession of their
allotments because many larger and smaller districts of the land
were still in the hands of the Canaanites not fully extirpated,
and were wrested from them in after times only by hard
fighting, and even then only partially. But in the time
immediately following Joshua's death, the Canaanites left in
the land were mostly subjugated and made tributary (Judg. i).
Their land thus became the property of the Israehtes, and
every tribe received for its clans so much ground, that its
cultivation must have -fully sufficed to maintain its families,
for the whole land could easily support a larger number of
inhabitants than the Israelites amounted to when they entered
it. With the land they took its cities, townships, and villages.
As to the division of them, the Old Testament does not give
any clear account. But from the list of cities which fell to
the tribe of Judah (Josh, xv.), it appears that not only were
some villages attached to each city, but the cities formed

304 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
collective groups. It was not difficult to harmonize this
arrangement with the tribal constitution of Israel. To the
several divisions of the tribe distinct groups of cities with the
attached villages could be given, and so the heads of families
and clans receive their inheritance in the circuit towns and
their lands.
The way and manner in which Israel received the land of
Canaan in possession, corresponds to its calling to be God's
people. Though Israel had become master of the land by
force of arms, it was not their own might, but the arm of the
Lord which had wonderfully helped them and smitten the
Canaanites, to fulfil the promise given to the fathers, —
Jehovah's hand, which had extirpated the Canaanites and
planted Israel (Ps. xii v. 3 f.). To this corresponded the
division of the land by lot to the tribes of Israel, and the right
of property attached to possession. Though the land was
promised to the children of Israel for an everlasting possession
(Gen. xiii. 15, etc.), yet their retaining it was conditional on
their faithful fulfilment of its covenant obligations (Lev. xxvi.
32 ff. ; Deut. iv. 26 ff, xi. 9 ff, etc.), and even the ground did
not become Israel's property in such a way that the possessor
could dispose of it as he willed. The land was and remained
the property of Jehovah the covenant God, in which the
Israelites dwelt with Him as strangers and sojourners (Lev.
xxv. 23), lived on the produce of its soil, and enjoyed its
products and fruits. That Israel might be constantly reminded
of this condition, a year of rest for the ground was to be
observed every seven years, the land keeping a Sabbath to the
Lord, and every fiftieth year was to be a jubilee, in which
every one returned to his property, i.e. to the possession of
whatever land had been alienated till then (Lev. xxv. 10, 13).
For the portion received as an inheritance was to be the
inalienable property of the families. " The land shall not be
sold in perpetuity" pnpx?, Lev. xxv. 23), but throughout the
whole land there shall be a ransom p?sa) provided, i.e. a
redeeming or buying back by the seller or his next of kin
(Goel), (ver. 24). If, however, no redemption took place, what
was sold reverted without payment in the jubilee year to its
original possessor or his heir (ver. 28). Thus every sale of
land became a lease, since only its produce was sold, or the

§ 141. LAND AND PROPERTY OF THE ISRAELITES. 305
amount of the harvest till the jubilee (Lev. xxv. 15, 16). —
In these circumstances, the sale of landed property was not
likely to occur except through impoverishment. If, however,
any one was forced by poverty to sell his possession, and either
his nearest relative, on whom the duty of redemption devolved
first, or the man himself in case of his again acquiring the
means adequate to redeem, wished to recover what had been
sold, then the years that had elapsed since the sale were to be
reckoned, and the buyer was to receive only as much as the
purchase money amounted to for the time still remaining
till the next jubilee (Lev. xxv. 25-27).
This right of redemption as well as of the free reversion of
what was unredeemed in the jubilee held absolutely {a) for
property in lands and houses, in villages and un walled places ;
(6) for the houses of the Levites in the cities allotted to them,
and the attached fields (Lev. xxv. 31-34). In a limited way
it held (a) for the dwelling-houses in walled cities. For them
the right of redemption lasted only a full year from the day
of sale, so that if the ransom did not take place then, the house
fell to the buyer for ever for his posterity (vv. 29, 30).
(&) For fields vowed to the Lord, with the limitation, that if
they were not recovered for the prescribed valuation (comp. i.
p. 430), but were sold to another, they did not revert in the
jubilee to their original possessor or his heir, but as being holy
to Jehovah, like a devoted field, became the property of the
priests (Lev. xxvii. 14-21). On the contrary, the fields, which
as bought, not inherited property, were consecrated or vowed to
Jehovah unless they were redeemed, reverted without payment
of a penny in the jubilee to the hereditary possessor from whom
the person vowing had bought them (vv. 22-24 ; comp. vol. ii.
p. 1 6, note 5). These limitations flow from the same principle
as the right of ransom. Houses in walled cities were not so
closely connected with the land, which the Lord gave to His
people for an inheritance, that they could be regarded as
inalienable {ibid, note 6). By their sale the inheritance given
to the several tribes and clans by the Lord was not altered.
Hence the jubilee had no influence on their possession. The
interval allowed for their ransom amounted only to a year, on
the one hand to enable the seller, if a temporary need had
forced the sale on him, to Tecover his property when his
KEIL II. u

306 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
circumstances had improved ; on the other, to put the buyer
in a position to make free use of his purchase, should he wish
to alter the house according to his wants. On the contrary, a
bought field could only be consecrated to the Lord by the
buyer, in so far as it had become his property. Since, strictly
speaking, he had only bought its produce till the jubilee, he
could only vow this to the Lord. If he ransomed it, he
ransomed it for himself only till the jubilee ; if he did not
ransom it, the sanctuary had the use of it for this interval,
after which the field reverted in either case without payment
to the original hereditary owner. — It was otherwise with a
field in the possession of its heir. Of this the possessor could
vow a portion to Jehovah who had given him the whole. In
this case indeed, as in all things vowed except sacrificial
animals, ransom was allowed till the jubilee; and then he had
only to pay the value of the harvests till this -date, according
to the fixed valuation, with the addition of a fifth, so that the
field remained his property, and from the jubilee onwards its
produce again belonged to him cost free. But if he did not
make use of this privilege, he gave it to be understood that he
had wholly given or wished to give the field or land to the
Lord. Then it remained for ever holy to the Lord, and in the
jubilee became the property of the priests (1).
(1) Comp. on this section, Kiibel, Die soziale Gesetzgeb. d. A. Test.
cap. 2, p. 27 ff. — On the exchange of land there is no ordinance
in the Mosaic law. Hence Michaelis remarks {Mos. R. ii.
§ 73): "I find no law forbidding an Israelite to exchange
his inheritance. Neither was an exchange, unless it caused a
transference into a wholly different tribe, contrary to the object
of the law, for its end was thereby preserved, that the latest
posterity should not be altogether without property." Saal
schiitz also {Mos. R. p. 155) is of the opinion, " that an exchange
of properties, in certain circumstances, was undoubtedly allowed
(of course only within the same tribes and families because
of Num. xxxvi. 9) ; for in Euth iv. 7 the exchange {Themurah)
is mentioned as a special form of business transaction." But
these grounds are quite inconclusive. The Mosaic laws regard
ing the ransom of property and its free reversion to the original
possessor at the jubilee, have a higher end than to prevent
later generations being destitute of property ; and the ancient
custom mentioned in Euth iv. 7 in connection with buying and
exchanging is older than the Mosaic law, for this gives it a

§ 142. SUCCESSION AND RIGHT OF INHERITANCE. 307
peculiar application in regard to levirate marriage (comp. § 108).
Hence the circumstance, that this symbolical form of conclud
ing a bargain sprang originally from the selling and buying of
real property, gives no ground for concluding that the Mosaic
law allowed an exchange of land. The fact that the land given
to the Israelites to inherit was and remained Jehovah's pro
perty, gives us far more right to infer that the possessor of a
property for the time being was not entitled at his own hand to
exchange it for another, so that Naboth acted quite in the
spirit of the law when he would neither sell his inherited
vineyard to Ahab, nor exchange it for another (1 Kings xxi.
2 f.). § 142. Succession and Right of Inheritance.
The possession of land, which Israel received by lot from
God, was to remain the inalienable property of the several
families. In respect of inheritance it was an old -standing
custom, that the father's property went to his sons, the first
born receiving a double portion, the other sons single and
equal portions. Thus, for example, of five sons the first-born
got a third or two-sixths, each of the others a sixth of the
father's entire property. In consideration of this, the first
born, according to patriarchal custom, as head of the family,
had to provide food, clothing, and other necessaries in his
house, not only for his ageing mother till her death, but also
for the unmarried sisters till their marriage. This right,
established by custom, is more precisely defined by the Mosaic
law, and first in relation to the privileges of the first-born, to the
following effect. Where there are two wives, one loved, the
other hated, the father is not to prefer the later-born first son
of the loved wife to the older first-born of the hated one, but is
to give the right of primogeniture, with two parts of his whole
possessions (v NSp'! "IK'K ?aa), to the beginning of his strength
(Deut. xxi. 15—17) (1). The established custom in special
circumstances is so widened,, that if one died without having
a son, his possession was to go to his daughters ; but if he
had no daughters, to his brother ; and in lack of a brother,
to his father's brothers ; and where these too were wanting,
to the nearest blood relative of his clan (Num. xxvii. 8-11).
— When daughters inherited, however, it was further com
manded that they should take husbands only of their father's

308 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
tribe, to prevent the transference of his inheritance from one
tribe to another, and to preserve unimpaired to each of the
twelve tribes the portion allotted to it in the possession of the
land (Num. xxxvi.) (2).
The object of these specifications is evident. It is intended
that every family shall retain without alteration of the tribal
territories, or mingling of the tribal property, the possession it
received from the Lord, so long as it subsists in male or
female issue. Only if it dies out, through childless marriage,
or because the children have died as minors before their
parents, is its possession to fall to the lateral lines of the
father's clan. It is by this intention of the Mosaic law of
heirship that we must answer the question not directly decided
by law : when a family was regarded as extinct, or when the
brother, father's brothers, etc., became heirs, whether immedi
ately, on the death of the childless husband, or not till after
the death of his widow ? Our answer must be, that the
inheritance in this case passed to the man's brothers or
relatives only when the widow of the deceased was so far
advanced in years that she could not enter into a second
marriage with the hope of having children, and probably also
was no more in a position to manage the property. If, on
the contrary, the widow was still so young that she might
again marry and bear children, the deceased's brother, accord
ing to more ancient custom, was obliged to enter into levirate
marriage with her, in which case the vacant inheritance came
to the first son of this marriage, who was to continue the
deceased's name and race. But if there was no brother of the
deceased living, or if the brother refused to marry his sister-
in-law, she might on his renouncing this duty to his departed
brother before the judge (comp. § 108), marry a husband
outside of the family, in which case her property, or that of her
deceased husband, came like that of heiresses into the posses
sion of this second husband, and descended to the children she
bore to him. — The opposite view, that on the death of a
childless husband his widow was sent back to her father's
house, and her husband's property immediately passed to his
brothers or more distant relatives, has no support in the
Mosaic law (3). It is at variance with the right of levirate,
which was not abolished, but only regulated by the Mosaic

§ 142. SUCCESSION AND RIGHT OF INHERITANCE. 309
law ; and it is represented in the Book of Euth. in which it is
related (iv. 3) that Naomi sold the possession of her deceased
husband Elimelech, as a historical fact, not as resting on a
legal basis (4). — Of wUls there is not a trace to be found in
the Mosaic law or throughout the whole of the Old Testa
ment (5).
(1) We come on a privilege of the first-born so early as in
Gen. xxv. 31 ff, xxxviii. 28. Further, Jacob takes from Eeuben
the right of primogeniture because of a trespass (Gen. xlix. 4,
comp. xxxv. 2) committed against him (the father), and transfers
it to Joseph, by raising his two sons to be his heirs (Gen.
xlviii. 20-22 ; 1 Chron. v. 1). Such transference, to which
the patriarch was entitled by divine guidance, could easily be
imitated without right ; therefore it is forbidden by the Mosaic
law. (2) Hence it follows that all sons, not only those of full wives,
but those also of maids or concubines, shared equally in the in
heritance, the sons of harlots only excepted, Judg. xi. 2, 7. So
in the case of Jacob ; whereas the exclusion of Ishmael (Gen.
xxiv. 36) and of the sons of Keturah from the inheritance of
Abraham (Gen. xxv. 5 f.) is to be explained by the divine pro
mises which spoke only of Isaac (Gen. xxi. 10 ff). — Where there
were sons, daughters do not seem as a rule to have inherited.
Yet exceptions to this rule occur, though only, indeed, in very
rich families. Job gives his daughters an inheritance among
their brothers (xiii. 15) ; Caleb gives his daughter Achsah not
only Debir, when he gives her as wife to the conqueror of this
city, but in addition " upper and lower springs," Josh. xv. 16 ff. ;
comp. my comment, on the passage. — In such cases the
husbands, if they were of another tribe or clan, seem to have
been adopted into the clan of their wives. For only thus can
we explain how Jair the son of Segub of the tribe of Judah by
the daughter of Machir, the son of Manasseh (1 Chron. ii. 21 f.),
is mentioned in Num. xxxii. 41 as a son of Manasseh, and
receives for his inheritance the lands of Bashan conquered by
him, among the half tribe of Manasseh ; further, how in Neh.
vii. 63 there occurs a family of priests Barzillai, which sprang
from Barzillai, a priest, who received this clan name from his
wife, a daughter of the rich Gileadite Barzillai, certainly for no
other reason than because he had fallen heir by his wife to
some of Barzillai's property, though Barzillai had a son besides,
2 Sam. xix. 38 f., comp. with 1 Kings ii. 7.
(3) The sending back of the wife to her parents' house after
the death of her husband cannot be inferred either from Gen.
xxxviii. 11 ; for Tamar even on her marriage did not leave her

310 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
father's house ; or from Deut. xxii. 13 ff. ; or from the law of
succession, Num. xxvii. 8 ff. — Even the passage, Lev. xxii. 13,
where the return of a widowed or divorced priest's daughter to
the house of her father is presupposed, only proves it to have
been possible for a childless widow on the death of her husband
to return to her father's house and be maintained by him. It
does not at all prove the necessity of her doing so in order to
leave the inheritance of her deceased husband to his brothers
or relatives.
(4) If Naomi sold the land which stood in the name of her
husband and his heir, as is clear from Euth iv. 3 (comp.
Bertheau on the verse), it must have remained in her posses
sion after her husband's death. Now it is true Elimelech had
two sons ; but these had emigrated with their parents, and had
afterwards married in the land of Moab ; there, however, they
had died, without having come to the paternal inheritance.
Hence it is still in the possession of their mother, who sells it
probably because it was so burdened with debt that she could
no longer retain it for her daughter-in-law Euth ; or perhaps
could no longer enter on it on her return home. — As the law
stood, the next of kin to Elimelech had the right of redeeming
the land, i.e. securing it for himself. This he is ready to do ;
but when he hears from Boaz that if he redeems the land
from Naomi he must also buy it from Euth the Moabitess,
Elimelech's widowed daughter-in-law, to raise up the name of
the dead on his property, he declines, and leaves the ransoming
to the more distant kinsman Boaz (Euth iv. 1-6), who pays for
the inheritance of Elimelech and his sons, and also takes Euth
to wife, to raise up the name of the deceased on his possession
(vv. 7-10). — Thus the redemption of the field is inseparably
connected with the marrying of Euth. By what law ? The
case cannot be explained by the right of levirate, because
neither the nearest redeemer nor Boaz are brothers of Mahlon,
Euth's deceased husband, as, following the Jewish expositors
(comp. Selden, De success, in bon. def. c. 15), Bertheau, Comm. z.
B. Ruth, p. 250, has rightly remarked. Is it then to be
explained by traditionary custom, which, extending further
than the law of Scripture, laid on the redeemer of the land the
duty of marrying the widow, to maintain the principle that the
land of an owner who died childless should remain to a son
born of his widow, as heir of the owner and of his name ? as
Bertheau, ubi supra, and Saalschiitz, Mos. R. 812 f., 836 f., think.
Only the observance of such a custom would have been in fact,
on the one hand, an extension of the obligation to levirate
marriage far beyond Cue limits prescribed by the law; on the
other, a narrowing of the right of succession established by the

§ 142. SUCCESSION AND RIGHT OF INHERITANCE. 311
law. For if, according to the current interpretation of Num.
xxvii. 8 ff, the property of one who died childless fell imme
diately on his death to his brothers or the relatives next in
order, this right of succession would have been withdrawn
from the next of kin who were entitled to succeed, if a more
distant relative declared himself ready to marry the surviving
widow, to have children by her, who should inherit the property
of the deceased. — Neither does the assumption of Bertheau
and Saalschiitz, that the widow, according to levirate right (?)
or that of custom, only remained in actual possession or use for
the time being of her deceased husband's property, suffice to
explain our case. It would certainly explain the declinature
of the first redeemer to ransom the land, but it would in no
wise account for the taking of Euth by Boaz, to raise up the
name of the dead (Mahlon) on his property ; because hereby
the possibility of inheriting was taken away from the nearer
relative, and that illegally, if Naomi and Euth had only the
use of the land either till their death or remarriage, and if it
must then have legally fallen to their husband's relatives. —
The declinature of the first ransomer of his right becomes
intelligible, and the step of Boaz is legitimate only when we
assume that the land sold was the inheritance of Euth. In
that case the first ransomer might justly be afraid of redeeming
as prejudicial to his own possessions (ver. 6), because in this
case the land passed, on the death of Euth, to her relatives as
her lawful heirs, or if she married and had children, to her
husband and children ; thus in both cases being a loss to the
ransomer, for the money which he paid passed away from him
in whole or part to the prejudice of his own property. — Thus
it follows from this narrative that the woman as widow fell
heir to her husband when he died childless, and his property
did not pass to his relatives till after his widow's death, and
even then only when she had not entered into a second
marriage. If, on the contrary, she married again, her inherit
ance, as in the case of daughter heiresses, became the property
of the (second) husband and children, without her requiring to
have been an heiress on the occasion of her first marriage. For
this supposition does not explain the case in question for this
reason, that " we have here not to do with a piece of land
inherited from the father, which Naomi or Euth as heiresses
possessed, but with that of Elimelech and his sons." Bertheau,
B. d. Richt. p. 252.
(5) Neither the expression: "Command his house" (put
his house in order), 2 Sam. xvii 23, 2 Kings xx. 1, Isa.
xxxviii. 1, nor the writing mentioned Tob. vii. 14, indicates a
testamentary disposition. Not till the time of the later Jews

312 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
do testaments occur ; comp. Gal. iii. 15 ; Heb. ix. 27, and
among princely families (Joseph. Antiq. xiii 16. 1, xvii. 3. 2;
de bell. jud. ii. 2. 3), as well as in Talmudic law after the
Greek and Eoman fashion. Comp. Gans, Das Erbrecht, i p.
149 ff, where the Talmudic law of succession is described in its
leading points. More on this subject in Selden, De successionibus
in bona defuncti ad leges Ebr., Lond. 1636.

§ 143. Organization of Tribes and People.
The outlines of civil organization were given to Israel in
its natural division into tribes, clans, and fathers' houses.
According to patriarchal custom, the fathers, standing by right
of birth (primogeniture) at the head of the several tribes and
divisions of tribes, regulated the relations of the tribes and
clans, directed their common affairs, settled disputes as they
arose, punished offences and crimes, and administered law and
equity. But with the death of Jacob the children of Israel
lost their one common head. The dying patriarch had
deprived his first-born Eeuben of the right of primogeniture
because of an unnatural offence, and assigned the sceptre to
Judah. But the double portion of the inheritance belonging
to the first-born he transferred to the two eldest sons of
Joseph, and of these, when giving his blessing, he set the
younger Ephraim over the elder Manasseh (Gen. xlviii. and
xlix.). With increasing numbers, the posterity of the twelve
patriarchs branched ever more widely into clans and families,
and the right of the first-born fell more and more into the
background behind the equality of standing and rights pos
sessed by the several tribes. And since, by founding clans,
grandchildren were often put on an equality with sons, the
heads of clans and fathers' houses gradually attained to almost
equal authority and standing with the heads of tribes, for each
governed within his own circle, as far as was possible in that
state of servitude to which the Israelites were gradually
reduced in Egypt. — Thus from the heads of tribes, clans, and
families proceeded the elders (B^apf), who, even before the
time of Moses, form the superiors of the people. For Moses
and Aaron, on their arrival in Egypt, gather the elders of
Israel to announce to the people their divine commission to
lead them out of the bondage of Egypt (Ex. iii. 16, 18,

§ 143. ORGANIZATION OF TRIBES AND PEOPLE. 313
iv. 29). When further, shortly before the exodus, God com
manded Moses to speak to the whole congregation of Israel, to
take every man a lamb according to their families, a lamb for
a house, for the Passover (xii. 4), Moses obeys the divine
command by calling all the elders of Israel and saying to them :
" Take you a lamb according to your families, and slay the
Passover " (ver. 21). — This relation of the elders to the people,
in which they represent the congregation according to its
families, defend its rights, and are called in when it is desired
to influence the people, shows clearly that they were not
"raised to their position by the people's free choice; that
they do not represent a nobility of merit belonging to the
people in contrast to the hereditary nobility of the heads of
the tribes ; " " that they do not form a sort of democratic
element in the otherwise aristocratic constitution " (1), but
are only the presidents of clans and families, who had this
position from time immemorial in virtue of the right of primo
geniture. Nowhere are the elders mentioned with the heads
of tribes and families as representatives of the people different
from these, but they only appear when it is desired to desig
nate shortly and comprehensively the superiors or representa
tives of the congregation without regard to the genealogical
division of the various heads of the people (2).
Neither do the elders form, any special class of officials, such
as the Shoterim (B'np'B', ypa/Mp.aTei';, writers ; Luther, Amtleute),
chosen from them, whom the Egyptians appointed as overseers
of the tasks of the people (Ex. v. 6, 10, 14, 19). This name,
or rather the office designated by it, was given to some of the
elders or heads of the people probably from the fact that in
those ancient times it was not every head of a tribe or family
who was able to keep the genealogical registers, so very weighty,
for the organization of the clans, and to write out other docu
ments of legal importance ; and hence those who were able
were chosen from the totality of the people's natural superiors,
and entrusted with this business (3).
(1) As Kurtz, Hist, ofthe Old Cov. ii. p. 164, represents the
case. But this view, drawn from the constitutional forms of
modern times, is wholly foreign to the spirit of the ancient
East, and has not the slightest support in the Old Testament.
For the passage, Deut. xxix. 10, in which the elders are said

314 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
(Kurtz) to be "expressly distinguished" from the heads of
tribes (higher or lower), when rightly understood, proves the
contrary. When Moses says here : " Ye stand this day all of
you before the Lord your God, your heads, your tribes, your
elders, and your shoterim, even all the men of Israel," it is
obvious at a glance that in this rhetorical enumeration, in
virtue of the oratorical parallelismus membrorum, as the men
of Israel correspond to the tribes, so do the elders and shoterim
correspond to the heads ; in other words, that as the tribes con
sisted of the men of Israel, so the heads consisted of the elders
and shoterim, and so the elders are identical with the heads.
Very instructive on this point is 1 Kings viii. 1-3, where the
representatives of the people assembled to dedicate the temple
are designated in ver. 1 as " the elders of Israel, and (then) all
the heads of the tribes, the princes of the fathers {i.e. fathers'
houses) of the children of Israel ; " but in ver. 3 they are more
shortly named " all the elders of Israel," whence it clearly
appears that in ver. 1 the designation, " the elders of Israel,"
is only a general appellation for the heads of the people, who
are then more particularly designated by 1 explicative as heads
of the tribes and princes of the fathers' houses. Hereby we are
to interpret other passages, such as Josh. xxiv. 1, where the
complete representation of the people is expressed by " all the
tribes, the elders of Israel, and their heads, and their judges,
and their shoterim;" or, finally, Deut. v. 23, where " all the
heads of your tribes and your elders " is to be understood ; and
your other elders, analogous to the expression : the inhabitants
of Jerusalem and the men of Judah, for : the rest of Judah
(Isa. v. 3).
(2) This appears clearly from the fact, that now the princes of
the congregation piyn wsw, Ex.xvi. 22, Num. xxxii. 2, or BWan
bvr\V\ pap ntas '•B'Si, Num. xxxvi. 1), again the elders of Israel
(Ex. xvii. 5 f.), treat with Moses as the people's representatives,
or stand by his side as the supreme leader (Num. xvi. 25 ; Deut.
xxvii. 1) ; and that even at the sacrificial feast given by Jethro
after his arrival in the camp of Moses, to which undoubtedly,
according to patriarchal custom, the heads of tribes, clans, and
families were invited as the natural representatives of the people,
according to Ex. xviii. 12, "Aaron came, and all the elders of
Israel, to eat bread with Moses' father-in-law before God."
(3) That IBB* does not etymologically denote orderer, as if
related to na (Ewald, Alterthiimer, p. 335), but writer, comp.
Gesenii Thes. s.v.; and that the Shoterim were also elders or
chosen from them, is proved beyond doubt by Num. xi. 16 :
"Gather seventy men of the elders of Israel, whom thou
knowest to be the elders and Shoterim of the people " (ppy

§ 143. ORGANIZATION OF TRIBES AND PEOPLE. 315
ViBEh Byn) ; and from Deut. xxxi. 28, where they are named
with the elders of the tribes as representatives of the people.
In the Mosaic constitution they are most frequently named
with the judges, Deut. i 15, xvi. 18 ; on which Saalschiitz, Mos.
i?. p. 59, founds the supposition, " that judges and Shoterim
represented in the tribes and cities the two offices which are
now likewise distinguished as magistracy and police." See
below, § 149, note 6.
This constitution of the people, with its representation by
the fathers or heads of houses, which sprang from the patri
archal relations, was not changed when Israel was raised to
be Jehovah's people, but retained as the basis of the organiza
tion and administration of the State. Even before the
covenant is made, Moses chooses the men at Horeb, whom he
appoints on the advice of his father-in-law to be rulers over
thousands, hundreds, fifties, and tens, as judges for the people
and Shoterim for the tribes, not from the mass of the people,
but from the heads of the tribes (comp. Ex. xviii. 2 1 ff. with
Deut. i 15). By this arrangement the magistrate authority
remains in the hands of those who had possessed it hitherto in
virtue of their birth, and it is only the exercise of their office
which receives a new form and order (comp. § 149). Again,
in connection with the giving of the law, it is all the heads of
the tribes and (the other) elders who, as representing the
people, commit to Moses the speaking with God and promise
to listen to his voice (Ex. xx. 15 f., comp. with Deut. v.
20 ff.) ; and it is " seventy of the elders of Israel" who as the
noble (B^ys), as the nobility of the people, with Moses, Aaron,
Nadab, and Abihu, conclude the covenant with the Lord,
behold the God of Israel, and partake of the covenant feast
(Ex. xxiv. 1, 9-11). And when, later, the burden of governing
the people becomes too heavy for Moses, he assembles seventy
men of the elders and Shoterim before the tabernacle, on
whom Jehovah puts the spirit of Moses, that they may assist
in bearing the burden of the people, i.e. support him in the
general government of them (Num. xi. 16, 24). In both
cases seventy are chosen from the total number of elders
because of the significance of the number, which as com
pounded of ten, the number of perfection, and seven, the
signature of God's works, represents the totality of the

316 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
covenant people (4). — In other cases, from all the elders or
heads of the people a smaller committee was chosen corre
sponding to the object in question. So, e.g., in taking the
census of the people for every tribe, a head of its fathers'
houses, princes of their ancestral tribes, heads of the clans of
Israel (b^f\ "E&S, Num. i. 4, 16); so to spy out the land of
Canaan again, twelve men, according to the number of the
tribes, one of every tribe, all princes (B'Stw) or heads of the
children of Israel (Num. xiii. 2 ff.) ; so to divide the land of
Canaan likewise, twelve men, a prince from a tribe (Num.
xxxiv. 17 ff). — These representatives of the people, whose
number and choice vary according to the different occasions on
which they are called to act, not only represent the whole
people, each his tribe, or clan, or father's house, but they also
form the congregation p"]}?'? or b[}P, . assembly) with which
Moses treats (5), and were named in this capacity " called
of the congregation," niyn 'Sip, Num. i. 16, xxvi. 9, or
lyio wip, Num. xvi. 2 (6).
Thus the congregation is not the whole people, but the
people represented by its heads ; comp. Num. xxvii. 21, where
" all the children of Israel " are distinguished from the " whole
congregation " (7). It forms conclusions and acts in the
name of the whole people; being subordinate, however, to
Moses, whom God chose and miraculously attested to be the
founder and mediator of His covenant with Israel, and to
Aaron, to whom the priesthood is committed ; and in all its
conclusions and actions it is bound to the will of Jehovah
revealed by Moses and promulgated as law.
(4) The symbolical significance of the number seventy is
acknowledged by Kurtz, ubi supra, iii. p. 267 f. ; but he admits
as probable a realistic reference to the number of Mishpachoth,
because Jahn {Bibl. Archaol. ii. 1, p. 59) calculated from Num.
xxvi. that the number of Mishpachoth in Israel amounted to
seventy-one, so that an elder was chosen for each Mishpachah.
" Jahn's calculation, it is true, is not correct ; for in cases where
a Mishpachah was so strong that several subdivisions were
formed, each possessing the right of an independent Mishpachah,
he has also reckoned the original Mishpachah, which is cer
tainly inadmissible. But notwithstanding this, the numbers
very nearly agree, and nothing further was required." Only
how Kurtz could have found this in Jahn is utterly incompre-

§ 143. ORGANIZATION OF TRIBES AND PEOPLE. 317
hensible. Jahn counts, ubi supra, in Num. xxvi 5-50 only
fifty-nine chief families {i.e. clans, Mishpachoth), whose heads
with the twelve princes of tribes formed a college of seventy-
one. Nor is the incorrectness of his reckoning to be found in
the fact that he enumerated all the independent Mishpachoth ;
for, as we have already remarked, § 140, he was fully entitled to
do so ; but in a simple arithmetical mistake, for in Num. xxvi.
5-50 only fifty-seven clans are numbered, not fifty-nine. Thus
the supposition of " a realistic reference " loses its support, for
there is no ground whatever for reckoning the princes of tribes
with the heads of clans.
(5) Comp. Ex. xii, where in ver. 3 " the congregation of
Israel " occurs, in ver. 21 there stands for it : " the elders of
Israel ; " further, Deut. xxxi, where we read, ver. 28 : " the
elders of your tribes and your Shoterim," and instead, in ver. 30 :
" the whole congregation of Israel." Thus " both expressions
are in every case identical, and congregation or assembly of
Israel means the people of Israel present in their representa
tives." Saalschiitz, Mos. R. p. 39.
(6) From Num. xvi 2 compared with xxvi. 9 it is evident, on
the one hand, that niy and lyio are identical ; on the other,
that not only the twelve princes of the tribes, but all the people's
representatives who appeared at general assemblies, are included
under the name, the " called of the congregation." For according
to Num. xvi. 2, the two hundred and fifty men of the children
of Israel, who belonged to the conspiracy of Korah, were
" princes of the congregation, called of the assembly, men of
renown." " They were thus manifestly the most important
fathers of families, who in other places are called elders (Num.
xi. 16 ; Deut. xxix. 9, xxxi. 28), and appear under this appella
tion even in Egypt, Ex. xii. 21." Saalschiitz, p. 38.
(7) Additional proofs, that the congregation is only the
assembly of heads, are given by Saalschiitz, ubi supra, p.
44 ff.
This tribal organization was still further established and
completed by the fact, that the division of the promised
land fitted into it, that the fixed property given to
the covenant people as a permanent inheritance was
allotted to them according to their tribes, clans, and fathers'
houses (comp. § 141). In this way, no doubt, the larger
cities, as central points in the several tribal territories, came
into the possession of those families which formed the chief
houses of the various divisions of the tribes. They thus
became not only the seats of the fathers and heads of these

318 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
divisions, but to a certain extent also naturally represented
the larger and smaller members of the tribe, and to them as
circuit towns or district centres even the name Alafim
(B'eAs, Micah v. 1), strictly, belonging to clans, was trans
ferred. In these circumstances, the tribal organization with its
princes, heads, and elders took such deep and firm root in
the life of the people and the State, that it was neither over
thrown in the troublous times of tht, Judges nor dissolved on
the introduction of the monarchy. On the contrary, the
elders or heads of the tribes remain the representatives of
the people, and like a sort of land estate not only exercised
great influence on the election of kings (1 Sam. viii 4 ff,
x. 20 ff. ; 2 Sam. iii. 1 7 ff, v. 1 ff), but are consulted by
them on all important State affairs (1 Kings viii. 1, xx. 7 ;
2 Kings xxiii. 1), and sometimes assert their influence with
great energy (1 Kings xii.). — Even on the dissolution of the
kingdom the elders maintain the internal administration and
guidance of the people, both when in exile (Jer. xx. 1 ;
Ezek. xiv. 5, xx. 1) and after their return from it. In their
native country they are the organs of the people, and watch
over its rights in opposition to foreign rulers (Ezra iv. 2 f.,
v. 9, vi. 7, x. 8 ; Neh. x. 1), down to the times of the
Maccabees (1 Mace. xii. 6, 35, xiii. 36) ; though the tribal
organization lost its firm basis with the carrying away of the
people into exile ; and after the exile, because, excepting
priests and Levites, it was chiefly only clans of the tribes of
Judah and Benjamin who returned, it could never regain its
ancient importance under the oppression and repeated changes
of foreign masters.

SECOND CHAPTEE.
THE THEOCRATIC CONSTITUTION.
§ 144. The Congregation of Jehovah.
Elected as the covenant people, it became the lot of Israel
to be the congregation of the Lord (Jehovah) or God pin* niy,

§ 144. THE CONGREGATION OF JEHOVAH. 319
Num. xxviii. 17, xxxi. 16 ; ni.T bnp, Num. xvi. 3, xx. 4, etc.,
Q,n?l!?n ?nP). The congregation of Jehovah is neither to
be wholly identified with the totality of Jacob's natural
posterity nor with the political congregation of Israel repre
sented by its heads, but it consisted of the totality of those
who bore in their persons the covenant sign of circumcision,
and enjoyed full covenant rights (1). Since the kingdom of
God planted in Israel, notwithstanding its temporary limita
tion to the one people of Israel, bore within it the germ of
universality, of diffusion among all peoples, the covenant
made with Abraham and established with Israel at Sinai was
from the beginning not exclusively confined to the natural
posterity of Israel's twelve sons. As a practical proof that
the redemption which was to be prepared through him and
his seed was intended for all races of the earth, Abraham was
commanded to circumcise every male belonging to his house.
Hereby his servants, who amounted to hundreds, are included
in his house, made partakers of the covenant promises, and
incorporated with the promised seed. And though this seed,
when it had grown to a numerous nation, was separated from
the other peoples and appointed to dwell in Canaan alone,
yet there went out with the Israelites from Egypt a large
mixed multitude of foreigners (Ex. xii. 38 ; Num. xi. 4 ;
Josh. viii. 35), who were not rejected by them. At all
times, moreover, there were strangers among the Israelites,
i.e. individuals of other (heathen) peoples. If these only
refrained from idolatry and observed certain religious ordi
nances (comp. § 65), the law not only secured to them pro
tection and toleration, but equal civil rights with the
Israelites. They could even acquire fixed property, lands
(Lev. xxv. 47 ff.), and offer sacrifices to the Lord (Num.
xv. 15 f., 26, 29), without belonging to the congregation of
Jehovah. But into this, too, they were permitted to enter, if
they submitted to circumcision. Hereby they were entitled
to eat the paschal lamb, and to take part in the covenant
feast of the people of Israel, and thus they became members
of the congregation of the Lord (Ex. xii. 48). The only
parties excluded from this fellowship are the Edomites and
Egyptians resident in Israel, only, however, till the third
generation, in which the sons born to them could be admitted

320 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
(Deut. xxiii. 8, 9). On the other hand, there are mentioned
as excluded for ever the seven Canaanitish nations doomed to
destruction, with whom because of their idolatrous abomina
tions Israel dared not make any covenant (Ex. xxxiv. 15 f. ;
Deut. vii. 1-4) ; further, the Ammonites and Moabites,
because of the hatred they betrayed against Israel on its
march through the wilderness, a hatred bent on the destruc
tion of God's people ; finally, of individuals, those who were
maimed in their privy member (mutilated), and the children
of harlots pjpp (2), Deut. xxiii. 2-7), because to such there
attached a vicious disturbance of the physical or ethical
order of the world.
(1) These rights, however, were lost by those attacked with
leprosy till they were received again into covenant with
Jehovah after their recovery. Comp. § 59, II.
(2) As to itpp, which besides Deut. xxiii. 3 only occurs in
Zech. ix. 6, nothing more is certain than that it denotes one to
whose birth a serious stain attaches. The proper meaning is
uncertain : LXX. ix mbpvrn, Vulg. de scorto natus. The Eabbins
explain : " Spurios, ie. liberos qui ex coitu illicito et matri-
monio illegitimo orti sunt." See further particulars in Gesen.
Thes. p. 781 ; and Saalschiitz, Mos. R. p. 693.
§ 145. The Israelitish Constitution or Theocracy.
The Israelites possessed in their tribal constitution, with
its orderly organization, the elements for forming a State. But
it was not till after their deliverance from Egyptian bondage
and their adoption into covenant with Jehovah, the Lord of
the whole earth (Ex. xix. 5), that they received through
Moses the laws and ordinances for the kingdom which they
were to establish in the land of Canaan. This constitution,
which by a term coined by Josephus is wont to be called a
theocracy, or reign of God (1), has its root in the unique
relation into which the Creator and Euler of the whole world
entered with the people of Israel, whom He chose to carry
out His purposes of redemption (2). It consists esentially in
these three things: (a) God Himself as Lawgiver orders or
modifies the relations of the religious and common life of the
people by immediate revelation given to Moses (3). {b) He
takes into His own hand the control and government of the

§ 145. THE ISRAELITISH CONSTITUTION OR THEOCRACY. 321
Israelitish State or kingdom, in that He is ever really present
to His people, having His throne in a cloud over the cherubim
of the ark in the holiest place of the tabernacle or temple,
makes known His will in important State affairs by the Urirn
and Thummim of the high priest or by inspired prophets,
and when necessary, interposes in a miraculous or immediate
(supernatural) way, judging, punishing, or blessing, (c) Finally,
He raises up for the people the needed leaders and rulers, and
furnishes them with the power required for their office. Thus
all the human superiors of the Israelites were in the strictest
sense of the word servants and representatives of God, who
had only to carry out His law, to execute His will ; and so
long as they gave willing obedience, they were sure of His
almighty assistance ; on the contrary, if they acted in the
spirit of self-will, they did not escape divine punishment and
rejection. For the one Lord and sovereign (4) was Jehovah,
the covenant God, who as Lawgiver, supreme Judge and Euler
of His people, united in Himself all the powers constituting
the State, and directed them by His servants.
For the giving of the law, He called Moses to be the organ
of His will, so that by him lawgiving in the strict sense was
concluded. The prophets after Moses only watched over and
expounded the Mosaic law, and the revelations which they
received related only to the historical development of the
kingdom on the basis laid down by the law. — The judicial
power was entrusted to the princes of the tribes and the
elders of the congregation. The executive was held some
times by the princes of tribes, sometimes by the men whom
Jehovah called in extraordinary cases to lead and govern His
people, and invested with sovereign power. To these human
bearers of the powers of State there was added the priesthood,
which with its head, the high priest, had to stand between
the congregation or its individual members and their God
in religious matters ; it also occupied a mediatorial position
between the God-King and His people in another respect.
On the one hand, the high priest, in virtue of the Urim and
Thummim committed to him, could ask the divine will in all
affairs affecting the weal or woe of the whole State, and was
called to make it known to the people as well as to its rulers ;
on the other, the priests as guardians of the law had to give
KEIL II. x

322 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
the supreme judicial decision in disputed cases from and
according to the law. But notwithstanding this mediatory
position to which the priests were thus raised in the theocracy,
the theocratic constitution differed essentially in various
respects from every hierarchical State system. First, because
the internal and external government of the State lay, not in
the hands of the priesthood, but now in those of the princes
and elders, again in those of the rulers, commanders, and
kings who were immediately called by God. Next, because
the priests along with the high priest were held strictly and
without deviation in their spiritual and secular official work to
the law given by God. Lastly, because a strong check was set
to the overstraining of priestly power, and to all hierarchical
ambition, by the sending of prophets, who, with divine
authority and power, and without respect of persons, admo
nished all ranks to keep within the limits of the law (5).
(1) In contrast to the monarchical, oligarchical, and demo
cratic forms of government introduced among other nations,
Josephus says, C. Ap. ii. 16, of the Mosaic constitution: b b'
r\jjfeTepog vo/ioSerng tig ph toutwj ouboTiouv direi&er iig b av Tig e'lvoi
@iaad,u,evog tgv Xoyot, deoxpariav a^'ebei^e rb troXiTeupa, &e£ riji/
dpynv xal to xpdrog dmOeig. Further, Josephus in his ethnicizing
or hellenizing fashion, makes Moses the author of the theocracy,
to exalt him far above the wise men of Greece. — Treating the
subject in a purely subjective way, Ewald {Gesch. d. V. Isr. ii.
p. 207 ff) etherealizes the real nature of the theocracy into an
idea of the higher religion under Moses, rising on the basis of
older communities which " set up " the purely spiritual invisible
God-Jahve whom it first apprehended with full force, " as also
the one Euler for all earthly relations, and expressly excluded
every human king with Him."
(2) Oehler aptly remarks in PRE. viii. 8 : " The Old Testa
ment idea of the divine kingdom does not express God's general
dominion over the world, but a special sovereignty over the
covenant people, which therefore invokes God in this specific
sense as its King, Ps. xliv. 5, lxviii. 25, etc. ; in other words,
God as the Holy One of Israel is King, Isa. xliii. 15; Ps.
lxxxix. 19. He who from ancient times (Ps. Ixxiv. 12) is King
of His people, and remains so for ever (Ex. xv. 18 ; Ps. x. 16),
will not become King of the heathen nations till that future
time when He comes in the last manifestation of His kingdom,
and they bow to Him as the God of Israel, Ps. xciii, xcvi,
xcvii, xcix. ; Obad. ver. 21 ; Isa. xxiv. 23 ; .Zech. xiv. 9."

§ 145. THE ISRAELITISH CONSTITUTION OR THEOCRACY. '323
(3) For civil right the Mosaic legislation lays down precepts
only in regard to the relations of social and political life, which
either stood in immediate connection with morality and religion,
or required to be modified by the principles of the theocracy.
On the law of succession, e.g., it only contains three particular
specifications, two of which (on the succession of daughters)
were given on special occasions ; the third, Deut. xxi. 15 ff, is
intended to banish an iniquity. All the rest is presupposed as
already existing right. Further, it contains no laws regarding
buying and selling, but only regarding redeeming and such
like. What has no particular connection with religious life in
general, or with the special form given to it by the covenant
with God, is not changed by the theocratic legislation. Kurtz
is therefore mistaken, Hist, of Cov. iii. p. 108, when he says:
" The moral, ceremonial, and civil laws were not in any way sub
ordinated the one to the other, but were in all respects equal ;
and whenever they were broken, they all required, according
to the heinousness of the offence in precisely the same way,
religious expiation or civil punishment."
(4) Though on this view Jehovah had taken on Him the
rights and duties of an absolute earthly king, yet apart from
the poetical and variously understood ?]i?p pit?''1?, Deut. xxxiii. 5,
He is first named King in this sense when the question of a
human king is raised. Thus Gideon declines the sovereignty
over Israel offered to him with the words : " I will not rule over
you, neither shall my son rule over you : Jehovah shall rule
(#WQ!) over you," Judg. viii. 23 ; and when Samuel hesitates to
give the people a king, Jehovah says to him : " Hearken unto
the voice of the people in all that they say unto thee ; for they
have not rejected thee, but they have rejected me, that I should
not be king over them" pfrpO), 1 Sam. viii 7.— The #0', Ex.
xv. 18, denotes Jehovah's reign over all peoples. — The trivial
view of J. D. Michaelis, Mos. R. i § 35, that God only took the
name of king as a title, which did honour to the Israelites, to
repress idolatry, needs no further refutation.
(5) The theocracy can only be transformed into a hierarchy
if, with K. D. Hiillmann, Staatsverfassung der Israeliten, Lpz.
1834, we deny in the most superficial style of vulgar rationalism
every supernatural revelation of God, if we give out the whole
Mosaic history for a myth, and in contradiction to the actual
history of the whole Old Testament, allow ourselves to make
the " first of the Aaronic. family for the time being the visible
head of the State" (p. 66). How little ground there is for
supposing a hierarchy or priestly rule among the Israelites,
has been acknowledged even by C. v. Lengerke, Kenaan, p. 514 ;
and Saalschiitz, M. R. p. 24 f. The latter in particular has pointed

324 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
out that neither does the law allow the priests to lay claim to
the most influential political positions, not even assigning to
them a portion of their own in lands, nor does the history know
anything of an intrusion on their part into the political sphere ;
though Saalschutz himself seeks the essence of the theocracy
too one-sidedly in the giving of the law, and limits it to God's
reigning over the people by the law revealed through Moses
and concluded once for all ; while in a rationalizing way he
endeavours to weaken the other elements, to wit, the influ
ence of the prophets and the significance of the Urim and
Thummim.

§ 146. The Prophetic Order.
The prophetic order was at once an immediate outcome and
an essential requisite of the theocracy. The reign of God as an
institution for the divine revelation of redemption was founded
by the prophetical mediation of Moses, and so it could only be
maintained by prophets. Hence Jehovah commends the words
of the people, terrified at the awful manifestation of His holy
majesty on Horeb : " Let not God speak unto us, but Moses,
and we will hear." He promises to raise them up prophets
from their brethren like Moses, who shall speak to them in
His name all that He commands them. At the same time He
gives the signs by which they are to distinguish between true
and false prophets, that Israel may not, like the heathen, give
heed to sorcerers and soothsayers, but hold fully to Jehovah
its God (Deut. xviii. 9-22; comp. Ex. xx. 18 f.) (1). — By
this divine promise the prophets are pointed to as necessary
mediators between the Lord and His people, and they are
sanctioned by the law relating to them as a particular order
along with the priests and heads of the people or elders (2). —
No doubt Jehovah had fully revealed His will to the people in
the law given by Moses, so that no further legislation was
needed for after times. Moreover, in the priesthood He had
given the congregation the mediators who were to cherish
and preserve its religious fellowship with God by expiatory
sacrifice, and as guardians of the law to spread the knowledge
of it. Finally, in the Urim and Thummim vouchsafed to the
high priest He had also provided the people with the means
of consulting the will of their God-King in all weighty matters

§ 146. THE PROPHETIC ORDER 325
of State on which the law gave no decision (comp. § 35,
vol. i p. 222). But these institutions were not sufficient for
all cases in which Jehovah as King desired to reveal His will
to Israel, nor for all the need the people had of revelations
from its God. On the one hand, there were cases in which
neither the people nor its spiritual and secular rulers asked
after His will, or where the priests as teachers of the law
could not discover from its promises and threatenings His hand
in the guidance of Israel ; when the Lord's counsel was hidden
from the eyes of men, and the prosperity or adversity of the
people did not seem to correspond to its conduct toward God.
In these cases Jehovah as King required to provide organs for
Himself, who, initiated into the secret of His counsel (Amos
iii. 7), were enabled and authorized by supernatural enlighten
ment to manifest His arm in the strength of His Spirit, both
to the good and to the profane, to announce His work, and to
testify to the people by word and deed that He, Jehovah,
reigns as King in His kingdom. On the other hand, the innate
need of the human spirit to know itself in communion with
God and enter into living fellowship with Him, rendered
necessary for the theocracy an institution which would truly
provide for the Israelites what other peoples sought to attain
by oracles, signs, and prognostications ; not to satisfy earthly
and selfish objects, but to enlighten the people by the Spirit of
the Lord, to hallow them, and to prepare the way for the true
spiritual fellowship with God in wliich the divine kingdom
was to be fulfilled. — In these two respects the prophets are as
speakers D's^a, i.e. heralds of a divine message, the human
organs of Jehovah for the carrying out of His will among the
covenant people, the spirit-filled bearers of His supremacy,
who were regarded by the pious as " the chariot of Israel, and
the horsemen thereof" (2 Kings ii. 12, xiii. li),i.e. were held
to be the strongest defence of the kingdom ; but they also
withstood the moral corruption flowing from ungodliness like a
defenced city, an iron pillar and brazen walls against kings,
princes, priests, and commonalty (Jer. i 18) (3).
From this position which the prophets occupied in the
theocracy, it necessarily follows that these bearers of the
Divine Spirit could not form a hereditary order, nor any close,
earthly corporation whatever (4). Jehovah chose for Himself

326 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
the persons fitted for this service from all classes (5), and
furnished them with His Spirit for their office, thus sending
them as His messengers to declare His word to the people.
(1) The promise : " A prophet will I raise up unto you of
your brethren like unto thee ; and I will put my words in his
mouth, and he shall speak unto them all that I shall command
him," which Moses received from the Lord immediately after
the promulgation of the Decalogue, but did not communicate to
the people till later, can neither be understood, with Hofmann,
Weissag. u. Erf. i. p. 253 ; Schriftbew. ii. 1, p. 138 ff, of the Old
Testament prophets exclusive of the Messiah ; nor, with Kurtz,
Hist. Old Cov. vol. iii. p. 474 ff, and many older theologians,
only of the Messiah exclusive of the prophets of the Old
Testament. The first view does not do justice to the descrip
tion : like unto thee ; the second is shown to be erroneous by
the connection in which Moses discloses this divine promise
to the people. It is irreconcilable both with the more distant
context, in which the ruling powers in Israel in general are
mentioned, Deut. xvii. 14-20, the king ; xviii. 1-8, the priest
hood; vv. 9-22, the prophets, and with the more immediate
context, according to which Moses discloses to the people the
divine promise to send prophets, lest it should turn to sooth
sayers, prognosticators, and the like, and gives besides in ver.
20 f. the distinguishing marks of false prophets. Thus by the
promised prophet we cannot understand the Messiah excluding
the Old Testament prophets, but must, with Hengstenberg,
Christology, i. pp. 96 ff., 107 ff, distinguish between prophecy in
which all prophets, in so far as they spoke by the Spirit of
Christ (1 Pet. i 11) and reached their completion in Christ,
are comprehended and regarded in their unity, and its temporal
successive fulfilment, according to which the prophet is raised
up for Israel in many separate human individuals, and finally
appears in His prototype and essence in Christ, the fulfiller
of prophecy. — Comp. my biblical commentary on Deut.
xviii. 9-22.
(2) The true prophet speaks in the name of Jehovah, and
what he says comes to pass ; on the contrary, a false prophet
is one who presumes to speak in Jehovah's name what God
has not commanded him ; and he is to be known by the fact,
that his word does not come to pass (Deut. xviii. 21 f.). He
who speaks in the name of other gods shall die, be put to
death, even if he has done signs and wonders, Deut. xiii 2-4, 6,
xviii. 20.
(3) For a fuller statement on prophecy, see my Lehrbuch der
Einleit. in das A. Test. § 61 ff, and the articles and writings

§ 147. THE EARTHLY KINGDOM. 327
I
of Oehler and Kiiper, mentioned there, p. 223, with which
compare Dillmann, " Propheten," in Schenkel's Bibellex. iv.
pp. 606-629; and F. Kleinert, art. "Prophet," in Eiehm's
Hwb. — Saalschutz has not the faintest conception of the
nature of prophecy when he finds nothing more, Mos. R. p. 128,
in the prophetic order than : " the beginning of unlimited
freedom of teaching and speaking ! "
(4) Thus the seventy elders, on whom a portion of the
spirit of Moses was put, that they might aid him in bearing
the burden of the people, prophesy only once and not again
(Num. xi. 16 ff), and can hardly be regarded as a college of
elders which subsisted till the land was taken in possession.
The schools of the prophets founded by Samuel and Elijah
are also only voluntary societies of men open to impression
from God's word, who gathered round these distinguished
prophets and worked under their guidance to quicken the
theocratic spirit among the people. No prophets of name,
however, sprang from among them, and they had no lasting
career, for they cease to be mentioned after the death of their
spiritual fathers and leaders.
(5) An Amos is called to be a prophet from being a herds
man ; Zephaniah probably sprang from a royal family ;
Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Zechariah were of a priestly family.
Even women sometimes appear as prophetesses, Miriam,
Deborah, Hulda, Ex. xv. 20 ; Judg. iv. 4 ; 2 Kings xxii. 14 ;
with whom we must not confound the wives of prophets, who
also bare the name " prophetess," Isa. viii. 3.

§ 147. The Earthly Kingdom.
An earthly kingdom was certainly compatible with the
theocracy, if the kings submitted unconditionally to the
will of Jehovah, were guided by His Spirit, and as the
earthly bearers of His divine sovereignty desired only to
execute His laws and judgments. — The chiefs of tribes,
through their natural equality and the rivalry inevitably
prevailing between sinful men, had no one legal head, who
especially in difficult circumstances could conduct the govern
ment of the State with power and wisdom. In the first
instance, indeed, Israel as Jehovah's people was not intended
to have any visible earthly head, but was to know the Lord
as its King, and live in the confidence that Jehovah, the God
of the spirits of all flesh, would not leave His congregation as

328 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
sheep without a shepherd, but would set a man over them,
who should go out and in before them and lead them out and
in (Num. xxvii. 16 f.), as He gave them Moses and Joshua,
and after Joshua's death in times of need raised up judges or
Shophetim from Othniel down to Samuel. But as God called
these different men to the head of the State and entrusted
them with the executive power, He could also give His
people kings. — This hope, awakened by the promise given
to the patriarchs, that kings would go forth from their loins
(Gen. xvii. 6, 16, xxxv. 11), the future fulfilment of which
Moses contemplates in his last speeches as realized (Deut.
xxviii. 36), first received a firm basis in the law relating to
the king (Deut. xvii. 14-20), whereby the earthly kingdom is
incorporated in the theocracy (1). If the Israelites — so runs
the declaration of Moses, ubi supra — will set a king over
them like other peoples round about, they shall not set over
them a stranger, but one of their brethren from the midst of
them, and that one too whom Jehovah shall choose. And
when the chosen king has taken the throne, he shall not be
concerned about earthly supports for his power, nor about
luxury, voluptuousness, or riches (2) ; but there shall be given
to him by the Levitical priests a copy of the law, and he
shall read it diligently and make it undeviatingly the guide
of his conduct and government, that he may reign long, he
and his sons, in Israel.
This law does not prescribe the introduction of an earthly
kingdom ; it only provides for the case of Israel desiring a
king such as other nations have. In that case it lays down
the manner of his choice, and his place in the theocracy.
The law came first into application under Samuel in the
choice of Saul under his directions to be king, wherewith the
earthly kingdom began in Israel (3). — Saul and afterwards
David are chosen by Jehovah to be princes over Israel,
and anointed by the prophet Samuel, acting under divine
authority, to their office (1 Sam. x. 1, xvi. 13). Then they
are made known to the people as the chosen of God, and
acknowledged by them. In this connection, in the first
instance, the " law of the kingdom " is proclaimed by Samuel,
inscribed in a book, and deposited before Jehovah, i.e. in the
tabernacle (1 Sam. x. 17-25) ; in the second case, on David's

§ 147. THE EARTHLY KINGDOM. 329
actual entrance on his government he makes a covenant before
Jehovah with the people (2 Sam. v. 3). — With anointing as
the symbol of the divine consecration, the providing with
the power of the Divine Spirit needed for reigning (comp.
§ 64), there were conjoined crowning, i.e. placing a diadem
on the head pja, 2 Kings xi. 12 ; 2 Sam. i. 10) as the sign
of royal dignity (4), and the homage of the people, to which
expression was given in solemn acclamations (1 Sam. x. 24 ;
1 Kings i. 25, 39; 2 Kings xi. 12). — The law of the
kingdom, however, thus announced, or the covenant which
was made by the king with the people before Jehovah, was
not an agreement between the king and the heads of tribes
or elders as representing the people, not a constitution in the
modern sense. On the part of the king it was a solemn
promise to govern the people according to the divine law,
a copy of which was no doubt presented to him at the time
(comp. 2 Kings xi. 1 2) ; and on the part of the people it
was their express undertaking to be subject to the king as
their God-appointed ruler (5). — The kings set by Jehovah
over His people were not constitutional princes, with whom
the popular representatives had to conclude an "electoral
compact." They were independent of the people. And if
the popular chiefs hesitated or refused to acknowledge them,
they were guilty of sinful insurrection against the sovereignty
of their God-King, for which they were visited with divine
punishment. The kings were dependent only on Jehovah.
For their government they were not only bound to the Mosaic
law, but were also under obligation to follow the will of
Jehovah made known to them by the prophets. If not,
they were rejected (1 Sam. xiii. 13, xv. 26 ff.) or otherwise
chastised. It was not any popular representation whatever,
but solely the God-appointed order of prophets which was
the theocratic power that held the arbitrary will of the kings
in check, and testified by word and deed to the supreme
sovereignty of the God-King.
(1) The objections to the Mosaic origin of this law are refuted
by Hengstenberg, Beiirr. iii. p. 246 ff, and in the 2nd ed. of
Hiivernick's Hdb. d. Einl. i. 2, p. 473 f. Comp. also the con
cise article, " Konigthum in Israel," by Oehler in PRE. viii.
p. 8 ff.

330 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
(2) The law literally runs thus: "Only he shall not have
many horses, nor cause the people to return to Egypt, to the
end that he may have many horses; neither shall he have
many wives, that his heart turn not away ; neither shall he
greatly multiply to himself silver and gold" (ver. 16). — The
many horses point to the strengthening of his power by a
standing army (comp. Isa. xxxi. 1) ; and the " many wives,"
who might easily turn away the heart, serve not only to gratify
lust, but still more to the splendour of Oriental rulers. Comp.
my comm. on 1 Kings xi. 3.
(3) Gideon had declined the kingly dignity offered to him,
certainly not in a theocratic sense, as impairing the sovereignty
of Jehovah (Judg. viii. 23) ; and the three years' reign of the
bastard Abimelech over Israel at Shechem (Judg. ix.) was
wholly ephemeral, and a pure tyranny. Under Samuel, also,
the disposition of the people, which gave rise to their desire for
a king, was " a denial of Jehovah's right of sovereignty, and of
the theocratic glory belonging to the people ; a failure to recog
nise the power and faithfulness of the covenant God, and the
true foundation of national prosperity, in so far as the reason
of their misfortunes was not sought in their apostasy from God
and His law, but in their defective constitution, and in so far
as their hope of a better future, instead of resting on the con
version of the people to their God, was built on the setting up
of a better constitution " (Oehler, ubi supra, p. 10). Neverthe
less, after warning them by Samuel (1 Sam. viii. 9 ff.), God
acquiesces in their desire, because their cry for help against the
Philistines had come up before Him (1 Sam. ix. 16), to rescue
them from this oppression by a king, because the earthly king
dom did not in itself stand in opposition to the theocracy.
(4) Though this is first mentioned when Joash ascends the
throne, it no doubt took place from the earliest times, for even
Saul wore a diadem (2 Sam. i. 10), and David a golden crown
(ta rnBy, Ps. xxi. 4; comp. lxxxix. 39, and cxxxii. 18, ita). Both
words denote the same, for the kings had not a diadem and a
crown, as Jahn {Bibl Archaol. ii. 2, p. 225) thinks, but the crown
had the form of a diadem. Comp. Hengstenberg, Christology,
iii. p. 33 [T. & T. Clark's series]. The remaining insignia of the
royal dignity were the sceptre (BaB*), originally a long straight
rod, shepherd's staff, as the sign of sovereignty, instead of which
Saul commonly carried a spear (1 Sam. xviii. 10, xxii. 6) ; and
the throne (SD3), a high seat with arms, afterwards, in Solomon's
day, very magnificent and lofty (1 Kings x. 18 ff), as the symbol
of the glory and exaltation of the kingdom.
(5) The view of J. D. Michaelis {Mos. R. i. § 54 f.), drawn
from modern theories of constitutional kingdoms, and -which

§ 147. THE EARTHLY KINGDOM. 331
has been widely spread by his authority, holding a " right of elec
tion by the people," and " electoral compacts," is without ground,
either in the law, which concedes no electoral right to the
people, but assigns the choice to God ; or in the history, for
neither Saul nor David is chosen by the people. The choice of
Jeroboam, as a rising against God (comp. my comm. on 1 Kings
xii.), cannot establish any legal right. — The covenant which
David made at Hebron (2 Sam. v. 1-3 ; 1 Chi on. xi. 1-3) for
all the elders of Israel (not with them, which is opposed by the
p rna), cannot be taken to mean that " the elders of the tribes
iaid a compact before David," for this one reason, that the
elders come to him with the acknowledgment : " Jehovah said
to thee, Thou shalt feed my people Israel, and thou shalt be
prince over IsraeL" In the words : thou shalt feed my people
Israel, the rights and duties of the king are declared ; in the
words : thou shalt be prince over Israel, the relation of the
people to the king. Similar was the covenant which the high
priest Jehoiada made between Jehovah and the king and
people when Joash ascended the throne (2 Kings xi. 17) ; and
analogous to this was the law of the kingdom announced by
Samuel when Saul entered on the government ; comp. Oehler,
ubi supra, p. 11.
The kingdom was first firmly established, and acquired a
truly theocratic meaning, under David. For Saul, given to the
people as their king on a desire proceeding from an ungodly
disposition, soon exalted himself above his proper place, and
was rejected because of his opposition to the will of the Lord,
revealed to him by Samuel. David, on the contrary, proved
himself to be a man after God's heart, and the rightful shep
herd set over His people, by the measures which he took
immediately after he entered on his reign over all the tribes.
After taking the stronghold of Zion from the Jebusites, he not
only made the city of Zion his residence, but, by establishing
the ark of the covenant there, and setting up a tent for it to
secure the orderly observance of the worship of Jehovah, he
raised it to be the seat of the sanctuary, and thereby the
dwelling-place of the King of Glory (Ps. xxiv. 7 ff). Further,
he not only built a palace on Zion for himself (2 Sam. v. 1 1),
but determined to build one for the Lord of Sabaoth, in which
His name should dwell (2 Sam. vii. 2 ff.) ; thus giving a prac
tical proof that his kingdom could be a source of blessing, and
enjoy prosperity only under the protection and aid of the true

332 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
theocracy. Hence he also received through the prophet
Nathan the divine promise : that Jehovah would confirm the
kingdom to him, and to his seed after him, which should pro
ceed out of his loins, i.e. his posterity, and establish the throne
of his kingdom for ever (2 Sam. vii. 12 ff.). — By this promise,
as well as by the building of the temple, which, in accordance
with divine instructions, was not carried out by David him
self, but by his son Solomon, the earthly kingdom became the
visible representation of Jehovah's sovereignty over Israel
Zion, or Jerusalem, became the central point, not only of the
earthly kingdom, but of the kingdom of God founded in Israel ;
and the theocratic king was Jehovah's representative, who,
sitting on "Jehovah's throne" (1 Chron. xxix. 23), or that of
" Jehovah's kingdom " (xxviii 5), secured for the people God's
judgment and justice (2 Sam. viii 15), and overcame their
enemies. He also watched over all theocratic institutions,
provided for the maintenance, and, when necessary, the restora
tion of the sanctuary and legal worship (1 Kings vi-viii. ;
2 Kings xii. 4 ff, xxii. 3 ff), took the oversight even of the
priesthood, and regulated their service (1 Chron. xxiii. ff. ;
2 Chron. xxix— xxxi, etc.). Finally, as chief of the people, he
appeared at their head before God in the sanctuary, and offered
praise and sacrifice in name of the congregation (2 Sam. vi. 18;
1 Chron. xxix. 10; 1 Kings viii 14 ff), without, however,
invading the rights and functions in the matter of public
worship, which belonged to the priesthood (6).
The kingdom was intended to be hereditary in Israel, as
among most ancient peoples (Deut. xxvii. 2 0 ; comp. 1 Sam.
xiii. 13) ; but it first became so under David in virtue of the
divine promise (2 Sam. vii. 12 ff), which was not set aside by
the apostasy of the ten tribes from the royal house of David,
wherewith his seed, after Solomon's death, were punished, in
consequence of his idolatry (7). As a rule, unless the Lord,
by His prophets, as in the case of Solomon, appointed other
wise (1 Chron. xxviii. 5 f.), the eldest or first-born son followed
his father on the throne (2 Chron. xxi. 3), though not without
exceptions (2 Chron. xi. 22; 2 Kings xxiii. 35). If the king
from illness was unable to reign, his son and successor under
took the government (2 Kings xv. 5). When the successor
was yet a minor, a regency probably intervened, unless the.

§ 147. THE EARTHLY KINGDOM. 333
queen-mother, as ^Taa, lady sovereign, who in any case had
the greatest authority with the young king (8), or the high
priest as guardian, acted as his guide (2 Kings xii. 3).
(6) That when the kings offered sacrifice (2 Sam. vi. 17;
1 Kings iii. 4, viii 62 ff, ix. 25 ff.) the mediation of the priests
is not excluded, but is to be presupposed as a matter of
course, is rightly acknowledged by Oehler, ubi supra, p. 12.
But this writer's view, that the Israelitish king, especially in
the instances of David and Solomon, bore a certain priestly
character, needs to be greatly limited. It is true that " the
king at the head of the people and in their name offers praise to
God." But here there is no priestly function, for every father
could come before God with his household and pray for himself
and his house. And the further assertion: "and in return
brings back to the people the divine blessing," is not contained
in the passages adduced for it, 2 Sam. vi. 18 ; 1 Chron. xxix. 10;
1 Kings viii. 14, 55. For in 1 Chron. xxix. 10 the words are :
" David blessed (^la*;, i.e. praised) Jehovah before all the con
gregation." In 1 Kings viii. 14 and 55, the Tjia denotes only
the supplication and thanksgiving celebrating God's glory,
which Solomon uttered with his face turned to the congrega
tion and in their name. Lastly, that the nvv apa ayrrnx Tiia^i
in 2 Sam. vi. 18 does not denote the giving of the priestly
blessing, but only a prayer for blessing in praise of God with
which David dismissed the people at the close of the religious
solemnities, is shown by the analogous passage, 2 Chron. xxxi. 8:
" Hezekiah and the princes blessed (praised) Jehovah and His
people Israel." — Thenius, Comm. z. d. BB. d. Kon. pp. 152 and
361, 2nd ed., maintains that " Solomon acted as high priest in his
own person," and, " the vigorous King Uzziah wished to restore
the high-priestly power exercised by David and Solomon."
But of this not a trace is to be found in the Old Testament.
Eather Uzziah's daring to offer incense in the holy place was a
criminal invasion of priestly rights (Num. xviii. 7), for which
he was immediately smitten by the Lord with leprosy, 2 Chron.
xxvi. 16 ff. ; 2 Kings xv. 5.
(7) Comp. 1 Kings xi. 36. Undoubtedly Jeroboam receives
the promise, that if he will keep the divine commands, God
will build him an abiding house, as He has built for David ;
but it is added, that the humiliation of David's house will not
last for -ever (ver. 39), by which is meant, that the promise of
the everlasting kingdom will be realized in David's dynasty
notwithstanding its temporary abasement.
(8) This is indicated by the very name ni'aa, 1 Kings xv. 13,
2 Kings x. 13, Jer. xiii. 18, as well as by the circumstance, that on

334 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
the succession of almost every king to the throne the name of his
mother is given, 1 Kings xiv. 21, xv. 2, etc.; and by the fact that
Bathsheba seats herself on the right of the king her son, 1 Kings
ii. 19, comp. with i 16. Comp. Oehler, ubi supra, p. 14, note.
Through David and Solomon the kingdom acquired great
earthly magnificence and glory. As " anointed of the Lord,"
their kings were in tho eyes of the people holy persons (1 Sam.
xxiv. 7, 11, xxvi. 11, 16, 23; 2 Sam. i 16), without being
deified as among other Oriental nations, and without becom
ing inaccessible to their subjects. Eather they pronounced
sentence personally before the people in the highest case of
appeal (2 Sam. xv. 2 ; 1 Kings iii. 9, 16 ff), and commonly
led their own troops in war (1 Sam. xiii. 2 ff. ; 2 Sam. v. 6,
etc.), appearing on many other occasions among the people to
make arrangements (Isa. vii. 3) and to conduct festivities
(1 Sam. vi. ; 1 Kings viii). For the immediate carrying out
of their commands, and to protect their persons in war, they
had a bodyguard, the Cherethites and Pelethites, who also
executed the sentences pronounced by them (9). In their
administration and government they were supported by court
and State officials, who served them as princes (B,iB', 1 Kings
iv. 2) or counsellors (B1?^), whose relative rank, however,
cannot be exactly determined. In 2 Sam. viii. 16-18,
xx. 23-26; 1 Chron. xxvii. 32-34, and 1 Kings iv. 1-6,
the following are named : — {a) The head of the army or
commander in chief (toarrrpa by) ; (b) The commander of the
Cherethites and Pelethites. (c) The recorder p'atp), probably
the superintendent of the State archives (10). {d) The
secretary of State paiB) (11). («) The high priest. (/) Privy
councillors, under the title Cohanim or friends (n5H.) of the
king, called also " the first at the hand of the king," 1 Chron.
xviii. 17;" who stand before the king," 1 Kings xii. 6 ; " who
see the face of the king," 2 Kings xxv. 19; Jer. Iii. 25.
(g) The overseer of public works (State buildings), or master
of tributary servants (Bpn by) (12). {h) The steward of the
royal domains and treasures (13). {%) The court marshal
or prefect of the palace (rvan by YJ3 or rvan by 1E>S). To
these were added other court officials, such as cup - bearer
(nP'fD, 1 Kings x. 5), keeper of the wardrobe (?V "it?*?
i™^, 2 Kings x. 22), and inferior servants. Besides

§ 147. THE EARTHLY KINGDOM. 335
these, after the fashion of Oriental sovereigns, though at
variance with the law, there belonged to the luxury of the
kings of Israel (comp. Eccles. ii. 4 ff.) a large number of
wives ana concubines (2 Sam. v. 13 ; 1 Kings xi. 3 ; 2 Chron.
xi. 21), who on the death of the king became the property of
his successor (2 Sam. xii. 8) (14).
Eegarding the revenue of the kings to meet the expense
of their court, the gifts bestowed by them and other State
necessities requiring to be borne by the royal treasury, there
is nothing laid down in the law relating to the king. Nor
can this be gathered from the "judgment of the king" (BaE'p
'P®'!), held up to the people by Samuel, 1 Sam. viii. 1 0 ff, for a
warning, for this " judgment " is intended only to characterize
the high-handed conduct of a despot. According to the
various historical notices of the Old Testament on the subject,
the king's revenues were derived from the following sources :
— {a) The voluntary gifts of persons seeking an audience, for
Oriental custom requires that no subject approach his king
without a gift in expression of his homage (1 Sam. x. 27,
xvi. 20), partly also those of foreign visitors (1 Kings
x. 10, 25 ; 2 Chron. xxxii. 23). (6) Eegular contributions
in kind made by the subjects for the royal court (1 Kings
iv. 7; comp. 1 Sam. xvii 25). (c) Involuntary presents,
i.e. tribute paid by subject peoples (2 Sam. viii. 2 ; 1 Kings
v. 1 ; 2 Kings iii 4 ; Isa. xvi. 1). {d) The share, assuredly
not a small one, in the spoil taken in war (2 Sam. viii. 11,
xii, 30). (e) The produce of the royal domains, i.e. of the
fields, vineyards, forests, and flocks acquired by their private
means (15) (1 Chron. xxvii. 25 ff. ; 2 Chron. xxvi. 10).
Finally, the gain by trade, shipping, and other royalties
(1 Kings x. 11, 14 f., 22 f. ; Amos vii. 1).
The legitimate kingdom in Israel lasted till the destruction
of the State by the Chaldees, whereas that of the apostate
ten tribes perished much earlier, and through its incessant,
generally bloody change of dynasties, manifested itself as a
sinful kingdom (Amos ix. 8). With the judgment which
overtakes Zedekiah the Davidic kingdom, is suspended
" until He come whose right it is " (Ezek. xxi. 2 7, comp.
xvii. 22), to whom God will give the throne of His
father David (Luke i. 32). "The Herodian kingdom, at

336 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
variance with the theocratic order (Deut. xvii. 15) even for
the one reason of its Idumean origin, is a mere carica
ture" (16).
(9) "ripani wan, 2 Sam. xv. 18, xx. 7 ; 1 Kings i 38, 44.
Joseph. Antiq. vii. 5. 4 : ouparopbXaxt;, for which in later times
B'yiil 'i??, 2 Kings xi. 4, 19, denoting strictly executioners
and runners ; others, on the contrary (e.g. Eiietschi in PRE. viii.
p. 53 ff), explain the words by: "Cretans and Philistines,"
and "Karians and runners." Comp. my comm. and that of
Thenius on 1 Kings i. 38.
(10) i^atp, LXX. Isa. xxxvi. 22 : uiropvwaroypdpog ; 2 Sam. viii.
16: 'evl tm wo/j.vrifi,dToiv ; Vulg. a commentariis, which have led
most to understand by the term the royal annalist. Thenius,
however, on 1 Kings iv. 3, understands it to mean, the officer
" who as pviipuv was to bring to the king's recollection the
matters of State which needed to be considered, and assist him
with his counsel."
(11) iaia, strictly writer, the king's or State secretary, not an
army official, as Michaelis thought ; comp. Oehler, ubi supra,
p. 15.
(12) The tributary works were not so much the concern of the
king as ofthe State, for general State purposes, — building of the
temple, strongholds, perhaps also palaces, — in which Solomon
employed at first the remaining Canaanites who were made
tributary slaves (1 Kings ix. 20 ; 2 Chron. ii. 16 f. ; comp,
1 Kings v. 29), but also Israelites (1 Kings v. 27, xi. 28, xii. 4).
— The combination of these different passages in Bertheau on
2 Chron. viii. 10 is not only at variance with 2 Chron. ii 16 f.,
but with 1 Kings v. 27-29 ; comp. my comm. on the passage.
(13) According to 1 Chron. xxvii. 25-31, David had twelve
overseers of his treasuries (exchequers) and domains, who were
called twain 'its'. On the contrary, there are mentioned as
belonging to Solomon, 1 Kings iv. 7-19, twelve perfects, B'asa,
whose business it was to provide supplies for the royal court in
the various parts of the kingdom, and who were under a chief
prefect (ver. 5).
(14) But a " harem," in the strict sense of the word, " guarded
by eunuchs " (Winer, R. W. i. p. 668), cannot be proved for the
earlier times of the Israelitish kingdom. Nowhere is there
mention of B^ip, eunuchi, under David and Solomon, except in
1 Chron. xxviii. 1, where, however, only court officials in general
are meant, the chronicler here, as frequently, having transferred
the language of his time to the earher period ; comp. Bertheau
on the passage. — As no one who was mutilated was to be

§ 148. IDEA AND ORIGIN OF CIVIL LAW AND JUSTICE. 337
admitted to the congregation of the Lord (Deut. xxiii. 2), David
would certainly not include eunuchs in his invitation to the
assembly, in which he laid on the heart of his son and his whole
people the building of the house of God. — The passage, 1 Sam.
viii. 15, forms no historical proof. Elsewhere Sarisim (Luth.
Kdmmerer) [chamberlains] are mentioned only as royal
adjutants, first in the kingdom of the ten tribes under Ahab,
1 Kings xxii. 9, and later, 2 Kings viii. 6, ix. 32, in the
kingdom of Judah, first under Josiah, 2 Kings xxiii. 11; but
nowhere as keepers of the harem, like those in the Persian
kingdom, Esth. ii. 3, 14, iv. 4 f.
(15) Godless kings also appropriated private property by
confiscation, 1 Kings xxi. 15 f. ; comp. Ezek. xlvi. 18. Taxes
on property in the strict sense are first mentioned at a late
period for the covering of war expenses, 2 Kings xv. 20,
xxiii 35.
(16) Oehler, ubi supra, p. 14. — See the Eabbinical ordinances
respecting the kingdom in Wilh. Schickardi Jus regum Hebr. c.
animadvv. et not. J. B. Carpzovi, Lps. 1674, 4 ; and Othonis, Lex.
rabb. phil. p. 575 sqq.

SECOND SECTION.
ADMINISTRATION AND COURTS OF LAW
FIEST CHAPTEE.
LAW COURTS.
§ 148. Idea and Origin of Civil Law and Justice.
Law is an ethical order founded on the order of nature,
and in its idea an outflow of the divine righteousness which
rules in the preservation and government of the world. In
its earthly form it is partly a product of traditional observance
and habit, partly positive prescription, or what has been laid
down by magistrates or lawgivers. In neither case, however,
is it a human ordinance voluntary or involuntary, but springs
from the divinely ordered fundamental relations of human
society and man's innate or concreated moral consciousness ;
and — because having its origin in God through natural institu
tions as well as in the human conscience — it is a power over
man, to which individuals as well as human societies are
KEIL ,11. Y '

338 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
subjected. No doubt habit, like manners and speech, is
gradually, almost imperceptibly, formed from the objective
institutions of the land, people, and race under whose influence
every man grows up. This takes place, however, not in the
way of subjective caprice, but with an inward necessity in
virtue of the consciousness of right which fills the individual,
the family, the people, as a moral substance and determining
impulse. But since the relations which generate habits and
establish standards of life change with the progressive develop
ment of men and nations, and since traditional arrangements
and institutions no longer suffice for the new relations, or no
longer correspond to them, legislation must step in whenever
such a contradiction has arisen and complete or modify the
traditional legality, and fashion it so as to correspond to the
advanced relations of life (1).
So we find also among the Israelites a consuetudinary
law (2), which is partly completed by the Mosaic legislation,
partly modified and, so far as it was incompatible with the
mission of Israel to be God's people, abolished and replaced
by new institutions and ordinances corresponding to the new
life relations.
As law, so the administration of law {judgment) flows from
the divine righteousness. By judgment law is realized,
legality is preserved and restored again, if it has been out
raged. " The judgment is God's " (BTjV?), so it runs Deut. i.
17 (3) ; for by it righteousness passes into action as a protect
ing and retributive power ; protecting and assuring the
arrangements and institutions of civil life ; retributive, by
visiting with reward or punishment, according as the claims
and prescriptions of law are fulfilled or transgressed. Its
reward, however, does not consist so much in special distinc
tions, as in unimpaired enjoyment of the blessings of life
secured by civil order. Accordingly civil judgment, as the
bearer and preserver of law, or the judicial office, has chiefly
to watch over the fulfilment of existing laws and rights, and
only to intervene against transgression by way of punishment,
to prevent injustice and restore right (4).
(1) Comp. the instructive development of the idea and origin
of Law in Stahl, Die Philosophic des Rechts, ii. p. 161 ff, 2nd ed.
(2) Comp. Conr. Iken, De institutis et cmremoniis legis Mos.

§ 149. JUDGES AND COURTS OF LAW. 339
ante Mosen, diss. i. § 14 sqq., ii. § 15 sqq. ; Michaelis, Mos. R. i
§ 3 ; Hengstenberg, Beitrr. iii. p. 340 f., etc. ; and Winer,
R.W. i. p. 416.
(3) Accordingly, " seeking justice is an inquiring of God,
Ex. xviii. 15 ; he who appears before the judgment-seat comes
before God, Deut. xix. 17 ; thus also are to be explained the
expressions, 'he shall bring him unto God,' Ex, xxi. 6; 'he
shall come near unto God,' xxii 8, whether we are to suppose
that they refer to God ruling in the administration of justice
(comp. also Ex. xviii. 19), or whether it be that the judges
themselves as God's representatives are directly called Elohim
(comp. xxii. 27 [?]; Ps. lxxxii. 1, 6)." Oehler in PRE. v.
p. 57.
(4) Comp. Stahl, ubi supra, p. 244 ff.

§ 149. Judges and Courts of Law.
In patriarchal times the head of the house had the judicial
power over all belonging to his household, even over life and
death (Gen. xxxviii. 24). As families multiplied, this power
naturally passed over to the heads of tribes and clans, who,
besides administering the affairs of the tribe, also exercised the
judicial office over their tribesmen, so far as this was possible
among the Israelites in Egypt. But when Moses had delivered
the people out of the bondage of Egypt, all those seeking
justice turned to him, the saviour of the people, whom God
had so wonderfully accredited as His ambassador (Ex. xviii.
13 ff.). But as Moses was unable to overtake the administra
tion of justice alone, acting on Jethro's advice, he chose from
among the heads of the tribes, i.e. from the whole of the
elders, those men whom the people proposed as wise, under
standing, God-fearing, upright, and disinterested, and appointed
them to be judges as chiefs (B,1K») over thousands, hundreds,
fifties, and tens, and to be Shoterim for the tribes, with the com
mand to decide all small matters righteously without respect
of persons, but to bring more difficult cases to him for decision,
that he might, if necessary, bring them before God (Ex. xviii.
19-26; Deut. i 13-18).
This arrangement for the administration of justice stood in
close connection with the already existing tribal constitution
of the people, not only from the fact that Moses chose the
judges from the elders, i.e. the men who had hitherto stood at

340 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
the head of the tribes and divisions of tribes, but no doubt
also in respect of the classification of the newly organized
judges, in the naming of them over thousands, hundreds, etc.
This division may have corresponded to the military organiza
tion of the people, which had become necessary on the march,
for in Num. xxxi, fourteen chiefs (B,iB') are mentioned over
thousands and hundreds as military commanders (b]nn ''lipa) (1).
But this military organization itself was not merely determined
by a count of heads, but corresponded with the natural
division of the tribes into clans, which were also called
thousands, into fathers' houses, and smaller groups of families.
Thus, both for military service and for the administration
of justice, the clans were ordered and divided in thousands,
and the larger and smaller divisions of the clans in hundreds,
fifties, and tens.
The relation of these judges to one another is not exactly
defined in the biblical text ; but from what has been said, we
are not at liberty to conceive of it as a succession of courts
rising in order above one another, so that litigants could appeal
from the judge over ten to the judge over fifty, and so on.
Neither may we suppose the relation to have been such that
the decarch could only decide the most trifling matters, the
pentacontarch more important ones, the hecatontarch more
important still, etc. (2). For we have not to think of inferior
and superior judges in the sense of appeal courts, because the
Mosaic law knows nothing of such whatever. Eather, the
judges named by Moses, each in his own jurisdiction, were
to decide finally in small cases, i.e. such as could be easily
investigated and pronounced upon, and only the weightier
matters, i.e. those on which they could not venture to pass
sentence, were they (the judges, not the litigants) to bring to
Moses for decision (3). Thus defined, the division of the
judges could only have related to the varying extent of their
jurisdiction, or have consisted in this, that the judges over
thousands were appointed to settle the disputes between the
tribes and chief clans of the people ; the judges over hundreds,
etc., the quarrels between the larger and smaller divisions of
the clans and families.
(1) J. Schnell, Das israel. Recht in seinen Grundziigen dar-
gestellt, Basel 1853, p. 6 ; and Oehler in PRE. v. p. 58, suppose

§ 149. JUDGES AND COURTS OF LAW. 341
that these military leaders over thousands and over hundreds
also acted as judges. This is possible, but not certain.
(2) So Knobel on Ex. xviii. This view has been more sharply
denned by J. Schnell, ubi supra. He holds that the judges in a
smaller range were appointed for less important matters, the
others for higher, and the heads of thousands perhaps for cases
of life and death. This he has sought to establish from Deut.
xxi. 5, where a distinction is made between two kinds of cases,
which may be called " controversies and strokes ; " and from
xvii. 8, where blood, matters of controversies and strokes, are
opposed to one another, and thus a threefold division is given,
similar to that in the history of Jehoshaphat (2 Chron. xix. 10).
Only these distinctions into controversies and strokes (3,1 and
yaa) or into blood, matters of controversy and strokes do not in
the least imply different tribunals but only different suits, which
the judicial authority should bring before the higher tribunal
should the decision appear too difficult for it. Still less can we
infer with Schnell, from Num. xxxv. 24, which requires the con
gregation to decide in questions of bloodshed, that the decision
on this subject belonged only to the judges over thousands. —
On the contrary, Hengstenberg, Beitrr. iii. p. 417, supposes that
the judges were chosen according to the relative grades of the
clans, larger and smaller families ; and that a natural subordina
tion existed between them, so that the heads of clans were
presidents, the heads of the larger or smaller families assessors,
with greater or smaller voting power.
(3) The difference between small (|bp) and grave (pf\>) matters
was very clearly developed by J. Selden, De Synedriis, lib. i
c. 16 : " Causa difficilior et major censebatur ob dubia in ea juris
quod subinde etiam ab ipso Numine tunc auctum Mosique expli-
catum. Difficilior autem non erat . . . ulla puto, sive capitahs,
sive pecuniaria, sive alia, sive sacra sive profana, cujus jus satis
selectis illis judicibus exploratum cognitumque," referring to
Deut. i 17 (p. 349). And, at the same time, he refutes the idea
of appeals to a higher court: "non omnino video causam ejusmodi
aliquam, sive sacram sive profanam, sive capitalem sive pecuni-
ariam seu quocunque nomine alio dictam ita Mosi reservatam,
ut apud eum solum agi judicarive necessario deberet. Universae
judicibus illis seu praefecturis permissae. Nee quod aut sacra
aut capitalis esset aliove ejusmodi nomine diceretur, ideo defer-
enda erat ad Mosem causa aliqua ejusmodi, sed tantum ob
difficultatem quae accideret in jure explicando, sive ipsa juris
capita spectes sive pcenarum discrimina ex eodem jure intro-
ducta"(p. 350).
These general rules regarding judges remained in force for

342 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
after times, when the Israelites had come into possession of
Canaan. For this period there is only the quite general
command in Deut. xvi. 18 : "Judges and Shoterim shalt thou
make thee in all thy gates (cities), that they may judge the
people with just judgment;" "if there be a controversy
between men" (Deut. xxv. Iff), because the earlier arrange
ments made (at Horeb) for the choice and jurisdiction of the
judges were to remain in force. These judges also, who formed
the local justices in the several cities, had to pronounce finally
in all minor controversies, i.e. such as it was easy to decide by
law, and to punish the guilty. For the more difficult cases,
however, which during the march through the wilderness were
brought to Moses for decision : " If there arise a matter too
hard for thee in judgment between blood and blood, between
plea and plea, and between stroke and stroke," i.e. if the judge
was in doubt under which category to put an assault or any
other matter of complaint, or by what law the guilty was to
be punished, — for these cases a higher court is appointed in
Deut. xvii. 8, comp. with xix. 16 ff, which is to have its
seat at the place of the sanctuary, and to consist of priests
and judges, with the high priest and a (secular) supreme
judge. In this supreme court the lay judge had to conduct
the investigation (Deut. xix. 18), the priests to give guidance
from the law (Lev. x. 11), in virtue of the obligation lying
on them, to instruct the children of Israel in all the com
mandments which Jehovah gave to Moses (Deut. xvii. 11);
finally, the judge had to pronounce sentence (4). Even this
supreme court is not the court of appeal, " for it does not
judge when the local tribunal has already pronounced sen
tence, but in cases in which the latter has not ventured to
decide" (5).
As to the composition of the local courts in the several
cities, only thus much is clear from the law, that they con
sisted of judges in the proper sense and Shoterim (6). Besides
these, the elders of every city formed a senate or magistracy,
whose duty it was, as representatives of the congregation or
citizens, to remove the evil from the midst of them. This
senate had also to decide various simple family matters which
required no deeper judicial investigation, and required to
punish the guilty even with death (7), as well as to give up

§ 149. JUDGES AND COURTS OF LAW. 343
the deliberate man - slayer to , the avenger of blood (Deut.
xix. 12.
(4) In Deut. xvii. 8-12, it is true that besides the Levitical
priests only " the judge " is named " who shall be in those
days," and he is then placed, ver. 12, by the side of " the priest
who stands to minister there to the Lord," i.e. the high priest.
But from Deut. xix. 17 it is evident that other judges besides
were associated with the lay judge. It is perfectly arbitrary
on the part of Saalschutz, Mos. R. p. 72, to explain the words,
Deut. xvii. 8 : "Go to the Levitical priests and to the judge
who shall be in those days," compared with ver. 12 : " The man
that will do presumptuously, and will not hearken unto the
priest or unto the judge," to the effect that " in legal disputes
one could turn regularly to the college of priests in the capital,
unless the supreme judicial power was in other hands." Eather
it is quite clear that, besides the Levitical priests and besides
the " priest," i.e. the high priest, a supreme judge is named and
put on an equality with the high priest. By this supreme judge,
or the " judge who shall be in those days," we have no doubt to
understand the civil head of the people, the so-called judges in
the times after Joshua, after them the kings. The priests,
however, who sat in this supreme court, took their place not in
the capacity of judges strictly so called, but as teachers of the
law, who were to give guidance in disputed or obscure legal
questions " according to the sentence of the law " (Deut.
xvii. 11), so that " by their word every controversy and stroke "
was decided (xxi. 5). — As belonging to this supreme tribunal
there is specially mentioned, Deut. xix. 16, the case of one
seeking to bring another under the guilt of a crime by false
witness. But whether in this case the litigants themselves had
the right to bring the matter before the supreme tribunal — as
E. Eiehm, Die Gesetzgeb. im Lande Moab, p. 64, understands
the passage — is still doubtful ; for the words : then both the
men between whom the controversy is, shall stand before the
Lord, before the priests and the judges, who shall be in those
days (xix. 17), may also be understood according to the analogy
of xvii. 8 ff, in the sense that the local court was to hand over
the matter with the litigants to the supreme tribunal. — Saal
schiitz, ubi supra, p. 591, is entirely mistaken when he infers
from Deut. xvii. 12 that the right was given to this highest
judicial court to punish with death the insubordination of the
inferior courts. For this verse speaks of the resistance, not
of the judges, but of the judged. — For full explanations of
this supreme court, see J. Gerhard, Comment, in Deuter., c. 17,
p. 1025 sqq.

344 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
. (5) Oeliler, ubi supra, p. 59.
(6) The Shoterim, as those who made the entries in and kept
the genealogical lists (comp. my comm. on Josh, i 10), were
associated with the judges, not merely as writers, but as
counsellors, in so far as possession and other legal relations
were closely connected with lineage and succession; perhaps
also as police to carry out the sentences passed. For the various
views on the subject, see Selden, Dc Synedr. i. p. 342 sq. In
the Mosaic law, neither their relation to the judges nor the
number of judges needed for a city court is determined.
Josephus paraphrases the law thus : 'ApyesDaeav be xa6' 'exderriii
wbXiv avbpsg eitTa, oi xal tt\'i dperr]v xal Tr)v -rep! rb bixaiov airoubr\v
rrporiSxriXOTeg' ixdarri be dpyrj buo uvbpig \iirr\peTat bibbaQweav ex Tr\g tui
AeviToJv pu\rjg, Antiq. iv. 8. 14. He thus makes the city courts
consist of seven men, to whom were added two assistants
(probably he means the Shoterim) from the Levites. Only
this statement is certainly borrowed from much later times and
institutions, since according to the Mosaic law the Levites have
nothing to do with the administration of justice, but the judges
as well as the Shoterim are to be chosen from the elders. But
it does not seein to square even with the later relations ; comp.
Selden, I.e. lib. ii. p. 165 sqq. — In the Talmud (Sanhedrin i. 6,
etc.) two kinds of local courts are discussed, the one consisting
of twenty-three men (nts6a>i an^y b& bmh Tia) for the larger
cities, the other of three men (pvh& b& 'l '3) for townships
and the smallest cities. But even these statements seem to
have little historical ground, as may be judged from the way
in which the Talmudists attempt to derive this number of
judges from Nnm. xxxv. 24 f., xiv. 27, and other passages of,
the law. Comp. Selden, I.e. lib. ii. p. 144 sqq, and the col
lection of Eabbinical statements, and of the various judg
ments on these so-called small Sanhedrim in Leyrer, PRE.
xv. p. 324 f. "On the contrary, it is proved by Schiirer, New
Test. Times, i. p. 151 f., that the idea of local courts consisting
of three members rests purely on a misunderstanding of a few
passages of the Mischna, in which only those questions are
reckoned to the deciding of which, and those actions to the
performance of which, three persons are sufficient. The
smallest local court consisted in reality of seven persons.
This may be gathered, partly from the above given paraphrase
of the Mosaic law by Josephus, which, as it does not occur in
the law, he manifestly took from the actual state of things in his
own time ; partly from the circumstance, that when he wished
to set up a model constitution in Galilee, he instituted a court
of seven men in every city {bell. jud. ii. 20. 5). — In more
ancient times, however, the number of judges in different

§ 14!V'JUDGES AND COURTS OF LAW. 345
cities was very probably unequal, and only in a general way
corresponding to the number of inhabitants according to the
command : to set judges over tens, fifties, etc. — We can
hardly suppose that the order of judges strictly so called
embraced the umpires, obbs, mentioned Ex. xxi. 22, as charged
with estimating damage done to the body, of whom it cannot
be determined whether they were chosen for such purposes by
the judges or by the litigants, and whether in the latter case
they decided the matter without calling in the judges.
(7) As of this kind there are mentioned in the law : the
punishment of an unruly and rebellious son, Deut. xxi. 18 ff. ;
a husband's calumniating of a virgin's chastity whom he has
married, xxii. 13 ff. ; and the disposing of a refusal in the
matter of levirate marriage, xxv. 7 ff. — These things all belong-
more to the department of government than to the admini
stration of justice in the strict sense. The elders had to
intervene in such cases, not so much in the character of
judges, as in that of representatives of the congregation and
upholders of good order. On the contrary, we find in Deut.
xxi. 2 the elders and judges acting, but in such a way that
here, too, the difference between the two offices is unmistake-
able. If a man is found slain in the country, and the murderer
cannot be discovered, the elders and judges measure the dis
tance to the cities which lie round about the body, to find out
that one on which, as the nearest, the expiation of the crime
is incumbent. Then, however, it is the elders of this city alone
who perform the rite of expiation, to cleanse it from the sus
picion of blood - guiltiness (comp. § 62), in the presence of
Levitical priests. — In discovering the city the judges were to
co-operate as the representatives of civil law, in the expiatory
rite the priests were to be present as the official witnesses and
representatives of divine law, while the expiatory clearing
of the city from the suspicion of blood-guiltiness resting on
it was only the business of the elders as representing the
citizens. In after times, when David, having terminated his wars,
was ordering the kingdom, and especially public worship, he
appointed six thousand Levites to be Shoterim and judges
(1 Chron. xxiii. 4, comp. xxvi. 29), of whom it remains doubt
ful whether they were associated with the local courts for the
general functions they had to discharge, or were only appointed
to administer the payments of the people for the sanctuary
(tithes, first-fruits, and the like), to watch over these, and in
disputed cases give judicial decisions (8). At a later period

346 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
Jehoshaphat set himself to improve the civil administration
of law, which had probably in the course of time fallen into
decay. This king, who was also concerned to spread the
knowledge of the law among the people (2 Chron. xvii. 7-9),
not only put judges in all fortified cities (2 Chron. xix. 5-7),
manifestly from the elders according to the law, but also pro
vided a supreme tribunal in Jerusalem, consisting of Levites,
priests, and heads of tribes pias Wi), " for the judgment of
Jehovah and for controversies." Over this court the high
priest presided for the interest of Jehovah {i.e. for the spiritual
law), and the prince of the house of Judah for the king's
interest {i.e. matters of civil right), and the Levites were con
joined with them as Shoterim, with the appointment to give
decision (IT1!1?) in all difficult cases wliich were brought to it
from the local courts, 2 Chron. ix. 8-11.
(8) Though the first view is the prevailing one (comp. still
Oehler, ubi supra, p. 60), the second has the greater, probability
on its side. For when we compare 1 Chron. xxiii. 4 with
xxvi. 29, it comes out clearly that these six thousand Levites are
to manage the •' outward service " (naiX'nn naspBn)) as distin
guished from the service of the other Levites, which, consisting
(a) in assisting the priests in the cultus, (b) in guarding the
sanctuary, (c) in performing the temple music, might be desig
nated the inner service. This contrast is a strong argument for
regarding the " outward service " of the Levites set apart to be
Shoterim and judges as having to do with the payments of
Israel for the sanctuary, or, in other words, was " the oversight
of the outward business of the house of God " (Neh. xi. 16 ;
comp. Bertheau on 1 Chron. xxiii. 4 f., and xxvi. 29). We
might, perhaps, also bring in proof of this the appointment of
these Levites " to be Shoterim and judges," — whereas elsewhere
the names are always put " judges and Shoterim." The argu
ment is good in so far as this order indicates that the Shoterim
in this service were superior to the judges, not, as in the local
courts, inferior to them. § 150. Judicial Procedure.
Judicial procedure, or the course of justice, was very simple.
The judges, whom Moses appointed at Horeb, were to judge
the people "at all seasons" (Ex. xviii. 22); and if any one
came to Moses for justice, he did so before the tabernacle,

§ 150. JUDICIAL PROCEDURE. 347
where the lawgiver sat with Aaron and the princes of the
congregation to teach statutes and judgments, Num. xxvii. 2 ;
comp. Ex. xviii. 19 f. — The judges in the cities, after the
custom of the ancient East, had their seat at the gate (Deut.
xxi. 19, xxii. 15 ; Prov. xxii. 22 ; Amos v. 11, 15), on the
open square of the cities, where the markets were held
(2 Kings vii. 1) (1). Here the litigants appeared before them,
and presented their complaint orally (Deut. i. 16, xxi. 20,
xxv. 1); and the accused who did not appear was summoned
(xxv. 8). — Advocates or counsel are unknown in the Old Tes
tament (2). Even the supreme judges of the people admini
stered justice in public ; Deborah, e.g., under a palm (Judg.
iv. 5), the kings in the gate or court of the palace (2 Sam.
xv. 2, 6, comp. xiv. 4 ff. ; 1 Kings iii. 16) (3).
(1) Comp. Host, Nachrichten von Marokko, p. 239 ; and AViner,
R.W. ii. p. 616.
(2) Counsel can be proved neither from Job xxix. 15-17 nor
from Isa. i 17, as Michaelis, Mos. R. vi. § 298, attempts. Both
passages refer to judges ; comp. Saalschutz, Mos. R. p. 594.
(3) Solomon built in his palace, for the porch of judgment, a
porch for the throne (1 Kings vii. 7) ; comp. my comment, and
that of Thenius on the passage. — At a later time the princes of
Judah exercise judgment in a chamber of the royal palace (Jer.
xxxvi. 12), but come out of the king's house into the temple to
judge at the entrance of the new gate before the assembled
people in the case of Jeremiah, when he is accused by the
priests and (false) prophets, Jer. xxvi. 10 ff..
The judge is held bound to hear and to examine closely (4).
The proof varied according to circumstances. It might be a
simple token attesting the truth, Ex. xxii. 12 [13]; comp.
Deut. xxii. 15 ; Amos iii. 12, even the word of the accuser
(Deut. xxi. 18 ff, where parents bring a charge against a
rebellious son) (5) ; commonly, however, it is a declaration of
witnesses, which was not to be held valid if it came from one,
but only if it came from two or three (Deut. xix. 15), especi
ally in criminal cases, Deut. xvii. 6 ; Num. xxxv. 3 0. In this
connection the judge is commanded to prove the witnesses
thoroughly ; and if any one is convicted of false witness, he
must suffer the same punishment as would have fallen on the
accused (Deut. xix. 18 f.). Witnesses do not seem to have

348 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
been put on oath (6). Where there were no witnesses, e.g.
in a case of theft, the oath pin', njnat?) was to decide (Ex.
xxii. 6-11) (7). It would seem, to judge from Prov. xviii. 18
and xvi. 33, that in lack of other evidence and means of
discovering the guilty, the lot was applied, though it is not
mentioned in the Pentateuch, but only used in Josh. vii. 14
and 1 Sam. xiv. 40 ff. as an immediate divine decision. — Other
means for ascertaining the truth, or obtaining a confession of
guilt, such as oracles, ordeals, or violence (imprisonment,
torture), are unknown to the Mosaic law. — Torture was first
introduced as a foreign institution by the Herodians (8).
(4) Comp. Deut. i. 16 f. and xiii. 15, where expressions are
heaped up, " to bring out the full, thoroughgoing work of the
judge in its solemnity, in its searchingness, its patience." Schnell,
ubi supra, p. 10.
(5) " If the paternal and maternal heart go so far as to
deliver their child to the judge before the congregation of the
people, the extremest testimony is afforded which the judge
needs to know," Schnell, p. 11.
(6) For the putting of witnesses on oath, Michaelis, Mos. R.
vi. § 299, adduces the passage, Lev. v. 1 ; " but what is here
referred to is not the swearing of witnesses, but a solemn
adjuration addressed to those present, by which all who know
about the matter are summoned to come forward as witnesses ;
comp. Prov. xxix. 24." Oehler, ubi supra, p. 60; comp. Saal
schiitz, Mos. R. p. 605 ff. — According to Josephus {Antiq. iv.
8. 15), only free Israehtes, not women and slaves, were allowed
as witnesses. Compacts and bargains were also made legally
binding by witnesses, Gen. xxiii. 12 ff. ; Euth iv. 9 ; Jer. xxxii.
10 ff., so that they supplied the place of written documents.
Comp. Winer, R. W. art. " Zeugen."
(7) An oath in a court of justice is only prescribed in the
case of a deposit committed to any one being injured or pur
loined. Then the depositary could clear himself of guilt by an
oath, Ex. xxii. 10 f. ; and perhaps also when one refused to his
neighbour a deposit committed to him, or something stolen or
found, Lev. v. 22 ff. ; comp. 1 Kings viii. 31. — If the oath in
this last case was falsely sworn, and the person taking it after
wards repented, he had to restore what had been kept back
with the addition of a fifth, whereupon he could receive expia
tion of his sin by a trespass-offering (comp. i. p. 287 f.). — The
law affixes no civil punishment to perjury, but only forbids
it as a profaning of Jehovah's name, Lev. xix. 12, under
threatening of divine retribution, Ex. xx. 7; Deut. v. 11. — In

§ 150. JUDICIAL PROCEDURE. 349
every case the oath taken before a judgment -seat seems to
have consisted of an adjuration addressed by the judge, and
responded to by the person sworn with an amen (ips, eu eJmag),
1 Kings xxii. 16 ; Matt. xxvi. 63. That the person sworn
himself uttered a certain formula, as Saalschutz, Mos. R. p. 613,
thinks, cannot be proved from Ex. xxii. 6 ff. Only in common
life did the person swearing himself utter the oath, either : " so
Jehovah do to me, and more also," 1 Sam. xx. 13 ; Euth i 17
or : " God (Elohim) do so to me, etc.," 1 Sam. iii. 17, xxv. 22
or: "as Jehovah liveth" (niiT 'n), Judg. viii. 19; 1 Sam. xx. 3
1 Kings i. 29. But in such cases the name of God was often
avoided, and the oath was taken by the life (soul) of the man,
to whom one wished to protest by oath, 1 Sam. i. 26 ; or by
Jehovah and the soul of the person addressed (1 Sam. xx. 3,
xxv. 26 ; 2 Kings ii. 2), especially of the king (1 Sam. xvii. 55 ;
2 Sam. xi. 11); not, however, by the life of the king in his
absence, as Winer, R. W. i p. 304, infers from the fact that
the Egyptians did so, and that the Persians do so to the present
day. — In later times it became common, especially among the
Pharisees, to swear by heaven, by the earth, by the temple, the
holy city, by one's own head, Matt. v. 34 f., xxiii. 16 ; comp.
Wetzstein, Schottgen, and Lightfoot on the passage; also Tholuck
on Matt. v. 34 f.
(8) Josephus, de bell. jud. i. 30. 2 sq. ; comp. Matt, xviii.
31 ff. — The ordeal prescribed, Num. v. 11 ff. (see § 61), does not
come under the civil administration of justice. — The passages,
Lev. xxiv. 22 f., Num. xv. 34 f., where transgressors are
detained until Jehovah shall decide on their punishment,
belong to the time when legislation was not yet concluded ;
and it has been already remarked, i. p. 235, that the Urim and
Thummim was not applied to settle legal disputes. — Very
exhaustive and finical are the Eabbinical ordinances regarding
judicial procedure. The most important are given by Saal
schiitz, Mos. R., in his notes to chaps. 87-90, and they are
presented in a complete systematic form by Frankel, Der
gerichtliche Beweis nach mosaisch-talmudischem Rechte, Berl.
1846. After the case was investigated, sentence was pronounced
orally (9), and executed without delay (10). Punishment
was administered before the eyes of the judge, Deut. xxv. 2 f.,
probably by the officers of the court; the punishment of
stoning by the whole congregation (Num. xv. 36) or the
people of the city (Deut. xxii. 21), the witnesses being
required first to put their hands to the execution of the trans-

350 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
gressor, Deut. xvii. 1 7, xiii. 9 ; a thing which was to be
expected of no witness who was not thoroughly persuaded of
the truth of his testimony (11) ; or by the avenger of blood
on the murderer or man-slayer (Num. xxxv. 19 ff.) ; and after
the introduction of the kingdom, by the servants of the king
(2 Sam. i 15) or his satellites, the royal guard, — by these,
however, only in the case of State or treasonable offences,
1 Kings ii. 25, 34, 46 ; 2 Kings x. 25.
(9) First under the kings the sentences of the judges seem
to have been written ; comp. Job xiii. 16 ; Isa. x. 1.
(10) Comp. Num. xv. 36 ; Deut, xxii. 18, as still in the East ;
comp. Wellsted's Travels.
(11) In Lev. xxiv. 14 all the witnesses lay their hands on
the head of the blasphemer, not, however, to declare him guilty,
but to cast the guilt of the blasphemy which they had heard
on his head.

§ 151. Tue Council.
The Mosaic judicial constitution, though at times it fell
sorely into decay (1), was maintained on the whole unaltered
down to the dissolution of the kingdom of Judah. Even in
exile the Israelites had judges of their own nation (Sus. vers.
5, 41), as also thereafter when they were dependent on foreign
rulers ; though for these times we lack sure information, for
the accounts of Josephus and the Talmudists regarding the
local courts are at variance With one another (comp. § 149,
note 6).
The rise of the great Council (n^na pmaa) falls in these
times, and more particularly, as is proved by the name San-
hedrin, formed by the Talmudists after the Greek crvviBpiov,
in the time of the Greek supremacy, though the Eabbins
trace its origin to the college of seventy elders named by
Moses (Num. xi. 16) on the march through the wilderness (2).
The first historical trace of it meets us probably in the yepovala
rdv 'IovBalwv, 2 Mace. i. 10, iv. 44, xi. 27, 3 Mace. i. 8
(comp. Joseph. Antiq. xii. 3. 3, xiii. 5. 8), under the rule
of the Seleucidae ; the name to avveSpwv first in the
time of Antipater and Herod, in Josephus {Antiq. xiv. 9.
4). This supreme judicial and administrative tribunal,

§ 151. THE COUNCIL^ 1351
constituted in Jerusalem, was formed (Matt. xxvi. 3, 57, 59 ;
Mark xiv. 53, xv. 1 ; Luke xxii. 66 ; Acts iv. 5 f., v. 21,
xxii. 30) of high priests {dp%iepeU, i.e. the acting high priest,
those who had been high priests and members of the privi
leged families from which the high priests were taken), elders
(irpea-BvTepoi, tribal and family heads of the people and
priesthood), and scribes {ypap.fiarelf, i.e. legal assessors),
Pharisees and Sadducees alike (comp. Acts iv. 1 ff, v. 17, 34,
xxiii 6). According to Talmudic accounts, the Council con
sisted of seventy members, with a president (N^a), a vice-
president (p nu 3S), and servants of the court (virvperai,
John xviii. 22 ; Mark xiv. 65, etc.). Ou the contrary,
according to the uniform testimony of Josephus and the New
Testament, the acting high priest as such was always head
and president (3). It held its sittings in the so-called hall of
hewn stone (JT'tan nacb), in the outer court of the temple (4) ;
in cases, however, which did not admit of delay, it assembled
in the high priest's house (Matt. xxvi. 3), and judged, according
to Sanhedrin i. 5, regarding matters of law, wliich affected a
whole tribe, or a false prophet, or a question of war, probably
also State offences ; though the Eoman Government took from
it the right of life and death {jus gladii), so that a capital
sentence pronounced by it required to be confirmed by the
Eoman procurator (5). In matters of religion its influence
extended far beyond the limits of Jerusalem and Judea, even
beyond Palestine and into Syria (Acts ix. 2). It seems also
to have outlasted the destruction of Jerusalem (6).
(1) As appears from the frequent condemnation of the
corruption of the judges and the oppression of the poor in
judgment in the prophets, e.g. Amos ii. 6, 7, v. 4-15, vi. 12 ;
Isa. v. 23, x. 1 ff. ; Micah iii. 11, vii. 3 ; Jer. xxi. 22, xxii. 3,
etc. ; comp, also 1 Sam. viii. 3 ; Prov. xviii. 5, xxiv. 23 ; and
regarding false witness, Prov. vi. 19, xii. 17, xix. 5, etc.
(2) The Talmudic and Eabbinical accounts, and ordinances
regarding it, are given in great fulness by J. Selden, De Synedriis,
lib. ii. c. 4 sqq., and hb. iii. Better sifted are the collections in
H. Witsii Miscellan. sacr. lib. ii. dissert. 3 ; and Eelandi Antiq.
sacr. ii. 7. Both have recognised the unhistorical character of
these ordinances, especially Witsius, I.e. diss. 3, § 79 sqq. — The
article "Synedrium" by Leyrer in PRE. xv. 315 ff, is very
comprehensive ; and Schlirer's description, N. T. Times, Div. II.

352 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
i. pp. 163-195, is distinguished by thorough investigation and
sound criticism. Worthy of notice also is Holtzmann's article
in Schenkel's Bibellex. v. p. 446 ff, though it is more of a
historico-critical character.
(3) For lengthened dissertations on the number seventy or
seventy- two, and its connection with Num. xi. 16 ff, see Selden,
I.e. ii. p. 108 sq. — The correctness of the number seventy is
defended by Schiirer, i. 174 f., on the ground of the statement
(Joseph, bell. jud. ii. 20. 5), that Josephus appointed seventy
elders to the government of Galilee, " no doubt taking as his
model the Council of Jerusalem." The filling up of vacancies in
the body was effected as it seems by co-optation from the first
row of disciples, who regularly attended the sittings, and that by
means of laying on of hands (nansD). Those who were eligible
were, according to the Mischna Sanhedr. iv. 2, priests, Levites,
and Israelites whose daughters might marry priests, i.e. who
could prove their legitimate Israelitish descent by documentary
evidence (Schiirer, p. 176). — Lists of presidents from Ezra to
Gamaliel taken from the Eabbins are given by Witsius, I.e.
§ 48, and Eeland, I.e. § 11. — But the historical character of
these Eabbinical lists, along with the statement that the
president was called STO and the vice-president p rva as, has
been successfully disputed by Schiirer, pp. 180-184. From
Josephus, Antt. xx. 10 fin., and iv. 8. 14, C. Ap. ii. 13, comp.
with Antt. xiv. 9. 3-5, and xx. 9. 1, where in the sittings of the
Council the high priest for the time being is named as presi
dent, as well as from the New Testament, where the dpyiepeug is
always placed at the head (Acts v. 17 ff, vii. 1, ix. 1, 2, xxii. 5,
xxiii. 2, 4, xxiv. 1, and Matt. xxvi. 3, 57), he has proved that
the high priest as such was always the president. More
over, from the fact that men who are named by Eabbinical
tradition as presidents of the Sanhedrim, such as Gamaliel in
the time of the apostles (Acts v. 34, comp. 27), Simon ben
Gamaliel in the time of the Jewish war (Joseph. Vita, 38, 39),
appear in the New Testament and in Josephus as simple
assessors, he has established beyond doubt the unhistorical
character of those lists.
(4) The Talmudists transfer the council-room under the name
n'tan naa'1? to the outer court or the space enclosed by the outer
wall (^n) of the second temple (Mischna Peah iii. 6 ; Sanhedr.
xi. 2 ; Midd. v. 4), later to the halls (nipn) situated on the
temple hill, when the rwaa ,J,"i, judicia capitalia, were taken
from them, Gem. Schabb. xv. 1. — On the contrary, Josephus,
de bell. jud. v. 4. 2, mentions a council - house, r) $ouXr), ri
PouXriTfyiov, between the Xystus and the porch of the temple. —
According to Mischna Peza or Jom tob v. 2, no sittings were

§ 151. THE COUNCIL. 3 53
held on Sabbaths or feast days ; on the contrary, according to
Gem. Sanhedr. 10, fol. 88. 1, the Sanhedrim assembled on these
days not only in the rwan natj6, but in the ^n, on the temple
hill in the neighbourhood ofthe court of the women, and the
sittings took place in the interval between the morning and
evening sacrifices. Comp. Selden, I.e. ii. 10, § 2.
(5) Comp. John xviii. 31 : ij//,n obx 'i^iSTiv diroxTenai oubha, with
Babyl. Sanhedr. fol. 24. 2 : " Quadraginta annis ante vastatum
templum ablata sunt judicia capitalia ab Israele." This seems
at variance with the condemnation and stoning of Stephen,
Acts vii., as well as with the allegation in Babyl. Aboda sar.
f. 8. 2 : that forty years before the destruction of the temple
the Sanhedrim transferred its sittings from the temple (the
n'tan nats6) to the halls, with the added explanation: "cum
viderent crescere interfectores (interfectorum numerum), con-
venit nobis migrare a loco in locum (hinc in alium locum), ne
fiamus rei." Comp. Selden, ii. 15. 8 and 11. But this explana
tion is really nothing more than an attempt to make the with
drawal of the right of capital punishment appear as a voluntary
declinature of this right from a feeling of humanity. And the
stoning of Stephen, preceded though it was by a judicial investi
gation on the part of the Sanhedrim along with a hearing of
witnesses (Acts vi. 12 ff), remains after all a tumultuous pro
ceeding, in which the Sanhedrim exceeded its competency at a
time when Pilate was not in Jerusalem, like the execution of
James the Just subsequently, in the absence of the Eoman
procurator, Joseph. Antiq. xx. 9. 1. — Accordingly, most writers
(comp Winer, R. W. ii. p. 553, note 4 ; and Schiirer, p. 188 f.)
have justly concluded that the jus gladii in general was taken
from the Sanhedrim, even in the case of religious offences, which
could only be judged by the Mosaic law. Even in these cases
it could only conduct the trial and pass judgment ; sentence of
death, however, could only be pronounced and executed by the
Eoman procurator.
(6) On this point, too, the Talmudic accounts are obscure and
contradictory. According to the Babylonian Gemara, it was
transferred at the destruction of Jerusalem under the president
Jochanan ben Zakai to Jabne, thereafter under Gamaliel I. to
Uscha, then to Sephacha, afterwards under E. Juda the Holy
to Beth Schear and Sepphoris, finally, under the Emperor
Antoninus Pius to Tiberias. Comp. Selden, ii. 15, § 7 sqq. ; and
Witsius, I.e. § 77.

KEIL II.

354 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
SECOND CHAPTEE.
THEOCRATIC PENAL LAW.
§ 152. Character ofthe Theocratic Penal Law.
The Mosaic penal code shows itself to be a manifestation
of the divine righteousness by its combination of two elements.
At the root of its enactments there lies the principle of strict
but righteous retribution, and its intention is to extirpate evil
and produce reverence for the righteousness of the holy God
in the heart of the people. The law of retribution, jus
talionis, is not confined to injury of the person : " soul for
soul, eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot,
burning for burning, wound for wound, stripe for stripe,"
Ex. xxi. 23-25 ; Lev. xxiv. 17, 19, 20; Deut. xix. 21. It
extends also to property : " he that killeth a beast shall make
it good, life for life " (Lev. xxiv. 1 8). — It is true the principle
of retribution is not first introduced by the Mosaic law. It
is much older, and is found especially in the form of blood
revenge among many ancient peoples (1) as a primitive (Gen.
xxvii. 45) custom, going back for its final basis to Gen. ix. 5 f.
By this custom the life first of all, but after it also the pro
perty of the family as the means of its subsistence, fall to be
protected and kept by the nearest of kin to that member who
has been killed, injured, or defrauded. This obligation was
called by the Israelites redeeming p^a), and the man who was
bound to fulfil it, a redeemer ps'a, go'eV). The law and duty
of the redeemer is assumed by Moses as a matter of tradition,
and brought under the theocratic principle. As redeemers
are reckoned full brothers, next to them the father's brothers
(uncles), after them full cousins, finally, the other blood rela
tives of the clan, Lev. xxv. 48 f. The redeemer, meaning thereby
always the nearest of the existing blood relatives, is obliged
by law to recover the land which has passed into strange
hands by sale in a time of need, and also any member of the
family who by poverty has fallen into slavery (Lev. xxv. 2 5 ff,
47 ff), as well as to redeem the blood of which the family has
been deprived by murder. In the case of any possession
being given back which had been embezzled or stolen, it was

§ 152. CHARACTER OF THE THEOCRATIC PENAL LAW. 355
to the redeemer also that restitution was to be made if the
owner had died in the interval (Num. v. 8). As redeemer of
blood, Bin psa, commonly translated avenger of blood, he can
and should kill the murderer if he finds him, Num. xxxv. 1 9. —
But if the retribution was to be righteous, it must correspond
to the guilt ; and therefore unintended homicide could not be
avenged in the same way as murder by the shedding of blood.
While, therefore, in accordance with traditional custom, the
execution of blood revenge belonged to the whole clan as a
matter of honour and duty (2 Sam. xiv. 7), it is withdrawn
by the Mosaic law from family revenge, and so incorporated
with the theocratic law as to guard against the shedding of
innocent blood (comp. § 155).
The Mosaic law carries out the principle, that punishment
should correspond to the heinousness of the offence, that there
shall fall on the head of the culprit what he has done to his
neighbour. Hence it limits the punishment to the guilty
person without extending it to his children (Deut. xxiv. 6) ;
and in any case of property, it requires it only in order to
restoration and by way of penal restitution, if the guilty man
had invaded his neighbour's property or violated the integrity
of his house. By punishment it is intended only that evil
be rooted out and right be preserved or restored. What is
said (Deut. xix. 19 f.) in regard to the false witness holds
good of all the penal enactments of the Mosaic law : " Do
unto him as he had thought to do unto his brother, and put
away the evil from the midst of thee." When, however, it is
added : " Those which remain shall hear and fear, and shall
henceforth commit no more any such evil in the midst of
thee" (ver. 20, comp. xvii. 13), this general object of punish
ment must not be in the least identified with the deterrent
theory, i.e. with the tendency to deter from crime by the way
and manner of punishing it (2). By removing the evil by
means of punishment, it is intended to bring into view only
the earnestness of divine retributive justice, that the wicked
may not merely be afraid of the penalty, but much more of
the righteous judgment which overtakes transgressors, without
respect of persons. — How far removed the theocratic penal
code is from the theory referred to, appears from the strict
limits set to the number of stripes and the amount of fines,

356 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. '
and still more clearly from the absence of every kind of
torture or infamy from the penalties.
If, however, partly owing to this cause, partly to the careful
distinguishing between presumptuous crimes and trespasses
arising from weakness, thoughtlessness, or negligence, milder
penalties are fixed corresponding to the degree of guilt, yet
there is no weakening hereby of the earnestness of retributive
justice. On the contrary, greatly as the Mosaic law takes
account of human weakness, and even forbids many a thing
without attaching to the transgression of it any civil penalty
(comp. e.g. Lev. xix.), yet it insists unreservedly on the hallow
ing of Israel in the fear of the holiness of Jehovah, the
covenant God. Hence it designates even the trespasses
arising from weakness as sin, and appoints forms of expiation
for them, the omission of which is threatened with cutting off
(comp. § 47). It commands with unsparing severity the
punishment of all presumptuous disobedience to God, the Holy
One of Israel, and to His holy ordinances. Finally, it threatens
a curse and severe punishments from God, the avenger of all
evil, for offences which either escape the eye of civil justice,
or which, like apostasy from the Lord to idolatry, may at
times prevail to such a degree, that the arm of the earthly
magistrate is overpowered and paralyzed by the spirit of the
time [Zeitgeist].
(1) " Blood revenge appears almost everywhere, where the
State has not yet been formed or is still in the first stages of
development, and consequently satisfaction for personal injury
falls to private revenge, particularly family honour," — so among
the Arabs, ancient Greeks, Eomans, Germans, and Eussians,
and to the present day among the Bedouins, Druses, Circassians,
and other nations of the East. Comp. Oehler in PRE. ii
p. 260 f. ; and Winer, R. W. i. p. 189.
(2) Comp. C. Th. Welcker, Die letzsten Griinde von Recht,
Staat und Strafe, Giessen 1813, who, p. 291, justly remarks:
" I cannot by any means, as is often done (Michaelis, etc.),
regard the Mosaic penal code as intended positively to deter
and prevent crime by slavish fear, because of this too generally
exaggerated severity of its punishments, which theory, as was
shown above, makes it impossible to observe any righteous
standard, or to harmonize punishment with the real guilt, is
wholly repugnant to the Mosaic law, which, seeking its sup
ports in faith and love, can claim true piety and virtue, not the

§ 153. DETAILED PUNISHMENTS. 357.
external obedience of fear, and is contradicted by the funda
mental thought of revenge, which contemplates no positive
eff'ect for the future, but expresses and aims at the annihilation-
of the hostile being which inflamed its rage," etc. — The latest
work on this subject, M. Duschar, Das mosaisch-talmudische
Straf recht, Wien 1869, is unimportant.

§ 153. Detailed Punishments.
The penalties which the Mosaic law prescribes are simple
and severe, but neither cruel nor degrading. They are
penalties affecting life, body, and estate.
The punishments affecting life are either stoning, in the
execution of which, if the crime had been' proved by testi
mony, the witnesses are to cast the first stones at the con
demned (Deut. xvii. 7), or killing with the sword, not, however,
beheading, but cutting down or piercing (1). Capital punish
ment was aggravated sometimes by burning (Lev. xx. 14,
xxi. 9), sometimes by hanging the body on a tree or stake
(Deut. xxi. 22) (2). To this it was often customary to add
the raising of a heap of stones over the body or its ashes
(Josh. vii. 25, viii. 29 ; 2 Sam. xviii. 17); while the law
ordains, in respect of criminals hanged, that they should not
be allowed to remain overnight, but be buried the same day,
lest — he that was hanged being accursed of God — Jehovah's
land should be defiled (Deut. xxi. 22 f.). For this -would
happen if he on whom God's curse had fallen were not
removed from the presence of God and the view of His
people (3). All other capital punishments mentioned in the
Old and New Testaments are of foreign origin (4), and cruci
fixion was first introduced into Judea by the Eomans (5).
(1) So far as can be learned from the Pentateuch regarding the
difference between these two capital punishments, stoning (?PB
or jasa Bai), as the common punishment which had been for
merly in use (comp. Ex. viii. 26, xvii. 4; Num. xiv. 10), is
enjoined for those cases in which sentence of death was to be
executed on individuals judicially; when, on the contrary,
either the avenger of blood carried out the punishment, or
where many were to be executed, the sword was used, or other
weapons, e.g. the spear, Num. xxv. 7, or arrow, Ex. xix. 13, to
kill from a distance. Thus in Deut. xvii. 3 ff, xiii. 7 ff, stoning

358 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
is enjoined to punish the individual who practised idolatry and
seduced others; on the contrary (xiii 16), for the punishment
of a whole city which was given over to idolatry, it is com
manded : " Thou shalt slay (nan) the inhabitants of that city
with the edge of the sword;" comp. Saalschutz, Mos. R.
p. 457. Accordingly it is no doubt stoning which is meant
when the law merely uses the formulas : " He shall be
put to death," or " his blood be upon him " (ia vpi or
aa arvpi, Lev. xx. 9 ff). The same penalty is also to be under
stood by the cutting off plan) which the law attaches to various
offences, and that not only in the cases where, along with the
formula : " that soul shall be cut off from among his people,"
it is expressly written : " he shall be put to death " (e.g. Ex.
xxxi. 14 f. ; Lev. xx. 11 ff, comp. with xviii. 29), but also
where the punishment of death is not specially mentioned.
Saalschutz, ubi supra, p. 476 ff, thinks " the threatened cutting
off, taken by itself, does not command the human judges to
execute capital punishment ; the expression rather means, that
in the cases mentioned sooner or later the person shall be over
taken by a premature death by the hand of God." Also, " that
where only cutting off is mentioned, the law does not mean to
hand over the guilty to the hands of men for punishment."
But these assertions cannot be proved from the passages quoted.
From Lev. xx. 2-6, so much only appears, that God Himself
will cut off the transgressor if the earthly magistrate shuts his
eyes to the crime of idolatry and does not cut off the idolater.
Certainly in Lev. xx. all the abominations of which it holds in
the comprehensive formula, chap, xviii. 29 : " Whosoever shall
do any of these abominations, even the souls that do them shall
be cut off from among their people," have not the punishment
of death attached to them. For some of the forbidden marriages
only childlessness is threatened (xx. 20 f.). But from this it
merely follows that for certain cases God reserved the cutting
off to be otherwise executed ; and in these cases the civil magis
trate was not to intervene. But in connection with all other
offences, for which the law prescribes cutting off without any
such reserve, the civil magistrate was obliged to carry out
sentence of death as soon as the guilt was judicially established ;
even for transgressions of the laws of purification and other
matters of ritual, if the sin was proved to have been committed
"with a high hand," i.e. in presumptuous rebellion against
Jehovah, and not merely in thoughtlessness or haste. — If
Talmudic law affixes the penalty of forty stripes to cases in
which cutting off stood without express mention of capital
punishment (comp. Saalschutz, p. 479), this ordinance is as

§ 153. DETAILED PUNISHMENTS. 359
much at variance with the meaning of the Mosaic law as the
Eabbinical explanation of the Mosaic phrase : " he shall die,"
interpreting it of the punishment of strangling (Saalschutz,
p. 463 f.). — The procedure observed in stoning (comp. Acts
vii 56 f.) is nowhere described in the Old Testament. The
Eabbinical description of it, as given in Mischna Sanhedr.
vi. 3, 4; in Otho, Lexic. Rabb. Phil. p. 361; and Winer, R.W.,
art. " Steinigung," certainly does not correspond to the simple
relations of the Mosaic time ; comp. Carpzov, Apparat. p. 584.
— Killing with the sword is also mistakenly interpreted by the
Eabbins in Mischna Sanhedr. vii. 3, of beheading, — a mode of
execution which was, no doubt, customary in Egypt from the
most ancient times (Gen. xl. 19), but first appears among the
Jews in the Eoman period (Matt. xiv. 10 f.).
(2) That here we have not to think, with Saalschutz, Mos. ff.
p. 459 f., of burning alive (according to the Mischna Sanhedr.
viii. 2, by pouring molten lead into the mouth), is evident from
Josh. vii. 25, and from the analogy of hanging, before which
putting to death is expressly mentioned. Both ways of aggra
vating capital punishment were in use before Moses, as is obvious
from Gen. xxxviii. 24, and the expression, Deut. xxi. 22 : " If he
be put to death, and thou hang him on a tree." The meaning of
ypin, Num. xxv. 4, and 2 Sam. xxi. 6, is uncertain; it is
expressed by Aquila in Num. dvdirrfeov, Symmach. xp'epaaov, Vulg.
suspende, and in 2 Sam. by crucifigere, and probably denotes the
hanging of living criminals. According to Ezra vi. 11, a
common punishment in the kingdom of Persia.
(3) " Volebat Deus maxime facinorosos (quorum poena erat
suspendium) omnino deleri de terra, adeo ut nee eorum cadavera
superessent in pcenam, uti fieri solet in illis qui flammis tra-
duntur. . . . Sicut enim Scriptura passim ait, malis hominibusj
terram contaminari, ita cum aliquid eorum superest, ut sunt
eorum cadavera, adhuc terra inexpiata et contaminata censetur,"
Corn, a Lapide. — Wholly mistaken, Michaelis and Winer, R.W.
ii. p. 11 : " not to poison the atmosphere, when it (the body)
quickly went to corruption."
(4) Capital punishments coming from foreign lands were the
following: Dichotomy, cutting in pieces pats', 1 Sam. xv. 33),
common among the Babylonians, Egyptians, and Persians ;
burning alive in a furnace, Dan. iii. 20 ff. ; roasting on the fire,
Jer. xxix. 22 ; 2 Mace. vii. 5 ; and casting into the lions' den,
Dan. vi. 8, 13 ff., were Babylonian punishments. Putting to
death in hot ashes, 2 Mace. xiii. 5 ff. ; beating to death (rvtMravlZfiv,
Heb. xi. 35) on the tu^to-vos (2 Mace. vi. 19), probably a circular
instrument of torture, on which prisoners were stretched and
tortured or beaten to death (comp. Grimm on 2 Mace. vi. 19,

360 . BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
and Delitzsch on Heb. xi. 35). Next, in war the sawing in
pieces of captives (2 Sam. xii. 31 ; 1 Chron. xx. 3; comp. Heb.
xi. 37) ; hurling from precipices (2 Chron. xxv. 12 ; comp. Ps.
cxli. 6, and Luke iv. 29) — the latter a frequent punishment
among the Eomans ; the cutting open of the bodies of pregnant
women (2 Kings viii. 12, xv. 16, etc.), and the dashing of
children against walls when hostile cities were taken (Isa.
xiii. 16, 18 ; Hos. xiv. 1, etc.). Besides, there are incidentally
mentioned in the New Testament drowning, xararnvriZeit (Matt.
xiv. 6, xviii. 5), and fighting with wild beasts, 6npiojj.ayeTi (1 Cor.
xv. 32). — For more on these punishments, see Carpzov, Apparat.
p. 596 sqq. ; and Winer, R. W. ii. p. 12 f.
. (5) Crucifixion, i.e. nailing to a beam provided with a cross
piece of wood, was a punishment which originated with the
Eomans, and fiist spread with the Eoman dominion over the
East, which as crudelissimum teterrimomque supplicium (Cicero,
Verr. v. 64) was only inflicted on slaves, highway robbers,
coiners, and other common criminals, not on Eoman citizens. —
The view which has become traditional since Just. Lipsius,
De cruce, libri iii., Antwerp 1595, that crucifixion was a
customary punishment among the ancient Persians, Egyptians,
Carthaginians, Macedonians, rests on an identification which
cannot be established of exoko-^i and araupog and the verbs
derived from them, dvaaxoXorl^nv, i.e. to impale, and dvaSTaupeuv,
to fasten to a beam. Impaling is thus described by Hesychius :
" From very ancient times evil-doers were thus impaled ; a
stake was pointed and driven through the spine and back, as
is done with fish roasted on a spit " (ri yap iraXaibv Tovg xaxoup-
youvrag esxoXoiriZfiv, b^uvoiiTeg I*uao\i bid pdyetag xal tou vuitou, xaOdxep
tou: biiTiaifewug iyOvg sirl b@eXiaxm). This punishment was inflicted,
according to Herodotus, i. 128, by Astyages on the Magi;
by Darius, " when he had taken the city Babylon through the
artifice of Zopyrus, on three thousand of the most distinguished
citizens" (Herod, iii. 159). The Assyrians also impaled enemies
taken in war, as is evident from the woodcut in Layard, Nineveh
and its Remains, figure on ii. p. 369, comp. with 374. Beyond
this, the only thing mentioned as belonging to ancient times in
the East is the nailing of the trunk of criminals put to death,
or perhaps when yet alive, to an upright stake, and the term
applied dvaxpiftav or dvaBTaupouv, Or irpbg Savlba biairaaaat.eueiv. Oil
the other hand, crucifixion, or the nailing of the malefactor with
outstretched arms to a cross, grew up among the Eomans from
the execution of criminals, especially slaves, by binding them
to the furca or the patibulum. Comp. Carl Friedrich (in
Munich), "Kritischer Eiickblick auf die Literatur fiber de
Geschichte u. Archaologie des Kreuzes," in the Theol. Litem-

§ 153. DETAILED PUNISHMENTS. 361
turblatt of Eeusch, 1875 ¦ (x.), Nr. 17 f., p. 391 ff. — Cruci
fixion was preceded by scourging with thongs, under which
many delinquents expired ; then the condemned were obliged
to carry their cross to the place of execution (Plutarch. Ser.
vind. c. 9 ; comp. Matt, xxvii. 32 ; John xix. 17) ; arrived
there, they were stripped of their clothes ; a cross, generally
not high, having been previously erected, they were drawn up
and made fast to it with cords ; then nails were driven into the
hands and feet ; and thus amid frightful tortures they did not
usually die before suffering for twelve hours, often not till the
second, sometimes even the third day. The nailing of the feet
was denied by Dr. Paulus, following Clericus on John xx. 27,
and Dathe on Ps. xxii. 7, that he might the better enable his
Jesus, awakened from His apparent death, to walk; and he
sought to prove it not customary at great length (in the
Memorabilien, St. 4, im Comment, u. exeget. Hdb. zum N. Test.).
But it has been proved to have been the common practice
in crucifixion by L. Hug in the Freiburg. Ztschr. f. Theol. iii.
p. 167 ff., and v. p. 153 ff. ; and by Bahr in Heydenreich and
Huffel's Ztschr. 1830, 2, p. 308 ff. ; and Tholuck's Litt. Anzeiger,
1835, Nr. 1 ff. ; see on the history of this controversy, ibid.
1834, Nr. 53 ff. So that Meyer also, in his critical exegetical
commentary on the New Testament, on Matt, xxvii. 34, pro
nounces decidedly for it. — The presenting of a stupefying
draught before nailing to the cross (Matt, xxvii. 34 ; Mark
xv. 23) was not a Eoman but Jewish custom, derived from
Prov. xxxi. 6 (comp. Babyl. Sanhedr. fol. 43a), as likewise
the taking down from the cross before sunset (Mark xv. 42 ;
John xix. 31), on the ground of the law, Deut. xxi. 23. — The
inscription over the cross of Jesus (Matt. xxvh. 37; John
xix. 19 ff.) was no doubt the tablet {titulus, Sueton. Domit.
c. 10) which the cruciarii carried in front of them on their way
through the city. — More on this punishment in Jahn, Bibl.
Archaol. ii. 2, p. 360 ff ; Winer in R.W.; and Merz in PRE.
viii, art. " Kreuzigung."
Corporal punishments consisted partly of blows, probably
with a rod (6), forty and no more, " that thy brother may not
appear vile in thy sight " (Deut. xxv. 2 f.), and in retribution
for bodily injuries (7). — Finally, penalties in means or money
(tray) for theft, purloining and certain cases of injury to body
or honour, were required to be paid to the injured or offended,
and must not exceed a hundred shekels (Deut. xxii. 19). —
Other punishments, such as imprisonment or exile (banish
ment) (8), are not found in the Mosaic law. They do not

362 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
correspond to the theocratic principle: to extirpate evil by
punishment. (6) The rod (D3K') is mentioned, Prov. x. 13, as the usual
instrument of correction. For this purpose the Eabbins ordain
the scourge made of thongs of calf or ass leather, referring to
Isa. i. 3. Accordingly Saalschutz, Mos. R. p. 469, with the
Eabbins and Michaelis even on Lev. xix. 20, understand by
mj-a, correction, a scourge of ox -leather, a bull's pizzle,
tanreus (?). — Scourging is frequently mentioned in the New
Testament, Matt. x. 17, xxiii. 34, Acts v. 40, and thirty-nine
stripes as the maximum, 2 Cor. xi. 24; comp. Mischna Maccoth
iii. 12.
(7) Utterly futile are the grounds on which Saalschutz,
Mos. R. p. 449 ff, seeks to prove that strict retribution was
scarcely practicable, and must soon have fallen into disuse, and
that probably even the lawgiver did not expect to see it
applied in practice. For that the Eabbins changed it into
money penalties (comp. Lightfoot, Hor. Hebr. ad Matt. v. 38),
and the Turks and. other peoples of the modern East generally
settle such offences with money payments (comp. v. Hammer,
Osmann. Reich, i p. 146 f. ; Lane, Manners, etc., i p. 124 f. ;
Burckhardt's Arabia, ii. p. 126), proves absolutely nothing for
the ancient Israelites, especially as even still retribution is
sometimes literally practised (comp. Seetzen, Reise, iii. p. 375).
The Israelitish judge was not entitled to substitute a money
indemnity. It was otherwise, no doubt, if the injured person,
without making any judicial complaint, was satisfied to take
such an indemnity ; which the law neither allowed, as the
Eoman law of the twelve tables did : " si membrum ruit ni cum
eo paicit talio esto," nor forbade.
(8) Imprisoment, though not unknown to the Israehtes from
their acquaintance with Egypt (Gen. xxxix. 20 f., xl. 3 f.,
xii. 10, xiii. 19), does not appear in the Mosaic law as a mode
of punishment. In Lev. xxiv. 12, ipcp is only a securing of
the person till a decision has been come to. For imprisonment
does not correspond to the jus talionis, and is wholly super
fluous where bodily punishments exist, and where fines in the
case of those without means must be paid by servitude. The
suppositions of Michaelis and AViner, R. W., under the relative
article, as to the absence of imprisonment as a punishment from
the Mosaic law, are groundless. — Not till the time of the kings
is imprisonment introduced, especially to punish too outspoken
prophets (2 Chron. xvi. 10 ; Jer. xx. 2, xxxii. 2 ff, etc.), and after
the exile it was quite a common punishment along with others
(in cases of debt), Ezra vii. 26 ; Matt. xi. 2, xviii. 2. Comp.

§ 154. OFFENCES AGAINST PROPERTY. 363
also Acts v. 18, 21, viii. 3, xii. 4, xxii. 4, xxvi. 10. — Prisons
(sba rvs, nipp, HBsn 1V3) were found in the houses of the
chiefs of the guard (Gen. xxxix. 20 ff, xl. 4; comp. Jer.
xxxvii. 15, 20), or in the watch-house attached to the palaces
of the kings (Jer. xxxii. 2), or at the gates (xx. 2), and were
formed, partly of deep, waterless but slimy pits (lia) in the
courts of these buildings and of subterranean vaults (nisan, Jer.
xxxvii. 16). Prisoners were bound with chains, Judg. xvi. 21 ;
2 Sam. iii. 34 ; Jer. xl. 1 ; in case of severer imprisonment they
were put into the block or pillory (naanp; Jer. xx. 2, or
panrrn naanpn Jer. xxix. 26, or ID, xup-M, Job xiii. 27, etc.), an
instrument consisting of two pieces of wood, into which the
arms and feet of the culprit were thrust (crossways), and into
which the neck also was forced. Comp. Gesenii Thes. p. 388 sq. ;
and Hitzig on Jer. xx. 2, and xxix. 26. — On the other hand,
the Eoman custodia militaris consisted in chaining the prisoner
by one or both hands to the- soldier who watched him (Acts
xii. 4, xxi. 33), or in prison putting his feet in the stocks
{to ^iiXov, Acts xvi. 24). — Exile or banishment from the land is
also strange to the Mosaic law, although the whole people for
its persistent transgression of the covenant is threatened by
God with expulsion and dispersion among the heathen. Not
till after the exile does banishment appear as a civil punish
ment (itshK', Ezra vii. 26 ; comp. x. 8). — Finally, cutting off is
not la mort civile (Salvador), nor " expulsion from the family,
the tribe, or from Israel, or civil degradation " (Eedslob, Die
Alttestam. Namcn, Hamburg 1846, p. 115).

§ 154. Offences against Property.
The property of the Israelites consisted, partly of the land
which the Lord gave to the several families in Canaan as an
inalienable inheritance for their posterity (comp. § 141),
partly of cattle and other moveable goods. But property in
the soil extended only to the use of its produce, and even
in this respect the owner was placed under certain obligations.
Firstly, in the Sabbatic and jubilee years he was obliged to
give rest to the field or land, not to sow, plant, or gather a
harvest from his fields and vineyards, and to leave what grew
in these years without sowing and labour to men-servants and
maid-servants, hirelings and strangers, as well as to cattle and
game (comp. § 79 f.). Next, in the other years when gather
ing in the fruits, he was not to have any gleaning either in

364 . BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.: .
his fields or in his vineyards or olive yards, but to leave the
corners of his field, the forgotten sheaf, the ears left behind,
and fallen fruits to the poor, widows, orphans, and strangers
(Lev. xix. 9 f. ; Deut. xxiv. 19-21). Lastly, even before the
harvest he was to allow the hungry to go into his vineyard
and eat grapes, or to pluck ears in his field to his satisfaction
(Deut. xxiii. 24 f.) (1). Hereby not only was care taken for
the poor, but the owner was reminded that his possession
of the land, the source of his prosperity, was a gift of God.
With this disposition the Israelite was also to give of his other
possessions to the poor and needy, to lend to his poor brother
money without interest and food without addition, i.e. without
demanding more when it was given back. Neither was he to
go into the house of the borrower to exact a pledge ; and if the
pledge given to him by the poor man was a cloak, which also
served as a covering for the night, he must give it back before
sunset, and what was absolutely necessary (2) he dared not
take as a pledge at all (Ex. xxii. 24-36 ; Lev. xxv. 35-37 ;
Deut. xxiii. 19, xxiv. 10-12, comp. with vv. 6 and 17).
In general he was called to take up the case of the im
poverished as well as of sojourners and strangers (Lev. xxv.
36), inasmuch as all the children of Israel are sojourners and
strangers with Jehovah in His land (ver. 23).
All these commands, as warnings addressed to the heart,
aim at quenching the desire of earthly riches and preserving
the soul from mammon - worship. But much as they do so,
they were by no means intended to weaken the zeal for honest
industry, and still less to minister to laziness, indolence; or
wastefulness. On the contrary, property within the limits
mentioned is legally secured against all sinful invasion. The
hungry man who eats grapes in another's vineyard is for
bidden to put any in a vessel, and he who plucks ears in his
neighbour's field is forbidden to use the sickle (Deut. xxiii
24 f.), that is, to take more than is needed for his want for
the time being. Not only so, but the lender, to make sure of
his loan, is allowed to take a pledge from the borrower who
can give him one, and even take interest from the stranger
(xxiii. 19). The law, it is true, forbids the creditor to exact
his debts in the Sabbatic year (Deut. xv. 2) ; but. so far is his
right to claim his debt from being impaired, that he is fully at

§ 154. OFFENCES AGAINST PROPERTY. 365
liberty to demand that his insolvent debtor sell his inherit
ance, i.e. its produce, till the year of jubilee ; and if this did not
cover the debt, or the debtor had no land, his creditor could
claim that he sell himself with his family into servitude and
pay off his debt in labour (Deut. xxv. 25, 39, and 47 ; but
with this comp. § 112, note 1). Thus the creditor could not,
except in extremely rare cases, suffer any considerable loss- (3).
Yet more strictly does tlie law seek to prevent every wilful,
unjust invasion of the property of others. Not only does it
forbid the removing of the boundaries which their ancestors
had drawn when they took possession of the land (Deut. xix.
1 4), but it threatens any one who should do this with a curse
(xxvii. 17). Not only does it forbid stealing or even coveting
a neighbour's house or anything that is his (Ex. xx. 17 f. ;
Deut. v. 1 8), but exhorts him to take an affectionate care of
it. He is to bring back his neighbour's beast which has
strayed, even that of an enemy or hater (Ex. xxxiv. 4 f.), to
restore found property, and to help another's beast in trouble
(Deut. xxii. 1-4). — To these commands, which are more of a
moral kind, quickening the conscience in respect to the property
of others, there are added the following legal statutes with
penalties attached : —
1. Against damage done. If any one uses the pasture of a
field or vineyard by letting his cattle graze his neighbour's
field, he must make compensation with the best of his own field
or vineyard. If fire -breaks out and catches in thorns, and
stack or standing corn or field be consumed, he that kindled
the fire shall make restitution (Ex, xxii. 4 f.). If any one
kills another's beast, he shall pay for it life for life (Lev. xxiv.
1 8). Should any one open or dig a pit and not cover it, and
there should fall into it an ox or ass, the owner of the pit
shall pay its master in money, but the dead animal shall be
his. And if a man's ox gores his neighbour's so that it dies,
they shall sell the living (butting) ox and divide its value, and
also divide the dead animal ; or if it is known that the ox were
wont to push in past time and his master did not keep him in,
he shall pay ox for ox, but the dead shall be his (Ex. xxi.
23-36). 2. Against fraud. :If a man had entrusted money or
implements to his neighbour to be kept, or cattle to be tended,

366 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
and the deposit was lost or the cattle died or were injured or
driven away, or if the man refused to acknowledge what he
had found, the matter was to be settled in court. If, now, the
accused could clear himself by an oath or other sure evidence,
he had no compensation to pay ; on the contrary, if he was
found guilty of fraud, he had to make twofold restitution
(Ex. xxii. 6-10). The shepherd had to make good to his
master the cattle stolen from him, obviously because with
proper care he might have prevented the theft (ver. 11). On
the other hand, he did not require to make good a beast torn
by a wild animal, if he could produce witness of the fact, say
a limb or piece of the torn animal rescued from the beast of
prey (ver. 12). Lastly, if one had got a beast from another
for use, and it was hurt or died, he had to make it good to the
owner, if the latter was not present when the misfortune
happened, not, on the contrary, if he was present, and so might
have prevented any wrong treatment of it. Neither could he
have restitution if he had hired it out, in which case it was
to go at the' price of hire, i.e. the owner had to be content with
payment of the hire (ver. 13 f.).
3. Against theft. If stolen property was found on the thief,
and particularly if stolen cattle were found with him still
alive, he was required to restore them twofold ; but if it was
already used, or the cattle slaughtered or sold, he was required
to make good an ox fivefold, a sheep fourfold (4) ; and if
he could not give compensation, he was to be sold for his
theft, that he might cover it by work, and reimburse the
buyer for its value (Ex. xxi. 37-xxii. 3). — Thus the largei
the theft, the more severely was it punished. The smaller
penalty, however, attached to the case when the stolen pro
perty was found with the thief still unconsumed, has its
ground in the circumstance that here it is supposed possible
that he may yet repent and make restoration (5). This
regard to moral discipline is confirmed by the fact, that not
only for theft, but for every kind of fraud, it is made possible
for the penitent confessor to make good his offence by return
ing what he had purloined, kept back, or fraudulently concealed,
adding a fifth of its value. This might be done to the owner,
or, after his death, to his next of kin ; and he could atone for
his guilt by a trespass- offering (Lev. v. 21-27).

§ 155. OFFENCES AGAINST THE PERSON AND LIFE. 367
Thus, on the one hand, " property as a right was surrounded
with rampart and ditch, which are not to be violently broken
through " (6) ; on the other, the way of repentance and con
version was set open to the transgressor, and many an
occasion to sin and crime was cut off by the care taken of
the poor.
(1) Allowing the hungry to pluck ears and eat them, and the
poor to glean, is still customary among the Arabs in Palestine ;
comp. Eobinson, Palestine, i. pp. 493-499, ii. p. 100.
(i) As, e.g., the hand-mill and the millstone, Deut. xxiv. 6 ;
or the widow's garment, ver. 17.
(3) Perhaps this is also the reason why the Mosaic law con
tains no statute on suretyships. In later times they were very
common, as we learn from Proverbs, where foresight is taught,
Prov. vi. 1 ff, x. 15, xvii. 18, by pointing to the fact that the
surety has to stand for the debtor, and could not expect any
milder treatment than he, Prov. xx. 16, xxii. 26 f. ; comp. Sir.
viii. 16 (13), xxix. 20, 24 (15, 18).
(4) An increase of this punishment to sevenfold restitution
cannot be argued, with J. D. Michaelis, from Prov. vi. 30 f. ; for
to pay sevenfold is simply to say in round numbers manifold.
(5) But not, as Knobel on Ex. xxii 3 thinks, because " here
the robbed man recovers his own beast, perhaps specially valu
able to him, and does not require to take another for it."
(6) Comp. Schnell, ubi supra, p. 36.

§ 155. Offences against the Person and Life.
" Whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be
shed : for in the image of God made He man." And " surely
your blood, the blood of your lives, will I require (judicially
avenge) ; at the hand of every beast will I require it ; and at
the hand of man, even at the hand of every man, will I
require the life of man," Gen. ix. 6 and 5. With this solemn
command God renews the blessing of creation to Noah after
the Flood, declaring murder, as a destruction of the divine
image, to be a crimen lassos majestatis divinm, and accordingly
commands and promises to avenge it on man and beast. This
general expression of the divine will is repeated in the Mosaic
legislation, not only in the fifth [sixth] commandment, but
generally it is more fully unfolded in a manner corresponding
to the order and idea of the theocracy. In the covenant made

368 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
with Noah, the killing of man is condemned as a crime against
the divine image, and murder by a human hand as fratricide.
But in the Mosaic law, not only is there a distinction made
between murder or intentional killing, and unintentional homi
cide, but also between the killing of the freeman (Israelite or
stranger) and the slave ; and, moreover, the penalty for every
injury done to the body or honour of a man is morally and
judicially determined.
1. Bodily injury. There are moral commands, not to rail
at the deaf, nor to put any stumbling-stone in the way of the
blind (Lev. xix. 14), with the threatening of a curse on him
who leads the blind man astray (Deut. xxvii. 1 8) ; but along
with these, full retribution is legally ordained for bodily
injuries done to free Israelites. " If a man cause a blemish
in his neighbour, as he has done, so shall it be done to him ;
breach for breach, eye for eye, tooth for tooth ; as he hath
caused a blemish in a man, so shall it be rendered unto him,"
Lev. xxiv. 19 f. — If men quarrel, and one strike the other
with a stick, or with his fist, so that he does not die, but is
only confined to his bed, the man who has given the blow
shall remain unpunished, and shall only make compensation
to the sufferer, when he rises and goes out on his staff, for
the time he has lost and the cost of his cure, Ex. xxi. 19 (1).
If in a quarrel between men a pregnant woman is struck, so
that her fruit depart, — if there is no further mischief, — the
offender shall be punished with a fine, to the extent demanded
by her husband and approved by umpires. But if she has
sustained further injury, there shall be full retribution accord
ing to the jus talionis : life for life, eye for eye, etc., vv. 22-25.
If, in connection with such strife between men, the wife of the
one, to save her husband, stretched out her hand and took
hold of the privy member of the other, her hand was to be
cut off unsparingly (Deut. xxv. 11 f.) to punish such shame-
lessness. — Less severe is the punishment for bodily injuries
done to slaves. If a man by blows destroys (knocks out) an
eye, tooth, or any other member belonging to his man-servant
or maid-servant, he is bound to let them go free, thus paying
for the damage by the loss of his property, while the
injured man or woman receives in freedom a sufficient
indemnification.

§ 155. OFFENCES AGAINST THE PERSON AND LIFE. 369
(1) If in such a scuffle the one died, though not immediately,
yet on his sick-bed, the case was manifestly to be judged as
homicide according to Ex. xxi 12 f., and the judges were hardly
at liberty, as Saalschutz, Mos. R. p. 839, thinks, to limit the
punishment to a larger or smaller sum of money. If, on the
contrary, the injured man did not die till later, after he had
risen and gone out, and received from the other his pecuniary
indemnity, the man who gave the blow was not subject to any
further penalty, because then the death might have been due
to another cause (comp. Philo in Winer, R.W. ii. p. 156, note 3)
and the sufferer in any case might not have been wholly inno
cent in the strife ; on which account, apart from other reasons!
this case was not punished according to the jus talionis.
2. Injury to honour and freedom. Besides the general
command: not to go up and down as a tale-bearer among
thy people (Lev. xix. 1 6) : not to bear false witness against
one's neighbour (Ex. xx. 13 ; Deut. v. 17), and : not to raise
a false report nor to offer the hand to the wicked, to be an
unrighteous witness (Ex. xxiii 1), it is ordained in Deut. xix.
16-19, that the false witness, according to the jus talionis,
suffer the punishment which he was minded to bring on the
other. — Similar protection is provided by the law for womanly
honour. Should a man have taken a virgin in marriage, and
then out of hatred brought an evil report against her, by
declaring that he had found her to be no virgin, as soon as
his declaration was proved to be false he was to suffer (bodily)
chastisement, and, moreover, to pay to the parents a fine of
a hundred shekels of silver, Deut. xxii. 13-19. — If a man
found a betrothed maiden in the field and forced her, he was
to suffer death, Deut. xxii 25 ; and in the case of one not
betrothed, he was obliged to marry her, and to pay to her
father besides a penalty of fifty shekels, ver. 28 f. — Any one
also was to be put to death who stole a man, i.e. a free
Israelite, deprived him of his freedom, used or sold him as a
slave, Ex. xxi. 1 6 ; Deut. xxiv. 7.
3. Offences against life. The killing of a man, apart from
murder, brings blood-guiltiness not only on the doer, but on
the whole people, which must be expiated, otherwise it brings
after it divine vengeance. If any one from hatred or enmity
deliberately kills a man, or so wounds him that he dies (2),
he shall be put to death ; the avenger of blood shall kill him
keil n. 2 a

370 BIBLICAL archeology.
when he finds him, Ex. xxi. 12 ; Lev. xxiv. 17, 21 ; Num.
xxxv. 16-21. The man who watches for his neighbour and
kills him, shall not find protection in any city of refuge (Deut.
xix. 11-13); and he who dares to kill another treacher
ously, shall be taken even from Jehovah's altar and given
over to the avenger of blood, to be put to death (Ex. xxi. 14).
No ransom (payment) shall be taken for the life of a homicide
who is worthy of death; he shall die, Num. xxxv. 31. Such
a one shall not be spared, that blood -guiltiness may be
expiated, and blood innocently shed be put away out of Israel
(Deut. xix. 13) ; for the land profaned with blood cannot be
atoned for except by the blood of him who shed it (Num.
xxxv. 33). Even the ox, which gores a man or woman, son
or daughter, so that they die, must be stoned, and its flesh, as
rendered unclean by blood, must not be eaten. And if the
ox was given to goring, and its owner had been warned and
had not kept it in, he also was to be put to death. Yet by
payment of a ransom imposed on him he might redeem his
life ; and if his ox had not been vicious before, he escaped
without punishment, Ex. xxi. 28-32.
But the killing of a man is not always murder or culpable
homicide. If the life of a neighbour was taken by one who
did not seek after it, who did not take it from hatred or with
a hostile intention, but suddenly, " God delivering him into his
hand," he shall find protection from the avenger of blood (3).
The congregation shall set apart three cities of refuge in the
land on either side of the Jordan, and keep the way to them
in repair, in order that the man who has suddenly and
unintentionally killed another may flee thither, Ex. xxi. 1 3 ;
Num. xxxv. 10 ff. ; Deut. xix. 2 ff. (4). No man-slayer shall
be put to death till he has stood for trial before the congrega
tion, Num. xxxv. 12. The congregation shall judge between
the man-slayer and the avenger of blood, rescuing the man-
slayer from the hand of the avenger of blood and restoring
him to the, city of refuge, whither he has fled, xxxv. 24 f. It
shall judge whether the homicide was committed from hatred or
enmity, or without hostile feeling and unintentionally; the
state of the case shall be made out, not on the testimony of
one, but of two or three witnesses (comp. Num. xxxv. 30 with
Deut. xvii. 6). This the congregation shall do, that the

§ 155. OFFENCES AGAINST THE PERSON AND LIFE. 371
avenger of blood may not overtake the man -slayer who is
guiltless ; and kill him because his heart is hot, and thus still
more innocent blood be shed, and blood-guiltiness come on
Israel (Deut. xix. 6, 10). The innocent man -slayer was
sheltered in this city of refuge, if he remained in it till the
death of the high priest. If he left its boundaries before this,
the avenger of blood might kill him (Num. xxxv. 2 5 f .), as he
might before he had escaped to the city of refuge (Deut.
xix. 6) (5). Further, it was not permitted to purchase an
earlier return to his possession with a money ransom, Num.
xxxv. 32. Not till after the high priest's death could he
leave his asylum and return to his inheritance, without being
exposed to the pursuit of the avenger of blood (Num. xxxv.
28). — Hence it is clear that the appointment of cities of
refuge was not common banishment, neither was it a mere
protection from the vengeance of the angry Goel, but an
ordinance of the righteous and gracious God to expiate
innocent human blood even when unintentionally shed. The
avenger of blood, for example, without incurring blood-guilti
ness, was allowed to kill the man-slayer if the latter left his
city of refuge before the high priest's death, but not thereafter.
Then the man-slayer was free to return to the land of his
possession. Thus the man- slayer must have lain under a
burden of blood-guiltiness, which was only covered or expiated
by the death of the high priest, — a blood-guiltiness, however,
inasmuch as the deadly wound was given without premedita
tion, which divine righteousness would wipe out, not by
punishment, but by forgiveness ; not killing, but preserving
life. Means to this end was provided by the high-priestly
office. The high priest, " who was anointed with the holy
oil " (Num. xxxv. 25), had been appointed by the Lord for
His congregation, and given to make atonement for the sins
committed through the weakness of the flesh. In the strength
of the Divine Spirit imparted to him in his anointing with
the holy oil, he was by his life and work to bring down and
apply the forgiving grace of God by way of atonement. And
not only so, but his death was to be the expiatory sacrifice
which covered the innocent blood of the lives of his people
which had been unintentionally shed (6). — But that even
homicide which did not spring from hatred or enmity involved

372 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
blood -guiltiness, is clear from the ordinance regarding the
thief in a case of housebreaking : " If a thief be found
(caught in the act) breaking up (in the night), and be smitten
that he die, there is no blood-guiltiness attaching to the doer ; "
for his deed was one of defence, the issue of which could not
be calculated beforehand. " But if the sun be risen upon
him," the man who kills him is guilty of blood ; for the thief-
might have been taken and given over to the judge to receive
the legal punishment of his crime, for which he had not
deserved death (Ex. xxii. 2 f.). But by the words : " he is
guilty of blood," we can hardly suppose it is meant that this
guilt was to be judicially punished, still less, that it was to be
punished with death (7).
These enactments regarding murder and homicide applied
to the Israelite as well as to the stranger and sojourner in the
land (Lev. xxiv. 21 ; Num. xxxv. 15), and, as it seems, not
only to freemen, but also to slaves. No doubt the law
ordained : " If a man smite his servant or his maid with a
rod, and they die under his hand, it shall be avenged " (Ex.
xxi. 20) (8). But this ordinance comes in only to prevent
excess on the part of the master in exercising his right of
chastisement, and does not refer to homicide proceeding from
hatred or enmity. Hence, therefore, it cannot be inferred that
the killing of a neighbour's slave from hatred was not to be
punished as deliberate murder. For a slave's life is pro
tected in almost the same way as that of a freeman against
the goring of cattle. " If any one's ox shall push a man
servant or a maid-servant of another that they die, he shall
give unto their master thirty shekels of silver, and the ox
shall be stoned" (Ex. xxi. 32). This penal enactment differs
from the analogous one regarding the free Israelite or stranger
only in the circumstance that it fixes the price for the slave,
while the other enjoins the death of the owner of the beast,
but gives him the option of a money ransom, so that in
reality the extreme penalty would scarcely ever be exacted. —
How solemnly Jehovah protected life among His people and
punished bloodshed is shown, finally, by the expiation, described
§ 62, of a murder the perpetrator of which remained unknown ;
by the command to put a railing round the roof while a new
house was in course of erection, to avoid bringing blood upon

§ 155. OFFENCES AGAINST THE PERSON AND LIFE. 373
the house by any one falling down (Deut. xxii. 8) (9) ; and by
the curse which was to be uttered, when the covenant was
renewed in the land, on the man who slew his neighbour
secretly, Deut. xxvii. 24 (10).
(2) The Mosaic law recognises the distinction between
murder and homicide. It founds its penal enactments on the
difference between intentional and unintentional killing, and
uses for the two nan, smiting, and nyi, killing. But not only so,
it distinguishes between culpable and guiltless homicide, and
embraces under the former (murder) " every conscious act of
violence endangering life committed on a free man immediately
resulting in his death " (Winer, R. W. ii. p. 105), thus character
izing the individual cases coming under this description, Num.
xxxv. : " If he smite him with an instrument of iron, or with
a stone, wherewith he may die, or with a hand weapon of
wood, wherewith he may die, and he die (vv. 16-18), and if
one thrust another of hatred or hurl anything at him of set
purpose, or in enmity smite him with his hand, and he die "
(vv. 20 and 21). In all these cases the guilt of the death was
founded, not on the intention to kill, but determined after the
deadly result of the smiting or throwing.
(3) This case is still more clearly described in Deut. xix. 5 :
" When a man goeth into the forest with his neighbour to hew
wood, and his hand fetcheth a stroke with the axe to cut down
the tree, and the head slippeth from the helve and lighteth
upon his neighbour, that he die."
(4) These cities were also Levitical cities (Num. xxxv. 6), and
are mentioned one by one in Josh. xx. 7, 8.
(5) It is to be observed that in the first of these cases (Num.
xxxv. 26) it is added, that the avenger of blood has incurred
blood - guiltiness. The second case, that of the man -slayer
being overtaken and put to death by the avenger of blood
before he has reached the city of refuge, is only set down
as possible in Deut. xix. 6, and the congregation exhorted
so to arrange these cities that the way to them shall not be
too long, and to keep the roads leading to them in such con
dition as to avoid the shedding of innocent blood. There is an
indication here that the killing of the man-slayer who did not
deserve to die by the avenger of blood also involved blood-
guiltiness, though no punishment is assigned to it ; because, on
the one hand, the anger of the avenger is excusable ; on the
other, the man-slayer suffered for his dilatoriness.
(6) Comp. with this my explanations iii my comment, on
Num. xxxv. 9, arid Oehler in PRE. ii. p. 262.— The asylum
which was thus opened for the unintentional man-slayer, not

374 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
only to secure his life, but to wipe out the ethical guilt attach
ing to all homicide, is therefore essentially different from the
natural right of asylum prevailing among other peoples, regard
ing which comp. Winer, R. W. i p. 379 f. ; and Aug. Bulmerincq,
Das Asylrecht und die Auslieferung flilchtiger Verbrecher, Dorp.
1853. (7) The secular court could give no judgment on this point,
in most cases because the question whether the thief was simply
a thief or contemplated murderer could not be determined.
(8) This expression is not to be understood, with Saalschutz,
Mos. R. p. 539 f., of a bloody retribution, though the Eabbins,
with Jonathan at their head, take it to mean capital punish
ment by the sword (comp. Hottinger, Leges Hebr. p. 60) ; and
the killing of a slave among the ancient Egyptians, according
to Diod. Sic. i. 77, was punished with death. Had this been
the meaning of Moses, he would have used npv DID, as in ver.
12. (9) Of course only blood-guiltiness before God, not before a
human tribunal, for every one by his own foresight could avoid
the danger, Saalschutz, Mos. R. p. 447.
(10) Of child-murder (the murdering of new-born children)
and of self-murder the Mosaic law says nothing. Of the latter
we have cases in the history, 1 Sam. xxxi. 4 f. ; 2 Sam. xvii. 23 ;
1 Kings xvi. 18 ; 2 Mace. xiv. 4 ff. ; Matt, xxvii. 5. On the
other hand, child-murder can hardly have occurred, for none of
the causes which give occasion to it in modern States found a
place under the Israelitish constitution. Comp. Michaelis,
Zerstr. kl. Schriften, i p. 143 ff.

§ 156. Offences against the Fundamental Order of the World,
and of the Kingdom of God.
As Jehovah's people, Israel was required to be holy as
Jehovah is holy, and to observe His ordinances, Lev. xix. 2
and 19. To these ordinances belong not only moral and
religious .precepts, but also the fundamental order of the
world or creation, which subsists as unchangeably and in
violably as the order of the kingdom of grace (Jer. xxxi. 35 ff).
Hence Israel is required —
1. Not to confound or efface the order of nature, or the
natural severance of things and creatures, as a divine order
implanted in nature at creation. The Israelites must not sow
their fields or vineyards with two kinds of seed,, i.e. seeds of

§ 156. OFFENCES AGAINST FUNDAMENTAL ORDER, ETC. 375
different kinds mixed with one another ; nor yoke an ox and
ass together to plough, nor allow beasts of different kinds to pair
or breed, that is to say, seek to raise hybrids, mules, for example ;
nor wear (half woollen) clothes woven of wool and linen, Lev.
ix. 19 ; Deut. xxii. 9-11 (1). Lastly, they were not to castrate
their beasts, Lev. xxii. 24. No punishment is fixed for the
transgression of these commands, except that with the first there
is the threatening : Lest the whole fruit be consecrated, the
seed which thou hast sown, and the increase of the vineyard,
which seems to imply that the increase of a field sown with
different kinds of seed was to be holy to the Lord, i.e.
forfeited to the priests (comp. Lev. xxvii. 21). — A tender
regard to the nature of beasts is also testified by the com
mands, not to kill an ox or sheep with its young on one day,
Lev. xxii. 28 ; on finding a bird's nest, not to take the
mother with her young, but to let the mother escape, and
only to take the young, Deut. xxii. 6 f. ; and perhaps also the
already (§ 99) mentioned prohibition against seething a kid
in its mother's milk.
2. Higher is the order of the moral world. The God-
ordained distinction of the sexes is to be observed by Israel
even in externals. " A woman shall not wear a man's clothes,
neither shall a man put on a woman's garment : for whosoever
doeth these things is an abomination to Jehovah," Deut. xxii.
5. The exchanging of dress between men and women easily
leads to that sin which terminates in the unnatural abuse of
the sexes, and forms the climax of the moral corruption to
which God gave over the heathen because of their apostasy
from Him, Eom. i 26 f. By unnatural sins of lust the
Canaanites polluted themselves and their land, so that God
visited their guilt, and the land spued out its inhabitants^
Such abominations dare not exist in the Lord's land. Who
soever shall do any of these abominations, be he Israelite or
stranger dwelling among the Israelites, the souls that do them
shall be cut off from among their people, Lev. xviii. 24-29.
Accordingly the punishment of death is ordained (a) for
adultery (Lev. xx. 10), and for the seduction of a betrothed
maiden (Deut. xxii. 23 ff.) ; (b) for concubitus with a
menstruous woman (Lev. xx. 12); (c) for incest committed by
sexual intercourse with a father's wife (Lev. xx. 7 f.), with a

376 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
daughter-in-law (ver. 10 f.), with a mother and her daughter
(ver. 14), with a full and step sister (ver. 17); {d) for the
abominable vices of paederasty (ver. 13), and contra-natural
crime with beasts on the part of man or woman (ver. 1 5 f.).
In all these cases both the evil-doers shall be put to death, as
well as the beast unnaturally abused, and that by stoning,
— a punishment which in the case of incest with mother and
daughter is still further aggravated by burning. — A like
punishment is to be inflicted on the priest's daughter who
begins to play the harlot, because she profaned her father
(Lev. xxi. 9); whereas while fornication is certainly forbidden
to the daughters of other Israelites, it has no civil punishment
attached to it (Lev. xix. 29 ; comp. Deut. xxiii. 18). This
severity in the case of the priest's daughter was demanded by
her father's position. Since the priests as consecrated media
tors between Jehovah and His people were to be holy to their
God, not to profane His name, and to be regarded as holy by
the people (Lev. xxi. 6-8), their profanation by the prostitu
tion of their daughters must be punished with cutting off.
Such a desecration of the priestly office was an act of treason
against the Holy One of Israel.
Not less holy is the God-appointed moral relation of children
to parents, in which all civil order has its root. Hence the law
in the Decalogue enjoins on children reverence for their
parents, with the promise of long life and prosperity in the
land which the Lord will give His people (Ex. xx. 12 ; Deut.
v. 16). Not only so, but also among the commandments, by
the fulfilling of which Israel shall show itself holy to its God,
it mentions in Lev. xix. 3, first the command : " Ye shall fear
every man his mother and his father," and not till after that :
" Ye shall keep my Sabbaths, and turn not unto idols."
Therefore the man shall be put to death who smites his father
or his mother, or curses them, Ex. xxi. 15, 17 ; Lev. xx. 9.
In the " smiting " of parents is included parricide, though not
expressly mentioned, because it is scarcely presupposed as
possible. But even a son who set himself obstinately against
the admonitions of his parents, and notwithstanding their
chastisements persisted in gluttony and drunkenness, when
charged by them was condemned to death by the elders of the
city, and stoned, Deut. xxi. 18-21. On the other hand, no

§ 156. OFFENCES AGAINST FUNDAMENTAL OEDER, ETC. 377
punishment is laid down for rebellion against the magistrate,
except the command : " Thou shalt not curse a ruler of thy
people" (Ex. xxii. 28) (2) ; and the ordinance, that the man
shall die that doeth presumptuously in not hearkening unto the
priest that standeth to minister there before the Lord, or unto
the judge (Deut. xvii. 1 2 f.). — There is nothing definite said
of the crime of treason, because the kingdom was not expected
till a future time. But that it was to be punished with death,
may be inferred with perfect certainty -from the penalties just
mentioned for rebelliousness against parents and the supreme
court of justice.
3. The punishment also of blasphemy and of all presump
tuous denial of Jehovah and of the holy order of His kingdom
was cutting off or death. " Whosoever curseth his God (bb\>\,
strictly makes small by contemning or blaspheming) shall
bear his sin ; and whosoever utters the name of Jehovah
(blasphemously) shall be put to death, stoned : the stranger,
as the home born," Lev. xxiv. 1 5 f. (3). But the name of the
Lord is blasphemed not only with the tongue, but by acts.
Every presumptuous transgression of the ordinances, in which
the holiness of His name, i.e. His holy presence in Israel, is
manifested, is a blaspheming of Jehovah (Num. xv. 30), such as
the profanation of the Sabbath by work (Ex. xxxi. 14, comp.
§ 77), omission of circumcision (Gen. xvii. 14), of the passover
(Num. ix. 1 3), of fasting on the day of atonement (Lev. xxiii.
29), the eating of leavened bread during the passover (Ex.
xii. 1 9), the eating of blood or the fat of sacrifices (Lev. vii.
25,2 7), deliberate transgression of the laws of ritual purifica
tion (Lev. vii. 20 f., xxii. 3 ; Num. xix. 13, 20), and of other
commands relating to worship (Lev. xix. 8, 16 ; Ex. xxx. 33,
38). Such transgressions of the divine commands, when
they are committed in "ignorance," i.e. through thoughtlessness
and weakness of the flesh, may indeed be atoned for by sin and
trespass-offerings (comp. § 46). But if they are committed
" with a high hand," i.e. in impious rebellion against Jehovah,
they are to be punished with cutting off. This holds very
specially of idolatry, and everything connected with it. Since
Jehovah, when solemnly revealing Himself at Horeb, spoke
indeed out of the fire, so that the sound of words was heard,
but was not visible in any form (Deut. iv. 1 2, 1 5), Israel was

378 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
not to make any image of Him, or any likeness of an image in
the form of men or beasts or fowls, fishes or creeping things,
and worship them ; nor were they to lift their eyes to the
heavens, to worship sun, or moon, or stars, or any of the host
of heaven (Ex. xx. 4 f. ; Deut. iv. 15 ff.) ; for the Lord, as a
jealous God and consuming fire, would avenge this sin with
speedy cutting off from the land, and dispersion among the
heathen (Deut. iv. 24 ff). Cursed shall be the man that
maketh a graven or molten image, an abomination unto
Jehovah, the work of the hands of the craftsman, and setteth
it up in secret (Deut. xxvii. 15). For by every earthly image
the infinite glory of the invisible God is degraded to the finite
and limited nature of the creature, the truth of God, i.e. the
true being of God, changed into a lie (Eom. i. 25), the real God
to a fictitious and imaginary one, i.e. brought down to the
level of an idol ; so that image-worship, or the adoration of God
in the form of a creature, is the first step to idolatry proper,
to the worship of heathen gods, who are not gods (B\1PS), but
B77S, nothings. But Israel is required not even to bring to
remembrance the names of strange gods, not to let them be
heard from its mouth, Ex. xxiii. 13. Whosoever sacrifices
to a deity except to Jehovah alone, shall come under the
curse, i.e. death (Ex. xxii. 19). If a man or woman in one of
the cities of Israel, transgressing the covenant with Jehovah,
goes and serves strange gods and worships them, sun or moon,
or any of the host of heaven, immediately this abomination is
proved true, they shall be brought forth to the gate and stoned
to death, Deut. xvii. 2-7. Even the persuading to apostasy
from Jehovah and to the worship of strange gods is to be
punished with death, and the seducer is not to be spared
though he should be the nearest of kin (brother, or son or
daughter, or wife of thy bosom) or the closest of friends
(Deut. xiii. 7-12), or should he appear as a prophet, have
dreams, and give signs and wonders which come to pass
(vv. 2-6). — And if a whole city suffers itself to be seduced
by base fellows to apostasy and idolatry, it shall be put under
a curse ; its inhabitants and all its cattle smitten with the
edge of the sword, and the city with all the spoil in it burned
with fire as a whole offering p1??) to Jehovah ; it shall be a
heap for ever, it shall not be built again (vv. 13—18) (4).

§ 150. OFFENCES AGAINST FUNDAMENTAL ORDER, ETC. 379
Neither shall any sorceress be suffered to live, Ex. xxii. 1 7.
All, man or woman, who give themselves to conjuring the dead,
or soothsaying, shall be put to death, stoned, Lev. xx. 27.
Israel shall not use prognostications nor auguries (Lev. xix. 26),
shall not turn to those who practise such secret arts, nor defile
itself with such things (ver. 31). The soul that turneth to
them that conjure the dead, or are wizards, to go a-whoring
after them, Jehovah will set His face against, and cut off from
among His people, Lev. xx. 6 (5). Finally, every prophet
who dares to speak a word in Jehovah's name, which Jehovah
has not commanded him to speak, or who speaks in the name
of other gods, shall die, Deut. xviii. 20.
(1) That these four prohibitions come under one point of
view is shown by the word used in relation to three of them,
B^spa, duce res diversi generis, hcterpgenem, and hence every
explanation which traces them to different grounds, as e.g. that
of Michaelis, Mos. R. iv. § 218 ff, is to be rejected at once as
false. Even Winer, R. W. ii. p. 652, finds the principle of them
in the desire " to set before the soul of the Israelites, by four
perpetually recurring necessities of life, the idea that unnatural
unions are a trespass against God, the author of nature;"
similarly Ewald, Alterthiimer, p. 214— On the obscure word
Tacayc', which denotes the material of garments of mixed wool and
linen, see the various meanings in Eoediger in Gesen. Thes. s.v. —
The Talmudic precepts regarding the heterogenea in Mishna
Kilaim are some of them very petty, and calculated to limit and
evade the law. More on the subject in Hottinger. Juris Hebr.
leges, p. 374 sqq. — On the prohibition to castrate beasts, comp.
§ 121, note 9.
(2) In the first half of this verse : " bb\>r\ i6 B'ri'ps, Elohim
thou shalt not curse," Josephus {Antiq. iv. 8. 10 ; C. Ap. ii. 33)
and Philo (vit. Mos. iii. p. 684; de monarch, p. 818) understand
by Elohim the gods of other peoples. Decidedly false, derived
from the syncretism of the Hellenists. — Onkelos, Jonathan, Aben
Ezra, Easchi, and many older theologians down to Michaelis,
Mos. R. v. J 251, and Saalschutz, Mos. R. p. 496, apply it to
judges and magistrates, referring to Ex. xxi. 6. Only from the
fact that the judgment is God's (Deut. i. 17), so that he who
stands to be judged comes before God (Ex. xxi. 6; Deut. xix. 17),
it does not follow that Elohim in our passage denotes judges or
magistrates. Here the strict meaning .God can be maintained.
God shall not be blasphemed, nor a prince among the people
cursed. Inasmuch as princes are God's representatives on the

380 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
earth, the cursing of them indirectly involves a blaspheming of
God. Comp. Mich. Baumgarten on Ex. xxii. 27.
(3) Founding on this passage, the Jews from ancient times
have regarded it as an offence worthy of death to pronounce
the name nin<, Jahve (Jehovah), so that the Alexandrine trans
lators substituted for it o xupiog, and the Hebrew Jews read for
it Adonai or Elohim. In doing so, they started from the right
view, that apa does not mean — as the more modern lexicons
and commentaries say — also to curse, but only to pronounce.
They were mistaken, however, in so far as they overlooked how
the : " whosoever pronounces the name of Jehovah," is limited
by being brought under the general case : whosoever curseth
his God shall bear his sin (ver. 15) ; and partly also by its
reference to the case of blasphemy in question (ver. 11). For,
thus limited, it means: whosoever pronounces the name of
Jehovah blaspheming, as the offender had done. Comp. Heng
stenberg, Beitrage, ii. p. 223.
(4) For more exact particulars regarding the curse, see
§ 70, 1.
(5) Eegarding image-worship, idolatry, and the various kinds
of sorcery, comp. § 90 and 91.

THIED SECTION.
Israel's political standing toward other peoples.
§ 157. International Relations. Treaties.
Israel, as the Lord's covenant people, was no doubt to hold
aloof from heathen influences and from idolaters. It was con
fined within itself, both by the geographical situation of the
land allotted to it by the Lord (§ 8), and by the occupation
assigned to it in that land of farming and rearing cattle ; and
it was protected against that mixing with other peoples which
would have endangered its nationality and theocratic mission.
But it was by no means intended that it should live wholly
isolated and cut off from intercourse with other nations, espe
cially those on its borders ; but only that it should seek its
development independently under its God-given constitution,
so as to be able to fulfil its task in the history of the world
of cherishing the knowledge of the true God, and of thereby

§ 157. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. TREATIES. 301
preparing for the salvation of the nations. But many friendly
as well as hostile relations to other peoples were so far from
being thereby excluded, that they were intended to be means
in the divine plan of guiding Israel to its destination, and
training it for its divine calling (1).
Even the patriarchs entered into international relations
with the peoples of Canaan, concluding treaties and covenants
with the inhabitants of the land and its princes to secure
their subsistence in the territory which had been promised
them for an inheritance, but not yet given to them in actual
possession, Gen. xiv. 13, xxi. 27, 32, xxvi. 28, xxxi. 44. The
Mosaic legislation, too, teaches Israel not only to respect and
love strangers, Ex. xxii. 20, xxiii. 9, Lev. xix. 33 f., Deut.
x. 18, 19, but also to acknowledge foreign peoples within their
territory. Though the law repeatedly inculcates on the
Israelites to root out the nations of Canaan, which, because of
their abominations, had fallen under God's judgment (2), and
to make no covenant with them (Ex. xxiii. 32 f., xxxiv. 12 ff. ;
Deut. vii. 1 ff), yet it forbids them at the same time to make
war on the other peoples — Edomites, Ammonites, and Moabites
— or to conquer their land, Deut. ii. 4 ff, 9 and 19. — In
general, Israel is not to set itself to make conquests, but to
apply itself peacefully in its own land to the service of its
God, and to enjoy the fruits of the soil. Accordingly, it is
nowhere forbidden in the law to form friendly and peaceful
relations with other peoples, nor even to maintain peace with
them by covenants and treaties. Thus David entered into
friendly relations with the Tyrian king Hiram (2 Sam. v. 11),
with the Ammonite king Hanun (2 Sam. x. 2) ; and Solomon
made a treaty with Hiram to receive from him materials and
builders for his temple (1 Kings v. 15 ff), without falsifying
or endangering their theocratic standing by these treaties and
covenants (3). As little was commercial intercourse with
other peoples forbidden to the Israelites, though they were not
to be a commercial people (comp. § 128). The law expressly
allows them to take usury from foreigners (Deut. xxiii. 20),
and presupposes mercantile relations to such, when, e.g., it is
promised that they shall lend to many peoples (Deut. xv. 6).
It merely limits their intercourse with foreigners as far as
was necessary to protect Israel, in keeping with its destina-

382 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
tion, from seduction to idolatry and falling away into
heathenism. Covenants were not only concluded with an oath (Gen.
xxvi. 28, xxxi. 53 ; Josh. ix. 15 ; 2 Kings xi. 4), but, after
an ancient Chaldee custom (4), confirmed by slaughtering and
cutting a victim into two halves, between wliich the parties
passed, to intimate that if either of them broke the covenant,
it should fare with him as with the slain and divided beast
(Gen. xv. 9 ff. ; Jer. xxxiv. 18 f.). Hence to make a cove
nant is called rpa rna, opicia refivetp, fadus icere, ferire, per-
cutere. Moreover, the covenanting parties were wont to have
a common meal (Gen. xxvi. 30 f., xxxi 54; comp. 2 Sam.
iii, 20 with ver. 12), or at least to partake of salt (some
grains of it), to make the covenant a covenant of salt (Num.
xviii. 19 ; 2 Chron. xiii. 5), i.e. inviolably secure (5).
(1) This divine plan is clearly declared in Judg. ii. 6-23,
where it is said, ver. 21 ff. : God did no more drive out any
from before them, of the nations which Joshua left when he
died, that by them He might prove Israel whether they would
keep the way of the Lord, to walk therein or not. Comp.
also § 7.
(2) To the peoples who were to be rooted out belonged also
the Amalekites, Ex. xvii. 14, 16, Deut. xxv. 17-19, " because
they as the first of the heathen nations (aia JT'B'Ni, Num. xxiv.
20) had attacked Israel with treacherous malice after its
glorious deliverance from Egypt, and thus laid their hand on
the throne of God." Comp. Hengstenberg, Beitrr. iii. p. 309 f.
(3) Even the treaty which the Gibeonites had obtained by
guile from the Israelites was kept by Joshua and (he princes of
the congregation, so that they were not rooted out, but only to
punish their treachery, made hewers of wood and drawers of
water to the congregation, or slaves to the sanctuary, Josh. ix. ;
comp. my comm. on ver. 18. — The prophets, however, rightly
censured and contended against those treaties, by which Israel,
distrusting the help of its God, sought to find unreliable support
(Isa. xxxvi. 6) against the invasion of the great world-powers,
because they only contributed to hasten its destruction, Isa.
viii. 5 ff, xxx. 1 f., xxxi. 1, etc.; comp. also 2 Kings xx.
12 ff
(4) Ephraem Syr. remarks on Gen. xv. 9 {Opp. i p. 161) :
" Mores gentis Chaldaeorum istud ferebant, ut juraturi per
dissecta victimarum cadavera, certo utrinque ordine ac loco
disposita transirent et singuli praescripta verborum formula ita

§ 158. ARMY AND ARMS. 383
precarentur: faxit Deus ne similem exitum ipse feram." The
same custom prevailed among the ancient Greeks and Mace
donians. Comp. Dougtaei, Analect. sacr. i p. 68 sq ; and Winer,
R.W. i p. 201. Among other peoples, Medes, Lydians,
Armenians, Arabs, Scythians, the parties to a treaty were wont
to draw blood from their veins and to drink or lick it (Winer,
ubi supra). This custom is unknown to the Israelites, for
there is no reference to it in Ps. xvi. 4. On covenanting with
Jehovah, comp. § 54.
(5) Though the expression covenant of salt, in the passages
quoted, is used only of a covenant with God, and denotes only
an inviolable covenant, yet it presupposes the eating of salt in
connection with covenants, as a custom known to the Israelites.
The custom has continued among the Arabs to the present day.
Comp. Schultz, Leitungen des Hochsten, v. p. 247 ; and' Knobel
on Lev. ii. 13.
§ 158. Army and Arms.
Israel was not to be a conquering people. Yet at the
beginning of its exaltation it had to take the land promised
to it for an inheritance by force of arms. Not only so, it had
to defend itself against hostile attacks, first in the wilderness,
and later in its own land. Hence Israel marched out of
Egypt, Ex. xii. 41, xiii. 18, as the host of Jehovah armed
(B^iDn) (1). As such, the people were arranged according to
their tribes and divisions of tribes on the march and in the
camp (Num. i— iv.) ; and every male Israelite from his twentieth
year onwards, when the numbering of the people took place,
was entered among those who should do military service (Num.
i 2 f., xxvi 2). From this service only the Levites were
exempted (Num. ii. 33) (2). All the rest were entered in the
muster rolls kept by the Shoterim (Num. i 18). As soon as
war broke out, the number of fighting men required for it was
collected from the different tribes and formed into an army,
the levy being made, no doubt, by the heads of the people
and the Shoterim, and by these placed on the field (3). — -The
army thus constituted, militia, was divided, probably in respect
of the different kinds of arms in which each was practised
(2 Chron. xiv. 8), into companies of thousands, hundreds, and
fifties, and for every company a leader, captain of thousands,
of hundreds, of fifties, was named (Num. xxxi. 14, 48 ;
1 Sam. viii. 12; 2 Kings i. 9) as commanding officer plpa),

384 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
and the entire force was put under a general p?nn IB' or
saxn 1B>). The provisioning of the army was laid on each
tribe so far as the warriors supplied by it were concerned, and
was seen to by a number of men from each (4). — -The Israelitish
army, from the time of Moses to that of David, consisted only
of footmen (1 Sam. xv. 4) ; and when the war was ended,
every one returned' to his house and business.
A beginning was made of a standing army soon after the
kingdom was set up. Saul chose for his wars, from the
entire population fit to bear arms, a body of 3000 men
(1 Sam. xiii. 2 f., xxiv. 3), which he completed by enlisting
strong and valiant men (1 Sam. xiv. 52). Besides his body
guard, David had a company (B'niaa, 2 Sam. xvi. 6, xx. 7),
formed of the 600 warriors who had gathered to him in his
wars with Saul (1 Sam. xxii. 2, comp. xxiii. 13, xxv. 13, and
2 Sam. xv. 18), from which his most noted captains were
selected (2 Sam. xxiii 8 ff.) (5). Moreover, he organized
from the people a national army in twelve divisions, each one
of which, consisting of 24,000 men, took service for a month
in the year (1 Chron. xxvii). Solomon strengthened the
military force of the kingdom by introducing horsemen and
war-chariots pail B'ena, 1 Kings v. 6 [iv. 26], and x. 26),
which he placed in the fenced cities, especially those on the
frontiers of the kingdom (1 Kings ix. 19) (6). — These arrange
ments were kept up by his successors, and by some of them
the military power was greatly strengthened in foot and horse
(2 Chron. xiv. 8, xvii. 14 ff, xxv. 5, xxvi 11 ff. ; comp.
1 Kings xvi 9 ; 2 Kings viii. 21, xiii. 7 ; Isa. ii. 7 ; Micah
v. 9) ; sometimes also foreign troops were hired as auxiliaries
(2 Chron. xxv. 6 ff). — Further, this force was, strictly
speaking, only a national militia, not in constant service, but
in times of peace no doubt for most of the year at home
doing their agricultural work, and without pay. Even in war
their pay probably consisted only of supplies in kind and a
fixed portion of the spoil.
(1) Comp. on this word my comment, on Ex. xiii 18.
(2) Up to what age military duty lasted is nowhere stated in
he Old Testament ; according to Joseph. Antiq. iii. 12. 4, to
the fiftieth year — no doubt following the analogy of the time of
Levitical service, Num. iv. 2 f.

§ 158. ARMY AND ARMS. 385
(3) Thus, for the war against the Midianites each tribe pro
vides only 1000 men (Num. xxxi. 4) ; and the tribes of Eeuben,
Gad, and half Manasseh send only 40,000 over Jordan to help
their brethren to conquer Canaan, Josh. iv. 13. But the prin
ciple on which such levies proceeded is unknown to us. The
law ordains that any one who has built a new house and not
yet consecrated it, or who has planted a vineyard and not yet
enjoyed it, or who has betrothed a wife and not yet taken her
home, shall not go out to battle, but return and enjoy his house,
or his vineyard, and marry his wife (Deut. xx. 5-7). Even the
faint-hearted were to be dismissed by the Shoterim, lest they
should make the hearts of their brethren fearful (ver. 8). But
often, especially on occasion of sudden invasions by a strong
enemy, the whole population was called to arms by messengers
sent out (Judg. vi. 35), or by sound of trumpet and signals
planted on the mountains (Ba), Judg. iii. 27, vi. 34, vii 24 ;
1 Sam. xi 7, etc. In this way enormous armies were brought
together ; comp. Judg. xx. 2, 17 ; 1 Sam. xi. 8, xv. 4 ; 2 Sam.
xxiv. 9 ; 1 Chron. xxiv. 9 ; 2 Chron. xiii. 3, xiv. 7, xvii. 14 ff,
xxvi. 13 ; though in some of these passages the numbers of our
present text are certainly corrupt. Comp. my Apologet. Vers.
lib. die Chronik, p. 321 ff.
(4) This is clear from Judg. xx. 10, where the tribes
assembled for war against Benjamin appoint every tenth man
from the different tribes to see to the victualling of the troops ;
and from 1 Sam. xvii. 17 f., where Jesse sends provisions for
his sons in the field. On the other hand, it cannot be inferred
from 2 Sam. xvii. 27 ff'., that the neighbouring places saw to
the support cf the troops when encamped. For what is here
related sprang from love to the fugitive king and his faithful
followers, and from sympathy with their wants.
(5) This guard, or the dlite of them, who formed the royal
satellites, was called 'b6b>, 2 Sam. xxiii. 8, 18 ; 1 Kings ix. 22 ;
2 Kings x. 25. Comp. my comment, and that of Thenius on
2 Sam. xxiii. 8. Ewald's opinion (Geschichte, iii. p. 178 f.), which
Winer takes to be probable, that D'BW denotes the thirty officers
of the guard, consisting of 600 men, is wholly disproved by
2 Sam. xxiii. 8, 18.
(6) The Pharaohs even in Moses' time had horsemen and
chariots, Ex. xiv. 6, 7 ; also the Canaanites in the plains of
Palestine, Josh. xi. 4, xvii. 16 ; Judg. i 19, iv. 3. These as
well as the Philistines (1 Sam. xiii. 5), and later the Syrians
(2 Sam. x. 18 ; 1 Kings xx. 1, xxii. 31 ; 2 Kings vi. 14 f.), were
formidable to the Israelites, because of these forces, though
they could only be used with success on plains. Since Israel
was not to put its trust in horses and chariots, and its king was
keil n. 2 B

386 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
not to keep many horses (Deut. xvii. 16), David caused the
riding and chariot horses taken from the Syrians to be houghed
(2 Sam. viii. 4). To judge from the illustrations of Egyptian and
Assyrian monuments (comp. Wilkinson, Manners, etc., i. pp. 336,
338, 354, and 385 ; and Layard, Nineveh and its Remains, ii. p.
348 ff, fig. facing p. 350, and fig. facing p. 137), the war-chariots
were two - wheeled, and made for one, or most generally two
warriors, who fought standing, and a driver. They were drawn
by two horses, beside which a third ran, to take the place
should one of them be wounded or killed, so that 4000 horses
stand in proportion to 1400 chariots (2 Chron. i 14, comp. with
ix. 25). Iron war-chariots (fyia 3ai, Josh. xvii. 16, 18, etc.) are
hardly to be regarded as having been wholly of iron, but only
heavily plated with it. They were not yet, however, provided
with scythes or sickles attached to the wheels {ap^ara bpe-
wavnpopa, 2 Mace. xiii. 2, currus falcati) to mow down the
infantry of the enemy. More on this subject, see in Jac.
Lydii Syntagma sacr. de re milit., ed. S. van Till, Dordr. 1698,
p. 131 sqq. ; and the more recent literature in Winer, R. W. ii.
p. 670 f.
In their wars with the Seleucidae the Jews under the Macca
bees had also to contend against trained elephants in the Syrian
army, 1 Mace. iii. 34, vi 30 ff. ; 2 Mace. xi. 4, xiii. 2, etc. The
war elephants used to carry on their backs a wooden tower, in
which were three to four or five soldiers (not thirty-two, as is
mistakenly given 1 Mace. vi. 37), and they were guided by a
driver called b"lvbog (1 Mace. vi. 37); because India supplied not
only the best elephants, but also the best drivers. Before going
into battle they were maddened with an intoxicating drink
made of the juice of grapes and mulberries (1 Mace. vi. 34), or
with wine seasoned with incense (3 Mace. v. 2), which was held
up or given to them ; comp. Winer, R. W., art. " Elephant," and
my comment, on 1 Mace. vi. 34 ff
The arms of the Israelites under Moses and Joshua were
simple ; their whole armour at that time consisted most
probably of weapons of offence, — sword, spear or lance, and
bow. The patriarchs even had sword and bow (Gen.
xlviii. 22). The sword pin), kept in a sheath pyn, 1 Sam.
xvii. 51, or ]1J>, 1 Chron. xxi. 27; Ofay, John xviii. 11),
fastened to a girdle on the left thigh, sometimes two-edged
(ni^a p^, Judg. iii. 16 ; Bio-to/ios, Heb. iv. 12), was used for
cutting down and piercing (1 Sam. xxxi. 4; 2 Sam. ii. 16,
xx. 10, etc.). The javelin or spear and the lance (np'i, npn,
and fli"1?), the difference between which cannot be exactly

§ 158. ARMY AND ARMS. 387
determined (7), consisted of a wooden shaft pn or H?) pointed
with iron or brass (1 Sam. xvii. 7; 2 Sam. xxi. 19), and
were the most common weapons for stabbing or thrusting,
but were also thrown to a distance (1 Sam. xviii. 11, xix. 10,
xx. 33). — The bow (ntPp) was of tough wood or brass (2 Sam.
xxii. 35 ; Job xx. 24), and its string ("tfV or UVp, Ps. xi 2,
xxi. 13) was stretched with the hand, the foot being used to
bend the bow ppp Vj\, 1 Chron. v. 18 ; Ps. vii. 13). The
arrows (B"sn) were kept in a quiver (bn or na^s), which was
carried on the back, and they were sometimes wrapped round
with combustible material and shot when lighted (Ps. vii. 14).
— Very ancient also is the use of the sling (y?g), arising from
shepherd life (1 Sam. xvii. 40), as a weapon of war, in the
use of which the Benjamites were specially distinguished
(Judg. xx. 16), as they were also good bowmen (1 Chron.
viii. 40, xii. 2 ; 2 Chron. xiv. 7, xvii. 17) (8).
To these were added as weapons of defence : shield, helmet,
coat of mail, greaves, and war-boots, which the Israelites first
came to use when the making of arms became a profession,
and the kings organized standing armies. The earliest men
tioned is the shield ; but (apart from Gen. xv. 1 and Deut.
xxxiii. 29, where the word is used figuratively) it first
appears as a weapon borne by Israelites in the song of
Deborah (Judg. v. 8), next by the valiant men who gathered
round David when persecuted by Saul, and of whom some
were armed (1 Chron. xii. 8, 24 and 34) with target and
lance pp'"t), the rest with target and spear (rwn). On the
size, form, and material of the common shield of the Israelites
we have no exact information. From the words used for it,
nay and tap, by comparison of 1 Kings x. 16 f., and 2 Chron.
ix. 16, we learn thus much only, that nay, tzinnah, was the
target, scutum, the larger shield which covered the whole body ;
|ap, magen, clypeus, the smaller one. In form, as among the
Syrians and other peoples, they were sometimes oval, some
times round, made of wood or wicker-work, and covered with
leather or tin, or of thick untanned ox or camel leather, which
was saturated with oil (2 Sam. i 21) ; in exceptional cases, of
brass (1 Sam. xvii. 6) and gold, i.e. plated with gold (1 Mace.
vi. 39) (9). On the march they were carried on the shoulder;
in action, on the left arm by means of a thong. — The helmet (yaip

388 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
or Wia, trepiKe^aXaia, Eph. vi. 1 7) and the coat of mail (li'lt?,
IJiB', Bmpaj;) were worn under Saul only by champions, leaders
and kings (1 Sam. xvii. 38 ; 1 Kings xxii. 34). Even under
Asa the Israelitish host is still armed with targets, shields,
spears, and bows (2 Chron. xiv. 7) ; but under Uzziah, with
shields, spears, helmets, coats of mail, bows, and slings (2 Chron.
xxvi. 14; comp. Neh. iv. 10). The helmets and coats of
mail of the champions were of brass (1 Sam. xvii 5, 38), of
copper scales (B'tS'pb'p, 1 Sam. xvii. 5), or set with scales of
brass (lorica squamata) ; in the case of the common soldier
the helmet was of leather, and the coat knitted or woven of
linen cords and provided with a plate of tin under the
breast (10). — Greaves pn¥P), for covering the leg, of brass,
widely known in antiquity, are mentioned in the Old Testa
ment only in the case of Goliath (1 Sam. xvii. 6) ; and the
war-boot (fi^B), a sort of half boot made of leather studded
with strong nails, only in Isa. ix. 4, so that the two pieces
do not seem to have belonged to the common armour of the
Israelites (11).
(7) Since npn is mentioned so early as in the wilderness
(Num. xxv. 7, comp. also Judg. v. 8), whereas the npn is first
mentioned in the Books of Samuel, we might incline to take
both words for different designations of the same piece of
armour But decisive against this is 1 Chron. xii., where the
children of Judah who come to David at Hebron bear target
and np'i (ver. 24, comp. ver. 8) ; but the men of Naphtali target
and npn (ver. 34), whence noi and roan must have been different.
Probably npi is a lance, a short iron or brazen pike ; npn, spear,
a long pike with wooden shaft pointed with brass or iron, which
was also used for throwing. — Also different from Ivan was the
JiTa (1 Sam. xvii. 6 and 45), a word which the ancients explain
very variously (comp. Bocharti Hieroz. i p. 135 sqq); but
which, as Bochart has shown, does not denote the shield but
an offensive weapon ; perhaps a small javelin of brass. Comp.
on the Egyptian javelin, Weiss, Kostumk. i. p. 57 f.
(8) The sling consisted of a cord formed of twisted thread
or plaited hair, in the' middle of which was a broad leather
thong to receive the stone. In using it the slinger took hold
of the two ends of the cord, swung the sling once or twice
round his head, and then let fly the stone, hitting the mark
at a distance of six hundred paces. Comp. Winer, R. W., art.

§ 158. ARMY AND ARMS. 389
" Schleuder ; " and Eiehm's Hdwb., art. " Bogen ; " also Layard,
Nineveh and its Remains, ii. p. 344, fig. same page; and on
Egyptian bows and slings, Weiss, Kostumk. i p. 56 f.
(9) Two other words for shield are used, ninb, Ps. xci. 4,
poetical, and tabs', probably the ornamental shield, 2 Sam.
viii. 7 ; 2 Kings xi. 10 ; Song of Sol. iv. 4 ; comp. Gesenii
Thes. s.v. — The golden shields, which are mentioned in connec
tion with the equipment of armies (1 Mace. vi. 39), were most
probably only gilt ; on the contrary, those of the generals of
Hadadezer, 2 Sam. viii. 7, and those which Solomon made
(1 Kings x. 16 f., and xiv. 26), are to be regarded as ornamental
pieces of massive gold, such as were later sent to Eome as gifts,
1 Mace. xiv. 24, xv. 18. Brazen shields also occur only in
connection with leaders and royal guards, 1 Sam. xvii. 6, and
1 Kings xiv. 28. The shields of the Assyrians were sometimes
round, sometimes oval, made of hides, wicker-work, or metal,
and of various sizes ; comp. Layard, ubi supra, p. 344 f. ; and
Weiss, Kostumk. i p. 211 f. Those of the ancient Egyptians
were oblong, and only rounded above; comp. Wilkinson, i
p. 298 ff. ; and Weiss, ubi supra, p. 54 f. — In the Eoman period
the Jews had egg-shaped shields ; see the illustrations on coins
in Jahn, Bibl. Archaol. ii. 2, taf. xi. 6. 8.
(10) The helmets of the Assyrians were of tin or brass, and
of very different shapes, pointed or conical or circular caps ;
comp. Layard, ii. p. 338 f. ; and Weiss, p. 212 f. — The ancient
Egyptians and other peoples of antiquity had linen breast
plates; comp. Wilkinson, iii. p. 382 f.; Hengstenberg, BB. Mos.
u. JEg. p. 146; and Weiss, p. 55. Among the ancient
Assyrians, those who fought in chariots round about the king
had coats of scale armour which reached to the ankles; the
scales were of tin, and probably fastened to a shirt of felt or
linen; comp. Layard, p. 335 f. ; and Weiss, p. 213 f. — In the
army of the Syrian Seleucidae, we read of chain armour and
brazen helmets (1 Mace. vi. 35).
(11) Greaves, xvnplbeg, of brass are already found in the armour
of the Homeric heroes {II. vii. 45) ; they were widely spread in
antiquity, and are said to have been invented by the Carians
(Winer, R.W. ii. p. 668). On the Assyrian monuments,
soldiers of Khorsabad wear gaiters, which seem to have
laced in front ; comp. Layard, p. 337, with fig. ; and on the
Assyrian war-boot, ibid. p. 323 f. and fig. a. Besides these,
comp. Gesenius on Isa. ix. 4; and Weiss, Kostumk. i p. 212 f.
After the exile, the Maccabees anew organized the Jewish
military system. Judas appointed captains over his companies
of a thousand, a hundred, fifty, and ten men, and following the

390 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
command of the law, allowed those to return home who had
built houses, betrothed wives, or were fearful (1 Mace. v. 55 f.).
Simon the Prince first hired an army at his own expense
(1 Mace. xiv. 32) ; John Hyrcanus enlisted also foreigners,
especially Arabs (Joseph. Antiq. xiii. 8. 4); and, conversely, Jews
entered into foreign military service (1 Mace. xvi. 36). At
a later time the princes, especially the Herodians, were forced
to use foreign soldiers to hold in check the parties among
the Jews, and to uphold their power, till at length Eoman
legions were required to keep the peace in the land (12).
(12) See further particulars in Winer, R.W. i p. 684 f.

§ 159. Conduct of War.
In more ancient times, unless the Israelites were attacked
or surprised by enemies (Ex. xvii. 8 ; Num. xxi. 1), they
undertook wars only by divine command (Num. xxxi. 1 ;
Josh. i. 1 ff.) ; or, after consulting the divine will by the high
priest (Judg. i 1, xx. 18 ; comp. 1 Sam. xiv. 37, xxiii. 2,
xxviii. 6), or by a prophet (1 Kings xxii. 6 f. ; 2 Chron.
xviii. 4). The campaign was generally opened in spring
(2 Sam. xi. 1). The army did not go out to war without
having with it the ark of the covenant as the symbol of
Jehovah's presence, on the ground of Num. x. 3 5, that Jehovah
might walk in the midst of it, and help it to overcome the
enemy (Deut. xxiii. 14, comp. with Num. xiv. 42 — 44;
1 Sam. iv. 4 ff., xiv. 18 ; 2 Sam. xi. 11) (1). With the
army there were, in accordance with Num. x. 9, priests with
silver trumpets, to be blown when the attack was made, that
Jehovah might remember His people and give victory (Num.
xxxi. 6 ; 2 Chron. xiii. 12 ; 1 Mace. xvi. 8). Hence the
camp was to be kept clean ; and if any one had been rendered
unclean by some occurrence during the night, he must leave
the camp, and not return until he had been purified (Deut.
xxiii. 10-15).
As to the plan and arrangements of the camp, we lack more
exact information. From the disposition of the Mosaic camp
in the wilderness (Num. ii.), we can only conclude, so far with
certainty regarding the simple war-camp, that the ark with the

§ 159. CONDUCT OF WAR. 391
priests was in the midst of it. The troops, however, were no
doubt arranged less by tribes than by the similarity of the
arms they bore ; and the form of the camp, which was guarded
by outposts (Judg. vii 1 9 ; 1 Mace. xii. 2 7), differed accord
ing to the ground (2).
(1) Euetschi, in PRE. viii. p. 87, is mistaken in affirming
that there is not a trace of the taking of the ark to war after
its capture by the Philistines (1 Sam. iv. 4 ff). It is not till
after" David's time that we have no certain instance, as Heng-
stengberg, Psalmen, ii. [E. tr. T. & T. Clark], has rightly
remarked, in opposition to Movers, Bibl. Chron. p. 289.
(2) Winer infers, R.W. i 681, from the analogy of the
camps of the Bedouins (Arvieux, iii. p. 214) and ancient
Greeks (Xenophon, Rep. Laced. 12. 1), that it was round in
shape ; and this is not improbable. Only no proof for this can
be drawn from the bayp, 1 Sam. xvii. 20, xxvi. 5 ; for this word,
interpreted very variously even by the ancients, may mean
in 1 Sam. xxvi. 5, the waggon fortification (comp. Kalkar,
Qumstionwm bibl. spec. ii. p. 52), if it is not to be identified
with the magalia of the Numidians, denoting the camp-tent.
Comp. Gesenii Monumm. phamic. p. 392 ; and Thesaur. p. 989.
The beginning of hostilites was generally, though not
always, preceded by negotiations and declarations of war (Judg.
xi. 12 ff. ; 1 Kings xx. 2 ff. ; 2 Kings xiv. 8). Immediately
before battle a sacrifice was offered with due formalities (1 Sam.
vii. 9, xiii. 9 ff.) ; then by a priest (Deut. xx. 2 ff), or by the
commander himself (2 Chron. xx. 20), a stirring speech was
addressed to the troops ; and after these preliminaries (Judg.
vii. 1 9 ff. ; comp. Josh. vi. 2 0) the battle was begun with a
terrible war-cry (nynn, 1 Sam. xvii. 52 ; Isa. xiii. 13, etc.) (3).
— The order of battle p3"JJ|P, 1 Sam. iv. 2, xvii. 8) seems to
have consisted simply of putting the army in line, but so
that the centre and two wings formed separate divisions
under distinct leaders, who attacked the enemy simul
taneously in the front and on the flanks (4) (Judg.
vii. 16, 20; 1 Sam. xi. 11; 2 Sam. xviii. 2; comp.
1 Mace. v. 33), and they fought man to man, personal
dexterity and bravery deciding the day. Not unfrequently
also it was sought to conquer the enemy by a sudden night
attack (Judg. vii. 16 ff.), by laying an ambush (Josh.
viii. 2, 12 ; Judg. xx. 36 ; 1 Sam. xv. 5 ; comp. 2 Kings

392 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
vii. 12 ff), or by circumventing the line (2 Sam. v. 23).
Spies were also sent out to ascertain the position, strength,
and disposition of the enemy, and to ensure as far as possible
the success of the attack (Josh. ii. 1 ff, vi 22 ; Judg: vii 1 1 ff. ;
1 Sam. xxvi. 4 ; 1 Mace. v. 38, xii. 26). — Sometimes the
general engagement was opened with a duel, and victory
decided beforehand by its result (1 Sam. xvii. ; 2 Sam.
ii. 14 ff). Commanders and kings were wont to stimulate
to such bold deeds of arms by proclaiming a large reward
(Josh. xv. 16 ; Judg. i 12 ; 1 Sam. xvii. 25 ff, xviii 25 f. ;
2 Sam. xviii. 11; 1 Chron. xi. 6). — If the enemy was put
to flight, he was pursued by the victorious troops, till the
trumpet (laic?) gave the signal to halt and to return to the camp
(2 Sam. ii. 28, xviii. 16, xx. 22), which had been protected
during the tight against hostile attacks and surprises by a
garrison left in it (1 Sam. xxx. 24).
(3) As among almost all the peoples of antiquity ; comp.
Dougtaei, Analect. sacr. i. p. 74 sq.
(4) The term wings (B?aaa) of an army is used so early as by
Isa. viii. 8 ; comp. Gesenius on the passage. — The formation
of four divisions is unusual, 2 Mace. viii. 22.
War was protracted by the siege of strong fortresses. When
the Israelites came before a city outside of Canaan, to make
war on it, they were required to summon it to peace, i.e. to
peaceful surrender ; and if on this summons it opened its
gates, they were to make all the inhabitants tributary and
subject. But if it rejected their proposals, it was to be
besieged. If now it was taken, all the male inhabitants were
to be slain with the edge of the sword, and women, children,
cattle, and all possessions taken as spoil, Deut. xx. 10-15. —
In connection with a siege p^p), the law allowed only those
trees to be felled which did not yield edible fruit ; fruit trees,
on the other hand, it commanded to be spared (Deut.
xx. 19 f.). The siege began with drawing a line of
circumvallation pivp naa, Deut. xx. 20) (5), to cut off all
access to the besieged, and with throwing up a rampart
gradually approaching the fortress p??B TjaB-', 2 Sam. xx. 15;
2 Kings xix. 32), therefrom to make breaches with battering-
rams (B^ia, arietes, Ezek. iv. 2, xxi. 27) and other machines

§ 159. CONDUCT OF WAR. 393
{fiyxavai, 1 Mace. xi. 20), and finally to scale the walls with
ladders (6). On the other hand, the besieged sought partly
to protect themselves by strengthening their walls (Isa.
xxii. 10), partly by sallies to destroy the siege works (1 Mace.
vi. 31), partly to injure the enemy and prevent the taking of
the city by shooting arrows (2 Sam. xii. 24), hurling down
stones and beams from the walls (Judg. ix. 5 3 ; 2 Sam.
xi. 21), for which special machines for the purpose were used
in later times (niaatfri, 2 Chron. xxvi. 15) (7). Thus the
sieges of strong and bravely defended cities were often greatly
protracted, till at last they were reduced by hunger (8). —
Cities taken by storm were sometimes utterly destroyed, and
the houses levelled to the ground (Judg. ix. 45; 1 Mace.
v. 51 f.), but often also they were only spoiled of their
treasures and their walls torn down (1 Kings xiv. 26;
2 Kings xiv. 14, xxiv. 13).
(5) The expression lisp naa, to build siege works (bulwarks),
or lisp fro, to make bulwarks, Ezek. iv. 2, denotes only in
general the erecting of siege works, which perhaps in more
ancient times consisted merely of throwing up a rampart
of earth, wood, and palings. Thus, 2 Sam. xx. 15, in the
siege of Abel Beth Maachah only the throwing up of a ram
part is mentioned (comp. also 2 Kings xix. 32). Not till
their wars with the Assyrians, who were highly advanced in
military tactics and siege operations, did the Israelites become
acquainted with artificial bulwarks. This embraces' the
building of the p^i and the planting of battering-rams (B'na),
1 Kings xxv. 1 ; Ezek. iv. 2, xxi. 17, etc. — Against the view
defended by Gesenius (Thes.), Winer, etc., that pi denotes
watch-tower, speculoz, turres speculatorim, is the constant use of
the singular, and the accompanying a^aa, to build round about
(comp. Hitzig on Jer. Iii. 4). The word rather seems to denote
the artificial line of circumvallation, the entrenchment round
the besieged city, under protection of which the besiegers
carried on their operations, in contradistinction to n^a las'
(Ezek. xxi. 17, xxvi. 8), throwing up a rampart by heaping up
earth (Hab. i 10), which was made to rise gradually in height
from the line of circumvallation toward the city, If the castle
was built upon a natural or artificial eminence, an inclined
plane reaching to the summit of the mound was formed of
earth, stones, or trees, and the besiegers were then able to bring
their engines to the foot of. the walls. This road was not un-

394 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
frequently covered with bricks, forming a kind of paved way,
up which the ponderous machines could be drawn without
much difficulty (Layard, ubi supra, ii. p. 366 f.). These ramparts
(approches) "not only enabled the besiegers to push their
battering-rams up to the castle, but at the same time to escalade
the walls, the summit of which might otherwise have been
beyond the reach of their ladders" {ibid. p. 367). — The battering-
rams, with which the Chaldeans fought against Jerusalem, no
doubt came from the Assyrians, on whose monuments various
kinds appear, some of them moveable towers with four or six
wheels, which were occupied by armed soldiers, and equalled in
height the towers of the besieged city. They were formed of a
frame covered with wicker-work, and provided with a battering-
ram. " The artificial towers were usually occupied by two
warriors ; one discharged his arrows against the besieged . . .
the other held up a shield for his companion's defence." Or
again, they were simple frames without a tower, having a sort
of drapery with fringes, or covered with hides, moving on
wheels, and provided with two rams. Comp. Layard, ubi supra,
ii. p. 369 f., figs, on pp. 368 and 369. The latter kind is also
represented on Egyptian monuments ; comp. Wilkinson, i p. 360.
A peculiar, singularly strong, and almost irresistible kind of
siege machine was used by Simon the Prince in the siege of
Gaza, 1 Mace. xiii. 43 ff, under the name IXeiroXic, which
Demetrius Poliorcetes is said to have invented, and Ammianus
Marcell. xxiii. 4. 10, has described more particularly. Comp.
Grimm, Exeget. Hdb. on the passage.
(6) The scaling of the walls was the oldest, and even among
the Assyrians the commonest, way of taking a fortress. On the
Assyrian bas-reliefs, which show neither the battering-ram nor
any other machine, ladders are seen reaching up to the battle
ments, on which several persons could mount together. " Whilst
warriors, armed with the sword and spear, scaled the walls,
archers, posted at the foot of the ladders, kept the enemy in
check, and drove them from the walls." Layard, p. 372 f.,
and fig. facing.
(7) The artificial hurling-machines ptp'n ne>yp niaaE'n, machvnm
opus ingeniatoris), which Uzziah set up on his towers and
battlements "to shoot arrows and large stones" (2 Chron.
xxvi. 15), were a kind of catapults or ballistae, which, according
to Plinii Hist. not. vii. 56, the Greeks and Eomans adopted
from the Phoenicians and Syrians. See the description and
representation of them in Jahn's Bibl. Archaol. ii. 2, p. 430 ff.
The undermining of walls, or laying down mines and con
cealed approaches, by which an entrance could be forced into
a stronghold, is represented so early as on Assyrian monuments

§ 160. VICTORY, ITS CELEBRATION, AND CONCLUSION OF PEACE. 395
(Layard, p. 371) ; but it is nowhere mentioned or referred to in
the Old Testament, but certainly in the LXX. Jer. Ii. 58 (comp.
Eosenmiiller, ad h. I.), and more clearly in Josephus, de bell.
jud. ii. 17. 8.
(8) Thus the Assyrians besieged Samaria three years (2 Kings
xvii. 5) ; the Chaldeans, Jerusalem a year and a half (2 Kings
xxv. 1 ff). Comp. also 2 Kings vi. 25 ff, xviii. 27 ; Lam. iv. 10;
1 Mace. vi. 53 f.

§ 160. Victory, its Celebration, and Conclusion of Peace.
After the conquest of the Midianites under Moses, the
army returning from the war is commanded to remain with
its booty seven days outside the camp, to go through the
purification enjoined for contact with the dead, Num. xxxi. 1 3 ff.
This command was certainly intended to apply not only to
this one case, but to all wars carried on by God's people
with the heathen. Since the omission to make expiation for
uncleanness caused by death is threatened with cutting off
(Num. xix. 20), we may be sure that at the end of every war
no pious commander or ruler would fail to see to the theocratic
duty of making expiation for the army. This purification,
however, was certainly preceded (1 Kings xi. 15; Ezek.
xxxix. 11 ff.) by the burial, both of those who had fallen in
battle, and of the enemies who had been slain, after the latter
had been stripped (1 Sam. xxxi. 8 ; 2 Mace. viii. 2 7) ; for not
to be buried, but to be given as food to the fowls of heaven
and the beasts of the field, was not only regarded as a great
dishonour (1 Sam. xvii 44), but also as a severe divine
punishment (1 Kings xiv. 11, xvi. 4, xxi. 24 ; Jer. vii. 33, etc.).
Heroes, and leaders who had fallen, were honoured by the
mourning of the army, and by being buried in state in the
graves of their fathers (2 Sam. iii 31), their weapons no
doubt, according to the custom of other peoples, being laid in
the grave along with them (Ezek. xxxii. 37) (1).
Against besieged enemies, and especially those taken captive,
the Israelites exercised the harsh rights of war common among
the peoples of antiquity, which, however, were somewhat
tempered by the Mosaic law. For their wars against the
Canaanitish peoples, as well as against Israelitish cities which
had given themselves to idolatry, and fallen under the curse,

396 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
it was commanded to kill man and beast, and to burn all the
spoil, with the city itself, as a whole-offering py-?) to Jehovah
(Deut. xiii. 16 f.), and to give up incombustible things, like
metals, to the treasury of the sanctuary, without reserving any
part of the spoil, on penalty of themselves incurring the ban
(Josh. vi. 1 7 ff. ; comp. Deut. vii. 2 5 f.) (2). But for wars with
other peoples the command was only to kill men in arms ; but,
on the contrary, to take women, children, and cattle, with the
rest of the spoil, to themselves (Deut. xx. 1 3 f.). Of fighting
men taken captive, the leaders and princes, as a rule, were
killed with the sword, in wars of revenge also, all the captives
(Num. xxxi. 7 ; 2 Sam. xii. 3 1 , etc.) (3) ; in other cases,
however, they were made slaves, and treated according to the
mild law of slavery (comp. § 112). — In regard to the booty
in men, cattle, and goods taken in the conquest of the
Midianites, a division is enjoined between those who had gone
to the field and the whole congregation, into equal portions,
whereof the fighting men had to give the five-hundredth part
to the priests as a heave-offering to Jehovah, the rest of the
congregation the fiftieth part of their share to the Levites,
Num. xxxi. 25 ff. How far this ordinance was intended to
be a rule for after times cannot be determined. In the wars
carried on after the land was possessed, perhaps only the
custom raised by David to the rank of a rule, 1 Sam. xxx. 24,
held good : to divide the spoil into equal halves between
those who had fought in the field and those who had remained
behind to guard the camp; to devote a portion thereof,
especially gold, silver, and precious articles of metal, to the
sanctuary of Jehovah (2 Sam. viii. 7, 10 ff. ; 1 Chron. xxvi.
27 f.); also to assign a portion of the spoil to the oppressed,
the aged, widows, and orphans (2 Mace. viii. 28, 30). — The
division of the spoil was a joyous feast for the people, Isa.
ix. 2 (4).
(1) The proofs for this custom, in which, according to the
view of antiquity, high honour was paid to the dead, see in
Dougtaei, Analect. sacr. i p. 281 sq. ; and Havernick's Comment.
on Ezek. p. 534.
(2) In its full severity the ban was carried out on Jericho,
Josh. vi. 24 ; in the case of the other cities of Canaan the cattle
and other spoil along with the houses were given to the Israelites

§ 160. VICTORY, ITS CELEBRATION, AND CONCLUSION OF PEACE. 397
for a possession, so that the ban was to be executed only on man,
Josh. viii. 2 (comp. my comment.' on the passage), x. 28-40;
comp. Deut. ii. 34 f., iii. 6 f.
(3) The particular cases in which the Israelites take cruel
vengeance on their captive enemies, are always provoked by the
conduct of the enemy. If they cut off the thumbs and great
toes of the captive king Adonibezek, he himself recognises
therein the divine retribution, for he had seventy kings with
their thumbs and great toes cut off, who gathered the crumbs
under his table (Judg. i 6 f.). — If David, after taking Eabbah,
tore the captive Ammonites with saws and harrows, and burned
them in Mlns (2 Sam. xii 31 ; 1 Chron. xx. 3), he was taking
vengeance for an unheard-of enormity which cast contempt on
all international law, and which they had committed on his
ambassadors (2 Sam. x. 2 ff). — The conduct of Amaziah to the
Edomites, when he caused ten thousand captives of them to be
hurled from a rock, so that they were broken in pieces (2 Chron.
xxv. 12), was only a righteous punishment inflicted on these
hereditary enemies of God's people (Amos i 11 ; Obad. ver. 10 ff).
Finally, when Menahem after conquering Tiphsah caused the
women with child to be ripped up (2 Kings xv. 16), this was a
solitary outrage committed by a usurper, such as had been done
to the Israelites in every war by the Syrians (2 Kings viii. 12 ;
comp. 2 Mace. v. 13), Assyrians (Hos. x. 14, xiv. 1), Chaldees
(Isa. xiii. 16 ; comp. Nah. iii. 10), and even by the Ammonites
(Amos i. 3).
(4) Comp. Saalschutz, Mos. R. cap. 97 and 98.
Their triumph was celebrated by the theocratic commanders
and rulers with a religious thanksgiving, and the victory was
proclaimed in psalms to the glory of God (Ex. xv. ; Num. xxi.
14 ff, 27 ff. ; 2 Sam. xxii. ; 2 Chron. xx. 26-28 ; 1 Mace. iv.
24 ; Judith xvi. 1 ff.) ; while the people, especially the women,
met the returning victor with song, music, and dance, Judg.
xi. 34 ; 1 Sam. xviii 6 ff. — Some heroic deeds were rewarded
with gifts and distinctions (1 Sam. xviii. 25 ff; 2 Sam. xviii.
11), and sometimes also rare weapons taken as spoil were
hung up in the sanctuary (1 Sam. xxi. 9 ; 2 Kings xi. 10, and
1 Sam. xxxi. 10 ; 1 Chron. x. 10) (5).
(5) The erection of trophies as monuments of victory cannot
be concluded with certainty from 1 Sam. xv. 12 and 2 Sam.
viii. 13, for in the latter passage the interpretation is doubtful
(comp. Thenius on the passage), and neither is the monument
erected by Saul (1 Sam. xv. 12) designated as a trophy of
victory.

398 BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
Peace was concluded with conquered peoples only on con
dition of their becoming subject and paying tribute. As a
security for the fulfilment of these conditions, some of the
most distinguished were taken as hostages (2 Kings xiv. 14 ;
2 Chron. xxv. 24). Garrisons were also put in their strong
cities (2 Sam. viii. 6, 14). If the conquered craved mercy,
he appeared before his conqueror in mourning (sackcloth
about his loins), and with a rope round his neck in token of
unconditional surrender (1 Kings xx. 31 f.). Petty neigh
bouring princes also sent embassies with presents to the
conqueror, to congratulate him on his victory, and thereby
ensure his favour (2 Sam. viii. 10). — As to the formalities.
usual in concluding a peace, we have no information.

INDEX.

Acacia, i. 191.
Adonis, ii. 90, 91.
Adrammelech, ii. 97, 98.
Aduffe, ii. 286.
Adultery, ii. 171.
Agriculture, ii. 205.
Almond tree, i. 146, 149.
Alphabetic writing, ii. 259.
Altars, i. 57.
Amusements, ii. 184.
Anammelech, ii. 97.
Animals, smaller, i. 49.
Anklets, ii. 149.
Anointing, i. 422, ii. 145.
 of priests, i. 223.
 oil, i. 225, 422.
Aquatic animals, i. 48.
Araunah, i. 165.
Arbiters, ii. 345.
Architecture, ii. 287.
Ariel, ii. 84.
Armlet, ii. 149.
Arms, ii. 386.
Army, ii. 383.
Arrows, ii 387.
Ascara, i. 339.
Ash cakes, ii. 126.
Asherim, ii. 87, 88.
Asheroth, ii. 83.
Ashes of red heifer, i. 385.
Ashtaroth, ii. 83. v
Ashtoreth, ii. 87.
Asphalt, ii. 252.
Asses (coins), ii. 245.
Asses, i. 47.
Astarte, ii. 83, 87.
Asylum, ii. 373.
Atergatis, ii. 91.
Atonement, day of, ii. 40.
Atthar, ii. 88.
Azazel, ii. 43.
Azereth, ii. 39.
Baal, Baalim, ii. 83, 84.
Baal-Peor, ii. 84.
Baal of covenants, ii. 84.
Bagpipes, ii. 283.
Baitulia, i. 62.

Balsam, i. 43.
Bamoth, ii. 72.
Ban, i. 446, ii. 395.
Banishment, ii. 361, 363.
Bat, ii. 121.
Bath (measure), ii. 235.
Baths, ii. 144.
Battering-rams, ii. 392.
Battle, order of, ii. 391.
Beard, ii. 145.
Bee -culture, ii. 220.
Beelzebub, ii. 84, 86.
Bel, ii. 95.
Benediction, i. 457.
Berosus, i. 10, 11.
Birds, i. 49.
Bitter herbs, ii. 22.
Blasphemy, ii. 377, 380.
Blood, eating of, ii. 115, 123.
 issues of, i. 401.
 revenge, ii. 356, 370.
 sprinkling, i. 270.
Boaz, i. 166, 177.
Body, injuries of, ii. 367.
Bohak, ii. 191.
Booths, ii. 104.
Bosom, ii. 138.
Bow, ii. 386.
Bread of God, i. 260.
Bridal gift {Mohar), ii. 167.
 state, ii. 168.
Buffalo, i. 51.
Burial, ii. 199.
Burnt-offering, i. 315.
 altar of, i. 108, 139, 172,
Butter, ii. 112, 114.
Byssus, i. 105.
Cab, ii. 35.
Cakes, ii. 126.
Calves, golden, ii. 79.
Camel, i. 51, ii. 219.
Canaan, i. 19.
Candlestick, golden, i. 145, 172.
Capital punishment, ii. 357, 367.
Capporeth, i. 109, 137, 149.
Caps, ii. 137, 139.
Caravans, ii. 257.

400

INDEX.

Carpentry, ii. 225.
Cattle, i. 46, ii. 218.
 rearing of, ii. 218.
Cedars, i. 44.
Cedar wood, i. 388.
Changes of raiment, ii. 140.
Cheese, ii. 114.
Chemosh, ii. 84, 86.
Cherethites and Pelethites, ii. 334.
Cherub, i. 110.
Childbed, woman in, i. 376, 402.
Children, sacrifices of, ii. 92.
 training of, ii. 175.
Choschen, i. 218, 234.
Circumcision, i. 415.
Cities, ii. 109.
Clans, ii. 292.
Cleansings (Levit), i. 378, 385.
 blood-guiltiness, i. 410.
 ¦ from leprosy, i. 393.
¦  issue of blood, i. 401.
Clothes, ii. 133.
 leprosy in, i. 372.
Coat, ii. 136.
Coats of mail, ii. 387, 389.
Coins, i. 7, ii. 240.
Congregation of Israel, ii. 316.
 of Jehovah, ii. 318.
Consecration offerings, i. 355, 359.
Cooking utensils, ii. 128.
Corban, i. 246, 254.
Coronation, ii. 329.
Cotton, i. 43, ii. 212.
Court of tabernacle, i. 107.
 of women, i. 189.
Courts of justice, ii. 337, 339, 312.
Covenant, ark of, i. 108.
 sacrifices, i. 355.
Crucifixion, ii. 360.
Ctesias, i. i0.
Cubit, ii. 232.
Cultus, Levitical, ii. 67.
 Mosaic, i. 63.
 officials, i. 204, 241.
Cups, i. 121.
Cursing, water of, i. 404.
Cymbals, ii. 286.
Cypresses, i. 44.
Dagon, ii. 91.
Dancing, ii. 280.
Darics, ii. 240, 242.
Date palm, i. 176, 179.
Day, i. 459.
Day's journey, ii. 233.
Dead, conjuring of, ii. 100, 379.
Deathblow, ii. 370.
Demons, ii. 44.
Denarius, ii. 240, 245.
Dens, ii. 104.
Derceto, ii. 91.
Diadem, i. 219.

Diarrhoea, ii. 191.
Discharges, ii. 191.
Diseases, ii. 186.
Divine worship, daily, i. 468.
Divorce, ii. 173.
Dogs, i. 48, ii. 220, 222.
Drachma, ii. 244.
Drawers, i. 214.
Dreams, interpretation of, ii. 100.
Drink-offerings, i. 337.
Dropsy, ii. 191.
Drum, ii. 286.
Dwellings, ii. 104.
Early rain, i. 39.
Ear-rings, ii. 149.
Earthquakes, i. 52, 54.
East wind, i. 40, 41.
Elders, ii. 312.
Elephantiasis, ii. 191.
Elephants, ii. 386.
Embalming, ii. 200.
Engraving, ii. 227.
Entertainments, ii. 132.
Ephah, ii. 235.
Ephod, i. 217, 234.
Epilepsy, ii. 190.
Essenes (Essaeans), ii. 271.
Evening sacrifice, i. 468.
Exchange, ii. 306.
Expiatory offerings, i. 285, ii. 40.
Eye diseases, ii. 187.
 paint, ii. 148.
Fable literature, ii. 278.
Farming, ii. 210.
Fasting, i. 442.
Fathers, houses of, ii. 292, 297.
Feast cycle, i. 469.
Fever, ii. 186.
Fig lumps, ii. 115.
Fines, ii. 361.
Fire kindling, ii. 125, 126.
First-born, i. 447.
 right of, ii. 307.
First-fruits, sheaf of, ii. 31.
Firstling loaves, ii. 36.
Firstlings, i. 448.
Fish, ii. 113.
Fishing, ii. 221.
Flax, i. 43.
 cultivation of, ii. 212.
Flies, Baal of, ii. 84.
Flute, ii. 283.
Flux, sufferers from, i. 374.
Food, laws of, ii. 117.
Foreigners, ii. 319.
Foreskin, i. 415, 419.
Fortresses, ii. 110, 392
Frankincense, i. 121.
Fraudulent dealing, ii. 154.
Freedom, year of, ii. 13.

INDEX.

401

Fruit, cultivation of, ii. 216.
Gad, ii. 96.
Galilee, i. 29.
Game, i. 48, ii. 113.
Gennesaret, i. 34.
Gerah, ii. 229, 232.
Gh&r, i. 33.
Gilead, i. 20.
Girdles, i. 214, 231, ii. 136, 142.
Glass, ii. 227.
Goats, i. 47, ii. 219.
God, worship of, i. 55.
Goldsmiths, ii. 226.
Grain, i. 42.
Graves, ii. 200.
Greaves, ii. 387, 388.
Greetings, ii. 183.
Hair, how worn, ii. 145.
Hamlets, ii. 109.
Handbasin, i. 103.
Handicrafts, ii. 225.
Hands, imposition of, i. 268, 273.
Haphtars, ii. 66.
Haram-area, i. 164.
Harp, ii. 285.
Harvest, ii. 210.
Heathenism, i. 81, 96.
Heaving and waving, i. 321, 322.
Helmet, ii. 387, 389.
Hens, ii. 220.
Heterogenea, ii. 374, 379.
High places, worship, ii. 72.
High priest, i. 216, ii. 371.
 head-dress of, i. 235.
Hin, ii. 236.
History, ii. 274.
Hobgoblins, ii. 81.
Holy convocation, ii. 6.
Holy of Holies, i. 99, 119.
Homer, ii. 235.
Honey, i. 262, ii. 112.
Honour, ii. 183, 184.
 insults to, ii. 369.
Horsemen, ii. 384, 385.
Horses, i. 47, ii. 219.
Horticulture, ii. 216.
Hospitality, ii. 182.
Hour, i. 459.
House, ii. 103.
 building, ii. 106.
 furniture, ii. 108.
Houses, leprosy in, i. 371.
Huleh, i. 33.
Hunting, ii. 221.
Hyssop, i. 392, 393.
Idolatry, ii. 80, 377.
Image-worship, ii. 76.
Incense, i. 120.
 altar of, i. 120, 144, 172.
KEIL II.

Infanticide, ii. 374.
Inheritance, law of, ii. 307.
Injuries, ii. 365.
Ink, ii. 261.
Inns, ii. 255, 257.
Intercalary month, i. 462, 466.
Irrigation, ii. 207, 208.
Ishtar, ii. 83.
Itch, ii. 191.
Jachin, i. 166, 177.
Jealousy offering, i. 404.
Jobel, ii. 18.
Jubilee, year of, ii. 13.
Judges, ii. 339.
Judicial procedure, ii. 346.
Kingdom, ii. 327.
 constitution of, ii. 320.
Kinnor, ii. 285.
Laced sandals, ii. 136, 142.
Land, commerce by, ii. 245.
 ownership of, ii. 302.
 plagues, i. 53.
Latter rain, i. 39.
Law, ii. 337.
 joy in the, ii. 65.
Leaven, i. 259.
Leprosy, i. 393, ii. 191.
Letech (measure), ii. 235.
Levirate marriage, ii. 162.
Levites, i. 204, 210.
— — cities of, i. 227.
Literature, ii. 259.
Local courts, ii. 342.
Locksmith, ii. 226.
Locusts, i. 49, ii. 113, 115.
Log (measure), ii. 236.
Lunacy, ii. 195.
Magistrates, ii. 342.
Male attire, ii. 136.
Manetho, i. 10.
Marduk, ii. 96.
Marriage, ii. 150, 167.
Marriages, forbidden, ii. 153.
Mazzoth, ii. 30.
Meals, ii. 130.
Measures, ii. 232.
Meat-offerings, i. 337.
Meats, ii. 112, 125.
Medical art, ii. 276.
Memorial stones, i. 58.
Meni, ii. 96.
Menstruous woman, i. 374.
Merodach, ii. 96.
Merom, i. 35.
Mesha-stele, i. 14, ii. 262.
Metal, works in, ii. 226.
Milcom, ii. 85.
Milk, ii. 114.
2C

402

INDEX.

Mills, ii. 126, 127.
Mina, ii. 229.
Minerals, i. 42.
Mirrors, ii. 149.
Moloch, ii. 92.
Money, ii. 238.
Monogamy, ii. 151.
Monthly Sabbath, ii. 7.
Months, names of, i. 461.
Moon, month, i. 460.
Moriah, i. 163.
Morning sacrifice, i. 468.
Mourning, ii. 202.
Movables, ii. 108.
Mucus, flux of, i. 375.
Mules, i. 48.
Music, ii. 280.
¦  in worship, i. 458, ii. 281.
Names, giving of, i. 415.
Natural sciences, ii. 275.
Naval commerce, ii. 246.
Nazirate, i. 433.
Nebel. ii. 285.
Nebo, ii. 96.
Necklets, ii. 149.
Nergal, ii. 98.
Nethinim, i. 245.
Nets, ii. 221.
New moon, feast of, ii. 8.
Nibhaz, ii. 98.
Nisroch, ii. 98.
Nomad life, ii. 204, 205.
Nose rings, ii. 149.
Numbers, symbolism of, i. 127, 133.
Oaths, ii. 347, 348.
Offerings, consecration, i. 355, 359.
 votive, i. 320.
Official dress, i. 214, 230.
Officials, ii. 313.
Olive culture, ii. 215.
Ophir, ii. 249.
Oracles, ii. 100.
Oratory, ii. 277.
Ornaments, ii. 148.
Ostrich, ii. 121.
Ovens, ii. 126.
Paint (face), ii. 146.
Painting, ii. 290.
Palestine, i. 19, 29.
Paper, ii. 261.
Paralytics, ii. 190.
Paraschse, ii. 66.
Parched corn, ii. 113.
Parchment, ii. 61.
Paschal feast, ii. 29.
 lamb, ii. 21.
 sacrifice, ii. 23.
Passover, ii. 20, 23.
Ponce, conclusion of, ii. 398.

Peace-offerings, i. 320.
Penal law, ii. 354.
Pentecost, ii. 37.
Perea, i. 37.
Pestilence, ii. 188.
Pharisees, ii. 268.
Philo-Byblius, i. 11.
Philosophy, ii. 273.
Phylacteries, i. 456.
Pigeons, i. 49.
 sacrifices of, i. 256, 266, 296.
Pledges, ii. 364.
Ploughing, ii. 210.
Poetry, ii. 277.
Pollution, i. 368.
Possession, ii. 197.
Pottery, ii. 227.
Praise-offering, i. 320.
Prayer, i. 454.
Presses, ii. 214.
Priesthood (Israel), i. 207.
Priests, i. 213.
 coat of, i. 214, 231.
 consecration of, i. 223, 229.
 service of, i. 214.
Princes of Israel, ii. 295, 334.
Prisons, ii. 362.
Procreation, i. 382.
Property, ii. 363.
Prophets, ii. 324.
Proselyte baptism, i. 427.
Proselytes, i. 425.
Psaltery, ii. 285.
Punishments, ii. 257.
Purim, feast of, ii. 63.
Purple, i. 106.
Qt/adrans, ii. 240.
Red heifer, i. 385.
Redeemer (Goel), ii. 354.
Redeeming of vows, i. 340.
Redemption, law of, ii. 305.
Reed (measure), ii. 233.
Refuge, cities of, ii. 370.
Religion, origin of, i. 59.
Representative men, i. 469.
Rimmon, ii. 98.
Roads, ii. Ill, 255.
Sabbath, keeping of, ii. 1.
Sabbath day's journey, ii. 233.
Sabbatic month, ii. 7.
 year, ii. 10.
Sackcloth, ii. 202.
Sacrifice of red heifer, i. 385.
Sacrifices, holy and most holy, i. 264.
 as gifts, i. 262.
 ashes of, i. 385.
 burning of, i. 272.
 feasts on, i. 321, 331.
 kinds of, i. 253.

INDEX.

403

Sacrifices, materials of, i. 256, 258.
 Mosaic, i. 250.
 pre-Mosaic, i. 246.
 ritual of, i. 266.
 slaughtering of, i. 269.
 symbolism of, i. 275.
 typology of, i. 278.
Sacrificial death of Christ, i. 344.
Sadducees, ii. 269.
Salt, covenant of, ii. 382.
Salt sea, i. 33.
Sanchuniathon, i. 10.
Sandals, ii. 136, 142.
Sanhedrim, ii. 350.
Scarlet wool, i. 388.
Schedim, ii. 81.
Schools, ii. 176, 265.
Scourging, ii. 361.
Scribes, ii. 265.
Sculpture, ii. 289.
Sea of brass, i. 173.
Seah (measure), ii. 235.
Seal ring, ii. 148.
Seed-time, ii. 210.
Seirim (demons), ii. 81.
Seminal discharges, i. 374.
Serpent, brazen, ii. 79.
 charming of, ii. 100.
Serpents, i. 49.
Servants, ii. 178.
Service of women, i. 440.
Shecar, ii. 116, 117.
Sheep, i. 47.
Shekels, ii. 229, 231, 239.
Shekmah, i. 150.
Shewbread, i. 146.
- — table of, i. 146, 172.
Shields, ii. 387.
Shoterim, ii. 313, 339, 342.
Sin-offering, i. 287, 296, 299.
 flesh of, i. 296, 304, 354.
Sistra, ii. 286.
Slavery, ii. 178.
Slinging, ii. 387, 392.
Smelling-bottles, ii. 149.
Smiths, ii. 226.
Sociality, ii. 183.
Song, i. 458, ii. 280.
Soothsaying, ii. 100, 379.
Sorcery, ii. 100, 379.
Span, ii. 232.
Sparrow, i. 49.
Spear, ii. 386.
Spoil, ii. 396.
Staff, ii. 148.
Stater (coin), ii. 244.
States, how formed, ii. 290.
Stoning, ii. 357.
Stripes, ii. 361.
Substitution in sacrifice, i. 277.
Succoth-Benoth, ii. 98.
Supplicatory offerings, i. 326, 329.

Supreme court, ii. 342, 345.
Suretyships, ii. 367.
Symbolism of cultus, i. 71.
Synagogue, i. 201.
 excommunication, i. 446.
 public worship of, ii. 65.
Synedrium, ii. 350.
Tabernacle, i. 98, 125, 152.
Tabernacles, feast of, ii. 52.
Tahash (badger) skins, i. 100.
Talent, ii. 229, 231.
Talmud, i. 8.
Tammuz, ii. 90.
Tanning, ii. 228.
Targets, ii. 388.
Tarthak, ii. 98.
Tassels, ii. 136, 138.
Tattooing, ii. 146.
Temple of Solomon, i. 162, 175, 180.
 courts of, i. 170.
 feast of dedication of, ii. 63.
 gates, i. 189.
 house, i. 196.
 of Herod, i. 187.
 of Zerubbabel, i. 182.
 porch of, i. 166.
 slaves, i. 245.
Tents, ii. 104.
Tephillim, i. 457.
Teraphim, ii. 76.
Testaments, ii. 309.
Testimony, i. 149.
Thank-offerings, i. 320, 327.
Theft, ii. 366.
Theocracy, ii. 320.
Therapeutse, ii. 272.
Threshing, ii. 211.
 floor, ii. 211.
Time, division of, i. 459.
Tithes, i. 449.
Toil, ii. 254.
Torture, ii. 348.
Town courts, ii. 344.
Treaties, ii. 380.
Trespass-offerings, i. 287, 293, 312.
Triangles (musical), ii. 286.
Tribal constitution, ii. 312.
Trousers, ii. 136.
Trumpets, ii. 283.
Turban, i. 219, 235, ii. 137, 142.
Typology, i. 74.
 of the cultus, i. 74.
 of the feasts, ii. 59.
 of the tabernacle, i. 152.
Unclean meats, ii. 115, 117.
 animals, ii. 115, 117, 120.
Uncleannesses, i. 252, 378.
 from death, i. 385.
Unleavened bread, ii. 30.
Upper robe, i. 217, 232, ii. 136.

404
Urim and Thummim, i. 218, 234.
Veils, ii. 142, 143.
Victory, celebration of, ii, 397.
Villages, ii. 109.
Vine, i. 43.
 culture, ii. 213.
Vinegar, ii. 116.
Violin, ii. 286.
Votive offerings, i. 327.
Vows, i. 429.
 of self-denial, i. 429.
 redeeming of, i. 429.
War-boot, ii. 387.
 chariot, ii. 384, 386.
"Washing, ii. 144.
Waving of sacrifices, i. 321.
Weaving, ii. 134, 228.

INDEX

Weddings, ii. 167.
Week, i. 460.
Weekly Sabbath, ii. 1.
Weeks, feast of, ii. 37.
Weights, ii. 229.
Wheeled stands, l. 173, 177.
Whole offerings, i. 317.
Wills, ii. 309.
Wine, ii. 116. ..
Wisdom, doctrine of, n. 27 A.
Witnesses, ii. 347, 369.
Women, clothing of, n. 142.
Wood carrying, ii. 64.
Worms (disease), ii. 191-
Writers of muster rolls, etc., ii. 313,
339, 342.
Writing, invention of, ii. 259, 261.
 materials, ii. 261.
Year of the Hebrews, i. 461.

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