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DIVINITY SCHOOL
TROWBRIDGE LIBRARY

CENTURY BIBLE HANDBOOKS
List of the Volumes Issued and in Preparation
THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
By Rev. Owen C. Whitehouse, M.A., D.D.
THE BOOKS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT.
By Rev. Prof. G. Currie Martin, M.A., B.D.
APOCRYPHAL BOOKS (Old Testament and New
Testament). By Rev. Prof. H. T. Andrews, B.A.
OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY.
By Rev. Prof. W. H. Bennett, M. A., D.D., Litt.D.
THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL.
By Prof. Peake, M.A., D.D.
LIFE AND TEACHING OF JESUS CHRIST.
By Rev. Principal W. B. Selbie, M.A.
LIFE AND TEACHING OF PAUL.
By Rev. Principal A. E. Garvie, M.A., D.D.
ST. JOHN AND OTHER NEW TESTAMENT
TEACHERS. By Rev. Prof. A. L. Humphries, M.A.
THE EARLY CHURCH.
By Rev. R. F. Horton, M.A., D.D.
THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCTRINE OF CHRIST.
By Rev. Principal Adeney, M.A., D.D.
THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCTRINES OF MAN
SIN, AND SALVATION.
By Rev. Robert S. Franks, M.A., B.Litt.
CHRISTIAN ETHICS.
By Rev. Prof. Robert Mackintosh, M.A., D.D.

CENTURY BIBLE HANDBOOKS
General Editor
Principal WALTER F. ADENEY, M.A., D.D.

THE BOOKS OF
THE OLD TESTAMENT

THE BOOKS OF
THE OLD TESTAMENT

REV. OWEN C. WHITEHOUSE, M.A., D.D.

LONDON
T. C. & E. C. JACK
16 HENRIETTA STREET, W.C.
AND EDINBURGH 1910

CONTENTS

CHAP. I. PRELIMINARY
II. THE PENTATEUCH
III. THE HISTORICAL BOOKS
IV. THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS
V. THE HAGIOGRAPHA
CHRONOLOGICAL CONSPECTUS
INDEX ....

page I
IO
52
90
138
175
179

ABBREVIATIONS
O.T. Old Testament. N.T. New Testament.
LXX. Septuagint, or Greek Version of Old Testament Scriptures
made in third and following centuries B.C.
B. Vatican Manuscript.
A. Alexandrine Manuscript.
S.B.O.T. " Sacred Books of the Old Testament," in which separate
documents are distinguished by colours.
L.O.T. Driver's " Literature of the Old Testament " (pub. T. & T.
Clark).
I.C.C. International Critical Commentary (pub. T. & T. Clark).
Hastings' D.B. Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible.
J. Yahwistic document. E. Elohistic document.
P. Priestercodex. Ph, Pe, explained p. 26 ff.

THE BOOKS OF
THE OLD TESTAMENT
CHAPTER I
PRELIMINARY
§ i. Introductory. — The Old Testament is in reality
a great library of selected literature belonging to the
Hebrew race, arising out of varied periods of its life,
extending over about eleven centuries of time, roughly
stated from 1200 to 100 B.C. It will be shown in
the sequel that the so-called books are in many cases
composite, i.e. not composed by a single author, but
made up of distinct documents, each with distinguish
ing characteristics, belonging to a different period and
arising out of a special environment or set of cir
cumstances. These literary phenomena have been
discerned by a succession of able scholars who have
minutely examined the style and contents of the
different parts and have compared them with one

2 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
another. Nearly all Old Testament scholars in Ger
many, England, and America, who have been trained in
the universities and are not adherents of the Roman
Catholic faith, are agreed as to the main results
which have been achieved by careful investigations
carried on during the nineteenth century, though
there are necessarily differences of opinion upon
secondary details.1
It is important that the reader should realise the
immense gulf which separates the modern physical
conditions of book-making, since the discovery of
printing, from the ancient conditions when all records
were laboriously copied by hand upon such rough
materials as skins or papyrus and were preserved
in rolls. Errors in transcription became easy,2 and
portions were easily torn off or became worn and
1 Of this general consensus of opinion as to the main results
of the literary criticism of the Old Testament, a conspicuous
example may be found in the large band of contributors to
Hastings' " Dictionary of the Bible." These writers are in accord
in all essentials with such expositions of the subject as Prof.
Driver's "Literature of the Old Testament" (eighth ed.) and
Cornill's " Introduction to the Old Testament " (sixth German
edition). 2 In the case of Hebrew it must be recollected that in pre-
Christian times there was no adequate representation of the
vowels or separation between distinct words in the written
records.

PRELIMINARY

illegible. Moreover, writing material was expensive,
and, when space sufficed, other matter considered
relevant or useful was incorporated. Thus it is
easy to see why, to the student of Isaiah's oracles,
certain chapters bearing upon the reign of Hezekiah
(Isa. xxxvi.-xxxix.). appeared significant and valuable,
and so were incorporated from the Books of Kings
(II. Kings xviii. 13-xx.), and similarly why, in the
large roll containing the oracles of Jeremiah, excerpts
were made from the same source (cf. Jer. xxxix.
4-12 with II. Kings xxv. 1-12 ; Jer. xl. 7-9 with
II. Kings xxv. 23, 24 ; Jer. xii. 1, 2, with II. Kings
xxv. 25, 26; Jer. Iii. with II. Kings xxiv. 18 -xxv.
20, 27-30) in order to illustrate the life and work
of the later prophet. And when we come to study
closely the large collection of oracles comprised under
the general title "Isaiah" or "Jeremiah," it is not
difficult to perceive that other oracles belonging to
a later period than that in which the prophet lived,
whose name stands at the head of the collection,
came to be included in the large body of writings
which had gradually grown up around the original
smaller collections or rolls containing the utterances
of the great seer.
One of the most valuable aids to this critical study
of the Old Testament is the most ancient version

4 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
(or translation) that we possess, viz. the Greek render
ing that was made between the third and first centuries
b.c, called the Septuagint (LXX). The reader will
perhaps be startled to learn that the earliest existing
MS. of considerable extent containing our Hebrew Old
Testament scriptures dates from the tenth century after
Christ. Consequently our Septuagint version, whose
MSS. (Vatican, Sinaitic, and Alexandrian) are much
earlier and reflect a much earlier tradition, becomes
a most valuable collateral aid in our study. Now
when we compare it with our Hebrew text (from
which both our Authorised and Revised Version are
made) we discover, especially in the Books of Samuel
and Kings and yet more in the prophetical books,
a great many variations in text, i.e. additions, omis
sions, and other changes. In the prophecies of
Jeremiah the order of the chapters differs consider
ably. The conclusion to which these facts lead us
is that many different texts of the Old Testament
must have been current in olden times preceding
70 a.d., and that the documents themselves must
have been frequently edited and in other ways have
passed through numerous vicissitudes.
While Hebrew scholars have been busy in examin
ing the Old Testament literature and in exhibiting
the different documents out of which the separate

PRELIMINARY

books are composed, other scholars have devoted
themselves to the careful investigation of the vast
number of inscriptions, called hieroglyphics, which
cover the monuments of Egypt, and also of the in
scriptions called cuneiform (or wedge-shaped) which
have been found in immense quantity in Western
Asia, especially in Assyria and Babylonia. This
department of research (called Archeology) has en
abled us, through the marvellous labours and acumen
of past investigators, to discover the languages in
which these inscriptions were written, and to become
acquainted with the history and civilisation as well
as religion of the great and powerful races that
lived for thousands of years on the shores of the
Nile, and of those who inhabited the lands of Western
Asia, called Assyria and Babylonia, watered by the
Tigris and the Euphrates. The civilisation, religions,
traditions, and ideas of these peoples, especially the
Babylonian and Assyrian, who spoke a language akin
to the Hebrew, exercised, as we know from a careful
study of the Bible, a profound influence over the
history, life, and thought of Israel.
The study of the Books of the Bible and the analysis
of the Books severally into component documents,
and the determination of the relative approximate
dates of the several documents, is called by the

6 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
term Higher Criticism. It is important to under
stand that Higher Criticism means this department of
study, as contrasted with Lower Criticism, which is
occupied with the text of the Bible, and endeavours,
by a process of careful comparison among the MSS.
as well as versions of the Bible, to determine as far
as possible the correct text. Higher Critic and Higher
Criticism are terms frequently used in a very loose
and confused manner to designate a writer or teacher,
or his opinions, who is considered to hold very ad
vanced, rationalistic, or heretical views about the
Bible. But this is obviously not what the terms
properly mean. They are merely descriptive of a
department of study. A "higher critic" remains a
higher critic whatever views he may hold, whether
traditional and conservative or advanced and revolu
tionary. Through the results of Archmology we are enabled
to understand more clearly Hebrew history in relation
to the movements, ideas, and civilisation of other
neighbouring races. Through the results of the Higher
Criticism it is possible to place a passage of the Old
Testament in its true historic setting, so that its
language and allusions are clearly understood in re
lation to the events and ideas of the age to which its
writer belonged. The Old Testament becomes thereby

PRELIMINARY

much more interesting and instructive, because it
becomes much more intelligible. What was previously
obscure or seemed irrelevant thus becomes lighted up
with a new meaning. All who have a true love and
reverence for the Bible will earnestly desire to know
what light the best ascertained results of the Higher
Criticism and of Archaeology, as mutually supplement
ing one another, have to throw upon the pages of
the Old Testament.
§ 2. The Books of the Old Testament composite. — It
is not necessary to spend many words to prove this ;
for the books themselves, especially the historical
books, constantly witness to the fact that they are
based upon older written records. Writing we know
to have been practised in Canaan (in the form of
tablets inscribed with Babylonian cuneiform) previous
to the advent of Israel, and it was probably carried
on from the time of Moses downwards among the
Hebrews themselves. Materials for history in the
shape of royal annals existed from early times. Poeti
cal passages such as the desert -song of the "Well"
(Num. xxi. 17, 18) and Deborah's song (Judges v.)
were probably preserved orally for some considerable
time before they were committed to writing. The
Old Testament books themselves indicate in a few
special cases the sources from which they were com-

8 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
piled. Thus the Book of Yahweh's Wars ("Wars
of the Lord ") is specially mentioned as the work
from which a short poetic citation of a geographical
character is made in Num. xxi. 14, 15, while the
Book of Jashar is specially named in Joshua x. 13,
II. Sam. i. 18, as the source from which certain songs
are quoted. Jashar (yashar), meaning "upright," is
probably, like Jeshurun (Deut. xxxii. 15, xxxiii. 5, 26;
cf. Isa. xliv. 2), a name for Israel, and the Book of
Jashar appears to have been a collection of poems
on Israel's heroes and their exploits. Both the Book
of Yahweh's Wars and the Book of Jashar pro
bably belonged to the early regal period (perhaps the
tenth century B.C.). Moreover, ancient Israel seems to
have had its reciters of "ballads"^ ("proverbs," A.V.
and R.V.), to which Num. xxi. 27 refers as the source
of the poem quoted in the following verses. With
this we may compare Isa. xv. i-xvi. 12, an oracle
which deals with Moab. From chap. xvi. 13 we
learn that Isaiah is here quoting an old poem. Also,
when we come to study the Books of Kings we are
frequently reminded that the materials are derived
1 So Dr. Buchanan Gray would prefer to render the original
Hebrew word on what appear to the present writer good grounds.
See his " Numbers " (International Critical Commentary), p. 299 ff.
Respecting the Book of Jashar, see also below under § 13,
footnote, p. 81.

PRELIMINARY 9
from older sources, viz. the Book of the Acts of Solomon
(1 Kings xi. 41), the Book of the Chronicles of the
Kings of Israel, and the Book of the Chronicles of the
Kings of Judah. To one or the other of the last two
works reference is made in most cases at the close
of the record of a monarch's reign. They were evi
dently official annals preserved in the State archives.
The Book of Proverbs clearly manifests its character
as a compilation of sayings derived from various
collections, viz. what are called "The Proverbs of
Solomon" (i. 1 and x. 1), the "Sayings of the Wise"
(xxiv. 23), a special collection ascribed to the time
of Hezekiah (xxv. 1), the "Words of Agur" (xxx. 1),
and the "Words of King Lemuel" (xxxi. 1). The
Psalter also contains obvious indications (to which we
shall refer afterwards) that it was a compilation made
from previous Psalm-collections.
In the sequel the character of the separate books as
compilations from documents, which have been pieced
together and can be definitely traced by their specialities
of language and other characteristics, will be more fully
set forth. The conclusions of the Higher Criticism
only exhibit with greater clearness and completeness
the general composite character of many of the books,
to which the books themselves in some cases bear, as
we have shown, unmistakable and express witness.

CHAPTER II
THE PENTATEUCH
§ 3. The Pentateuch is the Greek name, meaning " five
books " (pente, "five"; teuchos, "implement," "vessel,"
being used in late Greek with the meaning "book").
These are the five books of Moses, which are so called
not because Moses wrote them, for this they do not
state, but only that certain fragments which they contain
were written by him (cf. Num. xxxiii. 2). Moreover,
his death is recorded in Deut. xxxiv. These books
are inscribed as a whole with the name of Moses
because he is the central figure of the last four out
of the five books. Similarly, the Books of Samuel are
so designated because Samuel is regarded as the chief
personage, though his death is recorded in the first book.
The name by which this collection of five books
is called by the Jews is "The Book of the Law," or
simply " The Law " (torah), or " The Law of the Lord "
(or God) (Ezra vii. 10 ; I. Chron. xvi. 40 ; II. Chron.
xvii. 9, xxxi. 3, xxxiv. 14), or sometimes "The Book

THE PENTATEUCH n
of Moses" (Ezra vi. 18; Neh. xiii. i; II. Chron. xxv.
4, xxxv. 12).
This entire collection of five books begins with the
creation of the world, including human beings. The
early beginnings of mankind are there recorded, special
note being taken of the origins of the Israelite race,
with which the narrative is afterwards almost wholly
occupied. We at length reach the time of Israelite
residence and bondage in Egypt, the deliverance of
the people under Moses, their march through the desert,
and the promulgation of the Law in Sinai. This last
event occupies a very considerable space in the middle
of the Pentateuch. In the Book of Numbers the further
wanderings of the Israelites in the desert are recorded,
the battles which they fought, and at length their
entrance into the territory of Moab, where Moses
delivers his exhortations to the people and recapitulates
his legislation (Deuteronomy). In the closing chapters
of this collection the death of Moses is recorded.
We shall now describe the component documents
which the careful researches of more than a hundred
years have clearly shown to have been skilfully woven
together in the compilation of this work.
It is not unanimously agreed among Old Testament
scholars which was the earliest of these documents,
but it is held with good reason by the majority that

12 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
the earliest is that which is called the Yahwistic
(Jehovist) narrative, which consistently employs the
name Jahweh (Jehovah l) as that of the Hebrew deity.
This document in its earlier portions originated pro
bably between 900 and 800 B.C. in Judah, and is
designated by the cipher J. Another document, which
probably began to take shape about a century later
in Ephraim, is called Elohist because it consistently
employs the word Elohim as the name for the God
of the Hebrews. Accordingly it is designated by the
cipher E. A third document belonging to a much
later stage of Hebrew history is that which is called
1 The characters J H V H in Hebrew were probably pronounced
Yahweh (the character represented by J being pronounced as Y, and
V as W). This seems to be indicated by the Hebrew proper names
(e.g. Hezekiah, Jeremiah) which end with an abbreviated form of
the name. But after the exile a tradition arose that the name
was too awful to be pronounced. Thus whenever the characters
occurred Y H V H, the Hebrew name for Lord {Adonay) was
pronounced, and the vowels of this name Adonay were attached to
the characters Y H V H which still stood in the Hebrew texts.
It is owing to a confused misunderstanding of this strange blending
of the characters of the old name (never pronounced) with the vowels
of the substituted name Adonay, that the name Jehovah arose.
It is quite certain that the sacred name was never so pronounced.
The LXX translation " Lord" {Kurios) clearly proves that from the
third century B.C. onwards the Hebrew word Adonay was always
pronounced in the Jewish synagogue (as in the present day) when
ever those four characters of the sacred name occurred.

THEP-ENTATEUCH 13
by the Germans Priestercodex, i.e. Priests' code or
Priestly document, marked by the cipher P. These
different documents interlace each other more or less
throughout Genesis, Exodus, and Numbers, as well as
the Book of Joshua. The Book of Leviticus consists
entirely of the legislation incorporated in the document
P. The Book of Deuteronomy must be considered
separately. It is based on a distinct document desig
nated by the cipher D, and took definite form in the
reign of Josiah in connection with his religious reforma
tion, and probably preceded even the beginnings of the
document P by nearly a century.
At some period earlier than that in which the Book of
Deuteronomy assumed its present shape, the documents
J and E were redacted into one historical work (J E).
It is not improbable that after the redaction of D the
latter work was combined, either during the exile or
after, with J E. Even as late as the days of Malachi
(about 458 B.C.) the system of law which prevailed, and
governed to a certain degree Hebrew practice, appears
to have been the Book of Deuteronomy. On the other
hand, the institution of High Priesthood finds no place
in the Book of Deuteronomy. It must, however, have
arisen meanwhile, since we find special mention of
Joshua the High Priest in Zech. iii. 1 (about 519 B.C.).
After the advent of Nehemiah and Ezra to Jerusalem

14 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
a new code was introduced which was embodied in
the document P. This document includes not only
some of the narratives in Genesis, Exodus, and Numbers,
but also the entire body of legislative and other details
to be found in the central portion of the Pentateuch,
viz. Exod. xxxv. i to the close of Exodus, the Book
of Leviticus entire, and Num. i. i-x. 28.
Accordingly the documents out of which the Penta
teuch was framed belong to different periods extending
from about 850 B.C. to 400 B.C., more than four cen
turies. They may be ranged in the chronological order
J E D P. It must be remembered that in each case
they are based on records, whether written or oral,
far older than themselves. We shall now proceed to
describe each of these documents with a little more
detail and in chronological order (as above stated).
The Yahwistic Document (J), marked by the use of
Yahweh as the name of God,1 is generally recognised
as the oldest, and exhibits its character as such by the
simpler and more primitive traits which it exhibits.
Its theophanies or portrayals of the manifestations of
God or His Angel are anthropomorphic in character,
1 The name "God" (Elohim), which is added to "Lord"
(Yahweh), is the addition of the editor who pieced the documents
together. It evidently does not belong to the original text (Gen. ii.
5. 7. 8, 9. &c., iii. 1, 8, 9, &c).

THE PENTATEUCH

i.e. God manifests Himself in action like a human
being. He blows into Adam's nostrils the breath
of life (Gen. ii. 7), walks in the garden in the cool
of the day (iii. 8). The term used in describing
the creation of man is not technical (as in the first
chapter of Genesis by P), but is the ordinary verb
employed to express the work of the potter who fashions
or shapes the clay ; and the material out of which man
is shaped is earth (Gen. ii. 7). God is subsequently
represented as repenting and fretting Himself that He
has made man (vi. 6). He smells the sweet fragrance
of Noah's sacrifice (viii. 21). His Angel, who is often
hardly to be distinguished from His own Self, converses
with Abraham, accepts his hospitality, and partakes of
his food (xviii. 1-8). Many other examples might be
adduced to illustrate the simple, childlike conceptions
of God's nature which this document exhibits. And it
is this very feature which invests its narratives with a
special charm for children. For it reflects the spirit
of the world's youth.
An equally marked feature of this document is its
reverential tone, and especially its deep sense of human
sin, which overshadows the early narratives. No other
document in the Old Testament attempts, as this does,
to fathom the mystery of human evil and probe it to
its source in selfish greed that follows the tempter's

16 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
lure after self-aggrandisement, "Ye shall be as gods in
knowledge" (Gen. iii. 5). This lust for the knowledge
and power, embodied in the arts of civilisation, panders
to the service of self, and not to the service of God
and man. This tragic story of human life runs through
chapters iii., iv., ix. 20-27, xu I_9-
Many of the narratives respecting Abraham, Isaac,
Jacob and his sons, come from this documentary source.
And it should be observed that Abraham's residence
at Hebron is made a special feature. With this should
be combined the feature of Judah's leadership in the
Joseph narratives in this document, though Reuben is
the first-born. These characteristic traits, which can
be supported by other considerations, point to the
conclusion that this Yahwistic source originated in the
Southern Kingdom.
We also note that the religious practices described
in this document, as well as in E, differ widely from
those which belong to the latest document, P (more
especially in its legislation). In both these pre-exilian
documents we hardly detect any separate and official
priestly order. Any individual — more especially the
father of a family or head of a large household — can offer
sacrifice. The patriarchs frequently perform this religious
function, and there is no restriction as to place. Mamre,
Beersheba, and other spots are all alike holy places.

THE PENTATEUCH 17

This document is not homogeneous. Scholars have dis
covered evident traces of an earlier and a later stratum.
The earlier (called J1) may be traced in Gen. ii. 4^-8,
16, 18, 22-25, an<i portions of other verses; also iii. 1-
19, 21, 23, iv. 1 and portions of other verses, 18-21,
23-24; vi. 1-3 (in part); ix. 21, 23-25, 27, and parts of
other verses, xi. 1-9. Its chief characteristics are that
it has no flood story, regards Cain as the ancestor
of the race which follows the fall, while Noah is held
to be the ancestor of Israel and Canaan. Moreover,
Noah is not the hero of the flood, but a cultivator of
the soil, devoted to vine culture, as well as a wine-
bibber. On the other hand, the later stratum, called
J2, has a flood story in which Noah is the chief per
sonage, who is subsequently portrayed as ancestor of
the whole of humanity after the flood, while in the
period that preceded the flood Seth is introduced as the
son of Adam who is the ancestor of Noah. It is not
possible to enter into further detail on this subject,
upon which there are differences of opinion (see CornilPs
Introduction, § 11, 7). The date usually assigned for
this later stratum of J is about 650 b.c.
The Elohistic Document (called E), in which the
name for the deity is Elohim (always rendered " God "
in our English versions), possesses many of the char
acteristics which we have already noted in the Yahwistic B

18 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
record. The religious practices which it describes are
the same. We have many sacred places with altars
erected in them, such as Moriah, Bethel, Gilead, and
others. Moreover, it is to be noticed that most of these
sacred places, e.g. Bethel and Shechem, belong to the
Northern Kingdom. To these must be added Beer-
sheba, which we know to have been a frequent resort
of pilgrims from the Northern Kingdom (Amos viii. 14;
cf. I. Kings xix. 3). We no longer find Hebron re
garded as an important centre as in the Yahwistic
narratives. The chief role is assigned to Ephraim.
He is the heir of the promises and privileges of Joseph
(Gen. xlviii. 14 1 ff.). Ephraimite heroes are placed in
the forefront. The Ephraimite Joshua is from the first
the attendant and comrade of Moses. Similarly the
burial or graves of Ephraimite patriarchs and leaders
such as Joseph and Joshua find special mention in
this document (Gen. 1. 24 ff. ; Exod. xiii. 19; Joshua
xxiv. 30). Cornill, indeed, finds in the narrative by
E of the conclusion of the covenant between Laban
and Jacob traits which point to the historic struggle
between the Northern Israelite Kingdom with the Syrian
State of Damascus.
While, as we have indicated above, a tendency to
1 Probably Wellhausen and Kuenen are right in assigning verses
8-22 to E.

THE PENTATEUCH 19
localise events and connect them with Israelite heroes
belongs to E and J alike, we find special characteristics
in E, some of which decisively point to a later date,
(1) A tendency to dwell on antiquarian details such
as kesiiah, "piece of money" (Gen. xxxiii. 19; Joshua
xxiv. 32), and frequent references to ritual details, as
sacred pillars (Gen. xxviii. 18, 22, xxxi. 45 ; Exod. xxiv. 4)
and teraphim (Gen. xxxi. 19, 30 ff.), the former being
treated as memorial rather than divine symbols. To
gether with this antiquarian tendency in reference to
material objects we have the same tendency to quote
ancient poems as in Exod. xv., Num. xxi. 14, 27. Under
the same head we may note the evident knowledge
which this document exhibits of Egypt and its con
ditions (e.g. the towns Pithom and Raamses, Exod. i. 1 1 ;
cf. also Exod. ix. 31, which is probably E). (2) The
style is picturesque as in J, but less spontaneous, vivid,
and poetical. (3) The theological conceptions are more
advanced than those of J. Up to the momentous
revelation of God's name and nature as Yahweh who
ever is what He is, the Unchangeable One (Exod. iii.
14), He is called in the E document by the more
general and abstract name of Elohim. He participates
in human life as a Divine providence who works
miracles on Israel's behalf, but who, nevertheless, dwells
apart from man in heaven and manifests Himself by

20 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
human intermediaries like Moses, or by angelic per
sonages, or through the supernatural avenues of dream
or vision. Such is the main theological feature of this
document. A result of this conception of Divine
action in human history is that Moses appears in this
document pre-eminently as prophet. And it may be
noted that in this character Abraham appears in the
E passage Gen. xx. 7. (4) Lastly, as a significant
accompaniment of the more developed theology, is the
higher ethical tone in E as compared with J. This is
most clearly seen in the Decalogue of E (Exod. xx.),
reduced to its simplest form, together with the code
of laws (Exod. xx. 22-xxiii. 19) called the Book of the
Covenant, compared with the Decalogue and briefer
code in J (Exod. xxxiv. ro-28).
From these distinguishing characteristics of the docu
ment E, it may be readily inferred that it was pro
duced at a later time than J. Indeed, from the occurrence
of like phrases in the former when compared with
the latter (cf. Gen. xxvi. 6-12 in J with Gen. xx. in E),
it might even be inferred that the writer or writers of
E were acquainted with the document J, unless we
assume that both documents were based on some
material common to both. But this last is too complex
and obscure a subject to be discussed here.
The date of the composition of this document can

THE PENTATEUCH

only be approximately fixed. It cannot be placed later
than 722, since it is inspired by a feeling of unclouded
pride in the glory of the stem of Joseph. There is
no hint that that glory has been or will be immediately
overshadowed by disaster.1 The calamitous invasions
of the Northern Kingdom by Assyria in the years 734-
722, eventually culminating in the capture of Samaria
and the final extinction of the glory of Ephraim (Isa.
xxviii. 1-4), were evidently for the most part unknown
and unforeseen. Nearly all critics, therefore, from Kuenen
and Stade to Cornill and Harper,2 are agreed that this
document must have been composed at some time be
tween 800 and 750, i.e. during the prosperous reign
of Jeroboam II. (II. Kings xiv. 25, 27, 28), perhaps
as much as a century later than the earlier portions of
the J document.
As in the case of J, so in the case of E there are
evidences that the narrative is not altogether homo-
1 We are here referring to the main or earlier body of the docu
ment. It is not denied that there are later additions (see below), and
that these are conceived in a more sombre tone. Cf. Holzinger's
" Hexateuch " (in German), p. 226.
2 See Harper's " Amos and Hosea " (International Critical
Commentary, T. & T. Clark), Introd., p. Ixxix. The summary
given by Harper in this and the following pages of the leading
characteristics of the "Ephraimite Narrative" (E) is admirably
lucid.

22 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
geneous. The perception of this fact is mainly due
to Kuenen, who detected a later stratum, called E2, as
distinguished from the earlier and main body of the
narrative of which we have hitherto spoken. These
later elements are found by Kuenen in the narrative
of the golden calf (Exod. xxxii. i -xxxiii. 6), and the
Decalogue in Exod. xx. and the passages relating thereto
in Exod. xiv.-xxiv. These passages are held to stand
related to the Ephraimite calf-worship in Bethel and
Dan. It is far from easy to determine the date of these
later accretions, or the source from which they came.
We might, on the one hand, regard them as due
to a later Judaean redaction of the E document, to
which these later accretions are to be attributed, either
in the days of Hezekiah or even later ; or we might
regard them, as Cornill suggests, as originating among
the North-Israelite population that remained after the
extinction of the Northern Kingdom in 721. On the
other hand, we find passages of analogous religious
import, i.e. denunciatory of the idolatry of the Northern
Kingdom, in the oracles of Amos and Hosea. This
would point to an earlier date for E2 than 722 B.C.
We give this as an interesting example of one of the
unsolved problems of the Old Testament.
The Deuteronomic Document, designated D, and the

THE PENTATEUCH 23
Deuteronomic redaction of Old Testament books will
be treated when we come to deal with the Book of
Deuteronomy, which began to assume shape in the
days of the Reformation of Josiah's reign in 622-1 b.c.
Last in chronological order comes the Priestercodex
(called P). The style, tone, and contents of this ex
tensive and composite document are so strongly con
trasted with those to which we have already referred
that there are comparatively few cases in which there
can be serious doubt whether a passage belongs to P
or to J (or E), while there are fairly numerous examples
of sections which are assigned by some critics to J and
by other critics to E (or perhaps to a redactor). The
reason lies in the fact that P arose in an age (exilian
and post-exilian) whose conditions were so widely dif
ferent from those of the centuries which preceded it.
And these conditions impressed themselves on the lan
guage and contents of the Priestercodex, especially in
the features of its legislation as to cultus. The old
national life of pre-exilian Israel had vanished. At the
head of the nation stood not a king, but in the civil
government a Persian governor, and in the ecclesias
tical the High Priest. The old Hebrew calendar, with
its Hebrew or Canaanite names, Abib, Bui, and Ethanim,
had vanished. In their places we have Babylonian
names, Nisan, Marcheswan, and Tishri. The ecclesias-

24 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
tical year was the Babylonian, which began in spring
with Nisan as the first month, and the months are
designated by successive numbers beginning with Nisan.
This designation of months by numbers beginning with
Nisan is a characteristic of the Priestercodex through
out, in common with all Old Testament literature from
the exile onwards, and it clearly indicates the influence
of the exile of Israel in Babylonia.
The Priestercodex or Priestly document is a very
considerable and composite record. It consists of three
distinct strata.
Of these the earliest consists of a series of laws which
are included in Lev. xvii.-xxvi., called by Klostermann
by the appropriate title adopted by all critics, " Code of
Holiness" (designated by the cipher Ph). The con
cluding chapter of this series (chap, xxvi.) clearly
proves that it cannot have been composed earlier than
the period of the exile, or perhaps shortly after it. To
this subject we shall revert when we deal with the Book
of Leviticus (see p. 38 ff.).
Next in order of time comes the extensive work
called the fundamental document (German grundschrift)
of the Priestercodex, marked by the cipher Pe. In
reality this document is also a legislative record thrown
into an historical form, the end and aim of the history
being to narrate the foundation from early times of the

THE PENTATEUCH 25
legislative institutions. That the writer or writers of
this document are constantly keeping in view the re
ligious institutions of Israel is evident at every stage.
Even in the Creation account the Sabbath cessation
from toil enjoined in Hebrew legislation is fore
shadowed by Gen. ii. 3, which belongs to Pg, while the
laws against eating flesh with the blood, as well as the
law for the avenging of murder, are referred back to
the age of Noah (Gen. ix. 4, 5). The narrative which
describes the circumcision by the patriarch Abraham
of his own household is another characteristic section
in the narrative of this document (Gen. xvii.). When
we come to the age of Moses we reach the central
element in the narrative. This central element is the
legislation given to Moses by Yahweh at the mountain,
consistently called in this record (like J) Sinai (whereas
in the pre-exilian documents E and D it is called
Horeb). This legislation, in those portions of the
middle books of the Pentateuch which belong to Ps,
falls into four groups: (1) That which is contained
within the chapters Exod. xxv. i-Lev. xvi.; (2) that
which is included in Num. i.-x. ; (3) those laws of
this document contained in Num. xvii. ff. ; and lastly
(4), those of Num. xxxiii. 50-xxxvi. 12.
Where does this document reach its close ? It might
be supposed that the verses in Ps which refer to the

26 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
death of Moses in Deut. xxxiv. 7-9 would be the
natural end of the work. But Kuenen has shown that
this is not the case. The document can be further
traced in the latter part of the Book of Joshua (xiii.—
xxiv. ; in the earlier chapters, but few verses belonging to
P are to be found). Holzinger is right in saying that
the work only becomes a well-rounded whole when to
the early history which precedes the theocratic system
established by Moses there is appended the realisation
of that system under Joshua.
The promulgation of the document Ps, as well as of
the earlier " Code of Holiness " (Ph), belongs to the
age of Ezra and Nehemiah, 440 B.C., nearly a century
after the exile. More still remains, however, — another
document which may be regarded as an addendum to
Ps, consisting of detailed rules, especially in the matter
of cultus.
It is with Ps that we are chiefly concerned. The
characteristics of this document which distinguish it
(and to a large extent P generally) from all other
documents are : (1) Like E it contemplates a gradual
unfolding of the Divine revelation. The name of God
was first revealed as Yahweh to Moses (Exod. vi. 2 ff.).
To the patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob He was
known as El Shaddai, while in Ps narratives (as in E)
He is usually designated by Elohim up to Exod. vi. 2.

THE PENTATEUCH 27
(2) We do not find in this document vivid colouring
and graphic personal detail as in J, and to a certain
extent in E, but well-planned method and precise
statement and constant, sometimes monotonous, repeti
tions of phrase and detail as in Gen. i. ("and God
said," " and the evening and the morning were the —
day," " and it was so "), somewhat in the style of a
legal document. (3) The language of this document
is very definitely marked. We have already referred
to the way in which months were designated, and the
mountain where the law was delivered (common, how
ever, to other documents). Mesopotamia is called in
this document Paddan Aram. God's creative activity
is designated by a special technical name (bara), which
came into use apparently in the days of the exile. In
the history of the origins of Israel from the days of
Creation, every new stage begins or closes with a
" book of generations " or " generations " (Gen. ii. 4,
v. 1, vi. 9, x. 1, xi. 10, 27, xxv. 12). (4) This post-
exilian narrative is obviously based on earlier documents
of pre-exilian origin. Of these E is especially utilised.
It also presupposes the law of the central and only
legitimate sanctuary (Jerusalem), repeatedly emphasised
in D (see below). Hence we never find any record in
P of sacrifices offered by Patriarchs. Of this we have
an example in the contiguous narratives of J and Pg

28 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
respecting Noah. The J narrative contains in viii.
20-22 a reference to the altar built by Noah, and the
sacrifice of clean animals as burnt offerings thereon;
whereupon Yahweh solemnly declares that He will no
longer curse the ground on account of man (cf. iii. 17),
and that the course of the earthly seasons, summer and
winter, seedtime and harvest, shall in future continue
for ever. In the immediately following section by P
(ix. 1-1 7) we have a parallel account of a solemn
covenant between Yahweh and Noah. But it is not
here accompanied by a sacrifice (cf. also xv. 9 ff. [J]
and xxxi. 45-54 [J E]), but by the covenant sign of
a rainbow. (5) Ps is distinguished by precise references
to time and age. Examples may be found in the
Flood story and the narrative about Abraham (e.g. Gen.
vii 6, 11, viii. 4, 13, xvii. 1, xxiii. 1).
§ 4. The Book of Genesis, as its Greek name implies,
contains the narrative of the origin of the Hebrew
race, carried back to its ultimate antecedents in the
creation of the material universe, while the story
ends with the settlement of that race in Egypt or
its confines. This narrative may be divided as
follows : —
I. History of the world from the Creation to Abra
ham, the ancestor of the Hebrew race (chap. i. i-xi. 26).
The history is here presented in summary form, con-

THE PENTATEUCH 29
sisting in many cases of mere names, except in the cases
of Adam and Eve, of Cain and of Noah, who intro
duced new epochs. This introductory portion of the
narrative may be subdivided as follows : —
(1) Creation of the universe, including man and
woman. (Chaps, i. and ii.)
(2) Temptation and fall of man. His banishment
from paradise. The wickedness of the race
in the descendants of Cain, accompanied by
the beginnings of civilisation. The multi
plication of the race and growth of wicked
ness. (Chaps, iii.-vi. 4.)
(3) Retribution of the flood. Noah and his family
the only survivors. Noah's sacrifice and the
covenant sign. Noah's sin. (Chaps, vi. 5-
ix. 29).
(4) Noah's descendants. The building of the Tower
of Babel and the dispersion of the human
race. As contrasted with the list of Adam's
descendants in chap, v., Shem's descendants
in chap. xi. 10 ff., and the list of Noah's
descendants in chap. x. contain racial and
topographic names. (Chaps, x. i-xi. 26.)
II. The story of Abraham and his descendants in
the line of Isaac and Jacob until the settlement in
Egypt and the death of Jacob and Joseph (chap.

30 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
xi. 27-I. 26). This extended section falls into three
subdivisions, each dominated respectively by the
patriarchal names of Abraham, Jacob, and Joseph,
to which all others are subordinate in significance.
(1) The Abraham narrative, to which that of Isaac
(a pale reflex1) is attached as a link with
Jacob. (Chap. xi. 27-xxviii. 9.)
(2) Jacob story, with the Esau narrative as an
accompanying element (xxviii. 10-xxxvi. 43).
Here Jacob is the ancestor Israel of the
Hebrew race, Esau of Edom.
(3) Joseph narrative, in which the stories of his
brothers as well as of his father Jacob are
interwoven as subsidiary elements (xxxvii. 1-
1. 26). Here Joseph is the ancestor of
the Israelite tribes Ephraim and Manasseh,
the main constituents of the Northern King
dom. This subdivision concludes with the
settlement of the Israelite households in
Egypt.
The following table will show how the subject-
matter of Genesis is distributed among the several
documents out of which the book has been compiled
1 Chap. xxvi. obviously reflects the features of the Abraham story
in chap. xiii. 10 ff., xxi. 22 ff. Similarly xxviii. 1 ff. reflects
xxiv. 1-10.

THE PENTATEUCH

3i

by successive redactors (or editors), who occasionally
introduce a few modifications and additions : 1 —

J1

J3

E

Ps

Ch. i. i-ii. 4a

Ch. ii. 44-25, divided between J1

and J2 (see p.
17)
Ch. iii. i-iv. 2
iv. 3-i6a
Ch. iv. 164-24
v. 22, 24, 29
Ch. v. 1-21,23,
25-28, 30-32
Ch. vi. 1-4
vi. 5-8
Ch. vi. 9-22
vii. 1-5, 10, 12,
Ch. vii. 6-8 in
\6b-ijb, 22,
part , 9 , n,
=3
13-160, 17a,
18-21, 24
viii. 20, 3a, 6-
Ch. viii. i, 2<z,
12, 134, 20-
3* - 5. I3a.
22
14-19
Ch. ix. 20-27
ix. 18, 19
Ch. ix. 1-17,
28, 29
x. 8-19, 21,
Ch. x. 1-7, 20,
.25-3°
22,23,31, 32
Ch. xi. 1-9
xi. 28-30
Ch. xi. 10- 27,
3L 32
Ch. xii. 1-40,
xii. 10-20
Ch. xii. 4^-5
6-9
Ch. xiii. 1-5,
Ch. xiii. 6, lib,
7-IKZ, I20-I8
isa
1 An analysis of the whole of Genesis is here presented to the
reader, based upon the results of the most recent criticism, on which
modern scholars are fairly agreed. But on many points of detail,
as is inevitable, there are divergences of opinion. It is impossible
to exhibit the results so completely with the remaining books of
the Old Testament, owing to limitations of space.
32 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT

J

E

P«

Ch. xv. x, 2a,

xv. 2b, 3a, s

3*. 4

6-21, with portions from E

and editorial additions.
Ch. xvi. ib, 2,
Ch. xvi. ia, 3,
4-7, n-14
IS. ifi
Ch. xvii. 1-27
Ch. xviii. and
xix. (except 29).
Ch. xx. 1-17
Ch. xix. 29
Ch. xxi. ia, 2a,
Ch. xxi. (chiefly)
Ch. xxi. ib, 20-
6a, 7, 33-34
Ch. xxii. 1-13
5
but xxii. 14-24
can only be de
scribed as J E.
Ch. xxiii. 1-20
Ch. xxiv. 1-67
Ch. xxv. 1-6,
Ch. xxv. 7-110,
ii4, 18, 21-
12-17, J9' 2°i
26a, 27-34
260
Notes. — Ch. xiv. comes from an altogether independent source, and
has been inserted by a redactor. It stands entirely apart from the
Abraham narratives of all the other documents, (1) in representing
Abraham as a warrior, (2) calling him "the Hebrew" in v. 13. (3)
In introducing the Eastern monarchs Hammurabi (Amraphel), Kudur-
Lagamar(Chedorlaomer),Eriaku(Arioch), who were historical, together
with Melchizedek. (4) Peculiarities of style. We have no independent
record of a combined assault of the kings of Babylonia and Elam in the
age of Abraham (twentieth century B.C.) upon Palestinian territory.
The chapter probably is of later origin than the pre-exilian documents
J and E, but now much later it is not easy to determine.
Ch. xvi. 8-10, ascribed by Wellhausen, Kuenen, and Cornill to the
redactor of J E.
Ch. xx. 18, ascribed to redactor of J E.
THE PENTATEUCH

33

J

E

ps

Ch. xxvi. 1-33

Ch. xxvi. 34,

Ch. xxvii. 1-45 f°r uie most part.

xxvii. 11 -13,
18-19, 21-23,
&c.

35

Ch. xxviii. io,

Ch. xxviii. 11,

Ch. xxviii. 1-9

13-16, 19a

12, 17, 18,
190-22

Ch. xxix. 2-14,

Ch. xxix. 1, 15-

Ch. xxix. 24,

19-23, 25-

18

280, 29

28a, 30-35

Ch. xxx. is too closely interwov
en from J and E
to be safely analysed.
Ch. xxxi. 1, 3,
Ch. xxxi, 2, 4-
25-27, 46
24, 28-45,
47-54
Ch. xxxii. 4-
Ch. xxxii. 1-3,
14a, 23a, 24-
33
Ch. xxxiii. 1-
140-22, 230
Ch. xxxiii. 50,
5a, 6-10, 12-
11, 18-20
17
Ch. xxxiv. closely interwoven from
J and E.
Ch. xxxv. 21,
Ch. xxxv. 1-8,
Ch. xxxv. 9-13,
22a
14, 16-20
15, 220-29
Ch. xxxvi. 2-50,
Ch. xxxvi. 1,
9-39
50-8, 40-43
Ch. xxxvii. 20-36 is closely in
terwoven from J
Ch. xxxvii. 1,
and E.
22
Ch. xxxviii. 1-
3°
Ch. xxxix. 1-
23 (edited)
'
Note.— In ch. xxxi. editorial glosses, especially in verses 47-54.
C
34 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT

J

E

J*

Ch. xl. 1-23

'

(with very

slight J ele
\
ments)
Ch. xii. 1-57
Ch. xii. 46 (?)
(with very
slight J ele
ments)
Ch. *Iii. 2a, 40-
Ch. xiii. i,20-
7, 27-280, 38
40, 8-26,
280-37
Ch. xliii. 1-34
Ch. xliv. 1-34
Ch. xiv. 13, 14,
Ch. xiv. 1-12
28
(with slight
J elements),
15-27
Ch. xlvi. 28-
Ch. xlvi. 1-5
Ch. xlvi. 6, 7,
34
8-27
Ch. xlvii. 1-4, 60,
Ch. xlvii. 12
Ch. xlvii. 5, 60,
13-26, 29-31
7-11, 270, 28
Ch. xlviii. x,
Ch. xlviii. 3-7
2, 8-22
Ch. xlix. 10-27
Ch. xlix. ia,
28-33
Ch. I. 1-11, 14
Ch. 1. 15-26
Ch. 1. 12, 13
Notes. — It is possible that xlvi. 8-27 may come from a redactor.
That the blessing of Jacob (xlix.) was included in J is indicated by
the fact that the allusion to the overthrow of Reuben and of Simeon
and Levi appears to refer to Jahwistic passages in xxxiv. and xxxv. 22.
Note also the praise of Judah (verses 9-10).
Gunkel is right in assuming that these verses were the songs of Israel
in very early times. Verses 9 ff. can hardly have originated earlier
than the time of David, when Judah attained the leading position.
THE PENTATEUCH 35
§ 5. The Book of Exodus derives its Greek name
from the fact that it records the departure of Israel
out of Egypt. A considerable interval of time separates
this from the preceding book of Genesis, which records
the entrance of Israelites into Egypt under the friendly
protection of its government. Exodus opens with a
new dynasty, and a new policy of repression and
slavery towards the rapidly increasing Hebrew popu
lation. The book may be divided into four paits : —
I. Bondage of Israel. Birth and growth of Moses.
His departure from Pharaoh's court into Horeb.
His initiation into his life-work as Israel's deliverer.
?the revelation of Yahweh's name. (Chaps, i.-iv.)
II. Refusals of Pharaoh to release Israel, and the
infliction of successive plagues at each successive
refusal. Final consent of Pharaoh on the death
of the Egyptian first-born. Institution of the
Passover. Departure of Israel and pursuit by
Pharaoh. Miraculous deliverance of Israel in
crossing the Red Sea. (v.-xiv.)
III. Israel's march through the wilderness to Sinai.
(xv.-xix.)
IV. Laws delivered to Moses at Sinai. Worship of
the golden calf. Construction of the Tabernacle
and the varied appliances and vestments for wor
ship, (xx.-xl.)
I. In the first four chapters, excepting i. 1-5 and
very brief insertions in the same chapter and chap. ii.

36 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
from P, the whole record is derived from the pre-
exilian documents J and E.
II. In the next section (v.-xiv.), by far the larger
portion is derived from these pre-exilian documents,
the chief insertions from the post- exilian work P
being vi. 2-12, vii. 1-13, viii. 1-3 and 12-15, ix.
8-12, xii. 1-20, 43-51, xiii. 1, 2, and xiv. 1-4, 8,
16-18. Of these P passages the longest and most
characteristic is taken' up with the details of the
Passover celebration in chap. xii.
III. The third section opens with the Song of
Miriam, xv. 1-18, which may be an expansion of a
shorter and simpler song which, according to Ewald,
may be found in xv. 1-3.1 It is not easy to fix
the date of the song in its present form. Nearly
the whole of this section comes from J and E, E
very largely predominating in chaps, xvii.-xix., which
are almost wholly made up of this document. On
the other hand, chap. xvi. is mostly, if not wholly,
derived from P.
1 More probably the original song is to be found in verse 1,
repeated in verse 21. Verses 13 and 17 clearly presuppose the
single sanctuary of Deuteronomy. The song is homogeneous, and
was probably written about 540-538 in Babylonia, when the ex
pected restoration would naturally recall the memories ("former
things") of the exodus (Isa. xliii. 1, 2, 16-17, xliv. 27, 28, xlvi.
9 ff., xlviii. 3, 21, 1. 2, li. 9, 10).

THE PENTATEUCH 37
IV. We now come to the legislative part of the
Pentateuch. Kuenen is probably right in claiming
chaps, xix. -xxiv. for E2, as well as xxxii. i-xxxiii. 6.
In the first of these E-sections codes of laws are
included which are of much more ancient origin
than the latter part of the eighth century (to which
E2 belongs). These ancient codes underlie the Ten
Commandments in chap. xx. and the Book of the
Covenant (Exod. xx. 22 -xxiii. 19), a compound of
old laws, some of which, e.g. the laws respecting
murder and injury (xxi. 12-27), go back to Israel's
old nomadic days preceding the settlement in Canaan,
while others, such as the laws respecting the three
annual festivals (xxiii. 14-19), evidently reflect the
settled agricultural life of Israel in Palestine. Another
much briefer code, parallel to the above and also
ancient, are the Laws of the Two Tables (chap.
xxxiv. 10-28) contained in the J section (xxxiv. 1-28).
This is, in fact, the last J section in Exodus, and
no other passage from J or E occurs till we reach
the Book of Numbers. Chaps, xxv.-xxxi. are a
continuous P section descriptive of the Tabernacle,
its furniture, and other paraphernalia of worship.
From chap. xxxv. to the close of Exodus we have
the legislative ritual details of the Priestercodex.
§ 6. Leviticus, a book of priestly legislation, as its

38 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
name indicates, consists entirely of this same post-
exilian document, but some portions of it belong to
earlier and others to later strata of the Priestercodex.
The contents fall into three parts : —
I. Chapters i.-xvi. Of these, (a) chaps, i.-ix. deal with
sacrifices ; (b) chap. xi. closely follows the laws of clean
and unclean animals in Deut. xiv. 3-20, and is evi
dently ancient ; (c) chap. xii. contains the regulations
respecting cleansing after' childbirth ; (d) chaps, xiii.—
xv., regulations respecting leprosy and sexual unclean
ness ; (e) chap, xvi., on the Day of Atonement.
II. Chaps, xvii.-xxvi. The Code of Holiness, containing
(a) laws forbidding sacrifice except at the central
altar, and drinking the blood (xvii.) ; (b) unlawful
unions ; (c) in xix.-xxii. we have varied laws and
prohibitions ; (d) chap, xxiii., the .annual feasts (cf.
Deut. xvi.) ; (e) chap, xxiv., miscellaneous regulations";
(f) chap, xxv., laws respecting the Sabbatic year and
jubilee ; (g) chap, xxvi., final exhortation to keep the
preceding laws, accompanied by promise and warning.
III. Chap, xxvii. A concluding chapter on vows and tithes.
Allusion has already been made (p. 24) to the col
lection of chapters (xvii.-xxvi.) called the "Code of
Holiness" (II.). There is good reason to believe that
this document, which embodies by far the larger por
tion of those chapters (Ph) characterised by the oft-
recurring formula, " I am Yahweh, your God " (or simply
"I am Yahweh"), was earlier than Pe, Between this

THE PENTATEUCH 39
document and the scheme of the restored common
wealth in Ezek. xl.-xlviii. there is a remarkable similarity
both as to style and contents, and it has been a much-
debated question whether Ph precedes the Ezekiel
scheme of legislation or follows it. The problem is
a very complex one. It has been generally held by
recent critics that chap. xxvi. (the final exhortation)
appears to presuppose the exile. This, however, does
not necessitate a post-exilian date, though on other grounds
an early post-exilian date is not improbable.
The redaction of the laws in Leviticus into the form
in which we now have them may be assigned to some date
after 440 B.C., when Nehemiah and Ezra introduced their
reforms. But a careful distinction must be drawn between
the redaction or editing of the laws and their origin.
" The laws embody usages, many of which are doubtless
in their origin of great antiquity, though they have been
variously modified and developed as time went on." 1
§ 7. The Book of Numbers is a composite work con
sisting of extracts from all three documents P, J, and E,
the legal portions belonging to P and the narrative
portions for the most part belonging to J and E. To
these latter sources the poetic fragments also belong.
The book falls into the following divisions : —
I. Chaps, i.-x. 28 (entirely P) begins with an enumera-
1 Driver and White in "Leviticus" (S.B.O.T.).

40 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
tion of the Israelite tribes and their clans and " fathers'
houses," with the total male population capable of
bearing arms, over twenty years of age, of each tribe
and of the entire people (i. 1-46), the tribe of Levi
excepted, whose special religious functions are described
(i. 47-54). Then follow the camp divisions for the
separate tribes and the order of march (ii. 1-34); the
enumeration of the families of the Levites and the
apportionment of their several places and functions
(iii. 1-39); laws respecting the first-born (iii. 40-51);
regulations respecting the " tent-of-meeting " and its fur
niture ; priestly 'services of the various Levitical families
(iv. 1-49); laws respecting uncleanness (v. 1-31), the
Nazirite (vi. 1-2 1), the words of benediction (verses 22-
27), offerings of the tribal representatives at the altar (vii.
1-89), service of the lamps, and also the cleansing and
dedication of the Levites (viii. 1-26). Then come
varied instructions respecting the passover and tokens for
halting or marching, the use of the two silver trumpets,
and details respecting the onward march (ix. i-x. 28).
II. Chaps, x. 29 -xxv. 18 contain the narrative of
Israel's march till they entered the Moabite territory.
In this section, however, it should be noted that the
enumeration of the spies in chap. xiii. 1-170, XlV- 26-38,
chap. xv. 1-41 on sacrificial offerings, stoning for
Sabbath-breaking, and fringes, chap. xvi. 1-35 in large

THE PENTATEUCH 41
part, dealing with the sin of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram,
and chap. xvi. 36 (xvii. 1 Heb.) — xx. 13 entire and
without a break — all these may be safely assigned to P,
and contain the distinguishing characteristics of this
document. Chap, xviii. in this last group of chapters
contains the laws respecting tithes and other priestly dues,
and the rites of purification by water for those who have
touched a dead body. While chap. xx. 14-21, respect
ing the passage through Edom, belong to E, verses 23-29
are again a P passage. On the other hand, the episodes
which follow (xxi. i-xxv. 5), including the story of Balaam
and Balak, belong almost absolutely to J E, more especi
ally to E. The concluding chapter of this second part
belongs to a large extent to P (xxv. 6-19), descriptive
of the sin with a Midianitish woman and its chastise
ment, a warning against mixed marriages (cf. Ezra ix., x.,
Neh. xiii. 23 ff.). This passage is appended to a short
J E section, xxv. 1-5, which narrates the sin of Baal
Peor. III. The concluding portion of this book, chaps.
xxvi.-xxxvi., belongs almost entirely to P. It contains
a second tribal enumeration of the surviving Israelites
(xxvi.), the story of the daughters of Zelophehad and
the law of female inheritance (xxvii. 1-11), appoint
ment of Joshua to be successor of Moses (xxvii. 12-23),
laws respecting offerings (xxviii.), feast of trumpets and

42 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
sacrificial ritual laws (xxix.), laws respecting vows of
men and of women (xxx.), war with and slaughter of
Midianites, the spoil divided between the people and
the sanctuary (xxxi.), a trans-Jordanic district assigned
to Reuben, Gad and half Manasseh (xxxii. 1-38). A
short J section (verses 39-42), descriptive of the con
quest of Gilead by Manassite clans, concludes this
chapter. Chap, xxxiii. 1-49 contains a list of the stages
in the march, with a short reference to Aaron's death
on Mount Hor. This section is probably a compilation
from varied sources, P, J, E, and D. It may have been
added by the redactor. The rest of the book belongs
altogether to P, and deals with the prospective division
of Canaan among the tribes and the special arrange
ments to be made on behalf of the tribe of Levi
(xxxiv. i-xxxv. 8). There follow the laws respecting
the manslayer and the city of refuge (xxxv. 9-34).
Chap, xxxvi. lays down the laws which regulate marriage
with female heirs.
The poetic fragments in chap. xxi. come from E,
who borrowed them from the "Book of the Wars of
the Lord," a collection of popular songs or poems, some
of which, especially the Song of the Well (verses 17, 18),
may be, like the Song of Deborah, very ancient, and
even extend to the old nomadic days of Israel's life*
By Stade verses 27-30 are referred to the time of the

THE PENTATEUCH 43

wars against Moab by Omri (885 b.c. arc.).1 The
poetic utterances of Balaam come from the documen
tary sources J and E. ; xxiv. 17-19 are evidently allusive
to David's conquering exploits (cf. II. Sam. viii. 2, 13,
14, and Ps. Ix.) and are probably of Judaean origin.
§ 8. The Book of Deuteronomy, which means repetition
of the law, stands altogether apart from the rest of the
Pentateuch. Hardly a trace of the documentary sources
J, E, and P appear in it. It is only when we come to
the close of this Mosaic history and the narrative of
the death of Moses that we once more light on traces
of those documents. Thus xxvii. 5-7 (contrary to the
law of single sanctuary), xxxi. 14-15, 23, seem to
rest upon an E basis, while in xxxiv. 1-7 there are
evident traits of J, and in xxxii. 48-52 and xxxiv. 1,
8-9 we clearly recognise P. The book falls most
naturally into the following divisions : —
I. Retrospective address by Moses, accompanied by ex
hortations, special instructions, and a repetition of
the decalogue and warnings against idolatry (chap's. '
i.-xi.), delivered in the land of Moab (Deut. i. 5).
II. The Deuteronomic legislation (chaps, xii. -xxvi.).
Chaps, xii., xiii., containing warnings against the
1 In the commentary on Isaiah (" Century Bible") it is assigned
with Isa. xv. i-xvi. 12 to the time of Jeroboam II. (a century
later).

44 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
worship of " other gods " ; enforcement of the law
of the single sanctuary, "the place that the Lord
shall choose [to put His name there]," xii. 5, 6, 18.
Chap. xiv. contains the laws of clean and unclean
animals (cf. Lev. xi.). Chap, xv., law of release and
of firstling males. Chap, xvi., the three annual
festivals, with feast of passover connected with feast
of unleavened bread ; law respecting judges and
prohibition of Asherah and pillar. Chap, xvii., re
specting unblemished offerings, judgment, kingship
and the king's duties. Chap, xviii., priesthood of
Levites and their sacrificial portion ; prohibition of
sorcery, necromancy, and divination, and enforce
ment of the claims of Yahweh's prophet. Chap, xix.,
respecting manslaughter and blood revenge — the
sacredness of the landmark — on witnesses. Chaps.
xx.-xxv. deal with war, murder, marriage, criminal pro
cedure, just weights and measures, and other details of
family, social, and agricultural life. Chap, xxvi., in
junctions respecting firstfruits, and final exhortation.
III. The last days of Moses (chaps, xxvii. -xxxiv.).
Chap, xxvii., great plaistered stones on Mount Ebal
to be inscribed with the law ; curses on evil doing.
Chaps, xxix.-xxx., covenant with Israel (continued),
blessings on fulfilment and curses on non-fulfilment
of the law, followed by a prophetic-hortatory discourse.
Chap, xxxi., parting address by Moses. Chap, xxxii.,
Song of Moses, followed by a brief exhortation ; and
lastly a command to Moses to proceed to Mount
Nebo, where he is to die. Chap, xxxiii. is the Bless-

THE PENTATEUCH 45
ing of Moses on the tribes of Israel, parallel to the
Blessing of Jacob in Gen. xlix. The book closes
with the death, burial, and praise of Moses (chap.
.xxxiv.).
We shall begin with the legislative portion (i.e. II.)
which forms the kernel of the book, viz. chaps, xii. -xxvi.
A comparison of this, as well as the earlier portion of
Deuteronomy, reveals the fact that both are dependent
on the earlier documents J and E, especially E. With
out going into detail, it is sufficient to note the fact
that the legislation mainly consists in repetitions and
expansions of the provisions in the " Book of the
Covenant " (Exod. xxi.-xxiii.), incorporated in the docu
ment E. Similarly the Decalogue in Deut. v. 7-21 is
another edition of that in Exod. xx. (E). On the other
hand, the legislative provisions constitute a distinct
advance on those of the earlier and briefer code in
Exod. xxi.-xxiii. This it is most important to note.
(a) The tribe of Levi acquires an exceptional importance
unknown to the earlier codes (Exod. xx. 22-
xxiii. 19 [E] and Exod. xxxiv. 10-28 [J]), all
priestly functions being concentrated in this
priestly tribe.
(b) Repeated reference is made to the single sanctuary
which " Yahweh has chosen to place his name
there" (Deut. xii. 5, 18, 21, xvi. 6, 11, 16,

46 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
xxvi. 2) as the only legitimate place for sacrifice
(see especially xii. 5-7 and 20, 21).
(<r) In xvi. (cf. Exod. xxiii. 14-17) Passover, which is
ignored in the earlier legislative codes, now
acquires special importance in close connection
with the feast of unleavened cakes. The " feast
of ingathering " is now called the " feast of
booths " (" tabernacles ").
(d) The humanitarian traits of the Deuteronomic
legislation, when compared with the earlier codes,
show a considerable advance, unquestionably
due to prophetic influence. This is specially
marked in the treatment of slaves (see Hastings,
D.B., art. Servant, Slave), of the poor, the father
less, and the widow.
To what period does this more advanced legislation
belong ? There are many reasons which clearly indicate
that the ' promulgation of the code must be connected
with the reforms in worship in the reign of Josiah
(622-1 B.C.). The following parallels between the
features in that reformation detailed in II. Kings
and the provisions of the Deuteronomic legislation will
corroborate this statement.
(1) Asherah and vessels destroyed, II. Kings xxiii. 4,
6, 14, 15 ; cf. Deut. xii. 3.
(2) Host of Heaven not to be worshipped, II. Kings

THE PENTATEUCH 47
xxiii. 4; cf. xxi. 3, where the practices of the reign of
Manasseh are referred to. This was an innovation
practised by the kings after the time of Ahaz ; cf.
Deut. xvii. 3.
(3) Destruction of Sodomites' houses, II. Kings xxiii.
7 ; cf. Deut. xxiii. 17, 18.
(4) High places profaned (" defiled "), i.e. abolished,
and its priests removed, II. Kings xxiii. 8. With this
connect the law of the single sanctuary, Deut. xii. 2-5,
with the command to destroy the high places. — The
eighth-century prophets, though acutely conscious of
the evils of the "high places," nevertheless did not
prohibit them. Both J and E represent patriarchs as
sacrificing at Bethel, Shechem, Beersheba, &c. So
also we find kings and prophets doing in the Books
of Samuel and Kings.
(5) Molech worship and child sacrifice (" making
to pass through the fire ") suppressed, II. Kings xxiii.
10 ; cf. the prohibition in Deut. xviii. 10.
(6) Pillars destroyed, II. Kings xxiii. 14; cf. the
command to break them in pieces in Deut. xii. 3 ; cf.
xvi. 22. Earlier codes do not require this. Isa. xix.
19 assumes their legitimacy.
(7) Wizards and necromancers put away, II. Kingsxxiii.
24; cf. the detailed prohibitions in Deut. xviii. 10, 11
(8) We read in II. Kings xxii. 1 1 that when Shaphan

48 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
the scribe read the book of the law to Josiah, the latter
rent his clothes. This he might well have done when
he heard the curses read in Deut. xxviii.
(9) Lastly, the celebration of the passover by Josiah,
as it had never been celebrated in the whole regal
period of Israel's history (II. Kings xxiii. 21-23), is
most significant when we compare the detailed regula
tions in Deut. xvi. 1-7, and note the absence of in
structions respecting this festival in the earlier codes.
In addition to these points of contact between the
legislation of Deuteronomy and the reformation in
Josiah's reign, it should be observed "that the early
prophets Amos (765-736 B.C.), Hosea (745-725), and
the undisputed portions of Isaiah (740-700) show no
traces of this [Deuteronomic] influence ; Jeremiah
(626-585) exhibits marks of it on every page" (Driver).
Of this we have a notable example in Jer. xi.,1 which
is full of Deuteronomic phrases.
These considerations constitute a strong argument
1 Cornill, however, though formerly (in S.B.O.T.) recognising
Jer. xi. 1-14 as genuine, now follows Duhm and Marti in denying
it (see his commentary, p. 144), on what appears to the present
writer insufficient grounds. That the author of vii. 21-28 and
xxxi. 30-33 (the new covenant) should in the earlier days of his
ministry (620 B.a) have been enthusiastic for the reforms of
Josiah is a priori probable. The defeat and death of Josiah
(608 B.C.) wrought a great change in the religious condition of
Judah, and with him the reforming impulse in cultus died.

THE PENTATEUCH

49

for fixing the date of the Deuteronomic legislation as
it stands before us. The promulgation evidently
belongs to 621 B.C. But a careful examination of the
series of chapters xii.-xxvi. shows that it is not homo
geneous. Varieties of expression as well as occasional
signs of duplication show that various hands were at
work on this entire section as it stands, and that the
document brought to light in 622-1 was a briefer
statement.1 One indication in II. Kings xxii. 8, 10,
which clearly points in this direction, and compels us
to assume that the document was not of very consider
able length, is that it was read over twice in the same
day, first by Shaphan the scribe in the temple, and
next it was read over by him in the presence of Josiah.
The discovery of this "book of the Covenant," as it
is called (II. Kings xxiii. 2, probably in anticipatory refer
ence to verse 3), after it had been lost for a considerable
time, has been explained by the not improbable assump
tion that it was drawn up by a certain private priestly
and prophetic circle and deposited in the temple in the
reign of Manasseh. The evils which the legislation
seeks to counteract are those of that long and de-
1 The original form of this legislation is held by Cornill ("Intro
duction to the Old Testament ") to be chap. xii. i-xiii. 18 in briefer
form; xiv. 3, 21-xv. 3, 7-23; xvi. i-xvii. 13; xviii. 1-13; xix. 1-
xx. 1 ; xx. 5-14, 19, 20; xxi. -xxv., though not entire ; xxvi. 1-15.
Probably chap, xxviii. in part was also read before King Josiah.
D

50 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
generate reign. There is also considerable probability
in the view that it may have been based upon a still
earlier and briefer legislation drawn up in the reforming
days of Hezekiah, to which not only II. Kings xviii.
4, but also xviii. 22 and xxi. 3 bear witness.
It is held by most critics that the legislation con
tained in Deut. xii.-xxvi. was provided with an intro
duction, and this probably consisted of chaps, v.-xi.,
and that chap, xxviii. also belonged to this earlier
edition of Deuteronomy1 called D1. Subsequently,
probably soon after the close of the exile, this work
was expanded, provided with a fresh introduction
(chaps, i.-iv.), and the other material than that in D1
already described was added (D2). Most important
of the added material is : —
1. The Song of Moses (xxxii.), in its present form,
cannot be regarded as other than a comparatively late
product, not earlier than the time of the exile. Verses
15 ff. reflect the spirit of rebuke and threatening that
characterise Jeremiah. In fact, the poem is full of
phrases that are reminiscent of Jeremiah. Verses
23-26 obviously presuppose the exile, while verse 39
reminds us of the Deutero-Isaiah (xliii. 10, 11, 13, 25,
1 So Bennett in his " Introduction to the Old Testament," which
combines the qualities of conciseness with clearness. For the
critical theories of Steuernagel, Staerk, and Erbt the reader is
referred to Cornill's " Introduction to the Old Testament," § 9.

THE PENTATEUCH 51
li. 12, also xii. 4, xlviii. 12). We also find a large
number of Deuteronomic expressions.
2. The Blessing of Moses (xxxiii.) is of a far different
character, and reminds us in many points of Gen. xlix.,
but is probably of later origin. Simeon has vanished
from the scene of history, and Reuben is nearing ex
tinction. Levi is definitely a priest tribe (not neces
sarily a sign of lateness ; cf. Judges xvii. 7 ff.). There
is but slight reference to Judah, and that reference,
combined with the lengthened blessing on Joseph,
clearly points to a North Israelite origin and the E
document. It can hardly be later than the earlier
half of the eighth century B.C., and may even be con
siderably earlier.
The Book of Deuteronomy and the tradition out of
which it arose had a far-reaching influence. Deutero
nomic phraseology can be traced in a school of
writers who edited the Old Testament records. It
meets us in the Pentateuch and in the historical
books, and we shall have frequent occasion to refer
to these redactional Deuteronomic additions.
The Pentateuch, as Ryle has shown, must have ex
isted as a canonised body of literature, and have had
a sacred, regulative value in religious worship and
social administration, by the close of the fifth century
b.c (after Ezra's Reformation), i.e. before 400 B.C.1
1 Ryle, "Canon of the Old Testament," p. 93.

CHAPTER III
THE HISTORICAL BOOKS
§ 9. The historical books, or First Prophets of the
Hebrew Canon, consist of Joshua, Judges, I. Samuel,
II. Samuel, I. Kings and II. Kings. These books,
followed by what are called the " latter Prophets," begin
ning with Isaiah and ending with Malachi (but not
including Daniel), constitute the second series of
canonised books of the Jewish synagogue which went
by the general inclusive name "The Prophets." By
the beginning of the second century1 b.c they held
a place in popular veneration only second to the
Pentateuch, or what the Jews have always called " The
Law " (Tdrah, literally " instruction "). Like the Penta
teuch, these " Prophets " (including the above historical
books) possessed a sacred value and were read in the
worship of the sanctuary (cf. Luke iv. 16-20). In
fact, the " Law and the Prophets " constituted the main
part of the sacred scriptures which formed the authorita-
1 Ryle, "Canon of the Old Testament," pp. 109-113.
5=

THE HISTORICAL BOOKS 53
tive basis of religious life and doctrine, though other
books, such as the Psalms and the Book of Daniel,
were also used in worship and highly esteemed. It
will be noted that the expression " Law and Prophets "
frequently occurs in the New Testament as synony
mous with Holy Scripture (Luke xxiv. 27, 44, &c).
It is convenient as well as instructive for us to
follow the order of these successive canonised writings
of the Old Testament as they stand in the Hebrew
Bible or sacred scriptures of the Jews. Of course
canonisation, or official recognition of the sacred validity
of a book and authorisation of its use in worship, is
quite independent of the composition of the book
itself, which may be centuries earlier in date.
§ 10. The Book of Joshua is a continuation of the
story of the Pentateuch after the death of Moses, re
corded in the last chapter of Deuteronomy, but it
appears to have been separated from the Pentateuch,
perhaps before the reforms of Ezra (450-40 B.C.). It
records the conquest of Canaan by Israel under the
leadership of Joshua, whose name is naturally bestowed
on the book. Then follows the division of the land
among the tribes. The book concludes with the dis
courses of Joshua to Israel in a manner analogous
to the conclusion of the Book of Deuteronomy, and
similarly closes with the death of Israel's leader.

54 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
The book falls naturally into three parts : —
I. Chaps, i-xii. record the advance of Israel and
the conquest of Canaan.
II. Chaps, xiii.-xxi., division of the land among
the several tribes.
III. Chaps, xxii. -xxiv. contain Joshua's address to
the Reubenites, Gadites, and half tribe of
Manasseh, the controversy with these trans-
Jordanic tribes respecting their erection of a
"great altar," and its settlement (xxii.). Final
addresses of Joshua to the assembled tribes,
his death and burial (xxiii., xxiv.).
The same documents, P&, J, and E, are interwoven
in this book as in the Pentateuch, but in addition to
these the Deuteronomic additions are much more ex
tensive and conspicuous.
I. In the first twelve chapters there is very little
of P. J and E in alternation furnish the
staple of the nanative, with occasional and
brief Deuteronomic additions (D).
II. It is quite otherwise with chaps, xiii.-xxi. Here
P is by far the most predominant element.
J is occasionally present, E very slightly, while
Deuteronomic additions (D) may be found as
before, e.g. xiii. 1-14 and xiv. 6-15.
III. In the concluding chaps, xxii.-xxiv. P is hardly

THE HISTORICAL BOOKS 55
present at all, whereas the element D is found
in xxii. 1-6 and in xxiii. 1-16, while nearly all
if not the whole of chap, xxiv., which contains
Joshua's farewell address to the assembled tribes
at Shechem, is assigned by all critics to E.
There is little poetry in this book. In x. 12 ff.
there is a couplet (two distichs), associated with the
battle of Bethhoron, quoted in a brief Yahwistic ex
tract (J) from the book of Jashar. See above, § 2.
§ 11. The Book of Judges carries on the history of
Israel from the settlement of Canaan under Joshua
until the birth of Samuel, which is narrated in the book
that follows. It therefore covers the intermediate
period between Joshua and the Hebrew monarchy, and
takes its name from the so-called "Judges"1 who
exercised the functions of ruling (which included judicial
functions) and defending and delivering the Israelite
tribes during war, and were the forerunners of the
Israelite kings.
The work, as might be expected, is composite. Its
true character has been clearly exhibited by critical
investigations mainly conducted by Budde and Kittel
about twenty years ago. The results we can here
1 In Hebrew Shofetim, the same word being used for the rulers
of Carthage, a Phoenician colony, called in Livy suffetes. Cf.
Moore's "Judges" (I.C.C.), pp. xi., 88, 89.

56 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
only present in brief summary. The work may be
divided into : —
(i.) An introduction (chap. i. i-ii. 5) descriptive of
the condition of Canaan when the period of the Judges
opens. This section is exceedingly important for the
historical student, since it is "an old account of the
conquest of Canaan," not by all Israel simultaneously
under Joshua's leadership, "but by individual tribes
separately " (Driver). The opening verse of the book
is evidently editorial, and obscures the character and
chronological relation of the entire section which follows,
which, as Dr. Driver states, " is in reality parallel, at least
in part, with the narrative in Joshua, and not a con
tinuation of it." '
(ii.) A prelude to the history (chap. ii. 6— iii. 6). In
this prelude ii. 11- 19 is thoroughly Deuteronomic in
phraseology8 and tone. Moore, however, finds in it
older material coming from the source E. It is essen
tially a moralising summary of the following history.
(iii.) "The real kernel of the history," as Cornill
designates it (in his Introduction, § 16, 3), is found in
iii. 7-xvi. 31. This section contains the history of
the Judges from Othniel to Samson. Some of these
figures, as Othniel, Tola, Jair, Ibzan, Elon, and 'Abhdon,
1 L. O. T., p. 162.
2 See above, § 8 ad fin., p. 51.

THE HISTORICAL BOOKS 57
are mere shadows, and seem to be based on very
obscure traditions. Throughout the chief portions of
this narrative may be traced either the documents J
and E or documents closely similar. J is certainly
the older, and is assigned by Moore to the ninth
century B.C. E is later, and consists of an earlier
stratum, perhaps not much later than J, and a later
stratum exhibiting a more advanced religious sense,
strongly characterised by prophetic ideas in the judg
ments passed upon tbe religious offences of the people.
This later Elohistic writer probably belonged to the
seventh century. Lastly we have the Deuteronomic
editor, whose insertions are easily recognised, and are,
to use Budde's phrase, planted throughout this section
"like milestones," e.g. chap. iii. 7-15, iv. 1-3, vi.
1, 6b, viii. 28, 33-35, x. 6-8, 12-16. The reflec
tions upon the events of the narrative which these
passages contain might be called a kind of religious
philosophy of history.
Owing to the composite character of the work, dupli
cations in the narrative sometimes appear. Of this
duplication the most conspicuous example is afforded
in chaps, iv. and v. (the Song of Deborah). The latter
is a valuable poetic remnant which has come down to
us (unfortunately in a corrupted text in some passages)
from ancient Israel. The prose narrative which pre-

58 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
cedes it stands contrasted with the poem in several
particulars, (i) In the poem Sisera is evidently the head
of the Canaanite confederacy, whereas in chap. iv. Jabin,
King of Hazor, is the head and Sisera is his general.
(2) In the poem all the tribes surrounding the plain
of Megiddo, Ephraim, Manasseh, Benjamin, Issachar,
Zebulun, and Naphtali unite in the struggle. Judah is,
of course, not mentioned. The more remote tribes,
Dan, Asher, and even Reuben and Gilead beyond
Jordan, are bitterly reproached for standing aloof. In
chap. iv. Barak collects a force from Zebulun and
Naphtali only. (3) In the poem Sisera is standing at
the opening of his tent drinking milk from a bowl when
Jael strikes him the deadly blow. In chap. iv. Jael
drives a tent-pin through his temples when asleep.
Now when we carefully compare Judges iv. with
Joshua xi. 1-15, the parallel must immediately strike us.
For (1) in both we have a war between a confederation
of Israelite tribes against a coalition of Canaanite tribes.
(2) In both the scene of the conflict is N. Palestine ;
according to the Joshua narrative, the battle is fought
by the waters of Merom. (3) In both special mention
is made of Jabin, King of Hazor (Joshua xi. 1 and
Judges iv. 2, 17). It is to be noted that the name of
this king is absent from the ancient song of Deborah,
which mentions Sisera only. Accordingly it is not

THE HISTORICAL BOOKS 59
improbable that Cornill and Guthe are right in the
surmise that Judges iv. blends two narratives in one.
The one consists of the struggle of Jabin, King of
Hazor, in Upper Galilee, led by Barak of Kadesh in
Naphtali, at the head of the tribes Zebulun and
Naphtali. This struggle is held to be identical with
that which is recorded in Joshua xi. 1-15, which belongs
to a later time than that of Joshua. The other narrative
runs parallel to Judges v. and recounts the story of a
larger coalition of Israelite tribes, including the Rachel
stem, viz. Machir (Manasseh), Ephraim, and Benjamin.
The head of this larger coalition is Barak, son of
Abino'am, and the leader of the opposing host is a
warrior with a Hittite name, Sisera. The scene of
the conflict, moreover, is further south, viz. Taanach in
the valley of Megiddo.
Another example of duplication of narrative is to be
found in viii. 4-21, in which the names Zebah and
Zalmunnah take the place of Zeeb and Oreb in the
previous narrative, viz. vi. 2— viii. 3, which is quite inde
pendent and made up of elements from the two
sources J and E. The previous shorter narrative is
obviously a fragment.
(iv.) Lastly, we have an " appendix " (chaps, xvii.-xxi.)
containing the story of Micah with his Ephod and
Teraphim and the advent of the Levite, the migration of

60 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
part of the tribe of Dan northwards, the outrage of Gibea,
and the war of Israel against Benjamin. These narra
tives, like those in the preceding part of the book, are
made up of elements derived from J and E.
The book appears to have passed through at least
two editions as a compilation out of earlier memoirs.
The first was the Deuteronomic redaction, which may
have taken place either during the exile or the early
post-exilian period. This is held by Cornill to have
been ii. 6-19, iii. 7-30, iv. i-viii. 29, 33-35, x. 6-16,
xi. i-xii. 7, and xiii.-xv. The " appendix " was evidently
not included, though it contains old material from J E,
for in chaps, xvii.-xxi. there is no trace of Deuteronomic
editing. The second was the Priestly redaction, which
added to the work these other elements from a redacted
J E and probably other sources.
In the Book of Judges we are brought face to face
with the complicated problems of Biblical chronology.
From the data of the Book of Judges as it stands we
are led to conclude that a far longer period intervened
between the Exodus and the building of the temple in
the fourth year of Solomon's reign than the 480 years
given in I. Kings vi. 1.1 Even the latter estimate is
1 The numerical details will be found most clearly set forth in
Bennett's "Introduction to the Old Testament" (Methuen & Co.),
pp. 83-85. Cf. Cornill's Introduction, § 16, 7.

THE HISTORICAL BOOKS 61
considerably greater than most recent chronologies based
on Egyptology would allow. These would scarcely
admit of a greater interval than barely three centuries.
In all probability the " minor " Judges, Tola, Jair, Ibzan,
&c. (Judges xii. 8-15), should be cancelled out of the
chronological scheme. Moreover, it is wholly un
necessary to suppose that the other "greater judges"
ruled successively over all Israel. The historical con
ditions point in the opposite direction. Their rule was
partial, only involving the hegemony of a few neigh
bouring tribes. Therefore there is nothing to forbid the
assumption that some (e.g. Samson and Jephthah, Barak
and Ehud) ruled contemporaneously. In this manner
we arrive at a very considerable reduction of the
interval that separates the Exodus from the reign of
Solomon. § 12. The Books of Samuel continue the record of
Israel's history from the days of Eli and Samuel to the
reign of David, when the unification of Israel was con
summated by David's statecraft and the military skill of
his general, Joab.
The two Books of Samuel appear originally to have
formed in the Hebrew canon a single book called the
"Book of Samuel," since this term is employed in
the Massoretic note, which is placed at the end of
the second Book of Samuel, specifying the number of

62 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
verses which it contains. There is no such note at the
end of the first book. This is confirmed by a citation
from Origen in Eusebius (vi. 25) which speaks of one
Book of Samuel " called of God." Probably the name
originated, as the Jewish writer Abarbanel suggested,
from the fact that Samuel is regarded as the central
personality. Saul and David, whose history fills most of
the text, were both designated as king by him.
On the other hand, when we turn to the LXX we
find the two books of Samuel designated, along with the
following two books of Kings, as the first and second
of the four books of Kings.
The classification of the contents of the two bdoks
adopted by Budde, and improved by Driver, appears to
be the most natural, viz. : —
I. I. Sam. i.-vii. Eli and Samuel.
II. I. Sam. viii.-xiv. Samuel and Saul.
III. I. Sam. xv. -xxxi. Saul and David.
IV. II. Sam. i.-xx. David.
V. II. Sam. xxi. -xxiv. An addendum consisting of
varied contents, poems and narratives.
Thenius, one of the soundest of the German critical
scholars of the middle of the nineteenth century, per
ceived that the narratives contained in these books
were composite in character. The grounds were as
follows : —

THE HISTORICAL BOOKS 63
(a) Some events are narrated in two, and moreover
divergent, forms. Take for example the two narratives
respecting the choice of Saul as king in I. Sam. ix. i-
x. 16 and in x. 17-27, and the grounds and mode of his
rejection, I. Sam. xiii. 8-14 compared with xv. 1-30.
(b) In several places we can clearly discover what
appears to be a conclusion to some special section, e.g.
I. Sam. xiv. 47-51, a resume respecting Saul's wars and
his family. In II. Sam. viii. 15-18 we have a list of
David's officers ; in xx. 23-26 we have a second list
of like character.
(c) Differences in style. Thus in II. Sam. viii. we
have a bare chronicle, while in I. Sam. i.-iii. we have
a style more epic in manner. Or we might compare
I. Sam. vii., the style of which resembles the Deutero
nomic, with I. Sam. xiii., which possesses no such
character. Other writers who followed Thenius, viz. Wellhausen,
Stade, Kittel, and Cornill, have set forth this composite
nature of the books more completely. But the chief
credit here, as in the case of the Book of Judges,
belongs to Budde, who in 1888 showed that the
same kind of documentary strata are traceable in
these books as in the Book of Judges. We shall
now set forth his main results.
In the first place, we have the older document J

64 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
which makes Gilgal the place of Saul's appointment
as king. In fact, it is in the description of the events
which lead up to Saul's election as king in chaps, viii. —
xii. that the contrasts between the two sources appear
in sharpest relief. According to J, the Benjamite
Kish sends his son Saul with a slave to find some
lost she-asses. After wandering in a vain search, Saul
is induced by his slave to seek counsel from a "man
of God " in a neighbouring town, a seer who is Samuel
himself. To Samuel Yahweh had already announced
that a Benjamite would come to him on the morrow,
and that he was to be anointed by the seer as prince
over his people. Samuel accordingly welcomes Saul
and receives him as an honoured guest, together with
his slave attendant, at the sacred meal in the high place.
On the following day he anoints Saul and' gives him
the sign of his Divine call (chaps, ix. i-x. 16).
About a month1 after this Nahash the Ammonite
besieges Jabesh Gilead, and emissaries from Jabesh
cross the Jordan in order to seek help from the
disgraceful terms of surrender imposed. They arrive
in Gibea, and Saul coming in with his team of oxen
beholds a scene of lamentation and woe. Overpowered
by a Divine spirit of anger, he stirs up Israel to the
1 We follow here the reading indicated by the LXX (chap. x.
27*, linked to the following chapter).

THE HISTORICAL BOOKS 65
deliverance of the beleaguered and the subjugation
of the Ammonites. The people amid festive sacrifices
raise Saul to the kingship (chap. xi.).
In the second place, we have another later document
E. Here Samuel appears as quite a different figure.
He is no longer a seer-priest in a provincial town,
but Israel's judge ruling the people in Yahweh's name.
He is moreover an old man. The people are dis
contented with the conduct of his sons, and desire
to have a king like the neighbouring nations. Samuel
disapproves of this desire, and Yahweh regards it as
an act of apostasy, but commands Samuel to comply
with the people's wish after having first warned them
what a king's prescriptive rights were. The people
nevertheless persist in their desire (chap. viii.). They
are dismissed to their towns, and are subsequently
summoned to Mizpah (chap. x. 17), and there Saul
is chosen by lot as king. In a solemn discourse to
the people Samuel lays down his office as judge, and
warns them of their heavy responsibility. He promises
the people God's favour if, nevertheless, they remain
faithful to Him (chap. xii.). In this document E Saul
is no longer the young son of a Benjamite chief, but
an independent warrior and father of a warlike son of
considerable prowess.
We may now present a summary of the results of
E

66 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
a careful analysis. The document E narrates the
history of Samuel, priest, prophet, and last judge, from
his birth and early childhood in chaps, i.-iii. In these
early chapters there is inserted in chap. ii. i-io the
Song of Hanna, which may be regarded as a Song of
Thanksgiving for victory, yet is in reality, as Budde
(who follows Smend and Cheyne 1 ) describes it, an
" extra-canonical Psalm " which celebrates the final
victory of Yahweh and His people over the godless
and the heathen. The reference to the barren woman
bearing children is the link which has served to con
nect it with Hanna. That the poem is a post-exilian
production and to be classed as a Psalm, like the
"writing" of Hezekiah (Isa. xxxviii. io ff.) and the
"Prayer" of Habakkuk (Hab. iii.), is clearly shown
by the large number of literary parallels between this
song and Psalm-literature (note especially verses i and
5). Verse 8 is nearly identical with Ps. cxiii. 7 ff.
Chaps, iv.-vi. evidently come from the same source,
viz. E, since the points of contact between chap. iv.
and i.-iii. are apparent in the former. Here, it is true,
Samuel is not mentioned, yet the points of contact with
E in chaps, i.-iii. are quite manifest in chap. iv. Thus
in ii. 12-17, 22, 25 the evil deeds of Hophni and
Phinehas are recounted and the rebuke administered
1 "Origin of the Psalter," p. 57.

THE HISTORICAL BOOKS 67
by their father Eli, while the calamity announced in
verse 34 comes to pass in chap. iv. Respecting
chap. vii. there has been some difference of opinion.
Some critics, including Kittel and Max Lohr, are disposed
to see clear traces in this chapter, as well as in chap, xii.,
of Deuteronomic influence. On the other hand, Cornill
contends that Jer. xv. 1 is an allusion to I. Sam. vii.
and xii., and that therefore these chapters must have
been composed before his time.1 He would agree,
therefore, with Budde in assigning chap. vii. to E.
Chap, viii., as we have already noted, belongs to the
same source. — Chap. ix. i-x. 16 is, as already explained,
a narrative coming from J, while x. 17-27 belongs
to E. On the other hand, xi. 1-11 2 is J. — Chap. xii.
should be connected with chap. vii. (E). — Chap. xiii.
2-70 is once more J, but verse 1 (omitted in LXX)
is a chronological addition framed on the Deuteronomic
model. Verses lb-\$a Cornill would assign to a later
writer of the same school as J (Introd., § 17, 5). —
Chap. xiv. 1-46 and 52 belongs to J. It is otherwise
1 The references in Jeremiah to the E sections in I. Samuel
should be noted. Wellhausen has already noted the parallel in
language between Jer. xix. 3 and I. Sam. iii. 11. Jer. vii. 12-15 is
evidently based on I. Sam. iv.
2 X. 25, 27 and x. 12-14 are assigned by Budde to the redactor
of JE.

68 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
with 47-51, which may be regarded as Deuteronomic.
Verse 48 reminds us clearly of Judges ii. 16. — Chap. xv.
belongs to E. Chap. xvi. 1-13 in its present form
is certainly later, though Budde considers that it was
probably based on a narrative by E. On the other
hand, verses 14-23 are a continuation of the narrative
of J at the point where it left off at xiv. 52, and of
the unfortunate episode of the preceding verses 24-45.
We now come to a section, chap. xvii. i-xviii. 5,
which bristles with problems. This section belongs
to E. The verses 34-37 may be compared with
Gen. xxxi. 36-42, which is also an E passage. We
have here a second and quite distinct account of
David's introduction to Saul, which bears no rela
tion to the first (xvi. 14-23), which belongs to J. The
account of David's victory over Goliath is recorded
in two distinct versions. The first, xvii. 1-11 and 32,
is common to the LXX (cod. B) and our Hebrew Mas-
soretic text, as well as 33-36 (with additions in LXX),
37-39 (with variants), 42-47 (with additions :), 48 (first
part only), 49, 51 (with omission of clause "and drew it
out of the sheath thereof"), 52-54. All the verses which
are not enumerated in this list, as well as xviii. 1-5, are
1 In the LXX, David, in answer to Goliath's angry query in
verse 43, "Am I a dog that thou comest to me with staves?"
makes the spirited reply, " Nay, yet worse than a dog ! "

THE HISTORICAL BOOKS 69
omitted in the Vatican text (B) of the LXX. The
second version is the more extended one of our Hebrew
(Massoretic) text. In the Alexandrian text (cod. A)
the omitted verses are incorporated. This addition
of the missing verses in the LXX, cod. A, was evidently
made at a later time, for these added verses adhere
much more closely to the later or Massoretic text of
our Hebrew Bibles. Thus the Vatican MS. of the
LXX and our Hebrew text present two distinct
recensions. Budde considers that the LXX (i.e.
cod. B) text has arisen through a harmonising ten
dency which sought to remove those elements which
are at variance with xvi. 14 ff., a view which is
supported by Kittel.
In chap, xviii., verses 1-4 and 12-19 belong to
E, while to J must be assigned verses 5-1 1, 20-30.
Here again due note should be taken of the omissions
in LXX, cod. B, viz. verses 10-11, 12b, 17-19, 21b
(which Budde regards as redactional), 26b, 29^, and 30.
Moreover, it may be noted that a smoother and more
consistent narrative is obtained by these omissions.
Probably Kuenen and Wellhausen are right in supposing
that here, as in chap, xvii., the LXX, or the compilers
of the Hebrew original which they translated, endea
voured by omissions to simplify and harmonise the
narrative.— In chap, xix., verses 1-10 belong to E,

70 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
and Kittel, as well as Budde would derive verses 11-17
from the same source.1 This is, however, doubted by
Cornill (Introd., § 17, 7). On the other hand, all three
critics are agreed that xix. 18-xx. ia is a later edition of
the same character as xvi. 1-13. — Chap. xx. is difficult
to analyse. Max Lb'hr considers that it is made up
of a series of smaller sections which do not fit in well
together, while Budde ascribes it to the document J,
but that it has been, especially in the speeches, con
siderably worked over. Both Budde and Cornill, as
well as other critics, consider that verses 40 ff. at the
close of the chapter are hardly consistent with the
preconcerted signals arranged between Jonathan and
David, which were expressly designed to obviate the
need for an interview with its attendant risks. On
these grounds it is held that these verses are an in
dependent addition based on chap. xix. 1-7, and also
on the tradition of the close friendship of David and
Jonathan. On the other hand, it is surely quite
possible that we have here the report of an actual
incident detached, it may be, from its original con
nection — Chap. xxi. 1-9 (1-10 Heb.) belong to E,
and probably constitute one of the earlier portions
1 The reference to the Teraphim may be compared with like
reference in Gen. xxxi. 32-35, Judges xvii. ff., which are E
sections.

THE HISTORICAL BOOKS 71
of that document. Verses 10-15 (n-16 Heb.), the
narrative describing David's stay with Achish, King of
Gath, are later according to some critics, and hardly
consistent with preceding facts, since David is called
(verse 11, 12 Heb.) "king of the land." This ex
pression, however, is put in the mouth of Achish, and
can scarcely be pressed. It is quite possible that these
verses are not placed in actual chronological sequence
with verses 1-9. The connection between verse 11
and xviii. 7 would indicate that no long interval sepa
rates this episode from that recorded in xviii. 6-9.
Chap. xxii. 1-4 belong to J. Verse 5 is rejected
by Budde, and now by Cornill (Introd., 6th ed.), but
the grounds are by no means cogent, though the intro
duction of the prophet Gad (elsewhere " the Seer "),
who belongs to later history (II. Sam. xxix. n), may
appear strange. Verses 6-23 probably belong to the
other source E, and appear to be in sequence with
chap. xxi. 1-9.
Chapters xxiii.-xxiv. and xxvi. Of these xxiii. 1-13
belong to both J and E combined, whereas xxiii. 14-
xxiv. 22 are of uncertain origin. Cornill (Introd., § 17,
8) assigns xxiii. 19-xxiv. 22 to E. It is quite evident
that chap. xxvi. stands separate. From xxiii. 19-
xxiv. 22 we have a continuous narrative, interrupted
only by the interlude, xxiii. 27-28, describing how a

72 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
sudden Philistine raid draws away Saul from the pursuit
of David. To xxiii. 19-xxiv. 22 we have an evident
duplicate in chap. xxvi. Max Lohr follows Wellhausen
and Driver in rejecting Budde's view, which makes
chap. xxvi. a later production (viz. E) than the former.
All these critics as well as Cornill (ibid.) consider that
chap. xxvi. shows more signs of belonging to an older
and more original document (i.e. J). The evidence
from language is by no means conclusive. Budde has
noted several words which seem to point decisively to
the E, since they are employed in E passages in
Genesis, Joshua, and Judges.
Chaps, xxv.-xxxi. (with the omission of chap. xxvi.
already discussed) might be regarded as a continued
narrative belonging to J if it were not for the episode
described in chap, xxviii. 3-25, which disturbs the
chronological sequence and would appear more naturally
immediately before chap. xxxi. than in its present posi
tion. Verses 17 ff. seem to point back decisively to
chap. xv. Consequently many critics (Stade, Kuenen,
Kittel, and others) have ascribed it to the same source
as chap, xv., i.e. E. On the other hand, note that
Samuel is here once more the seer of chaps, ix., x. 1-16
(not the Judge), whom Saul consults in his desperate
need because God gives no answer (verse 6). The
truth seems to be (as Budde shows) that Deuteronomic

THE HISTORICAL BOOKS 73
influence had entered into the narrative which comes
from J (cf. verses 9 ff. with Deut. xviii. 11), and this
passage has, through this redactional influence, been
displaced. In the Second Book of Samuel, we must on critical
grounds separate chaps, i.-viii. from the rest of the
book. 1. In chaps, i.-viii. the documents J and E can
still be traced, but apparently not further. Chaps, i.-v.
at all events in the main belong to J. The only
exceptions are chap. i. 5-1 1 and 13-16, which belong
to E. This explains the divergent tradition of Saul's
death which meets us in I. Sam. xxxi. 1-7, which comes
from J, in which the wounded Saul inflicts death upon
himself on the refusal of his armour-bearer to perform
the deed, and the narrative in II. Sam. i. 5-1 1, in
which we have the confession of the Amalekite, which
David implicitly believes, that he had committed the
deed. This, as we have seen, belongs to E.
In chap. i. 19-27 we have the Elegy on Saul and
Jonathan, composed by David, inserted into the narra
tive from the "Book of Jashar"1 (see above under § 2).
Reasonable criticism will coincide with the dictum of
Cornill that we have absolutely no warrant for doubting
1 The LXX calls it "Book of Song" (shir), the characters
which make up Jashar in the original being transposed.

74 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
the authenticity of the Song. It is a genuine product
of David's poetic genius. And the same remark applies
to the Elegy on Abner in chap. iii. 33, 34.
Chap. iii. 2-5 and v. 4-16 have probably been in
serted here out of the original connection in which
they stood. On the other hand, chap. vii. has quite
a distinctive character which separates it from that
which precedes and follows. If it belongs to E it
should be assigned to the later stratum of that docu
ment belonging to a period in the seventh century
that precedes the Book of Deuteronomy. It bears a
definitely Messianic impress, and evidently comes after
the powerful impulse to Messianic prophecy communi
cated by the teaching of Isaiah in the latter part of
the eighth century. Chap. viii. is probably derived
from J. With verses 16-18 we may connect such
sections as chaps, iii. 2-5," v. 13-16, and xx. 23-26
(see below).
Chaps, ix.-xx. form a continuous whole, and with
this section Wellhausen would connect chap. vi. It is
difficult and precarious to find traces of E in this
section ; indeed, that document in its earlier form can
hardly be traced anywhere after the death of Saul.
These chapters, as Cornill shows (Introd., § 17, 9),
exhibit many parallels in expression with other previous
J passages in these books. The following points,

THE HISTORICAL BOOKS 75
moreover, may be specially noted: (1) Chap. xi. 22 has
in LXX an important addition; (2) chap. xii. 10-12 has
been regarded by recent critics as a later addition to
Nathan's speech, made by a writer who regarded all
the evils in David's subsequent history as the harvest
springing from David's sin against Uriah the Hittite.
(3) The relation of chap. x. i-xi. 1 has to be considered.
According to x. 6 the Ammonites hire the Aramseans
of Beth-Reh6b, of Soba, the King of Ma'akah, and the
people of Tobh, all apparently SW. Aramaeans living
near to the Ammonites. On the other hand, chap.
viii. makes no mention of the Ammonites except in
the bare enumeration in verse 12, unless we are to
suppose (with Budde) that Moab stands by mistake
for Ammon in verse 2. Verses 7-12 may be regarded
as an insertion, probably based on J material. Now
in chap. viii. and chap. x. (together with xii. 26-31)
we have probably records of one and the same cam
paign against the Ammonites and their Aramcean allies.
(4) Chaps, xiii. -xx., which may be called the Absalom
narrative, are relatively well preserved and free from
redactional insertions.
We now come to chaps, xxi.-xxiv. These are to
be regarded as addenda to the Books of Samuel, with
poetic insertions subsequently included. Among the
narrative portions xxi. 1-14 is evidently derived from

76 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
J, and its contents connect it with chap, xxiv., while the
following section, xxi. 15-22, is connected in the same
way with xxiii. 8-39. The two poetic passages, chap. xxii.
and xxiii. 1-7, can only be briefly dealt with here.
Chap. xxii. is Ps. xviii. in a somewhat different
version, less reliable in text. The fact that this Psalm
should have been selected for insertion in this appendix
out of the entire body of so-called Davidic Psalms
points to a tradition which specially connected this
song with David. That the entire Psalm emanated
from him is very improbable. It is, however, possible
that verses 1-20 are based upon an original Davidic
song. Verse 15 is echoed in Ps. cxliv. 6. But the
later portions of the Psalm, as verse 31 (cf. Prov. xxx.
5), have a reflective character belonging to later
Hebrew literature.
It is otherwise with the Last Words of David (xxiii.
1-7). The opening phrases seem to be borrowed
from the oracles of Balaam, Num. xxiv. 3 ff., 15 ff.
The characterisation of David as " sweet in Israel's
lays," and the proverbial style of verses 4 ff., point
to a later period than that of David, though it is im
possible on the slight basis of this short poem to
determine even approximately what that period is.
As in the case of the Book of Judges, so it is
evident that the Books of Samuel passed through a

THE HISTORICAL BOOKS 77
Deuteronomic redaction. This, as Budde has shown,
affected the order of the component elements. But
it is hardly safe to attempt a reconstruction of the
order and form of the successive editions as they
appeared. That there was more than one edition (or
"redaction") of the work is shown by the two lists
of David's state officials in chap. viii. 16-18 and in
chap. xx. 23-26, which are close counterparts, the latter
apparently the more correct in form. A comparison
with the LXX on the one hand, and with the parallel
in I. Chron. xviii. 15-17 on the other, shows that
textual corruption has entered into the names in
chap. viii. 16-18. It is to a final post-exilian redaction
of the work that the insertion of the Psalm and "last
words " of David are due (II. Sam. xxii., xxiii. 1-7).
§ 13. The Books of Kings are called the "third
and fourth books of Kings " in the LXX (see the
beginning of § 12), and we know from the testimony of
Jerome that as far back as the fourth century a.d. they
constituted a single book in the Hebrew scriptures.
The influence of the Book of Deuteronomy upon
the contents and structure of the work is more clearly
visible here than in the Books of Samuel. The
period of the exile and the century which immedi
ately followed must have been one of considerable
literary activity. To this interval the redaction of the

78 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
Book of Deuteronomy in nearly its present form, and
of the historical books from Judges to Kings, is to
be ascribed. The overthrow of the Jewish kingdom
in the seventh century had awakened the reflective and
religious spirit of the faithful followers of Yahweh
who had been deported into exile, and who had been
taught by the prophets to regard the humiliations and
disasters to the Jewish state at the hands of foreign
powers as God's chastisements for the sins of idolatry
and social oppression. These lessons of past history
are enforced in these historical books in appropriate
sections, usually very brief.1 One of the longest and
most characteristic passages of this kind is to be
found in II. Kings xvii. 7-19. Also the characters
of the successive monarchs of Israel and of Judah
are estimated from the religious and legal standpoint
of the Book of Deuteronomy, which enforced the
legitimacy of the single sanctuary at Jerusalem only,
and forbad the worship of the high places with their
stone pillars and Asherim (mistranslated " groves ").
The contents of the two books fall into the follow
ing divisions : —
(i.) I. Kings i.-ii. The last days of David. The
intrigues and conflicts respecting the succession
and Solomon's ascent of the throne.
1 Cf. above, § 11, p. 57.

THE HISTORICAL BOOKS 79
(ii.) I. Kings iii.-xi. The reign of Solomon.
(iii.) I. Kings xii. 1-24. The revolt of the northern
tribes and the constitution of the Israelite
kingdom.
(iv.) I. Kings xii. 25 -II. Kings xvii. 41. The
parallel history of the Northern and Southern
Kingdoms until the capture of Samaria by
Sargon II. of Assyria. The end of the Kingdom
of Israel (722-1 b.c). Concluding moral re
flections on the same, and the subsequent
history of the imported settlers.
(v.) II. Kings xviii. -xxv. History of the Kingdom
of Judah from the capture of Samaria to the
capture and destruction of Jerusalem (587-6
b.c.) and the exile in Babylonia (to 561 B.C.).
(i.) I. Kings i., ii. is evidently a continuation and
conclusion of the history of David's reign in II. Sam.
ix.-xx., probably by the same narrator.
(ii.) I. Kings iii.-xi. is a compilation made from
various sources which the Deuteronomic editor has
excerpted and adapted for his own special purposes.
Among these sources was a special work called the
Book of the Acts of Solomon, to which express refer
ence is made in I. Kings xi. 41. This work seems
to have consisted of a series of narratives descriptive
of the glory of Solomon. Another source consisted

80 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
in the annals of Solomon's reign, containing lists of
his officers as well as statistical details such as may
be found in iv. 1-19, v. 27, 28. In addition to this,
it is agreed among most recent critics that there was
an old Temple-record preserved by the Jerusalem priest
hood, which contained a full description of the erec
tion, architectural construction, as well as furniture
of the Temple, such as could hardly have found a
place in the Annals. To this documentary source
I. Kings vi. and vii. are to be ascribed, and perhaps also
I. Kings xiv. 25-28, xv. 16-22, as well as II. Kings xiv.
8-15 and xviii. 14-16 (Cornill). The insertions of
the Deuteronomic editor are as clearly discernible in
this portion of the Book of Kings as they are in
the following sections, viz. in iii. 2, 3, v. 4, 9-13, the
long inaugural temple-prayer of Solomon viii. 14-61,
and also ix. 1-9. We have also a characteristic
example of Deuteronomic editing in the closing refer
ence to Solomon's reign in xi. 41-43, to which close
parallels will be found in the following chapters of
the Books of Kings.
To this section also belongs what may be reasonably
held to be the mutilated fragment of a poem composed
by Solomon himself, placed in our Hebrew version
in verses 12, 13, but in the LXX after verse 53, which
is certainly a quite appropriate place for it. With

THE HISTORICAL BOOKS 81

the aid of the LXX we can restore this ancient and
interesting fragment thus : —
" The Sun hath Yahweh set in the heaven,
Hath determined to dwell in the thick darkness ;
I have surely built a dwelling-house for thee,
An abiding place for thee to inhabit for ever."
According to the LXX, this fragment is inserted from
a work called the " Book of Songs." As no other
mention is made of such a work, Wellhausen has
ingeniously suggested that here we have a corruption
of the original, which ought to be rendered " Book of
Jashar." * See above, § 2.
We also find occasional traces of a later post-exilian
redaction due to the influence of the traditions of
the document P. Thus in I. Kings viii. 1-4, the
1 Shir, " song," arising by a transposition of consonants out of
fashar. Kittel, however, is disposed to regard "Book of Songs"
as the original as well as appropriate reading here. The question
indeed arises whether the corruption may not have arisen in the
reverse direction to that which Wellhausen suggests, viz. that Jashar
(yashar) itself is a corruption of the original shir. The passages
cited from the so-called "Book of Jashar" are all poetic, and the
name Jashar (or " upright ") connotes ethical rather than martial or
heroic qualities. It may. however, have been a designation of
Israel, as the name Jeshurun seems to suggest (see note on Isa. xliv.
2 in "Century Bible"). This appears to be the strongest argu
ment for the retention of the word Jashar as the original, though
somewhat enigmatic, form. E

82 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
omission of certain clauses in the LXX indicates that
they were late additions to the text. We have similar
omitted clauses in chap. v. 4-6, which are evidently later
insertions, since they are not (note especially verses 5
and 6) to be found in the Vatican MS. of the LXX.1
(iii. and iv.) I. Kings xii. 1 - xvii. 41. As we
enter the period of the Divided Kingdom with the
reign of Rehoboam, it becomes at once evident that
we are dealing with a continuous history, and worked
out in a uniform framework clearly marked out by
definite formulas, and a system of cross-references in
chronology whereby the synchronism of the reigns
of the Judaean and Israelite kings may be made
clear. These cross-references were probably later
than the definite statements as to the length of
each monarch's reign, since the length of each mon
arch's reign would naturally be stated in the annals
preserved in the state archives, while the cross-
references would be the work of an editor of a
complete parallel chronicle of the regal period of
both kingdoms. Moreover, as Kittel2 points out,
these cross-references in chronology are sometimes
at variance with the statements as to the length of
1 Comp. with I. Kings v. 6, II. Chron. i. 14,
2 Introduction to his Commentary on the. Books, of Kings (in
German), p. xi..

THE HISTORICAL BOOKS 83
the king's reign or other historical details. These
inconsistences cannot be easily obviated by the as
sumption of textual errors. They are best explained
by the hypothesis that the synchronisms or cross-
references were the work of a later editor, the earlier
editor being the Deuteronomic redactor.
The stereotyped formulae of this framework of regal
history consist in stating, in the case of the Judcean
kings, the age of the monarch on his accession, the
length of his reign, the name of his mother, also his
death and burial. In the case of the Israelite kings we
have the length of reign and the death mentioned. To
these details are added the synchronistic cross-references
in the case of both Israelite and Judaean kings to which
allusion has already been made. We have likewise the
characteristic Deuteronomic estimate of the character
and policy of each successive monarch. Even Zimri,
who only reigned for a week, is not passed over (I. Kings
xvi. 15-20).
Just as we have a "book of the acts (or history)
of Solomon," from which the Deuteronomic editor
borrowed in his record of Solomon's reign (I. Kings iii.
11), so in the following history of the divided kingdoms
of Israel and' Judah we have the Book of the Chronicles
of the Kings of Israel and the Book of the Chronicles of
the Kings of Judah% to which reference is repeatedly

84 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
made at the close of the narrative of a king's reign.
It would be natural to suppose that these works were
simply the royal state annals of the kingdoms of Israel
and Judah respectively. But ever since the time of
Kuenen, O.T. scholars have held that these are histori
cal works based upon such original documents, rather
than the documents themselves. For the Northern
Kingdom it hardly seems probable that such state annals
could have existed in the form in which they are here
presented. Thus the conspiracy "wrought" by Zimri
(I. Kings xvi. 20) or by Shallum (II. Kings xv. 15) are
expressions which belong rather to an independent
history based on official documents than to those official
documents themselves. It is extremely doubtful how
far access to the official annals of the Northern King
dom would be possible after the dynastic troubles and
wars ending with the siege and capture of Samaria in
722 b.c. This would apply to the official records of
Pekah's reign (cf. II. Kings xv. 31). This monarch, who
waged war with Jotham and Ahaz, was ultimately slain
by the Assyrians, as Tiglath Pileser's inscriptions inform
us. It is therefore probable that the " Book of the
Chronicles of the Kings of Israel " was an Ephraimite
work, which had passed over into Judasa and had been
employed either in its original form or, as is probable,
in a Judaean recension by the Deuteronomic editor.

THE HISTORICAL BOOKS 85
When this Judaean recension was made it is impossible
to say. The " Chronicles of the Kings of Judah " was
a parallel historical work based on state records of
the Southern Kingdom, which must have been com
posed during or after the reign of Jehoiakim, since
the last reference to it is to be found in the ordinary
formula, " Now the rest of the acts," &c, which comes
at the close of the reign of Jehoiakim (II. Kings
xxiv. 5).
In addition to these histories of the two kingdoms,
we have inserted into the middle of the work bio
graphical narratives respecting the two prophets of
the Northern Kingdom, Elijah and Elisha. The narra
tive of the prophet Elijah can be readily detached
from the surrounding matter, viz. I. Kings xvii. -xix.,
xxi., II. Kings i. 2-17 (most of which is regarded by
some critics as late). The narrative of the prophet
Elisha consists of more detached episodes, II. Kings ii-
viii. 15 and xiii. 14-21, which by no means suggest
unity of origin like the Elijah narratives. Undoubtedly
both originated in the Northern Kingdom.
There was also another Ephraimite narrative which
was utilised by the Deuteronomic redactor, viz. The
graphic story of Ahab's wars contained in I. Kings xx.
and xxii. 1-38, which are evidently distinct from
the Elijah narrative in chaps, xix. and xxi. Kittel

86 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
in his commentary1 has pointed out special features
of language in the original of this Ephraimite narrative
of Ahab's reign. To this same document belongs the
equally vivid story of Jehu's usurpation and his over
throw of the Omri dynasty and its Phoenician Baal
worship, II. Kings ix. i-x. 27. Most recent critics,
however, follow Stade in regarding x. 12-16 as an
insertion from another source, since verses 12 ff. do
not fit in naturally with verses 1 7 ff. The spirit of this
interesting Ephraimite document is evidently strongly
national and in sympathy with the prophetic move
ment against the Phoenician cult favoured by the
Omri dynasty and upheld by Jezebel.
We pass now from these older sources to some of
the later insertions which have been incorporated in
the Books of Kings. One of the most striking examples
of these later insertions is to be found in the late
narrative, I. Kings xii. 33— xiii. 33. In this the mention
of the name of Josiah, King of Judah (in xiii. 2), is
an indication that we have here a late production
composed after 621 b.c under the influence of the
Deuteronomic standards of cultus and legality. The
story is introduced into the texture of the work by the
preface of a Deuteronomic redactor who wrote xii. 30-
32. In fact, it is quite evident to the careful reader
1 In German, p. 163.

THE HISTORICAL BOOKS 87
that the Deuteronomic editor fastened upon the reign
of " Jeroboam the son of Nebat who made Israel to
sin " as one of the turning-points of religious as well as
political history which needed the pen of the redactor
to throw it into powerful and instructive relief. This
is clearly visible in the following narrative, I. Kings xiv.
1-24. But the Judaean editor bestows his blame im
partially. It falls on Rehoboam (verses 22 ff.) as well
as on Jeroboam I.
(v.) II. Kings xviii. i-xxv. 30. We now pass to the
record of Judah's history after the capture of Samaria.
Here the narrative is obviously based on the Judaean
Chronicle (" Chronicles of the Kings of Judah "), which,
as we have already explained, made use of the official
state records. The narrative flows on in much the
same fashion, with the characteristic touches and in
sertions of the Deuteronomic redactor. We notice
these traits more especially when we come to the
reactionary reigns of Manasseh, Amon, and Jehoiakim.
Just as we had in the earlier portions of the history
of the regal period inserted portions derived from
Ephraimite narratives of the prophets Elijah and Elisha,
so we have here inserted portions derived from an
earlier and a later biography of Isaiah, probably com
posed by writers belonging to the prophetic circle.
The earlier section is found in II. Kings xviii. 13, 17-

88 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
xix. 8, and the later in xix. 9-37. Owing to the use
that is made of both narratives, the single embassy of
Rabshakeh, who is despatched by Sennacherib from the
Assyrian camp at Lachish and confers with the Jewish
elders, is made to appear as though there were two,
in both of which Rabshakeh speaks in much the same
strain. In these chapters which describe the events
of the reign of Hezekiah, II. Kings xx. has been mis
placed, since Merodach Baladan's embassy takes chro
nological precedence of the invasion by Sennacherib
described in xviii. 13 ff.
A careful examination of the text of I. and II. Kings
shows that it has been edited not once only by the
Deuteronomic editor, but has passed through a three
fold redaction. The first Deuteronomic redaction was
that which embraced the entire historical books of the
Old Testament from Gen. ii. \b onwards, including
only the pre-exilian narratives within its scope (J and
E), and ended with II. Kings xxiv. 7. This redaction was
probably effected shortly before the close of the Judeean
kingdom, i.e. about 600 B.C.
Clear traces of a later Deuteronomic redaction may
be found in which definite reference is made to the
exile. Thus in II. Kings xvii. 19, 20, 34^-41, Judah
is specifically included in the judgments which are to
befall disobedience. Nor is the sin only the defection

THE HISTORICAL BOOKS 89
from the central and true worship associated with the
name of Jeroboam son of Nebat, but Canaanite idolatry
as well. Similarly in II. Kings xxi. 7-15, the "line of
Samaria and the plummet of the house of Ahab" is
denounced against Judah for the Asherah worship of
King Manasseh. After II. Kings xxiv. 7, the later
Deuteronomic redaction probably supplies the concluding
historical and other matter, which is brought down to
561 B.C. in the reign of Evil Merodach, when Jehoiachin
was released. No allusion is made to the return from
exile; accordingly some time between 560-555 b.c.
may be assigned to this second Deuteronomic redaction.
We have also clear indications of a last and final post-
exilian redaction under the influence of P, e.g. I. Kings
vi. 16, where the reference to "the most holy place"
is inserted. Moreover, in the ritual details of I. Kings
viii. 1-11 the influence of P is obvious in every line.
Only a brief allusion can here be made to the
variations in text which are indicated by the LXX
version. A remarkable example of this is to be found
in the LXX Vatican and Lucian text of I. Kings
xii. 24, in the Greek text, as compared with I. Kings
xii. 6-9 in the Hebrew text of our Bibles. On this
we would refer the reader to Principal Skinner's full
note in the "Century Bible" Commentary on Kings,
Appendix, Note IL, p. 443.

CHAPTER IV
THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS
§ 14. The Prophetical Books, or, in the language of the
Hebrew canon, "the Latter Prophets" (cf. § 9, p. 52,
above), fall into two parts, viz. the Greater Prophets
Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, and the "Lesser" or
"Minor Prophets." According to one of the treatises
in the Talmud, Isaiah did not always stand first in the
list of prophets, since, according to this tradition, it
came third in the list of greater prophets and Jeremiah
came first. This may have been due to the fact that
the Book of Isaiah is really a collection of prophetic
groups of oracles, some of these groups, more especi
ally chaps, xxiv.-xxvii., being very late. The entire col
lection was therefore in all probability formed at a later
time than those of Jeremiah and Ezekiel. However this
may be, it is certain that at the time of Origen, in the
early part of the third century, Isaiah, as constituting the
largest and most important collection of prophecies,
was placed first among the greater prophets of the
Hebrew canon. 90

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 91
§ 15. The composite character of the large collection
entitled the " Book of the Prophet Isaiah " has long
been demonstrated by Old Testament scholars, not
only from a careful examination of the language and
style of the original, but also from the contents. The
weight of the accumulated evidence on both sides is
irresistible, and clearly points to the conclusion that
the prophet who lived in the latter part of the eighth
century b.c and exercised his ministry during the reigns
of the Judaean kings from Jotham to Hezekiah, called
Isaiah, delivered oracles which are only to be found
in scattered groups of considerable relative size within
the first thirty-three chapters, and not beyond.
The entire collection of oracles, to which the name
of this earlier prophet was given, may be best divided
as follows into the following larger groups, viz. : (1)
Chaps, i. -xxxix. ; (2) chaps, xl.-lv., which is called the
Deutero-Isaiah ; (3) chaps, lvi.-lxvi., now designated
Trito-Isaiah. With each of these three larger groups
we shall now deal seriatim.
(1) Chaps, i.-xxxix. form a collection made up of
smaller groups, viz. : (i.) Chaps, i.— xii., mainly consisting
of genuine Isaianic matter ; (ii.) chaps, xiii.— xxiii.,
consisting almost wholly of prophetic "burdens," or
more accurately "utterances," delivered against foreign
nations, many of which were composed by the prophet

92 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
Isaiah ; (iii.) chaps, xxiv. -xxvii., a very late group of
prophecies of a highly apocalyptic character, difficult
to interpret ; (iv.) chaps, xxviii.-xxxv., another series
of oracles, some of which were composed by Isaiah;
(v.) chaps, xxxvi.-xxxix., a historical appendix consisting
of the two Isaiah biographies which are inserted in the
Books of Kings (see ante, § 13, p. 87 ff.), viz. II. Kings
xviii. 13, 17-xx. 19. Into the midst of this narrative
a late redactor inserted a Psalm-prayer of Hezekiah,
with an introductory title Isa. xxxviii. 9-20, similar
to those which are found in the Psalms.
(i.) Chaps, i.-xii. formed a smaller collection consist
ing of Isaianic matter, and concluding with a lyrical, or
rather two short lyrical songs. This collection must
have been made in post-exilian times. All critics are
agreed that this lyrical chapter xii., with which the col
lection ends, belongs to this period; also the title in
chap. i. 1, which now stands at the head of the entire
collection of prophecies, was probably intended at first
for this smaller collection, to which it obviously and
more strictly applies, since chaps, xiii.-xxiii. deal rather
with foreign peoples than with " Judah and Jerusalem "
(see i. 1). On the other hand, chaps, i.-xi. contain
oracles (with one clear exception) dealing with the re
ligious and social conditions of the Southern Kingdom.
Some of the most important and characteristic oracles of

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS

93

the prophet belong to this small collection. It is strange
that the account of the call of the Prophet to the work
of his life in the death-year of Uzziah, 740-39 b.c.
(chap, vi.), does not stand at the beginning of the
collection, just as the call of Jeremiah (Jer. i. 1-10)
and that of Ezekiel (Ezek. i., ii.) are recorded at the
beginning of the collections which respectively bear
their names. As we examine the sequence and contents
of these chapters i.— xii., we see clear traces that there
was at one time a small separate collection of Isaiah's
oracles, chaps, vi. 1— viii. 18, which we might have called
the " Book of Immanuel." Chap. viii. 16 would indicate
that in an hour of great depression, about 735-4 b.c,
the prophet gave instructions that his disciples should
preserve some of the discourses of the first five years
of his ministry. It is to this period of religious and
political gloom that the composition of chap, vi., de
scriptive of his inaugurating vision and call, is due.
This book may have been subsequently enlarged by
the addition of other Isaianic matter, which included
the oracles breathing greater confidence against Assyrian
tyranny, x. 5-27, and the Messianic poems, ix. 1-7 and
xi. 1-9. About these last two lyrical passages there
has been considerable controversy. Several recent
critics pronounce them to be non-Isaianic and post-
exilian- But there are no decisive proofs of this.

94 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
Their language and conceptions might well have
belonged to the close of Isaiah's ministry when the
withdrawal of Sennacherib's forces from Palestine
(701 b.c.) appeared to be a vindication of the prophet's
encouraging oracle, x. 24-27. In chaps, ix. 8-x. 4 we
have an unfortunately mutilated fragment of a long
poem, with intercalary refrain directed against the
Northern Kingdom and announcing its impending
doom. It was probably composed about 726-5 B.C.
Fortunately the. concluding fragments of this poem
are to be found in another small collection, viz. ii. 2-
v. 30. These concluding fragments consist of verses
25-30 at the end of chap. v. The recurrence of the
refrain of ix. 8-x. 4 in the latter part of chap. v. 25 shows
that here we have the impressive conclusion of the
entire poem. Chap. v. begins with the parabolic song
of the vineyard (verses 1-7). Then follows the seven
fold denunciation of woes against the social sins and
vices of Judah. This chapter, which is entirely Isaianic,
appears to have been attached to the smaller Isaianic
collection, chap. ii. 2-iv. 6, to which ii. 1 stands as
title. In this small collection, chap. ii. 2-4, which is
almost identical with Micah iv. 1-4, has been regarded
by many critics as non-Isaianic and post-exilian, though
its genuineness is maintained by others. There can be
little doubt that chap. iv. 5-6 are verses, that were

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 95
composed in post-exilian times. Some would include
verses 2-4, which precede them. Chap. i. forms another
brief compend of Isaiah's oracles, placed at the head
of the collection, chaps, i.— xii., because it embodies in
impressive form the prophet's arraignment of Judah
and the denunciation of the judgments that are to befall
the people for disobedience. The great German exegete
Ewald appropriately calls it "the great arraignment."
Its date may probably be 735 B.C. for verses 2-17, and
perhaps for the remaining fragments of the chapter.
(ii.) Chaps, xiii.-xxiii. are a series of "utterances"
or oracles (A.V. and R.V. " burdens ") delivered against
foreign peoples. Chaps, xiii. i-xiv. 23 is a remarkable
elegy against Babylon, with a short prosaic section
interpolated, xiv. i-^a. One of the most impressive
passages in this long poem is the description of the
advent of the Babylonian monarch called "Lucifer,
son of Aurora " (the nearest equivalent of the original),
to the shades below, where the subjugated kings whom
he had overthrown greet him as he enters Hades (xiv.
9-21). From numerous indications it is evident that
this poem cannot have been composed till the time
of the Babylonian exile about 550 B.C. — There follows
a fragment of an oracle by Isaiah (xiv. 24-27) delivered
probably in 705-4 b.c. against the Assyrians. — Chap.
xiv. 29-32 is an oracle of warning against over confi-

96 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
dence, addressed to the Philistines. The superscription
in verse 28 prefixed by the redactor assigns a wrong
date. The "serpent" is Sargon, who had recently
died, and the " fiery ¦ flying serpent " is Sennacherib.
The date, therefore, is the same as that of the pre
ceding fragment, 705-4 b.c.
Chap, xv., xvi. is another long oracle announcing
the doom of Moab. The last two verses by the
prophet Isaiah clearly show that the preceding passage,
xv. i-xvi. 12, was an older oracle. It appears to have
been a mashdl, i.e. a ballad, composed probably in
the days of Jeroboam IL, when Moab was overthrown
by Israel, or, perhaps, earlier still, when it was subju
gated by Omri (about 885 B.C.).1
Chap, xvii., the oracle on Damascus, is one of the
earliest of Isaiah's prophecies, and may probably be
dated 736 b.c. Chap, xviii. is a prophecy of the
speedy overthrow of the Assyrian power, delivered
in response to an anxious embassy from Ethiopia.
We might assign to it the approximate date, 702 b.c.
The oracle on Egypt in chap. xix. is in reality a series
of prophetic utterances on Egypt, which were delivered
at various times and crises in her history. Only the
short passage, verses 19-22, can be regarded as Isaianic.
1 The "stone of Mesha" ^sometimes called "the Moabite
Stone"), lines 4-7, testifies to this subjugation of Moab by Omri.

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 97
— Chap. xx. is a warning against the Egyptian alliance
addressed to the rulers in Jerusalem, and expressed
in the language of symbolic action, as in Jer. xiii.
1-7, xix. 1-11, xxvii. 1-11, xxviii. 10-17, xu'i- 9> 10>
li. 60-64; Ezek. iv., v.; Acts xxi. 11. The reference
to the attack by Sargon's general (Tartan) on Ashdod
fixes the date of this prophecy as 711 b.c. — Chap. xxi.
1-10, "Burden of the Wilderness of the Sea," is an
oracle on the doom of Babylon. Various internal
indications show that it does not emanate from the
age of Isaiah, but from the latter part of the exile.
The brief and enigmatic "oracle of Dumah" (xxi.
11, 12) affords no definite clue as to date. — Also
xxi. 13-17, "the utterance in the Steppe" ("burden
upon Arabia") may belong to a date as early as
the time of Isaiah, or even earlier. Verses 16, 17
are the prosaic addition of a later writer than the
author of the oracle. — The " utterance of the Valley of
Vision " (xxii. 1-14) is a denunciation by Isaiah of
the frivolity of Jerusalem. The historic occasion for
the untimely rejoicing may have been the embassy
of Merodach Baladan, 704 b.c, or the arrival of the
captured Padi, Assyria's puppet-king of Ekron.1 — Chap.
xxii. 15-25 describes the encounter between Isaiah and
1 Duhm's ingenious suggestion, based on the incident to which
Sennacherib's Prism-inscription refers, col. ii. 69-72.

98 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
Shebna, the king's vizier, who belonged to the Egyptian
party in the state, whose policy Isaiah strongly opposed.
— Chap, xxiii., the utterance against Tyre, can with diffi
culty be ascribed to Isaiah. Verses 1-14 might be
connected with the prolonged siege by Esarhaddon
and the final reduction of Tyre by Asurbanipal, 668 b.c
Verses 15-18 belong to a later time.
(iii.) Chapters xxiv.-xxvii. belong to a later and
quite distinct type of prophecy from that of the pre-
exilian period. This type is called apocalyptic, of which
the Book of Daniel furnishes a vivid example. While
the earlier prophecy foretells a definite future which
has its foundation in the present, apocalyptic directs
attention to a new world-period, sharply contrasted
with the present and ushered in by a great cosmic
crisis or agony, a war of destruction or "day of
Yahweh," which is universal in character, waged
against hostile nations, after which God's world-dominion
begins. Compare xxiv. 1, 3-5, 14-16, 18-23, xxvii.
1, 13. Another distinguishing feature of this group
of prophecies is the clear enunciation of the soul's
resurrection and immortality (xxvi. 19 ; cf. Dan. xii.
2, 3). Pre-exilian prophecy presents us only with
a dark and shadowy existence after death in She61
or Hades, i.e. the underworld. The date of this com
plex group of prophetic passages cannot be deter-

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 99
mined with any certainty. Probably they belong to
the Greek period, and cannot be safely placed earlier
than the time of Alexander the Great, circ. 330—325 b.c.
(iv.) Chaps, xxviii.-xxxv. This group contains both
Isaianic and post-Isaianic matter. Chap, xxviii. 1-4
is a denunciation by Isaiah of the drunken habits of
the Ephranmites, and the announcement of doom
against their capital, Samaria. The date of this short
prophecy' may be placed in 725-4 b.c. Verses 7-22
is another denunciation by the prophet, in 7-13 of
the priests and prophets who yielded to the vices of
gross intoxication, in 14-22 of the political rulers. —
Chap. xxix. contains a series of warnings and denuncia
tions. Jerusalem will soon be invested, but her foes
shall disappear as a vision of the night. There follows
a rebuke of the dull, unintelligent spirit of the people. —
Chap. xxx. begins with a scathing condemnation of
the policy of alliance with Egypt. In verse 7 he calls
Egypt by the mythical name of the monster Rahab
of Semitic legend (to which chap. li. 9 refers), viz.
" Rahab the Vanquished " (verse 7).1 The Isaianic
origin of verses 18-26 is doubtful, but the threatening
1 Not " Rahab that sitteth still," which is due to a false group
ing of consonants. Rahab corresponds to Tidmat of the Babylonian
Creation epic, slain by Marduk, god of light ; see art. " Cosmo
gony " in Hastings' D. B., i. p. 505.

100 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
of fiery judgment against Assyria in the concluding
verses, 27-33, 1S m tne vivid style and language of
Isaiah. — Chap. xxxi. contains another strong con
demnation of the policy of an Egyptian alliance.
Yahweh will Himself protect Jerusalem and Assyria
will be overthrown. — Chap, xxxii. 1-5 contains another
Messianic oracle of Isaiah. The following verses (6-8)
are by a later writer and of a didactic character. In
verses 9-14 Isaiah rebukes the frivolity of the women
in the upper classes of society (cf. iii. 16 ff.). The
concluding verses, 15-20, contain the promise of the
advent of a Messianic age of righteousness and peace.
— Chap, xxxiii. appears to have been based on an
Isaianic oracle of reassurance to Judah and directed
against Sennacherib. This Isaianic oracle has been
worked over and adapted to the circumstances and
events at the close of the Judaean kingdom in the
time of Nebuchadnezzar.
Chap, xxxiv. is a denunciation of judgment on Edom
which must be placed by the side of Mal. i. 1-5 and
Isa. lxiii. 1-6. It cannot be put earlier than the
middle of the fifth century b.c. To this a lyrical
pendant is attached in chap. xxxv. The many points
of contact with exilian and post-exilian literature, in
cluding Deutero- and Trito-Isaiah, are clear indications
that the post-exilian date which we have indicated is
not by any means too late.

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 101
(v.) The historical appendix, chaps, xxxvi.-xxxix.,
consisting of the two Isaiah narratives, which are nearly
identical with the corresponding sections in II. Kings
(see above, § 13, p. 87 ff.), was evidently added to the
preceding collection as a convenience for the reader
who desired to have at hand a narrative of the great
historic event — the invasion of Sennacherib and the
siege of Jerusalem — in which the prophet took so con
spicuous a part. We shall find that there were similar
excerpts in the collected oracles called the " Book of
the prophet Jeremiah," taken from the contemporary
history in II. Kings.
Before passing to the next main division of the
Book of Isaiah, it will be convenient to place before
the reader a list of the genuine oracles of Isaiah in
their probable chronological order: —
Chap. ii. 6-21. 74o-739 B.C.
„ xvii. 1-1 1 (on Damascus and Ephraim). 736 B.C.
„ i. 1-26. 735 B.C. (Syro-Ephraimite war) rather
than 701 (Sennacherib's invasion), as most recent
critics assume. At this latter date the tone of
the prophet was more hopeful.
„ vii. i-viii. 18. 735-731 B-C
„ vi. refers to the prophet's call in 740 B.C. (Uzziah's
death year), but was probably written about
735-4 B.C.
„ v. 1-24. About 730 B.C. (?).
„ iii. i-iv. 1 may be assigned to 730-25 B.C.

102 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
Chap, xxxii. 9-14 might be assigned to the same period,
or later.
„ ix. 8-x. 4, chap. v. 25-30. 726 B.C.
„ i. 29-31 refers to the Northern rather than Southern
Kingdom. 726-5 B.c.
„ xxviii. 1-4 (on Samaria). 725-4 B.C.
„ viii. 19-22. Either 735 (like preceding verses) or
any time between 725 and 715 B.C.
„ xxviii. 7-13. Some time within. 724-71 5 B.C.
„ xxviii. 14-20 may be conjecturally referred to
713 B.C.
Chaps, xv. and xvi. An earlier oracle referring to Moab,
employed by Isaiah about 7 1 3-1 1 B.C.
Chap. xx. 711 B.C.
„ xxii. 15-25. 705-4 B.C.
„ xiv. 24-27 and 28-32. 705-4 B.C.
„ x. 5-27. 705-4 B.C.
„ xxix. 1-2 1 1
„ x. 28-32 |7°3-2B.c

xvii. 12-14, xvin. >
xxx. and xxxi. \ '°2

„ xxu. 1-14. 701 B.C.
„ xxi. 13-17 might belong to the same date, but
its chronological position is quite uncertain.
After 701 b.c we might place the Messianic passages
in the following probable order : ix. 1-7 ; xi. 1-9 ; xxxii.
i_5> IS_2° ; iv. 2-4 ; and perhaps iL 2-4, but the
Isaianic authorship of this last is doubtful.
(2) Chaps, xl.-lv., or Deutero- Isaiah. We now come

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 103
to a prophetic collection which stands altogether separate
from the oracles that precede, and which European
scholarship during the last century has proved to have
been written during the close and immediately after the
close of the exile This conclusion is found to be
inevitable when we take into account both the contents
and style of the chapters.
The contents evidently presuppose that Jerusalem had
been destroyed, and its population in considerable
numbers had been deported to Babylonia and were
living there in exile (xl. 1, 2, xiii. 22, xliv. 26, 27,
xlvii. 6, xlix. 14-17, 19-21, 1. 1, li. 13, 14, 17, 19-22,
liv. 7 ff., 11) ; moreover, that a restoration of these exiles
was immediately at hand, and that Cyrus, the anointed
servant of Yahweh, was God's chosen instrument to
carry out His purpose of Divine redemptive love
(xl. 3, 4, xii. 2, 3 (in reference to Cyrus), xii. 11-14, 25 ff.
(in reference to Cyrus), xliii. 1-6, 16 ff., xliv. 28-xlv. 6
(in which Cyrus is expressly named twice), xiviii. 20, 21,
xlix. 8, 9, n, 12, 19-21, Iii. 8-12, lv. 12, 13). In the
Isaianic sections of chaps, i.-xxxix. we have frequent
allusions to Canaanite forms of idolatry, necromancy
and foreign practices of divination, to Assyria as the
dominant military power. Egypt is denounced as a
delusive support. The social sins denounced, of
self-aggrandisement, drunkenness, and oppression of

104 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
the poor, are those of a resident Palestinian population.
The place-names in x. 28-32 are all Judaean. In
chaps. xl.~lv. none of these characteristics appear. We
have to do with a community of exiles. There are
no allusions to altar and its ritual. Babylonia is the
only dominant power; Egypt is very remote. The
only foreign deities mentioned are the chief divinities
of Babylonia, JVebo (Nabu) and Bel (i.e. Marduk, god
of light), in xlvi. 1. The scenery in xii. 18, 19, xliv. 4,
li. 3 is that of Babylonia. The references to magic
and astrology in xlvii. 9, 12, 13, like those of Ezek.
xiii. 17-23, are clearly descriptive of the sorcery and
divinations of Babylonia, as recent publications of its
incantation-rituals definitely prove.
The language and style of chaps, xl.-lv. are likewise
special and distinctive, viz. : (1) A tendency to reduplicate
a word or phrase, as " Comfort ye " (xl. 1), " Awake "
(li. 9, 17, Iii. 1), "Depart ye" (Iii. 11). (2) A tendency
to accumulate descriptive clauses, e.g. xl. 22-23, Xl11- 5>
xliii. 1, 14, 16-19, xuv- 6) 24-26, xiv. 18, xlvi. 3,
xlviii. 1, xlix. 7. (3) The combination of the Divine
name with the epithets " Creator " (xliii. 1), " stretcher
out of the heavens" (xl. 22), "fashioner of Israel"
(xliii. 1), "redeemer" (xliii. 14, xliv. 24a, xlviii. 17a
&c). (4) We have certain recurring formulae — "fear
not, for" (xii. 10, 13 ff., xiii. 1, 5, xiv. 2, liv. 4),

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 105
" I the first and last " (xii. 4, xliv. 6, xlviii. 2).
(5) We have certain special expressions : " Lift up
thine eyes above" (xl. 26, xlix. 18, li. 6), "things
to come" or future (xii. 23, xliv. 7, xiv. 11). The
special word " create " in respect of Divine action
(bard) appears to have originated with the Deutero-
Isaiah (xl. 28, xiv. 7), and passed from him to later writers
as P in Gen. i. 1, 27, v. 1, 2, &C.1 (6) The language
of Isa. xliv. 27, xiv. 3 has been compared with the
Babylonian of the Cyrus-cylinder, and the parallels
seem to clearly indicate that the Deutero-Isaiah was
familiar with the court-style which was current in
Babylonia, and employed it in reference to Cyrus.
Other examples of the influence of Babylonian
phraseology (e.g. the word for "bowl" in li. 17, 22)
might be cited. In this connection the close parallel
between the conception of Yahweh hewing Rahab
in pieces in li. 9, 10, and the conflict with Tiamat in
which the dragon-goddess is hewn in pieces by Marduk
the god of light, described in the fourth tablet of the
Babylonian Creation-epic, is of great significance.
The Deutero-Isaianic oracles fall into two divisions : —
(i.) Chaps, xl. - xlviii. are reassuring prophecies of
restoration. Babylon is soon to be overthrown,
1 Amos iv. 13 and Isa. iv. 5 are not pre-exilian but late.
Jer. xxxi. 22 is doubtful.

106 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
and special reference made to the victorious
advance of Cyrus, Yahweh's anointed Servant,
destined to carry out His redemptive purpose
in delivering the exiled Israel and accomplishing
their restoration to Judah.
(ii.) Chaps, xlix.-lv. contain no further reference
to Cyrus. They indicate a later stage in
the progress of events. Babylon has been
taken, and the prophet is engaged in setting
forth before his exiled fellow-countrymen their
great opportunity and the splendid ideals of
the restored Jewish state and the rebuilt
temple.
Throughout the Deutero-Isaiah there recurs the
epithet " Servant of Yahweh," whom Yahweh addresses
as "My Servant." A careful examination of the
passages where the expression occurs soon reveals that
this is a personification of Israel. Cf. xliv. i, 2, 21
and xlix. 3, 5. But a still closer scrutiny reveals a
distinction in the use of the term. We have a series
oifour " servant poems" in the midst of the Deutero-
Isaiah, viz. chap. xiii. 1-4, xlix. 1-6, 1. 4-9, Iii. 13-
liii. 12, in which this personality the "Servant of
Yahweh" is the central figure. Some recent critics
have argued that the Deutero-Isaiah was the writer
of these four Servant poems, and that the epithet as

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 107
used in these poems and by the Deutero-Isaiah de
signates the whole Israelite people. But careful ex
amination shows that the facts point the other way.
The Servant in these four poems is not the whole of
Israel, as xlix. 6 compared with verse 3 clearly proves,
but a select portion of the exiled community in
Babylonia who were faithful to their God and suffered
patiently many hardships awaiting the promised re
storation. This faithful remnant suffered as an atone
ment for Israel and the rest of mankind (chap. Iii.
1 3— liii. 12). The author of these four remarkable
poems lived in Babylonia and wrote before the Deutero-
Isaiah, and evidently deeply impressed the latter, who
employs many of his phrases, but has distinctive char
acteristics of his own. Thus "Servant of Yahweh"
is employed by the Deutero-Isaiah as equivalent to
the whole of Israel, and is by no means a pure and
faultless personage, as xiii. 19, 20 clearly indicates.
(3) Chaps. Ivi.—lxvi., or the Trito-Isaiah, constitute
a separate collection of prophecies. The environment
is quite different from that of the Deutero-Isaiah. In
the latter we were in the midst of an exiled community
in Babylonia. Anticipations of emancipation from
exile, and the restoration of the Jewish community
and its temple in Jerusalem, fill these oracles of the
closing days of the exile. In the Trito-Isaiah we

108 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
are in Palestinian and not in Babylonian surroundings.
The temple has been rebuilt, and sacrifices are offered
there and a definite ritual has been established.
Sabbaths are strictly kept. But as we pass through
chaps, lvi.-lix. we frequently read the language of
bitter and stern rebuke of hollow formalism and social
oppression (lviii. and lix.). The close parallels between
the circumstances disclosed in these chapters, as well as
lxiii.-lxvi. and those in the oracles of Malachi, clearly
indicate that the Trito-Isaiah is post-exilian and belongs
to some time between 460 and 445 b.c In both
Malachi and these oracles the personal Messiah has
no place. It is a period of religious degeneracy.
Modes of religious life and cultus prevail which are
survivals of the old Palestinian life, contrary to the
ideals of the Deuteronomic code (Isa. Ivii. 3-10, lxv.
2-5, lxvi. 3, 4). We have likewise definite allusions
in the concluding chapters to the Samaritan schism
(lxvi. 1-6). These references become much clearer
when we study the earlier chapters of Nehemiah.
We have a short lyrical group of chapters, lx.-lxii.,
which breathe a happier spirit of confident hope and
remind us of the Deutero-Tsaiah — indeed, many Deutero-
Isaianic expressions here occur. These lyrical passages
emanate from the time which immediately preceded
or perhaps even synchronised with the advent of

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 109
Nehemiah, who brought with him a new reforming
spirit. The style of the Trito-Isaiah shows the evident in
fluences of the prophets who preceded, and also of the
Book of Deuteronomy. The influence of Jeremiah and
that of Ezekiel are very conspicuous, yet certainly not
so marked as that of the Deutero-Isaiah. The whole
of these chapters, however, did not emanate from one
author or one time. Chaps. Ixiii. 7— lxiv. 12 belong
to an earlier post-exilian period preceding the build
ing of the temple by Zerubbabel, i.e. between 538 and
520, preceding the oracles of Haggai and Zechariah.
Moreover, both in Deutero-Isaiah and Trito-Isaiah
there are insertions by a redactor who evidently lived
in much later and less happy times (xlviii. 4, 8-10,
17-19, lxvi. 23, 24).
Probably at some time near 400 b.c both Deutero-
Isaiah and Trito-Isaiah (xl.-lxvi.) were united into
one work. It is possible that they were subsequently
combined with the oracles of Jeremiah, for in II. Chron.
xxxvi. 22 ff. there seems to be a reference to Isa.
xliv. 28 as though it came from Jeremiah.1 The
Books of Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah were
1 Jer. xxix. 10, in which no mention of Cyrus is made, is by
no means as probable a reference as Isa. xliv. 28, in which Cyrus
is expressly named.

no BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
composed before 250 B.C. In Ecclesiasticus xlviii.
23-25 we have allusions to Isa. xl. 1, lxi. 1-3, as
written by "Isaiah the prophet." This shows that
the entire collection of sixty-six chapters as we now
have them was formed by the time that Ecclesiasticus
was written (180 B.C. or earlier).
§ 16. The Book of the Prophet Jeremiah, like the
large collection of oracles which precedes it, con
tains much extraneous matter beside the genuine
utterances of the prophet. We have far more defi
nite biographical information about Jeremiah and his
literary activity than we possess respecting any earlier
prophets. This we owe to the fact that he had a
young disciple who was his faithful companion, Baruch.
There can be little doubt that at least a very con
siderable portion of the narratives in chaps, xix.-xx.
6, xxvi.-xxix., xxxiv., and xxxvi.-xlv. came from the
pen of Baruch. In these biographical records Jere
miah is called " the prophet." Among these narratives
chap, xxxvi. has special importance. We there learn
that Jeremiah, who began his prophetic career in
626 b.c (the 13th year of Josiah), received a com
mand from Yahweh in the 4th year of Jehoiakim,
or 605-4 B.C., to write down in a roll the oracles
which he had hitherto uttered. The work was ac
complished at his dictation by his young disciple

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS m
Baruch, but within what time we are not told. In
the following year, when a special fast-day was cele
brated in Jerusalem, these oracles were read by
Baruch before the people in the temple entrance.
And they were subsequently read before the king,
who burned the entire roll (Jer. xxxvi. 10-24). But
the words of the destroyed roll were reproduced at
God's command, and other oracles of similar import
were added (verses 27-32). This important chapter
clearly shows (1) that during the first twenty- three
years of the active life of the prophet no record
was taken , of his words ; (2) that a lengthy compen
dium of his utterances, which apparently occupied some
time in writing, was dictated by the prophet, but not
so long that it could not be recited twice over in
the course of a few hours. The condition in which
we find the genuine oracles of the prophet scattered
in the midst of other matter, partly biographical and
partly of later exilian or post-exilian origin, clearly
shows that we have in our present book of the
prophet materials based upon the roll of Jeremiah's
oracles which Baruch copied out to replace the roll
that was burnt — certainly not the roll itself.
In order to recover from our present text the genuine
oracles of Jeremiah which he delivered during these
first twenty-two years of his prophetic life, we have to

112 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
separate the biographical elements in the earlier chap
ters of the collection which speak of Jeremiah in the
third person (xix. i-xx. 6,1 xxvi.), as well as the inter
polations of a much later time. There will then
remain chaps, i.-xii. 6, xviii., xxii. io (lament over
Josiah's successor), and xxv. as those in which the
actual utterances of the prophet are to be found
which belong to the first twenty-two years of his
prophetic activity. Yet much critical caution is re
quired in dealing with these chapters. As Stade
shows, chap. iii. 6-18 is interposed between iii. 5
and verse 19 and breaks the continuity. We are
not, however, to argue from this that verses 6-18
are quite independent of Jeremiah and belong to a
later time. For in this passage the restoration of
Israel, whose sin was less heinous than that of Judah,
is definitely announced, and this is substantially the
message of Jer. xxxi. 2-6 and 15-22, which are held
by most critics to be the genuine utterances of Jere
miah. Similarly, the connection between ix. 22 and
x. 17 ff. is interrupted by a series of discourses (ix.
23-x. 16). Of this insertion it is possible that Jere
miah uttered the oracles ix. 23-26, but it is hardly
1 This by no means excludes the substantial accuracy of the
incidents as well as utterances of Jeremiah described in these
chapters (see Cornill's Commentary, pp. 230, 299).

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 113
possible that x. 1-16 were spoken by him, for verse
11, like portions of Daniel and Ezra, is not in
Hebrew but in Aramaic, and verses 6-10 are omitted
in the LXX (B).
We have also belonging to this first period of the
prophet's career the narratives in which Jeremiah himself
speaks in the first person, and which evidently originate
from him, contained in chap, xiii., as well as those in i.,
xi., xviii., already mentioned. It is, however, extremely
difficult in some cases to fix the chronological order
of the genuine utterances of the prophet contained in
the first twenty-five chapters, and to determine which
among them came before and which after the fourth
year of Jehoiakim's reign. Thus it is quite possible
that we ought to place chap. xxxi. 2-6 and 15-22, and
what seems to be its duplicate, iii. 6-18, among the
discourses uttered before 605 B.C. which were included
in the roll.
We might place in the time oi Jehoiakim not only
chaps, xiv., xv., which in many of their graphic allusions
(xiv. 2-6, 18, xv. 2, 7-9) point to a time of grievous
famine and drought, but also chaps, xvi. 2— xvii. 18.
There likewise belong to the same period (607-597
B.C.) the narrative sections, chap. xix. i-xx. 6, xxvi.,
xxxvi., and xiv. (the last two belonging to the fourth
year oi Jehoiakim's reign, as stated in the opening verse
H

ii4 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
of each). We have also Jeremiah's own interesting
narrative respecting the Rechabites, chap. xxxv. To
the brief reign of three months of the next King
Jehoiachin belong xxii. 20—30, and also xiii. 18, 19.
To the reign of the last King of Judah, Zedekiah,
we must ascribe chaps, xxvii.-xxix. and also xxxiv.,
closely connected with the subsequent historical nar
rative, xxxvii., and the immediately following xxxviii.
1— 28a. To these must be added chaps, xl.—xliv., the
narratives respecting Jeremiah, describing the events
which immediately followed the capture of Jerusalem
by Nebuchadnezzar's army (587-6 b.c), the murder of
Gedaliah by Ishmael, and the deliverance of Jeremiah
from the latter by Johanan, and his deportation by
Johanan as an unwilling exile to Egypt. Here all
definite historical details respecting the prophet cease.
These narrative sections, which deal with the personal
experiences of the prophet, are evidently based on
the records drawn up by his faithful disciple and
attendant Baruch. Obviously they are not the records
themselves, since many modifications and additions have
been made. This can be clearly seen in chap. xxvi.
Here the discourse delivered in the forecourt of the
temple is evidently the same as that which is given
to us in extended form in chap. vii. 3 ff.
In chapters xlvi. to li. we have a series of oracles

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 115
delivered against foreign countries and their peoples,
somewhat resembling the "utterances" ("burdens")
of Isaiah, introduced by the editorial heading "The
word of the Lord which came to Jeremiah the prophet
concerning the foreign nations." In the LXX these
oracles are closely connected with chap, xxv., which
in verse 1 is dated from the fourth year of Jehoiakim's
reign. This would be the year 605 b.c, when Nebu
chadnezzar fought one of the great decisive battles
of ancient history at Carchemish, and inflicted an
overwhelming defeat on Pharaoh Necho, which com
pelled him to relinquish all his ambitious projects
of extending the Egyptian power to the Euphrates
(Egypt's proud position in the reign of Thothmes III.).
The threatening attitude of Nebuchadnezzar in Western
Asia was the natural occasion for the delivery of the
two oracles in chap, xxv., viz. verses 3-13, in which
Nebuchadnezzar, Yahweh's servant, is to execute God's
judgment against Judah and the surrounding nations
(verse 9), and verses 15 ff., in which the maddening
cup of God's fury is to be forced upon Judah, Egypt,
Philistia, Edom, Moab, Ammon, Tyre (and Sidon, &c),
and other peoples, and lastly Elam and Babel (dis
guised under the name Sheshach). Now in the LXX
verse 14 is absent, and was probably a subsequent
addition. What is more noteworthy is the insertion

116 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
by the LXX, after verse 13 and before verse 15, of the
entire series of chaps, xlvi.-li. directed against foreign
peoples, but in the following order: xlix. 34-39 (on
Elam), xlvi. 2-28 (on Egypt), 1., li. (on Babylon), xlvii.
(on the Philistines), xlix. 7-22 (on Edom), xlix. 1-5
(on Ammon, but verse 6, which prophesies restoration,
is omitted), xlix. 28-33 (on Kedar), xlix. 23-27 (on
Damascus), and xlviii. 1-44 (on Moab, verses 45 to 47,
with its prophecy of restoration omitted). When we
turn to xlvi. 2, which is the preface to the oracle on
Egypt, it will be seen that the date there given, viz.
the fourth year of Jehoiakim's reign, in which the
battle of Carchemish was fought, coincides with the
date given in xxv. 1. There can hardly be any doubt
that this series of oracles against foreign nations must
be connected with the oracles in chap. xxv. in point
of time, and there is evidently a most intimate relation
between them.
There has been considerable difference of opinion
as to whether any of these oracles (xlvi.-li.) contains
the actual words uttered by Jeremiah. Some critics
have held that none of them was delivered by the
prophet, and the large number of quotations or literary
parallels would seem to render this view probable.
But the most recent Old Testament scholars have
argued that, putting aside chaps. 1. and li., there is

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 117
a substantial basis of the original oracles of Jeremiah
contained in these chapters,1 to which considerable
additions have been made (as in the long oracle on
Moab) in later times.
The student should carefully note the more im
portant of the later additions to the oracles of the
prophet. Thus in chap, xvii., verses 19-27, on Sabbath
maintenance, are recognised by all critics as a later
addition characteristic of the times that followed
Ezekiel, but not of the teaching of Jeremiah. These
additions are specially to be noted in the group of
chaps, xxx.-xxxiii. In chap. xxx. the LXX omit
verses 10— 11, which are repeated in xlvi. 27, 28, and
are thoroughly in Deutero-Isaianic and not in Jeremiah's
style; also verses 15 and 22. In verses 12—17 we find
a number of phrases recurring which are found else
where, in the earher chapters of our collection of
Jeremiah's oracles. In chap, xxxi., verses 7-14 exhibit
so many parallels with later Hebrew literature, especi
ally Deutero-Isaiah, that they are obviously later than
Jeremiah. The same remark applies to verses 35-40.
Verses 2-6, 15-20, and 27-34 are acknowledged to be
the genuine utterances of the prophet Jeremiah. The
1 Cornill in his Commentary (pp. 441-4) examines Schwally's
arguments against their genuineness, and shows them to be inade
quate, and in some cases groundless.

118 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
last is specially important, as it contains the highly
characteristic New Covenant passage, and embodies the
most essential element of Jeremiah's teaching, which lays
stress on the internal renewal of man's heart by Divine
grace, instead of the external rites of ceremonial and
written prescription. In the following chapters, xxxii.
17-23 and xxxiii. 14-26 are recognised by critics as
evidently later insertions. Moreover, in the group of
oracles on foreign nations, chaps. I. x—li. 58, the long de
nunciation of doom on Babylon, are obviously late, since
they exhibit manifest signs of dependence on the later
sections of the Book of Isaiah, e.g. xiii.— xiv., xxi. 1-10,
xxxiv., xxxv., on Ezekiel, as well as on Jeremiah (from
whom many turns of expression are borrowed).
Lastly, we have in xxxviii. 28b- xxxix. 18 narrative
details appended by a redactor. Chap, xxxix. 4-13 are
omitted in LXX (B), and contain a history of the events
which accompanied the capture of the city. Verses
4-10 correspond to II. Kings xxv. 4-12, which are
repeated in closer adhesion to the original in chap. Iii.
7-16. Chap. Hi. was evidently the addition to the
book made by a still later editor, who excerpted
II. Kings xxiv. 18-xxv. 30, but substituted for II. Kings
xxv. 22-26 an enumeration in Iii. 28-30 of the number
of Jews deported to Babylonia by Nebuchadnezzar.
It is possible that this stood in another version of

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 119
the original used by the editor. It is omitted, how
ever, in the LXX (B). The variations in the LXX
text of Jeremiah are very instructive. Evidently this
version was based on a shorter and earlier (not always
more correct) edition of the collected prophecies of
Jeremiah than that of our present Hebrew text.
§ 17. The Book of the prophet Ezekiel, who prophe
sied in the earlier period of the exile, falls into five
clearly marked divisions : (1) Introductory chaps., i. 1-
iii. 15, descriptive of the prophet's inauguration to his
work through an elaborate vision of a divine chariot
and four living creatures. After this comes the Divine
mandate to the prophet expressed in the symbolic form
of eating a roll. (2) Chaps, iii. 16-xxiv. 27, a collec
tion of discourses upon the impending destruction of
Jerusalem, and further calamities, which are all God's
retribution for Judah's faithlessness. Many of these
oracles are conveyed in allegorical form. (3) Chaps.
xxv.-xxxii. are oracles against the seven foreign peoples :
Ammon, Moab, Edom, Philistia, Tyre, Sidon, and Egypt
(cf. Jeremiah xlvi. -xlix.). (4) Chaps, xxxiii.-xxxix., pro
phecies respecting Israel's restoration and union as well
as the final overthrow of her foes. (5) Chaps, xl.-xlviii.,
an elaborated scheme of the restored theocracy of united
Israel. This collection of prophecies (which are often de-

120 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
finitely dated, and were delivered between 592 and
570 b.c) is much more homogeneous in character than
those larger collections which precede, to which the
great names of Isaiah and Jeremiah are attached. Not
only the style but also the contents bear the impress
of one dominating mind. To a far larger extent than
any preceding prophet, Ezekiel was literary. In him
we find the reflections of ideas already presented in
older literature. His debt to Jeremiah is obvious,
though his tendencies differed widely from those of
his predecessor. Like Isaiah and Jeremiah, he had
firmly grasped the conceptions of God's universal
sovereignty, omnipotence, and justice. This is pre
supposed in the oracles on the destinies of foreign
kingdoms (chaps, xxv.-xxxii.). But he clung with even
greater tenacity than either to God's exceptional provi
dential care of Israel, and the central position to be
accorded to the shrine and commonwealth of the
reunited Israelite nation (xl.-xlviii.), and the complete
overthrow of the hostile powers represented by Gog
(xxxviii., xxxix.).
The debt to Jeremiah, the elder prophet, is notable.
Like Jeremiah, Ezekiel interpreted the calamities of his
people as chastisements for past transgressions — notably
idolatry, while tracing the evil further back, since Ezekiel
was more prone to historic retrospect (cf. Ezek. xvi.,

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 121
xx. 5, 24, xxiii. 2). Jeremiah prophesied that Israel
would repent in the exile with their whole heart
(xxix. 12, 13), and that Ephraim also would return
(iii. 12, 13, xxxi. 18 ff.), and in Ezekiel the same con
ception recurs in chap. xi. 14 ff. The doctrine of
repentance and the internal renewal by Divine grace
is fundamental to the teaching of the elder prophet
(Jer. xxiv. 7, xxxi. 27-34), and it reappears in the
utterances of the younger, who expresses it in the familiar
words that God would give the people " a heart of flesh
instead of a heart of stone" (Ezek. xi. 19, 20, xx. 40-
43, xxxvi. 26). The stress is therefore laid upon the
internal, and in consequence the note of personal re
ligion and personal responsibility is sounded. Ezekiel,
in contradistinction from the ideas of Deut. v. 9, 10,
denies that the individual dies for any other's sin but
his own (Ezek. xviii. 4), and with this is bound up the
teaching of individual freedom (xx. 33 ff.).
But, unlike Jeremiah, Ezekiel lays stress upon the
external as well as the internal, e.g. Sabbath observance
and ceremonial. For the genius of this prophet, reflected
in his style, is for detail and cumulative effect. Note
the elaborate consecration-vision of the chariot and four
living creatures occupying twenty-five verses in Ezekiel
and the Sublime simplicity of Isa. vi. and Jer. i. 4-10.
We see the same love of detail and cumulative effect

122 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
in the great oracle on Tyre (xxvii. 3-36), and in the
elaborate scheme of the restored temple and Jewish state
in chaps, xl.-xlviii.
In this scheme of restoration, which is evidently ideal
and not actual, and may have received additions from
later writers, we see an important foreshadowing of the
later legislation (P) called the Code of Holiness (Lev.
xvii.-xxvi. ; see above, p. 38 ff.). In many respects
it stands midway between Deuteronomy and Leviticus.
In Deuteronomy the Levites only are qualified to offer
sacrifice ; in Leviticus the sons of Aaron take precedence
of the Levites. In Ezek. xliii. 19, xliv. 15 ff., it is the
sons of Zadok only among the Levites who have the
right to offer sacrifice at the altar of burnt offering.
The Levites are relegated to the subordinate functions
of gatekeepers and slaughterers of sacrificial victims
(xliv. 10-14). Note also that the sacrifices become in
Ezekiel, as in Leviticus, more propitiatory in character
(Ezek. xiv. 15: cf. Lev. iv. 2 ff., xvii. 11; Exod. xxix.
33, xxx. 15 ff.). We have also a Holy of Holies in
Ezek. xii. 2, in anticipation of Lev. xvi. 2. In Ezekiel
we have a half-yearly ritual of sin-offering whereby
atonement is made (xiv. 18-20) — a step towards the
great Fast Day of Atonement in Lev. xvi., in which
the High Priest occupied so august and solemn a place.
The textual problems of this book are many and subtle.

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 123
The LXX was based on a much briefer text which
evidently became expanded.
§ 18. The Minor Prophets form the conclusion of
the Jewish canon of the " Latter Prophets," and
probably were called the " twelve prophets " by 200 b.c,
as we may reasonably infer from the testimony of
Ecclesiasticus xlix. 10 ; but the order of these twelve
prophets in the LXX differs from that of our Hebrew
text which is followed in our Bibles, since the
individual prophets occur in the succession, Hosea,
Amos, Micah, Joel, Obadiah, Jonah, and the rest
in the same sequence. Moreover, the " twelve prophets "
precede, and do not follow, the group of greater prophets.
Hosea, with whom the series commences, is the
only prophet of the Northern Kingdom whose oracles
have come down to us in a separate collection. The
book falls into two sharply divided portions : (1) Chaps.
i.-iii., which recount the tragedy of the prophet's
domestic life, blighted by the unfaithfulness of his
wife Gomer. (2) Chaps, iv.-xiv. contain a series of
discourses directed against Ephraim, in which it is
difficult to find any decisive indications to guide
us to a definite chronological order. According to
the superscription, he delivered his oracles from the
time of Jeroboam and Uzziah until that of Hezekiah.
This was, of course, prefixed, like other superscriptions

124 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
in the prophecies and psalms, by a late editor. These
are not in some cases reliable. In this case it is
somewhat strange that Jeroboam is the only king
of the Northern Kingdom who is mentioned. Many
critics hold that none of Hosea's prophecies can be
placed later than 735 B.C., since we find no allusion
to the Syro-Ephraimite war or to the disastrous inva
sion by Tiglath Pileser III. in 734-2 B.C., whereby the
Northern Kingdom was shorn of a portion of its
territory. But a careful examination of Hosea's oracles
would lead to quite another conclusion. As distin
guished from Hosea's earlier contemporary Amos, we
find definite references to Assyria. The utter social dis
organisation of the Northern Kingdom, to which many
passages allude, point to a period subsequent to
rather than before the invasion of 734-2. Chap. vi.
1, 2, 8-9, vii. 9 (foreigners have devoured his strength),
viii. 4 (presupposing an interval of several reigns since
the end of the dynasty of Jehu), ix. 15, xii. 12 (altars
in Gilgal transformed into ruined stone-heaps) are
best explained when Tiglath Pileser's campaign is
placed in retrospect. The pathos of Hosea's agonised
appeal to his countrymen in chap. x. 12-14, xi. 5-8
is best understood when we assign to these passages
the date 726-5 B.C. This is confirmed by chap. xii. 1,
which evidently refers to King Hoshea's double-dealing,

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 125
and his negotiations with Egypt (II. Kings xvii. 4) carried
on at this time. 725, rather than 735, is the closing
date of Hosea's oracles.
The keynote to all these oracles is furnished by
the domestic tragedy of his wife's unfaithfulness, and
the prophet's efforts to win her back to his home,
contained in chaps, i.-iii. This event in his past
history is treated as the parable of Yahweh's relation
as Divine husband to Israel, who is unfaithful to His
love and is drawn aside by the seductions of Baal-
worship and foreign alliances from her loyalty to her
Lord. Joel's prophecies, unlike those of Hosea, Amos,
and Micah, but like those of Nahum and Habakkuk,
contain no indications of date in the opening verse
Recent critics are agreed in holding that this small
collection of prophecies is post-exilian. Numerous
internal features point to a date a little before 400 b.c
(a) Chap. iii. 2, 17 evidently point back to 586 B.C.,
when the Jews were deported into exile and Jerusalem
destroyed, (b) Chap. ii. 9, with its reference to the
walls and houses of Jerusalem, presupposes the city
rebuilt as in the days after the advent of Nehemiah. (c)
Chap. ii. 12-14 contain a summons to " fasting, weeping,
and mourning," a combination characteristic of post-
exilian Judaism (Neh. i. 4; cf. Ezra viii. 23, ix. 5, x. 6).

126 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
Moreover, there is no reference to idolatry, sorcery,
and other sins that prevailed in pre-exilian Israel, (d)
Desolation is threatened against Egypt for "shedding
innocent blood in their land." Probably we should
connect these outrages committed against Jews in Egypt
with the destruction of their temple in Elephantine
about 409 B.C., of which we are informed in the Aramaic
papyri recently discovered in that spot.
Amos, a herdman of Tekoah and dresser of sycamores
(i. 1, vii. 14), is the earliest prophet whose collected
oracles have come down to us in a separate literary
form. They may be divided into: (1) Chaps, i., ii., a
series of oracles on foreign peoples — Syria (Damascus),
Philistia (Gaza), Phoenicia (Tyre), Edom, Ammon,
and Moab, and ending with Judah and Israel. (2)
Chaps, iii.-vi. contain oracles chiefly directed against
the Northern Kingdom, whose luxury, self-indulgence,
and oppression of the poor are sternly denounced
(iii. 14, 15). Drought and mildew are penalties threa
tened. Chap. v. is the most noteworthy. Verses 21 ff.,
in which hollow ceremonialism is rebuked and righteous
ness demanded, are re-echced in Isa. chap. i. (3)
Chaps, vii.-ix. record a series of visions, with an inter
posed episode (vii. 10-17), in which Amos comes into
conflict with the court of the king represented by
the High Priest Amaziah at the sanctuary at Bethel.

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 127
These prophecies belong to the middle of the eighth cen
tury, i.e. from 765 to about 736 B.C., but not later. From
the Assyrian Eponym-lists we learn that in June 763 B.C.
there was a total eclipse of the sun at Nineveh. Amos,
who was sensitive to natural phenomena of earth
and sky (v. 8, ix. 6), probably alludes to this event
in v. 20, viii. 9. If we follow the reading Assyria
instead of Ashdod in iii. 9, on the authority of the
LXX, we may reasonably hold chap. iii. 11, 12 to be
a prophecy of Tiglath Pileser's invasion in 734-2 B.C.
While Hosea's prophetic teaching laid stress on
God's mercy and love, Amos proclaimed His universal
sovereignty and righteousness. It was Yahweh who
not only brought Israel out of Egypt, but the Philistines
from Caphtor and the Syrians from Kir (ix. 7), that
made the Pleiades and Orion, and "calleth for the
waters of the sea and poureth them out on the face
of the earth " (v. 8). The God of righteousness demands
righteousness in human conduct (v. 24, viii. 4-6), rather
than mere external routine of ceremonial observance.
It was the epoch-making service to the cause of re
ligious progress rendered by this prophet that he eman
cipated the Hebrew conception of God from the
restrictions of mere nationalism. He was now Lord
of the World rather than the patron-deity of a mere
race. In the stress which was now laid upon the

128 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
righteousness of God, religion was delivered from the
limitations of ritual and made ethical rather than cere
monial. The echoes of his ideas resound in the
prophets that followed and also in the Psalms (Isa. lviii.,
Ps. xv., 1., li. 1 6, 17).
It is generally acknowledged among critics that
chap. ix. 1 1-1 5 is a later post-exilian addendum.
Obadiah, the shortest prophecy in this collection, is
occupied with a denunciation of doom against Edom for
his attacks on his brother-nation Jacob when foreigners
besieged and entered Jerusalem. This allusion to the
terrible year 586, when that city was destroyed, shows
that this prophecy is to be dated after that event,
since the disasters which are to overtake Edom are
a retribution for outrages committed against Judah.
Verses 1—9 exhibit many parallels with Jer. xlix.
7-22. The question arises which is the original.
Careful comparison shows that Obadiah possesses the
better claim. At the same time, the Obadiah prophecy
appears to have been extended in later times beyond
its original form, which critics hold to be verses 1—5,
7, 10-n, 13-14, and the latter part of verse 15. It
is possible that we should connect the denunciation
of doom on Edom with Mal. i. 2—5 and Isa. Ixiii. 1-6,
when Edom's chastisement is in process of accom
plishment or has been already consummated. Obadiah's

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 129
prophecy is somewhat earlier in time, i.e. in the earlier
part of the fifth century B.C. About this time Edom
was hard pressed by Arab incursions.
Jonah. — We read of "Jonah, son of Amittai, the
prophet which was of Gath-hepher," in the reign of
Jeroboam II. (II. Kings xiv. 25). The identity of
this prophet with the prophet of this book is clearly
indicated by the fact that Nineveh and the Assyrian
empire were flourishing at that time. Nevertheless
the style of this book, as well as the narrative form
in which it is cast, are clear proofs of its later post-
exilian origin. It has been assigned by recent critics-
to the late Persian, or even the early Greek period,
when there was a strong reaction against the narrow
anti-foreign spirit of Judaism, and a revival of the
nobler traits of Hebrew prophecy reflected in Jeremiah.
and Deutero-Isaiah. The broader spirit of love to all
humanity, and even to the beasts of the earth as the
objects of Divine care and compassion, finds eloquent
expression in the closing words of God's rebuke to
the prophet (iv. 10, 11). Into the framework of the
narrative the editor has inserted in chap. ii. 2-9 a
prayer-psalm, just as in Isa. xxxviii. 9-20 and Hab. iii.
Micah of Moresheth, to whom Jeremiah (xxvi. 18)?
alludes, was a younger contemporary of the prophet
Isaiah. Jeremiah, who quotes Micah iii. 12, places him

130 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
in the reign of Hezekiah, and the closely analogous
passage, Micah i. 5-9, clearly proves that he prophesied
in the reign of Ahaz, shortly before the overthrow of
Samaria (722-1 B.C.). Chaps, i.-iii., both in style and
¦contents, evidently belong to the same period as the
oracles of Isaiah. The same social sins are denounced,
¦e.g. the oppression of the poor by the rich. With
Isa. v. 7, 8, cf. Micah ii. 2, iii. 2, 3. False prophets
and divination are also denounced (cf. Isa. ii. 6), and
the sin of idolatry, Micah i. 7 (cf. Isa. i. 29, ii. 18—20).
But it is not possible to assign to Micah and the
latter part of the eighth century more than chaps, i.-iii.
Chap. iv. opens with a description of a Messianic age
when Jerusalem is to be the centre of the universal wor
ship and peace of humanity (verses 1-5, of which verses
1-3 recur in Isa. ii. 2-4). This passage is probably late
exilian or early post-exilian (coeval with the Deutero-
Isaiah). The following verses of this and the next
¦chapter are complex in character, the connection in
thought being frequently imperfect. In verses iv. 6 ff.
we have prophecies of restoration, but the reference
to Babylon in verse 10 clearly shows that verses 8-10
belong to a later age than the time of Micah, though
it is difficult to assign a definite date. On the other
hand, the definite reference to the overthrow of Assyria
in the Messianic passage, chap. v. -2-6 [1-5 Heb.], as

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 131
well as to the "ruler" who is to come forth from
Bethlehem, appear to point to the earlier part of Josiah's
reign when the power of Assyria was declining. Simi
larly Jer. xxiii. 5, 6.
Chap. vi. 1 - vii. 6 form an entirely new section.
There is a controversy between Yahweh and His
people. Nearly all recent critics accept Ewald's view
that this section was composed by some unknown
writer in the age of Manasseh. Verses 4 and 5 seem
to show that the writer was acquainted with the
traditions of J E, while the reference to the sacrifice
of the first-born in vi. 7 points to the degenerate reign
of Manasseh. On the other hand, chap. vii. 8-20
proceed upon other presuppositions. Disaster has
befallen Israel, but there is pardon and restoration
awaiting them. This latter section evidently belongs
to the age of Deutero-Isaiah.
Nahum's oracles are directed against Assyria.
Chap. iii. 8-10 are a vivid allusion to the capture
of Thebes in Egypt (called No) by the Assyrian armies.
From the inscriptions of Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal
we know that the event referred to must have occurred
between 670 and 662 B.C. This time, therefore, must
have preceded the composition of the oracles, while
the final overthrow of Nineveh in 606 B.C. must have
succeeded it. Between these two dates these utter-

132 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
ances must have been delivered. The rise of the
new Babylonian Empire under Nabopolassar and of
the Median power under Cyaxares about 624 b.c,
which brought about this overthrow, point to some
date between 624 and 606. The memory of the
capture of the Egyptian Thebes was still vivid. On
the other hand, the prophet regards the destruction
of Nineveh as closely impending (i. 2, 13), and the
scenes of slaughter which accompany the siege of
the city are vividly portrayed in chap. ii. 3-6. Traces
of an acrostic poem have been discovered in chap. i. 2-
ii. 2 (3 Heb.).
Habakkuk's collection of prophecies involves some
difficult problems. For their discussion the student is
referred to Driver's Introduction (" Literature of the
Old Testament"), 8th ed., p. 338,1 or to the briefer
Introduction by Cornill. The date of the major portion
of his oracles (chaps, i. and ii.) may be placed a little
before 600 b.c. (reign of Jehoiakim). Chap. ii. 5-8 is
directed against the Babylonians (Chaldaeans), against
whom the nations that they have oppressed shall turn.
Here we note a very different attitude towards Babylonia
from that of Jeremiah (who was Habakkuk's con
temporary) and Ezekiel. It rather resembles that of
the Deutero-Isaiah (xlvii.), or that of Isaiah in the
1 See also " Minor Prophets," ii. (Century Bible), p. 58 f.

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 133
eighth century against Assyria (x. 5-27, xxx. 27-33).
Chap. i. 5-1 1 (according to Driver, 1-11) probably
belong to an earlier period in which the Babylonians
are summoned by God to inflict chastisement for wrong
doing (cf. Isa. vii. 18-20, viii. 7, 8).
Chap. iii. is a much later Psalm, with the terms
employed in the temple music, such as Shigionoth (cf.
Ps. vii. title) and Selah, introduced. This " Prayer of
Habakkuk " has been appended (just as II. Sam. xxii,
and Isa. xxxviii. 9-20) by the redactor.
Zephaniah's prophecies belong, as the title in i. 1
tells us, to an earlier date, evidently the earlier part of
Josiah's reign which preceded the Reformation (62 1 b.c).
This is clearly shown by the references to idolatry
(i. 4-6), which prove that the evil influences which pre
vailed during Manasseh's and Amon's reign had not
yet been removed. Moreover, the Assyrian power was
still dominant (ii. 13), though probably in a state of
decline. Opinions greatly vary as to how much of
chaps, ii. and iii. form genuine matter. Most critics
are agreed that chap. iii. 9-10 are a later addition.
With the exception of ii. 7 (last clause) and n, i4-I5>
and iii. 13-20, which are crowded with Deutero-Isaianic
reminiscences,1 there are no strong grounds for ascrib
ing the authorship to any other than Zephaniah.
1 Chap. ii. 15 coincides with Isa. xlvii. 8 to a large extent.

134 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
Haggai's prophecies are clearly defined as to date.
It is our earliest collection of post-exilian oracles. They
all belong to the second year of Darius Hystaspis,' viz.
520 b.c. The book contains four distinct deliverances
of the prophet, each of which is dated, according to
the custom of the age, from the year of the Persian
monarch's reign : (1) Chap. i. in the 2nd year of Darius,
6th month, ist day; (2) chap. ii. 1-9 in the 7th month,
2 ist day; (3) chap. ii. 10-19 ln the 9th month, 24th
day ; (4) chap. ii. 20-23 on the same day of the same
year, 520 b.c. The general burden of all these utter
ances is severe rebuke of the Jewish people in Judah
for delaying the work of rebuilding the temple. In
the last oracle we have a Messianic prophecy of the
overthrow of kingdoms and of the Divine appointment
of Zerubbabel.
The prophecies of Zechariah fall into two main
divisions : (1) Chaps, i.-viii., which are the genuine utter
ances of the prophet ; and (2) chaps, ix.-xiv., which are
not genuine.
(1) Chaps, i.-viii. contain a series of visions which
commence with 520 b.c (second year of Darius) and
end with 518 B.C. (fourth year of Darius). The trance-
vision which is here the medium of Divine communica
tion is not characteristic of pre-exilian, but rather of
exilian (i.e. Ezekiel's oracles) and post-exilian prophecy.

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 135
The historic situation is the same as that which is dis
closed in the contemporary prophecies of Haggai. Jeru
salem's temple and the cities of Judah are still in
ruins, but they will soon be rebuilt (i. 16, 17). Chap. iii.
(vision of Satan accusing the High Priest clothed in
rags) is a prophecy fulfilled in subsequent history of the
enhanced prestige of the High Priest With it is com
bined a promise of the coming Messiah. This Messianic
prophecy was afterwards supplemented by another (vi.
9—15), which in its original form confers a crown on
the " Branch "* (cf. Jer. xxiii. 5, 6) Zerubbabel, who is
destined to complete the rebuilding of the temple.1
Chaps, vii. and viii. (518 B.C.) are no longer visions,
but " words of the Lord " which enforce the warnings
of past history and the claims of his moral law to
"execute true judgment and show mercy" (vii. 9, 10).
A Messianic prophecy follows of the glory of the
renovated Jerusalem (chap. viii.).
(2) Chaps, ix.-xiv. are, both in language and con
tents, of a totally different character from chaps, i.-viii.,
and present us with some very complex problems.
1 The text has evidently been modified in accordance with the
exigencies of later " history which placed the High Priest and
not the King at the head of the Jewish community" (Marti).
See Driver's note (Century Bible, "Minor Prophets," ii.) on Zech.
vi. n. Zerubbabel after this time vanishes from the scene of
history.

136 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT

Forty years ago (about 1870 and earlier) it was generally
held that these chapters belonged to the pre-exilian
period. Chap. ix. belonged to about 750 b.c. Chap. x.
is somewhat later, since verses 9, 10 allude to Tiglath
Pileser III.'s deportations from N. Israel in 734-2 b.c.
(II. Kings xv. 29). Chap. x. 2 refers to teraphim
and diviners (cf. Isa. ii. 6 ; Hos. iii. 4). Chap, xi,
4-1 7, with xiii. 7-9, were held to refer to the troubles
which befell the Northern Kingdom and to the brief
reigns of three of its kings (xi. 8). On the other hand,
xii. i-xiii. 6 and xiv., in which no reference is made
to the Northern Kingdom, were assigned to the closing
years of the seventh century and the Judaean Kingdom.
But since 1882 critical views have changed, and it
is generally held that ix.-xiv. must be assigned to a
Zater post-exilian period than the chapters which precede.
The mention of the Greeks in ix. 13 and the general
character of the contents of verses 13—15 (cf. xiv. 1 ff.)
point to a time of conflict between Israel and the
Greeks. This leads many scholars to place these oracles
in the days of Alexander's invasion of Palestine or
later (between 332 and 280 b.c). There are many
reminiscences of older oracles (e.g. xiv. 8, of Ezek. xlvii.
1-1 2). Probably some old pre-exilian oracles belonging
to the eighth and seventh centuries have been worked
into the texture of these prophecies in chaps, ix. ff.

THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS 137
The prophecies of Malachi. About Malachi as a
person nothing is known. The word signifies "my
(i.e. Yahweh's) messenger " ; or more probably it is a
contraction for Malachiah or "messenger of Yahweh/'
The reference to the "governor" as well as the form
of the name (cf. Hag. i. 1 ; Neh. v. 14, xii. 16, &c.)
point clearly to the Persian period, while the allusions
to offerings and tithes and to the temple (" my house,"
iii. 10) clearly indicate that these oracles belong to a
period when the temple in Jerusalem had for some time
been rebuilt, i.e. some decades later than the time of
Zechariah. It was a time of religious declension.
Offerings were defective (i. 7, 8, 12). Even the priest
hood was debased (ii. 8). This and the national degra
dation (ii. 1 1 and. passim) incur the sternest denunciation
of the prophet. Evidently the age of Malachi preceded
the advent of Nehemiah (445 b.c) and coincided
with that of the Trito-Isaiah (see above, p. 107 f.). The
references to ritual, excepting perhaps tithe offerings (iii.
9, 10), point to the traditions embodied in Deuteronomy
rather than the Priestercodex. So also the mention
of Levi or " sons of Levi " (ii. 4, 8, iii. 3) instead of
the "sons of Aaron," and of Horeb instead of Sinai,
(iv. 4), show that these oracles belong to the close of
the earlier half of the fifth century (about 455 b.c).

CHAPTER V
THE HAGIOGRAPHA
§ 19. The Hagiographa ("sacred writings"), called by
the Jews "the writings" (K'thubim), form the last or
third portion ot their canonised literature. In the pre
face to Ecclesiasticus or " Wisdom of Jesus son of Sirach "
(132 B.C.), after the mention of the " Law " and "the Pro
phets" it is called by the somewhat indefinite phrase
"the others who followed them," or "the other .books
of our fathers," or the " rest of the books."
It does not follow, however, that this expression
included all the books of our Hagiographa, or even
all the Psalms of our Psalter. The dearth of reference
to some of the books in Jewish literature or in the New
Testament down to a.d. 100 renders it probable that
some of them, viz. Song of Songs, Esther, and Ecclesiastes,
were only in comparatively late times admitted into
this third section of " sacred writings."
§ 20. The Psalms or Psalter formed the religious
liturgical song-book of the Jewish people, which arose
138

THE HAGIOGRAPHA 139
as a collection in post-exilian Israel when the nation
had passed out of the condition of a kingdom into
that of an ecclesiastical community. It is divided into
five books, apparently after the model of the Pentateuch,
which had by that time, i.e. after the days of Nehemiah,
become a canonised work. These five books are (1)
Pss. 1-41, (2) 42-72, (3) 73-89> (4) 9°-Io6> (5)
107—150. These separate books are clearly marked
out in the text by the concluding doxologies, except
the last, in which such a doxology would have been
superfluous, as the final Psalm has the character of a
lengthened doxology. These concluding formulae vary
somewhat, though some terms or phrases recur. It
certainly would be an error to suppose that this divi
sion into books was purely artificial and was a special
arrangement made at one and the same time. This
would not account for the fact that these collections
have special characteristics. Thus in Book i. (Pss.
1-4 1 ) Yahweh is the prevalent sacred name. It occurs
272 times, while the ordinary name "God" (Elohim)
occurs only fifteen times. Similarly, in Book iii., Pss.
84-89, and also in Books iv. and v. almost entirely.
In Book ii. (Pss. 42-72) "God" is the prevalent
name and occurs 164 times, while Yahweh is only
found thirty times. Similarly, in . Book iii., Pss. 73-83.
Moreover, we have the same Psalm repeated, Ps. xiv.

i4o BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT

in Book i. being identical (save in the name for deity
and slight textual varieties) with Ps. liii. in Book ii. ;
also Ps. xl. 14-18 in Book i. is the same as Ps. lxx.
in Book ii. These facts point to the conclusion that
the separate books, like the other separate collections,
of which we shall presently speak, arose indepen
dently. Otherwise these duplications would not have
occurred. Many of the Psalms possess "titles" "superscrip
tions," or headings. These are almost wholly found
in the first three books, and are rightly separated in
our A.V. from the text of the Psalm itself. The same
course ought to have been pursued in the case of
the prophets (e.g. Isa. i. 1, ii. 1, xiii. 1 ; Jer. i. 1-3;
Hos. i. 1, &c), since they were editorial and added
in later times to the text, and do not therefore possess
the same authoritative value as the original text itself.
This is a fact of considerable importance which should
be remembered when we have to deal with the question
of the authorship and date of the Psalm (or prophecy).
Many of these Psalm-titles contain technical musical
terms of which we no longer know the precise mean
ing, though we can discern in some cases the probable
significance. Moreover, a comparison with the MSS.
of the LXX and also with the Syriac version shows
that our Hebrew text represents one form (probably

THE HAGIOGRAPHA i4r
a selection) of these subsequently added liturgical
Psalm-headings. When we come to examine the con
tents of some Davidic Psalms and compare them to
gether, it is quite evident that the particular occasion
to which the origin of the Psalm is attributed (as in
Pss. li., Iii., liv., lvi., Ivii., lix.) has been artificially
connected with the Psalm, because these Psalms belong
to a special collection to which the name of David
was attached, and some suitable occasion in his life was
selected by the post-exilian editor who appended the
title. That David was a musician is fairly clear from
Amos vi. 5, and that songs enlivened the social life
of the people is obvious from many indications (Amos
v. 23, where it is evident that religious songs to a
musical accompaniment are meant) ; cf. Isa. v. 1 2.
We know that David composed funereal elegies
(II. Sam. i. 17 ff., iii. 33 ff.), and it is therefore
probable that he composed songs for religious worship.
Ps. Ix. 5-12, which are repeated in Ps. cviii., probably
contain an old war-song composed on the occasion of
a perilous crisis in the wars against his Eastern foes
(II. Sam. viii. 2, 3, 13-14; cf. chap, x., xii. 26 f.). It is
not impossible that Ps. xviii. 1-19, or a portion of it, was
a Davidic song of thanksgiving composed at the close
of his reign. The interesting fragment from an old
poem or song composed by Solomon, contained in

i42 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
I. Kings viii. 12, 13 (which the LXX in verse 53
gives more fully, see p. 81), shows that such a poem as
Ps. xix. 1-7 might be based on an early song of like
character belonging to the age of Solomon. The
existence of such early poems as Deborah's song
(Judges v.), and the poetic form of pre-exilian Hebrew
prophecy (cf. Isa. ix. 8-x. 4, v. 25-30 and its refrain
with Ps. lxxx.), clearly indicate that some of the
Psalms may have a pre-exilian origin.
On the other hand, we have little evidence in the
Old Testament that religious songs formed any con
spicuous part of worship, though Isa. xxx. 29 is an
instructive indication that in pre-exilian Israel songs
¦did form a feature of religious cultus. Pss. xx. and
xxi. are obviously patriotic songs on behalf of the king,
and belong to the pre-exilian and regal period of Israel's
life. Temple-psalmody evidently received an immense
impetus from Israel's exile in Babylonia, where stately
songs of praise were composed in honour of Babylonian
gods (especially Shamash and Marduk), as well as
penitential psalms or litanies. Contact with Baby
lonian civilisation and worship during the exile must
have familiarised the Jew with these forms of ritual.
When we come to the late post-exilian age in which
the Books of Chronicles were probably written (about
250 b.c) we find that a large place is assigned to

THE HAGIOGRAPHA 143
David as the organiser of the worship and psalmody
of the temple. Note I. Chron. xvi. 4 ff., and the
citation in verses 8-36 of a poetic passage compounded
with variations from Ps. cv. 1-15 and Ps. xcvi. ; also
the organisation of temple music attributed to David
in chap. xxv. 1-6. It is evident that a considerable
proportion of our present Psalter existed at that time,
though not in quite the form in which we now have it.
It is probable that most of the earlier Psalms are to be
found in Book i. and some in Book ii., and that as
a rule the later Psalms belong to the later books.
But the early place of a Psalm in the Psalter is no
proof that it was composed at an early date. Thus
Psalm i. is obviously late, and was placed at the head
of the Psalm-collection on account of its special
character and contents.
The Psalm-titles show that Psalms were distributed
into distinct groups. Thus Pss. 42 to 49 are called
Psalms of the sons of Korah. Pss. 73-83 are called
Psalms of Asaph. Pss. 120-134 are called Psalms
of Degrees, a much-discussed term. Some regard them
as so called because they were the Psalms chanted
at varied stages of the annual pilgrimage to Jerusalem
for the feasts. Others explain the term as due to certain
internal characteristics of style. Besides these we
have Pss. 105-107, which might be called Praise-Psalms

144 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
(based on the opening phrase). Pss. 111-115 and 146-
150 for a like reason are called Hallelujah-Psalms.
It is generally recognised that some of the Psalms
belong to the time of the Maccabaean, persecution and
struggle. Pss. 44, 74, 79, 83, 116, and 118 may with
considerable probability be assigned to this period.
Ps. 30 is regarded as a Psalm of dedication, and was
perhaps composed to commemorate the purification
of the temple, after its desecration by Antiochus
Epiphanes, in 165 B.C. (I. Maccab. iv. 52)
Some of the Psalms are alphabetic, i.e. are in
nature acrostic. Of this Ps. 119 is a well-known
example. We have another instance in Pss. 9 and 10,
which originally formed one Psalm (as in the LXX).
In Ps. x. there is a gap in the alphabetic arrangement
which has been filled up from another source. Other
examples of alphabetic Psalms are Pss. 25, 34, 37, in,
112, and 145 (sometimes of successive verse-couples,
sometimes of single verses and even half-verses).
It is not easy to fix the time when a definite close
to our Psalter was made. In the prologue (or preface)
to Ecclesiasticus, written by the grandson of its author,
reference is made to the " other books of our fathers "
several times in conjunction with "the Law and the
Prophets." This preface was written in 132 b.c But
the expression "other books" is somewhat vague.

THE HAGIOGRAPHA 145
We can only argue that much, not the exact whole,
of our Psalter was included.
§ 21. The Book entitled the Proverbs (or, as its
full title in the original runs, "The Proverbs of
Solomon, son of David, King of Israel," chap. i. 1)
consists of many utterances or sayings, the main purpose
of which is to instruct men in what is called " Wisdom "
or the right conduct of life. We might call them
moral and religious maxims, for all the morals incul
cated have a religious foundation. The fear of the
Lord is the beginning (or fundamental principle) of
wisdom. In other words, its ethical philosophy was
essentially religious in its basis. We are here entering
upon a special class of Hebrew writings called the
Wisdom-liteTatme, to which the Book of Job, Ecclesi
astes, Ecclesiasticus (or Book of Jesus son of Sirach),
as well as the " Wisdom of Solomon " belong.
The Book of Proverbs falls naturally into the:
following divisions: —
(i.) Chap. i. 1-6 may be regarded as the title and
explanatory preface.
(ii.) Chap. i. 7— ix. 18, to which the above seems to
be attached as a preface.: It forms a treatise of moral
instruction specially intended for young men, presented
in the form of exhortations by a father to his son to
take Wisdom as his guide (see especially chap. iii.). In
K

146 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
chaps, vii. and viii. we have the personified contrasts
of Folly and Wisdom, each of whom presents her
respective incentives. We are reminded of the fable
of Prodicus respecting the appeals of Vice and Virtue
to Hercules (Xenophon, Memorabilia, II. i. 21-34). In
viii. 22-29 there is introduced a philosophy of creation
which is of considerable value to the student of the
growth of the idea of the creative word (Logos), and
clearly shows that chaps, i.-ix. are comparatively late.
(ii.) Chap. x. i-xxii. 16, to which the title " Proverbs
of Solomon " is prefixed (not found, however, in LXX,'
probably owing to chap. i. 1). This section forms the
actual kernel of the Book of Proverbs, and probably
the oldest portion. The characteristics of this section
are vast variety of topic and slight thread of arrange
ment. Moreover, each verse is an independent and
complete whole, and in most cases expressed in the
form of an antithesis.
(iii.) Chaps, xxii. 17-xxiv. 22 are designated in the
opening verse "Words of the Wise." Once more
the truths are presented in the form of a father's
instruction to his son.
(iv.) Chap. xxiv. 23-34 are an added appendix to the
above. (v.) Chaps, xxv.-xxix. are another collection made
by the men of Hezekiah, King of Judah. So it is

THE HAGIOGRAPHA 147
stated in the title (xxv. 1), and there is no strong
ground for disputing the statement (so Driver as
against Cornill). The fact that II. Chron. xxix.-xxxii.
make no reference to Hezekiah's literary activity can
hardly be regarded as an argument of much weight,
since so much space is devoted by the chronicler to
Hezekiah's rehgious reorganisation that little space is
left for secular details.
(vi.) Chaps, xxx. -xxxi. contain addenda, (a) Chap.
xxx. contains the words of Agur, son of Jakeh. These
are frequently of an enigmatic character, and show,
especially in verses 1-9, an advanced stage of religious
thought, (b) Chap. xxxi. 1-9 contain the instructions
addressed to King Lemuel by his mother, warnings
against self-indulgence and exhortations to deal justly
with the poor. The Aramaic in place of Hebrew
forms in this short section are indications of lateness.
(c) Chap. xxxi. 10-31, an alphabetic poem in praise of
a " virtuous " woman.
The contents of this entire book were evidently of
gradual growth, and it is generally agreed that chap.
x. i-xxii. 16 (ii.) form the oldest portion of the entire
collection. But it does not follow that Solomon was
the author of the collection. He is hardly to be re
garded as the probable author of exhortations to curb
the fleshly passions and to practice monogamy. The

148 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
ascription of both this book and other portions of
Wisdom literature (Ecclesiastes and "Wisdom of
Solomon ") to Solomon is doubtless due to I. Kings
iv. 29 ff. (v. 9 f. Heb.), and the later popular tradi
tion which enhanced his fame and found its way into
Arabic literature. On the other hand, it must be re
membered that proverbs form one of the most ancient
types of Oriental poetry, oral or written (Judges ix.
8-15, xiv. 12-14; L Sam. x. 12, xxiv. 14; I. Kings
xx. 11). It is therefore quite possible that some of
the proverbs, especially in sections ii. and v., originate
from a time earlier than that of Solomon.
§ 22. The Book of Job may be divided into three
main parts: — (I.) The Prologue (chaps, i. and ii.),
written in prose, which narrates in a series of scenes
(a) the integrity and prosperity of Job (i. 1-5); (b)
the accusation of Job before God and his council
by Satan (i. 6-12); (c) the disasters of Job and his
unshaken piety (i. 13-22); (d) further colloquy be
tween God and Satan, and further trials of Job's piety
designed (ii. 1-6); (e) Job smitten with leprosy. He
is visited by his friends (ii. 7—13).
(II.) The discussion between Job and his friends,
concluding with Yahweh's speech from the whirlwind
and Job's repentance and submission (chap. iii. 1-
xlii. 6). This, which constitutes the main portion of
the book, consists almost entirely of poetry, and may

THE HAGIOGRAPHA 149
be divided into several subordinate portions. These
are mainly three: (a) chaps, iii.-xxxi. consist of a pro
longed argument between Job and his friends, often
rising to great bitterness ; (b) chaps, xxxii.-xxxvii., the
speeches of Elihu, which occupy a detached relation to
the entire work ; (c) chaps, xxxviii. 1— xiii. 6, Yahweh's
utterance and Job's submission and repentance.
(III.) Epilogue (chap. xiii. 7-17), Job's friends re
buked and his piety rewarded with double prosperity.
The poetical and the prose portion of the book,
though related, move in different planes of thought.
The reader who has studied carefully the discussions
of the profound problems of suffering which occupy
chaps, iii. 1 — xiii. 6, and the sublime utterance of
God, and Job's penitence and submission at the close,
must feel acutely the prosaic commonplace of the con
cluding verses of the epilogue. Both prologue and
epilogue (I. and III.) form the main portions of a
popular narrative which may have existed in some form
even as far back as the time of Ezekiel, to whom the
story of the righteous Job was as familiar as that of
Noah or Daniel (Ezek. xiv. 14). Evidently the great
poem, which forms the centre of the book, is based
on the main facts of this prologue, but follows a course
of its own in which Satan falls out of account, and
in place of the controversy respecting Job's integrity
between God and the calumniating Devil, we are

150 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
involved in the problem of Job's suffering, which
agitates with increasing bitterness the discussion be
tween Job and his friends. The latter argue that
Job's sufferings are the penalty of his own sins, which
he ought to acknowledge before God. This represents
the old and prevailing conception of suffering, and
especially of disease, as due to the sin of the suffering
individual (cf. John ix. 2). Against this view Job
utters his eloquent protest and maintains his innocence
(xxvii. 6). Towards God his language varies from that
of sublime trust in His righteousness (xiii. 15, 16, xix.
23-29) to an almost defiant assertion of his own right
and God's tyrannic harshness (ix. 11-18). At times
it seems as though Job regards this dim, unintelligible
world as wholly immoral (ibid., 23, 24). God's address
to Job out of the tempest comes at the close of the
protracted colloquy. God condescends not to reply
to Job's arguments or pleas, but plies him with an
overwhelming succession of questions designed to show
His own infinite wisdom and power, before which all
that is human shrinks appalled "like a guilty thing
abashed." Job can only reply : —
" By the hearing of the ear have I heard of Thee,
But now mine eye hath seen Thee.
Wherefore I would repudiate [what I have said]
And would repent in dust and ashes."
Here we have the true end of the poem. The lesson

THE HAGIOGRAPHA 151
which it teaches is that the whole duty of man, which
Job at last learns, is repentance and absolute submis
sion to the awful mystery of God's infinite power and
holiness.1 The speeches of Elihu (chaps, xxxii.-xxxvii.) have
been a subject of much discussion, and it has been
generally recognised that they constitute a separable
portion of the poem, for (1) Elihu is not mentioned
in either prologue or epilogue. (2) Job makes no
reply to him, and the final utterance of Yahweh bears
no reference to Elihu's address. Chap, xxxviii. 2 forms
a natural sequence to chap. xxxi. 40, of which the last
clause seems to imply that the colloquy between Job
and his friends had closed. (3) The style and language
stand somewhat apart from the other discourses. Job
is addressed by name in the second, instead of being
mentioned in the third person. (4) He develops more
fully what had been only slightly touched upon by
the other friends, viz. Eliphaz (v. 8 ff., 17 ff.). He
enlarges on God's graciousness and mercy (xxxiii. 16-30)
and the disciplinary power of affliction, while he warns
Job to beware of a wilful and wrathful spirit (xxxvi.
io-r8). It is generally agreed that these chapters have
been subsequently inserted into the poem. Was it
1 The reader will find an excellent exposition of the significance
of the poem in Peake's " Problem of Suffering in the Old Testa
ment," chap. v. pp. 83-103.

152 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
composed by a later hand ? Kamphausen thinks that
it was by the poet himself. It is quite possible that at
a later time he deemed it necessary to develop another
solution of the mystery of pain, in which it is viewed
as the discipline of an all-wise and all-merciful God
(xxxvi. 22, 23, xxxiii. 23-30). It is to be noted that
chap, xxxvii. seems to anticipate the course of the
following utterance from the whirlwind.
This book stands apart in many respects from the
other Old Testament books. The land of Uz, to which
Job belongs, cannot be defined, except that it is situated
in North Arabia, east of Palestine. Job is therefore
a foreigner, and also his friends. There are many
indications in the apparent echoes of Deutero-Isaiah,
Psalms, and Proverbs that the book was written late, in
a reflective age, and arose in a school of thought which
stood apart from the ecclesiastical exclusiveness of
Jewish writers who were dominated by the tendencies
to be found in the Priestercodex, Chronicles, and Ezra.
We can hardly date it earlier than 400 b.c
§ 23. The Song of Songs (or Song of Solomon) forms the
first of the series of five Megillbth or " rolls " which in
clude also Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, and Esther.
The love of a husband for his bride and of bride for
husband is the theme of this book, the poetry of which
" is exquisite and the imagery beautiful and singularly

THE HAGIOGRAPHA 153
picturesque" (Driver). Though some older scholars
(following Herder) have held that the book contains
a series of independent songs, most modern critics
consider that it rather consists of a sequence of scenes
in a drama. According to the older scholars, as
Delitzsch, there were only two chief personages in
the drama, viz. King Solomon and the Shulammite
(probably for " Shunammite ") maid whose affections
he wins. But later scholars have followed Ewald, who
holds that there are three chief actors, viz. the two
above mentioned and a young shepherd lover to whom
the Shulammite maid is pledged, and to whom she
remains true, though Solomon seeks in vain to retain
her in his Jerusalem court. The triumph of true love
is expressed in a beautiful song in the closing scene,
viii. 5-7, in which the maiden appears " leaning upon
her beloved " (viii. 5).
Valuable light has been thrown upon this book by
the German consul, J. G. Wetzstein, who has described
to us the marriage customs which prevail in modern
Syria. In connection with the wedding there are
festivities which are spread over a whole week, called
the " King's week." The " king " is the young husband,
who corresponds to the Solomon of this book, while
the bride corresponds to the Shulammite maiden. It
is supposed that the " Song of Songs " consists of a

154 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
series of such songs as would accompany a similar
wedding celebration in ancient Palestine.
The language of this book distinctly marks it as
belonging to the Greek period, probably after 300 B.c
Christian writers have followed Jewish expositors in
treating the Song of Songs as a spiritual allegory. But
for this New Testament writers afford no justification,
since this book is never quoted by them.
§ 24. The Book of Ruth is an attractive idyll respect
ing the life of David's ancestress, the Moabitess Ruth.
From this, however, it cannot be inferred that we have
here an early pre-exilian work. We may note the
opening references to the "judges," which points to
a time when the Book of Judges was complete ; also
the closing genealogy (iv. 18-22), which reminds us
of the style of the Priestercodex. These, however,
may have been added to the book by an editor. More
decisive are the clear traces of later style in the body of
the narrative. On the other hand, it can hardly be said
that the style throughout is characteristic of a post-
exilian document. Nor can it be considered a priori
probable that a document which connected David
with a Moabitess would have originated in or after
the time of Ezra. The present book may have arisen
from a pre-exilian documentary basis, and have owed
its present form to a writer who, like the author of the

THE HAGIOGRAPHA 155
Book of Jonah, was opposed to the narrower traditions
of the time of Ezra and Nehemiah. The mode in
which the custom is referred to in Ruth iv. 7 (cf. Deut.
xxv. 9) as ancient points to a late post-exilian period.
The position of the book in the Hebrew canon strongly
confirms this view.
§ 25. The Lamentations are based on a very clearly
marked historical situation, viz. the capture and de
struction of Jerusalem in 586 b.c The inhabitants
have been carried into captivity after terrible experiences.
After bewailing the city's desolation and misery (i. 1-7),
reference is made to her sins and the consequent calamities
that have befallen her (i. 8-22). Chap. iii. is a mono
logue in which the speaker dwells in a chastened
spirit on the severity of God's past dealings, yet waits
in quiet expectation of His mercy in the coming days
(iii. 26-36), and utters a call to repentance (37-42).
After recalling the previous afflictions of Divine wrath
(43-54), the chapter closes with the confident belief
that God has heard the sufferer's prayer and will bring
retribution on the foe (55-66). Chap. iv. once more
bewails the evils of the past, which are penalties for
past transgressions (verses 11, 13). Chap. v. recalls
the miseries of the immediate past and present, and
is a final appeal to Divine pity.
An ancient tradition preserved in the preface of

156 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
the LXX version states : " And it came to pass after
Israel was taken captive and Jerusalem desolated,
Jeremiah sat down weeping, and uttered this lamen
tation over Jerusalem and said: — '' This evidently
stood in the Hebrew copy employed by the LXX, and
was placed there by a later editor. There are many
resemblances and parallels between Lamentations and
Jeremiah. On the other hand, the elaborate alphabetic
arrangements in the original of chaps, i.-iv. (which
are, moreover, not uniform) is quite at variance with
Jeremiah's free and emotional prophetic style. More
over, the political temper of Jeremiah was averse to
Egypt and in favour of Babylonia (Chaldsea). Cf. Jer.
xxix. 1-14, xliv. This is the reverse of Lam. i. 21 ff.,
iii. 59-66, iv. 17. Probably these "Lamentations"
were composed in the latter part of the exile, like
Jer. 1., li.
§ 26. Ecclesiastes or the "Preacher," is a book of
strange contrasts. The writer is a believer in God
and in righteousness. He exhorts the young man to
remember God (xii. 1). The lot of the obedient Godr
fearing man is better than that of the sinner. Wisdom,
knowledge, and joy is bestowed by God on the former,
on the latter pain in all his acquisitions. Hence the
fear of God is inculcated (ii. 26, v. 7, vii. 18, 26,
viii. 12, 13). Yet it is a cold and cheerless world

THE HAGIOGRAPHA 157
that we inhabit. There is no faith in personal im
mortality. The dust returns to earth and the spirit
to God ; man to his " long home " (xii. 5, 7). Earthly
pursuits are summed up in the pessimistic phrase
"All is vanity and sorrow" (i. 2, 18, ii. 1, 11, 23,
xii. 8). At times materialism and epicureanism and
the agnostic mood (xi. 5-10) seem all the writer's
philosophy of life (ii. 24-26). The book reflects a
period of national depression and hopelessness when
the Jews were a subjugated people. It is evidently
late, for the Hebrew abounds in Aramaisms and evi
dences of those later forms that are found in "New
Hebrew" or the language of the Mishna. It cannot
be much earlier than 200 B.C., and may, in fact, be
even later.
§ 27. The Book of Esther is a Jewish romance, breath
ing a spirit by no means harmonious with Christian
ideals, and never quoted in the New Testament. The
name of God nowhere occurs in it, and it was not
accepted without protest even by Jews into the Canon of
Hagiographa, though there are many signs that the book
enjoyed considerable popularity. It narrates the story
of the rejection by King Ahashuerus (the Greek Xerxes)
of his Persian wife Vashti, and of the entrance of the
beautiful Jewess Esther, the adopted daughter of the
Benjamite Mordecai, into the exalted position of queen

158 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
of the Persian king. She thereby becomes the means
of overthrowing the plot of Haman to massacre the
Jews. Haman is hanged. Mordecai is exalted to the
high honour previously occupied by his adversary
Haman, and the Jews wreak a terrible vengeance on
their adversaries. In II. Mace. xv. 36 we read that
there was a feast called the " day of Mordecai," cele
brated on the 14th and 15th Adar (Feb.-March),
immediately following the "day of Nicanor," which
celebrated the great defeat at Adasa of Nicanor, the
general of the Syrian army of Antiochus Epiphanes,
by Judas Maccabaeus. This "day of Mordecai" is
the Feast of Purim to which Esther ix. 22 makes re
ference. There are many signs in the language and
contents of the Book of Esther that it belongs to a
late period. It probably arose after the Maccabaean
war (165 B.c), when the spirit of national exclusive
ness in the Jewish people became intensified.1
§ 28. The Book of Daniel exhibits clear traces of
its origin in the period of the Maccabaean struggle
(168-160 B.c), though the narrative of Daniel, as a
historical personage to whom Ezekiel alludes (xiv. 14),
1 It may have originated in the same age that produced the
book oi Judith (see "The Apocryphal Books" (Century Bible
Handbooks), p. 47), though not from the same circle of religious
tendency.

THE HAGIOGRAPHA 159
is referred to the time of Nebuchadnezzar (605-562)
or the early period of the exile, contemporary with
Ezekiel. But this Book of Daniel was evidently com
posed centuries after this date. This is indicated by
many internal and external features.
I. Among the internal features we note : (1) Daniel
was a prophet; but his prophecies are quite unlike
those of Jeremiah and Ezekiel, or even the earlier
post-exilian prophets (Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi),
in being Apocalypses (like " Second Esdras," the " Book
of Enoch," and Eevelation). See "The Apocryphal
Books " (Century Handbook), p. 70 f. (2) The history
of the period is greatly confused. The last king of
Babylon was Nabonidus, not Belshazzar (Dan. v. 22-
31 l), who was son of Nabonidus, and never reigned.
The conqueror of Babylon (in 538 b.c) was Cyrus,
not "Darius the Mede." The latter seems to be
blended with Darius Hystaspis, who followed and did
not precede (Dan. vi. 1 ; cf. x. 1) Cyrus. Darius
Hystaspis reigned 521-485 b.c, and succeeded Cambyses
(529-521), the son of Cyrus. These confusions could
hardly have arisen in a record contemporary with the
life of Daniel, but only in a document composed long
after the exile, when the actual course of events had
1 In chap. v. 18, 22, Belshazzar is regarded as son of Nebuchad-

160 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
faded from the memory. (3) The prophecies are often
nothing but symbolic portrayals of the past and con
temporary history of Western Asia during the Greek
period. This appears most clearly in chap. xi. Chap.
xi. 5-20 represent the history of the Ptolemies and
Seleucids, while verses 21-39 describe the reign of
Antiochus Epiphanes and his oppressive measures
against the Jews and their religion1 (b.c 176-165).
Similarly the vision of the four horns in chap. viii.
clearly symbolises the four kingdoms which arose after
Alexander's death ; the " little horn " is evidently
Antiochus Epiphanes (viii. 9-14, 23-25).
II. Among the external indications we may note :
(1) As in the case of the Book of Ezra, a portion is in
Aramaic, viz. from chap. ii. 4b to vii. 28. Various
reasons have been advanced to account for this.
Perhaps the most probable is that the whole was
originally composed in Aramaic, but the beginning
and concluding chapters were translated into the old
and sacred Hebrew tongue, in deference to religious
taste, before the book was incorporated in the canon.
(2) The style of both the Hebrew and Aramaic portions,
especially the latter, is a definite proof of lateness.
We note especially the Persian words that occur in
1 See Driver's sketch of the history, accompanied by references,
in his Introduction, 8th ed., 491 ff.

THE HAGIOGRAPHA 161
both — chiefly in the Aramaic — and the names of Greek
musical instruments in iii. io, 15. (3) The separate
position of Daniel in the last Canon (i.e. of the Hagio
grapha) apart from the earlier Canon of the Prophets,
combined with the fact that Daniel is not mentioned in
Ecclesiasticus (Jesus son of Sirach), where reference
is definitely made to Isaiah (xlviii. 20-25), Jeremiah
(xlix. 6-7), Ezekiel (xlix. 8, 9), and the twelve minor
prophets (xlix. 10). The first definite reference to the
Book of Daniel is to be found in I. Maccab. ii. 59, 60,
obviously based on Dan. iii. as we have it.
These indications clearly point to the conclusion that
the Book of Daniel was composed after 180 B.C.
(Ecclesiasticus) and the great Maccabaean struggle,
i.e. about the middle of the second century, 163 b.c
The work falls into two nearly equal parts. (1) Chaps.
i.-vi. are the narrative of the events of the life in exile
of Daniel and his three friends, Hananiah, Mishael,
and Azariah, who were raised to high honour by
Nebuchadnezzar. The story of Daniel's interpretation
of Nebuchadnezzar's dream in chap. ii. and the issue is
similar to the story of Joseph in Gen. xii. Chaps, iii. ff.
record the severe trials of Daniel and his three com
rades, from which they are saved owing to their per
sistent loyalty to the religion of their forefathers.
(2) Chaps, vii,— xii. contain a series, of visions which

162 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
are interpreted to Daniel by an angel (Gabriel in viii. 16
and ix. 21). The frequent mention by name of angels
such as Gabriel and Michael (x. 13, 21, xii. 1), only
found in later Jewish literature (e.g. Book of Enoch
ix. 1, xl. 9, &c. ; -Tobit iii. 17, v. 4, vii. 8, &c), is
another characteristic trait of this book.
§ 29. Ezra and Nehemiah form in reality one work,
as may be gathered from the testimonies of the Talmud
and early Christian writers,1 as well as other indications.
Moreover, there is evidently a very close connection
between them and the Books of Chronicles^ We have
evidence of this in Ezra i. 1-30, the opening verses,
which are identical with II. Chron. xxxvi. 22 ff., stand
ing at the close of the Book of Chronicles. From this
we may infer that Ezra and Nehemiah were regarded
as an immediate sequel to Chronicles.
The contents of the two books embrace the history
of Jews in Judaea, and more especially in Jerusalem,
from the return of the exiles under Zerubbabel after
the capture of Babylon by Cyrus in 538, down to the
second visit of Nehemiah to Jerusalem in 432 b.c.
These we shall now briefly set forth.
The Book of Ezra. — I. Chaps, i.-vi., a preliminary
retrospect of post-exilian history, describe the return
1 The evidence is given in Bishop Ryle's commentary (Cambridge
Bible for Schools), Introduction, pp. ix.-xiii., in full detail.

THE HAGIOGRAPHA 163
of the exiles from Babylonia and the rebuilding of
the Jerusalem temple. Chap. i. The edict promulgated
by Cyrus after the capture of Babylon (538 b.c.) giving
permission to the Jewish exiles to return, restoring to
them the sacred vessels carried off by Nebuchadnezzar
(cf. II. Kings xxv. 13-17; Jer. xxvii. 16). Chap. ii.
Register of numbers and families who returned, and
their free-will offerings to the temple restoration.
Chap. Hi. In the 7th month (October) of 537 B.C.
the altar of the temple is erected and the feast of
Tabernacles celebrated. In the 2nd month (May) of
536 b.c the foundation of the temple is laid. Chap. iv.
" Opponents of Judah and Benjamin " (mainly Samari
tans) ask to join in the work of restoration, but are
refused. Accordingly they obtain from Cyrus an edict
forbidding the further progress of the building. The
work therefore ceases till the 2nd year of Darius, 520 b.c
Verses 6-23 describe the intrigues through the corre
spondence of Rehum, Shimshai, and other opponents
of the Jews with the Persian court at a much later
date, viz. under Xerxes (485-465 B.C.) and Artaxerxes
(465-425 b.c). A copy of the letter written by Rehum,
Shimshai, and the others in the reign of the latter
monarch, with a view to preventing the building of the
city walls, is given in verses n-16, and the king's
reply in verses 18-22. Obviously this entire section

164 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
(6-23) is out of chronological order. Chap. v. resumes
the chronological order at 520 b.c with the energetic
revival of the temple restoration through the influence
of Haggai and Zechariah. Chap. v. 6-vi. 12 describe
the correspondence of Tattenai, Shethar-bozenai, and
others with Darius Hystaspis, requesting due authorisa
tion for the rebuilding of the temple. An affirmative
and encouraging answer is given by Darius, based on the
original decree of Cyrus found in the royal archives.
Verses 13-22 describe how the work of rebuilding is
accordingly pushed on and the passover is celebrated.
II. Chaps, vii.-x. We now, after an interval of about
sixty years, come to the time when Ezra arrives in Jeru
salem in the 7th year of Artaxerxes, 458 B.C., and
endeavours to effect reforms. Chap. vii. describes the
commission of Ezra in the terms of the royal Persian
edict. Chap. viii. contains a list of the emigrating
families of the Babylonian exiles. After a preliminary
fast on the river Ahava, they make their way to Jerusalem.
Chap. ix. Ezra's proceedings against marriages with
foreign wives. Chap. x. A great popular assembly in
Jerusalem meets Ezra, and, after solemn vows to reform,
a commission is chosen to deal with the question of
mixed marriages. The book concludes abruptly with
an enumeration of the men who had taken foreign
wives and vowed to renounce them.

THE HAGIOGRAPHA 165
The Book of Nehemiah might be divided into two
main portions, corresponding to his two visits to
Jerusalem, viz. : —
I. Chaps, i.-xiii. 3 cover Nehemiah's first visit to
the city and his administration. Chap. i. Nehemiah,
Jewish cup-bearer to King Artaxerxes, learns at the
close of the year 445 B.C. that the walls of Jerusalem
are still in a state of ruin. Chap. ii. Nehemiah gets
himself appointed in 444 as Persian governor in Jeru
salem. He rides by night around the ruined walls.
He urges the "rulers" to rebuild them. Opposition
of Sanballat and others. Chap. iii. Distribution of the
work among different families. Chap. iv. Scorn and
opposition of Sanballat. Nehemiah takes measures for
the defence of the work. Chap. v. Peasant proprietors
saved from the pressure of land mortgages and usury,
imposed by wealthy nobles, through Nehemiah's inter
vention. Chap. vi. Nehemiah's resistance to the in
trigues of Sanballat and his confederates. Completion of
the wall, after fifty-two days' toil, on the 5th Elul 444 B.C.
Chap. vii. Means taken for the defence of Jerusalem.
Another version of the list in Ezra ii. In these first
seven chapters the narrative proceeds in the first person.
Chaps, viii.-x. Narrative in the third person. Ezra now
enters with the Levites on the scenes. In the seventh
month (Tishri) 444, Ezra publicly reads the " book of

166 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
the Law of Moses." Celebration of the Feast of Taber
nacles, followed two days after by a public confession
of sin and a solemn ratification of a covenant with the
people by Nehemiah. Chap. xi. One in ten chosen by
lot to dwell in Jerusalem (cf. vii. 4, with which this
should be connected). List of their names and also
of the villages and towns occupied by the returned
Israelites. Chap. xii. List of priests and Levites that
returned with Zerubbabel (verses 1—26). Dedication of
the walls of Jerusalem and appointment of overseers
of the temple chambers. In 27-43 we again have
the first person.
II. Chap. xiii. 4-31 refer to the absence of Nehemiah
from Jerusalem and his return (verses 6, 7). This
chapter records (again in the first person) the efforts
of Nehemiah to suppress special irregularities.
From the above analysis of the contents the frag
mentary character of the two books is obvious, and
this is especially true of Ezra.
(i.) Portions are taken from Aramaic sources, viz.
Ezra iv. 8-vi. 18 and vii. 12-26. This is especially
clear in the case of the letter to Artaxerxes and his
reply (iv. 8-23). It is possible that v. i-vi. 18 belong
to the same original document. Moreover, the decree
of Artaxerxes probably stood among the original Aramaic
documents of Ezra.

THE HAGIOGRAPHA 167
(ii.) Special note must be taken of the change, both
in Nehemiah and in Ezra, from the first to the third
person, and vice versa, in continuous sections.
(iii.) The unevenness in the treatment of the history.
We have considerable gaps of time of which nothing
is said. Note especially that the successive verses,
Ezra vi. 22-vii. 1, cover the sixty years which preceded
Ezra's advent. This, as Driver observes, might have
been done by a writer who lived long after the time
of Ezra and surveyed the events in distant perspective,
but would hardly be probable for Ezra himself.
If we follow the indications furnished by the appear
ance of the first person singular, we may regard Ezra
vii. 27-ix. 15 as consisting of the Memoirs of Ezra,
with the exception of viii. 35, 36. With reference to
Nehemiah, it is pretty generally agreed that Neh. i. 1-
vii. 5 and xiii. 4-31 are continuous sections derived
from the genuine memoirs drawn up by Nehemiah.
On the other hand, we have other indications con
tained in the Book of Nehemiah which are evidences
of much later authorship : —
(a) Neh. xii. n, 22, Jaddua is mentioned who was
High Priest in 351-331 B.C., three generations later than
Eliashib, the contemporary of Nehemiah, Neh. iii. 1
(cf. xii. 10).
(b) In Neh. xii. 22 mention is made of Darius the

168 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
Persian, and the context shows that this must have
been Darius Codomannus, the last King of Persia
(336~333 B.C.).
(c) In Neh. xii. 26, 47, the expression "the days
of Nehemiah" is employed as though the writer were
surveying them in somewhat distant retrospect.
(d) The expression " King of Persia " used frequently
in Ezra, and the phrase "Darius the Persian" in
Neh. xii. 22, were hardly possible in the Persian
period. For Persia was in reality absorbed into a
wider empire, and the name appears but seldom even
in the documents of the time of Cyrus. His successors
are styled "King of Babylon" or "Great King," or
more commonly "King of Kings" or "King of the
Lands," or simply " the King."
From these literary data we may reasonably infer
that the Chronicler between 300 and 250 B.C. compiled
the books of Ezra and Nehemiah from various frag
ments and sources, the most valuable among them being
the Memoirs of Ezra and Nehemiah respectively.
In 1893 a Dutch writer Kosters propounded the
view that the first four chapters of Ezra are unhistorical,
that there was no restoration of exiles by Cyrus ; or
foundation of the temple laid, as Ezra narrates. The
rebuilding of the temple only took place twenty years
later, as Haggai and Zachariah narrate, and this was

THE HAGIOGRAPHA 169
carried out by the old inhabitants. But these sweeping
conclusions raise far greater difficulties than they can
in any sense be said to remove. On this subject the
reader may consult the Century Bible, " Isaiah," vol. ii.
pp. 225-231, and G. Adam Smith, "Minor Prophets,"
vol. ii. pp. 194-219.
§ 30. The Books of Chronicles contain the entire
history from Genesis to II. Kings, written afresh, from
a later, i.e. a post-exilian, standpoint. It is the stand
point of the restored Jewish state and church recon
stituted by Ezra and Nehemiah, in which the religious
ideas and sacerdotal system and ritual of the docu
ment P have recognised validity. The Greek name
for these books in the LXX version regards the work
as supplementary to the older historical works of the
Torah (Law or first Canon) and the historical books
called " the earlier prophets." What is added consists in
the main of statistical and genealogical details, as well as
those which concern religious cultus and organisation.
Only occasionally do we find other historical narratives ;
nor can they be regarded as reliable records.
The contents of the two books may be briefly
summed up as follows : — I. Chron. i.-ix. are genea
logical and statistical in character, from Adam to the
close of the reign of Saul. From I. Chron. x. to
II. Chron. xxxvi. we have a record which runs parallel

170 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
to I. Sam. xxxi., onwards through II. Sam. and I. Kings
and II. Kings as far as II. Kings xxv. 21. And it
is quite evident, from a very large number of parallels
in which we have verbal or almost verbal identity,
that the older canonical books of history, I. Sam.,
II. Sam., I. Kings and II. Kings, must have been
known to and utilised by the Chronicler. And yet
we find as we pass from the older records to this
new historical work that the older historical material
is placed in a new setting and treated in a different
spirit. While I. and II. Kings contain materials em
ployed and interpreted by Deuteronomic redactors (e.g.
II. Kings xvii. 7-23), we have in I. and II. Chron.
historic materials redacted and set forth in the light
of new circumstances, a new order, an ecclesiastical,
highly developed Jewish state. The Northern or Eph
raimite Kingdom, whose population had been largely
deported in 732 and 721 b.c, had long ceased to pos
sess any living interest, and its now ancient regal his
tory and antecedents are to a large extent dropped out
of the record, except so far as the framework of the
story necessitates some allusion. For we are now
concerned with a post-exilian Jewish state and religious
system, whose antecedents in the distant pre-exilian
days of the Judaean monarchy are described to us.
The work of a historian was then far different from

THE HAGIOGRAPHA 171
what it is in these modern days of printed books and
libraries and elaborate historical research. The history
of the past could only be written under the dominating
influence of living present-day tendencies and ideas.
And those influences were intensely religious.
A clear example of the latter-day influences may
be found in I. Chron. xxix. 7, in which the princes of
the fathers' houses give 5000 gold talents and 10,000
darics for rebuilding the temple. Now the dark is
an anachronism. It was a Persian coin introduced by
and named after Darius I. (Hystaspis), who reigned
five centuries after David. Five thousand gold talents
(over ^30,000,000) is a characteristic exaggeration of
number. Similarly, in I. Chron. xxi. 25, David gives
Oman1 (II. Sam., Araunah) 600 gold shekels (about
^1200) for his threshing-floor, whereas in II. Sam. xxiv.
24 he pays the more modest sum of 50 silver shekels
(j£6, 17s. 6d.) for both threshing-floor and oxen, which
is evidently more true to fact.
1 Probably the Chronicler here (as in some other cases) pre
serves the more correct text in the form given. There is doubtless
a tendency to idealise the David of ancient days, ancestor of an
unbroken line of kings associated with the Messianic descendant
of Jewish expectation ; and this lies at the foundation of these
enhanced numerical estimates (e.g. I. Chron. xxii. 14, in which
David's accumulation of treasure is stated as 100,000 gold talents,
or more than ^600,000,000), beside 1000 silver talents.

172 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
In dealing with the reign of David, considerable ex
tensions are made by the Chronicler on all matters
belonging to religious ritual. These are to be found
in I. Chron. xv.-xxix. Chap. xvi. gives details re
specting the Levites that are to minister before the
ark. A psalm is introduced made up of the late post-
exilian Pss. cv. 1-15, xcvi. 1-13, and cvi. 1, 47, 48.
Indeed, the space devoted to sacerdotal (Levitical)
ritual, and especially to musical details, renders it fairly
clear that the Chronicler was a Levitical member of
the temple choir. — When we come to the reign of
Hezekiah, the reformation to which II. Kings xviii. 4
refers occupies in II. Chron. nearly three chapters,
xxix. 4-xxxi. 2 1, based on the usages of the post-
exilian legislation. Uzziah's leprosy is ascribed to his
sinful usurpation of the priest's sacrificial office, though
that office had been discharged by kings and royal
sons (I. Sam. xi. 7; II. Sam. vi. 13, 17, 18, viii. 18;
I. Kings viii. 64; but not in Chron.). But there is
no trace of the story of Uzziah's conflict with the
priesthood in II. Kings xv. 1-7. While these addi
tional details and incidents are due to the religious
tendencies and traditions of post-exilian Judaism, and
cannot therefore be regarded as history, it would be
a mistake to regard all additional matter in the Books

THE HAGIOGRAPHA 173
of Chronicles (as compared with I. and II. Kings) as
wholly untrustworthy. There are substantial reasons
for assuming that there is a definite historical basis
for II. Chron. xxvi. 6-15, respecting Uzziah's military
enterprises and organisation, as well as his agricultural
and other improvements. And the same may be said
of the narrative respecting Manasseh (II. Chron. xxxiii.
"-*3)- Numerous sources for his narrative are referred to
by the Chronicler, viz. the " Book of the Kings of Judah
and Israel " (or Israel and Judah) and the " Acts of
the Kings of Israel" (II. Chron. xxxiii. 18), which may
in reality be another name for the same work. It is
not certain whether the "Midrash of the Book of
Kings" (II. Chron. xxiv. 27) is the same or another
more extended work. There were also special bio
graphical works, viz. " The words of Samuel the seer "
(I. Chron. xxix. 29), "The words of Nathan the
prophet" (ibid.), "The words of Gad the seer"
(ibid.), "The words of Shemaiah the prophet and of
Iddo the seer" (II. Chron. xii. 15), "The words of
Jehu, son of Hanani " (II. Chron. xx. 34), and other
works of like character.
The style in which the Books of Chronicles were
written exhibits a late and decadent stage of Hebrew.

174 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
Many of the terms which are used only belong to
later post-exilian Hebrew, and in some cases are
Aramaic rather than Hebrew. It is hardly possible
to assign to the work an earlier date than 300 b.c.
As we have already indicated in § 29 (dealing with
Ezra and Nehemiah), it may have been composed as
late as 250 b.c., or even later still.

SHORT CHRONOLOGICAL CONSPECTUS OF
HEBREW LITERATURE

1220 ? The Ten Words of Moses (in earliest form) and beginnings
of legislation.
1200 or later. The " Song of the Well" (Num. xxi. 17, 18) and
Miriam's song (Exod. xv. 21).
1 1 50? Song of Deborah.
1 1 50-1 100. Songs current among individual tribes embodied in
Gen. xlix.
1000 and after. David's elegies, II. Sam. i. 19-27, iii. 33, 34.
Supplication in danger during war against Eastern neigh
bours, Ps. Ix. (in part).
Ps. xviii. (earlier portion).
Book of Jashar.
Solomon's Temple-song, I. Kings viii. 12-13.
Beginnings of State-memoirs and priestly records.
Book of Yahweh's wars. Balaam's utterances in earliest
form.
Book of the Covenant (Exod. xx. 26-xxiii. 19).

Israel
885. Ballads on Moab's over
throw by Israel (Num.
xxi. 27-30; Isa. xv., xvi.).
850-750. Ephraimite narratives
respecting Elijah and
Elisha.
Blessing of Moses (Deut.
xxxiii.).
760-740. Elohistic document in
its earlier form (E1).
745-725. Oracles of Hosea.
722-1. Conquest of Samaria by
Sargon and downfall
of the Northern King
dom.

Judah

Yahwistic document in its earlier
form (J1).

760-736. Oracles of Amos.
739. Death of Uzziah. Begin
ning of Isaiah 's prophetic
ministry.
724-701. j?/»(-aA'joracles(i.-iii.).

176 BOOKS OF OLD TESTAMENT
B.C.
660. Later portions of E and of J.
650. Micah vi. i-vii. 6.
640. J E redaction.
630. Zephaniah's oracles.
627. Beginning ai Jeremiah's prophetic career.
Nahum's prophesies against Nineveh.
621. Reformation of Josiah's reign. Deuteronomy in its earliest
form of published legislation.
605-4. Jeremiah's oracles written down by Baruch. Jehoiakim
destroys the roll. A fresh roll of his oracles written out
with additions.
Completion of earlier edition of the Book of Kings.
601. Habakkuk's oracles.
597. Capture of Jerusalem and deportation of many inhabitants to
Babylonia.
592. Ezekiel's consecration vision in Babylonia.
586. Final capture of Jerusalem, destruction of the temple, and
deportation of inhabitants. The Exile, 586-537 B.C.
586-5. Close of Jeremiah's prophetic career.
Baruch's biographical memoirs of Jeremiah.
570. Close of Ezekiel's oracles.
Deuteronomic redaction of Deuteronomy and of historical
books.
Isa. xiii. 2-xiv. 21.
555. " Servant-poems " of Deutero-Isaiah.
Jeremiah, 1., li.
Lamentations of Jeremiah.
540-37. Deutero-Isaiah (xl.-lv.).
538. Conquest of Babylon by Cyrus.
Edict of restoration to the Jews.
525. Isa. Ixiii. 7-lxiv. 12. Probably Ph drawn up about this time
or earlier.
520. Haggai 's oracles.
520-518. Zech. i.-viii. Pe drawn up either now or later in
Babylonia.
458. Malachi.
458-445. Trito-Isaiah (lvi.-lxvi.).

CHRONOLOGICAL CONSPECTUS 177
B.C.
445_432- Original memoirs of Ezra and Nehemiah.
404. Joels Prophecies. Completion of Pentateuch and Book of
Joshua. Many Psalms composed after this date, and portions of
Book of Proverbs, and other Hebrew literature (includ
ing/^).
330. Isa. xxiv.-xxvii. Zech. ix.-xiv.
250. Books of Chronicles (with Ezra and Nehemiah) assume their
present form.
200. Ecclesiastes. Conclusion of the Prophetic canon.
165. Maccabsean struggle against Antiochus Epiphanes. Pss. xliv.,
lxxiv., cxvi., cxviii., and other Pss.
163. Book of Daniel.

M

INDEX

Aaron, 42
Adonai, 12
Agur, words of, 9, 147
Ahab, 85
Ahashuerus, 157
Alphabetic Pss. , 144
Amos, 126
Angel, 14, 161 f.
Antiochus Epiphanes, 160
Apocalyptic, 98, 159
Archaeology, 5, 6
Asherah, 46
Atonement, day of, 38, 122
Babylon, elegy on, 95
Babylonian names of months, 23
Ballads, 8, 96
Barak, 58 f.
Baruch, nof.
Belshazzar, 159
Book-making 2
Burdens=utterances, 95
Calendar, Hebrew, 23
Canaanite names of months, 23
Canon, $2, 90
Chronicles of Kings of Israel, 9,
83
Chronicles of K ings of Judah , 9 , 83
Chronicles, Books of, 142 f. , 162,
169 f.

Covenant, Book of, 37, 49
Cuneiform, 5
Damascus, oracle on, 96
Daniel, 158 f.
Darius Hystaspis, 134, 159
Darius Codomannus, 168
David, 62 ; his elegies, 73 f. ; war
against Ammon and Aram, 75 ;
Last Words, 76; Davidic Pss.,
76, 141
Deborah's song, 7, 57 f.
Decalogue, 20, 22
Deutero-Isaiah, 91, 102 f.
Deuteronomy, 43 f. ; Deuterono
mic redaction, 57, 60, 77 f., 88 f.
Dumah, oracle of, 97
Ecclesiastes, 156
Ecclesiasticus, 144, 161
Egypt, oracles on, 96, 99 f.
Elegy on Saul and Jonathan, 73 ;
on Abner, 74
Elihu, speeches of, 151
Elijah narrative, 85
Elisha narrative, 85
Elokim, 12, 19
Elohistic document, 12, 17 f.
Ephod, 59
Esther, 157 f.
Exodus, 35
Ezra, 13, 162 f.

i8o

INDEX

Flood, 17
Gad, 173
Genesis, 28
Gilgal, 64
Habakkuk, 132
Haggai, 134
Hagiograpiia, 138
Haman, 157 f.
Hanna, song of, 66
Hezekiah, 50, 88 ; Psalm-prayers
of, 92
Hieroglyphics, 5
Higher Criticism, 6
High Places, 47
High Priest, 13
Holiness, code of, 24, 26, 38,
122
Hosea, 123 f.
Host of Heaven, 46
ISAlAH-biographies, 87
Isaiah, book of, 91 ff.
Jabin, 58
Jaddua, 167
Jashar, book of, 8, 73, 81
Jehoiachin, 114
Jehoiakim, 113
Jehu, 86
Jeremiah, no ff.
Jeroboam, 87
Job, 148 ff.
Joel, 125 f.
Jonah, 129
Joseph-narrative, 30
Joshua, book of, 53 f.
Josiah, 13
Judges, book of, 55 ff. ; "minor
judges " and ' ' greater judges, ' '
61

King's week, 153
Lamentations, 155
Lemuel, Words of, 9
Leviticus, book of, 37 f.
Lower Criticism, 6
Malachi, 108, 137
Mamre (Hebron), 16
Mashal. See Ballads
Megilloth (Rolls), 152
Merodach Baladan, 88
Mesha, stone of, 96
Messianic passages, 102, 130, 134,
135
Micah, 59 ; of Moresheth, 129 f.
Minor Prophets, 123 f.
Miriam, 36
Mizpah, 65
Moab, oracle on, 96
Molech, 47
Mordecai, 157
Moses, 11, 35 ; Song of, 50 ; Bless
ing of, 51
Nahum, 131
Necromancers, 47
Nehemiah, 13, 162, 165 f.
Nineveh, 132
Noah, 17
Numbers, 39 f.
Obadiah, 128
Omri, 43, 86
Oreb, 59
Paddan Aram, 27
Padi, 97
Passover, 46, 48
Pentateuch, 10 f.
Pillars, 47
Priestercodex, 13, 23 f.

INDEX

181

Prophets, Canon of, 50, 90
Proverbs, book of, 9, 145
Psalms, 139 f.
Purim, 158
Rabshakeh, 88
Rahab, 99
Resurrection, 98
Ruth, 154
Samuel, 61, 64 f.
Sargon, 96
Saul, 62 f.
Septuagint, 4, 68 f., 89, 113, nsf.,
117, 119, 123, 156
Servant of Yahweh and Servant
»poems, 106 f.
Seth, 17
Shaddai, 26
Shaphan, 48
Shebna, 98
Shemaiah, 17
Sisera, 58 f.
Sodomites, 47
Solomon, 79; "acts" of, 79;
annals of, 80
Song of Songs, 152 f.
Superscriptions. See Titles

Taanach, 59
Ten Commandments, 37
Teraphim, 19, 70, footnote
Tiglath Pileser, 124
Titles, 140, 143
Trito-Isaiah, 91, 107 f.
Tyre, utterance against, 98
Uz, 152
Vashti, 157
WELL-song, 7
Wisdom literature, 145
Wizards, 47
Yahweh, 12, footnote
Yahweh's Wars, Book of, 8,
Yahwistic document, 12, 14 f.
ZADOK, 122
Zalmunnah, 59
Zebah, 59
Zechariah, 134 f.
Zedekiah, 114
Zeeb, 59
Zephaniah, 133
Zerubbabel, 109

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