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YALE UNIVERSITY
Xibrarg of the ©foinitg School
GIFT OF
Douglas dlgde JWacintosh
DWIGHT PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY
DWIGHT PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY AND
PHILOSOPHY OF RELIGION
1916-1942
1.ii,.1,|v|,|.|V|.1,|,.,|,,,|V,,..,.i,,...,vlH,|,|.|v|,|,|v|,|.,  w„  n.,,,  L..,,!.,,,.!.,^

XLbc /IDessages of tbe Bible
EDITED BY
Professor Frank K. Sanders, Ph.D., of Vale University, and
Professor Charles F. Kent, Ph.D., of Yale University.
Messrs. Charles Scribner's Sons take pleasure in announcing
that they have in course of preparation a series of hand-books which
will enable every reader of the Bible to appreciate and to obtain a
mastery of the essential facts and teachings contained in it.
This series is not a substitute for the Bible, but an aid to the rev
erent, appreciative, and enthusiastic reading of the Scriptures; in
fact it will serve the purpose of an
ORIGINAL AND POPULAR COMMENTARY
ON THE BIBLE.
Technicalities and unsettled questions will be, as far as possible,
ignored. Each volume will be prepared by a leading specialist and
will contain such brief introductions as serve to put the reader into
intelligent relation to the general theme treated. The editorial re
arrangement of the order of the Biblical books or sections will repre
sent the definite results of sober scholarship.

I. Ube /messages of tbe Earlier flSropbets. {Ready.)
II. Ube /Messages of tbe ftater ipropbets. (Ready.)
III. Ube /messages of tbe ftaw Givers. (In Preparation.)
IV. Ube /messages of tbe (propbetic ano ipriestlg Ibfss
torfans. (Ready.)
V. lEbe /messages Of tbe fpsalmfsts. (In Preparation.)
VI. Ube /messages of tbe Sages.
VII. Ubc /messages of tbe dramatic [poets. (In Preparation.)
VIII. Ube /messages of tbe Spocalspttc X&rlters.
IX. Ube /messages of Jesus according to tbe S^nops
tfstS. (Ready.)
X. Ube /messages of Jesus accorMng to Jobn.
XI. Ube /messages of ipaul. (Ready.)
XII. Ube /messages of tbe Spostles. (Ready.)

Gbe flDessages of tbe Bible

EDITED BY
Professor Frank K. Sanders, Ph.D.
of Yale University
AND
Professor Charles F. Kent, Ph.D.
of Yale University

VOLUME IV

THE MESSAGES OF THE PROPHETIC AND
PRIESTLY HISTORIANS

tEbe flftessages of tbe Btble
THE MESSAGES OF THE
PROPHETIC AND
PRIESTLY HISTORIANS
THE WRITINGS OF THE HISTORIANS OF THE
OLD TESTAMENT, ARRANGED SO AS TO
DISTINGUISH THEIR PRINCIPAL SOURCES,
AND FREELY RENDERED IN PARAPHRASE

BY
John Edgar McFadyen
M.A. (Glas.), B.A. (Oxon.)
Professor of Old Testament Literature and Exegesis
in Knox College. Toronto.

NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
1901

Copyright, 1901, by
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS

Published September, 1901

THE CAXTON PRESS
NEW YORK.

Go
MY FATHER

PREFACE
In accordance with the general purpose of the series to
which it belongs, this volume on the " Messages of the
Prophetic and Priestly Historians " aims at presenting the
essential, that is, the religious messages of the historical
books of the Old Testament, as those messages are reached
and interpreted by the scholarship of to-day. To the at
tainment of this aim, some preliminary critical discussion
is indispensable ; for, on the ground covered by these
books, arise many of the most keenly debated problems of
the Old Testament — problems too numerous and grave to
be even adequately stated, far less disposed of, within the
limits prescribed by the conditions of the series, and by
the restricted space at my disposal. I have tried, as clear
ly and briefly as I could, to give some sketch of the manner
in which these problems are dealt with, and at least ap
proximate results attained, by modern scholarship. But
the sketch is in no sense a plea ; it is simply a dispassion
ate presentation of the facts, and I have sought never to
go beyond inferences which the facts seemed to warrant.
The argument for the positions adopted is really cumu
lative, and is strengthened by numerous considerations
which there was no opportunity here for discussing. In
vii

Preface
the Hexateuch, there is almost an unanimous consensus
among Old Testament scholars with regard at least to the
main results of the discussion ; in Ezra-Nehemiah,. that
unanimity has not yet been reached.
One of the greatest difficulties that besets, for the gen
eral reader, the scientific study of the Old Testament is
the absence of any easily accessible criterion to distinguish
the original sources from the later redactional material.
By typographical devices an attempt is here made to over
come this difficulty, the original sources being always
printed in plain type, and the redactional matter in italics,
capitals, small or bold-faced type, as the case may be.1
Many of the difficulties will thus be found to vanish of
themselves. All that is printed in plain type may be used
as a basis for the study of the history, and I have sought,
where possible, to make it read continuously. Brackets
are used to indicate that the passage enclosed has no direct
authority in the original text, but is supplied on high
warrant for the sake of the connection. The poetry and
the legislation interspersed throughout the historical books
have been, with hardly any exceptions, omitted, as they
are to be dealt with in other volumes of this series.
The task of paraphrase was not the least difficult of the
problems which this volume had to face. To retell the
inimitable stories of the Hexateuch is clearly impossible,
especially under the conditions of a paraphrase which was
1 See pp. 97, 100, 248, 286, and 320.
viii

Preface
often obliged to compress a whole paragraph into a word,
and a chapter into a line or two. I have tried so to tell
the stories as to let the religious truth which they embody
shine through them, and to present that truth, which some
times seems to us so quaint and far away, in a form intel
ligible to modern religious experience.
Sections which are duplicated (as in the Hexateuch) or
repeated from other books (as in Chronicles) are para
phrased only once. The disadvantage occasioned by iso
lating the first four books of the Hexateuch and starting
a new section with Deuteronomy, seemed to be more than
compensated by the opportunity thus secured of discussing
the far-reaching influence of Deuteronomy on the subse
quent books of the section.
My debts are many. In particular, I should like to
acknowledge my special obligations to Steuernagel's
" Einleitung in den Hexateuch," Dillmann 's " Commenta
ries on the Hexateuch," Bacon's "Triple Tradition of the
Exodus," the volumes of Moore and Smith on Judges and
Samuel in the "International Critical Commentary," and
Benzinger's volume on Kings in the " Kurzer Hand-Com-
mentar zum Alten Testament." I have been much helped
by the unfailing and generous courtesy of both the editors
of the series, who have devoted much time to the revision
of the volume. They read all the proof through, and con
tributed many valuable suggestions. I also desire to re
cord my thanks to my friend, the Rev. Dr. George Bruce,
ix

Preface
of Toronto, for his kindness in reading the first half of the
proof, and for many helpful comments. Owing to my
absence in Germany, I have not been able to exercise full
control of the final revision, and crave indulgence tor any
slips that may be due to this cause.
The problems raised by the historical books of the Old
Testament are of exceptional interest and difficulty. But
it must never be forgotten that criticism is only a means
to an end. It fails, if it does not lead us to a more rever
ent appreciation of the ways of God with man. The Old
Testament is more than a field for the exercise of critical
acumen. It is a word of life ; and our deepest concern is
with the life which it reflects and inspires, not with the
literary problems which it involves. The large outlook of
its historians upon the progress of the centuries ; their
splendid interpretation of history ; their triumphant faith
in Israel's mission and destiny ; their overwhelming con
sciousness of God as the Lord of all, inspiring history with
a sense of purpose, guiding it toward a divine event, bend
ing to the consummation of his purpose the resources of
the world which he created and controls, calling and equip
ping men from generation to generation to advance that
purpose and to interpret his will, following his people in
love through all their wilful way, seeking, by a discipline
which was often stern but always gracious, to bring them
into that fellowship with himself for which man was origi
nally destined : these are the things that are precious to the
x

Preface
Christian church ; and criticism is welcome only in so far
as it sets those things in a clearer light and brings them
home to our hearts with a mightier conviction. The
problems with which criticism deals are real ; their burden
is felt not only by the professional critic, but by everyone
who reads his Old Testament with intelligence and im
agination. But they do not touch the heart of the matter.
Deeper than all with which criticism can directly deal is
the audible pulsing of a life at once human and divine, a
life which grew richer and deeper as the centuries rolled
from the exodus to the exile. The goal of all true criticism
is to understand that life more adequately and sympatheti
cally. It is in this spirit that the present volume is written,
and with the conviction that no believing man can watch
the purpose of God unfolding in Old Testament history
without having his own faith quickened and rekindled.
John E. McFadyen.
Eschwege, Germany,
August, 1 90 1.

CONTENTS
THE PROPHETIC HISTORIANS
PAGE
I. Origins of Hebrew Literature  3-5
II. The Necessity, Nature, and Value of Hexa-
teuchal Analysis  5-20
III. Date and Place of Origin of the Prophetic
Documents  21-26
IV. The Progress of the Divine Purpose in the
Book of Genesis  27-32
V. The World of Sin (Gen. 2 : 4b to 11 : 30) . . . 32-38
1. Man's Place in the Universe and His Choice of
Sin (Gen. 2 : 4b to 4 : 24)  32-35
2. Sin Abounding (Gen. 5 : 29 ; 6 to 11) . . . . 35-38
VI. The Fathers of the Hebrew People . . . 38-52
1. The Discipline of Abraham (Gen. 12: 1 to 25:6) 38-42
(1) The Call of Abraham and the Divine Care of
Him (Gen. 12, 13)  38-39
(2) The Strain and the Reward of Faith (Gen.
15 : 1 to 25 : 6)  39-42
2. The Discipline of Isaac (Gen. 25 : n to 26 : 33) 43
3. The Discipline of Jacob (Gen. 27 : 1 to 35 : 22) . 43-48
(1) Banished by Sin (Gen. 27 : 1 to 28 : 22) . 43-44
(2) Jacob's Fortunes in the Strange Land (Gen.
29 : 1 to 31 : 55)  44-46
(3) In the Promised Land (Gen. 32 : 1 to 35 : 22) 46-48
4. The Discipline of Joseph (Gen. 37 : 2 to 50 : 26) 48-52
(1) His Sorrows (Gen. 37:2 to 40: 23) . . 48-49
(2) His Exaltation (Gen. 41 to 50) . . . . 49-52
xiii

Contents PAGE
VII. The Prophetic Narrative of Exodus i to
Numbers 32  52-59
VIII. The Birth of the Nation (Exod. 1 to Num. 32) 59-76
1. Redemption from the Bondage of Egypt (Exod.
1 : 6 to 15 : 21)  59-65
(1) The Preparation (Exod. 1 : 6 to 4 : 31) . . 59-61
(2) The Struggle (Exod. 5 : 1 to 12 : 39) . . 61-64
(3) The Deliverance (Exod. 13 : 17 to 15 : 21) 64-65
¦2. The Covenant (Exod. 15 : 22 to 34 : 9) . . . 65-69
(1) The March to Sinai (Exod. 15 : 22 to 17 : 16) 65
(2) The Covenant at Sinai (Exod. 19 : 2b to 24 :
16)  65-67
(3) The Breach and Restoration (Exod. 32 : 1 to
34:9)  67-69
3. From Sinai to Moab (Num. 10 : 29 to 33 : 42) . 69-76
(1) Incidents of the Wandering (Num. 10: 29 to
21 : 35)  69-74
(2) Prophecy, Tragedy and Triumph (Num. 22
to 32)  74-76
IX. Ruling Ideas of the Prophetic History . . 76-83
THE PROPHETICO-PRIESTLY HISTORIANS
I. Deuteronomy and Its Influence .... 87-99
II. The Last Words and Death of Moses (Deu
teronomy)  101-106
1. Moses's Address to the People (Dt. 1 : 1 to
4:40)   101-104
(1) Historical Retrospect (Dt. 1 to 3) . . . 101-103
(2) Exhortation (Dt. 4 : 1-40)  103-104
m. Renewed Exhortation (Dt. 27 : 5-13 ; 29 : 1 to
32:47) •.  . 104-105
3. The Death of Moses (Dt. 34)  106
xiv

Contents PAGE
III. Introduction to the Book of Joshua . . 106-110
IV. The Conquest and Settlement (Joshua) . . 110-121
i. The Conquest of Canaan (Josh. 1 to 12) . . 110-117
2. The Settlement of Canaan (Josh. 13 to 22) . 117-119
3. The Last Words and Death of Joshua (Josh.
23, 24)   119-121
V. Structure and Contents of the Book of
Judges  121-126
VI. Between the Conquest and the Monarchy
(Judges)  126-138
1. Introduction (Judg. 1 : 1 to 2 : 5)  126
2. The History of Israel in the Days of the
Judges (Judg. 2 : 6 to 16 : 31)  126-135
(1) The Inner Significance of the History
(Judg. 2 : 6 to 3 : 6)  126-127
(2) The Stories of the Judges (Judg. 3 : 7 to
16:31)  127-135
(a) Othniel (3:7-11)
(A) Ehud (3:12-30)
(c) Deborah and Barak (4, 5)
(d) Gideon (6 to 8)
\e) Abimelech (9)
If) Jepthah (io: 17 to 12 : 7)
(£*) Samson (13 to 16)
3. Other Echoes from the Days of the Judges
(Judg. 17 to 21)  136-138
(1) Origin of the Sanctuary at Dan (Judg.
17, 18)  136-137
(2) Vengeance of Israel on Benjamin for the
Outrage at Gibeah (Judg. 19 to 21) . . 137-138
VII. Composition and Contents of the Books of
Samuel  i39"I43
xv

Contents PAGE
VIII. The Rise of the Monarchy (Samuel) . . 143-176.
1. Samuel (1 S. 1 to 15)  . 143-154
(1) Samuel and the War with the Philistines
(1 S. 1 to 7)  I43"I47
(a) Samuel's Birth and Call (i : I to 4 : i»)
(i,) War with the Philistines (4 : ib to 7: 17)
(2) Israel's First King (1 S. 8 to 15) . . 147-154
a. Saul and David (1 S. 16 to 2 S. 1) . . . . 154-162
3. King David (2 S. 2 to 1 K. 2) . ... 162-176
(1) In Hebron (2 S. 2 to 4)  162-164
(2) In Jerusalem (2 S. 5 to 1 K. 2) . . . 164-176
(a) Years of Prosperity (2 S. 5 to 10)
(i) The Trail of David's Sin (2 S. 11 to 1 K. 2)
IX. The Sources and Character of the Books
of Kings  177-185
X. The Reign of Solomon (1 Kings 3-11) . . . 185-191
I. His Wisdom and His Kingdom (1 K. 3, 4) . 185-186
2. Solomon's Buildings (1 K. 5 to 9) . . . . 186-190
3. Solomon's Glory and Decline (1 K. 10, 11) . . 190-191
XI. History of the Monarchy to the Fall of
the Northern Kingdom (i Kings 12 to 2 Kings
17)  ... 192-235
1. Jeroboam I., King of Israel (1 K. 12:1 to
14 : 20)  .... 192-194
2. Rehoboam, King of Judah (1 K. 14 : 21-31) . 194
3. Abijah, King of Judah (1 K. 15 : 1-8) . . . 195
4. Asa, King of Judah (1 K. 15:9-24) . . . 195
5. Nadab, King of Israel (1 K. 15 : 25-32) . 195-196
6. Baasha, King of Israel (1 K. 15 : 33 to 16 : 7) 196

7. Elah, King of Israel (1 K. 16 : 8-14) . .
8. Zimri, King of Israel (1 K. 16 : 15-20) . .
9. Omri, King of Israel (1 K. 16: 21-28) .
10. Ahab, King of Israel (1 K. 16 : 29 to 22 : 40)
xvi

196 196
196-197 197

Contents PAGE
II. The Stories regarding Elijah and Elisha . . 198-201
12. Tales of Elijah (1 K. 17 to 2 K. 1) . . . . 201-204
13. The Wars and Death of Ahab (1 K. 20 ; 22 :
1-4°)  204-206
14. Ahaziah, King of Israel (1 K. 22 : 51 to 2 K.
1 : 18)  206
15. Elisha as Elijah's Successor (2 K. 2 : 1-25) . 206-207
16. Elisha's Activity from the Reign of Joram,
King of Israel, to that of Joash (2 K. 3 : 1 to
8 : 15 ; 13 : 14-21)  207-212
17. Jehoshaphat, King of Judah (1 K. 22 : 41-50) 212
18. Jehoram, King of Judah (2 K. 8 : 16-24) ¦ 213
19. Ahaziah, King of Judah (2 K. 8 : 25-27) . 213
20. Jehu, King of Israel (2 K. 9, 10) . 213-215
21. Athaliah, Queen of Judah ; the Revolution
of Jehoiada (2 K. 11) . .... . . 215-216
22. Joash, King of Judah (2 K. 12)  216-217
23. Jehoahaz, King of Israel (2 K. 13 : 1-9, 22) . 217
24. Joash, King of Israel (2 K. 13 : 10-13, 23-25). 217-218
25. Amaziah, King of Judah (2 K. 14 : 1-22) 218-219
26. Jeroboam II., King of Israel (2 K. 14 :
23-29) . . . ... 219
27. Azariah, King of Judah (2 K. 15 : 1-7). . . 219-220
28. Zechariah, King of Israel (2 K. 15 : 8-12) . 220
29. Shallum, King of Israel (2 K. 15: 13-15) . . 220
30. Menahem, King of Israel (2 K. 15 : 16-22) . 220
31. Pekahiah, King of Israel (2 K. 15 : 23-26) . 221
32. Pekah, King of Israel (2 K. 15 : 27, 28,
3°, 31)   221
33. Jotham, King of Judah (2 K. 15 : 32-38) . . 221
34. Ahaz, King of Judah (2 K. 16) ... . 221-222
35. Hosea, King of Israel, and the Fall of the
Northern Kingdom (2 K. 17 : 1-6 ; 18 : 9-12) . 223
xvii

Contents PAGE
36. Three Lessons of the Fall (2 K. 17 : 7-23,
34b-4o)  223-224
37. The Later History of Samaria (2 K. 17 : 24-
34*, 4i)  224
XII. To the Captivity of Judah (2 Kings 18 to 25) 224-235
1. The Events of Hezekiah's Reign (2 K. 18 to
20)  . . 224-228
2. Manasseh, King of Judah (2 K. 21 : 1-18) . . 229
3. Amon, King of Judah (2 K. 21 : 19-26) . . 229
4. Josiah, King of Judah (2 K. 22 : 1 to 23 : 30) 230-232
5. Jehoahaz, King of Judah (2 K. 23 : 31-34) . 232
6. Jehoiakim, King of Judah (2 K. 23:35 to
24:7)  232-233
7. Jehoiachin, King of Judah (2 K. 24 : 8-16) . 233
8. Zedekiah, King of Judah (2 K. 24 : 17 to 25 :
21)  233-234
9. Gedaliah, Governor of Judah (2 K. 25 : 22-
26)  234
10. Jehoiachin's Elevation (2 K. 25 : 27-30) . . 235
THE PRIESTLY HISTORIANS
I. The Priestly Narrative of the Hexa
teuch  239-247
II. The Origin of the Theocracy (Genesis to
Joshua)  249-270
1. History before Moses (Genesis)  249-255
^. Moses (Exodus to Deuteronomy) .... 255-268
(1) The Deliverance (Exod. 1 to 19) . . . 255-258
(2) Sinai with the Revelation of Things Di
vine (Exod. 24 : 15 to Num. 9 : 14) . . 259-262
(3) The Fortunes of the Way (Num. 9: 15
to Deut. 34 : 9)  263-268
3. Settlement in the Land of Promise (Joshua) . 268-270
xviii

Contents PAGE
III. The Sources, Aims, and Ideals of the Book
of Chronicles ...  270-285
IV. The History of Judah to the Captivity
(Chronicles)  287-313
i. Preparation for the History of the Kingdom
of Judah (1 Chr. 1 to 10)  287-289
2. The History of the Kingdom of Judah (1 Chr.
11 to 2 Chr. 36)  289-313
(1) David (1 Chr. n to 29) . .... 289-294
(2) Solomon (2 Chr. 1 to 9)  294-297
(3) From the Disruption to the Captivity (2
Chr. 10 to 36)  297-313
(a) The Division of the Kingdom (2 Chr.
10: 1 to 11 : 4)
(3) Rehoboam (2 Chr. 11 : 5 to 12 : 16)
(c) Abijah (2 Chr. 13)
(d) Asa (2 Chr. 14 to 16)
\e) Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. 17 to 20)
(f) Jehoram (2 Chr. 21)
(jf) Ahaziah (2 Chr. 22 : 1-9)
(k) Athaliah (2 Chr. 22 : 10 to 23 : 21)
\i) Joash (2 Chr. 24)
(j) Amaziah (2 Chr. 25)
(A) Uzziah (2 Chr. 26)
(I) Jotham (2 Chr. 27)
(m) Ahaz (2 Chr. 28)
(«) Hezekiah (2 Chr. 29 to 32)
(o) Manasseh (2 Chr. 33 : 1-20)
(p) Arnon (2 Chr. 33 : 21-25)
(?) Josiah (2 Chr. "34, 35)
(r) Jehoahaz (2 Chr. 36: 1-4)
(s) Jehoiakim (2 Chr. 36 : 5-8)
(t) Jehoiachin (2 Chr. 36 : 9, 10)
(«) Zedekiah (2 Chr. 36: n-21)
(») The Decree of Cyrus (2 Chr. 36 : 22, 23)
V. Introduction to Ezra-Nehemiah .... 314-318
VI. The Restoration (Ezra and Nehemiah) . . 321-334
1. The Return (Ezra 1 to 6) ... . . . 321-323
2. The Work of Nehemiah (Neh. 1 to 7 ; 1 1 to 13) 323-329
3. The Work of Ezra '.Ezra 7 to 10 ; Neh. 8 to 10) 329-334
xix

Contents PAGB
VII. The Date and Character of the Book of
Ruth  335-336
VIII. A Plea for the Non-Israelite (Ruth) . . 336-338
IX. The Character and Purpose of the Book
of Esther  338-341
X. Israel's Triumph over Its Foes (Esther) . 341-345
APPENDIX
I. Books of Reference . .  349-352
II. Passages in the Books of Samuel and Kings
Omitted by the Chronicler  353-355
INDEX OF BIBLICAL PASSAGES  357-362

XX

THE PROPHETIC HISTORIANS

THE PROPHETIC HISTORIANS

ORIGINS OF HEBREW LITERATURE
Hebrew literature begins with poetry . Behind the Poetry
period of formal literary effort lies the period of the ballad, comes st
which celebrates in vigorous and memorable form the
rugged experiences of a people that had often to do with
war. The outstanding facts of early times leave their
mark in song as well as in tradition : and both together
form the material for the historian of those times. The
great deliverance of the Red Sea was sung in at least
some of the verses which now form the Song of Moses
(Ex. 1 5). The victory of Joshua in a desperate crisis over
his confederated foes in the south (Josh, io: 12, 13), and
in a later day the triumph of Deborah and Barak over the
deadly Canaanite chariots in the north (Jud. 5) were com
mitted to posterity in stirring song. Such crises as these
ensured their own immortality.
It was natural, therefore, that one of Israel's earliest War ballads
books should be entitled the Book of the Wars of Jehovah
(Num. 21 : 14). Jehovah, it was, who led his people to
3

Introduction The Messages of
victory. A snatch of old poetry (Num. io : 35, 36) shows
us Jehovah going before his people to battle, and return
ing after the fray to rest among them. Another early
book from which two and perhaps three1 quotations occur
is the Book of Jashar, the Upright — we might almost say
the Brave, in the old sense of that word — which may have
been devoted to Israel's heroes. It sang of Joshua (Josh.
10: 13) and contained David's elegy over Saul and Jona
than (2 S. 1 : 17-27). How these sources were used by the
historian, we see to some extent by comparing the prose
story of Judges 4 with the very old poem in Judges 5 ; and
the danger to which they were exposed at the hands
of later interpretation is suggested by comparing Joshua
10 : 13b, 14 with the original words of the poem. Most of
the poetry that is certainly early shows how fierce that old
life was : as Lamech's song of vengeance (Gen. 4 : 23,
24) and Samson's song of triumph at Lehi (Jud. 15 : 16).
But there were tender strains, too — voices of peace and
harmony — such as the graceful Song of the Well (Num.
21 : 17, 18).
Formal liter- Literature demands opportunity, and that opportunity
possibieabe1-y d'd not come till the consolidation of the monarchy under
fore David David and Solomon. After that, history becomes at least
possible. There is a keen national consciousness ; and
1 A probable emendation of the LXX of i K. 8 : 13 suggests that the
words with which Solomon dedicated the Temple occurred in it. (1 K. 8 :
13, 13.)

the Historians Introduction
there are materials in ancient songs and vivid traditions,
associated in many cases with particular shrines. Some
where between that time and the literary prophets we are
safe in looking for the prophetic histories. But precisely
where and how to look, it is the function of criticism to
discover.

II

THE NECESSITY, NATURE, AND VALUE OF HEXA-
TEUCHAL ANALYSIS

The Pentateuch is a unity, traditionally associated with The Hexa-
teuch i
unity

the name of Moses. But while the death of Moses at the tcl" " "" :'

close of Deuteronomy fittingly concludes the story of his
life and work with which by far the greater part of the
Pentateuch is occupied, it is not an adequate sequel to the
promises made and the hopes raised by the earlier parts
of the Pentateuch. There the land of Canaan was again
and again promised to the fathers , in Numbers and Deu
teronomy that promise is only partially fulfilled by the ac
quisition of the territory east of the Jordan. The book of
Joshua, which deals among other things with the cam
paigns and the ultimate settlement in the west, is the
necessary complement to the story of the Pentateuch.
Together they make up one theme. When to this is
5

Introduction The Messages of
added the fact that the literary features which characterize
the Pentateuch reappear in the Book of Joshua, it will be
seen that we are justified in regarding as our unity not
the Pentateuch but the Hexateuch, that is, the first six
books of the Old Testament.
Not the But what kind of unity is it ? Is it that of an author or
autSorehip; that of a compiler and redactor? If there exist within the
for there are compass of the work, still more if there exist side by side
many inco- r . • • j i_
herencies two mutually exclusive versions of the same incident, then
by the constitution of the human mind, unity of author
ship is excluded. What, then, are the facts ? It will be
instructive to examine one or two chapters on the assump
tion of their unity and see whether they present a coherent
picture or not. Take for example Exodus 32. Here is
a really dramatic incident — an apostasy and an interces
sion. So much is clear ; but the detail is not only ob
scure — it is conflicting. In verse 14 the apostate people
are forgiven by their God. In verses 19 and 20 they are
punished by Moses. In verses 25 to 29, three thousand
of them are slain by the tribe of Levi at the command of
Moses in execution of the express command of God, who
had pardoned them but a few verses before. Nay, in
verse 35 God actually punishes them himself, after having
in verse 34 suspended the punishment for the second
time. Nor is that all. Is it not at least strange that
Aaron, the head of the priestly tribe, should abet the
idolatry which is so severely punished by the swords of
6

the Historians Introduction
that tribe ? Corruptio o-ptimi pessima. Aaron should
have been the first to fall.
Or again, take Numbers 16, which deals with what is
usually called the rebellion of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram.
According to verses 8-10 the rebels are Levites, and their
crime is that, not content with the subordinate service of
the sanctuary, they " seek the priesthood also." Accord
ing to verse 3 (cf. 27 : 3) the rebels, headed by Korah,
number others in their ranks besides Levites, and their
claim is that the whole congregation is holy, with the im
plication that the tribe of Levi does not possess exclusive
sanctity. Again, according to verses 13, 14, they charge
Moses with exercising undue authority and disappointing
the hopes which he had raised when he led them out of
Egypt. It is surely no accident that often, though not
always, Dathan and Abiram are mentioned by themselves
(w. 12, 25 ; cf. Dt. 11:6) and Korah by himself (w. 5, 6,
16, 19). Again, according to verses 31 to 34, the earth
opened her mouth and swallowed up the rebels, them and
theirs. Yet, in spite of that, " fire came forth from Jeho
vah and consumed the two hundred and fifty men that
offered incense " (v. 35) — not another body, but the same,
on the assumption of the unity of the chapter (cf . w. 2, 17).
Still later.^and still more remarkable, we are expressly told
that " the children of Korah died not " (26 : 11).
Neither of the chapters discussed can claim to give a
coherent account of the event they describe. Often with-
7

Introduction

The Messages of

Incoherences even in
adjacentverses

Contradictions

in the compass of even two or three verses are to be found
statements irreconcilable with one another. For example in
Numbers 13 : 21 the spies go from the southern wilderness
to the extreme north of Palestine ; in the very next verse,
they only go as far as Hebron in the south of Judah —
much the more probable representation, considering that
the country to be spied was hostile. Again, according
to Genesis 35 : 19, Benjamin was born near Bethlehem ;
seven verses later, we are told that all Jacob's children,
including Benjamin (v. 24), were born in Paddan-aram.
Again, in Genesis 6 : 19, two animals of every sort are to
be taken into the ark ; in Genesis 7:2a distinction is
made between clean and unclean — the former to enter in
groups of seven pairs, the latter in single pairs.
s The illustrations have been purposely selected to show
that contradictions may be found within the same chap
ter, and even within the compass of a verse or two. But
where, by reason of their separation, such contradictions are
not so obvious, they are none the less real. Perhaps the
most conspicuous is in the account of the tabernacle. In
Exodus 33 : 7, its place is outside the camp, and it is
guarded by Joshua (v. 11) ; in Numbers it is in the centre
of the foursquare encampment, and in the charge of Le
vites. Equally perplexing on the assumption of the unity
is the deliberate and very important statement of Exodus
6 : 3 that God was not known to Abraham by his name
Jehovah, in the face of the earlier statement in Genesis
8

the Historians Introduction
15:7, where he appeared to Abraham and said, " I am
Jehovah that brought thee out of Ur. " Sometimes the con
tradictions are not only implicit as here, but expressed in
so many terms. For example in Numbers 20 : 14-21 the
Edomites refuse to allow Israel to pass through their
country ; in Deuteronomy 2:1-7 they consent. In Exodus
18, tribunals to relieve Moses of part of his judicial func
tions are appointed on Jethro's initiative ; in Deuteronomy
i : 9-18 the proposal comes from Moses himself. Other
contradictions, though less important, are not less inter
esting and significant. In Genesis 43 : 29 and 44 : 20
Benjamin is a youth ; very soon afterward he is the father
of ten sons (46 : 21). In Genesis 40 : 9 Reuben has four
sons ; very shortly before he has only two (42 : 37). In
the story of the creation, according to Genesis 1 r plants
and animals are made before man ; in chapter 2, man is
made before them.
Often, too, where there are no inherent contradictions, Obscurities
there is an obscurity and confusion which it is not possible
to reconcile with unity of authorship. The story of Joseph,
which has the unity of a great career behind it, is well
worthy of study, with a view to ascertaining whether it can
be an original literary unity. One who does not know
the simple solution that criticism offers by assuming the
presence of two different sources in the story will find it
hard to understand the situation in Genesis 37 : 18-28. It
is full of movement and color. Here if anywhere all
9

Introduction The Messages of
should be clear. The artist has a style that is bold and
picturesque. Yet the detail is surprising. Why do the
brethren not sell Joseph as they propose (v. 27) ? In
point of fact, they do ; according to verse 28b they, that
is, the brethren, not the Midianites, sold Joseph ; but the
verse, as it stands, suggests that it is by Midianites that
he is sold. The truth is that, in one version — that in
which Judah is prominent — Joseph is sold on Judah's pro
posal to the Ishmaelites who take him to Egypt (39 : 1) ;
in the other version, which gives the prominence to Reu
ben, he is left in a well where he is found by Midianites
and taken to Egypt (37 : 28). Reuben's horror at the
sight of the empty well is as intelligible on this view as it
is surprising on the theory that the story is all from one
hand. This discovery furnishes the key to further dis
crepancies, such as the representation of 43 : 21, where the
brothers discover the money in their sacks at the first inn,
with that of 42 : 35, where the discovery is not made till
they reach home.
Chronoiog- Discrepancies so numerous and sometimes so serious
ties ' cu " as to amount to contradictions are inconsistent with unity
of authorship. This conclusion is also supported by the
chronological notices, which are often as surprising in their
implications as they are remarkable in their precision.
Sarah, for example, who is ten years younger than Abra
ham (Gen. 17 : 17), must have been sixty- five or even
older when her charms captivated Pharaoh (12 : 4, 10-20).

the Historians Introduction
Twenty-five years afterward she has the same fascination
for Abimelech (20). When Hagar leaves Abraham's
household — as the story is told in Genesis 21 — Ishmael is
a little child whom she can carry on her shoulder (21: 14,
LXX) ; but according to the chronology he should be
almost a man by this time, as his father is now over a
hundred (17 : 17, 24) and he was eighty-six at Ishmael's
birth (16 : 16).
Further, against the view that the Hexateuch is an Duplicates
original literary unit is the presence of two and some
times more versions of the same story. The origin of
the name Beersheba is twice explained ; once in connec
tion with a treaty between Abraham and Abimelech (Gen.
21 : 31) and once in connection with a precisely similar
treaty between Isaac and Abimelech (26:33), having a
precisely similar origin in the conspicuous prosperity
of the patriarch which makes his friendship worth having.
This duplication is particularly common in etymologies.
Indeed, on three different occasions the etymology of the
name Isaac (laughter) is suggested. In one (Gen. 18 : 12)
it is referred to the incredulous laugh of Sarah when she
overhears the promise the divine stranger makes to Abra
ham. In another (21 : 6) it is the laughter of joy after the
birth of her child. In yet another (17 : 17) it is the in
credulous laughter of Abraham, who thinks he is too old to
have a son. Three times, too, does a patriarch deny his wife:
Isaac once (26 : 1 -11), and Abraham twice (12 : 10-20 and
11

Introduction The Messages of
20 : 1-18), all three times under precisely similar circum
stances. Now it is not impossible, though it is suspicious,
that Isaac should be in circumstances precisely similar to
Abraham, and should have acted in precisely the same way.
But it is more than suspicious, it is improbable, that two
such stories told of Abraham, resembling each other in
all essentials, and neither making the smallest allusion to
the other, correspond to two separate incidents in his life.
One of the most significant repetitions is connected with
the revelation of the name Jehovah. In Exodus 3 : 13 ff.
Moses does not know the name of the God of the fathers ;
the name of Jehovah comes to him as a new revelation
and marks a new departure (v. 15). Exodus 6 : 3 ff. pre
sents the same idea, and says expressly what Exodus 3
says implicitly, that the name Jehovah was unknown to
the fathers; they knew him only as El Shaddai. The
presence of such duplicates, repeating an earlier story
with no serious addition, sometimes with no addition
whatever, and often in almost exactly the same words,
proves as conclusively as the discrepancies do, that the
Hexateuch is not from one hand.
First dew : But this conclusion may be stated positively as well as
fo^GoT06 negatively. The Hexateuch must be from two or more
MdeE°ohim hands- Now is it; possible to find any clew to the ele
ments that our argument compels us to believe have en
tered into the composition of that whole ? It is. The most
obvious clew — and this discovery is as old as the year

the Historians Introduction
1753 — is that certain sections in the Book of Genesis, as
for example chapter 1, use the Hebrew word Elohim ' for
God, whereas certain other sections, as chapter 18, use
the word Jehovah.3 Throughout these sections and many
others, this use of the words is consistently maintained.
That is surely no accident ; for we find precisely the
same distinction running through the duplicates. One
section uses Jehovah ; the parallel section, with the same
story to tell, uses Elohim. Take the two versions of the
covenant between God and Abraham in Genesis 1 5 and
17. Here the difference in detail is considerable, but the
central fact is the same ; the pact is definitely and even
formally made. The first version, however, employs only
the word Jehovah ; the second (with the exception of
v. 1) only the word Elohim. A similar difference ob
viously distinguishes Genesis 1 : 1 to 2 : 4a from Genesis
2 : 4b to 3 : 24, though in the latter section, for special
reasons, the longer form Jehovah Elohim appears. The
story of the creation is really told twice. Man is already
created and even blessed (1 : 27, 28) when chapter 2, in a
much more primitive spirit, describes his creation anew.
On the basis of this discovery, then, we should suppose
that there were two documents, differing in their use of
the divine name, and differing so uniformly that it would
¦ Represented in the English Bible by the word God.
a Wrongly represented in the English Bible by '¦ the Lord." This trans
lation is ultimately due to the LXX. 13

Introductibn

The Messages of

Sectionsmay be sep
arated on
this basis,
and thus the
characteristics of the
respectivedocumentsbe ascer
tained

be easy to mark off the sections which belong to each. It
is not, however quite so easy ; for in what is to all ap
pearances a single section, the names appear to be inter
changeable or at least interchanged. The story of the
Flood, for example, uses both names freely. But closer
examination, so far from vitiating the conclusion reached,
really corroborates it. Genesis 6 : 6-8 and 7:1-4 cover
precisely the same ground as 6 : 9-22 — God's determi
nation to destroy the earth for its wickedness, and to save
Noah for his righteousness. The former is a Jehovistic
passage, as it is called ; the latter is Elohistic. In other
words the transitions in the use of the divine name are
not arbitrary, but coincide with the transitions involved
in the duplication of the story. By closely watching the
characteristics of language, phrase, style, and sentiment
within the sections whose origin is certain on the basis of
the use of the divine names, our knowledge of these char
acteristics grows, and thus enables us to mark off, often
with equal certainty, other passages where the absence of
the divine names deprives us of our most important clew.
In this way, the first nineteen chapters of Genesis could
be relegated, even by the unskilled reader, with at least
approximate certainty, to their respective sources. Our
data are now extensive enough to justify us in tentatively
tabulating the leading characteristics of the two sources
and their most significant contrasts.
The contrasts are indeed very significant, and are at

the Historians Introduction

first most profitably studied on the basis of the parallel The con-
accounts. Only one or two salient points can be here vTry^Sk-
suggested. The creation stories are both exceedingly im- Elohistic6
pressive, but impressive in different ways. The Elohistic sections
story — i : i to 2 : 4* — is formal, orderly, severe, precise,
with an almost legal precision. Notice the many repeti
tions " and it was so," obviously designed on the part of
the writer and typical of his method. These features
characterize other sections whose Elohistic origin is cer
tain: 17 : 12, 13, 23, 27 (law of circumcision) and 9 : 1,
2, 7 (blessing of Noah). The last section is specially
instructive, as it not only shows the writer's love of rep
etition and precision, but also adopts a vocabulary char
acteristic of chapter 1 (cf. " Be fruitful and multiply,'' 1 :
22, 28 ; and the enumeration of the animals 9 : 2 and 1 :
26, 28).
A very different picture is presented in the passages The jeho-
certainly Jehovistic. The first creation story was almost tions
religious philosophy. The second is almost religious ro
mance. The first was precise, the second is picturesque.
In it, one of the animals can speak. Adam and Eve are
figures of an intensely human interest. The divine Being
has a startling and all but human reality. Not merely is
his presence grandly suggested, as in the first story ; he is
brought vividly upon the scene. He walks about in the
garden in the cool of the day. So through all the other
Jehovistic stories, this mighty figure moves, as real as the
15

Introduction

The Messages of

There are
really two
Elohisticdocuments,and conse
quentlythree chief
documentsin all

creatures of flesh and blood whose salvation is his heart's
desire. We hear his voice. We can almost touch the
hem of his garment — so close is he. He shuts the door
of the ark behind Noah (Gen. 7 : 16). He comes down
from heaven to see the city and the tower which men are
building (11:4, 5). He eats the cakes Sarah had baked,
and speaks to Abraham as a man to his friend (18 : 22, 23).
The contrast between these two conceptions is too
obvious to be denied, and this is only one of many con
trasts which differentiate the Elohistic and Jehovistic pas
sages. With this key in our hand, it would seem possi
ble to unlock any chapter, and compel it to lead us to its
source. But a grave difficulty is created by Genesis 20.
It tells for the second time the story of Abraham's denial
of his wife (cf. 12 : 10-20), using the word Elohim where the
previous story had used Jehovah. But almost every other
characteristic of the Elohistic document — so far as the argu
ment has shown us what these are — seems to fail. This
story is not formal ; it is as picturesque as the Jehovistic
story, and is indeed, except for some minor differences not
unimportant in their own place, practically a replica of the
other story. Here the argument would halt, but for one
very important fact, touched on before (p. 12), namely,
that there are two accounts of the revelation of the name
Jehovah, one in Exodus 3, the other in Exodus 6. In
other words, there is not one document but two which
regard the name Jehovah as revealed for the first time to
16

the Historians Introduction
Moses, and consequently unknown before him, and for
this reason deliberately avoid it throughout the Book of
Genesis. The Jehovistic document assumes the existence
of the name Jehovah from the beginning ; it is known not
only to Abraham (15 :j) but even to the antediluvians
(4 : 26). The facts then compel us to admit the existence
of three documents, not two ; one Jehovistic, and two
Elohistic, one of which — that represented by the first cre
ation story of Genesis — is a striking contrast to the Jeho
vistic in style and tone, and the other — that represented by
Genesis 20 — is, in the main, very like the Jehovistic. It is
to be carefully noted that only the latter is now called by
criticism the Elohist; the former is called the priestly1
writing, because it is written in the same style and dis
plays the same interests as the book of Leviticus and
certain parts of Exodus and Numbers which deal almost
entirely with the priestly legislation.
The clew to the origin of a chapter or section yielded The jeho-
by the name of God is exceedingly valuable. But in the vut"
nature of the case, this criterion breaks down — not quite,
but almost entirely — after Exodus 6, when all three sources
are free to use the name Jehovah. And although, after
that point, the priestly sections are usually very easy to
distinguish, as their characteristics are so unlike those of
1 The abbreviations in common use for these documents are J, E and P.
Further discussion of the priestly document is reserved for the third part
of this volume, dealing with the priestly historians.
17

Introduction The Messages of
the other documents, it is seldom possible to distinguish
with much confidence between the Jehovist and the Elo
hist, as they have so much in common. For that reason,
and for the further reason that the Jehovist and Elohist
documents, originally independent, were subsequently
united to make one whole and consequently oftert closely
interwoven with one another, it is customary to speak of
this source, at any rate, after Exodus 6, as the Jehovist-
Elohist.1
Differences For the purposes of this volume, which are rather relig-
Jehovist and >ous than critical, the Jehovist and the Elohist, writing in
Examples'' mucn tne same spirit, and latterly combined, as has just
(i) Abra- been said, are treated as a single source even in Genesis,
ham s denial
of Sarah attention being simply called to the duplicates, which on
this view need no special treatment, as they deal with the
same or similar facts and illustrate the same lessons. But
it may be well to show briefly how the critical division
between the Jehovist and the Elohist is effected in passages
where, in the absence of the divine name, there is no obvi
ous clew, and how this division can be occasionally effected
with something like certainty even in passages subsequent
to Exodus 6. For this purpose a study of the duplicates is
indispensable ; for in duplicates the peculiar interests of
each source will be most obvious. Contrast, for example,
the two stories of Abraham's denial of Sarah. The Jeho
vist (Gen. 12 : 10-20) tells a plain, unvarnished tale ; he is
1 Known to criticism as J E.
18

the Historians Introduction
unembarrassed by Abraham's falsehood and cowardice.
Not so the Elohist. His moral sense is more delicate.
He feels the necessity of excusing Abraham, or at least of
letting him offer his own excuse (20 : 12). His religious
sense is also more advanced. Whereas the Jehovist, as
we have seen, often brings God bodily upon the scene, in
the Elohist he usually appears, as here, in a dream
(20 : 3). The latter story is more reflective than the
other ; and in keeping with this, Abraham is more ideal
ized. Here he is a prophet (20 : 7). His prayer, like
Job's (Job 42 : 8) is potent to restore Abimelech (20: 7, 17).
The view that the Elohist is an advance upon the Jeho- (2) The de-
vist is corroborated by the very next chapter, which deals Hagar6 °
with the departure of Hagar (21 : 8 ff.) and duplicates the
Jehovistic story in 16: 5 ff. Here Abraham is sorry for
Hagar and deals with her more clemently than in the pre
vious story. He does not leave her to Sarah's tender
mercies, but sends her away provisioned, and even then
only at the command of God. Whereas in chapter 16
(cf. 7-1 1) the angel oi Jehovah speaks directly to Hagar
and is spoken to by her, in 21 : 17 the angel of God calls
to her out of heaven, and is of course not addressed in
turn by her. The tendency to idealize is seen also in the
different turn given to Sarah's laughter, which is now the
laughter of joy (21 : 6). The same tendency is conspicu
ously seen in the Elohist's account of Jacob's success un
der Laban. This success is ascribed in 31 : 5-12 (E) to the
J9

sources

Introduction The Messages of
intervention of God ; in the previous chapter, to the skill
and craft of Jacob (30 : 25-43 : J). Notice, too, the dream
in 31 : 11. In accordance with this higher religious stand
point, images are at least implicitly condemned. For it
is hard not to see a touch of irony, all the more delicate
that no comment is made, in the description of Laban's
search for the teraphim, upon which all the while Rachel
is sitting, 31 : 34 (cf. Josh. 24 : 2, 14 ; Gen. 35 : 2).
How sec- Every paragraph whose limits can be determined, adds
relegated to to our knowledge of the style, vocabulary, and theological
mlntary0"" tendencies of the source from which it comes, and thus
enables us to delimit other sections, whose origin is not
obvious at the first glance. Often where all such hints
practically fail, we may yet feel fairly confident of the
source, if the section is inconsistent with some other sec
tion whose source is, for any of the above reasons, prac
tically certain (cf. the Joseph story). This new section
in turn advances our knowledge of the source to which it
belongs. Later sections which clearly allude to, or imply,
an earlier section will of course belong to the same source.
It is in this way that the plagues of Egypt have been rele
gated to their respective documentary sources. Thus, by
a process which is often very delicate and difficult, but al
ways scientific, results that are more than approximate
have been reached, and the original documents that have
gone to make our present Hexateuch, at least partially re
constructed.

the Historians Introduction

III
DATE AND PLACE OF ORIGIN OF THE PROPHETIC
DOCUMENTS
No records have been left either of the time or place at The Eiohis-
which the documents were composed, any more than of hovUtic
the manner of their composition. For the determination b°ic0nmet"ts
of these we are consequently thrown back entirely upon in- the North-
ternal evidence ; and that may be said to be of two kinds Southern
— historical and theological. We have already seen rea- respectively
son to believe that the Elohist is later than the Jehovist.
From the prominence he assigns to sanctuaries in the
northern kingdom, from the role that Reuben plays in the
Joseph story, as well as for other reasons, it has been con
jectured that the Elohistic document is a product of the
northern kingdom. On the other hand, from the promi
nence assigned to Hebron in the stories of Abraham and
Jacob, from the r61e assigned to Judah in the Joseph story,
where he and not Reuben takes the initiative, and from
the interest in and knowledge of Judah displayed in Gene
sis 38, it has been supposed that the Jehovistic document
originated in the southern kingdom — at least in its pres
ent form ; for this document, too, is interested, though not to
quite the same extent as the other, in the northern sanctu
aries. The supposition that the documents belong to dif-

Introduction The Messages of
ferent kingdoms becomes all the more probable, when we
remember how fundamentally they differ in their view of
the time at which the name Jehovah was revealed, and
consider how improbable it is that conceptions so different
should arise within a community exposed to the same po
litical and religious influences.
United be- The Jehovistic and Elohistic documents were at one
' time united. It is impossible to say precisely when, but
the century at least may with tolerable certainty be fixed.
After the fall of the northern kingdom in 721 B. C, a rea
son exists for the fusion of the documents which did not
exist before. And Deuteronomy, published in 621, already
appears to presuppose that fusion. It probably lies there
fore between 721 and 621 ; not impossibly in the reign of
Hezekiah, which was an age of reform and of some liter
ary activity.
Each docu- Hitherto we have spoken of the Jehovistic and Elohistic
work of*' documents, as if each was the work of a single author.
school More probably, however, they were the work of a school,
and represent a literary and religious activity that ranges
over a considerable period. For within each document,
discrepancies of the same kind are observable, though not
so palpable, as were found to distinguish the Jehovist and
the Elohist from one another. The Jehovist, for example,
who traces the descent of shepherds, musicians, and work
ers in metal, to Lamech's children (Gen. 4 : 19-22), can
hardly have told the story of the Flood, which interrupted

the Historians Introduction
the continuity of human life, though this story has also a
Jehovistic source.
Each document, then, represents a period rather than a Neither
single author. Is it possible to determine that period ap- earlier than
proximately ? Clearly the earlier notices at any rate were ^i^^Ai. or
written long after the event. No contemporary could Solomon
possibly have designated Shechem 's outrage of Dinah as
folly in Israel (Gen. 34 : 7). There was no Israel as
yet. The clew, however, yielded by the anachronism, is
a valuable one, as it implies the nation and national life,
and thus the passage could not even conceivably be
earlier then Moses. But according to Genesis 12:6 and
13:7 (both J) the Canaanite was then in the land, the
implication being that by the author's time they had no
longer a separate existence. As late as David's time, how
ever, there were Jebusites ; indeed Jerusalem was their
fortress, and years after its capture Jebusites are still in
the city (2 S. 24 : 16). Thus the days of the monarchy
are implied (cf. Gen. 36 : 31), and this conclusion is con
firmed by the express allusions to the king in two songs
(Num. 23 : 21 and 24 : 7), incorporated in the prose nar
rative and necessarily older' than it. The subjection of
the Canaanites appears to be implied by Genesis 9 : 26 '
(J), and this was not attained till the time of Solomon
(1 K. 9 : 21). The Jehovistic document then cannot be
1 If, however, this be merely a wish, as it may be, the passage would be
earlier, and the argument falls. 23

Introduction The Messages of
earlier than the time of David or Solomon. Through
out it there breathes the spirit of joy. The people are in
glad possession of their beautiful land, rejoicing in the
worship of the sanctuaries that are scattered about it, and
to which patriarchal memories still cling. The earlier
limit for the date is thus fixed.
Nor could The lower limit is determined by the circumstance that
they, in the tne fusj0n of the documents had been already effected
main, be J
later than before 62 1 B. C. ; the separate documents must of course
Hosea be older. But the date may be pushed still further back.
The popularity of the northern sanctuaries which is sug
gested by the profound interest displayed by the Hexa
teuch in their origin finds its counterpart in the pages of
Amos and Hosea (roughly 750-735), according to whom
the most enthusiastic worship was maintained at some of
these very sanctuaries, like Bethel, Gilgal (cf. Am. 4:4;
Hos. 12:11). The date of the documents might then be
as late as that. It has been further maintained that these
prophets betray acquaintance with the narratives of the
documents in their present literary form ; in that case, the
documents would be still older. But such references to
Hexateuchal narrative as that of Hosea (12:3, 4) to Jacob,
or to the exodus under Moses (Hos. 12 : 13, cf. Mic. 6 T4)
need prove no more than that the narratives were familiar
to prophets and people, possibly through oral transmission,
not necessarily through a fixed literary medium. At the
same time, the Jehovist document is probably older.
24

the Historians Introduction
Here the argument from theology comes to our aid. The jeho-
The conception of God found in Amos, and especially in ^probably''
Hosea, is a distinct advance on that of the Jehovist. Not earlier
indeed in range. or intensity. For there is, as we saw, a
startling reality about the Jehovist's conception of God ;
and according to him, too, all the earth is God's. He
created it, and he can wield the powers of nature even in
a foreign land for his own righteous ends, and for the
good of the people whom he loves. But there still plays
about his conception a certain naive anthropomorphism,1
which has disappeared by the time we reach the prophets.
It is fascinating, but it marks an earlier stage of religious
thought. The fine religious imagination which lies behind
such a passage as Exodus 24 : 9-1 1 where the company
on the mountain " saw God, and did eat and drink,", is
unquestioned. Yet it is hardly consistent with the severe
spirituality of Hosea. Even in the Hexateuch itself there
is a passage3 which, in vigorously insisting that Israel
only heard a voice at Horeb, and saw nothing, looks if not
like a protest, at least like a correction of this more prim
itive representation.
Of course this argument cannot lead to any precise re- Perhaps
. . . , , 1 , , about 850
suit, but it seems to compel us to carry the date about a b. C.
century behind Amos and Hosea, say to 850 B. C. It
could not, as we saw, be earlier than David or Solomon.
1 Cf. Ex. 4 : 24-26 for an extreme instance.
>Dt-4 : 12, 15. 25

Introduction The Messages of
Nor could it well be contemporary ; time must be allowed
for the growth of literary interests and a purer religion.
More than this we cannot say. The note of exultation
which rings through the Jehovistic story seems to be an
echo of peace and victory rather than of disquiet or de
feat. Such a temper suits the date suggested (about 850)
better than the period immediately before, or immediately
after, which were both troublous. Of course, considering
that this document represents a long movement, and was
not executed all at once, there is every probability that
certain sections, especially the more prophetic in tone and
temper, come from a later day.
The Elohist The Elohistic document may well be, in the main, at
may belong
to the second least three-quarters of a century later. Many of its ele-
the reign of rnents are doubtless very old and primitive. But, generally
Jeroboam Speaking, its more delicate moral and religious feeling
which makes the same kind of advance upon the Jehovist
that Amos and Hosea make, and its earnest polemic
against the strange gods ' would admirably suit the time
of Jeroboam II., somewhere between 770 and 760 B. C.a
1 Gen. 35 : 2 ; especially Josh. 24 : 23, cf. Hos. 2 : 13, 17.
3 It is only fair to say that there is considerable disagreement among
critics as to the dates of these documents, and even as to the priority of the
Jehovist. I have sought to avoid confusion and controversy, by presenting
the line of argument which seems to me, on the whole, the most probable.

26

the Historians Genesis

IV
THE PROGRESS OF THE DIVINE PURPOSE IN THE
BOOK OF GENESIS
The prophetic history, known as the Jehovist-Elohistic inthebegin-
document incorporated in the Hexateuch, tells the story of mng
Israel's origin, early discipline, and settlement in the land
of Canaan. Her origin is in God, the same God who
made all men and all the world. Therefore her story,
which does not strictly begin until the call of Abraham in
Genesis 12, is significantly rooted by the historian in the
wider story of humanity. This liberal outlook, despite
much that seems to contradict it, is characteristic of the
whole history. The keen1 and often friendly interest in
other nations, attested by the story of Joseph in Egypt, is
prophetic of the day when all nations would be citizens of
the new Jerusalem, and call Zion mother.3
The story opens with the tragedy of human existence — The tragedy
disobedience to the reasonable voice of God, under the ence
fascination of some plausible but ruinous temptation.
Man falls from his God -given destiny by the exercise of a
false choice ; the problem of the Bible— of the Old Testa
ment no less than the New— is how he is to be restored.
His fall compels the intervention of God who made him
» Cf. Gen. 10. 2 Ps. 87 : 5 (LXX).
27

Genesis The Messages of
and loves him, and he sends him forth in chastisement to
a life of battle and sorrow. But the struggle on which his
sin has launched him is not to be without hope, for God
himself is interested in the issue.
Redemption As if to thwart the redemptive purpose, soon a deeper
eiect'peopTe plunge is made by man — from disobedience to murder ;
and the descendants of the murderer are the representa
tives of civilization. A new step in the way of knowledge
is a step away from God : not perhaps of necessity, but
in fact. The weapons forged by the workers in iron are
deadly weapons of war, wherewith men wreak vengeance.
The first poem that meets us in the Bible (Gen. 4 : 23, 24)
is a glorification of revenge. There is indeed always a
witness for better things, always an Abel or a Noah ; but
in the main, the world goes on from bad to worse. Its
wickedness at length is so terrible that the righteous God
must overwhelm it. It must die for baffling his purpose ;
and the Flood is made to fulfil his will. But his will is
also to save those who deserve to be saved, and Noah, be
cause he is a righteous man, is spared (7 : 1). With the
new generation, however, that springs from him remain
new possibilities of sin, which soon become actualities.
The old story bids fair to be repeated. It is against this
sad and sombre background that the divine purpose of re
demption begins to unfold. The human race must some
how be won for God. But how ? By electing a certain
nation to the function of teaching the world his nature and
28

the Historians Genesis
his will. The ancestry and preparation of this nation will
be of the highest moment, and with unusual interest we
watch the divine selective process beginning.
It begins with the call of Abraham ; in that call the Abraham
world was given a new opportunity. Abraham is called
from the land of his birth to another country which, for
many reasons, historical and geographical, was peculiarly
fitted to be the scene of a historical revelation, and, as the
land of promise, is always closely associated with the des
tinies of his people. Abraham obeys the divine voice;
and his obedience is justified by his subsequent fortunes,
which show how specially God was guarding his interests,
crowning him with a prosperity which causes neighboring
kings like Abimelech to court his friendship, and preserv
ing him from such a fate as that of Lot who pitched his
tent in Sodom and paid for his choice so heavy a penalty.
He makes his mistakes (12 : 10-20 and 20 : 1-18) but God
overrules them. The moral majesty of the man justifies
the divine choice of him. A lover of peace with an inbred
horror of contention, hospitable and chivalrous, not care
ful to insist narrowly upon his own rights, sternly righteous
yet strangely tender-hearted, pleading for the wicked city
with an earnestness that would not be baffied even by
God himself — such a man is Israel's earliest father. And
how sensitive he is to the divine voice ! He obeys its first
call, its every call — whether to leave his country or give up
his son, his only son. He can trust that voice when it
29

Genesis The Messages of
whispers to his heart words of high destiny for him and
his. It is with such a man as this that God makes a cov
enant (15) and speaks the thoughts of his heart (18 : 17).
Surely he was worthy to be the father of the people
through whom God was to bring to the world the knowl
edge of his blessed will.
Isaac In Isaac, the son whom he loved and was willing with
tears to lose for the higher love he bore his God, the di
vine purpose is continued. Isaac is not the giant his fa
ther was, but he is not unworthy to stand in the succes
sion. For Israel needs men too who can go out to the
fields to meditate at the turning of the evening (24 : 63).
Jacob But it is Jacob, Isaac's son, sharply contrasted with
Esau, the ancestor of Israel's neighbors the Edomites,
that is the most characteristic figure. For good and for
evil, he is an Israelite indeed. A man of undoubted abil
ity and resource, with full knowledge of an adversary's
weakness and power to take advantage of it, never em
barrassed, always ready to adapt himself to a new situa
tion not only with skill but also with cunning — altogether
a clever unscrupulous schemer who at first sight presents
a painful contrast to the bluff and chivalrous Esau. But
there are deep and beautiful things in this man too. He
too could meditate, like his father, when the stars came
out. On a bare hillside, he could see angels come and go
from heaven to earth, and ere he crossed his river of des
tiny he could wrestle in the dark with one like unto a son
3°

the Historians Genesis
of man. He sees the unseen, and God's host meets him
as he goes on a critical way. His hidden life contains
infinite possibilities, just the possibilities which count for
everything in religion. So it is quite fitting that he, like
his people, should be called Israel. He is a man worth
winning, though it is only by a hard discipline that so
self-reliant a man is won. His deceit drives him from
his home and from the mother who had schemed for him ;
we never read that he saw her face again. In the foreign
land he is deceived again and again by one who was his
match and almost his master. He comes back with the
old terror in his heart which years before had driven him
away — yet a schemer still. But God lays his hand upon
him, forces him to reckon with the unseen powers that
are shaping his destiny and claims him for his own.
At length he settles in the land of promise, and the
elect man is now Joseph his son. His story is more than
usually romantic ; but through it the divine purpose runs
clear — that God's chosen instruments need special dis
cipline, and that the royal way is a way of sorrow. The
propriety of the divine choice of him is as obvious here as
it was in the case of Abraham. His early life is very im
pressive, in its dreams dashed, its hope deferred, and
promise baulked. It is as sad as it is beautiful. He has
to face cruelty from the brethren who should have loved
him, separation from a father who counts him his dear
est, ingratitude from the man he has helped, infamous
31

Genesis The Messages of
slander from those in whose service he was willing to give
all that he had but his honor. But through it all he
keeps his spirit bright. What moral heroism breathes
through his reply to the temptress in Egypt ! With all
the alertness of his father, he springs full-armed to meet
every new difficulty, be it dream or temptation or threat
of famine ; and though he is strong he can also be ten
der unto tears. And in the end God sets this man of
heaven-born insight, heroic faith, and invincible hope over
the affairs of one of the greatest of empires, and places in
his debt a hungry world.
Israel in The scene is now shifted to Egypt, and there interest
Egypt is concentrated for a period both long and sad. The di
vine purpose seems baffled : but nothing can really baffle
it. God has high ends to serve by the sojourn of Israel
in Egypt, and in his own good time he will deliver them,
with the impress of his nature upon them.
V
the world of sin (Gen. 2 : 4b to 1 1 : 30)
I. Man's Place in the Universe and his Choice of Sin
(Gen. 2 : 4b to 4 : 24)
orUn htask ^an 's t'le handiwork of God ; his spirit is the breath
and duty of of his maker. God, when he made him, appointed him a
(Gen. 2 : ?- task — that of tilling the ground and gathering her fruits,
I7) 32

the Historians Genesis 3:13
and he gave him all that satisfied eye and heart. But the
task had its temptations. He was permitted to enjoy the
fair and pleasant fruits of the garden in which God had
placed him ; but there was fruit in that garden which to
touch was death. So said conscience and God.
Now man needs companionship ; and among the beasts Woman
there is none that can be called his fellow. He needs am/comple-
a being like himself, and such a one God gave him in ^e.ntj8 s
woman. She alone is his peer ; in wedlock he and she
are no more twain, but one.
Then to the woman came one day temptation with the
sinuous coils and the glittering eye that fascinates. Why The tragedy
should she not satisfy her curiosity and touch that fair°no°^
forbidden fruit ? It could not cost so dear as God had <3 : 1-13)
said; they surely should not die. Rather would their
knowledge grow by this forbidden venture. Conscience
and passion pled within her. At length she fell, and the
man was involved in her fall. They had indeed won
knowledge, but it was knowledge of their shame — knowl
edge of how terrible a thing it is to disobey the earnest
reasonable voice of God. They sought with vain things
to hide their shame and to flee from the searching sound
of the voice divine. But in the evening hour God found
them, smitten with remorse and shame, but not yet with
humble penitence ; for the man accused the woman, and
the woman the passion that had against her better heart
misled her. 33

Genesis 3 : 14 The Messages of
The penalty Then in stern, solemn words through which there yet
(3 1 14-24) gieamecj hope, God uttered his word of judgment upon
their disobedience.
" Sin shall go on from age to age, struggling with
man for the mastery, and man shall be wounded
as he tramples upon it ; but he shall crush it in the
end."1
" Woman, as mother and wife, shall have sorrows
many to bear."
" Man shall have to wring his sustenance from the
stubborn earth in fierce struggle that will bring the
sweat to his brow, and in the end he shall return
to the dust whence he came."
Then God provided for the man and his wife, the mother
of us all, a better covering for their shame than that which
they in their extremity had made. But their sins had shut
them out from the right to immortality ; the way thither
was barred by powers divine and strong.
The prog- Now Eve bore Adam a son, Cain, in the mystery of
(4?i-i6)n whose birth she recognized the hand of God. Abel, his
brother, was a shepherd, while Cain was a tiller of the
ground ; and each expressed his thanks to God by the
1 The actual words only speak of a ceaseless warfare between humanity
and the serpent. But the triumph of humanity seems implicit in the words,
partly because the serpent is cursed, partly because man, by his origin, sus
tains special relations to God, and the divine purpose of his creation must
not be permanently baulked. (So Dillmann.) 34

the Historians Genesis 6 : i
sacrifice of that whereby he won his livelihood. But the
spirit of the offerers differed as did their gifts, and God
rewarded them accordingly. Cain was jealous. The sin
which he should have vanquished, sprang upon him and
choked his brotherly feeling, and he treacherously mur
dered the brother whose keeper he should have been. But
the deed of blood haunted him ; a voice pursued him ;
and he was forced to wander far from God, homeless and
in terror, about the stubborn earth. Smitten with horror
at the thought of his lonely and perilous doom, he cried
to God, and received his gracious promise of protection
from the avengers of blood ; for blood-revenge is hate
ful to God. So forth he went — from the presence of
God. But not to wander, rather to settle and build a city ; The progress
and it is the offspring of this violent and godless sire that °+ ™I7'.u/4e)
are the fathers of civilization. They gave the world the
shepherd life, the fine and useful arts, such as music and
working in metal, and they knew the power of woman.
The violence of that impious culture rings through La
mech 's song of vengeance.1
Those days also saw the beginnings of true worship. Beginningsof worship
2. Sin Abounding (5 : 29; 6 to 11) '""
After Lamech came Noah the comforter. Noah
To check the evils arising from the union of humanity How9death
entered
1 With him also begins polygamy. (6 : 1-4)
35

Genesis 6 : 2 The Messages of
with beings superhuman, God limited the life of man to
one hundred and twenty years. '
The Flood. Vexed by the corruption of humanity, God determined
and\heath to blot out every living thing, all but Noah, with whom he
gcdcy°.f 8. dealt in grace; for Noah was a good man. So, by the
7 : 1 to 8 : 22) divine command, he and his household entered the ark
with beasts and birds of all kinds, of the clean seven
pairs, of the unclean one pair, that in the world to be the
species might be preserved alive ; and God shut the door
behind him. All that were in the ark he preserved in
safety throughout the forty days of rain which destroyed
every living thing, and until the waters had subsided,
leaving the ground dry. So Noah acknowledged God in
sacrifice. Then God, well-pleased, resolved to deal hence
forth in patient love with man, whose will from youth was
sinfully inclined ; and never again to smite the earth or to
interrupt the order of nature in judgment.3
The blessing Noah began to cultivate the vine, and fell into shame
curie1"^ : 18- through the wine thereof. Ham, fit ancestor of the licen-
27> tious Canaanites, went and told his brethren ; and Shem,
the father of the Hebrews, with Japheth his brother, cov
ered their father's shame. Then Noah pronounced a
curse and a blessing : a curse fulfilled this day in the sub
jection of the unchaste Canaanites; the richest blessing
1 This ancient and interesting fragment is not a continuation of the previ
ous narrative, but forms in reality a parallel to 3 : 22-24, antl gives another
explanation of how death came into the world.
a About half of chs. 7 and 8 belongs to the priestly historian.
36

the Historians Genesis 11:9
upon Shem, whose children have the true God among
them ; and the blessing of peace and a wide domain
to Japheth.
(Now these represent the three great families of man- The divis-
kind) : To the Hamites belong the Babylonian empire,1 LlndiioTs".
founded by Nimrod, the mighty hunter king — an empire *9>
whose power and culture travelled north to Assyria : also
various branches of the Egyptian people, from whom come
the Philistines and Cretans ; further, the Canaanites with
Sidon, their oldest settlement, the Hittites, Jebusites,
Amorites, Girgashites, Hivites, and the peoples of five
northern cities near Lebanon. The Canaanites stretched
from Sidon in the north to Gaza in the south.
To the Semitic family,3 which is the oldest, belong first (10 : 21, 25-
and foremost the Hebrews ; and with them are connected
the Arabs.
Mankind, yet undivided," boldly sought, against the Meaning of
divine purpose, to secure itself against dispersion by la'nguag" °
building a city with a great conspicuous tower, where all '" : I_9*
could concentrate. But God defeated their soaring am
bition, destroying their unity, by confounding their lan
guage. Hence the many tongues spoken by men. So
they scattered over all the earth.
1 This is scientifically doubtful.
8 Probably this notice was originally preceded by one dealing with the
Japhetic nations.
* This section must therefore be from a different source from the two
preceding paragraphs. 37

Genesis 1 1 : 28

The Messages of

Abraham(n : 28-30)

(To the Semitic family belongs) Abraham, whose home
was in Mesopotamia ' and whose wife Sarah had borne
him no children.

VI

THE FATHERS OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE

The call of
Abraham(12 : 1-9)

1. The Discipline of Abraham (12 : 1 to 25 : 6)
(1) The Call of Abraham and the Divine Care of Him (12
and 13)
Abraham was stirred by a divine impulse 2 to leave his
home and all that he held dear ; for it was the purpose of
God to make of him the great Hebrew nation, centre and
pattern 3 of blessing to all mankind. In obedience to the
voice, Abraham with Lot moved westward to Canaan,
and at Shechem by the sacred tree, a vision of Jehovah
woke in his heart the assurance that this was the land,
occupied though it then was by the Canaanites, that his
descendants would one day inherit. There he gratefully
acknowledged Jehovah in worship, as also at Bethel, and
then moved southward.
1 So, apparently, in this document, cf. 24 : 10. Ur, if it be the Baby
lonian city, represents rather the tradition of the priestly document.
= Cf. 20 : 13 (E).
3 " Shall bless themselves," not " shall be blessed " (v. 3). There is no
missionary thought here.
, 38

the Historians Genesis 15: 21
Driven by famine from the land of promise to the land Divine pres-
that was one day to be the house of bondage, Abraham Eg^pTfrom
there imperilled the promises by exposing his wife to the i*]1!1™"^
danger of being united to a foreign prince. But God re- 2°)
vealed his watchful care over the fortunes of the chosen
but erring patriarch, by interposing to save his wife.
Then Abraham went back with Lot to Bethel, where, Separation
full of its early memories, he again called upon his God. Abraham's
Now their great wealth bred strife between their herds- magnanim-
0 lty over
men. Abraham, though all the land was his by promise, ruled in his
nobly offered Lot his choice. Lot chose the fair land terests (13)
about the wicked cities just across the borders, near the
shore of the Dead Sea ; and thus, in the providence of
God, Abraham was left alone in the promised land which,
he was divinely assured, would one day belong to his seed
innumerable. Then he moved to Hebron, which became
his home, and there he acknowledged his God.
(2) The Strain and the Reward of Faitk (15 : 1 to 25 : 6)
Abraham, however, grew despondent ; for what was Promise of a
such a promise to a childless man ? But his despondency firmedby a
was met by the divine assurance that no stranger, but a c°Jenant
son would be his heir, and that his seed would be num
berless as the stars. So he trusted God, and God counted
that as a mark of his righteousness, confirming by a cove
nant his assurance that all the land, from Nile to Euphra
tes, would one day be possessed by his seed, and dis-
39

Genesis 16 : i

The Messages of

Hope de
ferred weak
ens Sarah's
faith; flight
of Hagar
(16 : i, 2, 4-

The mes
sage of the
heavenlyvisitants <i8 : 1-15)

Abraham
E leads for
odom and
Gomorrah(18 : 16-33)

closing to him their stern fortunes crowned by ultimate
triumph. Sarah's faith, however, was not equal to the strain. She
impatiently sought to secure the promised son by a way
of her own, which brought discord to her home, and in
spired her with a harshness that drove her handmaiden
away, but not away from God ; for in the desert by a
spring of water, he ' found and comforted the lonely
woman, destined to be the mother of the wild and war
like Bedawin.
One day there came to Abraham's tent three heavenly
ones in the- guise of travellers, to whom the hospitable
patriarch gave of his best. They brought with them the
assurance that the fulfilment of the divine promise was
drawing nigh ; but the aged Sarah laughed incredulously ;
and God was angry at her little faith, for nothing is too
hard for him.
Now this heavenly visit also served the end of noting
the wickedness of the cities where Lot had his home ; and
somewhat of his purpose God revealed to Abraham his
friend, seeing that he had elected him to a high and holy
task. Then Abraham pled for the wicked cities with an
earnestness that would not be baffled — pled that the bad
might be spared for the sake of the good ; and God
showed himself just indeed, yet exceeding merciful, more
willing to spare than to destroy.
1 The angel is identified with Jehovah himself (v. 10).
40

the Historians Genesis 21 : 34
Finding Sodom given over to the vilest sins, and there- But their
fore doomed to destruction, the angels urged the righteous ednesrhas
Lot to flee with all that were dear to him. But his Sod- *°om?d tnem lrre-
omite sons-in-law made a jest of it. Even Lot himself trfevabiy
(19 : 1-28)
lingered, for his was not the ready obedience of Abraham ;
yet he was saved, with his wife and daughters, through
the mercy of God toward him. His wife, however, looked
back and perished. Thus was God's word to Abraham
fulfilled. Lot's choice of Sodom avenged itself in the corruption The trail of
of his daughters, who, by a wickedness proscribed in origi™of
Israel, became through him the ancestresses of Moab and AIm^nonnd
Ammon, peoples of hated name. (»° : 30-38)
Divine preservation from self -incurred peril (20). '
At last faith had its miraculous reward. Through An heir at
Sarah, Abraham had a son in his old age. (21 : 1, 2,6, 7)
Expulsion of Hagar (21 : 8-ai).a
Seeing how Abraham prospered under God, Abimelech Abraham's
made a treaty of eternal friendship with him, restoring to "ithAbim-
him the well Beersheba,3 where still stands the sacred tree Be«sheba
planted by the devout patriarch. <« : 22-34>
1 20 (E) is parallel to 12 : 10-20 (J). This is practically the first point where
the Elohistic document appears. For comparison of the duplicates, see In
troduction, pp. 18, 19.
* The Elohist's parallel to 16, according to which Ishmael is not yet born.
For other differences, see Introduction, p. 19.
3 Two derivations are here suggested, pointing to two different sources :
well of the oath, and well of the seven. The Hebrew consonants for the
words "seven" and "swear" are the same.
41

Genesis 22 : 1 The Messages of
Sacrifice of Then came to Abraham the supreme test of his faith,
sorest 'test in the impulse to do as did the people of the land, and offer
triumphof' to his God in sacrifice his beloved son— which meant the
faith sacrifice of all his hopes. With breaking heart, yet in un
flinching obedience to the voice within, he took his son to
Mount Moriah, now the temple-hill. He raised the knife,
and in spirit the sacrifice was complete. Father and son
had surrendered their will to the will of God. But in the
blood of the children the God of Israel had no delight,
and lo ! at the crisis he provided a substitute. So the
daring faith of Abraham was justified and rewarded by a
renewal of the divine assurance.
Abraham's Now Abraham was related to the Arameans, whose
kinsfolk in tribes 1;ke jsrael-s were twelve.
(22 : 20-24) Trusting in the God who had guided his past, he sent
From among his servant to these his kinsmen to find a wife for Isaac ;
is found for for Isaac must not imperil the promises by marrying a
Isaac (24) woman 0f Canaan, nor yet by leaving the promised land.
With grateful joy, the servant found himself led of God to
just such a bride as Isaac needed — her energy watching
his contemplation. Her kinsfolk saw in this the hand of
God and yielded her up with high hopes for her destiny.
Thus she became the wife of Isaac.
Abraham's Abraham was the ancestor of certain Arab peoples, and
descendants &]sQ q{ ^ Bedawjn#

42

the Historians Genesis 27 : 26
2. The Discipline of Isaac (25 : 1 1 to 26 : 33)
Isaac's home was in Beer-lahai-roi.1 Isaac's home
Again faith was tried by the long tarrying of the heir. ' " '
But in answer to prayer, God sent the barren Rebekah The twin
twin sons, who even in the womb foreshadowed the long their differ1-
fierce struggle of the peoples * that would spring from f "ff * .
them, and the victory of the later born : Esau the hunter,
slave of instinct and appetite; Jacob the shepherd, cun
ning indeed, but with his eye upon the unseen and the
future, who won from Esau his birthright.
Divine preservation from self-incurred peril (26: i-ii).3
Isaac's prosperity woke the jealousy and enmity of the Isaac's pros-
Philistines, but at last God gave him rest and room forfjf/andtt}1- "
Abraham his servant's sake. Jao^ilUs)
Isaac's covenant with Abimelech at Beersheba (26 :
26-33) -4 3. The Discipline of Jacob (27 : 1 to 35 : 22)
(1) Banished by Sin (27 : I to 28 . 22)
Isaac was minded to bestow his paternal blessing on Jacob wins
his first born, Esau, contrary to the divine purpose which by^frauTalfd
had elected Jacob. Yet all unwitting, he was made toJ'2"toflee
1 Cf. 26:62.
a The Edomites and the Israelites.
3 The Isaac parallel to the Abraham story in 12 : 10-20. This (also J) i9
possibly the older of the two stories : cf. 20 (E).
* The Isaac parallel (J) to the Abraham story in 21 : 22-34 (E).
43

Genesis 27 : 27

The Messages of

His dream
at Bethel
(28 : 10-22)

fulfil that purpose, and he gave Jacob his blessing — even
the promise of Israel's triumph over Edom.1 But the
craft whereby the mother and her younger son had
wrested the blessing, was avenged upon both. For Esau
too received a blessing — the promise that Israel's yoke
would one day be broken,3 and to avoid the vengeance of
Esau Jacob had to leave his mother and his home for his
kinsmen in distant Mesopotamia.
On the threshold of the discipline on which his life was
now launched, the lonely man was graciously assured, in
a vision, of the divine presence and of the nearness of
heaven to earth. The God who had visited him even on
that rugged and unexpected spot on the hillside of Bethel
would— he was divinely assured — be with him and keep
him wherever he went and would bring him back to the
land he was leaving, in fulfilment of his high destiny. So
he raised a memorial stone, where the shrine of Bethel
now stands, and vowed a tithe to God, should he return in
peace and safety.

(2) Jacob's Fortunes in the Strange Land (29 : I to 31 : 55)
Jacob Forth then he went with hope and courage, and he was
Mesopota- divinely guided to his eastern kinsmen. In return for the
mia, serves hand of the fair Rachel whom he loved, he offered Laban
Laban, mar
ries Leah
and Rachel 1 As in David's time (2 S. 8 : 14 ; 1 K. 11 : 15).
(29 : 1-30) a As in the time of Joram (2 K. 8 : 20), about 84s B. C, and finally in
the time of Ahaz (2 K. 16 : 6, corrected text) about 730 B. C.
44

the Historians Genesis 31 : 23
seven years of service, but by a craft that matched and
avenged his own, he was defrauded of his bride. The
constant Jacob, however, shrank not from other seven
years of service for the woman that he loved.
But while her sister bore him children, Rachel herself His children
remained barren, and Sarah-like, sought children through j09: ~2\] t0
her maid, and by other wrongful means.
At length after years of waiting God gave the barren Birth of
Rachel a son, even Joseph. Thus by his wives and their (3°o1P22-24)
maids, Jacob had eleven sons and one daughter.
Then Jacob longed to go back to his own country but Jacob's
his discipline was not yet complete. He must wait and Lm and
serve yet more. At the entreaty of Laban, who marked f^?^^)
the prosperity that Jacob had brought him, he remained,
claiming a wage that seemed but trifling. But the wily
Jacob outwitted the wily Aramean, and by craft and skill *
became very rich and prosperous.
His hour was come. Vexed by the jealousy of Laban, Departure
and still cherishing in his heart the old promise at Bethel, p^tamia"0"
he was divinely moved to return to the land of his birth. <31 : I_21^
Once more he outwitted his Aramean kinsman, and with
wives and substance moved westward toward Gilead,
Rachel taking with her the images her father used for
divination. Laban started in pursuit ; but God intervened to save
• This is J. In 31 : 5-12 (E) his success is ascribed to God. Cf. Intro
duction, pp. 19, 20. 45

Genesis 31 : 24 The Messages of
Laban's pur- Jacob from his revenge, and Laban did him no hurt.
cob's reJon- He was, however, indignant at the theft of his images,
(^"m- 2) which he sought for in vain, being outwitted by the
daughter whom years before he had defrauded of her
rightful husband. Thus Laban was foiled at all points.
Jacob remonstrated with Laban for his unjust requital of
all his faithful service, overruled however and requited by
the gracious God of his fathers.
Treaty be- Touched by his remonstrance, Laban proposed a cove-
(3ief 43-ss)1 nant of friendship ; and there, between the two, a solemn
covenant was made in Gilead, which was henceforth to be
the boundary between the Israelites and the Arameans.
Then Laban returned to his own land, and Jacob to his.
(3) In the Promised Land (32 : 1 to 35 : 22)
Angels meet Now that he was in the promised land, he was strength-
(32:1, 2) ened, as at Bethel in the beginning, by a special sense of
the divine presence.
Spectres of Nor was it unneeded. For danger was to be feared
(32F3-23) from the brother he had wronged, and with whom he
must reckon. With his old caution he made his prepara
tions ; then he humbly cast himself on God.
God wrestles The crisis of his life had come. In the lonely darkness,
(32 : 24^2) a divine hand grasped him ; God was wrestling with the
wily patriarch who had so often wrestled with men and
won. Besides his brother, he has now to reckon with that
unseen unnameable One who grasps him in the dark and
46

the Historians Genesis 35 : 8
who by a touch can wither all his power'. Only then is
he fit to possess the land, when he sees that it is not his
craft that wins it, but his God who gives it. He clung to
the God who wrestled with him till he won from him a
blessing. The struggle left its mark, but it transformed
and redeemed him.
Strong now in humble confidence in God, he went The meeting
forth to meet his brother, and his confidence was justified ers. Jacob"
by his brother's magnanimous reception of him. He ?' Shechem
moved on to Shechem, and there by purchase won, in the
promised land, ground he could legally call his own.1
Soon, however, came trouble. Shechem dishonored Dishonoring
Jacob's daughter. But he loved her, and offered to pay 5trite with
for her any bridal price that might be imposed. The *^natlves
bargain was struck. Yet Simeon and Levi slew him, to
avenge the purity of the family stained by union with an
alien. Then Jacob reproved them for their imprudence
in provoking the inhabitants of the land, to the possible
destruction of him and his, and of all the hopes with them
bound up.a
Then Jacob was moved by a divine impulse to go to Back to
Bethel, the goal as the beginning of his pilgrimage, there ^Vi.y)
to acknowledge the gracious God of all his way, having
first cleansed his household of all symbols of superstition.
Soon gladness was turned to sorrow in the breaking of
1 Cf. Josh. 24 : 32 (E), also Gen. 23 (P).
» More than half of this chapter comes from the priestly narrative.
47

Genesis 35 : 16 The Messages of
Death of the oldest link that bound him to his past; and to the
(35:°8rfand sorest sorrow of all, in the passing of his well-beloved
tos1hio.a2) Rachel, as she gave birth to Benjamin. Thus the circle
of twelve was completed by a mother of sorrows.
4. The Discipline of Joseph (37 : 2 to 50 : 26)
(1) His Sorrows (37 : 2 to 40 : 23)
The dream- Now Jacob loved Joseph above all his sons, and Joseph
fate"<joseph dreamed once and again of a greatness surpassing theirs.
sold into Jealous of the bold dreamer, his brethren cruelly con-
(37 : 2.36) spired to slay him, and he was only saved by the word of
the eldest-born, Reuben.1 From his well-prison he was
taken by Midianite merchants,2 who sold him into Egypt.
The way of the dreamer is hard ; the hope of Israel was
in an alien land — a slave.3
In prison Seeing the prosperity that crowned all Joseph's efforts,
*39' his Egyptian master trusted him with all he had. Then
from a woman came fierce temptation, assailing him with
pleading persistency. But he stood nobly firm,* support
ed by his horror of sin, and by his deep sense of honor
1 In J it is Judah (v. 26).
2 In J he is sold directly to Ishmaelites (v. 28).
3 Chapter 38, which interrupts the story of Joseph, is interesting on his
torical and legal grounds. It relates how the three principal clans of Judah
arose from an amalgamation of the tribe with the southern Canaanites : and
it emphasizes the duty of marriage with a deceased brother's wife. Cf. Ruth
4 :i2. * Unlike Judah (38).
48

the Historians Genesis 41 : 45
and of God. Victim of cruel slander, he was thrust into
prison. By so stern a way of sorrow does the dreamer
move onward to his goal. For through it all, God was
with him in the prison, lifting him to the post of honor —
foretaste of his dream's fulfilment.
In the prison ' where Joseph was serving as slave to The oppor-
the governor, Pharaoh's chief butler and baker dreamed serhmter'-"
ominous dreams. Joseph, whose dark fortunes had not dreamsTo)
stained his faith in dreams — for his insight was a gift of
God — interpreted their dreams, and begged the chief but
ler to speak kindly of him to Pharaoh, and procure his de
liverance. The butler forgot, but God remembered ; for
this incident became the turning point in Joseph's fortunes.
(2) His Exaltation (41 to 50)
It fell on this wise : Pharaoh dreamt dreams prophetic From prison
of a sore famine soon to fall on Egypt and the world. j°sPephCriier
His wise men were baffled ; but Joseph, whose power too£Egypt'41^
interpret dreams was now, after two years of hope deferred,
recalled by the man who had forgotten him, showed the
meaning of the dreams, and offered counsel so wise that
Pharaoh could not but see in him — slave though he was
— a man endowed with the divine spirit and fit to be in
trusted with the government of the land. He conferred
upon him the highest honors, and gave him in marriage
1 Ch. 40, which is, in the main, from E. is in reality rather parallel to than
continuous with 39, which is, in the main, from J.
49

Genesis 41 : 46 The Messages of
the daughter of the priest of Heliopolis, by whom he had
two sons, Manasseh and Ephraim. When the famine
came, his measures of prudence saved the people, and all
the world was in his debt. So in the patient Joseph, often
baffled but never broken, God at length fulfilled his purpose.
First visit of Now Jacob sent to Egypt all his sons for corn, all but
theirhumn"' his darling Benjamin. They appeared before Joseph and
latum (42) bowed before him, thus fulfilling his early dream. With
a pretence of harshness he demanded the presence of
Benjamin. In this their sorry plight, the guilty con
science of the men saw just retribution for the past.
Back they went to their father, only to meet fresh trouble.
Second visit At length, as the famine grew sorer, the brothers re-
*43' turned to Joseph for more corn — this time with Benjamin,
for whose safe return Judah promised the sorrowful Jacob
to be surety. They were hospitably entertained by Joseph,
Benjamin receiving special marks of favor ; and they could
not help marvelling at his knowledge of them.
Troubles Then he sent them away with corn and money, contriv-
chUastenyandinS however to have them brought back at once, with
(44) seeming guilt upon the head of Benjamin. They saw in
their dismay the avenging hand of God. Sorrow and re
morse had chastened them, and knit them closer in the
bonds of love. They would not abandon their younger
brother to his fate. But, when Joseph claimed him, Judah
with passionate eloquence pled for him and offered him
self as bondsman in his stead. 5°

the Historians Genesis 48 : 1 5
Convinced now that they were changed men, Joseph, to The recon-
their terror and amazement, revealed himself, and asked j0seph"s' in-
after his father. He also sent him an invitation to Egypt, J?*'10"-,
seconded by Pharaoh himself. Then he offered his now
chastened brethren the embrace of reconciliation.
The good news was at first almost too much for the old The joy of
man ; but his spirit revived and he said, " Joseph my son (4™ 35-28)
is yet alive ; I will go and see him before I die."
So with the divine assurance that God would go with The meeting
him, Jacob went down to Egypt, whence his descendants "on^o" i"s,
were to be brought back to the land of promise, after their 28"34>
long discipline, in accordance with the purpose of God.
Thus Jacob and Joseph met at last.
Joseph presented certain of his brethren to Pharaoh, The settle-
and was careful to plan that they should dwell not among Egypt"
the Egyptians, but by themselves in Goshen. (47 : *"6'
Now the famine waxed very sore ; and while Jacob's Joseph the
household enjoyed the bounty of Joseph in Goshen, the \™: I2_27)
Egyptians were reduced to great straits. But Joseph
proved their saviour, and by famous statutes, he strength
ened and enriched the royal house.
As the aged Jacob lay dying, he solemnly charged The dying
Joseph to bury him, not in Egypt, but beside his fathers in bfeCs°ses Jo-
the promised land. Then upon Joseph's sons, first Eph- ^fs^M
raim the younger, then the elder, Manasseh, he bestowed 48 : 2, 8-22)
his parting blessing, with the prayer that his own shep
herd God would make them and their children true heirs
Si

Genesis 48 : 16

The Messages of

Funeral hon
ors (50 : 1-14)

Joseph fully
forgives his
brethren(50 : 15-21)

Dying, he
looks for
another country
(50 : 22-26)

of the promises vouchsafed to his fathers ; and he assured
Joseph that God would be with them and bring them back
to the land of their fathers.
Then Jacob died, sore bewept ; and Joseph, with a great
Egyptian escort, brought him to the land of Canaan, in
accordance with his wish, and there he was buried with
special honors.
Now that their father was dead, the conscience-haunted
brethren, fearing Joseph's vengeance, sought to make
sure of his full forgiveness. The generous Joseph for
gave them with tears. Who am I, he said, to punish?
God had overruled their sin for the good of the world.
He and they were but instruments in his hands.
Throughout his long life in Egypt, Joseph's heart was
in the promised land ; and, as he lay dying, he gave solemn
charge that his bones be brought thither, when the faithful
God should lead his descendants back again, as he knew
he surely would.1

VII

THE PROPHETIC NARRATIVE OF EXODUS I TO
NUMBERS 32
Between Between the latest scene in Genesis and the opening
Exodus a" scene in Exodus lies a great silence, broken only by the
> Cf. Josh. 24 : 32 (E).
52

the Historians Exodus
sighing and the groans of the people whose ancestors had,
generations before, been welcomed for Joseph's sake to
the land of Egypt. Crushed and in a foreign land, they
are learning the vicissitudes of life, that they may learn
the grace and power of their God. In the background
of their sorrow lies the promised land, a dear memory
and a forlorn hope. Yet back to that land they must be
brought ; for it is there, after the discipline of Egypt, that
they will do the work for the world which God has given
them to do.
So. in his own wondrous way, God raises up Moses, a Moses the
truly gigantic figure ; next to our Lord, perhaps the most ddlverer
important personality in the history of religion. Here
again we see the sort of man whom God calls to con
spicuous service. The first real glimpse we get of him is
as a man with a mighty passion for justice, and not afraid
to deal a sturdy blow in its defence ; a man with a deep 1
brotherly heart, knightly champion of the weak and down
trodden, and willing to face heavy odds (Ex. 2 : 11-22).
His impetuosity only needs to be tempered, and it is tem
pered in the lonely desert. There, in meditation, he gathers
a quiet strength. His quick eye sees great sights and
sees God behind them ; his sensitive ear hears the divine
call to deliver his people. The God of Abraham is not
dead ; he is the God of the bush. He is here and now,
sanctifying the spot where Moses is standing. Here then
is the revelation in the strength of which he may well go
53

Exodus

The Messages of

Moses and
Pharaoh : :
royal en
counter

The rising
terrors

forward to his tremendous task— the revelation that God
is ever the same, and that same a God of grace ; as he was
with Abraham, so he would be with him ; as he loved the
fathers in the old days, so he loved the children in these,
and, loving, would deliver them. Hesitating, as well he
might, before such a task, but reassured, he advances to
meet the mighty Pharaoh, arch-enemy of his people.
Nothing could be grander than this series of encounters
between these two mighty men. But the blending of the
documents has sometimes obscured the real splendor of
the climax. According to the Jehovist, Moses predicts
the punishment which will befall, if Pharaoh refuses his
request ; and next day, Jehovah sends it. According to
the Elohist, Moses works the wonders by raising his magic
rod. Of the ten plagues, the Jehovist records seven; the
turning of the Nile into blood, the frogs, the gadflies, the
murrain, the hail, the locusts, and the slaying of the first
born. The Elohist records five : the turning of the Nile
into blood, the hail, the locusts, the darkness, and smit
ing of the first-born. The real progress of the encounter
is most impressively seen in the Jehovist, but in all that is
essential both accounts agree.
The magnificence of this struggle, and the titanic cour
age of Moses are not clearly seen till we look well at the
combatants and their resources ; Moses strong in God and
in the naked justice of his cause, Pharaoh the incarna
tion of a might at which even to-day men marvel. Think
54

the Historians Exodus

of Egypt's colossal statuary, palaces, temples, tombs ; it is
the monarch of such a land that Moses defies. The foe-
men are well matched. Moses never yields an inch of
ground and Pharaoh yields but little. But it is a struggle
of right against might, of the unseen with the seen, and
the unseen must prevail. The plagues grow more awful ;
the terrors heighten ; they wring from the haughty Pha
raoh both entreaty and confession, and even win from
some of his court an acknowledgment of Jehovah's power.
But at last, in a climax of extraordinary magnificence
Pharaoh rises like a giant, refuses the demand of Moses,
and forbids him, on pain of death, to look upon his face
any more. Moses takes him at his word and leaves him
with a flush of anger on his face, after announcing the
most terrible blow of all.1
The blow falls. God's will is at length done, and his DeUverance
redeemed people go forth triumphantly ; soon however to
meet new perplexities, with the Red Sea in front and the
all but invincible Pharaoh behind them. Here again,
however, God wrought for them a deliverance, the mem
ory of which touched the national imagination, and re
kindled faith so long as Israel remained a people. Out of
their perplexity they emerge with a ringing song of tri
umph and gratitude upon their lips.
But soon the note changes to one of murmuring, for a The cove-
new perplexity looms up (Ex. 17). This people is not yet r
1 u : 1-3 from E, unfortunately interrupts this fine passage (J).
55

. nant

Exodus The Messages of
fit for the promised land ; they will need discipline of di
vers sorts. Still, they are the people elect, and when they
reach the holy mountain, God enters into a covenant with
them. Amid scenes at once sublime and severe, as though
nature were in sympathy with the awfulness of the mo
ment, Jehovah revealed his will, claimed them in that
moment for his own peculiar people on condition of their
obedience to that will, and started them thereby on their
distinctive national career. The writers of Exodus 19 and
20 felt this to be the critical moment in Israel's early his
tory. They dwell upon it with a copiousness of detail and
with an emphasis which shows how fully they felt the
moral obligations which covenant with such a God as Je
hovah imposed, and how admirably the religion founded
by Moses was adapted to be a world religion.
Fall and for- Again, however, the people plunge from the heights to
the depths. The solemn ratification of the covenant is
dramatically followed by the idolatrous worship of the
golden calf — a crime almost too heinous under the cir
cumstances to pardon. But if it may be pardoned at all, it
will be through the intercession of Moses (Ex. 32 : 1 to 34 :
10). Here again the greatness of the climax in the inter
cession scene is obscured by the blending of the sources,1
but in both, especially in the Jehovist, it is worked out with
rare power and beauty. The unwearied persistency of
Moses is at length rewarded with the revelation that the
1 Read together 33 : 1-3, 12-23 : 34 : 6-9 (J).
56

the Historians Numbers

glory of God is his pity; and with the swift intuition
of love, he urges this as a plea for the pardon of the
guilty people. True to his nature, God pardons and
restores. Forgiven, they leave the holy mountain, only to set out The unique-
upon a new career of murmuring (Num. 1 1). Every new Mose°f
scene heightens the loneliness of Moses — reproached by
the people, vexed by his jealous brother and sister (Num.
12). But it all serves only to show how absolutely unique
he is in his prophetic dignity (12 : 8) and in how intimate
a sense he is the friend of God.
With hope undimmed by all this unbelief, he sent spies The unbelief
into the land of promise. On their return, they dishearten ° ' epeop e
the too easily disheartened people. The cup is now full.
This is not the generation which can look upon the land ;
their bones will bleach the wilderness.
The darkness deepens. A rebellion is set on foot Rebellion
against the authority of Moses. But from this crisis, as
from every crisis, he emerges with the divine approval
upon him and his work (Num. 16).
At length Edom is reached, and the promised land is Near the
not far away. But Edom, despite the ancient kinship, End"8"
refuses help to Israel, who, in bitter vexation, and railing
against God and Moses, find themselves compelled to
take a circuitous route. In the end, however, they reach
the Arnon, defeat and dispossess the mighty Sihon, King
of the Amorites, perhaps also Og, King of Bashan. The
57

Numbers The Messages of
land is near, and the fu-lfilment of the promise is within
sight.
The prophe- With great dramatic propriety, the prophecies of Balaam
Uam£ Ba" appear at this point. Israel's power has been felt, some
thing of her strange history is known, and Moab is afraid
of her. The king summons a seer to curse her with a
potent curse. But who can curse whom God hath
blessed? There — just before she sets foot on the prom
ised land — from the lips of a stranger falls the prediction
of her glorious and invincible destiny.
The sad But the vision melts before the facts. The dramatic
reality prophecy has a dramatic sequel. The people fall before
the seductions of Moabite idolatry — fall too after a disci
pline and a success in which even alien eyes like Balaam's
can see the hand of a God that has no peer. When that
sin has been punished, possession of the land begins, the
ground east of the Jordan being the first to be settled.
The person- Israel is now launched upon her national career, a
Moses career which the later books of the Old Testament regard
as a divine mission to the world. But under God, she
owes everything to Moses. He must indeed have been a
most impressive and powerful personality, who brought
those down-trodden slaves of Egypt to something like a
national self-consciousness, by giving them an inspiring
conception of the God whom they nominally served.
Little wonder that he haunted Hebrew imagination for
more than a millennium, that earlier ages placed his name
58

the Historians Exodus 2:15
alongside that of God,1 or that later ages unreservedly
ascribed to him the laws which were their life.

VIII
THE BIRTH OF THE NATION (Ex. I to Num. 32)
1. Redemption from the Bondage of Egypt (Ex. I : 6
to 15 : 21)
(1) The Preparation (1 : 6 to 4 : 31)
Long years after, when Israel had grown to be many Israel cruel-
and strong, a new dynasty arose over Egypt, which sought XL .°^pr2essed
to crush under cruel burdens the people of whom it was *s-22)
jealous. But to the amazement of the Egyptians the peo
ple grew all the more, for God prospers his own. Then
the ruthless king ordered the slaughter of all the male
children ; but again his cruelty was overruled.
For the infant Moses, hidden by his parents in fear, yet A deliverer
in faith, was found and taken to the court, there to beMosesUpm
trained as a prince. Thus strangely did God prepare and <2 : 123a'
equip him who was to be the saviour of his people. The
glamor of the court did" not blind him to the sorrows of
his brethren. Twice did he show himself the doughty
champion of the oppressed — he who hated wrong in friend
or foe — and had to seek refuge with the kindred 2 clan of
1 Cf. Ex. 14 : 31 ; 19 : 9 ; Num. 21:5. 2 Cf. Gen. 25 : 2.
59

Exodus 2 : 1 6

The Messages of

God's reve
lation of
himself to
Moses, and
the call to
service (3)

Midian, where the silence of the desert would temper the
impulses of his hot heart. Here again he is seen as the
champion of the oppressed.1
To the pensive lonely shepherd by Horeb 2 came a mes
sage of God in the form of a flaming bush — flaming but
unconsumed. At first it was to him nothing but a strange
sight ; but soon he found it to be the vision and the voice
of God, and the barren desolate place on which he was
standing to be holy ground. The present God in the
flaming bush was the old God of the patriarchs, who in
the many dark days of oppression had seemed so far
away ; but all the time he had seen their sorrow and heard
their cry, and here he was now, as ever, present and
mighty to deliver and to bring his banished into the prom
ised land. But he delivers through the man he has chosen
and equipped by discipline of court and desert : " Come
and I will send thee.'' So came the divine word to Moses's
heart. Lonely brooding has tempered the old self-reli
ance. How could he, a crushed and exiled man, face
Pharaoh 3 and bring the people out ? Then came the di-

1 After this appears to come in J's story, the strange passage 4 : 24-26
which implies that on the death of the king from whom he fled, Moses set
out to return, and on the way his life, which was in danger from the wrath
of Jehovah, was redeemed by the offering of the blood of circumcision. The
rite of infant circumcision is thus explained. This scene would be followed
by the commission in ch. 3 (so Bacon).
2 Called Horeb in E and D (Deuteronomy), Sinai in J and P.
8 In J he is to go with the elders (16-18). 60

the Historians Exodus 5 : 8
vine assurance, supported by a sign, that God would be
with him. But in what character will he present the
ancestral God to his incredulous people ? As Jehovah,
whose faithfulness is constant, in future as in past. This
is to be his abiding name. Supported by the revelation
of the constancy of the divine pity, Moses is inspired to de
mand from Pharaoh permission for the people to make a
three days' pilgrimage into the wilderness to worship their
own God, despite his assurance that Pharaoh will refuse
until he is compelled by Jehovah's wonders to consent.
To silence all popular doubts as to his divine commis- Divinely
sion, he was empowered to perform three miraculous ySl'Sesitat-
signs.1 Nevertheless his own faith was not thereby mg H : I_23,
strengthened. Conscious of his weakness, he still shrank
from his God-appointed task, to which even the clear
assurance of almighty God did not brace him. So half in
grace and half in chastisement, God gave him a helper in
Aaron, his brother. (2) The Struggle (5 : 1 to 12 : 39)
The great struggle began: Moses on the one hand, Moses and
championing the cause of Jehovah and the oppressed ; the^eting
and on the other Pharaoh, the cruel, defiant, godless. wf;l5w° &"*'
The religious plea urged by Moses was rejected by Pha- (5 = » '» 6 : 1)
raoh as a lying pretext to secure a holiday, and answered
1 In 1-9 (J) the miracles are to convince the people, cf. 29-31. In E (cf.
17) they are to be performed before Pharaoh. 6l

Exodus 5 : 9

The Messages of

The Nile
turned into
blood (7 : 14-
18, 20, 21,
23-25)

Plague of
frogs (8 : 1-4, 8-15)

Plague of
gadflies (8 : 20-32)

Plague of
murrain(9 = i-7)

by imposing upon the people heavier burdens, which
embittered the Hebrew overseers against Moses. The
baffled leader laid the matter before God, and again won
from him the assurance of ultimate deliverance, to be
wrought by his own strong hand.
Jehovah was resolved * to bend Pharaoh to his will, and
teach him who he was.2 So he summoned the forces of
nature, of which he was lord, and not the gods of Egypt ;
and began by corrupting the Nile, source of Egypt's life.
But Pharaoh remained unimpressed.
Then he sent a plague of frogs. This blow moved the
proud monarch to entreat Moses to intercede for him, and
Jehovah answered Moses's prayer. But the respite only
hardened Pharaoh's stubborn heart.
Then he sent a plague of gadflies which tormented
Egypt but spared Goshen where Israel was — sure proof that
Jehovah was lord of all. The exasperated Pharaoh then
met Moses's demand half-way ; but Moses was inflexible.
Grudgingly did Pharaoh make the concession demanded,
and the plague was removed by the prayer of Moses at
Pharaoh's entreaty. But the respite only hardened Pha
raoh's stubborn heart, and he did not let the people go.
Then he sent a plague which slew the cattle of Egypt,
1 This paraphrase preserves only the bare outline of the story of the
plagues. For the characteristic differences in the representations of J and
E, see page 54.
2 Cf. 5 : 2. 62

the Historians Exodus io : 28

but spared that of Israel. Yet this, too, but hardened
Pharaoh's heart, and he did not let the people go.
The divine patience had dealt with him in vain, and Plague of
death was his desert. But Jehovah, to show upon him his ^) J3.3S)
glorious omnipotence, sent another plague — this time of
very grievous hail — which spared Goshen where Israel was,
but ruined the property of all in Egypt, all but the cour
tiers who feared Israel's God. Pharaoh, awed, confessed
his sin against Jehovah, and the plague was removed by
the prayer of Moses at Pharaoh's entreaty. But the res
pite only hardened the faithless king's stubborn heart and
he did not let the people go.
Then Moses threatened another plague so grievous that Plague of
Pharaoh, yielding to the passionate remonstrance of his (loT^-ao)
courtiers, gave the men leave to go, but with insolent
blasphemy refused leave to the women and children, and
backed his refusal by violence. So the blow had to fall.
It came as a deadly plague of locusts. In haste Pharaoh
summoned Moses and confessed his sin, and the plague
was removed on his earnest entreaty by the prayer of
Moses. But the respite again only hardened his heart,
and he did not let the people go.
A severer blow was needed. It came as fierce sand- Plague of
storms that for three days darkened all the land except iast doom'
where Israel was. Pharaoh was moved to offer a com- ^1™^.
promise, but the inflexible Moses would tolerate none. " : 4-8)
Whereupon the infatuated Pharaoh passionately ordered
63

Exodus io : 29 The Messages of
him to leave his presence on pain of death.1 Moses took
him at his word ; but ere he went, he announced in the
name of Israel's God the last and sorest plague — that all
the first-born of Egypt, and of Egypt only, would die.
" After that," said he, " I will go out," and he left the
presence of Pharaoh in hot anger.
Death of Jehovah kept his dread word. All the first-born of
bom. 5The Egypt died, and Pharaoh had at the last to yield in every
(^2°-d2g- ) point ; yea, his people were even urgent upon Israel to
leave. So in haste and laden with Egyptian treasure,
they left the land of bondage.
(3) The Deliverance (13 : 17 to 15 : 21)
Israel de- The divine discipline of Israel demanded that they
faith m should not go by the most direct way to the promised
(13:17-22) ian(j_ Filled however with Joseph's faith a that they would
one day reach it, Moses took Joseph's bones with him,
and their God was their guide by night and by day.
The memo- When it became clear that Israel had gone for good
Sance at™" and not merely to hold their sacred festival, the yet un
til -R5-d3iS)ea chastened Pharaoh started in pursuit with his chariots of
war.3 In splendid isolation Moses rebuked the faithless
terror of his people, with the calm assurance that their
God would deliver them that day once for all. And de-
1 n : 1-3 are misplaced, n : 4-8 form a magnificent climax to 10 : 29.
2 Cf. Gen. 50 : 25.
¦The priestly historian contributes a few verses, e.g., 8, 15-18, 22, 23, 29.
64

the Historians Exodus 19: 4
liver he did, so that even the Egyptians, panic-stricken,
were constrained to admit his presence and mysterious
power. One and all were overwhelmed. There lay the
corpses dead upon the shore — a deliverance for Israel
never to be forgotten. Their flickering faith was kindled
by sight ; they believed in God whom they had doubted,
and in his servant Moses whom they had upbraided.
Moses sang a song of victory, whereto Miriam and the The song of
women raised in response another song. j™"^.
2. The Covenant (Ex. 1 5 : 22 to 34 : 9)
(1) The March to Sinai (15 : 22 to 17: 16)
Forth then the people went, from triumph to disappoint- Departure
ment, from praise to murmuring ; for their faith would seT'wan't1
not bear the sore strain of the way. Moses, still with °f bread and
J water
faith unshaken, cried to God; and once and again God (15:22-27 :
supplied their needs and saved them. 35; 17: 1-7)'
He saved them too in war : for he proved their banner War with
and confidence, when assailed by Amalek the hateful, (^fslio)
doomed to destruction for this their ancient enmity to
Israel. (2) The Covenant at Sinai (19 : 2' to 24 : 16)
The arrival at Sinai marked a crisis. For it was there The cove-
that the ever-memorable covenant was made : God, on the nature "S
one hand, promising through his servant Moses, to con- (I9 : 2b'9>
tinue to Israel, on condition of obedience, the grace he had
65

Exodus 19 : 5 The Messages of
manifested in the exodus, and to make them his elect
people ; and on the other hand the people, pledging them
selves to obedience. By the revelation given to Moses in
the cloud, he was to become for all time the accredited
messenger of Jehovah.
(b) its sol- For so supreme a moment all must reverently and
payment™" solemnly prepare. At last in trumpet blasts of thunder,
(19 : 10.19) in lightnings and black storm-clouds, Jehovah made his
presence known ; and to those divine accompaniments,
these divine words were given,1 words '' which reveal the
(c) its moral nature of Jehovah's claims upon his covenant people, and
(20 f i-i7js base these claims upon that redemptive grace enjoyed by
Israel in the deliverance from Egypt. " I am Jehovah thy
God who showed thee my love and might by bringing
thee out of the bondage of Egypt. Therefore :
" Thou shalt have no other gods beside me ;
" Thou shalt not make unto thee a graven image ;
" Thou shalt not utter the name of Jehovah thy God for
a vain cause ;
" Remember the Sabbath day to sanctify it ;
" Honor thy father and thy mother ;
" Thou shalt do no murder ;
* 19; 20-25: 24: 1, a, 9-11 (J) represent another version of the story, ac-
cording to which Moses went up, accompanied by priests and elders. The
Septuagint tones down the anthropomorphism of 24 : 10, and Dt. 4 : 12, 15
with its later and more spiritual view of God, corrects this more primitive
representation. 2 What follows is from E. The J covenant of ten words is in 34 : 10-28.
66

the Historians Exodus 32 : 32
" Thou shalt not commit adultery ;
" Thou shalt not steal ;
" Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor ;
" Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's house." *
These divine words were inscribed on tablets of stone, inscribed on
To the commandments comprising Jehovah's covenant, (24T12-14 ;
the people unitedly promised implicit obedience, and the31 : l8b)
covenant was sealed with the blood of sacrifice. Sealed with
blood
(3) The Breach and Restoration (32 : I to 34 : 9) ' '
While Moses was on the mount, receiving a further Breachof the
revelation from God, the perplexed people, being without STpeopie
their leader and thus without any visible proof of the pres- ^given on
ence of their God, made an image of him in the form of a tercession
wooden calf overlaid with gold.2 On the return of Moses, 12-23;
his astonishment at their unspiritual worship rose to in- 34 '
dignation. He at once destroyed the calf and punished
the people. Then he went back to the mount and laid
before God their grievous sin in worshipping him by an
image, pleading for them with an exquisitely tender and
unselfish passion. But God, in his displeasure, threatened
1 Vv. 18-21 form the introduction to the legislation known as the Book of
the Covenant, extending to 23 : 33.
3 E represents Aaron as the abettor of the image-worship (32 : 1-6) which
in J (25-29) is avenged by the Levites, who are therefore rewarded with the
priesthood. V. 26 perhaps suggests a different cause for the disorder. It
implies apostasy from Jehovah; the incident involves only the worship
of him by images.
67

Exodus 32 : 33 The Messages of
to abandon the people, promising however his special favor
to Moses. Emboldened by this promise, Moses pled again
—were they not Jehovah's own covenant people ? — and
won the promise of his presence. Thus emboldened, he
prayed for a fuller vision of the divine nature, and this again
was granted — so far at least as might be ; for no living
man can fully know that nature ; he can only look after
the divine glory as it passes before him and meditate
thereon. So there, in the loneliness of the mount, God
revealed to him the glory of his nature as a God of pity
and abounding grace, ready to pardon. In grateful rever
ence, Moses prostrated himself and besought that that
grace which is the glory of God, might be bestowed upon
the erring people : " Pardon our sin and take us for thine
inheritance."
The tent of (So Jehovah forgave them fully, and sealed the forgive-
kjVyif,) ness by revealing to Moses how the people were hence
forth to worship him, and what manner of tent he was to
have.) Now this tent to which the people resorted to
learn the will of God, was regularly pitched at a distance
from the camp ; and there God would speak to Moses,
face to face, as a man speaks to his friend.
jethro's vis- Before Israel left the holy mountain, Jethro,1 hearing of
aided irfhis their now famous deliverance from Egypt, came to see
functions Moses, and overjoyed to hear the thrilling tale again from
(l8> his own lips he, alien though he was, confessed that
' Cf. Ex. 3 : 1.
68

the Historians Numbers 11:3
Israel's God was greater than all gods. But it vexed him
to see how the great leader was worn, as he listened all
day to the people who came to learn through him the will
of God and gave them those decisions on which the divine
fabric of Israel's law was reared. So on the advice of
Jethro the people were organized, and over each division
honest and God-fearing men were appointed to decide on
all matters of lesser moment, while the graver cases were
still reserved for Moses.
3. From Sinai to Moab (Num. 10 : 29 to 32 : 42)
(1) Incidents of the Wandering (10 : 29 to 21 : 35)
Jethro, whose aid as a guide through the wilderness Departure
was sure to be invaluable, consented,1 at the entreaty of (Num.'io":
Moses, to accompany Israel on the march, and received a'"3^
in return the assurance of a portion in the promised land.
Forward then they set, with their God in his ark going
on before. When they marched, he was invoked to give
them the victory over every foe ; and when they rested,
he was invoked to rest among them to protect and bless.8
The people murmured 3 against their gracious God ; and Murmuring
when in his righteous anger he chastised them, Moses in- (I1 ' *'3
terceded and God answered his prayer.
1 As we are obliged to infer from Jud. i : 16 and 4:11.
3 The words of invocation are in poetry which must be old: they repre
sent the early conception of Jehovah.
* For bread ? Cf. Ps. 78 : 20. 69

Numbers 11:4 The Messages of
Prayer for Tired of the monotonous manna and pining for the flesh
results"1 ' S meat of Egypt, the people provoked the anger of Moses
18-234 if-js) an(^ tne'r God. The lonely leader, weary of their impor-
tunacy, asked God in mercy to take away his life. God
answered by revealing to him his purpose toward the
ungrateful people. As they had rejected his wise leading,
he would teach them their folly by granting them the de
sires of their heart. Even the deep faith of Moses might
not see how ; but God's hand is not shortened, for he is
lord of all. So he sent a wind which drove such swarms
of quails about the camp, that the people gathered abun
dance ; and many of those that had surfeited died. Thus
was the divine word fulfilled.
Seventy el- In pity for Moses, who was overstrained by the burden
equipped \o of governing the people alone, God put a spirit like his
(11 •*i6SeSi7 own 'nt0 t'le neart °* seventy of the elders, so that they
24, =s) were one with him in work and aim ; and the prophetic
enthusiasm came upon them.1
The great The spirit came also upon two young men who had not
leader's .. , . v , , ,,
magna- gone with the others to the tent where Moses was ; for
(ii"!'^) the sP'"t o{ God is not bound to any place. Joshua urged
Moses to forbid them to prophesy, but he nobly refused.
The gift of the spirit, he said, needed not to be mediated
through him ; his heart's desire was that God would put
his spirit upon the people one and all.
Miriam, seconded by Aaron, took occasion to assert
1 This may be a duplicate of the story in Ex. 18.
70

the Historians Numbers 14:18
their equality with Moses as prophets of God. At once The pro-
God intervened in behalf of his great and faithful servant, nftyS fees
whom he was wont to honor above other prophets by l^^a
speaking with him face to face. Miriam's pride he pun
ished with leprosy ; but the merciful Moses, on Aaron's
confession and intercession, cried to God, who healed
her after she had borne her shame.
Before the assault on Canaan, Moses sent Caleb and The report
others from Kadesh to the southern region to report on an(j {"effect
the nature of the land and the people. They went as far p£°p1(Ine
as Hebron, and brought back a huge cluster of grapes and ('3 : t7b-33:
other fruit, as specimens of the wealth of the land. But 8, 9) '
they so discouraged the people by their account of the
strength and stature ' of the inhabitants that in their de
spair they proposed to appoint a leader to undo all that
Moses had done, and bring them back to Egypt. Caleb,
however, reassured them. They might go fearlessly for
ward, he said, to the attack, if only they would obey the
voice of their God.
Moses, dreading that Jehovah would disinherit the The penalty
people for their unbelief, pled for them. Would not the (I4 : 11-45)2
peoples of Egypt and Canaan think lightly of Jehovah ?
Would they not say that, mighty as he had shown him
self to be, he was not mighty enough to carry out his pur
pose for his people, and had slain them in despair ? " Show
but the pity," he prayed, " and the pardoning grace thou
1 13 : 21, 25 are from P. 2 Except 26-30, 34-38, which belong to P.
71

Numbers 14: 19 The Messages of
didst reveal to me,1 and that thou hast ever shown thy
people heretofore." God heard and stayed his anger.
Yet the sin of unbelief could not go unpunished ; God
must be glorified. So that whole generation — all but be
lieving Caleb — was doomed never to see the promised land.
Reckless of the words of Moses, which were all too surely
words of God, and fondly imagining that confession could
avert the doom, they presumptuously advanced northward
to attack the people of the land ; but they were beaten, for
neither their God nor their leader went with them.1
Rebellion of Two distinguished Reubenites, Dathan and Abiram,
Abiram: au- repining at their present hardships, for which they held
MoseTdil Moses responsible, and resenting his authority, though it
vinely vin- had never been wrongfully exercised, rebelled. On their
dicated(i6)» ,.,..,?' , , .
haughtily rejecting his summons, he himself went to them
with the elders, and warned the people of the danger of
contact with them ; for the fearful sin of rebellion against
a leader sent and attested by God, was rebellion against
God himself and would be fearfully punished by him.
His words found strange and instant fulfilment. By a
wondrous visitation, which struck all Israel with terror,
God destroyed the rebels with all that was theirs, and
thus justified Moses as Israel's true and only leader.
' Cf. Ex. 34 : 6.
a E. Cf. J's story in 21 : 1-3 which adds that afterward, on vowing to
devote the Canaanite cities to Jehovah, they won a victory.
3 Most of this chapter belongs to P. Besides isolated verses, JE has at
least 13-15 and 28-31. 72

the Historians Numbers 21 : 26

The gift of water (20 : 1-13).1
(After a sojourn of well nigh forty years in the wilder- Edom's re-
ness about Kadesh) Moses, seeking the nearest way to mJsion to""
the promised land, sent to the Edomites for permission E^iand™811
to pass quietly through their territory, appealing to their (20 : h-21)
common ancestry,' and recounting the sorrows of their
sojourn in Egypt, and Jehovah's gracious deliverance of
them. Haughtily and with threats of violence Edom re
fused, once and yet again.
Sore at heart, Israel turned to go round the land of Themur-
Edom, fretting against God and Moses. So in chastise- ished1; tfe""
ment he sent among them serpents, whose bite caused ^.j11' re"
burning and death. Then the penitent people besought (" : 4-11)
Moses to intercede for them, and God heard his prayer,
making the deadly things harmless for all who looked up
to him in trust.
Then Israel turned north and reached the Arnon, Conquest of
" Moab's frontier," as the old war-song has it. Hence they £t ™a.is°
sent to Sihon, King of the Amorites, who had lately swept 2I"32>
across Moab with the fire of war — resistless even to
Moab's god — asking for permission to pass quietly through
his land. He replied with a challenge to battle, in which
Israel vanquished him, occupying his land and capital.
1 At least half of this difficult section belongs to P. The rest appears to
be J's parallel (cf. 21 : 16-20) to the story which E sets at the beginning of
the wanderings (Ex. 17 : 1-7).
3 As descendants of Jacob (Gen. 27). Esau was regarded as the father
of the Edomites. 73

Numbers 21 : 27 The Messages of
The memory of this great victory was maintained in a
stinging song.1
Song of the Not far from thence, by the grace of God, a well was
well (21 : 16- ^^ to wj,jcjj tjje princes also lent a helping hand ; and
the gladness and brotherhood of that hour were cherished
in song. At last Israel reached the glen by Pisgah, from
whose top the promised land could all be seen.
(2) Prophecy, Tragedy and Triumph (22 to 32)
Baiak sends In terror of Israel, whose power had now been proved,
to curse is- Balak, King of Moab, sought to enlist the aid of the fa-
raei (22) mous soothsayer Balaam in cursing Israel ; for the curse
of such a one is mighty. Conscious that he must
fulfil the will of God, yet allured by Balak's promise
of honor and treasure, Balaam went. Thrice his way
was blocked ; and thrice he rode blindly against the heav
enly monitor which even his ass could see. Then his eyes
were opened to the folly of his journey. He now saw
that it was God who had blocked his way, and he made
to turn back. But no ! Jehovah had a purpose to be ful
filled through him, and on he must now go — he, an alien,
to declare God's glorious word of triumph for Israel over
all her heathen foes.
After the customary rites, he, from a height whence he
saw the people, foretold in prophetic ecstasy their unique
1 The section 33-35, relating Israel's decisive victory over Og, King of
Bashan, is possibly later. 74

the Historians Numbers 32 : 24
and glorious destiny. Balak, true heathen, hoping that instead he
the divine word might change with change of place, led Spiendiddes-
Balaam to another height, and again in ecstatic mood, hej"1^3^"
sang of Israel's coming triumph over her foes, over heart- v. 25)
less Edom and jealous Moab.1 Thus ere they crossed to
the promised land, Israel's high hopes of splendid destiny
were justified and rekindled by Jehovah's words upon alien
and unwilling lips.
Soon this fair ideal melted before the sad and shameless Israel yields
reality. The fickle people joined themselves to the women idolatry
of Moab, and therewith to the sensual worship of Moab's <25 : l'5^
god. Jealous of the honor of Israel's forsaken God, Moses
commanded all the apostates to be slain.
Gilead, east of the Jordan, was a fine pasture-land ; and Gad, Reu-
the tribes of Gad and Reuben asked leave from Moses to Manasseh
stay on the east side, as they had much cattle. Moses re- ^"jordan0'
fused. As the cause was one, he urged, even Jehovah's, (3*)*
so the people must be one : there must be no thought of
separation till the land was subdued. To imperil the unity
was to court disaster, like that which overtook the faithless
generation that trusted in the spies' report ; " be sure your
sin will find you out."2 But he gave them leave to settle
1 Of the two pairs of poems, which are parallel rather than continuous,
the first pair (23) belongs in the main to E, the second (24) to J. The sec
tion 24 : 20-24 ("he sang, too, of the doom of the Amalekite, the Kenite,
and the Assyrian ") is a later addition. These three oracles, with the four
preceding, bring the total up to the sacred number seven.
2 Certain verses of this chapter are due to P : cf. 18, 19, 28-30 and others.
75

Numbers 32 : 25 The Messages of
their flocks and families on the east side, on condition that
they would cross with the rest and fight the battles of Je
hovah. So the families of Gad and Reuben settled, and
the warriors fought. Gradually the rest of the east coun
try was won and settled by three clans of Manasseh.1

IX
RULING IDEAS OF THE PROPHETIC HISTORY
Religious The brief sketch of the history attempted in chapters iv.
ofthehfstory and vii. has made it clear that the value of those narratives
is not exclusively and perhaps not even primarily historical.
The times with which they deal lie too far behind the
written record for any accurate historical knowledge, in
the strict sense of the word historical, to be possible. In
deed, the narratives by their form, confess as much ; they
deal with only salient facts, which illustrate the divine
purpose. Every one must feel how thin is the historical
thread in the story of Isaac ; much, if not most of what is
recorded of him is but a duplicate of the experience of his
greater father.2 Nevertheless, his life advances and illus-
1 Cf. Josh. 17 : 1 where Manasseh got his land because he could fight
for it.
2 Gen. 26 : 6-n and 26-33. ^n point of fact, it would seem as if the Isaac
stories were, in some cases, the original, and the corresponding Abraham
stories the more imposing duplicates. 76

the Historians Prophetic History
trates the divine purpose. The history is not written for
its own sake, but as the vehicle of great religious ideas.
In other words, it is written in the prophetic spirit, and by
men to whom ideas meant more than facts. The Jews
include the historical books from Joshua to Kings among
the prophets, rightly feeling that the history is but an ex
hibition of the principles on which the prophets based
their teachings. Such, too, is the history with which we
have been dealing. Gleaming through the gray tradition
are bright and indisputable facts which historically cohere,
and are of high historical value ; but of more value than
the facts are the divine ideas which they suggest and par
tially illustrate. This is obvious in such a story as that of
Abraham's call to sacrifice Isaac. Besides being a splen
did illustration of Abraham's obedience to a voice which
he believes to be divine, it has also the didactic significance
of setting the divine disapproval upon human sacrifice.
Let us look then briefly at the master thoughts of the Redemption
prophetic narrative. Fundamental to the whole history througiAn
is. the idea of redemption. The words of Moses to his elect natlon
baffled people at the Red Sea would be a fit motto for the
whole Bible: " Stand still and see the salvation of Jeho
vah " (Ex. 14 : 13). The world is sunk in sin, and needs
salvation. That is the great and ever-present fact of
human life which the early chapters of Genesis resolutely
face and with which they boldly grapple. The sin is
sometimes hideous, as in Sodom ; but, hideous or not, it
77

Prophetic History The Messages of
is always there, provoking God not only to anger but also
to redemptive thoughts. For were there no redemption,
the divine purpose in creating man would be wholly frus
trated, and that must not be. ' Out of all mankind, a
special people is elected to be the object of his special
care. This is the fact ; but it is not till the exile that the
reason of it is clearly felt — that Israel's privilege is meant
to benefit and bless the world. It is not felt by the pro
phetic writers of the Hexateuch.' The wider destiny of
Israel's religion is indeed suggested more than once,3 and
is implicit in its very nature, but it is not a burning fact —
at once an inspiration and a consolation — as it was to
Deutero-Isaiah.4 It is the privilege rather than the du
ties of election that interest the prophetic writers of the
Hexateuch. They are proud of Israel's uniqueness and
isolation, so obvious in the immunity she enjoyed during
the plagues of Egypt, so startling as to appeal to the eyes
of an unprejudiced stranger.6
Elect men But within the elect nation stand elect men, through
whom the divine work is to be begun and continued.
The religious genius of Israel as a people must be ac-
1 Moses is sometimes represented as using this argument effectually
within the narrower sphere of Israel's election : cf. Num. 14 : 11-20.
2 Not, e.g., in Gen. 12 : 3, which means no more than that Abraham's
blessing is to be a model blessing.
3 Cf. Num. 14 : 21 : and more explicitly in the late verses Ex. 19 : 5, 6.
• Cf. Messages of the Later Prophets in this series, pp. 180-193.
• Num. 23 : 9, cf. Ex. 33 : 16.
78

the Historians Prophetic History
knowledged when we look at the heroes whom she ad
mires, for they are men after God's own heart : men of
deep and ready faith like Abraham, whose faith God
counted for righteousness ; men of purity like Joseph, who
could not " do this great wickedness and sin against God ;"
men of stern justice like Moses ; men who could plead with
God in prayer and prevail ; men who would give up their
dearest at God's command ; men of sensitive conscience,
who felt that of the least of God's mercies they were un
worthy; men who could endure as seeing the Unseen.1
Such were the instruments whom God chose to effect God is right-
his purpose. Let us look at the God who chose them. fu,i"a„alercl'
He is, first and foremost, a moral God : his choice of omnipotent
such men alone would prove that. He hates sin with a
perfect hatred. He would rather see his fair world des
olated by a flood than peopled by men, the thoughts of
whose hearts were only evil continually. An exceptionally
wicked city he will burn up with fire from heaven. His
law is, before all things, a moral law (Ex. 20), obedience
to which means national and individual welfare. His
commandments are not hard, for they are reasonable, and
the motive to obedience is love. How could the people
refuse to obey the commands of a God, who, ere he com
mands, graciously calls to mind that it was he who brought
them out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of slaves ?
(Ex. 20 : 2). Surely his yoke is easy and his burden is
1 Heb. n : 27.
79

Prophetic History The Messages of
light. Mercy is his nature no less than justice. It is of
his grace that he saves Noah (Gen. 6:8), and not only be
cause Noah was a righteous man (7 : 1). It is " through
the mercy of Jehovah toward him " that Lot is delivered
from the doomed city (Gen. 19 : 16). Even upon Sodom
he pronounces no inexorable doom ; he will not destroy it
for ten's sake. Now this grace of God receives its most
powerful manifestation in the Exodus. It was, in one
aspect, pity for the victims of cruelty and persecution that
caused him so mightily to intervene.
Mightily — for he has the resources of the Creator,1 and
uses them to accomplish his purpose," whether it be to
equip a poor speaker with the power he needs,3 to blot out
a wicked world,4 or to redeem his people from thraldom.
By his wondrous and terrible plagues in Egypt he proved
that he was lord of nature — he and not the gods of the
land ; even father Nile had to do his bidding. It was much
to prove that in Egypt ; for to the ancient mind a god
was but the god of his own land. Therein lies the thrilling
interest of the drama that is enacted in Egypt, and the
tragic horror of it to the Egyptians. A strange God has
stretched his hand over their land, and shown himself
mightier than their gods. They have to confess that
Moses was right when he said : " There is none like Je
hovah our God." 6 How powerful and profound then be-
1 Ex. 9 : 29. a Num. ii : 23. a Ex. 4 : 10-12.
* Gen. 6 to 8. <> Ex. 8 : 10.
80

the Historians Prophetic History
come the simple words "Jehovah rained on all the land
of Egypt I " l True, Jehovah is the God of the Hebrews ; *
yet the land 3 is his. It is this fact of God's mighty power
that imparts such content and stimulus to the promise, " I
will be with thee." *
Armed with this might then, Jehovah can control his- The divine
tory and carry through all obstacles his gracious purpose fustible
to redeem a people to himself. We almost hold our*^""™"
breath as we watch how triumphantly it marches on, not
so much bearing down opposition, as lifting it up into its
service. " As for you, ye meant evil against me ; but
God meant it for good " (Gen. 50 : 20). Again and again
the purpose seems to be thwarted, sometimes by nature,
sometimes by the more fearful opposition of the human
will. It may be the long barrenness of Sarah and Rebekah.
It may be the cowardice of Abraham or Isaac whose
denial of their wives all but imperils the holy seed. It
may be the treachery of Jacob, which drives him away from
the land of promise. It may be the cruel malice of Joseph's
brethren which hardly shrank from murdering the beau
tiful dreamer who was destined to save a hungry world.
It may be the resourceful cruelty of Pharaoh. But it is all
one. The purpose marches on undismayed. The Lord
1 Ex. 9 : 23.
a Ex. 9 : 1, 13, and io : 3.
3 Or " the earth; " the point would be the same.
1 To Isaac, Gen. 26 : 3, to Jacob, 28 : 15, to Joseph, 39 : 2, to Moses, Ex.
4: 12. 8l

Prophetic History The Messages of
is mindful of his own. The more they were afflicted, the
more they multiplied, so that their mysterious success
strikes even their enemies with an uncanny fear.1 There is
a providence that shapes human life, sometimes in spite of
itself, in accordance with a divine purpose. It compels
Isaac to bless Jacob against his will. Nothing is too hard
for it. It overrules the fraud of Jacob and the fraud of
Laban.2 It leads Abraham's steward in the right way
when he sets out in faith upon his perplexing errand.3
The most explicit statement of the doctrine of Providence
naturally occurs in the story of Joseph, where the oppo
sition was peculiarly varied and overwhelming. " Be not
angry with yourselves that ye sold me hither ; for God did
send me before you to preserve life. For these two years
hath the famine been in the land ; and there are yet five
years in which there shall be neither ploughing nor har
vest. And God sent me before you to preserve you a
remnant in the earth and to save you alive by a great de
liverance. So now it was not you that sent me hither
but God" (Gen. 45 : 4-8). The discipline was to fit for
the duty, it was therefore of God, as was also the success
with which it was crowned. " God has made me lord of
all Egypt " (Gen. 45 : 9).
Nemesis This providence, though gracious, is also stern, for it is
moral, and brings even a good man's sin back upon his
own head. Nemesis comes not always swiftly, but surely ;
1 Ex. 1 : 12. 2 Gen. 31 : 7. » Gen. 24 : 48.
82

the Historians Prophetic History
and not seldom pays the sinner in kind. Jacob, who
treacherously impersonated his brother, finds himself after
ward face to face with a wife who has been forced to im
personate her sister. His craft is met by Laban's craft.
Rachel outwits her father in the matter of the images, as
he had defrauded her in the matter of a husband. There
was a great cry in the land of Egypt, when the people
woke one morning to find that Pharaoh's cruel scheme to
destroy Israel's children had been so strangely and terribly
avenged upon themselves. Well might Joseph's brethren
with guilty conscience, tremble before this awful power ; *
for its other name is God.2
1 Gen. 42 : 21, 22. s Gen. 44 : 16 and 50 : 19.

»3

THE PROPHETICO-PRIESTLY HIS
TORIANS

THE PROPHETICO-PRIESTLY HIS
TORIANS

DEUTERONOMY AND ITS INFLUENCE,
The year 621 B. C. marked an epoch for Israel both in The law
the history of her religion and in the history of her liter- ticaltjTthe °"
ature. For the discovery of a law book in that year pro- Jj^ut °rono
duced effects which were nothing less than revolutionary my— dis-
111 ... , f covered in
in both those directions. Its regulations profoundly af- 621 B. C.
fected existing usage and ideals ; its phraseology and
stand-point influenced not only subsequent literature, but
even existing records of the past. The book discovered
was our present book of Deuteronomy in whole or in part,
and it was discovered in the course of certain temple re
pairs during the reign of Josiah. The story of the dis
covery, with that of the reformation which it swiftly in
augurated, is told in 2 Kings 22 and 23. It is plain from
the narrative that the interest of the book centred for
Josiah and his supporters in its legislation, not in its his
tory. Indeed, it has been supposed that the discovered
book represented only the legislative portions of our Deu-
87

Introduction The Messages of
teronomy, or even only a part of these ; for, as we saw to
be the case with the Jehovistic and Elohistic documents,
it is certain that more hands than one appear in the book. *
This would include from chapter 5, or at any rate 12, to
26, together with 28 ; the original book would be smaller
still. But the historical introduction and conclusion, if not
part of the discovered book, must have been added not
long afterward, probably before the exile, and for our
purpose may be regarded as integral to the book.
The law of The Deuteronomic legislation was comprehensive, but
sanctuary its strength was directed mainly toward the abolition of
fOTdsuchnaed a^ local sanctuaries and the centralization of worship at
Iaw Jerusalem. How popular those sanctuaries were, and how
dear and ancient were the memories attaching to them, we
see in the prophetic narrative of the Hexateuch. How the
worship degenerated until it finally differed little, if at all,
from Baal worship, we see in the vivid pages of Hosea.
Here then was a problem : how was the worship to be
purified ? The abuses could hardly be controlled ; so the
knot was cut by enacting that the sanctuaries at which
they were practised should be illegal, and that the only
legitimate worship should be that of the Jerusalem temple.
That was the place chosen by " Jehovah your God out of
all your tribes to set his name there" (12 : 5). Every
1 Cf. e.g. the transition from "thou" to "you" in adjacent paragraphs,
with the coincident change of tone ; e.g. Dt. 12 : 1-12 (you) is more aggres
sive than 13-31 (thou).
88

the Historians Introduction

other place at which the people had hitherto sacrificed
(12 : 8) was to be utterly destroyed, with all its symbols
of idolatrous worship — altars, stone pillars, wooden poles
called asherim, and images (12 : 2, 3) ; for Deuteronomy
had, as we have seen,1 risen to an exalted conception of
the spirituality of the Godhead (4 : 12, 15).
Thus the book is written in the interests of worship. The book is
Not however in the narrow sense of ritual. For worship prie^tiylc°
at that time was immoral ; prostitution was practised in
the name of religion.2 So that morality itself was at
stake, and the book is as truly a prophetic protest against
sin of all kinds as it is a priestly campaign against the
reigning idolatry. The two were really inseparable, and
for this reason we may call Deuteronomy and the books
influenced by itprophetico-priestly, as distinguished, on the
one hand, from the Jehovistic and Elohistic documents,
which are specimens of the almost purely prophetic spirit
working on history, and, on the other, from the priestly
document, which is confined almost exclusively to ritual
interests. This book created a revolution in religious theory cor- it influenced
responding to that which it created in practice. With the ti0enCofn£hT
strange tendency of the Hebrews to conceive all good hist0ry
laws as old, the cardinal law of one exclusive sanctuary
was held to have been in operation since the days of Sol
omon, who built the temple ; or. on a stricter theory, from
1 Pp. 25, 66 (note i). a 23 : 17 ; Am. 2 : 7.
89

Introduction The Messages of
the time of Moses himself. * The older historical records
were edited and in part re-written from this new stand
point, and king after king comes under the implicit censure
of the editors for not removing the " high places," as they
are called. Thus a great literary movement was set on
foot, which affected all the historical records, from the
older documents in the books of Joshua, Judges and
Samuel, down to the date of the discovery of the book of
Deuteronomy itself, and which further* affected the com
position of the history from that date till the fall and the
exile of Judah.
The Enough has been said to show that the interest of the
nomfcedi- authors of Deuteronomy and of those who worked in
interested°in t'le'r sP'"t' Is not m historical fact as such, but rather
history as in a point of view; not so much in history as in the
philosophy of history. The brief narrative prefixed
to the legislation of Deuteronomy offers practically no
new contribution to the facts: it rests upon the older
Jehovist-Elohistic document. It is interesting to watch
at critical points in the history — which, be it remembered,
was arranged and edited by Deuteronomic editors who
would deal with existing material according to their own
ideals — it is interesting to watch how supremely indiffer
ent they are to history in our sense of that word. In the
book of Joshua, for example, there is no .description what
ever of what must have been a very fierce campaign in the
' i K. 3 : 2, 3 offers an excellent illustration of both theories.
90

the Historians Introduction
centre of the country, though in its place there is an
idealization of its results,1 which corresponds* closely with
certain injunctions in Deuteronomy 27 : 1-8. Again,
each of the last two chapters of Joshua is a farewell ad
dress, the former by the Deuteronomist,2 the latter in the
main by the Elohist. Now apart from the ideal obedience
of Israel in 23 : 8, contradicted by the fact in 24 : 23, the
latter chapter has many interesting points of contact with
the history which are lacking in the former (cf. 24 : 11,
12). The reigns of two of the greatest kings of Israel
and Judah — Jeroboam II. and Uzziah — are dismissed in
seven verses each,3 verses, too, which in the latter case
contain no hint, and in the former not much more than a
hint of their exceptional importance. Almost equal indif
ference is manifested to the great reign of Omri (1 K. 16).
That indifference sometimes results in statements which,
to say the least, sound strange, if not mechanical, as
when we are told that Zimri perished for walking in the
way of Jeroboam, though he reigned only seven days.4
The Deuteronomist then does not care for fact as such ;
it is his to point the moral of the tale. In particular, he
1 8 : 30-35-
2 This phrase is used simply for convenience. It is not implied and not
probable, that even the first Deuteronomic redaction — there were certainly
two (see pp. 96, 97) — was executed by one man. It is part of a movement.
s 2 K. 14, 23-29 and 15 : 1-7, with which, strictly speaking, we should take
14 : 22. 14 : 21 (cf. 15 : 2) belongs rather to the story of Amaziah.
* 1 K. 16 : 15-30. 91

Introduction

The Messages of

Deutero
nomic influ
ence on (i)
the book of
Joshua

But rather in emphasizes, in the book of Joshua that the promises of
vaiuedacfi Jehovah to the patriarchs were fulfilled by the acquisition
of the land.1 He is fond, too, of insisting on the didactic
value of the history. The marvellous career of Israel, for
example, convinced the affrighted Canaanites that Jeho
vah was God in heaven above, and ¦ on earth beneath ; *
and the passage of the Jordan was designed to lead all
the people of the earth to the fear of Jehovah.3 The
Deuteronomist has a keen eye for the salient points of the
history, for which he sometimes composes speeches of
earnest and dramatic power. Such points are to be found
at the opening and close of Joshua's career as leader (Josh.
I and 23). He is naturally especially fond of emphasizing
the law,1 regarding national and individual welfare as de
termined by the attitude adopted to it. It is to be the
object of ceaseless meditation, day and night ; the bravest
and the wisest need it, a Solomon as well as a Joshua.6
1 Josh. 1 : n; 21 : 43-45.
2 Josh. 2 : n. This phrase is found elsewhere only in Dt. 4 : 39.
* Josh. 4 : 21-24, s0 corrected text in v. 24.
* Josh. 23 : 6.
6 1 K. 3 : 14 ; 9 : 4 ; Josh. 1:8. There is no space to dwell on the language
of these and similar passages, but that is distinctively Deuteronomic :
Cf. Josh. 1 : 3-5 with Dt. n : 24, 25.
r = 7 " " 2 : 27 turn neither to the right hand nor to the left.
" 1 : 11 " *' 12 : 1 the land which Jehovah your God giveth
you to possess.
" 1:7 " " 5:1 observe to do.
" 23 : 6 " " 4:6 observe and do.
" 22 : 5 " " 4: 29 with all thy heart and with all thy soul,
and many other phrases, as characteristic though not so striking : Cf. Josh.
23 : 16 with Dt. 1 : 35 the good land.
92

the Historians Introduction
The influence of the Deuteronomic editor on the book (2) The book
of Judges is very marked. Not so much that he touched0 ges
the details of the stories — many of the stories are practi
cally intact (cf. Abimelech, ch. 9) — but he determined
the whole conception of the history. The fortunes of the
people in their new land before the consolidation effected
by the monarchy, ran a very checkered course ; jealous
ies within and wars without, wars which often spelt fail
ure and misery. To this period was applied the Deuter
onomic view of history, which was that faithfulness to
Jehovah and obedience to his commandments would be
rewarded with material prosperity, while unfaithfulness
and disobedience would be punished with misfortune.1
Fortunately, this view of the history is presented in the
preface to the book proper, 2 : 6 to 16 : 31, in a very
elaborate scheme, 2:11 to 3 : 6, which is repeated in a
less elaborate and more definite form two or three times
in the course of the book (for example, 3 : 7-10 ; 6 : 7-10 ;
10 : 6-16). Neither the language nor the ideas of that
scheme bear the remotest resemblance to the stories of
the book,2 for example, of Jephthah, Gideon, Samson, while
they are in both respects thoroughly Deuteronomic. Here
then is a palpable illustration of his conception of history.
The oscillations of national fortune follow the oscillations
' Cf. Dt. 28.
2 Some of these betray moral reflection of their own: Cf. the Abimelech
story, 9 : 56, 57.
93

Introduction The Messages of
of national faith. Unfaithfulness can only end in calam
ity, here in defeat by a foreign invader ; but the pitiful
Jehovah will always extend his grace to a penitent people.
The idea may often seem to be worked out mechanically,
but it is the idea of men who had a mighty faith in God
as the Lord of history, using national vicissitudes as one
of his means of discipline, and imparting to things ma
terial a spiritual significance.
(3) The book In the books of Samuel, the traces of Deuteronomic in-
m e fluence, though few, are significant, and occur at critical
points in the history : — a decisive battle against the Phil
istines represented as won for Israel by Samuel's inter
cession,1 Samuel's farewell address to the people,' and
Nathan's announcement to David of the continuance of
his dynasty.3 Nothing could be more happy than the
choice of these incidents, especially the last two, as mark
ing crises. The first passage presents the same view of
the history as that which finds classic expression in the
Deuteronomic programme of the book of Judges. It
regards Israel's misfortune as due to her apostasy, and
finds her deliverance assured in her penitence ; it exhibits
the same power of seeing the inner significance of the
history,4 and the same indifference to actual fact.6 The
close of Samuel's career, like the close of Joshua's, also
' 1 S. 7 : 3-16. ¦ 1 S. 11. "2 s. 7.
4 V. 12 suggests the historical foundation of the chapter.
6 V. 13 contradicts 9: 16 and 14: 52.
94

the Historians Introduction
offered a peculiarly fitting opportunity to emphasize the
principles of the divine government of Israel ; and that is
done in Samuel's farewell address, which in parts is an
unmistakable reminiscence of the familiar formulae of the
book of Judges,1 and forms so appropriate a summary of
the teaching and some of the facts 2 of that book as to
make it highly probable that this chapter was the original
conclusion of the book of Judges. Just as the divine dis
cipline and pity marked the unsettled period of the Judges,
so it should continue to shape the new era of the mon
archy. With peculiar propriety, this truth is emphasized
just at the moment where David, now securely established
upon his throne, determined to build the temple and
thereby associate with the monarchy the adequate recog
nition of Jehovah.
It is, however, in the book of Kings that the Deutero- (4) The book
nomic influence has been most thorough and pervasive. ° lng
The importance of the law receives emphatic reiteration,3
and the cardinal principle of that law, namely, the purity
and centralization of the worship, is the standard by which
all the kings are tried. It was only natural then that the
Deuteronomist should seize the brilliant opportunity of
fered to him by the dedication of the temple.4 The north
ern kingdom had its own sanctuaries, therefore all the
kings of the northern kingdom fell under the censure of
¦Cf.u:9ff. 2Cf.v.n. " 1 K. 2: 3, 4; 9: 1-9; 2 K. 18: 6.
* Cf . i K. 8, which is almost entirely Deuteronomic.
95

Introduction The Messages of
the Deuteronomist as doing that which was evil in the
sight of Jehovah ; and, as Jeroboam is regarded as the
founder of the schismatic worship,1 he is the type, as he is
the source, of all subsequent infidelity.3 When a general
charge expands into a definite one, the catalogue of sins is
presented in the language of Deuteronomy.3 But the law
which would have abolished all those abuses, was the law
of the central sanctuary ; to the Deuteronomist it was the
central law, and special attention is repeatedly called to
the breach of it even by good kings, like Asa.4 Of
course, it was no breach according to earlier ideas. The
local sanctuaries had been for centuries legitimate, as we
see from the many unchallenged allusions to them, for
example, in the lives of Samuel, Saul and Elijah. In
deed, at one of them, Solomon himself had a special
revelation," but according to the Deuteronomic theory,
they were all illegal.
TwoDeuter This last illustration is interesting, as it suggests an
onomic re- , . . . ° °°
dactionsof inference which other allusions throughout the books of
'"'' ,: Kings convert into a certainty — namely, that there were
two Deuteronomic redactions of these books. One of these
regarded worship at the high places as wrong only after
the building of the temple ; thus i Kings 3 : 2 excuses
such worship in Solomon's early days on that account. A
1 1 K. 12 : 28, 29. 3 2 K. 13 : 2; 14 : 24 ; 15 : 24, etc.
¦ E.g., charge against Rehoboam, i K. 14: 22,23; cf- Dt. 12: 2,3; 23 : 17.
« 1 K. 15 : 14. E At Gibeon, 1 K. 3 : 5.
96

the Historians Introduction

severer conception of the law, however, regards such wor
ship as, under all circumstances, illegitimate ; thus, verse
3 censures Solomon for it. Whereas verse 4 with the
following story regards it as a matter of course. There
were then two Deuteronomic redactions of the books of
Kings : one reaching to about the end of 2 Kings 23 —
before the exile, perhaps about 600 (the temple is still
standing, 1 K. 8 : 29) ; and another, which cannot have
been earlier than 560, for it carries the history down to
the pardon of Jehoiachin in 561. ' This second hand
wrote the last two chapters of the book, and touched it
here and there throughout, for some passages clearly imply
that the catastrophe has come.3 To this class belongs the
brief sad comment on the impotence of Josiah's reforma
tion to avert the impending blow,3 so unlike the joyful
copiousness with which the story of the reformation was
told.4 Both these hands and a still later one ° are obvious in a Later addi-
chapter which for its importance as a summary presenta- ^.'rl
tion of the philosophy of Israel's history, deserves special
mention, namely 2 Kings 17. With the Deuteronomic
skill for selecting special crises for comment, the fall of
the northern kingdom is seized upon as a vivid, nay, ter-
» 2 K. 25 : 27. 2 1 K. 9 : 7-9. » 2 K. 23 : 26, 27.
* These redactions are known to criticism as D and D2, and are repre
sented in this volume by standard italic and small italic type respectively.
• Indicated in this volume by small plain type.
97

Introduction The Messages of
rible illustration of the ways of God with Israel. Verses
18, 21-23, which originally followed verse 6, represent the
ordinary Deuteronomic judgment which finds the sin of
Israel to consist in "walking in all the sins of Jeroboam."
Verses 7-20, except 18, though still moving in the lan
guage and the thought of Deuteronomy, trace the calam
ity to more specific sources, like star-worship and the neg
lect of the prophetic word, and there is at least a hint of
Judah's fate in verse 19. In a later passage still, 34b-4o,
the fall of the kingdom is ascribed to the neglect of the
written word. The chapter shows impressively how the
fall of the northern kingdom haunted the minds and im
aginations of men who believed in the divine discipline of
Israel, and how by different ways they arrived at the con
clusion that it corroborated divine justice.
Subtle in- Sometimes the Deuteronomic setting of an incident
the^redac- completely transforms the nature of that incident. For
example, the section introducing Solomon's troubles (1 K.
11 : 14 ff.), taken probably from a biography of Solomon,
suggests, by its setting, that those troubles were the direct
retribution of the apostasy described in the previous sec
tion 1-13. That, however, was not the idea of the biog
raphy ; the previous section is Deuteronomic. Similarly,
the sequence of the narrative in 2 Kings 21 : 19-24 sug
gests that the murder of Arnon was the penalty he paid for
forsaking the God of his fathers. So again, the success
of Joash in recovering cities from Aram — a success really
98

tion

the Historians Introduction

due to Assyrian campaigns against Aram — is attributed
to the covenant which Jehovah had made with Abraham,
Isaac, and Jacob.1 There was a growing tendency to
effect a sometimes forcible correspondence between desert
and destiny. The Septuagint of i Kings 22 : 38 shows
how Ahab's memory grew more and more hateful,3 and
one Greek version of 2 Kings 17 : 1-2 represents King
Hosea, about whom the early decision was probably a
favorable one (cf. v. 2), as worse than all the others, be
cause under him the doom of the northern kingdom was
sealed. Perhaps the most instructive illustration of this
theoretical attitude to history is to be found in Judges
2 : 1-5, which, though probably later than the Deutero
nomic redactions, was written in their spirit. There the
people are reproved by an angel for making a league with
the inhabitants of the land, instead of driving them out.
The penalty is that the nations whom they have spared,
are to be a snare to them. But the older sources tell us
plainly that they could not drive them out.3 The Deu
teronomist accepts the fact that they did not, and puts
upon it his own religious interpretation.
1 2 K. 13 : 23-25. 2 Cf. 2 K. 21 : 3.
3 Josh. 15 : 63 ; cf. 1 K. 9 : 21.

99

Throughout Deuteronomy and the historical books from
Joshua to Kings, the original sources are printed in ordi
nary type and the Deuteronomic elements in italics. Later
supplemental matter is put into smaller plain or italic type.
A few passages where two complete stories have been
fused together are printed in parallel columns.

ioo

Deuteronomy 1 : 35

II

THE LAST WORDS AND DEATH OF MOSES
(Deuteronomy)
1. Moses's Address to the People (Dt. 1 : 1 to 4 : 40)
(1) Historical Retrospect (1 to 3)
After ¦ the defeat of the two mighty kings east of Jordan, Moses re-
Moses addressed the people in the plains of Moab. Their cent" history"
departure for the promised land, he reminded them, hadV*& *t1°i7s
been divinely enfoined on Mount Horeb. At that time, trates jeho-
vah's love
cumbered with his heavy responsibility , he had, on his for Israel.
own'' initiative, instituted fudges to decide impartially ^Kadesh1
all ordinary cases, reserving the more difficult for him- W
self. After the horrors of the wilderness march they
had reached Kadesh, whence twelve men had been de
spatched to spy out the land. These tnen had visited the
south, and brought back a good report of the land, but dis
heartened the people by their account of the inhabitants.
His own efforts — he went on — to hearten them by an ap
peal to Jehovah' s power and promise, and to his tender love
for them in the past, had been of no avail. Wherefore
divine judgment was pronounced upon all that genera-
1 This retrospect is based on JE, and is worked over by the Deuterono
mist in a didactic spirit. The older sources in Deuteronomy and Joshua
are still J and E or JE as in Gen. to Num.
3 On Jethro's, in Ex. 18 : 22. IOI

Deuteronomy i : 36

The Messages of

From Ka
desh to the
Arnon (2)

tion excepting Caleb, even upon Moses himself, and
Joshua was designated leader. The people, after con
fession, had gone up to the attack ; but forsaken of
Jehovah whose displeasure they had braved, they had
been defeated, whereafter they had made a long stay
at Kadesh.
After wandering about the southern mountains of
Edom until all that rebel generation was dead, they
turned their faces northward, again reminded by Moses
of the bountiful love of Jehovah, proved already in the
wilderness, and proved now again in the friendly ' atti
tude of the Edomites, and marched peacefully past the
land assigned by Jehovah to their old kinsmen Moab and
Ammon, inspiring terror everywhere. But Sihon, King
of the Amorites, refused to allow them to pass through
his land, and Jehovah gave Israel the victory over Mm
and his cities one and all ; and they were all put under
the ban?
Such, too, was the fate of the giant Og and his great
walled cities in Bashan . Thus was the land east of the
East Jordan jorc{an conquered from the Arnon in the south to Mount
Hermon in the far north, and assigned to the tribes of
Reuben, Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh. Moses,
however, had urged these tribes ' to cross the Jordan and
aid their brethren, leaving their wives and property on
1 Hostile in Num. 20 : 14-21. 2 Cf. Dt. 20: 16-18.
8 The suggestion comes from the tribes themselves in Num. 32 : 16, 17.
102

Triumphs and settle-
ment on

the Historians Deuteronomy 4 : 33
the east side ; he had also strengthened Joshua for his
future task by an appeal lo Jehovah's recent victories.
Yearning to see the consummation of Jehovah's won
drous, gracious work begun, he had earnestly prayed
that he might be suffered to cross the Jordan ; but
sternly had his prayer been refused. He might but look
upon the goodly land ; his it was, however, to hearten
the future leader Joshua.
(2) Exhortation (4 : 1-40)
Then with the most impressive earnestness, Moses be- Moses urges
sought them to keep diligently the divine statutes and^°^^^_
judgments which he was about to teach them;1 for <7«?lity°£ Jc-
their nearness to God and on their righteous laws de- (4 : 1-31)
pended the national life and welfare and Israel's place
among the peoples. Especially did he charge them to
remember the lesson of Horeb — that Jehovah was an
unseen spiritual God, and that therefore there must be
no worship of any material thing, be it linage of man or
beast, or be it the stars of heaven. This law was fun
damental. The breach of it would bring upon the people
exile from the promised land ; yet from that exile their
merciful God would bring them back, if they sought him
with penitent zeal.
Surely no nation had ever had proof so convincing i^Andhisab-
the existence of its God as Israel had had of Jehovah, ^;32.^)
1 The legislation in the book of Dt. (5 to 26, and 28).
103

Deuteronomy 4 : 34 The Messages of
whose mighty hand and stretched out arm had so won-
drously wrought for Israel in Egypt, making it clear that
Jehovah was the one and only God. " His mighty love,"
said Moses in conclusion, " manifested in his choice of you,
should inspire you to obey the statutes and command
ments which I command you this day, that you and your
posterity may prosper and prolong your days for ever on
the ground which Jehovah your God is giving you."
2. Renewed Exhortation (27 : 5-13 and 29 : 1 to 32 : 47)
Symbolic Moses instructed the people to set up an altar to Jeho-
Ebaincny °n vah on Mount Ebal, when they crossed to the promised
i^ij)5"8' land ; also to write the law upon tablets, and to ratify the
covenant in worship, solemnly invoking the blessing upon
obedience and the curse upon disobedience.1
Israel Jeho- On that day, Israel was constituted the people of Jeho-
(27 ;Sgf io? e vah, and called to obey his commandments and statutes.
Exhortation After laying down the statutes? Moses again urged
?nd, warmng upon the people Jehovah's great and manifold goodness
to them as a motive to obedience. The covenant to be
established that day between Jehovah and Israel, in ac
cordance with his ancient promise to the patriarchs, was
to be binding also upon posterity ; any lapse into idolatry
would be very grievously punished.
1 Instructions fulfilled in Josh. 8 : 30-35 ; cf. the ratification at Horeb,
Ex. 24 : 3-8.
2 Dt. 5 to 26, and 28. 104

the Historians Deuteronomy 32 : 47
Yet if they but sought him with penitent zeal, he would Promise and
in pity bring them back from exile to their own land and appe
there reward their obedience with prosperity. It was no
hard or perplexing commandment this, to love Jehovah
and to do his will ; yet it involved the highest issues, for
obedience meant life and disobedience death. Then he
closed with a solemn appeal to choose life.1
Then the worn and aged man gave Joshua his part- Last words
ing charge, strengthening both him and the people with aglmenT
the assurance of Jehovah's abiding presence, and or- '3I : I_I3'
dained that the law should be read before the assembled
people once every seven years.
Joshua received the divine ' commission to face with Joshua-s
courage the completion of the task which Moses had be- (jfT^'i",
gun, and with the assurance that the ancient promise 23^
would be brought to fulfilment through him.3
Moses ordained that the copy of the law, which he instructions
committed to writing, should be preserved by the priests \^ mg
in the sanctuary as a witness against the corruption and (31 : 24"2Q)
apostasy which he foresaw.
Then for the last time he laid it upon their hearts to Last exhor-
obey the law and to teach their children so to do, "for" (32 .'45.47)
said he, " it is your life. "
1 This chapter expands the thought of 4 : 29-31.
2 " He " of v. 23 is not Moses, but Jehovah (cf. v. 14).
8 Vv. 16-22 introduce the song, ch. 32.

i°S

Deuteronomy 34 : 1

The Messages of

Pathos of
the end.
Moses dies
(34)

3. The Death of Moses (34)
Moses, aged but strong,1 climbed Pisgah, and saw with
his own eyes the noble land which Jehovah promised so
long ago to Abraham's seed, and into which he had now
all but led the people ; but it was not given him of God to
set foot upon it himself. He died and was buried in an
unknown grave. Of all the prophets, he was the greatest,
alike in his intimacy with God, and in the wonders that
he wrought.

Ill

INTRODUCTION TO THE BOOK OF JOSHUA

The contin- Both the documents which, singly or in combination,
and°E in the contributed the prophetic history in the first four books
Joshua* °* t'le Hexateuch, are continued in the Book of Joshua,
possibly also in the Book of Judges, and some think
even in Samuel. Their presence has the same effect
as it had in the previous books ; on the one hand, of
strengthening the evidence for the incidents which they
record, and on the other, of sometimes obscuring the
outlines of those incidents. The scene, for example, at
the crossing of the Jordan is anything but clear. Al
ready in 3 : 17 the people are over the river ; in 4 : 4, 5 the
1 Contrast 31 : 2.
106

the Historians Joshua
implication is that they are only about to cross. 3:12 and
4 : 2 are obvious duplicates. 4 : 9 places the memorial
stones in the Jordan, 4 : 20 places them at Gilgal. On
this blending of sources we need not further dwell.1
A word, however, has still to be said about apparent The Deuter-
contradictions between stories from these sources and Deu- ekment
teronomic passages, which, as we have seen, imply a differ
ent point of view. For example, 13:11 asserts that the
Geshurites and Maacathites were driven out by Israel, a
statement which is flatly contradicted by the next verse
but one. Compare also the two accounts of Caleb's inher
itance, the older in Joshua 15 : 13-19 (= Jud. 1 : 10-15)
and the Deuteronomic in Joshua 14 : 6-15. Once for all
be it said that these and similar passages are not to be
pressed as contradictions. The Deuteronomist does not
strictly contradict the older history ; he idealizes it.
When he touches it, it is not as a historian, but as a the
orist ; not to add corrective fact, but to show the inner
side, the ideal truth, the eternal significance of certain
typical scenes. We know that the conquest of Canaan
took a long time 2 and was not completely effected until
long after Joshua's death. The oldest sources frankly
admit that in many districts it was never thoroughly ef
fected at all.3 Yet the Deuteronomist asserts that it was
entirely effected within one generation and under Joshua,
1 Cf. ch. 6, the capture of Jericho.
' Josh. 11 : 18. 9 Jud. 1 : 27-36.
107

Joshua The Messages of
so that Jehovah's ancient promise stood fulfilled.1 And
so it did, for the man who had eyes to see it. The factors
were all at work which would ultimately compel success.
Jehovah was on the scene governing and guiding this na
tional movement and aspiration for great ends of his own ;
and the work which he had begun would assuredly be
completed, indeed was already ideally complete. No man
need take offence at the Deuteronomist's presentation of
history. The work of the historian was over before he
comes upon the scene. It is his to interpret the history,
and to see it sub specie aternitatis.
Israel's early The ground has now been cleared for a brief sketch of
thelnvasion tne history traversed by the prophetic narratives of the
Book of Joshua. Moses is dead, but the work goes on ;
divinely gifted leaders are never wanting. " After the
death of Moses, Jehovah spake to Joshua." 3 The inter
est grows intense ; within three days the hope of centuries
is to be realized. The fame of Israel has gone before her.
A confession of the terrible power that is hers in her God
is wrung from the lips of a native of the doomed country.3
Nothing can stay this people's progress. With sure hope 4
Joshua arranges for the march, and his hope is not put to
shame. The Jordan yields as the Red Sea had yielded ;
and they stand triumphant on the land of their fathers.
The native kings tremble at their approach,6 as well they
might ; for behold, no less an one than the prince of the
• Josh. 21 : 43-45. 2 Josh. 1:1. s 2 : 9. * 3 : 5. "5:1.
108

the Historians Joshua
angelic host is standing by Joshua with a drawn sword in
his hand. Israel's leader is not alone ; he has unseen re
sources.1 How powerful those resources are is shown by
the swift fall of the first city they attack, the walled Jeri
cho. There was fighting 3 ; but the story is so told as to
emphasize the mysterious presence of the divine help.
With one of those dramatic contrasts which we saw Her varied
before to be so characteristic of the prophetic narrative, ortunes
the success at Jericho is followed by the tragedy at
Ai — a tragedy deeper than at first they know ; for it
was not merely the failure of an attack and the loss of
men, but the breach of a great moral law, with the loss
of stability and power which such a breach always en
tails. Avarice led to sacrilege, and by the sin of one
man the fate of a people was imperilled. But when the
terrible punishment has been enacted,3 and the holiness
of Jehovah, and the dignity of moral law vindicated, Is
rael resumes her triumphant course. The methods were
rough,4 because the struggle was fierce. The terror in
spired by Israel increases. Powerful cities like Gibeon •
do not hesitate, in their terror, to secure her favor by fraud ;
and where Israel's policy stumbles, it is because she forgets
i 5 : 13-15. 2 24 : 11.
3 Here the sources blend. In 7 : 26 Achan alone appears to be stoned :
cf. 25b, they stoned him. But in 25°, the family appears to be stoned too,
whereas another version represents family and possessions as burnt with
fire, cf. Dt. 13 : 16.
* 8 : 28, 29 and 10 : 22-26. 6 10 : 2.
IO9

Joshua The Messages of
to consult her God.1 Kings combine : Joshua meets them
in a fierce and memorable battle in which the hand of
Israel's mighty God is more visible than ever.
Her ultj- The country is now pierced. A great campaign is en-
Uln'ph " tered upon in the southwest and is everywhere successful.
Equal success crowns Joshua's efforts in the northern
campaign.3 But everywhere — on east 3 as well as on west
Jordan — there is fierce fighting and the settlement of the
invaders is stubbornly contested.4 At length the land is
allotted to the various tribes by Joshua ; and after all his
work is done, in a farewell address to his assembled
people, the old man sets before them the secret of their
strength in the past, and earnestly urges them to be faith
ful to the God who had faithfully kept his ancient promise
to them.6

IV
THE CONQUEST AND SETTLEMENT
I. The Conquest of Canaan (Josh, i to 12)
Joshua's as- The prophet indeed is dead ; but the warrior takes his
kadMship0 place, divinely called thereto, and strengthened by the as-
1 9 : 14.
3 n : 1-13. This may be part of the tendency to idealize Joshua, as in
Jud. 4 and 5, which must be an old story, it is Barak who subdues Jabin.
3 17 : 1. * Cf . the fortunes of Dan. 19 : 47, Jud. I : 34. • 24.
no

to

the Historians Joshua 3 : 7
surance that if he but be brave and strong, and earnestly
keep the law of Moses, God's presence will be with him
as it was with Moses, leading him everywhere to certain
victory. Then Joshua through the officers bade the people
make preparation, especially urging the Reubenites, the
Gadites, and the half tribe of Manasseh, to stand by the
cause of Jehovah and his people until all were securely
settled in thejiromised land. And they vowed him the
same implicit obedience that they had rendered to Moses.
With the prudence of true leadership, Joshua sent men He sends
across the Jordan to Jericho to spy and report upon the jerfcho (2)
land. The king, however, with a shrewd suspicion of
their purpose, sent and demanded their surrender. By a
ruse, the woman with whom they were staying, saved
them ; for, heathen though she was, she had a deep
faith in Israel's destiny, and confessed that Israel's God
was supreme, whose marvels and victories had already
smitten the inhabitants of the land with terror. In re
turn for her kindness, she asked and received, on con
dition of fidelity, the solemn assurance that she and all her
family be spared, when Jehovah should give Israel the
land. By the aid of her advice, the spies reached Joshua
in safety and triumphantly told of the terror that Israel's
presence had already inspired.
The people moved toward the Jordan, the last barrier The crossing
to the promised land. Here then was another crisis : GodfJ^fJ01'
¦was that day to convince the people that he was with the
in

Joshua 3 : 7 The Messages of
new leader, as he had been with the old. Joshua assured
them that their God was lord of all the earth, and would,
in their extremity, work a wonder among them, which
would convince them that he was indeed a living God,
able to lead them to victory over all enemies. After
solemn preparation, they began the passage of the river,
preceded by the priests with the ark ; and their God, who
went before, prepared for them, in his strange providence,
a way across the river to the land which he had promised.
The memo- So great a blessing must be held in everlasting remem-
™. * to": 1) brance. Therefore twelve stones — symbol of the unbroken
unity of the delivered people — were carried to Gilgal, the
first encampment in the promised land, and set up there,1 to
be a visible memorial of God's grace, that for all time the
fathers might teach the children of the deed of love and
might by which Jehovah had set their feet at last in the
promised land, and that this manifested power might
bring the whole world to the worship of IsraePs God.
This strange interposition of Jehovah for his people
struck terror into the heart of all the native kings.
The circum- At Gilgal Joshua imposed circumcision on all the peo-
(^¦T-g) pit— for they, being born in the wilderness, had not been
circumcised — and thus he rolled away " the reproach of
Egypt. * Another source says " in the Jordan."
9 Gilgal, here connected with "rolling away," more probably means
"cromlech," cf. 4 : 20. 112

the Historians Joshua 7 : 9

The city first to be assailed was Jericho. But before Joshua's en-
the advance, the leader of Israel was strengthened by the vision^"8
vision of a heavenly leader, even the prince of the angels, ! ^5 : 13"15'
with sword drawn to fight for Israel.
Now Jericho, despite her mighty men, was in terror of The fall of
Israel — a terror justified by the sequel; for Joshua took '
her by inspired strategy. He made the people march
seven times around the affrighted city, thereby devoting
her to a sevenfold doom. For no walls can stand before
Jehovah, when he fights for his people. Fall they must,
and fall they did, and that right speedily at the blast of
the horn and the battle-shout. The whole city, their first
capture, they devoted to the God who had given them the
victory. But Rahab and all her family were spared, be
cause of her kindness to the spies, and she has her place
in Israel to this day.
Joshua invoked a curse on the man who would rebuild 3
the city.
This triumph was followed by an abrupt reverse. The The defeat
little band that attempted the northwesterly gorge into the Achaii's tres.
heart of the country, was beaten by the men of Ai. The ^sisn^ent
people were in superstitious terror ; and Joshua, all but in (7)
despair, laid the matter before Jehovah, appealing to him
to rescue his honor from the taunts of the native peoples.
1 Cf. 1 K. 22 : 19. The somewhat similar vision in Gen. 32 : 2, suggests
that the " host of Jehovah " (v. 14) is the heavenly host.
2 Or perhaps " fortify." Cf. 1 K. 16 : 34.
"3

Joshua 7 : io The Messages of
Simple but searching came the answer to his prayer; sin
there was somewhere, exposing the people to the wrath
of their God ; and until the sinful thing was put away, the
wrath and defeat would remain. By the divinely guided
lot, the offender was discovered. Urged by Joshua to ac
knowledge Jehovah as a just and all-seeing God, Achan
confessed his sin — the sin of covetousness. He had taken
of the precious things already devoted to Jehovah, and so
had involved himself and all his people in the doom of
things devoted. The " troubler " ' of Israel was stoned ; 3
his family and possessions were burned ; and commun
ion between Jehovah and his people was restored.
The capture Success was now possible. The assault was renewed
(8 : 1-29) w'tn care and cunning and with the divine assurance of
victory. Both in the strategy and at a crisis in the battle,
Jehovah, God of battles, guided Israel's leader as he had
promised, and gave his people complete victory. King
and city perished.3
Thestrat- Against such a Joe resistance was clearly useless.
G?beon\tese Powerful confederations were formed to stem his advance.
But the Gibeonites, a powerful clan,4 moved to fear by the
recent successes of Israel and by the fame of Israel's God,
1 The Hebrew word suggests connection with Achor.
3 In one version the only was stoned. Cf. Dt. 24 : 16; in the other, his
family and possessions were involved in his fate. Cf . Dt. 13 : 15-17.
3 The story of the central campaign is omitted. The summary notice of
8 : 30-35 is probably intended as a compensation.
*Cf. 10:2. 114

(9)

the Historians Joshua io : 19
sought to save themselves from their probable doom by
making league with the conquerors. The clever cun
ning with which they posed as travellers from a very far
country, eager to make a league with the now famous
people of Jehovah, threw Israel completely off their guard.
Trusting to appearances, Israel did not consult Jehovah,
and so involved themselves in a dangerous league with
the people of the land. When the guile of the Gibeonites
was discovered, the furious people were for slaying them.
Joshua, however, would not permit this ; but, with a sol
emn curse, he condemned them, for their guile, to be
slaves of the sanctuary of Israel's God.
Then five southern kings, headed by the King of Jeru- The success-
salem, conspired to take revenge upon Gibeon for weak- Paign hi
ening the confederacy by its alliance with Israel. In 5? UjJh"n
terror, Gibeon appealed to Joshua, who, with the divine 0° : 1-27)
assurance of success, at once responded. His confidence
was justified; for Jehovah gave him a signal victory, and
aided Israel by sending a furious hailstorm, which wrought
havoc among the foe. In answer to Joshua's prayer of
faith, the day was also prolonged1 till the work of war
was done. So runs the tale in the Book of the Brave.
Thus on that terrible and decisive day, Jehovah himself
fought for Israel. In the pursuit, the foe lost heavily,
1 The original prayer was possibly for darkness, not for light. u Sun, be
thou silent." (Cf. McCurdy, History, Propliecy, and the Monuments, vol.
iii. p. 44, note i.) "5

Joshua 10 : 20

The Messages of

Successivevictories(10 : 28-43)

The success
ful cam
paign in
northern Canaan
(" : W5)

Joshua'ssweepingsuccess(n : 16 to
12 : 24)

and the kings who had hidden were captured and
hanged. Likewise throughout the whole of the southern cam
paign Jehovah fought for Israel and subdued the coun
try before Joshua.
The northern kings, hearing of Joshua's success, com
bined under Jabin against Israel at the waters of Merom.1
But despite their great numbers arid their chariots of war,
Israel under Jehovah gained a decisive victory. Joshua
hamstrung their horses and burnt their chariots ; for not
in such was Israel to trust. Hazor the capital of the
confederacy was reduced to ashes ; the other cities were
taken and their inhabitants put to the sword in accord
ance with the word of Jehovah to Moses?
The war lasted long; for everywhere there was stub
born opposition, divine harbinger of doom. But in the
end, Israel won the whole land from the extreme north
to the south, extirpating even the tall tribes, the fame of
whom had once been a terror, so that they were only to
be found in the Philistine country. Thus, after these
fierce but prosperous wars in which two kings on the
east of the Jordan were defeated and dispossessed and
thirty * kings on the west, the weary land had rest, and
it was divided by Joshua among the various tribes.
In accordance with the instructions of Moses? an altar

1 Supposed to be Lake Huleh.
3 By a probable change in 12 : 18.
Il6

3 Dt. 20 : 17; 7 :
* Dt. 27 ; 4-8.

the Historians Joshua 14:15
was set up to Jehovah on Mount Ebal: also the law was The sym-
written on tablets, and the covenant ratified in worship. mon„ ln
Joshua read every word of Moses's law — the blessing^. .
upon obedience and the curse upon disobedience — before
the assembled people.
2. The Settlement of Canaan (Josh. 13 to 22)
Yet the land actually won fell far short of the ideal lim- The land
its of Israel ; there were still unconquered tracts, in south jSJnua y
and north, in Philistia, and Lebanon and elsewhere. *13 : 1_I4'
So Israel's aged leader, whose fighting days were almost
done, finished his work under divine impulse by assign
ing the whole land among the various tribes,1 excepting
the districts east of the Jordan, which the two and a
half tribes had already received as their inheritance.
There are districts, however, in the northeast, which have
not been subdued to this day. The tribe of Levi re
ceived no inheritance : their inheritance was Jehovah .
As a reward of the moral courage and faith in Je- The share
hovah which Caleb 3 had displayed as a spy, he obtained (I4 : 6-15)
from Joshua his promised share * of the land, even the
Hebron district in the hill country of Judah, facing
with confidence in Jehovah the prospect of driving out
the tall tribes who still dwelt there.
1 The Deuteronomic conception of the conquest, as completely effected
by Joshua, has introduced confusion into this chapter.
2 The name stands for an Edomite clan : cf. v. 6 with Gen. 36 : 11. ,
3 Num. 14 : 24. "7

Joshua 15: 14 The Messages of
Won by the His hope was justified. For he succeeded in driving
™°9 =JSud. them out, and in seizing their strongholds ; and Achsah
1 : IO"15' the daughter gained possession of the springs so needful
in that south land.
Partial nat- But neither in the south, centre, nor north of the coun-
conquest'of trv did Israel completely succeed in driving out the an-
Canaan cient inhabitants. Dan, for example, failed to get a
(15 : 63 ; 16: r °
10; 17 : 11- foothold in the southwest, which was for long retained
jud.1!)1 ' by the Canaanites. The tribe was driven to seek territory
in the far north, where they captured and occupied Lesh-
em, and called it Dan. In what is now Jerusalem, in
Gezer, and over the plain of Esdraelon in the north, the
Canaanites maintained themselves side by side with Israel,
in some cases being eventually reduced to forced service.
The house The descendants of Joseph, finding themselves cramped
dauns'more m tne n'" country of Ephraim assigned to them by Joshua,
territory ancj afraid to push north to the plain of Esdraelon, because
(17 : 14-18) r r
of the military advantages the Canaanites there had in their
chariots, were urged by Joshua, to whom they appealed,
to extend their territory bravely and fearlessly northward,3
by cutting down the forest for themselves.
Land allot- Judah and the house of Joseph were already in posses-
western sion of their territory, as also the two and a half tribes
(1*8 ;52-io) east °f tne Jordan ; the other seven showed no alacrity
1 15 : 63 = Jud. 1 : 21 with " Judah " for " Benjamin," 19 : 47 ; cf. Jud.
1 : 34. 35-
2 Or perhaps — though less probably — eastward, across in Gilead.
Il8

the Historians Joshua 23 : 1 1
in securing theirs. Joshua: vexed at their listlessness in
a cause which was Jehovah's, urged them to send repre
sentatives from each tribe throughout the land and bring
back a plan of the cities in the various districts thereof, to
be afterward solemnly apportioned to the tribes by lot ;
and apportioned they were.
When they had finished apportioning the land, Joshua Joshua's in-
was allotted an inheritance in Ephraim in the city of his ('9" 49' so)
choice.1 So Jehovah faithfully kept his ancient promise and Rest at last
brought Israel, through unfailing victory, to peaceful *
possession of the land of their fathers?
Then Joshua, before dismissing the two and a half 'The eastern
tribes to their eastern home, commended them for unself- home
ishly maintaining the unity of Israel, and urged them ^ : '
earnestly, now that their rest was won, to love and serve
Jehovah their God with heart and soul.
3. The Last Words and Death of Joshua (23 and 24)
The aged leader, in his farewell words, reminded the Joshua's
people that all that they had they owed to Jehovah their The secret
God. He it was who had fought for them, and he it was Neatness51
who would still drive out for them the nations that were (23)
left. But they on their part must cleave to him infaith-
1 As Caleb in Judah 15 : 14-19. These two verses form JE's subscription
to the account of the division of the land.
2 These three verses are the Deuteronomic subscription.
119

Joshua 23 : 12 The Messages of
fulness and love, and keep the law of Moses, and hold
themselves strenuously aloof from the Worship of the
gods of the land, and eifenfrom intermarriage with the
people of the land. This too surely meant idolatry and
ruin; for the God who had faithfully kept his every prom
ise to crown their wanderings with victory and peace,
would as faithfully keep his threat to exterminate them.
His final He ' recounted the gracious deeds of Jehovah in the
aDoeal(24 : 1-28) remote and recent past, from the call of father Abraham
to the marvellous deliverance from Egypt, and the no less
marvellous successes in the goodly land to which he had
brought them. This kindness, he urged, imposed upon
them the duty of renouncing all strange gods, and of serv
ing Jehovah alone. Now was the time to choose : his
own choice could not but be altogether for Jehovah. An
imated by his resolute words, the people also vowed them
selves enthusiastically to the service of Jehovah alone.
Then Joshua solemnly reminded them how serious was the
task. There must be no compromise, no apostasy : these
Jehovah would punish bitterly. Again the people pledged
their solemn word . Whereafter Joshua made a covenant
on their behalf that day, and set up a stone by the sanct
uary of Jehovah at Shechem as a memorial and witness
of the solemn vows the people had taken upon themselves.
Then he dismissed the people.
' Ch. 24 is from a later Elohist. The language and sentiment approx
imate, in part, to Dt. 120

the Historians Judges
Warfare and exhortation over, he died and was buried His death
in his own city ' — he, the successor of Moses, and Eleazar ^ i 29,3°'
the successor of Aaron.
Past and present were linked together in the burial of Joseph's
Joseph's bones ' at last in the promised land, after the at Shechem
long discipline of exile and wandering. (24 : 32'

STRUCTURE AND CONTENTS OF THE BOOK OF
JUDGES
The transition from the conquest to the monarchy is The intro-
mediated by the unsettled period described in the Book of
Judges, or rather in the second part of that book, 2 : 6 to
16 : 31, the last five chapters (17 to 21) being a supple
ment, and 1 : 1 to 2 : 5 an introduction,4 which graphically
suggests the not always by any means successful struggles
incidental to the conquest. But for one or two contradic
tions, in which it is always easy to detect the older source,6
this introduction is of the highest historical value.
In what spirit the stories in the body of the book were The original
, , , , . , sources and
redacted, we have already seen ; but the stories them- the Deuter-
selves are as vigorous as the scheme in which they are set °ed™tion
119:50. 2 Gen. 50 : 25 (E). "24 : 29, 30= Jud. 2:8, 9.
? Cf. pp. 93, 118. 6 Cf. 1 : 8 with i : 21 (Josh. 15 : 63). * Pp. 93, 94.
121

Judges The Messages of
is formal. Possibly the older prophetic documents of the
Hexateuch reappear in this book. In the narratives there
are traits which closely resemble characteristic features of
one or the other, and the presence of duplicates is some
times obvious — most of all in the Gideon story, where
there are two accounts of the hero's call, 6 : 11-24 (Jeho
vist ?) and 6 : 25-32 (Elohist ?). In the one story the princes
slain are Oreb and Zeeb, and they meet their fate on the
west of the Jordan (7 : 24 to 8 : 3) ; in the other, they are
Zebah and Zalmunna, and the scene is on the east (8 : 4-
21). While the Deuteronomic scheme represents Israel
as a unity, the original stories show that the interests are
really not as yet national, but only tribal. The topography
of the country, coupled with the strength of the native
peoples even after the invasion, largely shut the various
tribes or groups of tribes off from one another, so that
they pursued their fortunes for the most part almost inde
pendently, except in the great crisis which called forth De
borah, and which saw something like an approximation
to unity.
The judges There are twelve " judges," or rulers, if we include
Abimelech, though he is not called a judge, and exclude
Shamgar, who clearly does not belong to the original
scheme.1 They are not so distributed, however, that each
tribe has a judge of its own. Of the five minor judges, as
they are called, Tola, Jair (10 : 1-5), Ibzan, Elon, and Ab-
1 Cf. 3 : 31 and 4 : 1.
122

the Historians Judges
don (12 : 8-15) no details are given except such as, in some
cases at least, suggest that these are rather the names of
clans than of leaders.
Probably no book in the Bible surpasses the Book of Varied inter
Judges in varied interest. Scenes the most romantic and book
the most thrilling pass before us : the lion-hearted Deb
orah giving her judgments beneath her palm-tree, the
splendid muster of tribal chivalry on the plain of Esdra
elon, the left-handed Ehud plunging his dagger into the
breast of the unsuspecting Eglon, Gideon's brilliant mid
night attack on Midian, Sisera lying dead in a tent, slain
by the hand of his hostess, the merry vintage festival of
the men of Shechem (9 : 27), the crowd of Ephraimites at
the fords of the Jordan losing their lives because they can
not say Shibboleth, the grim humor and ludicrous esca
pades of Samson, the cool effrontery with which the
Danites carry off the prized image to their new home
(18 : 25), the agony of the victorious Jephthah as his
heroic daughter comes forth to meet him with timbrel and
dance. For us, however, the main interest of the book is the Primitive
religious, and there are here many unmistakable voices of S^ion' e
an older time. As in the Hexateuch, angels appear not
seldom, and not only to heroes like Gideon, but to women,
like Samson's mother ; so like are they to men that they
can be pressed to partake of hospitality (13 : 16). How
primitive the type of religion is may be seen from the
123

Judges The Messages of
operations of the spirit of Jehovah, which is here almost
exclusively associated with war ; and the man on whom
the spirit is most often recorded to have come is Samson.
Still, God was believed to have been with these men as
truly as with the fathers, and to have sent them on their
mission (6 : 14, 15). But religious belief and practice are
still crude. Gideon encourages image-worship, and Micah
is happy with his idols, more than happy when he can boast
a Levitical priest. Jephthah draws the' knife upon his own
daughter because of his vow, and there is no such protest
as lifts the story of Abraham and Isaac to so high a moral
level. Chemosh is as capable of giving land to Moab as
Jehovah is to Israel (n : 24), and the writer who believed
in Chemosh would also have believed in Dagon and prob
ably acknowledged at least some justice in the claim made
for him by the Philistines (16 : 23).
Historical Apart from its religious interest, the book is historically
book5 °f 'he important as showing the fluctuating fortunes of the peo
ple, or of the different tribes, before the monarchy. The
difficulties of the new comers in maintaining their position
among the older inhabitants is admirably illustrated by the
story of Abimelech ; the natives resented the authority of
one whose mother had been one of themselves, because his
father belonged to the hated invaders (9 : 28). But most
of all does the book illustrate the constant danger of at
tack to which the as yet unconsolidated people were ex
posed on the north, east, and south.
124

the Historians Judges
The last five chapters, which lie outside the scheme of The appen-
the book, have an interest of their own. The first story
(17 and 18), besides giving a glimpse into the nature of
the older religion, and the extreme importance attached
to the possession of instruments and agents of worship,
throws also much light on the methods by which conquests
were made and settlements effected in the new land.1
The second story (19 to 21) has a peculiar critical as well
as religious and historical interest. It is undoubtedly in
the main early and suggests that ethical motives were
powerful in primitive times ; but it has passed through a
very late redaction. The perfect unanimity with which
Israel acts, contradicts the tone of the rest of the book,
where the action is only tribal. Coupled with this unhis-
torical representation are numbers impossibly high',3 and
facts extremely improbable, indeed incredible — as that, in
two days, the Benjamites, without losing a man, deci
mated an army nearly sixteen times their own in num
bers. These are all marks of the later tendency to exag
geration, a tendency which can be proved to have grown
with the growing remoteness from the events. When to
all this it is added that the language is largely that of the
priestly document to be discussed later — notice, for ex
ample, the prominence of the word " congregation " — the
1 Cf. 1 : 34; Josh. 19: 47.
a 400,000 compared with Deborah's 40,000, cf. 5 : 8. A tribe of 25,700 com
pared with the 600 Danites of 18 : 11. 125

Judges. The Messages of
late redaction is placed beyond a doubt. The kernel of
the story, however, is old, and of much historic interest
and value. VI
BETWEEN THE CONQUEST AND THE MONARCHY
i. Introduction (Judg. i : i to 2 : 5) '
Theophany At Bethel, the religious centre of the land, a divine
at Ae'sanc? messenger appeared. He reproved Israel for sparing
uaryof tne native peoples? and declared that those very peoples
(2 : 1-5) with their false worship, would be Israels temptation
and ruin. They acknowledged their God in worship.
2. The History of Israel in the Days of the Judges (2 : 6
to 16 : 31)
(1) The Inner Significance of the History (2 : 6 to 3 : 6)
Misfortune The generations that succeeded Joshua 3 forgot all
chastise?™' Jehovah's wondrous kindness to the fathers. Their
ment and story is the record of apostasy , punishment, repentance,
turned by deliverance, going their weary round from generation to
repentance(2 : 6 to 3 : 6) 1 For ch. i, which represents the partial nature of the conquest, see p. 118.
2 But in ch. t, which is almost entirely historical, except one or two verses
like 8 and 18, the implication is that they did not drive them out because
they could not : this is expressly stated in the kindred verse Josh. 15 : 63, cf .
p. 99.
3 2 : 6, 7 = Josh. 24 : 28, 31. Jud. 2 : 8, 9 = Josh. 24 : 29, 30.
126

the Historians Judges 3 : 31
generation. They would turn from their own gracious
God to the worship of the gods and goddesses of the
neighboring peoples. Then an invader would come to
execute Jehovah's wrath upon them, and with shallow
repentance they would cry to their own God, who would
raise up in pity a judge to deliver them. But with the
death of the God-inspired leader, a worse apostasy would
break out. So on they went from stubbornness to stub
bornness, and in chastisement, Jehovah left certain of
the ancient peoples unsubdued, to keep Israel in touch
with the art of war and to test their fidelity, a test in
which they failed through intermarriage. 1
(2) The Stories of the Judges (3 : 7 to 16 : 31)
(a) Othniel (3 : 7-11)
An illustration of the people's apostasy and of Jeho- Othniel de-
vah's righteous severity and grace is furnished by the (ro^CuTh-
period of Othniel, by whom Jehovah delivered Israel *?n*h!l~
from the swarthy king whom he had sent to punish them (3 : 7-")
for their apostasy. (b) Ehud (3 : 12-30)
Another illustration is from the time of Ehud, the left- Ehud dehv-
handed hero, cunning and resourceful, by whom Jehovah froinEglon
delivered Israel from mighty Moab and her king— the (3 : 12"3o)
king whom he had empowered to punish his people's sin?
1 The theory embodied in this section is repeated in very similar language,
with somewhat more explicit allusions, in 10 : 6-16, cf. 1 S. 12.
2 For Shamgar (3 : 31) cf. p. 122. 127

Judges 4 : i The Messages of
(c) Deborah and Barak (4 and 5) >
Deborah Fickle as ever, the people fell away from their fealty to
deliver Jehovah with the disappearance of their deliverer; and
theanorthern aga^n a divine instrument of punishment was raised up
Canaanites jn sisera, a mighty captain in the north, who with his
chariots was more than a match for Israel. This time
Israel was delivered by the brave, inspired wisdom of a
woman, the prophetess Deborah, who urged Barak, the
captain of Naphtali, to summon to the fray the warriors
of Naphtali and Benjamin, and assured him, in Jehovah's
name, of ultimate success, though the glory would be a
woman's. The prophetess went with the captain, and her
fiery word of assurance kindled the faith of him and his
men. Nor was their faith put to shame ; for there fell
upon Sisera's host a heaven-sent panic. His chariots
availed him not ; the discomfiture was total. In his
flight he found refuge in a Kenite tent, and there by a
woman's hand he was slain, in fulfilment of the word of
the prophetess. Thus again was deliverance and secu
rity wrought for Israel by Jehovah.
(d) Gideon (6 to 8)
Raids of the Fickle as ever, the people fell away again from their
Midianites , ,. . T , 7 , . , .
(6 : 1-10) fealty to fehovah, and in chastisement — as a prophet
arose to declare— for all their ingratitude and apostasy,
he sent the Midianites to terrorize and ravage their land.
1 Ch. 4, the prose story is founded mainly on the old poem preserved in 5.
128

the Historians

Judges 7:15

The call of
Gideon
(6 : 11-24)

Clan sum
moned(6 : 34)

Gideon re
assured(7 = 1. 9"'5)

A divine call ' to deliver Israel
came to the mighty Gideon, as,
in fear of the Midianites, he was
threshing his wheat in the covert
of a wine-press. All despondent
as he contrasted with the lorlorn-
ness of the present the miracles
of God's grace in the olden time,
and humbly doubting the divine
impulse within him to champion
his people's cause, he then and
there received the assurance that,
despite his fear, Jehovah would
be with him and give him victory
over the Midianites.

Thus encouraged and clothed
in the spirit of Jehovah, he
summoned his clan to resist the
foe. As Gideon, in doubt, surveyed
the swarming foe beneath him,
Jehovah reassured him by caus
ing him to overhear a dream pro
phetic of the triumph of his little
band.

The call In obedience to the
• 25-32) divine call Gideon se
cretly destroyed the instruments
of Baal worship, to the amaze
ment and anger of the idolatrous
villagers, who threatened him with
death. But his father reminded
them that Baal must be allowed
to avenge his own quarrel. 2
The signs Gideon, now the
I ¦ 3 -4°> proved champion of
Jehovah worship, was next called
to deliver Israel from her foes.
He hesitated and asked lor a.
sign, once and again, and once
and again did God graciously
reassure him by granting it.
Tribes He then summoned
summoned

(6 : 33, 35)

his own tribe Manas

seh, and three others
to resist the hordes of Midian,
Amalek, and the Bedawin.
Gideon's But the victory must
duced"5 be altogether God's,
(7 : 2-8) who needs no mighty
host to execute his purpose. So
first in one way and then in an
other, Gideon's forces were re
duced to three hundred men.

1 The Gideon story is duplicated practically throughout.
2 Probably ironical in the mouth of the historian, but not of Joash.
129

Judges 7 : 16

The Messages of

The pursuit.
Chastisement of
Succoth
and Penuel
(8 : 4-21)

umph. Quarrel
with Eph-

The attack In bold confidence he led on
(7 : 16-22) his men to the attack at dead of
night to the war-cry " For Jeho
vah and for Gideon:" and by
a. brilliant concerted stratagem1
caused the enemy to flee in wild
terror. Gideon, in pursuit of the re
treating Midianites across the
Jordan, received nothing but in
solence from the men of Succoth
and Penuel of whom he begged
bread for his exhausted band.
With threats of vengeance, he
passed on, and overtook the un
suspecting Midianite camp, capt
uring their two kings, Zebah and
Zalmunna. On his return he ful
filled his threats on the insolent
cities, and then slew the haughty them, however, by showing how
kings of Midian for the murder of much greater their share of the
his brother. victory was than his.
Gideon's Of the enormous spoil, Gideon Gideon re- The people asked
(8:24-27) set up an oracular idol of gold at kingship him to become their
Ophrah, which led Israel astray. (8:22,23) king, but he refused.
Jehovah was their king, he said,
and should continue so to be.3
1 Probably with the jars and torches.
3 Probably with the trumpets (Moore).
3 That the monarchy is an apostasy from Jehovah, Israel's true king, is also
the view of 1 S. 8 : 7. 130

The attack In confidence he led
(7 • « 22) on njs men to tne at_
tack at dead of night, and by a
brilliant concerted stratagem,2
the enemy were thrown into
panic, in which they slew their
own comrades and took to head
long flight.
The tri- Then the Ephraim
ites at Gideon's sum
mons seized the fords
to™^23 to prevent the foe from
crossing the Jordan.
In this way the two chiefs of
Midian, Oreb and Zeeb, were
captured and slain. But the men
of Ephraim bitterly upbraided
Gideon for not having summoned
them, the leading tribe, to the
fray itself. He adroitly appeased

the Historians Judges 9 : 49
Thus Israel had rest through the deliverer whom God Gideon's
raised up : but as ever, the death of the leader was the Israel's
signal for a fresh apostasy. fi°^g Y3-35)
(e) Abimelech (9)
Gideon had a son Abimelech by a Shechemite concu- Abimelech
bine. On his father's death, Abimelech artfully induced of "shechemg
the Shechemites to rid themselves of Israel's yoke tyf.JX'X'
slaying Gideon's sons, and making him king. Was he
not their own flesh and blood ? The sons were slain,
but Jotham the youngest escaped, and in a parable which
illustrated the truth that it was only the worthless who were
eager to reign, he pointed the moral of the Shechemite folly
in creating such a king. As surely as Abimelech and the
Shechemites had acted in bad faith toward his brave sire,
so surely would they perish at each other's hands.
Even so did God bring it about ; for he makes it his The Shech-
task to avenge cruelty. Soon the Shechemites began to voVbut "are
resent Abimelech 's authority, for he was but a half Shech- Jg6"™...)
emite after all ; and flushed with insolence, they rose in
revolt against him, only to be crushed, however, by his
clever strategy.1
Thus did the traitors fall; Abimelech's turn was yet Abimeiech's
to come. With bold energy he proceeded with the final (9^46-55)
suppression of the rebellion — soon however to find his
1 There are two versions of this story ; one in 22-25 and 42-45 ; the other
in 26-41. 131

Judges 9 : 50 The Messages of
doom : and only the sword of his armor-bearer saved him
from finding it at the hands of a woman.
TheNem- Jotham's curse was thus fulfilled, for God wrought
trelcLry upon Abimelech and the Shechemites righteous retribu
te : 56, 57) tion for their treacherous cruelty.
(f) Jephthah (io : 17 to 12 : 7) '
Gileadites Fickle as ever, the people again fell away from their
tnah^orepel/<M:#y to Jehovah and again a divine instrument of
the Ammo- {,unishment was raised u-b in the Ammonites, who raided
mte invasion -^ -^
(10 : 17 to u: Gilead on the east of the Jordan ; and when Israel cried
in penitence to Jehovah, in pity he sent them a deliverer
in Jephthah. This mighty man, a bastard son, who, ban
ished by the elders of Gilead, had been living the life of a
freebooter, was invited by the terrified elders to take the
lead against Ammon. The proud chief consented, on
their solemnly swearing to make him head of all Gilead.2
1 For 10 : 1-5, two minor judges, Tola and Jair, cf. pp. 122, 123. For
10 : 6-16, cf. 2 : 7 to 3 : 6 with note.
a 12-28 is an interpolated section. "On the invasion, Jephthah sends
messengers to remonstrate. The invaded country, he argued, had never
belonged to the invaders ; it had been in the undisputed possession of
Israel for three hundred years, and twas hers by the divine right of con
quest. The Moabite king had not then disputed her claim, and she had
never interfered with Moab, not even when in her wanderings she was
tempted to do so ; nor should Moab now interfere with her. ' Let Jehovah
judge.' But the king would not listen." This section deals with Moab,
not with Ammon, and is therefore irrelevant ; it was probably inserted to
justify Israel's -claims to Gilead when attacked by Ammon in the beginning
of the sixth century B. C. Jer. 49 : 1.
132

the Historians Judges 13:3
He vowed to sacrifice to Jehovah the first human thing jephthah's
that came out of his house to meet him, if he should fulfilment.
bring him back victorious. Jehovah heard his prayer, but, ^^ offer-
horror ! the first that met him was his only child, playing inf a1d
J > r j o wnat :t cost
and dancing for joy at her father's victory. Nevertheless, (n : 29-4°)
the sad father would not break his stern vow to Jehovah, .
nor would the heroic maiden suffer him so to do, content
to die for such a victory of God and of her sire over her
people's foes. Then after two months, for which she
entreated to bewail her maidenhood upon the mountains,
her father fulfilled his vow upon her, and the memory of
her abides in the yearly lamentations of the daughters of
Israel, The leading tribe Ephraim, angrily threatened Jephthah Quarrel with
for not summoning them to the fray.1 They had been (I2 : !-7>
summoned, retorted Jephthah, and had refused. So he
mustered his tribesmen, and they fought with Ephraim,
and slew at the fords of the Jordan all who under false
pretences sought to reach their homes across the river.1
(g) Samson (13 to 16)
Fickle as ever, the people again fell away from their The birth of
fealty to Jehovah, and a divine instrument of punish- (Ia3™s°I
ment was raised up in the Philistines. There arose also
a deliverer, divinely called before his birth to be the votary
1 For a very similar story, cf. 8 : 1-3 (Gideon).
3 For 12,: 8-15, three minor judges, Ibzan, Elon, and Abdon, cf . pp. 122, 123.
133

Judges 13:4

The Messages of

of his God. The mother of the unborn child — so spake
to her a voice divine — must in no wise defile herself ; and
the father, seeking to learn what the rule and manner of
the child's life should be, worshipped the ineffable one
who had thus strangely visited them. Not till then did he
realize that in this visitation he had been face to face with
God ; and he was afraid. But his wife allayed his fear :
for had God not graciously received their sacrifice ? Then
she bore a son, Samson, and the spirit of Jehovah began to
stir him.
Samson in time fell in love with a Philistine woman ;

'"'t¥hil- DUt h's parents refused their consent to his marriage with

Samson'smarria,with a
istinewoman an aijen> not knowing that this was Jehovah's way of in
volving the Philistine oppressors in trouble. As Samson
was on his way to the woman's house, in an inspired frenzy
he slew a lion that crossed his path. Being satisfied with
the woman, he came home and returned afterward to his
bride's home for the wedding feast. There he put forth a
riddle which the guests only read by sternly importuning
the woman to wring the answer from her husband. Then
in an inspired frenzy he fulfilled his promise to the guests
by slaying thirty Philistines, and he disgraced his Philis
tine wife by leaving her.
After a while he returned, to find that his wife had been
given to another, and in the grim humor of revenge he
destroyed the Philistine corn. They savagely retaliated :
Samson again took summary vengeance on them and re-
134

Its conse
quences to
the Philis
tines
(15)

the Historians > Judges 16:31
tired to Judah. The Philistines followed, demanded and
secured his surrender ; but, in the inspired frenzy which
mastered him, he burst his strong bands, wrought a mighty
slaughter, and was preserved from further peril by the
grace of the God who answers prayer.
On a visit to another Philistine woman, Samson mocked Samson at
the men who tried to entrap him, by carrying off the city (10z: i-3)
gate upon his shoulders.
With yet another Philistine woman he fell in love, and Samson and
she was his undoing. Bribed by the Philistine lords, she The tragedy
besought him to tell her the secret of his great strength — ?i6p.a!!^?
the divine secret he so jealously guarded. Thrice he baf
fled her curiosity, and the lords were mocked ; but at the
last, vexed unto death, he told her. Then in the lap of
love his strength was taken from him, and his God de- Samson's
parted from him. The foemen blinded him and took him triumph in
away to the town whose gates he had carried off ere his ^"l* %
strength was shorn, and forced him to make sport for
them at a sacrifice in the temple of Dagon their god, to
whom they ascribed the victory. Then the mocked and
eyeless hero prayed his God to grant him his old strength
but once again, in vengeance for his eyesight. He thrust
the pillars with all his might, and down fell the house,
with lords and people. Thus the triumph of his death
was greater than that of all his life.

135

Judges 17 : i The Messages of

3. Other Echoes from the Days of the Judges (17 to 21)
(1) Origin of the Sanctuary at Dan (17 and 18)
Micah's In the rude days of the judges, an Ephraimite called
priesta(i7) Micah was in possession of a shrine with an oracle and a
costly image made of silver which had been stolen and
cursed, and one of his sons he had installed as priest. But
a wandering Levite who chanced upon his house, agreed
to stay with him and become his priest, in return for a pit
tance of money and food — to the great delight of Micah ;
for such a presence was a guarantee of blessing.
Migration of At that time the Danites, who could not gain a firm
toet£anorth f°otmg m tne southwest, sent a party to explore the land,
(18 : 1-29) and lighting upon Micah's house in Ephraim, they con
sulted the Levite as to whether God approved of their en
terprise. On receiving his assurance, they pushed on to the
extreme north, and returned to their brethren with the news
of the rich unwarlike people that were there. Thus encour
aged, six hundred armed Danites started for the north ;
and, on the way, they constrained Micah's priest, nothing
loth, to accompany them with his image and oracle. Was
it not better, they said, to be priest to a tribe than to a
single man ? Micah and his neighbors, in amazement and
despair at the loss of his gods and priest, pursued after
the Danites, but were repulsed with rude threats. So with
their precious acquisitions, the Danite warriors advanced
north to Laish, now called Dan, which fell an easy prey.
136

the Historians Judges 20 : 7
The Danites set up the image. The grandson of Moses ' Estabiish-
was the first priest of the sanctuary, and his descendants sanctuary at
held the priesthood till about 734 B. C? £§n 3l)
(2) Vengeance of Israel on Benjamin for the Outrage at Gib-
eah (19 to 21)
In those rude days of the judges, a certain Levite had a Levite's
a concubine who one day left him for her father's house ravished by
in Bethlehem. Thither he went to win her back again. Benjamites
Leaving Bethlehem together in the late afternoon, they
reached the hostile Jebus — now Jerusalem — in the even
ing. Preferring to trust the hospitality of a city of Israel,
they turned aside to Gibeah of Benjamin. Only a stranger,
however, would take them in. So far were the vile towns
men from playing the part of host that their horrible lust
had to be sated by the surrender of the concubine, whom
they did to death ere it was morning. Then in righteous
wrath at the infamy, unparalleled in Israel's history, the
Levite cut the woman in twelve pieces and sent her
throughout all the borders.
Then the whole congregation " of Israel, four hundred Israel re-
thousand men, mustered as one man in Mizpah of Ben- ^englan'ce.
jamin. The Levite told his tale before them, and asked n™^™1".
1 Altered to " Manasseh " in later times, which were offended by the trac- ,2Q\
ing of a priesthood, then regarded as idolatrous, to the grandson of Moses.
3 This date is probable, but not certain.
3 This story has been subjected to a priestly redaction, here marked in
bold type. Cf. pp. 125, 126. 137

Judges 20 : 8 The Messages of
their counsel, and as one man they vowed vengeance.
The Benjamites, who numbered about twenty-six thou
sand men, refused to deliver up the guilty ; so, after con
sulting the oracle, forth the men of Israel advanced against
them, Judah leading. In the first assault they were re
pulsed with a loss of twenty-two thousand men, and
again in a second, with a loss of eighteen thousand.
Then with tears, fasting and sacrifice, they consulted the
oracle again ; and success was assured them . This time
by strategy the men of Benjamin were defeated with a
loss of twenty-five thousand one hundred ' men. Their
cities were burned, and but few escaped.
Measures Not till the battle was over did Israel realize what they
seivethePr<^had done. To their sorrow a tribe was on the way to
tribe (21) extinction ; for they had solemnly vowed not to give their
daughters in marriage to the survivors of Benjamin, and
the women of Benjamin had all been slain. To preserve
the tribe, they sent a force to destroy the inhabitants of
Jabesh in Gilead for their refusal to take part in the
war, and to secure the maidens as wives for the men of
Benjamin. Yet even so there were not maidens enough.
Then they urged the Benjamites to seize the girls who
came out to dance in the vintage festival at the sanctuary
of Shiloh. Thus the tribe was preserved. All this was
in the rude days of the judges.
1 In the older story 18,000 (cf. v. 44).
138

the Historians Samuel

VII
COMPOSITION AND CONTENTS OF THE BOOKS OF
SAMUEL
The Books of Samuel, like those that precede them, are Duplicates
composite. Not to the same extent, however. There is at JjJ gamuei *
least one long section practically homogeneous (2 S. 9 to
20) ; but the compositeness of the remainder is rendered
certain by the presence of the usual duplicates and contra
dictions. Of the duplicates, the most striking is that in
which David waives his opportunity to take Saul's life
(1 S. 24 and 26), where the situation, the language, even
the metaphors are very similar, and there is no allusion in
the second narrative to the first, as there surely must have
been, had the occasions been different. A similar illustra
tion on a smaller scale is the two-fold, origin of the prov
erb : " Is Saul also among the prophets ? " *
Of the contradictions, the most conspicuous and impor- Contradic-
tant is that found in the conception of the monarchy. One "ons
source, the earlier — that, too, which represents Samuel as
a seer — regards the kingdom as a blessing and a gift of
Jehovah : the first king is anointed by divine commission
" to be prince over my people Israel, and he shall save my
people out of the hands of the Philistines." 3 The other
source regards the popular request for a king as an implicit
1 1 S. 10 : n and 19 : 24. 3 9 : 16.
139

Samuel The Messages of
rejection of Jehovah,1 and the monarchy as destined to
prove a vexation, if not a curse.5 Very striking, too, are
the mutually exclusive accounts of David's introduction to
Saul.3 In one he is a man of war (i S. 16 : 18) whom
Saul soon learns to love (v. 21). In the next chapter, he
is a shepherd apparently unacquainted with war (17 : 28)
and Saul knows nothing whatever about him (17 : 56). A
meeting of Saul and Samuel is recorded 4 after the definite
} announcement that Samuel saw Saul _no_more.* There
,-¦..-' are two conflicting traditions of the death of Goliath : one
that he was slain by David,6 the other, by Elhanan.' In
2 Samuel 14 : 27, Absalom has three sons ; in 18 : 18 he
has none. Further, there are two accounts of the death
of Saul : one that he committed suicide ; 8 the other that
he was slain by an Amalekite."
The various It is important to try to separate these sources ; and
when we have done so, we appear to be left with ultimate
elements of varying historical worth : a biography of Sam
uel, a very early biography of Saul which took quite a
favorable view of that monarch, a very early and, in large
part, extremely well-informed biography of David, and a
history written between two and three centuries later, when
the vexations and the religious impotence of the monarchy
1 8 : 7. 2 8 : 11 ff. 3 16 : 14-23 and 17 : 55-58. 4 19 : 24.
• 15 : 35. • 17 : 51. 7 2 S. 21 : 19. • 1 S. 31 : 4.
3 2 S. 1 : 10. Of course, the Amalekite's story may be a fiction, but it is
not necessary to suppose this. 140

the Historians Samuel
were beginning to be apparent. Even long after these
constituents were welded into a literary unity, the book
received some touches from a priestly hand, as we see from
i Samuel 6:15 with its belated introduction of the Levites
to do what had already been done (v. 14), and still more
clearly from the substitution of " all the Levites " for
" Abiathar" in 2 Samuel 15 : 24 (cf. w. 29, 35, and 17 :i5).
The last four chapters (2 S. 21 to 24) which interrupt the
connection between chapter 20 and 1 Kings 1 are clearly
no part of the original book. They contain two narra
tives, two psalms, and certain lists, and were no doubt
designed to preserve memorable material which had not
found a place in the history proper.
Samuel is the link that binds together the period of the Saul
judges and that of the monarchy. Himself a judge — on
one view at least — he launched Israel's first king on his
strange career. The graphic story of the Bible need not
be here anticipated ; only its more salient features may be
noticed. Saul seems, at the first glance, great enough to
found a monarchy. A splendid man physically, he has im
pressive qualities of heart to match. He must surely have
been a lovable man, for whose dead body the men of Jabesh
were willing to risk their lives, and over whom the man
whom he had hunted almost to the death sang the most
touching elegy that has ever celebrated human worth.
Yet the deliberate judgment of a later day was that God
had rejected him, and a study of his character confirms
141

Samuel The Messages of
the justice of that view. His undoubted power was para
lyzed by jealousy. He could not bear about him a younger
man who was his match or his superior. " Saul hath slain
his thousands, David his tens of thousands." Jealousy
bred suspicion ; suspicion, malice ; and this, working upon
his predisposition to melancholy, led him to ruin. Not
such as he could found a kingdom of God.
David Very different was the man whom Providence called to
that high honor. Not without tragic faults, yet a true
prince of God. Tender as a woman to the friend he
loves, generous to his foes, fearless in every venture and
resourceful in every difficulty, master of war and song —
all who come near him feel his strange charm. Brave
men will lay down their lives for him, if need be ; when his
fortunes are low, foreign soldiers are willing to stand by
him for better, for worse, and old men are glad to give him
of their best. Religion, too, is a great reality to this man
— how great we can see from his eagerness to build Jeho
vah a house, and from the deference he pays to the word
of the prophet. His hope is in God, therefore threatened
mutiny does not paralyze his initiative.1 His darkest hours
are brightened by his faith in God,2 who, he is convinced,
doeth all things well, and he meekly accepts his discipline.3
The hand that leads him through his fortunes is indeed very
stern. The consequences of his great sin pursue him like
an avenging spirit. But his countrymen were right when
1 1 S. 30 : 6. • 2 S. 16 : 12. 3 2 S. 16 : 10 and 15 : 25, 26.
142

the Historians i Samuel 2:15
they believed that it was he who was the chosen of Jeho
vah. Before him the national feeling created by Moses
had been gravely imperilled, if not almost destroyed, by
the disintegrated life of the period of the judges. It was
he who by his genius, both for war and peace, consoli
dated the scattered interests of the people, recreated the
nation, and gave them a not inconspicuous place among
the peoples of the world.

VIII
THE RISE OF THE MONARCHY
1. Samuel (1 S. 1 to 15)
(i) Samuel and the War with the Philistines (l to 7)
(a) Samuel's Birth and Call (1 : 1 to 4 : I")
During the priesthood of Eli and his sons at Jehovah's Birth and
sanctuary in Shiloh, Hannah, a devout woman, vexed unto „f Samuel0"
tears at her long barrenness, beloved by her husband, but ^
taunted by .his rival wife, and grievously misjudged by the
priest who watched her murmured prayer, was at last
blessed by God to be the mother of Israel's seer-prophet.
In her child Samuel she saw an answer to her prayer, and
when she had weaned him she gave him over to God's per
petual service in his house, in accordance with her vow.
Now Eli's sons were corrupt priests, claiming with in-
143

i Samuel 2 : 18

The Messages of

Foil to the
corrupt
priesthood(2 : 12-21)
Eli's inef
fectual re
buke
(2 : 22-26)

Prophetic threat of
doom. "Thoumayest be
no longer
steward "
(2 : 27-36)

Samuel'scall and
influence
(3 : 1 to 4 :
i»)

solent violence an unlawful share of the sacrifices. But
in touching contrast to their dread impiety was the gentle
ministration of the child Samuel.
The aged Eli did indeed remonstrate with his godless
sons. " What intercession," he urged, " could save a man
from the vengeance of offended God ? " But his words
fell upon heedless ears, and doom was inevitable. Far
other was it with Samuel, who grew in favor with God
and man.
A man of God announced divine judgment upon Eli's
house. " God," he said, " deals with men as they with
him. Impiously unfaithful to the priestly trust com
mitted to that house in Egypt, it would forfeit that trust,
and give place to a faithful priest? whose descendants
would abide before the king for ever, and from whom
Eli's posterity would be glad to earn a pittance by some
menial service in the sanctuary." a
In a day when divine voices were rare, God's call came
to Samuel, while yet a child, ministering in the sanctuary.
Thrice he failed to recognize as God's the voice which
called him, and whose call he instantly obeyed. But,
soon as he knew the voice to be God's, it uttered a clear
stern message of doom upon Eli's impious house. With

1 Zadok is in view, appointed by Solomon in the place of Abiathar (i K.
3 : 27).
3 Reference to the country priests after the reform of Josiah (cf. 2 K,
S3 : 9 ; Dt. 18 : 6-8). 144

the Historians i Samuel 5:7
devout resignation the old man heard God's word from
the trembling child lips. " It is Jehovah," said he, " let
him do what seemeth him good." As Samuel grew, all
Israel knew him to be a prophet of Jehovah whose word
was sure, and they flocked to Shiloh for the divine mes
sage that was his.
(b) War with the Philistines (4 : ib to 7 : 17)
Repulsed in battle with the Philistines (who had op- The defeat
pressed them in the days of Samson), Israel sought to *4 : lb"22*
ensure success in the future by bringing into battle the
ark of their God. Its coming rejoiced the Israelites, but
struck terror into the hearts of the Philistines who had
heard of the plagues with which this God had smitten the
Egyptians. Even the ark, however, did not save Israel
from crushing defeat ; it was itself captured, and the
wicked priests thereof were slain. Tremblingly did the
aged Eli wait for news of the ark ; and when he heard of
its capture, he fell back and died. His son's wife also died
in childbirth, in sorrow for her dead, for the captured ark
and the vanished glory of Israel. •
In triumph, the Philistines set the captured ark by the Jehovah's
side of their god Dagon, in his sanctuary at Ashdod ; but tafnedyiriUS*
in the morning, lo ! he lay broken and prostrate before ^lllstla-
Jehovah's ark in obeisance to a mightier than he. The
people, too, were plagued with tumors. Ascribing their
evil plight to the power of Israel's God, they sent the ark
MS

i Samuel 5:8 The Messages of
on to Gath and Ekron, where it worked still more havoc
and terror.
The ark re- On the advice of the Philistine diviners, loth to see their
rae"s to Is" people repeat the folly of Egyptian obstinacy, the ark was
(6: 1 to 7: 1) allowed to go back to the land of Israel with a trespass
offering by way of recompense — five golden tumors,1
one for each of the Philistine towns. It reached Bethshe-
mesh to the great joy of the harvesters, and the cattle that
drove the cart were offered in grateful sacrifice. But soon
the joy was overcast, for the indifference of certain men 3
provoked Jehovah to destroy some B of them. In their
terror of the holy and perilous presence of Jehovah, they
sent on the ark to Kirjath-jearim, where a certain Eleazar
was consecrated to keep it.
Samuel's in- Since, then, the ark was in the land again, Samuel
deUveranc'e seized the occasioti to prevail upon the people to give up
?£.'kepe°Ple all the foreign gods, and serve Jehovah only, and at a
great gathering summoned by the prophet the contrite
people confessed their sin. Their solemn gathering,
however, was troubled by the rumor of the Philistine
advance. But the prayer of Samuel was mightier than
1 The mice appear to represent another version of the plague, and con
sequently of the offerings. Both were subsequently combined, as we see
here, and still more clearly in the LXX.
3 The LXX has the interesting and probable reading : " the sons of Je-
coniah were not glad with the men of Bethshemesh."
3 50,070. Both the number and the grammar are suspicious ; probably
we should read only 70. 146

the Historians i Samuel 8:7
the alien hosts. For he interceded for his people on their
earnest entreaty, and in answer Jehovah with his thun
derstorm confounded the foe, and they were routed by
Israel. Samuel set up a stone in witness of Jehovah's
victory which secured peace for Israel from the Philistines
all his days ! 1 In divers sanctuaries did Samuel admin
ister justice, chiefly at his home in Ramah, where he had
built an altar to Jehovah.
(2) Israel's First King (8 to 15) *
A
In search of stray asses, a young man named Saul, of
mighty stature, chanced upon the spot where a sacred
B
Provoked by the venality of Samuel's sons, his success- The demand
ors in the administration of justice, the elders asked Sam- the rejectfon
uel to make them like their neighbors by appointing them °f Jehovah
a king. With a sore heart Samuel took their request to
God in prayer. For Jehovah was King of Israel : to ask
for another was to reject Jehovah himself ; and the choice
1 Not so the older sources (cf. 9 : 16 and 14 : 52).
3 The paraphrase, from this point to 2 S. 1, follows the analysis of Profess
or H. P. Smith, in the International Critical Commentary on Samuel. A
and B are themselves most probably the result of compilation. B, though
containing facts which, sometimes contradictory of A, are often quite com
patible with it, is obviously, in the main, the less historical of the two narra
tives.
147

i Samuel 9:1 The Messages of
A
The king a festival was about to be conducted by Samuel the proph-
iauUnouft- et> or " seer " as ne used t0 De called — one who for a fee
ed by Sam- woui(j reveal what men desired to know ; and the seer
uel (9 : 1 to 10: was led by a divine impulse to recognize in Saul the king
to be. For, in pity for his people galled by the Philistine
yoke, Jehovah had sent in him a captain to save them.
So this searcher for asses, after royal entertainment at
the hands of Samuel, was anointed king by the will of
God.
Saul among To reassure and confirm him, Samuel gave him three
*o:P™lo)ets signs, all full of meaning, but most of all the third. Ac
cording to this, he was to join a band of ecstatic proph-
B
of a human king would cost them many a sorrow. It
would mean the loss of liberty and land, and heavy tax
ation to maintain the court ; and no repentance could
avert this doom. But the people, heedless of Samuel's
expostulation, clamored for a king.
Saul ac- Samuel, reminding them publicly in Mizpah that their
(ioTi7-27)'s demand was at once an ingratitude and an apostasy, pro
ceeded to his fateful task. By the sacred lot, the king to
be was discovered — a modest man of mighty stature — and
his presence was hailed with shouts of royal welcome.
Now that a king had been appointed, the hoary Samuel,
whose work as judge was done, spoke his farewell words
148

the Historians i Samuel 12:17
A
ets, and, touched by their enthusiasm, he was, in the as
surance of divine help, to seize his opportunity to control
and guide it into a movement for the deliverance of his
people. The interview with Samuel made another man
of Saul. To the surprise of all — a surprise which passed
into a proverb ' — he joined the prophetic band, and was
touched by their spirit. But on his return, he said not a
word to his uncle about the kingdom.
Soon Saul's opportunity * came. The Ammonites at- The occa-
tacked Jabesh in Gilead and would accept its surrender ml", "saui*
only on barbarous terms. Jabesh appealed to Israel ; the ^JJ^lJj.1
people could answer only with the tears of despair. Saul, and is
* crowned
 king (11)
B
to the people. He asserted unchallenged his unswerving Samuel's
integrity. He reminded the people how, from the days of ^?^J. a ret.
old in Egypt on to his own day, God had always raised up ™sr5oScDtea"d
deliverers for them when they turned to him in penitence. (")
But lo ! in the terror of the recent Ammonite invasion
they had clamored for a king, forgetting that their God was
their king. Even yet, however, in spite of their wicked
demand for a king, all would be well if they would obey
and serve their God : but rebellion would call down his
judgment. In proof whereof, he appealed to the thunder
storm, which miraculously broke, at his word, from the
1 The proverb has another setting in 19 : 24. 3 Cf. 10 : 7.
149

I Samuel 11:7

The Messages of

Successfulattack on
the Philis
tines (13 : 1
7*. i5b-33 ;
14 : 1-23)

however, in the freshness of his new enthusiasm, peremp
torily summoned a levy of all Israel, attacked and utterly
routed the Ammonites.' Then in recognition of his king
ly deed, the people made him king 1 in Gilgal and held a
religious festival of coronation.
The king now set himself to his real task of expelling
the Philistines. His son Jonathan opened the war by a
successful attack on a Philistine garrison. The enemy
then ravaged the land in three directions, and Saul had but
six hundred men. Though the forces were thus reduced,"
however, the brave Jonathan was in no wise dispirited.
B
summer sky. In fear the people acknowledged their sin,
and entreated Samuel's intercession. He comforted them,
warned them against apostasy, and encouraged them by
reminding them of Jehovah's great purpose in making
them his people.3
Soon the truth of Samuel's words touching the king
1 " Renew the kingdom " (v. 14) is a redactional attempt to reconcile the
two versions of the story.
3 "And disarmed," this is the substance of verses 19-22. The text of
this section, however, is corrupt, and the section itself probably an interpo
lation. 3 This chapter is in the main, obviously Deuteronomic. It has not been
printed in italics, however, because it forms part of a history all of which is,
in its present form, late, though it could not all be strictly called Deutero
nomic. 15°

the Historians i Samuel 15:23
A
With complete confidence in Israel's God, who could save
by few as by many, and supported only by his armor-
bearer, he committed himself, at a given omen, to the per
ilous attack, and together they wrought havoc among the
foe. Then followed a heaven-sent panic which induced
Saul to consult the oracle and make the attack with his
main body without waiting for an answer — so opportune
was the moment — and his victory was complete.
To retain the manifest favor of Jehovah, Saul ordained The taboo
a fast for that day till sunset, and laid a curse upon any 4 * 24"35'
who ate food. Jonathan, who had not heard his father's
B
proved too fatally clear. In the name of Jehovah, he had The rejec-
bidden Saul devote to destruction the whole of Amalek, (15 : 1-23)
man and beast, for their ancient unkindness to Israel,1
warning the friendly Kenites '' to depart. Saul, however,
in wilful disobedience to the divine word, spared the king
and the best of the cattle, and defended himself from the
rebuke of Samuel by an absurd evasion. For his dis
obedience — a sin as dread as soothsaying — Samuel sol
emnly pronounced his rejection by the God whose word
he had rejected.3
1 Cf. Ex. 17 : 8-16. 3 Cf. Jud. 1 : i6.
3 Another and less satisfactory version of the rejection — though the two
have much in common — is to be found in 13 : 7b-i5a. There Saul, after
waiting the time appointed by Samuel, offered sacrifice himself. The ground
151

i Samuel 14:27 The Messages of
A
curse, partook of some tempting honey. The long fast had
impaired the fighting vigor of the troops, to the sorrow of
the outspoken Jonathan ; and at sunset, the famished men
flew upon the captured animals, and devoured them —
blood and all, which was sinful ; for the blood was Je
hovah's and should have been poured out to him. So the
scrupulous Saul erected a stone altar and had the animals
slaughtered there, that Jehovah might get his portion.
Jonathan Before renewing the attack, Saul consulted the oracle,
theVpeeropieby at the suggestion of the priest ; but there was no response.
from death xhen Saul knew that there was sin somewhere ; so he
(14 : 36-46,
52)  — 
B
Saul's un- Fervently did Saul confess his sin and entreat pardon. For
availing con- answer Samuel pronounced the same stern words of doom, and
(15 : 24-31) turned to go. In despair, Saul caught hold of his skirt, and it
rent. " Even so," said Samuel, " hath the immutable God of
Israel rent thy kingdom and given it to thy neighbor, who is bet
ter than thou. " But he left him the semblance of kingly honor.1
Samuel de- Then, sword in hand, Samuel himself at the sanctuary
t° alstruc-8 executed upon the surviving king of Israel's foes the cruel
tion
(15 : 32-35) of his rejection in not "keeping the commandment of Jehovah," is not
very intelligible, as he kept the only commandment given, at least recorded,
v. 8.
1 This section, which is unnecessary to the sense, and perhaps contradicts
the context (cf. v. 29 with v. n), may be an interpolation. Samuel's slaugh
ter of Agag would fitly follow his word of doom.
iS2

the Historians I Samuel 17 : 10
A
sternly set himself by the use of the lot ' to find out the
sinner, and lo ! it was Jonathan, who by his eating had
fallen under Saul's curse. The father would have had him
slain ; but the people, knowing that to him, under God,
the victory was due, saved him. The Philistines then re
tired. But there continued to be sore war between them
and Israel, all the days of the life of Saul ; and whenever
Saul saw any mighty man, it was his custom to attach
him to his body-guard.
Saul waged divers wars and was victorious against his Saul's wars
enemies on every side, and Abner was his general. He(I4:4W)
B
judgment which he deserved. Thus far the ban was com
pleted ; and Saul and Samuel parted.
Saul had been rejected : the destined man is David. David
„ , , . , ,.,,,., anointed
Once more it is Samuel who is charged with the high (16:1-13)
mission of finding and anointing the king. Against his
judgment and expectation, he was divinely led to the
choice of David, the youngest son of Jesse, a ruddy shep
herd boy. From the day of David's anointing the spirit
of Jehovah came upon him.
Now the Philistines invaded Israel, and their giant His victory
champion Goliath offered a challenge to single combat ™: z °0'a
18 : 5)
1 The LXX of v. 41 makes it clear that the Urim and the Thummim
were the means employed. iS3

i Samuel 14:49 The Messages of
A
had also sons and daughters whose names bore witness
to his piety.1 2. Saul and David (1 S. 16 to 2 S. 1)
David at the Saul was afflicted with a mental malady, and his ser-
(°6 •' 23) vants recommended him to procure a skilful minstrel to
soothe and heal the distemper. Such an one he found in
the warrior David, the wise and comely. Saul loved him
and was soothed by his minstrelsy.
Saul's at- David's military success, extolled by the women in song,
ridof Da™i roused the anger and jealousy of Saul, and he sought to
(18 : 6-30) get j-j^ 0f ,-jjg man wh0m he feared.2 So first he gave him
B
which threw Israel — king and people — into consternation.3
But David accepted the challenge and sought to sustain
Saul's heart by tales of his shepherd life, in which many a
1 This section has all the appearance of having stood later in the original
narrative. V. 52 follows 46, and appears to be immediately followed by
16 : 14-23.
3 Vv. 10, 11, duplicate and anticipate 19 : 9, 10. Besides being psycholog
ically inappropriate at so early a stage, they are omitted in a very impor
tant MS. of the LXX (Vatican).
3 The Greek MS., which omits 18 : 10, 11, also omits 17 : 12-31, together
with 17 : 55 to 18 : 5 and also 18 : 17-19 which depends upon 17 : 25. With
those omissions, most of the inconsistencies of the narrative disappear. The
omitted passages were probably taken from a lost biography of David, and
inserted, at a late date, in the books of Samuel.
154

the Historians i Samuel 19:4
A
a perilous post of honor in the army. Then, as that but
added fresh lustre to his name, he took advantage of his
daughter. Michal's affection for him, to expose him to the
risk of a raid on the Philistines; but again he was tri
umphant. So Saul gave her to him in marriage.
On his wedding night the jealous king sent men to slay David es-
him : but, by the ready wit of his wife, who substituted for (fo™ ,.,7j
him an oracular image, he made good his escape unarmed.
On reaching Nob, a sanctuary near Jerusalem, he induced David is re-
the startled priest, by his adroitness and his regard for the Anlmdech
demands of religion, to give him some bread, consecrated Jhe pnest
though it was, and Goliath's sword.
B
time he had slain a lion and a bear ; the living God who
had delivered him then, would surely deliver him now, he
said, from this profane uncircumcised braggart, who defied
his hosts. With no weapons, then, but sling and stones and
faith in Jehovah the God of Israel's hosts, who could save
without sword or spear, he laid the giant low and showed
the world that Israel had a God. The Philistines were
utterly routed.
Saul, however, incited Jonathan and all his servants to Saul's en-
remove David by assassination. But Jonathan, who loved Jonathan's
David, woke a tender chord in his father's heart, by re- ^cession
minding him of the service he had rendered the people in (J9 : w)
155

i Samuel 22:1 The Messages of
A
He and his Then he betook hirri to a stronghold in western Judah,
Aduiiam where he gathered about him a band of desperate and
<22 : J, 2> embittered men.
The murder Saul, upbraiding his courtiers for their foolish and dis-
°^(n^p"^s.ts loyal interest in David, the penniless adventurer, was at
mand of once informed by Doeg that David had received practical
(22 : 6-23) aid and religious guidance from the priest at Nob. Ahim-
elech admitted the charge, but avowed the innocence of
his intention and the loyalty of David. Nevertheless, he
and all the priests of the city were slain in cold blood, at
the command of Saul, by Doeg ; for the body-guard re
fused, deeming the priests inviolable. Only one escaped
B
slaying Goliath. So for the time, David was continued at
court.1 1 This seems to be a duplicate of the story in ch. 20, though that chapter
cannot easily be fitted into the other document, any more than into this one.
It may originally have belonged to a separate biography, such as that which
we found to be represented in the Hebrew of chs. 17 and 18, though ab
sent from the Greek. It will be noticed that in ch. 20, as against 19 : 1-7,
Jonathan's friendship is unavailing. The substance of the chapter is as fol
lows: "David disclosed to the trusty Jonathan his father's murderous designs
against him. Jonathan, unwilling to believe it, yet vowed to do all he could
for him in accordance with their plighted troth (cf. 18 : 1-5). They planned
that David should go into hiding for a day or two, and that Jonathan
should pretend to his father that he had gone to keep a sacred festival of his
clan at Bethlehem. This excuse would test Saul's attitude toward him,
and, by a preconcerted sign, Jonathan was to indicate to David whether to
156

the Historians i Samuel 19:24
A
— Abiathar ; David, the cause of the slaughter, vowed to
protect him, and in this way came to have access to the
oracle. After consulting the oracle, David attacked and de- Saul hunts
feated the Philistines who were plundering Keilah. There Davld to)
the implacable Saul purposed to capture him ; but, by the
advice of the oracle, he retired with his band to the wil
derness.1 Again did Saul, being informed of his where
abouts, seek to hunt him down, and all but had him ; but
he was miraculously preserved by another Philistine raid,
which called off the attention of Saul.
Hearing that the wealthy Nabal was holding festival at
B
Subsequent successes of David, however, so inflamed Saul's at-
Saul's jealousy that he hurled his spear at him with intent Da^d'Tiife,
to pin him to the wall ; but David escaped to Samuel's *"c'!l°ato'd's
home in Ramah, where he was miraculously protected Ramah (19 :
8-10, 18-24)
from the vmdictiveness of Saul.
flee or stay. At Jonathan's plea for David's absence, Saul's jealous anger
blazed forth, and he cast a spear at his son. In sorrow and wrath, Jon
athan went forth and gave David the sign for instant flight." Vv. 40-42
are a certain interpolation. The terms of the preceding verses, rightly un
derstood, imply that Jonathan dare not be seen in David's company.
1 Vv. 15-18, describing the interview and covenant between Jonathan and
David, appear to be an interpolation. The covenant has already been
made : 20 : 8, cf. 18 : 3. iS7

I Samuel 25 : 5 The Messages of

The ways of the sheep-shearing, David requested some provision from
his"bandn him for his band, urging that, so far from plundering his
AbiSiUnd shepherds, as they might have done, his men had actually
Ahinoam protected them. The churlish Nabal insolently refused.
At once David and his men girt on their swords for ven
geance. But Abigail, the wife of Nabal, with prompt and
gracious tact, disarmed his wrath by bringing a costly
present, and expressing a desire for his welfare, with the
hope that she would be remembered when he came to his
own. In her coming David saw a divine interposition,
and also in the death of the " foolish " Nabal,1 which
B
He flees to Thence he passed to Achish, King of Gath. The Philis-
(21': 10-15) l'ne courtiers, however, were naturally suspicious of the
Removes his s'aver °1 Goliath, and prudence compelled him to leave.'
parents to For safety, David put his parents in charge of the king
(22 : 3-5) of Moab.
Spares Saul No sooner was Saul returned from his pursuit of the
Philistines than he renewed his hunt of David. But Je
hovah was preserving him ; and Saul fell into David's power
so completely that he could have slain him at a blow, and
he had much to do to restrain his men. But he would
1 V. 25. Nabhal (fool) is his name, and nebhalah (folly) is with him.
3 This section is parallel to ch. 27 in the main fact of David's appearance
at the court of Achish.
158

the Historians i Samuel 24:22
A
speedily followed his debauch. Then David took Abigail
to wife, and also Ahinoam, Saul having given Michal to
another. David spared Saul's life when Abishai was eager to
take it (26).1
In ceaseless terror of his life, David offered his services David
and those of his band to the Philistine Achish. Receiv- Achfsh of
ing from him a border town, Ziklag, he waged extermi- ^fdth^ins hi3
nating war on the neighboring Bedawin tribes ; but, by pre- confidence
tending that his raids were really upon the clans of Judah, 28 :'*)
he so won the confidence of Achish that that king sum-
B
not put forth his hand against Jehovah's anointed. He
trusted in God to justify and finally deliver him, content
ing himself with carrying off a trophy which proved what
he might have done ; and even for that his heart accused
him. His unexpected magnanimity moved Saul to tears,
and something of his old nobleness gleams through his
contrite words. Foreseeing that the future lay with David,
he entreated him to spare his posterity, and not blot out
his name ; and David sware.3
When Samuel was dead, the Philistines mustered their
1 Duplicated in ch. 24.
3 This chapter is parallel in the main to 26, which is probably the older
source.
159

i Samuel 28:1

The Messages of

David is
finally dis
missed (29)

Amalekites
attackZiklag.David re
covers the
spoil (30 : 1-20)

The end of
disobedience
is death.
Saul's doom
pronounced by the shade
of Samuel
(28 : 3-25)

moned his aid for the projected war with Israel, and made
him captain of his body-guard. David guardedly prom
ised to let his power be felt.
He accompanied the Philistines to the plain of Es
draelon. But his presence excited the not unnatural sus
picion and anger of the Philistine lords, who compelled
Achish, despite his assertions of David's fidelity, reluct
antly and courteously to dismiss him.1
So David returned to Ziklag, only to find that the town
had been burnt and the women and children captured —
as he providentially learned — by the Amalekites who had
attacked Philistia and Judah. A threatened mutiny of his
B
hosts, and in terror Saul sought the will of God ; but
there came no answer, through dream or priest or prophet.
Then in despair he betook him to a witch — he who had
erstwhile sought to root out all such — that through her
he might wring a word of counsel from the dead Samuel.
Howbeit, no word had he, when he rose, for the God
forsaken king, but one of stern doom for the old dis
obedience — defeat and death. Then, sore against his will,
the troubled king was constrained to take a morsel of
food, and forth he fared in the night to his doom.
1 This departure is clearly a parallel to that implied in 21 : 10-15. It is
similarly motived in both cases. The other story sets David in a less
pleasing light. 160

the Historians 2 Samuel 2 : 7
A
own men did not daunt the heart of David, for his trust
was in his God. With all speed he consulted the oracle,
overtook and routed the foe, recovering all that had been
lost, with much booty.
Now some of the unprincipled spirits who had taken The law of
part in the pursuit, proposed that those who had been too ^%i-3i)
faint to help them should have no share in the booty. But
David rebuked the proposal as an injustice and an ingrat
itude to the God who had graciously given them the vic
tory ; henceforth it became the law — that all should share
alike.1 Out of the spoil, David sent presents to the neigh
boring clans, with a view to securing their friendship.
B
For in the battle on Gilboa Israel was defeated and The doom
Saul took his own life. The Philistines put his armor fulfiUed (3l)
in the temple of their goddess, and fastened his headless
body to a wall ; but the men of Jabesh, whom Saul had
succored on the threshold of his career, with the boldness
of gratitude, stole his body from the insolent foe and
buried the bones in their own town with mourning.
When David heard of it, he invoked a blessing on them, David
j . . ^ .. ., blesses the
and promised to requite them. men of
1 This law, here conceived as rising out of David's ruling, is characteris- (<?s . t, .
tically carried back by the priestly historian to Mosaic precedent (Num. ' ^
31 : 27). It is interesting, however, to find that there, too, it is associated
with a historical or quasi- historical incident. The two passages throw sug
gestive light on the origin of Israel's legislation, and its relation to history.
l6l

2 Samuel i : i The Messages of
A
The death It was Amalek that had lately wronged David ; and it
(a If": 1-18) was an Amalekite that brought to him in Ziklag word of
the issue of the battle of Israel against the Philistines, and
of the death of Saul and Jonathan : Saul, he said, he had
slain with his own hand. But not welcome were these
tidings to the noble soul of David. In grief and anger,
he had the stranger put to death, for that he had destroyed
Jehovah's anointed ; ' and he lamented over Saul and his
beloved Jonathan in an elegy that is preserved in the
Book of the Brave.
3. King David (2 S. 2 to 1 K. 2)
(1) In Hebron (2 S. 2 to 4)
David, King On the advice of the. oracle, David and his soldier band
(2 : i-4«) went up to Hebron, where the men of his own tribe, Judah,
anointed him their king.
Struggle be- Saul had perished, but not his kingdom ; for his son,
IndTshbaai Ishbaal,' supported by Abner, Saul's general, maintained
(2 : 8 to 3 : 1) jt ;n northern Israel, while David enjoyed the allegiance
of Judah. Thus war between the rival kings was inev-
1 Cf. 24 : 6, 10 and 26 : 9, 11, 16, 23.
2 This, which means " man of Baal," was certainly his original name (cf.
1 Chr. 8 : 33). In earlier times, Jehovah could also be called Baal. In 1 S.
14 : 49, this same man is called Ishvi, which stands for " man of Jehovah."
But later ages, to which the word Baal was distasteful (cf. Hos. 2 : 16, 17),
usually turned it into "bosheth" (= shame) when it appeared in proper
names. So here " man of shame." 162

the Historians 2 Samuel 3:34
itable. In the battle of Gibeon, David's men were vic
torious ; but in the pursuit the fleet Asahel, brother of
David's general Joab, was slain by Abner, though not
without repeated warning ; for Abner was loth to provoke
the blood feud that must follow. Pressed by the long
pursuit, Abner called on the relentless Joab to stay his
men ; it were a horrible thing to wipe out a brother clan.
So he checked the pursuit. The armies disbanded to
their respective quarters with heavy loss on Israel's side ;
and David's cause grew stronger and stronger.
During the war, Abner usurped Ishbaal's royal pre- Abner slain
rogative by taking to himself one of Saul's concubines, ^.-fco)
Irritated by Ishbaal's remonstrance, he at once offered
to procure for David Israel's allegiance — an offer which
David accepted on condition that his former wife Michal
be restored to him ; ' and David dismissed Abner in peace.
But, peace notwithstanding, the stern Joab, boldly up
braiding the king for failing to avenge his slain kinsman,3
and imputing treachery to Abner's offer, cunningly slew
him and so avenged his brother. David was sorely grieved
at the death of this his former foe. With tears and fast
ing, he protested his own innocence, invoked a curse on
the murderer's house, and in an elegy lamented the hero
who had met so dishonored a doom. Custom was in-
1 This might further help to cement the bond between the two kingdoms.
2 Nephew. Abishai, Joab, and Asahel were sons of Zeruiah, David's
sister (i Chr. 2 : 16). 163

2 Samuel 3 : 37

The Messages of

Ishbaalassassinated
(4)

David king
over all
Israel
(S : i-5)
Philistine
attack and
defeat(5 : i7-25,
and 21 : 15-
22)

David'scapture of
Jerusalem :
growing sue
cess (5 : 6-
16; 3 : 2-5)

deed on the side of the murderer ; but " may Jehovah,"
he prayed, " requite the evildoer ! "
Ishbaal's cause was now tottering. The heir next to
him, Meribbaal,1 Jonathan's son, was a cripple. Two gue
rilla captains seized their opportunity to remove the feeble
king. They stole upon him while taking his siesta, assas
sinated him, and carried his head in triumph to David.
But they had reckoned without their host. For reward,
David had them slain, mutilated and hanged, and the
head of Ishbaal was buried in Abner's tomb.
(2) In Jerusalem (2 S. 5 to I K. 2)
(a) Years of Prosperity (2 S. 5 to 10)
Union was now possible. The elders of Israel offered
David their allegiance in Hebron, and anointed him king
over Israel.
Naturally this union excited the alarm of the Philistines,
who advanced to the valley of Rephaim, near Jerusalem.
Twice, by the help of Jehovah, they were repulsed by
David, who attacked on the advice of the oracle ; and four
of David's mighty men slew four Philistine champions in
single combat.
This campaign, however, made it clear that if the two
kingdoms were to be really one, Jerusalem, then the
mighty stronghold of the Jebusites, must be taken.
1 His real name (cf . 1 Chr. 8 : 34 ; 9 : 40) changed to Mephibosheth.
note on Ishbaal, p. 162. 164

See

the Historians 2 Samuel 6

23

Taunted by its defenders, David assailed and took the
all but impregnable fortress and called it the city of
David. His growing success won him the friendship
of the trading King of Tyre, and was marked by an
increase of his harem beyond that which he had en
joyed in Hebron.
Now that David had a capital, he was eager to find a Removal of
place therein for the recognition of Jehovah, the God of j^ilem
Israel's hosts. So he planned to bring the ark up thither (6 : 1-I9)
from the place where it was. ' The rejoicings were worthy
of the great occasion ; but soon they were overcast. An
accident on the way cost the life of Uzzah the overbold,
and David, in fear of the inscrutable Jehovah, would take
the ark no farther then, but turned it aside to the house
of one of his Philistine body-guard. The manifest bless
ing that fell upon this man's house rekindled David's hope
and purpose, and with great gladness the ark was brought
up to the city of David. The king blessed the people, and
dismissed them to their homes with gifts of food.
The public rejoicing, however, was marred by domestic Michal's
bitterness. Michal met her husband with words of sar- (tl"*^)
casm for the shamelessness into which the excess of his joy
had betrayed him. It was, replied David, religious joy — in
honor of the God who had chosen him above her father ;
his zeal would not be misunderstood. From that day
Michal was childless. 1 1 S. 7 : 1.
165

2 Samuel 8 : i The Messages of
David's By the help of Jehovah, David's arms were successful
(8 : 1-14) on every side — against Philistia, Moab, Aram,1 Edom, and
elsewhere.2 The spoil he dedicated to the God who had
prospered him.
David's Besides being ruler in war, he also superintended the
(8 : 15-18) administration of justice, and court officials presided over
various departments of state.
Promise of David now resolved to build a worthy house for the
fnglcmgdom God who had given him victory and rest ; and at first he
(7) received the approval of Nathan the prophet whom he
consulted. But afterward Nathan was divinely commis
sioned to forbid him. Jehovah desired no such house
from David — such was Nathan's message; but, in contin
uance of his past abounding kindness to him and his
people, he would build David a house, even a dynasty
that would know no end. He would himself be a father
to his seed, chastising their sin in love ; but his mercy
would never depart from them, and the kingdom would
1 Syria in the English Bible is Aram in Hebrew (cf. w. 5, 6) and
"Syriac" is "Aramaic" (cf. 2 K. 18 : 26 R. V. marg.). The English
translation is misleading, as Syria, in the O. T., is not used in its modern
sense, to cover the region bounded by Mount Taurus on the north, the
Mediterranean on the west, and the desert on the east and south, but
denotes a region which includes the northern part of Mesopotamia, and
borders upon Palestine. (Cf. Gen. 31 : 44-52. Laban was an Aramean.)
In Israel's history, Damascus usually, as here, plays the chief role among
the Aramean States.
3 This list is duplicated in 20 : 23-26, where the passage marks the end of
David's reign. 166

the Historians 2 Samuel 11:2
be established forever . Then David offered to Jehovah
a brief prayer of gratitude for his gracious promise for
the days to come, as for the mighty redemption of days
gone by, for his choice of Israel, and for the sure word
that he would indeed bless and establish his house for
ever. " Be it indeed so," he prayed, " and great be the
name of Israel's God forever."
Now that David's authority was established, he longed David's
to show a kindness for Jonathan's sake ' to any surviving jonatna'n's
member of the house of Saul, and after zealous inquiry, son to)
he found that Jonathan's son, the cripple Meribbaal, was
still alive. With kingly generosity, he restored to him the
whole of Saul's large estate, and gave him a place at his
own table.
Once more did David show his kingly heart, in that he War with
sent a message of condolence to the bereaved King of kingTea'ches
Ammon, in grateful memory of his father's former kind- f^1™1^
ness. But the ill-advised king insulted David's messen
gers, and provoked a war. The Ammonites summoned the
Arameans to their aid ; but by the strategy of Joab their
combined forces were routed.
(b) The Trail of David 's Sin (2 S. 11 to 1 K. 2)
On the anniversary of the insult, David sent Joab to be- Virtues of
siege the Ammonite capital, but he himself stayed in Jeru- vices^f
salem. There he conceived a guilty passion for the fair P^f^,d 12)
1 In accordance with his vow in 1 S. 20 : 15-17.
167

2 Samuel 11:4 The Messages of
David's Bathsheba, wife of one of his foreign soldiers. To con-
comphcityln ceal his sin, he summoned her husband from the siege,
(jjf™^ but twice this true warrior refused to yield to the tempta
tion, set with so base a cunning. Not to be foiled, David
sent him back to the siege with a letter charging Joab,
under the semblance of doing him honor, to expose him
to special peril. The cruel plan succeeded and Uriah
fell. Then David, with a hypocritical comment on the
chances of war, made Bathsheba his wife, and she bare
him a son.
The proph- But the thing that David had done displeased his God,
(iiY^bto who made his voice heard through Nathan the prophet.
12 : i5») Nathan's parable led the guilty king unwittingly to pro
nounce upon himself the word of doom. His conduct, said
the prophet, had betrayed ungrateful contempt of Jehovah,
and would be punished in kind — not secretly, as he had
sinned, but before the eyes of all his people. Then the
king confessed his sin, and the prophet declared that God
had taken it away ; it must, however, work death, though
not for him, yet for the child.
The penalty Not all David's entreaty and penance could avert the
• IS '2S> judgment. When at last the child died, he arose, with
brave resignation, to the surprise of his servants, and went
to Jehovah's house and worshipped. In place of the lost
child was born to Bathsheba another, even Solomon, the
beloved of Jehovah.
The siege of the Ammonite capital proceeded amain.
168

the Historians 2 Samuel 14:11
At length it fell before David, and much spoil, including The defeat
the crown of the god,1 was taken. David set the inhab- (I2 : 26-31)
itants to forced labor,3 and returned to Jerusalem.
Like father, like son. The tragedy of David's passion Tamar's
repeated itself in Ammon, who, aided by his cunning Tvenged on
cousin, violated his half sister Tamar — a folly unworthy Abs2om!>y
of an Israelite— and then sent her cruelly away. David, %b?(tbe?
though exceedingly angry, was loth to grieve his first-born
son 3 by harsh measures. Absalom, however, Tamar's
full brother, nursed hopes of vengeance for two long years,
and finally, at a sheep-shearing festival to which he had
invited all the king's sons, had Ammon slain, to the in
tense grief of David ; for thus he lost not only his first
born son, but also his darling Absalom, who fled to his
royal grandfather,4 whose kingdom lay to the northeast of
Israel. Joab, seeing how the king's heart was toward Absa- Absalom
lom, and interested in his return for reasons of his own, backhand
sent to the king a wise woman of Tekoa with a feigned ^"j^^
tale of the risk of death to which her first-born son was
exposed by the clan law of blood-revenge — a tale which
moved the king to a solemn oath to save her son from
the avengers. Why then— she went on with a compli-
1 The Hebrew consonants for " Milcom," the god of the Ammonites, and
"their king," are the same. The weight of the crown makes the former
interpretation certain, supported as it is by the LXX.
3 Or less probably " tortured them."
3 So the LXX of v. 21. 4 Cf. 3 : 3-
169

2 Samuel 14 : 13 The Messages of
ment to the king's discernment — why then will he not
save his son by recalling him from banishment, as Ammon
is dead and nothing can bring him back again? The
shrewd king rightly suspected that Joab was behind the
woman's word ; and, turning to him, he gave him leave
to bring Absalom back, which he gratefully did. But
Absalom was not suffered to see the king's face for two
whole years, when at last, by a bold stroke, he prevailed
upon the reluctant Joab to intercede for him. The king
then gave his son the kiss of reconciliation.
Absalom's By the fitfulness of his dealing, however, David had
Davfd's and forfeited the confidence of Absalom, who now began to
flight (15) scheme for the throne, winning the people by fair prom
ises of better and speedier justice, if he were made king ;
and this went on for four ' years, until finally he stole the
hearts of the men of Israel. Then, on a religious pretext,
he went to David's old capital, Hebron, and from there
fomented a conspiracy throughout the whole country,
securing for it the willing support of Ahithophel, a coun
sellor of David, Bathsheba's grandfather.2 Surprised by
the news, David hastened to leave Jerusalem, followed by
a devoted band of servants ; his foreign body-guard, who
refused David's chivalrous suggestions to leave him, the
weeping populace, and the priests. But, bowing before
the will of God, he sent back these last with the ark to
1 In v. 7, " four! " for " forty," by a very easy change.
3 Cf. n : 3 and 23 : 34. 170

the Historians 2 Samuel 17 : 24
the city, where their services might be useful. It was a
sad procession up Mount Olivet — king and people in tears.
Hushai, who joined him, he entreated to go back to the
city and confound the counsel of the treacherous Ahitho-
phel. This turn of affairs revived the slumbering hopes of Benjamite
Saul's clan, and Meribbaal's servant came to David with a David °£
plausible story that his master had cast off his allegiance *l6 : I_,+'
to the king. Still more painfully obvious was the clan's
hatred of David in the unchivalrous virulence of Shimei,
which David would not avenge, but bore in resignation
and hope ; for was it not the will of God ?
Then Absalom and his supporters went to the capital, Absalom's
where he was joined by Hushai, who pretended to see in to"thethro™
the new movement the hand of God. On the sage 'l6 : 15"23'
Ahithophel's counsel, Absalom took a step which indi
cated his assumption of the throne ; ' and the break was
now complete.
Ahithophel now recommended immediate pursuit ; but, Ahithopel
in accordance with David's desire, Hushai foiled his plan David
by a counterproposal which was adopted by the infatuat- j™^ f^\
ed Absalom. Ahithophel, foreseeing the now inevitable
failure of Absalom's cause, committed suicide. David and
his forces, gaining time, crossed to the east of the Jordan,
followed by his rebel son ; and there he received valuable
1 Cf. 3 : 7 and i K. 2 : 22. Thus was the word of Nathan fulfilled (12 :
11, 12). 171

2 Samuel 17 : 27

The Messages of

The battle :
the death of
Absalom
(18)

David
reinstatedin popular
favor (19: 1-15)

Tokens of
loyalty(19 : 16.40)

and touching tokens of loyalty from eastern chiefs, one of
them an alien.
David set his troops in array ; but they would not allow
him to risk his own person. In the hard battle which
followed, Absalom was routed and thousands fell. In
spite of David's strict charge to the three commanders to
deal gently with his child, Joab slew him in cold blood,
and his death ended the battle. The news of victory was
swiftly brought to the expectant David by a priest's son
and a negro ; only the latter had the heart to speak of
Absalom's doom, whereupon David burst out into uncon
trollable grief.
For this he was brusquely rebuked by a few plain words
from Joab. The reappearance of the king woke in the
men of Israel the memory of his old services, and they
urged his recall. But David would fain have his own clan
of Judah take the first step ; so they came as one man to
Gilgal to meet him, led by Amasa, Absalom's late com
mander, to whom David promised the command of Joab.
David's success appearing to be now assured, Shimei
with a large body of Saul's clan speedily tendered a cring
ing submission, which David magnanimously accepted on
oath. Meribbaal, too, whose allegiance his servant had
slanderously challenged, came to renew his assurance of
loyalty. The hoary chief, Barzillai, who had aided him
when his fortunes were low,1 came, despite his great age,

172

the Historians 2 Samuel 20 : 22

to conduct him, knightly- wise, over the Jordan ; but he
refused David's invitation to stay with him at the capital,
preferring to die and be buried among his own people.
With a parting kiss from the king, Barzillai returned
home. Scarce was the struggle ended when strife again broke Strife
out between Judah and Israel. Israel, the larger people, Israel and
which had spoken the first word of recall, was jealous of f™"1?^ to
David's preference for Judah. So rebellion flamed forth2o:3)
again, and again it was headed by a man of Saul's tribe,
who led Israel ; but Judah clave to the king.
Seeing that no time must be lost, and chafing under the The
delay of Amasa, David started Abishai in pursuit of the crushed
rebels, in the course of which Joab, chancing upon his rival ^20 : 4"22'
Amasa, treacherously slew him in cold blood. The pur
suit was kept up as far as Abel in the extreme north, which
was only saved from the horrors of a siege by the bold
counsel of a wise woman, who urged that the head of the
chief rebel be thrown over the wall ; and with that the re
bellion ended.1
1 For the interesting and instructive interpolation, chs. 21 to 24, cf. p.
141. Besides the poems and lists it contains Two Tales of Calamity :
(1) An Ancient Atonement or Saul's Sin avenged on his Sons (21 : 1-14).
Jehovah, who avenges all broken vows, had sent a famine upon the land, in
chastisement — as the oracle said —for the sin of Saul in seeking to extermi
nate the friendly Gibeonites. To turn away Jehovah's wrath, David ac
ceded to the demand of the Gibeonites that seven of Saul's sons should be
hanged ; for the sins of the fathers are visited upon the children. Thus
173

7 Kings i : i The Messages of
A palacein- David was now old and weak, and Adonijah, the heir
S«ssionhof apparent,1 supported by Joab and Abiathar, old and de-
?ol£m°? voted servants of the king, the princes all but Solomon,
and many of the people,2 seized his opportunity at a
sacred feast to lay his plans for the succession. This gave
Nathan and Bathsheba the opening which they wanted to
scheme for Solomon. With much skill they insinuated
that Adonijah could not have gone so far without David's
own consent, and that this consent was a violation of his
Jehovah was propitiated. Touched by the heroism of Rizpah's love, David
united the family in death by burying together the bones of father and sons
in the family grave.
(2) Pride and Penitence or David's Census and its Results (24). Once
more Jehovah was angry ; for David, in his pride, had had a census taken
of his people. The proposal had offended even the feeling of Joab, and
David must be made to learn that all power is of God. No sooner was the
census over than the pestilence fell. Then David's heart smote him; he
saw (as in 21 : r, where the famine led him to feel that there was wrong some
where) and confessed his sin, praying that it might fall upon himself and not
upon his innocent people. So the pestilence was stayed, ere it touched
Jerusalem; and on the alien ground, where Jehovah's grace had been mani
fested, David raised an altar, and offered a sacrifice of thanksgiving — a
sacrifice which cost (This difficult chapter needs some rearrangement ;
v. 17, e.g., is clearly out of place. Possibly, too, 10-14 *s a later section.)
Between these narratives stand the psalms (1), a triumphant song of grati
tude for all God's gracious deliverances (ch. 22=Ps. 18). (2) A last song
whose theme is that " the throne which by the grace of God, he had held with
justice, would endure for ever, while the wicked would perish '* (23 : 1-7).
This psalm is followed by a list : Thirty mighty men had David, three ex
ceeding brave, who risked their lives for the king they loved, though he
nobly refused a gift that cost so dear and offered it to God (23 : 8-39).
1 Cf. 2 S. 3 : 4. Chileab appears to have died. 2 2 : 15.
174

the Historians 7 Kings 2 : 9
solemn promise to Bathsheba,1 that Solomon would be his
successor. Indignant at Adonijah's seeming intrigue,
David, with a solemn oath, took steps that very day to
have Solomon proclaimed king amid the acclamations of
the people, to the great satisfaction of Zadok and Benaiah,
the rivals of Abiathar and Joab, and of the foreign body
guard. The sounds of jubilation startled Adonijah and
his guests ; still more, the news that Solomon was king,
and the company dispersed. Adonijah fled for his life to
the protection of the altar. Solomon released him with
an ambiguous promise and banished him from the court.
As David's end drew near, he charged Solomon to keep David's last
the commandments of Jehovah as written in the law^ff*^
of Moses, for on that his throne depended: and further
to take vengeance on Joab for the blood of Abner and
Amasa, to show kindness to the children of Barzillai who
came to his aid in dark days, and to take vengeance on
Shimei, who in those same days had cursed him.* David
4 A promise unrecorded, if indeed ever given.
2 Many critics regard this whole section as unhistorical, and due to the
Deuteronomic redactor, whose design, it is argued, was to remove the
odium of these murders from Solomon, the builder of the temple. But con
sidering the reverence of later ages for David, this would have been a dear
price to pay for the reputation of Solomon. The reference to Barzillai is
almost too natural to be invented ; Solomon had no known motive of his
own for removing Shimei ; and vengeance on Joab may well have been
with David a matter of conscience, as Abner had been David's guest, and
Amasa was his nephew, being the son of Abigail, David's sister (2 S. 17 : as
and 19: 13)- (Kittel.) 175

7 Kings 2 : io The Messages of
died after a reign of forty years, and the kingdom of
Solomon his son and successor was strongly established.
Solomon re- Soon all obstacles were removed from Solomon's way;
enemies.'5 and first Adonijah, who had unwisely asked for the hand
^.Ad°n!jiah of Abishag, a concubine of Solomon's by right of suc
cession. Unwisely : for such a petition seemed a bid for
the throne. With this pretext Solomon had him put to
death.
(b) Abiathar Next to suffer were Adonijah's chief supporters : the
(2: 26-35) priest Abiathar who was deposed, thus fulfilling the word
touching the house of Eli ; 1 and then Joab, who, terrified
by the fate of Adonijah and his supporters, fled for his
life to the protection of the altar, and there, despite its
sanctity, atoned, by a ruthless death, for the innocent
blood that he had shed, and so released the royal house
from bloodguiltiness. Then Joab and Abiathar were re
placed by their rivals.
(d) Shimei Solomon also took advantage of a broken vow of
(2 • 36-45) Shimei to put him to death for his enmity to David. All
the obstacles being thus removed, the kingdom was estab
lished in the hands of Solomon. 1 1 S. 2 : 31-36.

176

the Historians Kings

IX

THE SOURCES AND CHARACTER OF THE BOOKS
OF KINGS
We have already seen how powerfully the Deutero
nomic redaction controlled the presentation of the history
in the Books of Kings.1 Besides contributing the general
conception of the history, which is implicit in the criticisms
of the various kings, it also determines the formula which
opens and closes the story of each reign. Typical of the
treatment of the kings of Judah is 2 Kings 15:1,2: In
the twenty and seventh year of Jeroboam king of Israel
began Azariah son of Amaziah king of Judah to reign.
Sixteen years old was he when he began to reign ; and
he reigned two and fifty years in Jerusalem ; and his
mother's name was Jecoliah of Jerusalem ; with the con
clusion (vv. 6, 7) : Now the rest of the acts of Azariah
and all that he did, are they not written in the book of the
chronicles of the kings of Judah f And Azariah slept
with his fathers ; and they buried him with his fathers
in the city of David : and Jonathan his son reigned in
his stead? Typical of the treatment of the kings of
Israel is 1 Kings 16 : 29 : In the thirty and eighth year
1 Cf. pp. 95-97.
2 These formuhe, as they are of regular occurrence, are omitted in the
paraphrase. 177

Kings The Messages of
of Asa king of Judah began Ahab the son of Omri to
reign over Israel ; and Ahab the son of Omri reigned over
Israel in Samaria twenty and two years, with a conclusion
similar to that above, only containing more historical fact
or suggestion (22 : 39, 40). It is not without interest and
significance that there is usually more elaboration in con
nection with the formulae for the kings of Judah than Israel,
the mother's name, for example, being added.
The sources. What are the sources on which the redactor set to
work ? Three are expressly mentioned : the book of the
acts of Solomon (1 K. 1 1 : 41), the book of the chronicles
of the kings of Israel, and the book of the chronicles of
the kings of Judah. The nature of the book of the acts
of Solomon, which we are capable of inferring from the
contents of the section 1 Kings 3 to 11, makes it improb
able that these other books were annals : more likely they
were themselves finished histories. Doubtless, however,
they rest in many cases upon original documents ; the
lists of officials suggest as much : and though, considering
the revolutionary nature of the history of the northern
kingdom, anything like continuity in court annals is ex
tremely improbable, there must have been, for some pe
riods at least, official documents which might well form
the basis of later historical work.
Prophetic But to be more explicit. After deducting from the books
biographies. aj[ ^g notiCes that may have been taken from such doc
uments, together with the redactional elements, there are,
178

the Historians Kings
besides the long section on Solomon, narratives varying
in length, which look as if they might be fragments of
biography, for example, the story of Jeroboam I. or Jehu,
though in most of these fragments, and particularly in the
longer of them, the interest is chiefly centred on prophets.
Such is the section dealing with Hezekiah (2 K. 18 to 20)
in which the prophet Isaiah gathers about him more inter
est than the king ; and especially such is the long and not
quite uninterrupted section (1 K. 17 to 2 K. 8) which
glorifies the deeds of Elijah and Elisha. Kings appear in
those sections, but largely as a foil to the grandeur of the
prophets. The nature of these sections leads to the belief
that there were lives of the prophets, written doubtless
by members of the prophetic guilds, at the disposal of the
editors of our book of kings, or even of the writers of the
history that lies behind it.
From the numerous references to the temple and the Was there a
copious detail with which certain temple incidents are dis- history?
cussed, it has been inferred that there was also a temple
history. The inference, however, is precarious. Such a
statement as that laymen were more faithful with the tem
ple money than the priests,1 hardly looks as if it was taken
from such a source. Nor is it probable that the story of
the creation of Ahaz's new altar on the model of the altar
which he had seen at Damascus, would have been re
corded in such a source without protest.
1 2 K. 12 : 1-16.
179

omon.

Kings The Messages of
The compos- Even the story of Solomon which, as we have seen, con-
sto^of1 Sol- stituted a section by itself and probably contains some orig
inal documents, is not all of a piece and contains elements
of varying historical value. Side by side with stories —
which may well be old — like that of Solomon's famous
decision 'in the dispute between the two women, are others
of a more romantic sort, which on the face of them must
be much later than the times of which they tell. " There
came no more," we are told, " such abundance of spices
as these which the Queen of Sheba gave to King Solo
mon."1 Clearly the age of Solomon lies in the not very
recent past. It is looked at with generous eyes, eyes which
grow more generous as the age recedes. For " silver,"
it is said, " was nothing accounted of in the days of Solo
mon ; " 2 although that statement, with the statement of
his enormous revenue,3 is not easy to reconcile with his
loan from Hiram.'1 The later tendency to glorify the
monarch is seen, too, in the contrast between the early
statement in 5:13 that he " raised a levy out of all Israel,''
with the later statement that the levy was raised from the
older inhabitants of the land, and not from the children
of Israel (9 : 20-22), though the earlier statement, in itself
so probable, is corroborated by Rehoboam's own admis
sion of the severity of his father's policy (12 : 11, cf. 4)
and by the valuable hint in 1 1 : 28 that Jeroboam was in
charge of the work done by the house of Joseph — an office
1 10: 10. 3 10 : 21. 3*io : 14. * 9 : 14.
180

the Historians Kings
which gave him his opportunity to strike out for himself.
Enough has been said to suggest that even the original
sources from which our present book drew, were them
selves already composite.
That being so, the presence of repetitions, duplicates, and Repetitions,
contradictions need not surprise us. Some of these phe- and contra-
nomena are due, of course, to the elements contributed by dlct,ons-
the redactors, and to still later additions. We are twice
told that Rehoboam's mother was Naamah,1 twice that
there was war between Rehoboam and Jeroboam," and
between Asa and Baasha all their days,3 and twice of the
composition of Jeroboam's priesthood.4 Again, while the
older source frankly speaks of the war between Jeroboam
and Rehoboam,6 the later version so far idealizes the situa
tion as to represent Judah as withdrawing without a battle,
at the instance of the prophetic word.6 In 2 Kings 17, the
annexing of the third attempt to philosophize on the fall
of Samaria, to account for the rise and progress of the
Samaritan cult, has led to serious confusion, and to appar
ent, though only apparent, contradictions.' The most
famous duplicate occurs in the story of the peril of Jeru
salem from the Assyrians in the time of Hezekiah, where
18: 13 to 19: 8 is a parallel to 19: 9-37, even the latter
1 1 K. 14 : 21, 31. » 14 : 30 and 15 : 6. 3 15 : 16, 32.
*i2: 31 and 13 : 33. 6i4: 30. ° 12 : 21-24.
T In v. 33 tkey, i.e., the colonists, feared Jehovah. In 341* they, i.e., Is-
rael (= Samaria), fear not Jehovah. l8l

Kings The Messages of
version itself, however, being clearly composite.1 Two
versions also underlie the story of the revolution inaugu
rated by Jehoiada (2 K. 11), one of a secular, the other of
a more religious, nature.
The later The earliest Hebrew historians, the Jehovist, and the
the'fess3 are Elohist, cared more, as we have seen, for idea than fact.
historical, -j-j^s tendency grew, and was exaggerated in later times
into a positive indifference to fact. The more romantic or
improbable a narrative may seem, the more should we feel
sure that the narrator is not appearing before us in the
role of historian, but is amplifying and adapting a tale,
which very likely has some historical kernel, to express
some great idea. We have not disposed of his story fairly
until we have grasped the idea which that story is a strange
effort to embody. Outside of the Book of Chronicles, the
classic illustration of that attitude is 1 Kings 13. The
theme was an attractive one — indeed in one sense it is the
theme of the Deuteronomist — the sin and doom of Jero
boam. To one who looks for history, the chapter presents
a fair accumulation of surprises. There is an unparalleled
instance of predictive prophecy — Josiah is foretold byname
three centuries before he appears (v. 2) ; the details are
remarkably definite (v. 2) and are fulfilled to the letter
(2 K. 23 : 20) ; the sign is a strange one (v. 3), only less
strange than the immediate withering of the rebellious
hand, and its immediate restoration on the prophet's prayer
1 These two passages are referred by some to different campaigns.
182

the Historians

Kings

(v. 4) ; the morality of the " old prophet," whose revela
tion is attributed to an angel, is more than questionable ;
the picture of the lion, the ass, and the dead prophet is, to
say the least, improbable. It is not without significance
that the man of God, whose message and doom are thus
strangely told, is anonymous. But what makes it abso
lutely certain, if these considerations were not enough, that
the chapter is late — it is probably very late — is the anach
ronism of 13 : 32, where the " cities of Samaria " are ex
plicitly mentioned, though Samaria itself is said not to have
been built until at least half a century after (16 : 24) ; and
further, such a reference to the cities of Samaria implies
that Samaria is a province, as it was not till after the exile.
Historically this chapter can have little worth. Neverthe
less it is the partly harsh, partly romantic embodiment of
great ideas, such as that God's word is immutable and
that his commands must be uncompromisingly obeyed.
A very similar spirit has been at work on chapter 20 of
the same book where there is another anonymous prophet
(v. 35), and another lion scene (v. 36). With these facts
go numbers suspiciously high ; for example, 100,000 Ara-
means are slain (v. 29), very unlike Israel's army of 7,000
in the older story (v. 1 5) ; and what kind of wall could it
be that fell upon 27,000 men (v. 30) ? But the moral of the
story is not unlike the last, that disobedience to the word
of God means death. That is the truth that gleams
through the harsh and improbable setting.
183

Kings The Messages of
The relig- The thoroughness of the redaction has deprived the book
cancel? the —with the exception of the Elijah and Elisha sections which
book' were but little affected by it — of that quaint picturesque-
ness which is one of the many charms of the Hexateuchal
narrative. Still there are scenes of great religious interest
and power — notably perhaps that of the council of the host
of heaven sitting round about Jehovah on his right hand
and on his left.1 The history covered by the books is a
large contribution to the divine purpose, that purpose which
works itself out, though a king disguise himself on the
battle-field to escape it,2 and though another king " shed
innocent blood very much." 3 From the human stand
point, the history of the monarchy had been an almost
unbroken tragedy ; from the brilliant promise of David's
reign to that dark day — followed by days darker still — when
Israel's hopes lay shattered on the field of Megiddo. First
the northern kingdom, then the southern, plunged through
disobedience into exile and sorrow — one never to emerge
again. But the work of the other was not yet done. In
the purpose of God she had yet much to learn and much
to teach. Out of the exile he delivered the people to ful
fil their destiny, as once he had delivered the holy city
itself from Assyrian menace and assault. Thus in a very
deep sense were fulfilled the brave words of Isaiah : " The
remnant that is escaped out of the house of Judah shall
again take root downward and bear fruit upward. For
1 i K. 22 : 19-23. 3 1 K. 22 : 30, 34. 3 2 K. 21 : 16.
184

the Historians i Kings 3 : 28
out of Jerusalem shall go forth a remnant, and out of
mount Zion they that shall escape : the zeal of Jehovah
shall perform this." '

THE REIGN OF SOLOMON (l K. 3 tO II)
1. His Wisdom and his Kingdom (3 and 4)
Solomon loved Jehovah ; only he worshipped him upon the Solomon's
high places, as the temple at Jerusalem was not yet built? (^f^is)
On one of those places of worship, named Gibeon, Solo
mon was visited by Jehovah in a dream ; and on the thresh
old of his royal duties, he humbly besought him — not in
deed for riches or long life or victory — but for wisdom and
insight touching all matters which fell to him to judge.
Jehovah heard and answered his wise prayer, and gave
him, besides riches and honor, length of days for which he
had not asked. Then he offered sacrifice in Jerusalem.
That Solomon won from Jehovah the wisdom for which His judicial
he prayed was manifest to all in the skill with which he ™3 : ^"gj
decided the case of the two women who contended for the
living child.
Solomon's kingdom was highly organized. Each de-
1 2 K. 19 : 30, 31.
9 The standard and small italics represent the earlier and later redactions
respectively. Cf. pp. 96, 97. 185

i Kings 4 : i The Messages of
Organiza- partment had its own presiding officer, the priest coming
khTgdomS immediately after the king. The country was divided into
<4 : 1"28' twelve districts — not the old tribal districts — over each of
which an officer was appointed, charged with the duty of
catering during one month each year for the king's luxu
rious table. The kingdom was populous and prosperous,
extending from the Mediterranean to the Euphrates.
His wisdom, Solomon's wisdom exceeded that of the astrologers and
and'songs magicians of the east, and won him universal renown.
<4 = 29-34) He was also the author of numerous songs and proverbs,
that made mention of all sorts of plants and animals.
2. Solomon's Buildings (1 K. 5 to 9)
Preparations Hiram, king of Tyre, who had been friendly to David,
("and'g -"if- sent his congratulations to the new king of Israel, and Sol-
I4* omon seized this opportunity to make arrangements with
him for the preparation of the temple which he contem
plated building in accordance with the word of Jehovah
to his father ; for there were great timber forests in Leb
anon, and Hiram's subjects had exceptional skill in work
ing wood. In return, Solomon furnished Hiram with
compensation for their services, and a treaty was con
cluded. For a subsequent grant of money, Solomon
ceded Hiram twenty cities in Galilee. To prosecute the
work, Solomon raised from among his people an enor
mous levy which worked one month and rested two.
The laying of the foundation of the temple in the fourth
186

the Historians i Kings 7:51
year of Solomon's reign — it took seven years to build — Foundation
marked anew epoch in the history of Israel. temDle
The temple had a porch in front and three stories of (° : *. 37, 38)
rooms built round about the wall on three sides. Within Description
the temple, at the back, was the oracle, or holy of holies, temple
whose walls were overlaid with gold — half the length of the ' : 2"3 '
temple proper, and separated from it by a wall. In front
of the oracle was the cedar altar, overlaid with gold, on
which stood the shew bread ; and within, two cherubs,
overlaid with gold, with outstretched wings, to guard the
sanctuary. There, too, was the ark of the covenant of Je
hovah. The door of the oracle and the posts of the tem
ple door were richly carved and overlaid with gold ; and a
wall ran round the inner court.
The vessels of the temple were skilfully designed by the The temple
son of a famous Tyrian artist in metal. Among them were i"^/ '
the two bronze pillars with ornamented capitals — sym
bols of Jehovah's might — that stood near by the entrance
to the temple porch ' ; further a sea of bronze supported
by twelve bronze oxen ; ten Iavers of brass resting on
bases ornamented with figures of animals and running on
wheels ; also pots, and shovels, and basins all of bronze.
Divers gold utensils also there were, the altar (of incense) and
many others ; and Solomon put the gifts that David had
dedicated among the treasures of the temple.
1 The indispensable notice of the bronze altar must once have stood here
(between w. 22 and 23). Cf. 2 Chr. 4:1. It is presupposed in 8 : 22, 64 and
9:25. I87

i Kings 8 : i

The Messages of

The ark
brought to
the temple
<8 : i-ii)

Words of
dedication (8 : 12, 13)

Then Solomon, accompanied by the chiefs of the people,
brought up the ark, which contained nothing but the two
tables oj stone, from Zion to the temple, and with the sacri
fice of numberless cattle, the priests set it in the oracle.
Straightway the place was filled with the cloud of Jeho
vah's glory.1
Then with these words — preserved in the Book of the
Brave '— Solomon dedicated the temple :
The sun hath Jehovah set in the heavens,
He himself hath determined to dwell in the darkness.
And so I have built thee an house to dwell in,
Even a place to abide in for ever and ever.
The prayer The people stood to receive Solomon's blessing, and he
(8 :%'-l53)0n offered the prayer oj dedication. " Blessed be Jehovah,
the God of Israel, who hath chosen Jerusalem for his
habitation, and hath fulfilled this day his promise to
David that his son would build him an house." 3 May the
faithful Jehovah further fulfil his promise by continuing
for evermore the dynasty of David !
Hearken, O thou that dwellest in heaven, unto the
prayers that thy servant and thy people may direct tow
ards this place ; and when thou hearest, forgive.
When a curse is pronounced upon the transgressor ;
when the people are smitten in battle for their sins ; when
for their sin the thirsty land withereth ; when any evil
1 Cf. Ex. 33 : 9 (E).
3 By a very probable emendation, based upon the LXX. a 2 S. 7.

the Historians i Kings 9 : 9
of whatsoever kind befall : hear thou in heaven when they
cry in penitence to thee — they, or the strangers, who, won
by the story of thy might, will come to worship thee, the
God of the whole earth — and when thou hearest, forgive.
Should thy people be carried into exile, and there they with confession
turn unto thee with all their heart, and pray toward this city and
house of thine, graciously grant that their enemies take pity upon
them ; for they are thine own people, the people of thine
ancient choice.
Then Solomon blessed the people, entreating the God The royal
who had faithfully kept his ancient promise, to be with ^di'"8
them as he had been with the fathers, inclining their
hearts to walk in his ways, and maintaining their cause,
that all the world might know that Israel's God is the
only God.
After this prayer, he offered a sacrifice to Jehovah ; and The conciu-
so many were the animals that they had to be offered in dedication
the middle of the temple court, which was specially con- f".™0^
secrated thereto. Then all the people throughout the
length of the land celebrated the harvest festival for seven
days, and on the eighth the king sent the people to their
homes with hearts touched to gladness by their Gods
goodness to them and to the throne.
When all was finished, Jehovah again appeared to Solomon , pledg- The shadow
ing himself to maintain both temple and dynasty for ever. But ^^/g'™0" \
should the people, in forgetfulness of his ancient grace, turn from
him to the worship of other gods, he would make them a byword,
and the temple a heap of ruins. 189

i Kings 7 : i The Messages of
The palace The royal palace, which took thirteen years to build, was
(7 . 1-12) constructed as follows : First there was the house of the
forest of Lebanon, so called from the three rows of cedar
pillars, fifteen in a row, with chambers built above. Next
to it came a porch of pillars (where petitioners might wait
for audience), and next to that the porch of the throne
where the king pronounced judgment. Then came the
palace proper with an adjoining palace for Pharaoh's
daughter — all built of large finely hewn stone, and a wall
ran round the palace court.
Fortifica- Solomon fortified Jerusalem and other strategic points
trade to: over tne country by impressing foreign labor, and with the
io, 15, 18-28) assistance of Hiram and his Tyrian sailors he built a navy
which carried on a rich trade with distant lands.
Three times a year did Solomon offer sacrifice (9 : 25).
Solomon's He married an Egyptian princess, who received as her
Phlraoh's'0 dowry the Canaanite city of Gezer which had been seized
daughter by ner father.
(3 : 1 and J
9 : l6> "7) 3. Solomon's Glory and Decline (1 K. 10 and 11)
Visit of the Solomon's wealth and wisdom are strikingly illustrated
Sheba °io: by the impression they made on the Arabian queen, whom
I-X3* the king's fame attracted all the way from her distant
home. Besides the costly presents of the queen, lavishly
reciprocated by Solomon, other precious products were
brought to the country by Solomon's fleet.
He had an enormous revenue in gold, not to speak of
190

the Historians i Kings 11:43
taxes and tribute. Shields of gold, too, he had, and a Solomon's
gorgeous ivory throne, and vessels all of gold, brought ?4c_2g)
from afar by his ships. He exceeded all the kings of the
earth in riches and wisdom, and far-off peoples brought
him presents? With northern Syria2 he had also a great
trade in war-horses.
He had foreign wives exceeding many, who turned Solomon's
away his heart to the worship of their gods. The re-™!JJJ
jected Jehovah therefore determined to rend his king
dom, and leave him with but one tribe.
The punishment fell in the shape of revolt against his Revolt of
authority. First Edom,3 which had been won by David, Aramfi":
asserted her independence. Damascus also revolted un- 14"25)
der the energetic freebooter Rezon.
Finally, Jeroboam, whom Solomon had appointed over- Rebellion of
seer of the forced labor of the house of Joseph in connec- deatb°ofm '
tion with the fortification of the capital, seized the occa- (i°i?™|.°g
sion, instigated by a prophet, to fortify his own city,4 and 4°-43)
revolt against the king. To escape the royal vengeance,
he fled to Egypt, where he remained till the death of the
king, who died after a reign of forty years and was suc
ceeded by his son Rehoboam.
1 Suggesting thoughts of the Messianic king.
2 This seems more probable than the translation "Egypt."
8 Perhaps supported by her neighbor Midian (cf. v. 18).
« So some MSS. of the LXX.

191

i Kings 12:1

The Messages of

XI

Jeroboam'sreturn (12:
1, 2; 11 :
29-39)

Division of
the king
dom. Jero
boam king
of Israel
(12 : 3-25)

HISTORY OF THE MONARCHY TO THE FALL OF THE
NORTHERN KINGDOM (i K. 12 to 2 K. 1 7)
1. Jeroboam I. King of Israel (i K. 12 : i to 14 : 20),
937-91S B.C.
Then Jeroboam returned from Egypt in the hope of
seizing the crown. On the way to Shechem, whither he
had summoned all the people, a prophet met him ' and
announced that for the apostasy of the people, Solomon's
kingdom would be rent, and that far the larger share
would fall to Jeroboam himself — all but one tribe with
the chosen city Jerusalem, which would still be governed
by the dynasty of David, because of Jehovah's love for
him. To Jeroboam, too, was given the promise of a
house as sure as David's, if he but obeyed Jehovah .
The people would pledge their allegiance to Rehoboam,
only on condition that he would treat them better than his
father had done. Adopting, however, the foolish counsel
of his youthful courtiers, he replied with deliberate inso
lence which, by the ordinance of God, provoked Israel to
rebellion against the house of David, and Jeroboam was
proclaimed king of Israel. In the struggle that followed,
1 Several considerations, derived from the LXX texts, suggest that this is
the best arrangement, as it has also high historical probability.
192

the Historians i Kings 1 3 : 34
Judah and Benjamin yielded to the word of Jehovah and with
drew.1 Jeroboam, now master of the northern kingdom,
fortified Shechem in the heart of the country and Penuel
across the Jordan.
Fearing that the splendor of the temple at Jerusalem Jeroboam's
might revive in the hearts of the people their allegiance to (12: 26-32)
the Davidic dynasty, Jeroboam set up two golden calves,
symbols of Jehovah, in Bethel and Dan, and sacrificed to
them. Thus did he make Israel to sin. He also estab
lished worship on the high places, and appointed priests
who were not Levites.
At the harvest festival in the royal sanctuary at Bethel a man of Its doom
God out of Judah foretold to Jeroboam as he was about to sacri- ^""prophet
fice on the iniquitous altar, that a day of vengeance was coming. a (12 : 33 to
A child named Josiah would be born who would sacrifice upon1^34'
the altar the idolatrous priests. In proof whereof the prophet of
fered a marvellous sign, which came to pass. Now Jehovah had
charged the man of God to return by another way to Judah, nei
ther eating nor drinking on the soil of the northern kingdom. But
an old prophet tempted him with a lie, and he yielded. Then
the prophet was inspired to proclaim the doom of his disobedi
ence — for the divine word is unchangeable — and in a most won
drous way the doom was fulfilled. Likewise was the prophet's
word of doom, pronounced upon the altar of Bethel, destined to
be unchangeable, and in the doom of Bethel was involved Jero
boam and his house.
1 21-24 is post-exilic. Benjamin here acts with Judah — which contradicts
the older source in v. 20. The whole section contradicts the express state
ment in 14 : 30.
* For this chapter, see pp. 182, 183.
193

i Kings 14:1 The Messages of
Doom of _ Now Jeroboam's son fell sick ; and he sent his wife
houWandof in disguise with a present to consult the prophet. Heavy
kin domhem — sa'c' tne Pr0Pnet' recognizing her, for he had been
(14 : 1-20) divinely forewarned — heavy were the tidings he had for
her. The idolatrous apostasy of her husband Jeroboam
would not go unpunished. Evil would come upon his
house, and every man of it would be ignominiously cut
off by a king yet to come, all but her innocent child, who
would soon die and be buried in peace. The people would
be swept away into exile for the idolatry into which
Jeroboam had led them. And the child died, as the
prophet had said. '
2. Rehoboam, King of Judah (1 K. 14 : 21-31),
937-920 B. C.
Rehoboam, Rehoboam reigned over Judah in Jerusalem, the chosen
judah {14 : city of Jehovah. Judah, too, provoked Jehovah in that
21-31) the people practised all sorts of heathenish worship, even
the most immoral. During his reign, the king of Egypt
invaded Jerusalem, and carried away all the temple and
palace treasures, together with the royal shields.
1 One very important LXX text (B) sets this story after Jeroboam's return
from Egypt, but before he becomes king. The denunciation of the LXX
text is much briefer than the Hebrew, lacking — significantly enough — the
Deuteronomic comment on Jeroboam and the fate of Israel.

194

the Historians i Kings 15 : 26
3. Abijah, King of Judah (1 K. 15 : 1-8), 920-917 B. C.
Rehoboam was succeeded by his son, Abijah,1 who, Abijah,
unlike David the good, followed in his father's evil^™^^.
ways ; nevertheless, for David's sake? the dynasty was I_8)
not destroyed.
4. Asa, King of Judah (1 K. 15 : 9-24), 917-876 B. C.
Abijah was succeeded by his son Asa, who was a good Asa, king
king. For he abolished the immoral worship of Jehoyah, his war with
and deposed the queen mother for her idolatry, but he did1?™*) (l5 :
not remove the high places. Throughout his whole reign,
Israel and Judah were at war. Baasha, king of Israel,
began to fortify Ramah, in order to hold Jerusalem in
check. In alarm, Asa, by means of the temple treasures,
bought the friendship of Ben-hadad of Damascus, who
was in league with Baasha, and Ben-hadad drew off
Baasha by attacking northern Israel. Then Asa engaged
all his people in the dismantling of Ramah, and the for
tifying of two border towns.
5. Nadab, King of Israel (1 K. 15 : 25-32), 915-913 B. C.
In Israel, Jeroboam was succeeded by his son Nadab, Nadab,
who walked in his father's evil way. In a military rev- raef(iS :s"
25-32)
1 So in LXX and 2 Chr. 13 : 1. The change to Abijam might be either
accidental or intentional, to avoid the association of the divine name (Jah)
with such a king.
3 n : 36. 195

i Kings 1 5 : 27 The Messages of
olution, he and all his house were murdered by Baasha,
and thus the prophetic word was fulfilled?
6. Baasha, King of Israel (1 K. 15 : 33 to 16 :J), 913-889
B. C.
Baasha, But Baasha, too, walked in the evil way of Jeroboam ;
raef (15 ?%¦$ and as his sin was like Jeroboam's, so, too, was destined
to 16 : 7) to oe njs doom — so a prophet announced.
7. Elah, King of Israel (1 K. 16 : 8-14), 889-887 B. C.
Elah, king Nor was the doom long in coming ; for in another revo
ke ?™4> lution, Baasha's son and successor Elah, with all his house,
was murdered by Zimri, a captain in the army, and thus
the prophetic word was fulfilled.
8. Zimri, King of Israel (1 K. 16 : 15-20), 887 B. C.
zimri, king On this news, Omri, the commander-in-chief, was pro-
"16 f?s%o) claimed king by the army, which then besieged the royal
capital, Tirzah. Whereupon Zimri, who had reigned but
seven days, burnt the palace over his own head, and so met
his death, because he had walked in the way of Jeroboam.
9. Omri, King of Israel (1 K. 16 : 21-28), 887-875 B. C.
Omri, king At first, Omri's authority was disputed, but the death of
(16 fif'ao) his rival, and his rival's brother,2 left him unchallenged.
1 14 : 10.
* " Tibni died and Joram his brother at that time." So LXX.
196

the Historians i Kings 16 : 34
The finely situated Samaria he fortified and made his
capital. But he, too, even more than his predecessors,
walked in the way of Jeroboam.
10. Ahab, King of Israel (1 K. 16 : 29 to 22 : 40), 875-853
B. C.
Still worse was his son and successor Ahab ; for he Ahab and
married Jezebel, the daughter of the Phoenician king, and ship (16 :
adopted thereby the worship of the Phoenician Baal, thus 29"34>
provoking Jehovah to anger. The curse invoked by
Joshua on the man who would fortify Jericho, fell upon
Achiel.1 1 Josh. 6 : 26. Achiel is his name in the LXX. " Fortify" rather than
"build," as the city of Jericho is more than once mentioned as existing in
the period between Joshua and Ahab. Cf . Jud. 3 : 13, 2 S. 10 : 5.

197

i Kings 17 : i The Messages of
11. The Stories Regarding Elijah and Elisha.
Chapter 17 of the first Book of Kings ushers us into
a new world. From kings we pass to prophets, and the
formal notices of chapter 16 yield at once to a narra
tive of exceptionally graphic interest and power, which
the hand of the redactor has scarcely touched. The
existence of an altar of Jehovah on Carmel,1 of many
altars throughout the land,2 and the advice given by Eli
sha 3 in express contradiction of Deuteronomy,4 show that
this group of narratives, which was written in the northern
kingdom,5 precedes Deuteronomy. The only important
redactional touch is in 1 Kings 18 : 31, 32,* where the re
pairing of an old altar is represented as the erection of a
new and special one, typical of the unity of Israel.
A comparison of the Elijah group with chapters 20 and
22 : 1-38, as well as the general impression made by the
narrative, suggest that the figure of Elijah has been some
what idealized. There the prophet is Micah, the son of
Imlah ; Elijah is not even mentioned, though Jehosha
phat twice asks if there is a prophet of Jehovah.0 Ahab
appears there, too, in a more favorable light. The tend
ency to idealize is still more clearly seen in the later fig
ure Elisha. His miracles are more numerous and more
1 1 K. 18 : 30. 'J 19 : 10. a 2 K. 3 : 19. * 20 : 19.
6 Cf. 1 K. 19 : 3 Beersheba, which belongeth to Judah.
8 1 K. 22 : 7 and 2 K. 3 : 11. 198

the Historians Elijah
strange.1 His dignity must be recognized.5 He is all but
inaccessible.3 Repeatedly obeisance is done him.4 He
has even a sort of omniscience.5 Yet withal he is not near
ly so impressive a figure as Elijah ; contrast his words
before Joram • with those of Elijah before Ahab.' His
miracles are in great part but shadows of Elijah's. We
clearly do not possess the stories in their original entirety.
The Elisha group is more loosely connected than the
Elijah group, and even in the latter there are obvious
omissions. There must have originally been something,
for example, to explain the scene of the first episode,8
and above all to justify the doom pronounced on Ahab,"
though the sequel makes it clear that it was the penalty
for Baal worship.10
Elijah is one of the Titans of literature, as he is of re
ligion. His appearances and disappearances are swift as
lightning ; his words are words of thunder. Splendidly
dramatic are the scenes where Elijah and Ahab meet — the
champion of single-heartedness and the champion of com
promise. The grim and fearless " man with his terrible
1 Cf. especially 2 K. 13 : 20, 21. M 2 K. 5 : 8. 3 4 : 11-15.
• 2 : 15 and 4 : 15, 37. " 5 : 26. • 3 : 14.
7 1 K. 17 : 1. 8 Cf. 17 : 3 (hence).
8 17 : 1. It is implied, no doubt in 16 : 31-33 ; but that is not part of the
Elijah group of stories, nor do the words of the doom allude to that.
10 For the rain comes when the Baal prophets are slain, 18 : 40, 41.
11 He is afraid once. (1 K. 19 : 3. R. V. margin.) The Hebrew consonants
for " he was afraid," which is the reading of the LXX, were pointed by the
Massoretes to mean "he saw."
199

Elijah The Messages of
word, strong in the might of Jehovah . his God, as his
name implies, can face a king who hates him and has out
lawed him, crowds that are hostile to him, and can even
mock the god who is being worshipped with a passion of
frenzy, when failure to made good his taunts meant all
but certain death. He came at a time when Israel's re
ligion was imperilled from the side of the cruel and licen
tious religion of Phoenicia, through the marriage of Israel's
king with the princess of Tyre ; and he carried that relig
ion triumphantly over a crisis which, but for him, under
God, might have spelt ruin for all that Israel was meant
to stand for in the world. Then, too, as always, idolatry
meant immorality. Elijah's denunciation of the covetous
Ahab for the murder of Naboth is as significant if not as
epoch-making in the history of religion, as was his ironi
cal assault on the Baal. The religion which he cham
pioned was instinct with morality. When we look at the
stern man, and at his noble and abiding work, we cannot
wonder that partly by his personality and partly by his
unique place among the prophets, he dominated the He
brew imagination for centuries. In dark days, when hearts
were breaking, and good men had begun to despair of the
justice and the love of God, and there was no more any
great prophet in the land, it was to the coming again of
this mighty one that they looked to reunite the families
whom sin and ambition had divided.1 And when at last
i Mal. 4 : 5, 6.
2O0

the Historians i Kings 18:8
the great Prophet appeared who should come into the
world, the honest and untutored instinct of the common
people recognized in him the majesty and power of Eli
jah.1 12. Tales of Elijah (i K. 17 to 2 K. 1)
Suddenly Elijah of Gilead appears before Ahab and an- Elijah pro
nounces a coming drought and famine, in chastisement for dro'ught
the Baal worship. As swiftly he disappears. to : ">
Now an outlaw, he is swept by the divine impulse Elijah at the
within him to the torrent Cherith, and there he is miracu- (I7"2'.6)
lously sustained by ravens until the torrent dried.
Then the same impulse swept him to Zarephath in At Zare-
Phoenicia, the land of the Baal worshippers, one of whom, £.2*j 7 "
a poor widow woman, in simple obedience to his word,
was miraculously enabled to sustain herself, her son, and
him in the sore famine. Again her son, who had fallen
sick and died,2 was miraculously raised from the dead in
answer to the prophet's prayer. Thus the woman learned
that the God of Israel is a God whose word, spoken
through his prophet, is sure.
In the third year of the drought Elijah was divinely Elijah ap-
impelled to appear before Ahab witb the promise of rain. beforeAhab
On the way, he suddenly confronted Obadiah, a devout I18 : 1_2o)
officer in Ahab's household ; but, so strangely was Elijah
1 Mt. 16 : 14.
3 This is not said in so many words. Indeed, v. 17 almost appears to avoid
saying so. But the whole story, especially w. 21, 22, implies it.
201

i Kings 1 8 : io The Messages of
wont to vanish — swept away by the spirit of Jehovah ¦ —
that Obadiah, fearing for his own life, was loath at first to
announce his presence to Ahab. But that very day, Eli
jah fearlessly faced the angry king, denounced his support
of the Baal worship, and proposed to put the power of the
contending gods, Jehovah and Baal, to a searching test.
Ahab accepted the challenge.
The triumph Baal, however, could do nothing, not even when long
overBaaTon and wildly supplicated by his prophets, nor yet when stung
(i!™2i-4o) by ^e reproachful irony of Elijah. Then, in answer to
the lonely prophet's solemn prayer to Israel's God, fire
came down from heaven and consumed the sacrifice.
Thus Jehovah triumphed over Baal, and his triumph was
acknowledged by the prostrate people in the twice repeated
words : " Jehovah is the God." By the command of the
stern Elijah, the Baal prophets were slain.
The rain The penalty had now been paid, and instantly was heard
4i-46)l8: tne tremulous prophecy of rain. Elijah bade Ahab de
part with all haste, lest it should overtake him. Speedily
the sky grew black. The rain fell in torrents ; and in wild
ecstatic mood, Elijah ran before the royal chariot across
the plain of Jezreel.
Elijah's Threatened by Jezebel with instant vengeance for the
quickened slaughter of the prophets of Baal, Elijah fled beyond the
(i ^m8) confines of Israel to the southernmost sanctuary of Judah,
whence, weary of his life, yet strengthened by an angel,
i Cf. Acts 8 : 39.
202

the Historians i Kings 21 : 16
he went on pilgrimage to meet his God in distant Horeb,
Jehovah's ancient home, scene of the ancient covenant,
now broken by the people. There to the despondent
man Jehovah revealed his quiet majesty, heralded indeed
by storm, earthquake, and fire, but other and greater though
gentler than they.1 Thus cheered and strengthened, he
was divinely charged to inaugurate the doom of the idol
aters, by anointing the two kings — one over Aram, and one
over Israel — through whom that doom would be wrought.
Jehovah's cause, he was divinely assured, would survive.
It was not so desperate as he had deemed ; there were
others besides himself who had not bowed the knee to Baal.
So" Elijah cast his own prophetic mantle upon Elisha, The call of
whom he found ploughing, and Elisha arose and followed 19-21)
him and became his servant.
Now the king who had supported the Baal worship was Elijah's
also covetous and unjust. Nursing sullen wrath because shipmoPf'jSs-
Naboth refused to surrender to him his ancestral vineyard tlce *¦"'
in Jezreel, he at last gained his end through a cruel murder
1 The sequel, especially v. 17, shows that this passage is not intended as
a rebuke of Elijah's violence. It is a contribution to the spirituality rather
than the gentleness of the divine nature.
3 Apparently there originally stood before v. 19, the account of Elijah's
anointing of Hazael and Jehu. " Thence " will then mean " from some spot
in northern Israel," which would in no case be very far from Elisha's home
in Galilee. The account would then be omitted by the redactor, because in
the later narratives it is Elisha who plays the chief part. In 2 K. 8 : 7 it is
he who promises the kingdom to Hazael, and in ch 9, it is a disciple of his,
inspired by him, who is responsible for the revolution of Jehu.
203

i Kings 21:17 The Messages of
planned by his wily queen. Swiftly Elijah appeared be
fore him, and in the name of the righteous Jehovah an
nounced his doom, and that of Jezebel, and of all his pos
terity — ruin as the ruin of Jeroboam and Baasha; for
with unprecedented wickedness he had followed all the idolatry
of the Amorites, seduced thereto by Jezebel.
13. The Wars and Death of Ahab (1 K. 20 and 22 : 1-40)
Ahab's war Benhadad, the king of Aram, demanded from his vassal
wiAAram Ahab (who was purposing to throw off the yoke) substan-
1*°) tial proof of his homage ; and not content with this, he
went on to demand the surrender of his capital Samaria. '
Ahab refused, and replied to his insolence with a proverb
which provoked Benhadad to attack. A prophet assured
Ahab of the victory, and with about seven thousand men he
inflicted a crushing defeat upon the careless and confident
Benhadad. The prophet warned him to prepare for another
assault in the coming year. The assault came. Fancying
that Jehovah was but a god of the hills, who could not
help his people in the plains, the Arameans mustered in
the plain of Jezreel, and a man of God again foretold the victory
of Ahab, whereby Jehovah would dispel the illusion of the Ara
means. Again the Arameans sustained a phenomenal de-
1 This seems to be the general sense of this obscure passage. The sec
ond demand, which Ahab refuses, is, in our present text, practically a rep
etition of, not an advance upon, the first which he concedes. The LXX
punctuates v. 7 so as to suggest that the first demand was for his property,
and the second for his family ; but this is not in agreement with vv. 4, 5.
204

the Historians i Kings 22 : 28
feat, and Benhadad had to hide. But Ahab mercifully
spared him, and a treaty was concluded which gave Ahab
the right to the cities which Omri had lost to Aram, and
the right of trading in the Aramean capital, Damascus.
In an acted parable, which illustrated the truth that disobedience
to the divine word meant death, a prophet foretold his doom for
frustrating Jehovah's purpose by letting Benhadad go.
Peace lasted for three years. Then Ahab 1 called upon Ahab and
his vassal, Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, to help him in an pha°,s before
attack on Ramoth in Gilead, which was still in the hands rJ^JJJ8
of Aram. First, however, he consulted the assembled consult the
Srophets :
t - - ¦ . licah's
unanimous assurance of success roused Jehoshaphat's (l2: ^.2s)
suspicions, he sent for the sincere and stern Micah, who
only spoke as Jehovah bade. At first he, too, gave an
ironical * assurance of success ; but when put upon his
oath he spoke out the melancholy truth revealed to him
in vision : how that as Jehovah sat upon his throne in
heaven, in council with his assembled servants, one spirit
had offered to deceive the prophets of Ahab, and so lure
him to his doom. For this bold, unwelcome message,
Micah was rewarded with a prison ; but he challenged the
coming days to confirm his word.
Despite this gloomy message, the two kings went forth
1 Encouraged by the Assyrian attacks upon Damascus.
a Or the meaning may be, "In fulfilment of Jehovah's purpose that
Ahab should be deceived," cf. 2 K. 8 : 10.
205

i Kings 22 : 29 The Messages of
Ahab slain to battle against the king of Aram in Ramoth, where,
• 29-4°) not;W;thstanding his disguise, Ahab was slain. He was
brought to Samaria and buried there. Thus was fulfilled
the ignominious doom foretold by the prophet.1
14. Ahaziah, King of Israel (1 K. 22 : 51 to 2 K. I : 18),
853-851 B. C.
Elijah pro- In Israel, Ahab was succeeded by his son Ahaziah, who
doom on the walked in the way of his father and mother and of Jer o-
Ahariah boam, and provoked Jehovah by serving Baal. Thus it
(1 K. 22 : was a Philistine god that he consulted when sick. Sud-
51-53; 2 K. &
1 : 3-18) denly Elijah appeared before his messengers with his word
of doom : " Is there no God in Israel to consult ? Say to
your master, ' Thou shalt die. ' " With that he vanished.
Twice did Ahaziah send an armed force to seize Elijah ; and twice
he called down upon them the fire of heaven which consumed
them. But the third captain showed due reverence to the
prophet of God, and with his force Elijah went back to the king
and repeated his words of doom. And he died, as Elijah
had said. He was succeeded by his brother Joram.
15. Elisha as Elijah's Successor (2 K. 2 : 1-25)
Elijah's When Jehovah was about to take Elijah ' up into heaven,
fae (2S:T-i5) Elisha clung to his side, and vowed not to leave him.
After crossing the Jordan, whose waters Elijah had smit-
1 According to i K. 21 : 19 (cf. 13) this was to happen in Jezreel.
3 Several considerations suggest that this tale belongs to the Elisha, not to
the Elijah group. 206

the Historians 2 Kings 3 : 7
ten with his prophetic mantle, Elisha begged that a double
portion of his spirit might rest upon him, as upon a first
born son. The spirit would be his, said Elijah, if he had
the eye for the vision. Even as they spoke, swiftly there
appeared a chariot and horses of fire, and Elijah went up
by a whirlwind into heaven, invisible to the common eyes
of the sons of the prophets, but seen of Elisha, who cried,
" My father, my father ! the chariot of Israel and the
horsemen thereof. " Left alone, with the mantle of his
master, Elisha proved his power, and the sons of the
prophets did him obeisance.
Now that Elijah was not — for he was sought and could Elisha's
not be found — Elisha's influence grew. He performed a ™aung,°and
miracle of grace, healing deadly waters ; and children who prophetic
mocked him met with an awful doom. (* : 16-25)
16. Elisha's Activity from the Reign of Joram, King
of Israel (851-842 B. C), to that of Joash (3 : 1 to 8 :
15 and 13 : 14-21).
In Israel, Ahaziah was succeeded by his brother Joram,1 joram, king
who introduced a religious reform, but nevertheless cleaved °3 . |™j
to the sins of Jeroboam.
During his reign the king of Moab revolted from Israel," His war with
and refused the customary tribute. Whereupon Joram lg)oa <3 ' 4"
called upon his vassal, Jehoshaphat of Judah, to aid him in
1 The synchronism, in 3 : i is differently given in 1 : 17.
3 3 : 5 = 1 : i. 207

2 Kings 3 : 9 The Messages of
reducing Moab, and the king of Edom accompanied them
as vassal of Judah.1 On their march round the southern
end of the Dead Sea they found themselves without water.
The pious Jehoshaphat proposed to consult a prophet.
Elisha, to whom they went, at first ironically sent Joram
to the Baal prophets of his father and mother for answer.
Then, moved to the prophetic mood by strains of music,
he foretold the filling of trenches by water without wind
or rain, promised victory, and counselled them to ruin the
wells, trees, and goodly land.
Israel retires Every word came to pass. Under a mistaken impres
ts • 2°-a7 sjon> jjjg Moabites attacked, only to be repulsed once and
again. In desperation, the king of Moab offered his eld
est son in sacrifice to Chemosh, his god. Then the tide
turned, and Israel had to retire to their own land.
The miracle For the widow of a dead prophet, whose sons were to
cruse6 u\ 1- t>e held in slavery for payment of a debt, Elisha, like his
7) master,2 wrought a miracle which saved both her and
them.
The raising In return for the hospitality which a certain devout and
widow's son wealthy woman had shown him, Elisha promised her a
(4 = 8-37) son ; and in strange wise, his word was fulfilled. One day
the child received a sunstroke and died. Straightway his
mother hastened to Carmel, to speak with Elisha. In pity,
the prophet sent on his servant with his staff s in haste,
1 Cf. 1 K. 22 : 47 ; 2 K. 8 : 20. * 1 K. 17 : 8-16.
s Suggesting that the staff was expected to work a cure.
208

the Historians 2 Kings 5 : 6
but to no purpose. When he came himself, the child was
dead ; but in answer to his prayer, as once in answer to his
master's,1 the child was miraculously raised from the dead,
and his mother did obeisance to the prophet.
He then told her of the coming famine, and bade her Elisha
sojourn away from Israel. On her return, she appealed restoration e
to the king for the recovery of her property which, in herof her
absence, had been appropriated. Hearing from the proph- (8 : 1-6)
et's servant of his master's miraculous power, and how he
had used it in bringing back this very woman's son from
the dead, the king restored to her, as the prophet's friend,
all that had been hers, with increase.
During the famine, Elisha miraculously rendered harm- The miracle
less some deadly gourds of a wild vine which, in their dis- °4' 38^™ s
tress, the famished sons of the prophets were eating.
Again he fed a great multitude with a single offering of The miracle
first fruits, and there was enough and to spare. ing (4:42-44)
While the sons of the prophets were building for them- The miracle
selves a larger home on the banks of the Jordan, one of mg ;ron (0 :
them let a borrowed axe-head fall into the water. Elisha I_7)
miraculously brought it to the surface.
A eain the prophet proved his power by a miraculous The healing
. , m, , • , a t of Naaman
healing. It happened thus. The king of Aram sent (s : ,.i9)
Naaman, the captain of his army, who was a leper, to the
vassal king of Israel with money and instructions to see
to his recovery. Hearing of the king's perplexity and
1 1 K. 17 : 21, 22.
209

2 Kings 5 : 8

The Messages of

Leprosy the
reward of
covetousness :
Gehazismitten
(5 : 20-27)

Elisha'sdevices
against the
Arameans(6 : 8-23)

conscious of his own prophetic power, Elisha interposed.
He bade the leprous captain wash seven times in Jordan,
the river of subject Israel. At first Naaman angrily re
fused ; but afterwards he yielded and was healed. His
miraculous cure drew from him a confession of faith in
Israel's God as the only God in all the earth, and he took
away to his own land soil from the land of Israel that he
might be able to worship Israel's God on Israel's soil.
Elisha suffered him, as the king's servant, to bow with him
in the temple of Rimmon.1
The prophet would take no reward of the captain ; but
his servant was not like-minded. With a lie he won a
present from Naaman, and he won with the gift the lep
rosy of the giver ; for Elisha read his heart and uttered his
doom. The king of Aram sent bands to ambush the king of
Israel ; but Elisha, who had open eyes for the wiles of the
foe, always warned the king, to the surprise of the Ara
mean, who suspected treachery in his own court. On
learning that his real enemy was the prophet Elisha, he
sent a host with horses and chariots to take him prisoner ;
but, unseen of all but God-opened eyes was another host
to match — even horses and chariots of fire round about
Elisha. Blindly 3 the host was led on by Elisha to the
1 " For only on his own land is Jehovah a jealous God." (Benzinger.)
a Was the blindness of the Aramean host originally blindness to the forces
round Elisha (cf. v. 17) t 2IO

the Historians 2 Kings 8:11
capital of Israel, and there their eyes were opened — there,
in the midst of their foes. But the generous prophet
saved them from the vengeance of the king, and the
bands retired.
In the siege of Samaria by the king of Aram, when the Famine in
distress was at its sorest, and the king of Israel, losing his luTha'T :
faith in Jehovah, had threatened the life of Elisha, thegj^^1^
prophet foretold speedy deliverance from famine ; and so l° 7 : 20)
it was. For through four outcast lepers the welcome news
that the panic-stricken besiegers had taken to sudden
flight, was brought to the incredulous king. After due
precaution, the beleaguered people went out and spoiled
the tents of their foes. Thus was Elisha's prophecy ful
filled, and the nobleman who had doubted his word, per
ished as the prophet had foretold.
Benhadad of Aram, who had fallen sick, sent Hazael Elisha's in-
with a present to his life-long foe, the prophet Elisha, to th^Ara-0"
learn the issue of his sickness. The issue was to be mea.n suc"
cession
death ; 1 but Elisha disarmed his suspicion by promising (fi ¦ 7-15)
recovery, for Jehovah had a purpose to fulfil through the
succession of the ruthless Hazael, the vision of whose
cruelties brought tears to Elisha's eyes. In accordance
1 The Massoretes, to remove the appearance of falsehood, have substi
tuted the word " not " for the original word " to him. " Both words have
the same sound in Hebrew (lo). In this way, the words " Say to him
' Thou shalt surely recover,' " have become, " Say, ' Surely thou shalt not
recover.' " 211

2 Kings 8 : 15 The Messages of
with the prophet's word, Hazael succeeded * to the
throne.2
Elisha's As Elisha drew near his end, the king of Israel, who
ise to joash was now Joash, wept and said, " My father, my father !
(13 = 14-19) (-jjg chariot of Israel and the horsemen thereof ; " 3 for he
had been Israel's mainstay in the long war with Aram.
As a parting benediction, the aged prophet, with word and
symbol, promised him at least limited victory over Aram.
The last After death he was mighty as in life. By contact with
(13 : 20, 21) his bones, a dead man came to life again and stood upon
his feet.
17. Jehoshaphat, King of Judah (1 K. 22 : 41-50), 876-
851 B. C.
Jehosha- In Judah, Asa was succeeded by his son Jehoshaphat,
of'ju'dahg a good king, who removed the remnant of the immoral
(22 : 41-50) worship. Nevertheless the high places were not taken
away : on them the people still sacrificed and burnt in
cense. After the wreck of a merchantman, Jehoshaphat
rejected the proposal of the king of Israel to undertake
voyages with him in common.
1 Probably by the murder of the king.
1 Here probably followed in this source the story of the accession of Jehu
(cf. 1 K. 19 : 15, 16) corresponding to ch. 9 which, at least in its present
form, does not belong to this group.
3 This phrase has here a more political significance (cf. 6 : 12) than it
could have in its application to Elijah, 2 : 12. There it was suggested by,
even if it did not allude to, the chariot and horses of fire.

the Historians 2 Kings 9 : 10
18. Jehoram, King of Judah (2K. 8 : 16-24), 851-843 B. C.
In Judah, Jehoshaphat was succeeded by his son Jeho- Jehoram,
ram. He walked in the way of the kings of Israel, as judah (2 K.
did the house of Ahab ; for he had married Athaliah, 8 : l6'I9)
the daughter of Ahab. Yet Jehovah spared Judah for
the sake of his promise to David.
In his time Edom, which had been Judah's vassal, re- Revolt of
volted, and her example was followed by Libnah. Libnah (8 :
20-24)
19. Ahaziah, King of Judah (2 K. 8 : 25-27), 843-842 B. C.
In Tudah, Jehoram was succeeded by his son Ahaziah. Ahaziah,king of
He walked in the way of the house of Ahab, and did that judah (8 :
which was evil in the sight of Jehovah ; for his mother 25~2"
was Ahab's daughter.
20. Jehu, King of Israel (2 K. 9 and 10), 842-814 B. C.
The days of Ahab's dynasty were numbered. In the Jehu
absence of Joram from Ramoth,1 which Israel was guard- king of
ing from the assaults of Aram, Elisha sent a prophet to J^ (9 :
Jehu, the commander-in-chief, to anoint him king. This
the prophet did, and he laid upon Jehu the charge to
destroy all the house of Ahab, in vengeancefor the blood of
the prophets slain, and uttered a divine word of doom
on the house of Ahab and on Jezebel.
Jehu, now openly acknowedged king by the army, con-
» Cf. 1 K. 22 : 3.
213

2 Kings 9:11 The Messages of
The murder spired against Joram who, with Ahaziah of Judah, was then
Aha'Sah' in Jezreel, whither he had gone to recover from the wounds
f^/1-37)^ tnat l^e Arameans had dealt him in Ramah. Jehu cun
ningly contrived to reach Jezreel before the kings got knowl
edge of the conspiracy. When at last they heard that Jehu
was near, suspecting the worst, they went forth against
the rebel — forth to their doom ; for Jehu pierced king
Joram to the heart with an arrow, and had his body thrown
into Naboth's field, in fulfilment of the prophetic word."
He also had Ahaziah slain ; and Jezebel, the idolatrous
queen — resolved to meet her fate with dignity — he gave
over to a death of shame and horror in the field of Jezreel,
in accordance with the word of Elijah.3 Thus the cruel and
idolatrous house of Ahab perished.
Murder of The leading men in the capital were only too willing to
onfraefand come to terms with one who had shown such authority
ftd^. . and violence ; and instead of adopting his tentative sug
gestion to set one of the princes on the throne, they ful
filled his real desire by slaying them all. With feigned
surprise at the atrocity, he yet acknowledged their doom
to be the fulfilment of Jehovah's word concerning the
house of Ahab. After rooting out that whole house, he
also slew forty-two princes of Judah.
1 The substance of 9 : 14, 15 is carried back to 8 : 28, 29, to introduce the
story of Jehu.
2 Cf. 1 K. 21 : 19. This ignores the fulfilment in 1 K. 22 : 38, which is by
a later hand.
a 1 K. 21 : 23. 214

the Historians 2 Kings 11:2
In his crusade against the Baal worship, he was sup- Destruction
ported by Jonadab and his nomad Rechabites, who were w0rshipaal
zealous for Jehovah, and hated the life and worship of (IO : I5"31'
Canaan. Then he cunningly aimed his decisive blow at
the Baal worship. Under pretext of offering a sacrifice to
the Baal, he gathered all the Baal worshippers together
into a temple, where they were summarily slain and the
symbols of their worship destroyed. Thus Jehu de
stroyed the Baal out of Israel. But he departed not from
the sins of Jeroboam and the calf worship. Jehovah,
however, promised that his dynasty would stand till the
fourth generation because he had executed his purpose
upon the house of Ahab.
In the course of his reign, which lasted twenty-eight Hazaei's
years, Hazael of Aram won from Israel most of the district pSgTfioT'
east of the Jordan.1 32-36)
21. Athaliah, Queen of Judah: 842-836 B. C. ; The
Revolution of Jehoiada (2 K. n)
Now that the throne of Judah was vacant by the death Athaliah, '
of Ahaziah, the queen mother,' Athaliah, secured her own j1^^" je-
seat upon the throne by the murder of all the seed royal holad!1'.s
— all but Joash, son of Ahaziah , who had been hidden by his and reform
1 Thus confirming Elisha's fears (8 : 12). Aram enjoyed a temporary
peace after an unsuccessful campaign of Assyria against her in 839 B. C,
and was thus free to attack Israel.
« 8 : 26. 215

2 Kings ii : 4 The Messages of
aunt.1 But after a reign of six years, a plot was formed
by Jehoiada, the priest of the temple, supported by the for
eign body-guard — to bring to an end the power of Ahab's
idolatrous daughter. The scheme was successful. The
queen was slain, and Joash proclaimed king. As the rev
olution was largely inspired by religious motives, Jehoiada
made people and king pledge themselves to Jehovah, and
vow to be his people exclusively. At once they proved
their zeal by vigorously stamping out the Baal worship with
all that pertained thereto.
22. Joash, King of Judah (2 K. 12), 836-796 B. C.
Joash, king With the exception of the worship on the high places,
the restora- which was still maintained, Joash did that which was
temple the rignt in the sight of Jehovah. His succession had been a
(12 : 1-16) triumph of the cause of Jehovah, and he took steps to secure
that he should be worthily represented by his temple, which
had fallen into neglect.2 The priests, however, were in
no hurry to apply to the repairs of the temple the gifts and
taxes that came into their hands. At length Joash, rebuk
ing the priests, took the matter firmly in hand, and the
money thenceforth secured by his new device was devoted
to the repairs and paid directly to the workmen, who, un
like the priests, dealt honorably. The money obtained
1 Wife of Jehoiada, who organized the revolution (2 Chr. 22 : 11).
3 Likely under Athaliah, who, in matters of worship, was no doubt her
father's daughter. 2l6

the Historians 2 Kings 13:11
from the guilt and sin offerings was not so devoted ; it
went to the priests.
Hazael of Aram, besides harassing 1 Israel and reducing Hazaei's
the Philistine Gath, turned his face threateningly toward Campaign :
Jerusalem. Joash only saved his capital by surrendering ^"t^I^1
the treasures of temple and palace. At last he was slain (12 : 17-21)
in a conspiracy by his servants.3
23. Jehoahaz, King oj Israel (2 K. 13 : 1-9, 22), 814-797
B. C.
During the reign of Joash, Jehu's son Jehoahaz sue- jehoahaz,
ceeded to the throne of Israel. But he followed the sins i^fel" op-
of Jeroboam ; so Jehovah in anger abandoned them to Pressed hy
the assaults of Aram under Hazael and his son,3 who in- 1-3, 7-9, 22)
flicted crushing losses on Israel, and harassed them all the
days of the king.
24. Joash, King of Israel (2 K. 13 : 10-13, 23-25), 797-781
B.C.
Jehoahaz was succeeded by his son Joash, who de
parted not from all the sins of Jeroboam. Yet Jehovah
1 As recorded in 13 : 3, cf. 10 : 32.
3 Perhaps due to discontent fostered by the invasion; perhaps in revenge
for the murder of Zechariah, cf. 2 Chr. 24 : 20-25.
a "But Jehovah -was moved by Jehoahaz's entreaty, and for answer, he sent a
deliverer " (Joash, 13 : 25 ? or Jeroboam II. 14 : 28 ? or the Assyrians ?). Be
sides being obviously in the style of the programme (see page 93) of the
Book of Judges, this passage (13 : 4-6) interrupts and contradicts the context.
217

2 Kings 13:23

The Messages of

Joash, king was graciously mindful of his covenant with the patriarchs, and
(i?*™*1!!) ¦ therefore Joash, seizing his opportunity on the death of
his victories Hazael ' was enabled to recover the cities on the west
(13:23-25); Jordan which the Arameans had taken from his father.
(13 : 12! 13= He died and was buried in Samaria.
14 : 15, 16) 25. Amaziah, King of Judah (2 K. 14: 1-22), 796-782
B.C.

Amaziah,king of
Judah(14 : 1-6)

His war
with Edom
and Israel
(14 : 7-14)

About the beginning of the reign of Joash over Israel,
Amaziah, the son of Joash of Judah, succeeded to the
throne of Judah. With the exception of the worship on
the high places which was still maintained, he did that
which was right in the sight of Jehovah, only not like
David. As soon as his throne was secure, he slew the
murderers of his father, but not their children : * that is
forbidden in the Book of Deuteronomy?
Amaziah had warlike ambitions. In a successful inva
sion of Edom, he seized the capital of the country. Then,
desirous of throwing off the suzerainty of Israel, he sent
King Joash a challenge. Joash, in a parable, ironically
pointed out the folly of such a challenge, but on further
provocation accepted it, took the proud king prisoner, de
stroyed part of the wall of his capital and carried off to
his own capital the treasures of temple and palace.
* Besides, Aram's hands were tied by an Assyrian invasion.
a As was still the custom in Elijah's time ; cf . 9 : 26.
3 24 : 16. 2l8

the Historians 2 Kings 15 : 4
He, too, like his father, met his end through a conspir- Accession of
acy. He was succeeded by his son Azariah,1 who renewed trad?
the trade with the Red Sea by fortifying Elah, which ^Vio7!*!)
Edom afterwards recovered.3
26. Jeroboam II. , King of Israel (2 K. 14 : 23-29),
781-740 B. C.
During the reign of Amaziah over Judah, Joash's son Jeroboam
Jeroboam II. succeeded to the throne of Israel. He de- Israel'"8
parted notfrotn all the sins of Jeroboam I. In the course (l4 : 23~29>
of his long reign, he extended the dominion of Israel to its
ideal borders, according to the word of Jonah. For Jeho
vah in pity for Israel's bitter affliction and desolation at
the hands of Aram * saved them through Jeroboam.
27. Azariah, King of Judah (2 K. 15 : 1-7), 782-740
B. C.
During the reign of Jeroboam over Israel. Amaziah's Uzziah,
son, Azariah, succeeded to the throne of Judah. With the ju^h
exception of the worship on the high places, which was ^ '¦ 1_7)
still maintained, he did that which was right in the sight
of Jehovah. In the course of his long reign he was smitten
1 Better known as Uzziah 15 : 32, 2 Chr. 26 : 1.
3 In 16 : 6, which cannot be in its proper place, Edom is to be read for
Aram. The mistake led to the addition in that passage, of Rezin's name.
Between the Hebrew words for Aram and Edom there is only a " tittle " of
difference. > Cf . v. 28. 219

2 Kings 15:5 The Messages of
with leprosy, and therefore had to dwell apart. Conse
quently the government was in the hands of Jotham, his
son. 28. Zechariah, King of Israel (2 K. 15 : 8-12), 740 B. C.
Zechariah, During the reign of Azariah of Judah, Jeroboam's son
raef ° s Zechariah succeeded to the throne of Israel, which he held
{15 : 8-12) oniv sjx months. He departed not from the sins of Jer
oboam, and was slain in a conspiracy by Shallum, who
succeeded him. Thus Jehu's dynasty stood until the
fourth generation, according to the word of Jehovah?
29. Shallum, King oj Israel (2 K. 15 : 13-15), 740 B. C.
Shallum, Shallum had reigned but a month when he was slain
king of Is
rael (15 : 13-15)

king of is- byMenahem.

30. Menahem, King of Israel (2 K. 15 : 16-22), 740-737
B. C.
Menahem, Menahem departed notjrom the sins of Jeroboam. He
raef °£ *" secured the throne only after much cruelty and blood-
(15 : 16-22) shed and maintained it 3 by the payment of a ruinous sub
sidy to the Assyrian king, who was now turning his at
tention to the far west.
1 10 : 30.
3 Hardly so long as ten years : probably not more than six, and possibly
only three or four. 220

the Historians 2 Kings 16:3

31. Pekahiah, King of Israel (2 K. 15 : 23-26), 737-736
B. C.
Menahem was succeeded by his son Pekahiah. He too Pekahiah,
departed not from the sins of Jeroboam. After a reign r™f
of two years he was slain in a conspiracy by Pekah, who (J5 : 23-26)
succeeded to the throne.
32. Pekah, King of Israel (2 K. 15 : 27, 28, 30, 31),
736-733 B. C.
Pekah departed not from the sins of Jeroboam, and he Pekah, king
was slain in a conspiracy after a reign of about three • (J5 fr2a7ef 2gt
years, by Hoshea (who reigned as vassal of Assyria).3 3°' 3I*
33. Jotham, King of Judah (2 K. 15 : 32-38), 740-736
B. C.
During Pekah's reign over Israel, Azariah's son Jo- jotham,
tham succeeded to the throne of Judah. With the ex- dS?°
ception of the worship on the high places, which was *15 : 32"38'
still maintained, he did that which was right in the
sight of Jehovah ; and he built the upper gate of the
temple. 34. Ahaz, King of Judah (2 K. 16), 736-725 B. C.
Jotham was succeded by his son Ahaz, who walked in Ahaz, king
the way of the kings of Israel, and offered his son in (16 : 1-4)
1 Twenty (v. 27) is inconsistent with the Assyrian inscriptions.
3 This is the effect of the cause related in 16 : 5-9.
221

2 Kings 1 6 : 3 The Messages of
sacrifice to his God, after the manner of the nations,
which Jehovah drove out, and worshipped on the high
places.
He appeals (Taking advantage of the absence of the Assyrian king
whfch re'-3' in the far east) Rezin, king of Aram, and Pekah, king of
emisraef11" Israel> sought to coerce Ahaz ' into common action against
and Aram Assyria, and to this end besieged him in his own capital.
(16 "5, 7-9 ;' But with the offer of a heavy tribute, taken from the treas-
15 ' ures of temple and palace, he appealed to the Assyrian
king, who, nothing loath, answered with an army which
ravaged the district of Galilee, captured Damascus, and
carried the population of both districts away to the far
east.
Ahaz's altar Seeing an altar which took his fancy, while in Damas-
(1 . 10-1 cug tQ oggr ^ homage to Tiglath-pileser, Ahaz sent to
the priest Urijah at Jerusalem a pattern of it, with instruc
tions to have one erected by his return.2 It was set up in
the place of the old altar, and on it were offered the public,
private, and royal sacrifices.
Heavy trib- Besides making other changes in the temple, Ahaz
ute to ssy- j^j appropr;atec< some of the temple vessels in order to
(16 : 17-20) secure money for the payment of tribute to Assyria.
1 Cf. 15 : 37 which puts the matter theologically.
3 This was probably intended as a compliment to Assyria.

222

the Historians. - 2 Kings 17 :2o
35. Hoshea, King of Israel, and the Fall of the Northern
Kingdom (2 K. 17 : 1-6 ; 18 : 9-12), 733-721 B. C.
During the reign of Ahaz over Judah, Hoshea sue- Hoshea: the
ceeded to the throne of Israel, and he did that which was rfi'and the""
evil in the sight of Jehovah, but not like his predecessors, pp^vity of
The king of Assyria, discovering that he had thrown off (17 = 1-6 and
his allegiance, and was seeking the support of Egypt, capt
ured him, took his capital, Samaria, after a siege of three
years,1 and carried a large portion of the population away
to Assyria, because they obeyed not the voice of Jehovah
their God, but transgressed his covenant, even all that
Moses commanded.
36. Three Lessons of the Fall (2 K. 17 : 7-23, 3411-40) First lesson:
a pumsh-
The exile was the divine punishment sent upon Israel™^1™ ]s~
in accordance with the words of the prophets, because yersityi1? '• l8J 2i-
they had walked in all the sins of Jeroboam. 23)
Many and divers had been their sins. Forgetful of the gracious Second les-
God of the olden days, they had adopted the idolatrous worship of50?'- I re"
the heathen on the high places, turned deaf ears to the warnings insistent ldol-
the prophets, and abandoned themselves to image^worship, star-wor- atry
ship, Baal-worship, sorcery, even to human sacrifice. Judah also 19, 20)
had followed only too surely in the footsteps of Israel. Therefore
Jehovah cast them out of his sight.
With their old perversity, they did not fear their own God, and
1 The siege was begun by Shalmaneser IV. ; but the city was taken by
his great general and successor, Sargon, in 721 B. C.
223

2;Kingsi7:34 The Messages of
Third les- they would not obey his written word which promised them de-
son: the liverance from all their enemies, if they would fear him only-
consequence J J
of deliberate their gracious Jehovah — and give no heed to other gods.
disobedience
(17 : 34b-4o) 37. The Later History of Samaria (2 K. 17 : 24-34* , 41)
The origin To repeople the partly depopulated cities of Samaria,
Samaritans tne k'nS °* Assyria sent colonists from Babylon and else-
(17:24-28, where. But they did not know how to worship Jehovah,
the God of their new country, and their ignorance cost
them some lives, which fell a prey to the ravages of lions
sent by Jehovah. So a priest was brought back from the
deported population of Israel, to teach them the religion
of Jehovah. Thus they learned to worship Jehovah
without abandoning their native worship.
The Samari- Alongside of the Jehovah worship they maintained, and to this
tan cult (17 : g^ mainfaint their old ancestral worship and practices upon the
high places on which the former inhabitants worshipped.

XII
TO THE CAPTIVITY OF JUDAH (2 Kings 1 8 tO 25)
1. The Events of Hezekiah's Reign (2 K. 18 to 20), 725-
696 B. C.
Hezekiah's During the reign of Hoshea over Israel, Ahaz's son
(18 : 1-8) Hezekiah succeeded to the throne of Judah ; and he did
that which was right in the eyes of Jehovah, according
224

the Historians 2 Kings 18 : 22
to all that David his father had done. He removed the
high places!- and abolished all forms of image worship,
even such as had venerable sanction, like the brazen ser
pent. Never was a king of Judah like him. He trusted
in Jehovah, was faithful to him, and was prospered by
him wherever he went. Thus, he threw off his allegiance
to the Assyrian king, and he also conquered the Philistine
city of Gaza.
Sennache- Sennacherib advanced against the rebellious Judah, and
campafgn5™ captured all her walled cities. In alarm for the capital,
(18 ¦. 13-16) Hezekiah secured immunity from attack by humbly offer
ing a very heavy tribute, for which not only the palace but
even the temple had to be stripped.
Judah's But on second thoughts Sen- Sennacherib sent an in-
crisis (18 : nacherib determined not to lose his solent letter to Hezekiah,
17 o 19 . 37; hoM on so irnportant a fortress as pointing out the
Jerusalem. He therefore sent a U9 : •r'-i'r)
small detachment of his army to oyo epen
The Rab- secure its surrender. One of his ing uPon the promises of
shakeh's in- n;gh officers, the Rabshakeh, in an his God against so resist-
mand (18 : insolent address to certain of Heze- less a foe as the Assyrians,
17-25) kiah's officials, pointed out the folly against whom not a single
of depending either upon man or d of o(her nation had
upon their God. Egypt was but a
x. 1 a a a <„, i-i,-,„i, been able to save those who
broken reed. And as for Jehovah
—how could Hezekiah expect any had trusted in them. Now
deliverance from him, when he had Hezekiah spread the letter
1 If, however, 18 : 22 is original, then this will have been part of Heze
kiah's reform, which Kittel thinks possible. 225

2 Kings 1 8 : 23

The Messages of

lately robbed him of all his seats of
worship but one ? What match was
the Israelite cavalry for the Assy
rian ? Besides, the Assyrian inva
sion had the direct sanction of Je
hovah.
His taunt Hezekiah's officials asked the
(18 : 26-37) Rabshakeh to speak in Aramaic,
because it was unfamiliar to the
Jews who manned the walls. With
a coarse threat he refused, and
went on, as before, in Hebrew, to
intimidate the people into disbelief
in Hezekiah and in his assurance of
victory through Jehovah. Submis
sion, he said, would mean comfort
— first in their own land, and then
in the better land to which he
would take them. Nothing was
more ridiculous than to believe in
their God. Had the gods of other
nations — Aram, for example —
saved those who fondly trusted
them, from Assyria's strong arm?
No more would Jehovah save Jeru
salem.

before Jehovah in his tem
ple, and earnestly prayed
him to rebuke the blasphe
mous insolence of Sen
nacherib. In very truth, he
was the God of all — the liv
ing and the only God : the
gods of whose destruction
the Assyrians boasted were
no gods. Let Jehovah but
interpose, he prayed, to
save his people, and the de
liverance would convince
the world that he was the
only God.
Then Isaiah sent Heze
kiah the message that his
prayer had been
(19 : 20, 32- ,
y 35) * heard. 1 He as
sured him in the
name of Jehovah that it
would not come to a siege ;

1 Here are interpolated two oracles, a taunt song (21-28) in verse, and a
sign (29-31) in prose. The following is the substance of the song :
With scornful laughter Zion's daughter greets thee,
Thee who hast blasphemed Israel's holy God.
Proudly thou boastest no land can resist thee :
Though all the while thou art but Jahweh's tool,
Working his ancient purpose on the nations.
226

the Historians

2 Kings 20 : 6

Isaiah's con
fident proph
ecy; Sen
nacherib retires : and
Jerusalem is
saved (19 :
i-9a. 36, 37)

for the Assyrian king would
return by the way that he
came. Jeliovah would defend
the city for his own and David's
sake. And so it came to
pass : for (by a pestilence)
the angel of Jehovah slew
great numbers of his army
(and he retired to his own
land).

In dire distress, the king sent his
sorrowful officials to Isaiah the
prophet, with the request that he
would intercede with his God : per
chance he would hearken to him.
Nor was he disappointed. In the
name of Jehovah, Isaiah bade them
not fear the blasphemous words of
Assyria : the king would hear a
rumor which would cause him to
return to his own land, and there
he would be slain. And so it came
to pass : for at the rumor of the ap
proach of the Ethiopian king, he
departed from Libnah which he
was besieging and returned toNine-
veh, where he was slain by his sons.
Hezekiah's Hezekiah, sick unto death, sought Jehovah with tears
recovervand t0 remember the sincerity of his past, and deliver him.
(20 : i-n) For answer, the prophet Isaiah brought a message from
Jehovah that in three days he would recover, and that his
life would be lengthened by fifteen years ; and it was so.
By the application of figs, the boil was healed and he re-
Yea, all thy doings are before mine eyes,
And for thy rage and insolence I'll tame thee —
Hook in thy nose and bridle in thy lips —
And bring thee back the very way thou earnest.
And this shall be tlie sign : After two years of devastated fields, in the
third ye shall sow and reap and eat ; and the Jews that are left in Jerusalem
shall again strike root and bear new fruit. The zeal of Jehovah shall accom
plish this. 227

2 Kings 20 : 7

The Messages of

Babylonian
embassy ;
Isaiah's
prophecy {20 ; 12-19)

Hezekiah's
buildingoperations (20 : 20j 21)

covered. To reassure Hezekiah's faith in his speedy recovery,
Isaiah, in the name of Jehovah, gave him his choice of a sign ; and
the sign came to pass.1
Merodach Baladan, king of Babylon, sent an embassy
to Hezekiah to congratulate him on his recovery ; a and
Hezekiah showed them his numerous treasures. Then
Isaiah seized the occasion to prophesy, in the name of
Jehovah, that all those treasures would one day be carried away
to Babylon and that some of the Judsean princes would one day
be eunuchs of the Babylonian king.3 These stern words
Hezekiah listened to with resignation, in the assurance
that there would be peace so long as he lived.
Hezekiah built the pool of Siloam and by a subterranean
conduit 4 secured for Jerusalem a water-supply unassail
able in war.
1 The sign is here belated, as the recovery is already a fact (v. 7). In
Isa. 38 : 7 it is simply a miraculous sign ; here, by the choice, the miracle is
enhanced. 2 Ostensibly ; but in reality, doubtless, to solicit Judah's aid in a revolt
from Assyria.
3 In this form, the prophecy could hardly be original. With the substitu
tion, however, of Assyrian for Babylonian, we may have an approximation
to the original prophecy.
4 From this tunnel is supposed to come the famous inscription discovered
in 1880, though both tunnel and inscription might be a little earlier (cf. Isa.
8:6).

228

the Historians 2 Kings 21 : 26

2. Manasseh, King of Judah (2 K. 21 : 1-18), 696-641
B. C.
Hezekiah was succeeded by his son Manasseh, who did Manasseh of
hideous evil in the sight of Jehovah. He undid his idolatry-
father's reformation, adopting, as did Ahab, the Baal (2I : I_^
worship with its heathen symbols, and star worship — even
building altars to the heavenly bodies in the temple courts '
of Jerusalem, the city chosen of Jehovah. He sacrificed
his son, dealt in sorcery, and through his idolatry led the people
into hideous disobedience to Jehovah's ancient laws, which if obeyed
would have saved them from exile.
Prophetic voices were lifted up in protest. This fearful Prophetic
iniquity, they said, would involve Jerusalem, and Judah infear-\^?^??li
ful doom — even the relentless doom of Samaria and the dynasty of "doom
Ahab : spoliation, exile, abandonment. But those honest voices
were stifled by cruel persecution.
3. Arnon, King of Judah (2 K. 21 : 19-26), 641-639 B. C.
Manasseh was succeeded by his son Arnon, who did Amonof
that which was evil in the sight of Jehovah, like his fc^lLjj)
father Manasseh, and walked in his idolatrous ways.
So he was slain in a conspiracy by his servants, who were
in their turn promptly slain by the people.
1 In the two courts a post-exilic hand is evident. There was strictly only
one court in Solomon's temple ; the " other " is the palace court, i K. 7 : 8,
cf. 2 Chr. 4 : 9. 229

2 Kings 22 : i The Messages of

4. Josiah, King of Judah (2 K. 22 : 1 to 23 : 30), 639-608
B.C.
josiah of Arnon was succeeded by his son Josiah, who ascended
finding:ofhe the throne in his eighth year. He did that which was
the })O0k °£ right in the sight of Jehovah, as did David, setting him-
(22) self in his eighteenth year to restore the temple, which (in
the last two reigns) had fallen into disgrace and disrepair.
In the course of the repairs a momentous discovery was
made, no less than the Book of Deuteronomy,1 found by
Hilkiah the priest. As the king reflected on the people's
disobedience to its statutes, and read the threats pro
nounced thereon, he hastened, in sorrow and fear, to con
sult the will of Jehovah. Huldah the prophetess, to whom
his messengers went for counsel, answered in the name of
Jehovah that the threats of the book would assuredly be fulfilled
upon city and people, for against their idolatry and apostasy Jeho
vah's unquenchable anger would be kindled ; but Josiah, for his
tenderness of heart, would be spared the impending doom.
Josiah'sref- The moment was critical; so the king- gathered the
ormation ° °
and passover people of Judah and Jerusalem together 3 — priests, proph-
24?25*~i5-23)ets> elders, all; and king and people solemnly pledged
themselves to a covenant with Jehovah on the basis of the
book. Proceeding at once to a radical reform of the wor
ship, he cleansed the temple of all the vessels that had
1 At least, the legal part : cf. pp. 87, 88.
3 Some suppose that Josiah seized the opportunity of the passover to
gather the people together (21-23). 230

the Historians 2 Kings 23 • 21
been used in the worship of Baal, Ashtoreth? and the
heavenly bodies, tore down the haunts 2 of the immoral
worship of Jehovah, and abolished the idolatrous priest
hood of the high places, allowing the priests, however, to
share, if not in the service, yet in the revenues of the Jeru
salem priests. He did away with the human sacrifices
offered to Jehovah as king,3 and destroyed all traces of
the sun worship in which his predecessors had indulged,
and of the idolatrous worship of Solomon. He also abol
ished sorcery of all sorts in accordance with the injunctions
of the newly discovered book,4 and there was no king like
him. He destroyed Jeroboam's famous sanctuary and
altar at Bethel. The bones of the calf-worshippers he took out of
their tombs and burnt upon the altar, but he Spared the tomb
of the prophet who had foretold the destruction of the altar at
Bethel? Similarly stern measures he adopted toward all
centres of the idolatrous worship. Then in accordance
with the injunctions of the Book of the Covenant,6 he cel-
1 The same word {asherah) as is used in v. 6 to signify the idolatrous
wooden pole. Here (v. 4) it seems to be used to signify a goddess, though
the existence of a goddess Asherah is disputed. It may be due either to
a misunderstanding of asherah in its ordinary sense, or to confusion with
Ashtoreth. 2 Or — by a conjectural reading — garments for the immoral worship (v. 7).
a The consonants, m 1 k are those of the word *' king," a title of Jehovah.
The vowels molek are intended to suggest the word bosheth, shame : cf. p.
162. 4 Dt. 18 : n. 6 1 K. 13.
8 Such is now properly its name after the covenant has been made, v. 3;
to be distinguished from the older book (Ex. 20 : 22 to 23 : 33) of the same
name (Ex. 24 : 7). 231

2 Kings 23 : 22 The Messages of
ebrated in Jerusalem a great passover festival, the like of
which had never been held before.
The doom of But the reformation of Josiah could not wipe out the crimes of
thf mev" Manasseh. They remained still unatoned, and for them Jerusalem
(23 : 26-28) the chosen must be rejected, and Judah must go into exile like Israel
before her.
The death of At last Josiah was slain in battle on the plain of Jezreel,
(°3?%, 30) %ntmg ' against Pharaoh Necho of Egypt, who had taken
advantage of the approaching collapse of Assyria to
march north with intent to wrest her western empire
from her.
5. Jehoahaz, King of Judah (2 K. 23 : 31-34), 608 B. C.
Jehoahaz of Josiah was succeeded by his son Jehoahaz, who did that
(23 : 31-34) which was evil in the sight of Jehovah. He was taken
as Pharaoh's prisoner to Egypt, where he died.2 His land
was put under tribute, and his brother Eliakim was set
on the throne by Pharaoh, who changed his name B to Je-
hoiakim.
6. Jehoiakim, King of Judah (2 K. 23 : 35 to 24 : 7),
608-597 B. C.
To secure tribute for his Egyptian lord, the new king
had to assess his people according to the value of their
1 Either as vassal of Assyria, or perhaps on his own account.
a Cf. Jer. 22 : 10-12.
s To mark him as his vassal ? Cf . 24 : 17.
232

the Historians 2 Kings 24 : 17
land. He did that which was evil in the sight of Jehovah. Jehoiakim
When Nebuchadrezzar, king of Babylon, broke the power his rebel-'
of Egypt, Jehoiakim voluntarily tendered his submission. ^°n:0fnva"
But in three years he rebelled ; and Tudah was invaded Judah (23 :
35 to 24 : 7)
by bands of peoples both near and far in accordance with
Jehovah's fateful purpose proclaimed by the prophets. Despite
her initial success against them, Judah was swiftly hastening
to the doom of exile, in chastisement for the sins of Manasseh and
for the innocent blood that he had shed.
7. Jehoiachin, King of Judah (2 K. 24 : 8-16), 597 B. C.
Jehoiakim was succeeded by his son Jehoiachin, who did jehoiachin
that which was evil in the sight of Jehovah. (In consequence fast depor-
of his father's revolt), a Babylonian army laid siege to^"?n8.l6)
Jerusalem. After a reign of three months, Jehoiachin
with his court surrendered, and they were carried away to
Babylon, along with seven thousand trained' warriors, one
thousand artisans, and the most prominent of his subjects,
with vessels and treasures of temple and palace. 1
8. Zedekiah, King of Judah (2 K. 24 : 17 to 25 : 21),
597-586 B. C.
On the throne of Judah Nebuchadrezzar set Jehoiachin's Zedekiah
uncle, a son of Josiah, changing his name from Mattaniah °j4J"^o.)
1 Vv. 13, 14 are a later parallel to is, 16, more interested in the temple,
but not wholly unhistorical (cf. Jer. 27 : 18-22), though the numbers are
higher. 233

2 Kings 24 : 19

The Messages of

Zedekiah's
rebellion ;
the fall of
Jerusalem ;
second de
portation(24 : 20b
to 25 : 21)

to Zedekiah. He did that which was evil in the sight of Jeho
vah, his wickedness being the penalty that Jehovah in his wrath
sent upon Judah, to prepare the way for exile.
Zedekiah rebelled. Nebuchadrezzar with a great army
came to reduce the capital. Siege and famine did their
worst ; and in a year and a half the city fell. The king
and his warriors fled. The king was taken in the neigh
borhood of Jericho. His sons were slain before his eyes.
Then he was blinded and carried to Babylon. A month
afterward the city was set on fire. Temple, palaces,
houses, one and all, were burned and the walls levelled
with the ground. All but the poor were carried into cap
tivity, and with the captives went the numerous and costly
vessels of the temple. Prominent priests and other offi
cials were taken to Riblah on the Orontes, and executed.
Thus did the exile of Judah become a fact,

Gedaliah,
governor
of Judah, as
sassinated(25 : 22-26)

9. Gedaliah, Governor of Judah (2 K. 25 : 22-26)
Over those who were left in the land, Nebuchadrezzar
astutely appointed a native governor, Gedaliah, who * was
convinced that safety lay in submission to the Babylonians.
But in a short time he and his supporters were slain in a
conspiracy by Ishmael, a Jewish prince. In fear of Baby
lonian vengeance, the people fled to the ever ambiguous
and futile friendship of Egypt.
1 Like Jeremiah.
234

the Historians 2 Kings 25 : 30

10. Jehoiachin' s Elevation (2 K. 25 : 27-30), 561 B. C.
The advent of Nebuchadrezzar's successor, Evil-mero- Jehoiachin's
dach, in 561 B. C. marked a new attitude toward the Jews, (25 : 27-30)
and was, as it were, the harbinger of the return. After
thirty-seven years of captivity, King Jehoiachin was ac
corded the first place among the captive kings at court,
and continued to receive marks of royal favor as long as
he lived.

235

THE PRIESTLY HISTORIANS

THE PRIESTLY HISTORIANS

THE PRIESTLY NARRATIVE OF THE HEXATEUCH
The hope of the Hebrews was hard to slay. They took An impetus
with them into exile prophetic assurances that they would IxTlTto^he6
be brought back again to their own land, and they had u^LtlcAce
those assurances repeated and confirmed by other proph
ets in the exile. So real was that hope that long before
the exile was half over, Ezekiel * drew up a programme of
worship, resting doubtless upon past usage, for the guid
ance of the restored community. Here we see not indeed
the rise, but the growing prominence of priestly interests.
The people could no longer be a nation ; they determined
to be a church. For good and for evil, the place once
taken by the prophet in the guidance of life was now taken
by the priest.
The impulse thus given by memory and hope to the That study
study and elaboration of the law naturally received fresh I^Yby'the
strength when the return from exile was actually con- history 0aff ter
summated and worship begun. In course of time it gave «he return
1 40 to 48.
239

Priestly History The Messages of
rise to a great body of legal literature — all of the Hexa
teuch that is left after deducting the prophetic strata, and
the Book of Deuteronomy which is, in the main, also legis
lation. There can be no doubt that all this part of the
Hexateuch is, in its present form, post-exilic. It im
proves upon Deuteronomy ' in sharply distinguishing, as
Deuteronomy fails to distinguish, between priests and
Levites ; its statutes which are to be " everlasting," in some
cases contradict Ezekiel's programme, and must therefore
be later than that ; and it implies a view of the impor
tance and origin of ritual which is not only not held, but
is in some cases almost in express terms repudiated by
pre-exilic prophets.
it expressed Now this great body of legal literature has come down
effort "to t0 us m tne main in historical form. The laws are con-
write the nected with the revelation on Sinai, and introduced by the
history of J
the origin of phrase " Jehovah spake unto Moses, saying." This quasi-
thetheoc- f. . , . . , , , , ,
racy historical spirit took one step further and created a
priestly account of Israel's early history down to the con
quest ; but the extremely meagre notices of both the pre-
Mosaic and the post-Mosaic age, coupled with the aston
ishing and altogether disproportionate copiousness of the
1 So Deuteronomy shows familiarity with the prophetic history (JE) but
not with the priestly, which would be strange if it were already in existence,
Dt. (i : 24) like JE (Num. 13 : 23) only sends the spies to Eshcol in S.
Canaan ; P (Num. 13 : 21) sends them to the extreme north. So Dt. (n : 6]
like JE (Num. 16) knows only of the rebellion of Dathan and Abiram.
Korah is peculiar to P. 240

the Historians Priestly History
description of the legislation of Moses, make it quite cer
tain that for the author legislation was the chief thing.
In other words the narrative does not even purport to
be a history of Israel, but rather of the origin of Israel's
religious institutions, which for the post-exilic age were
almost the all in all.
It is only with the distinctly narrative elements that we But the in-
are here called upon to deal ; and to appreciate them truly priestly nai-
we must remember the spirit in which they were written, rHlvf ls_jot
and not seek from them more than they were intended to torical
give. History they are not ; for that we look elsewhere.
There is nothing of that romantic element which invests
the prophetic narratives of the Hexateuch with such
charm. Consider how bald, as history, would be the
statement of Genesis 19 : 29 which is all that the priestly
narrative tells us of the tragedy of Sodom, " when God
destroyed the cities of the Jordan circle, God remembered
Abraham, and sent Lot out of the midst of the overthrow,
when he overthrew the cities in which Lot dwelt." When
the priestly narrative is historically the most improbable, it
will usually be found that there is a legislative element
not only latent, but explicit. The most notable illustra
tion of this is the story of the war with Midian in Num
bers 31, where the extravagance of the detail is admitted
by Dillmann to deviate so seriously from historical prob
ability that the fact must have been for the author second
ary in importance to the law governing the distribution of
241

Priestly History The Messages of
booty, which he links with the fact.1 There are passages
even in the patriarchal stories where this author aban
dons his brief, dry notices for a detailed story ; but these
very occasions are significant of his temper and attitude.
An example is the story of the covenant with Abraham
(Gen. 17). Repeated emphasis is laid on the "everlast
ing covenant " which has so much more pictorial a setting
in the corresponding Jehovistic story of Genesis 1 5 ; but
the significant thing is that here the covenant is indissol-
ubly linked with circumcision, one of the " signs " of the
peculiar people. The chapter might as fittingly be en
titled " The law of circumcision " as " The covenant with
Abraham." Similarly the story of Abraham's purchase
of the cave of Machpelah is told with an unusual wealth
of interesting detail, in order to prove Abraham's title to
a lot in the land which was afterwards to be the posses
sion of the theocratic people.
it idealizes Considering the brevity of the priestly pre-Mosaic his-
ignorfngaS torv> ^ would perhaps not be fair to deduce much from
scandal jts silence, especially as there are indications that the nar
rative must once have been longer than it now is in the
completed Hexateuch. But it is not without interest, and
may not be without significance, that it ignores all scandal
in the patriarchal narratives, just as we have seen that
the Elohistic document often endeavored to soften mor-
1 Num. 31 : 27 (see p. 161). See also the budding of Aaron's rod, Num.
17- 242

the Historians Priestly History
ally objectionable traits or to give them a different turn.
While, for instance, the priestly narrator has nothing to
say of the expulsion of Hagar and Ishmael, it is he who
tells us that Isaac and Ishmael buried their father.1 More
striking still is his treatment of the departure of Jacob for
Mesopotamia, which in this document is called Paddan-
aram. Here Jacob is not fleeing from the vengeance of
the brother whom he has deceived, but is sent by Isaac
to take a wife of his own kinsfolk.2 It is of a piece with
this that on Jacob's return he and Esau only separate
" because their substance was too great for them to dwell
together." 3
U- There is no place, of course, for distinctively priestly in- Marked
terests until the legislation is reached ; but how predom- of°p?Sye
inant those interests were for the author of the priestly "^"^jrj;.
narrative may be most strikingly seen by a comparison n.ary narra-
of allusions or incidents related here with their parallels
in the earlier prophetic histories. Aaron, for instance, is
very prominent in the story of the plagues. In the Elo
histic document, they come when Moses stretches out
his hand or his rod at the command of Jehovah ; 4 in the
priestly narrative, Jehovah says to Moses, "Say unto
Aaron, ' stretch forth thy hand ' or ' thy rod.' " 6 In the
older story of the conquest, it is Joshua who apportions
the land ; * in the priestly story, he is not only associ-

1 Gen. 25 : 9.

2 Gen. 28 : 1-9.

• Gen. 36 : 7.

* Ex. 9 : 22 ; 10 : 12, 21.

6 Ex. 8 : 5, 16.
243

6 Josh. 18 : 10.

Priestly History The Messages of
ated with Eleazar the priest, but is named after him.1 On
a greater scale, nothing is so instructive as a comparison
of the secular rebellion of Dathan and Abiram in the
prophetic narrative with the religious rebellion of Korah
in the priestly narrative (Num. 16, 17), which even of
fers two versions of that rebellion. In one view, it is an
attack upon the rights of the tribe of Levi ; 2 in another,
it is an attack of the Levites on the exclusively priestly
rights of the sons of Aaron.8
The priestly This leads us to the remark that the priestly document,
from'more18 though it is convenient and not unfair to treat it as a
hand""^ unity, is, like the prophetic documents, not the work of a
represents a single author but of a school, and represents a movement.
movement .... , , „ .
Many minds were at work upon the all-important problem
of worship, and the legislation naturally underwent modifi
cation and development.1 The older stratum, for example,
represents only the high priest as anointed ; ° the later, the
other priests as well.6 The section on the altar of incense '
— clearly at variance with the original section (Ex. 27 : 1-8)
which implies the existence only of the brazen altar — is
only one of many later additions. The most striking proof
of the late date up to which these successive revisions were
undertaken is seen in the fact that the Greek transla
tion of Exodus 35 to 40, which cannot be earlier than the
1 Num. 34 : 17 ; Josh. 14 : i. 2 Num. 16 : 3. 3 16 : 10.
* The later sections are printed in the paraphrase at the foot of the page.
6 Ex. 29 : 7. ° Ex. 28 : 41. 7 Ex. 30 : 1-10.
244

the Historians Priestly History
third century B. C, implies in numerous details quite a
different Hebrew text and arrangement from that which
we have. Clearly at that time there was no absolutely
fixed text of the passage, and this long repetition of
Exodus 25 to 29 with its expansions and explanations,
proves that the section is itself later than that which it
expands. The literary characteristics of the priestly document, itscharao-
both in its historical and legislative elements, are so strik- order
ing as to be easily detected, after a very little practice,
even in the English translation. One of the most notable
— admirably illustrated in the first chapter of Genesis — is
its sense of order and system. The days of creation are
marked by a fine sequence. Here it is majestic ; often it
tends to be mechanical. This almost evolutionary sense
of order is suggested in another important sphere by the
three stages of revelation, which are marked by corre
sponding changes in the divine name. Before Abraham,
God is simply God, Elohim , between Abraham and
Moses, the bare idea of godhead gives place to the idea
of power, and he is El Shaddai ; in the third and latest
stage, he reveals himself to Moses as a god of grace,
Jehovah. There is a similar sequence in the idea of the
covenant. The first covenant is made with Noah, and its
sign is the rainbow (Gen. 9). The second is made with
Abraham, and its sign is circumcision (Gen. 17). Later,
the Sabbath is spoken of as a covenant, and the sign of
245

Priestly History The Messages of
the covenant.1 The love of system is further seen in the
arrangement of the patriarchal period into ten " gener
ations," beginning with the heavens and the earth and
ending with Jacob. Sometimes this tendency degenerates
into artificiality, as in the distribution of Jacob's children
in Genesis 46, which makes up the number 70 by includ
ing Joseph's sons, gives each of the wives twice as many
children as their respective handmaids, "and defies the
earlier prophetic narratives by assigning to Reuben four
sons instead of two, and to Benjamin, the youngest, no
less than ten, two of whom are regarded by 1 Chronicles
8 :' 3, 4 as his grandsons, and one by the Greek version of
Chronicles even as a great-grandson.
Precision. The zeal for precise statement naturally leads to much
repetition. A most extraordinary illustration is to be
found in Numbers 7, where six verses are repeated twelve
times. It is impossible to imagine the prophetic authors
writing in this way ; the legal mind is obviously here at
work. Another phase of the same tendency is the fond
ness for accurate numbers, dates, and measurements. It
is the priestly writer who twice gives the numbers of the
various tribes ; who gives the ages of the antediluvians ;
1 Ex. 31 : 16, 17. It does not seem safe, however, to refer this to the
covenant at Sinai, which is not distinctly mentioned in this document ; but
see Lev. 26 : 45. (It may have originally had a place, and been omitted by
the redactor of the Hexateuch.) Nor yet is there warrant for assuming that
it is the sign of a covenant made with Adam ; no such covenant is recorded.
There is further the covenant of an everlasting priesthood made with
Phinehas, as a reward for his defence of Jehovah's honor. Num. 25 : 13.
246

the Historians Priestly History
who tells us not only the year and the month but the very
day of Noah's life on which the flood came, how old Abra
ham and Ishmael were when they were circumcised, and
Moses and Aaron when they appeared before Pharaoh.1
Indeed — as we have seen — it is usually the priestly chronol
ogy that weakens the credibility of a prophetic incident,
which, without that chronology, would be quite probable ;
for example, Abraham's denial of his wife. It is this
source, too, which gives such elaborate measurements for
the tabernacle and its furniture, and even for Noah's ark.
With the strangest precision, it tells us that the waters of
the flood prevailed fifteen cubits above the high mountains.2
Clearly the priestly school has travelled a long way from An exalted
the easy and picturesque freedom of the prophetic histo- 0fG0d'lon
rians. Yet there is gain as well as loss. The loss in ro
mantic and historic interest has been accompanied by a
purer and severer, if in some ways less attractive, theology.
The idea of God is now completely freed from its primi
tive and mythical elements. His glory can be compared
to nothing but devouring fire.3 To describe him as walk
ing in a garden in the cool of the day would beinconceiv-
able. He is high and lifted up above earth and heaven.
He has but to speak and things are. The first chapter of
Genesis shows how nobly even men whose interests were
very largely ritual, could think of God. It is a stately
prose-poem which ushers us into the mysterious presence
of a God of awful majesty.
1 Ex. 7:7. 2 Gen. 7 : 20. 3 Ex. 24 : 17.
247

In the following section bold-faced type represents
the work of the priestly historians ; smaller bold-faced type
represents later additions.

248

II
the origin of the theocracy (Genesis to
Joshua)
I. History before Moses (Genesis)
Out of the primeval chaos, God, by the word of his Man the
almighty power, created an ordered world. Stage by God's crea-
stage he fitted it for the living creatures he should tl°" <* : 1 to
create, and every stage was divinely perfect. Then he
created the living things to people sea and sky and earth.
But last and noblest, and crown of all, was man, whose
coming marked a new departure. For God made him
to share in the divine nature and destined him to over
come the world,1 living in peace with the creatures upon
the fruits of the earth. God's work was now finished,
and it was all divinely fair. So on the last day of his
great creation week he rested and thus established for
ever the sanctity of the Sabbath.
From Adam to Noah, the hero of the Flood — a space The ten
of over fifteen hundred years — there were but ten gen- vianVfs" i-
erations, for in those ancient days the span of life was 28- 3°"32)
exceeding long. For the most part, however, each
generation was shorter than that which went before,2
1 Primarily, of course, in the material sense ; there may be an unconscious
suggestion of the larger and deeper meaning.
3 So the Samaritan text. 249

Genesis 5 : 24

The Messages of

though Enoch, for his perfect walk with God, was priv
ileged not to see death at all.
God's pur- Now the world had grown corrupt; only one man,
pose to de- Noah, lived righteously. So God, in holy wrath, deter-
stroy the * ... .,,,..
world for its mined to destroy that sinful world by bringing upon it

sin (6 : 9-22)

The Flood
(7 : 6 to 8 :
19)1

God's cove
nant with
Noah (9 : 1-
17, 28, 29)

a flood. But with righteous Noah he made a covenant
of mercy, and instructed him against the day of the
Flood how to save himself and his family and to pre
serve of every living species a male and female for the
world to be.
By his obedience and faith, Noah was saved and all
the living creatures that were with him in the ark. For
God remembered him and them, and caused the waters
to decrease which had prevailed for one hundred and
fifty days, so that, on the anniversary of the coming of
the Flood, he and they went forth.
They went with the blessing of God, which conveyed
the old right of dominion over the world. To this he
added the right to partake of flesh as well as fruit, for
food. Of the blood of the animals slain, men might not
partake ; for that, as the symbol of life, was God's.
Still more sacred was the blood of man ; for he was
made in God's image, and the shedding of his blood
must be avenged by man. Thus God made his first
covenant with man, and with every living thing, never
again to destroy them or the earth by a flood ; and of
this covenant, the rainbow is for all time the sign and
pledge. 1 This section is divided almost equally between P and J.
250

the Historians Genesis 17:6
From Noah sprang the three great groups of peoples, Descendants
the Japhetic in the north, the Hamitic in the south, and °lff^l°''
greatest of all, the Semitic. 24> 31. 32)
For to the Semites belong the Hebrews. Now in the Descendants
ten1 generations from Shem to Terah, the father of?,,.h™20)
Abram, the span of human life grew shorter and shorter,
as before the Flood.
Terah's clan migrated from Ur of the Chaldees tow- Migration of
ard Haran. Afterward Abram, with wife and nephew f^™1^" :
and a great company, went on to Canaan, where they **'¦*• s; "3 =
settled — uncle and nephew apart.2
As Sarai, his wife, was barren, she gave Abram her Birth of ish
Egyptian maid Hagar, who bore him Ishmael. ^5) z ' *'
When Abram was old, God, revealing himself as El The coye-
Shaddai, made with him a covenant to be valid for all Abram(i7)
time, promising him the land of Canaan, descendants
exceeding many — among whom should be kings— and
1 So LXX.
3 Ch. 14 (Abram the warrior, blessed by Melchizedek). In a campaign
of four mighty kings from the east against a rebellious conspiracy
in the Jordan valley, Lot, Abraham's nephew, was carried cap-
tive. 'Whereupon, warrior like, Abram started in pursuit with
certain confederate chiefs, and recovered both the prisoners and
the spoil. On his return he received the blessing of the king of
Jerusalem, priest of God most high, and in gratitude he gave to
God, in the person of his priest, a tenth of the recovered spoil ;
the rest he nobly restored to its owner, refusing with solemn
oath to appropriate it to himself. (Linguistic and other marks make
it certain that this curious chapter, round which a controversy has waged,
is, in its present form, late. Some, however, at any rate, of its characters
are certainly historical, and it may contain historical material.)
251

Genesis 17 : 7 The Messages of
that he would be their God. The sign of the covenant
¦was to be infant circumcision, obligatory on every male.
Sarai, too, aged though she was, should bear Isaac, the
son of the promise. Abram's hopes for Ishmael would
indeed be fulfilled ; he was destined to be the ancestor
of twelve tribes ; but it was with Isaac that the cove
nant would be established. In token of the covenant,
the names of Abram and his wife were changed. In
that same day was Abraham circumcised, with all the
males of his household, according to the divine com
mand.
The deliver- God remembered Abraham, and for his sake saved
™o°t 2Q)Lot Lot when he overthrew the cities of the Jordan circle.
The birth Faithful to his promise, God gave Abraham a son
of Isaac ^ through Sarah, and Abraham, faithful to the obligation
of the covenant, circumcised him.
The pur- On Sarah's death, the Hittites generously offered the
Machpelah princely Abraham his choice of a burying-place from
(23) among their own. With gratitude he waived their
offer, for he could not use an alien grave ; but he pur
chased from them a certain field and cave in Hebron,
thus winning in the promised land ground he could
legally call his own.
The death In this cave, where he buried Sarah, he was himself
("a^^ii?111 buried by Isaac and Ishmael, having died in a good old
age ; and after his death, God blessed Isaac his son.
The de- Ishmael became the ancestor of twelve tribes, accord-
tfTshmael ing to the divine promise.2
(25 : 12-17) l Vv. 1 and 2 are each divided equally between J and P. " 17 : 20.
252

the Historians Genesis 35 : 26
Isaac married Rebekah of Paddan-aram, and not till Thede-
after twenty years did she bear him sons, Esau and f^cfe5;0'
Jacob. 19. 2°> 26')
To the grief of his parents, Esau married Hittite E.sau'? Hlt"
* tite wives
women. (26 : 34, 35,
But Jacob must not thus err. So Isaac sent him to°?: 46|
Rebekah's former home for a wife with the prayer that to PaddVn"
El Shaddai would continue upon him the blessing ^P1 '28 :
vouchsafed to Abraham. Esau, now seeing the mis
take of his own marriage, took to wife a granddaugh
ter of Abraham.
After his sojourn in Paddan-aram, Jacob came with Returns to
his wives, his children, and his substance to Shechem xi%^: ?£) 1
in Canaan.
The son of the prince of that district sought through The
his father the hand of Jacob's daughter whom he had thTlhe" °£
ravished. Her brothers, indignant, guilefully consent- chemites
ed to intermarriage between the clans, on condition of
circumcision. The Shechemites accepted these terms ;
but the sons of Jacob soon rose, slew all the males, and
plundered the city, for the wrong done their sister. The
neighboring cities were too panic-stricken to pursue.
At Bethel, God, revealing himself by his old name ofTherevela-
El Shaddai,3 renewed to Jacob the promise made to Bethel (35 :
Abraham, and gave him a new name, Israel. s-Ts)
Jacob with his twelve sons, all born in Paddan-aram,
1 About half a dozen fragments of verses within this section belong to P.
2 The larger half of this chapter belongs to P, the rest to J.
8 17 : 1. 253

Genesis 35 : 27 The Messages of
Jacob comes came to Isaac in Hebron, once Abraham's home. Then
Isaac's01 Isaac died in a good old age.
death (35 : Esau and his clan settled in the hill country of Edom.
The de- Of *^e Edomites there were twelve tribes ' with twelve
scendants princes. Of the older inhabitants of the land, the Hor-
sau (3 jte^ whom the Edomites absorbed, there were seven
tribes with their subdivisions, and seven chiefs. Esau,
the first-born, attained to monarchy before Israel, and
eight kings are recorded before the time of Saul. After
the close of the monarchy,2 the eleven districts of the
country were governed by chiefs.
Jacob settles Jacob now dwelt in the land of Canaan.
(37 : 1, 2») (Joseph was sold into Egypt.) By the time he was
Egypt (41 : thirty, he was governor over all Egypt, next to the king.
46eiidthntde"f Thither Jacob went down with his substance and fam-
Jacob(46: ily, seventy souls in all, including the two sons of Jo-
'" seph ; and each wife had twice as many descendants as
her handmaid.
Sojourn in Pharaoh offered Jacob and his sons the best of the
5-fi?27, 28) 'and to dwell in ; and the patriarch, greeting the king,
spoke with pathos of his wandering life, brief in com
parison with that of his fathers. So Joseph settled his
father and brethren in the country of Rameses, and they
multiplied and prospered. After seventeen years, it fell
to Jacob to die. So he called Joseph, and, telling of El
Shaddai's promises to him at Bethel,3 admitted Joseph's
1 Not counting Amalek, which is represented as the son of a concubine
(v. 12).
2 Cf. 1 Chr. 1:51. » 35 : 9-15.
254

the Historians Exodus 6:12

two sons, Ephraim and Manasseh, to the rank of his Jacob and
* Joseph's
Own. sons (48 : 3-
He bade his sons bury him with his fathers in the "
promised land, in the cave of Machpelah which was J.acou's
Abraham's by right of purchase, and where rested his burial (49 :
forefathers, elect of God. So they took him to the prom- ji^fij)
ised land and buried him there, within that very cave.
2. Moses (Exodus to Deuteronomy)
(1) The Deliverance (Exod. I to 19)
In Egypt, the children of Israel, at first seventy in The oppres-
number, multiplied exceedingly. So the Egyptians en- ;n Egypt
slaved and oppressed them, until their cry went up to *¦? :II"?''J'.
God and he in pity remembered his covenant with Abra- 23^25)
ham, Isaac, and Jacob, to give them the land of Canaan.
Faithful thereto, he revealed himself to the people, The new
through Moses, not as of old to the patriarchs by his Df God
name El Shaddai, but by his new name Jehovah, and '6 : 2"IZ)
thereby pledged himself to deliver and redeem them, to
take them for his own people, and to bring them to the
promised land. But the people were too broken to
listen to such a message. Disheartened by their un
belief, and conscious of his own inability as a speaker,
Moses hesitated, when the divine commission was laid
on him, to demand from Pharaoh the release of Israel
from Egypt.1
1 6 : 13-30 is an awkward interpolation, separating question and answer.
The substance of the section is : Moses and Aaron, the two brothers about
to be sent to Pharaoh, were descendants of Levi, the third of Jacob's sons.
255

Exodus 7 : i The Messages of
Aaron is ap- Jehovah then charged Aaron to act as Moses's
Mosest spokesman, assuring them that he would by his judg-
prophet ments compel the unwilling Pharaoh to let the children
7 ' I-7 of Israel go, and thus force the Egyptians to see what
manner of god was Israel's God. Then the brothers
delivered Jehovah's message to Pharaoh.
The sign of With Pharaoh's demand for a miraculous sign to
(7": ™d > authenticate their commission, Aaron complied. But
Pharaoh's magicians did the like ; so, despite the
higher power of Aaron— for his rod swallowed theirs-—
he remained unimpressed, as Jehovah had said.
Water A second sign, this time a plague I On Moses's
blood1 nt° worc>> Aaron with outstretched rod, turned the water
(7 : 19-22) ¦ of the land into blood. But Pharaoh's magicians did
the like ; so he remained unimpressed, as Jehovah had
said.
The plague Another sign and plague 1 On Moses's word, Aaron
?|.fr°g) with outstretched rod, brought frogs upon the land.
But Pharaoh's magicians did the like ; so he remained
unimpressed, as Jehovah had said.
The plague Yet another sign and plague 1 On Moses's word,
of gnats Aaron struck with his rod the dust of the earth, which
(8 : 16-19) straightway turned into gnats. This Pharaoh's ma
gicians could not do, and they confessed it to be a
thing divine, though not the work of Israel's God. So
Pharaoh remained unimpressed, as Jehovah had said.
The plague Yet another sign and plague ! Moses, assisted by
(9 ^8-'i2) Aaron, sprinkling soot from the furnace toward the
1 Only part of vv. 20 and 21 belongs to P.
256

the Historians Exodus 14:4
heavens, caused boils to break out upon all the people,
even upon the magicians. But the infatuated Pha
raoh remained unimpressed, as Jehovah had said.
The wonders ceased. The time for judgment had The institu-
come, Jehovah resolved to smite all the first-born in the pa"sove'rhe
land of Egypt, and to execute judgment upon Egypt's (" : 9t0 I2:
gods, but to pass over every house of Israel that bore I3
the blood-mark. Therefore in that month of spring —
with which the year was henceforth to open — by di
vine command the feast known as the passover was
instituted. Only the circumcised might partake thereof, and itspar-
therefore the whole congregation of Israel ; but no for- /^T^o)
eigner or sojourner, and only such settlers among them
as submitted to circumcision.
(Jehovah smote all the first-born of Egypt.) Thus Departure
Israel, delivered, went out from Egypt after a sojourn f^f^1
of exactly four hundred and thirty years. 50
The festival of unleavened bread was ordained as a of unleav-3
perpetual memorial of the deliverance.1 ened J"^
Fittingly, then, after the slaughter of Egypt's first- The conse.
born, was Moses commissioned to consecrate to Jeho- cration of
7 the hrst-born
vah all the first-born of Israel.2 (13 : 1, 2)
The Israelites were divinely led by another than the The deliver-
direct way, that Jehovah might show his glory upon r^I sea
(13 : 20 and
1 The exodus is already an accomplished fact (cf . v. 17) ; hence the 14) 3
transposition. 2 Cf. Num. 3 : 13 ff, 8 : 17 ff.
3 Ch. 14 is divided about equally between P and J E.
257

Exodus 14 : 4 The Messages of
Pharaoh, and force' the Egyptians to see what manner
of god was Israel's God. The infatuated king pursued
and overtook them. Israel, however, in safety passed
through between the walls of water that had been
parted by Moses's outstretched hand ; but the waters
came again, and overwhelmed the host of Pharaoh —
chariots and horsemen all.
Quails and Reaching the barren wilderness of Sin in May, the
manna (16)1 deSp0ndent people murmured bitterly against Moses
and Aaron. To accredit his servants and show the peo
ple his glory, Jehovah sent them quails for flesh in the
evening, and in the morning heavenly bread in the form
of a white seed-like thing that tasted like honey — each
to gather an omer thereof ; and this — which they called
Man 2 — they ate for forty years till they came to the
borders of Canaan.3
Arrival at They journeyed by stages till they came to the wil
ing :l, 2») derness of Sinai (and there Jehovah gave the ten words).
1 Most of this chapter is from P : 5 or 6 verses are from J E.
¦' = What ?
8 Whatever each one gathered, much or little, it came to an
omer (17, 18). The sanctity of the Sabbath was divinely empha
sized by the miraculous doubling of the Man that fell on the sixth
day, and by its miraculous power to remain fresh (22-30). Moses
instructed Aaron to set a pot of it before the ark, as a memorial
for all time (32-34). (The purpose of these later sections is sufficiently
obvious.)

¦58

the Historians Exodus 28 : 16

(2) Sinai, with the Revelation of Things Divine (Ex. 24 :
15 to Num. 9 : 14)
After six days of preparation, Moses went up to the Jehovah
mount in obedience to the voice of Jehovah who spoke Moses (°4 :
to him from out the fiery splendor of the cloud. i5b-iS")
There Jehovah bade him build for him a sanctuary, The divine
with the voluntary contributions of the people, so that t^rnacle e
he might dwell in their midst. He further gave in- and a.n that
- • ,.,,,¦ pertained
structions for making a tabernacle with all its furni- thereto
ture : an ark gorgeous with gold and guarded by cher- '25 10 3I^
ubim to contain the tablets with the ten words, whence
from time to time he would reveal his will ; the costly
table for the shew-bread ; the golden candlestick with
its seven lamps ; the fourfold covering for the taber- (26)
nacle of byssus curtains, goats' hair, rams' skins, and
porpoise skins ; the woodwork of acacia ; the veil to
separate the most holy place wherein was the ark of
the testimony from the holy place with the table and
the candlestick ; the curtain for the door of the tent ;
the altar, with all that pertained thereto ; the court (27)
round about the tabernacle ; the oil for the light that
should never go out ; the sacred vestments for the (28)
priests ; for the high-priest, the ephod with its shoul
der-pieces on which were set the two stones graven
with the names of the twelve tribes, to bring them to
Jehovah's remembrance when the high-priest appeared
before him ; attached thereto, the breast-plate, set
259

Exodus 28 : 17 The Messages of
with twelve precious stones, and furnished with the
Urim and Thummim, through which were reached de
cisions by lot ; the upper coat with its warning bells ;
the golden diadem engraved " Holy to Jehovah," that
covered any guilt attaching to the offerings ; the tunic
and the turban ; for the ordinary priests — tunic, girdle,
head-dress ; for all the priests — drawers to hide the
nakedness which would incur Jehovah's deadly wrath ; '
(«9 : 1-35) the manner of consecration of the priests — how, after
being washed and invested with the priestly raiment,
a sin offering should be offered to cleanse altar and
priests from sin, then, a burnt offering for a sweet savor
to Jehovah, then an offering to consecrate them in all
their faculties and in their priestly office ; what portion
should fall to Jehovah and to them ; the transmission
of the high-priest's raiment from father to son ; the
(31 : 1-17) sacrificial meal ; 9 the names and divine equipment of
the overseers of the work of constructing the taber
nacle ; 3 the awful sanctity of the Sabbath as a sign * of
the covenant.
Moses comes Then Jehovah gave Moses the two tablets of the
down from
the mount 1 V. 41, which anoints all the priests, is later cf. 29 : 7.
(31 \ i8a : a Also the atonement for the altar ; the burnt offering and meal
offering morning and evening, to ensure Jehovah's presence in
the midst of the people (29 : 36-46) ; the altar of incense ; the poll-
tax of half a shekel for the service of the sanctuary ; the laver for
the priests ; the holy oil to anoint the tent and its furniture, the
high-priest and the other priests: the incense (30).
8 The enumeration in w. 7-11 is later.
* Like the rainbow and circumcision of the previous covenants.
260

3= = is)

the Historians Numbers 2 : 34
testimony, and he went down from the mount with
them.1 A month after the erection of the tabernacle, Moses, The first
assisted by Aaron and a prince from each tribe, took, ^" men of
by divine command, a census of the fighting men of all *"
the tribes, except Levi, which had charge of the tab
ernacle. The numbers amounted to 603,550.
The encampment was arranged four-square, three The order
tribes on each side, with Levi and the tabernacle in the (Num.Cz)mp
middle, Judah leading the east side, Ephraim the west.
1 As he went a divine glory transfigured his face, and thus trans
figured, he used to lay Jehovah's commands upon the affrighted
people. But when this task was over he would put a vail upon
his face (34 : 29-35. This section appears to be late, as it implies the tab
ernacle which is not yet in existence). Then Moses gathered the
congregation together, and told them the words of Jehovah, be
ginning with the very stringent Sabbath law. All the instruc
tions he had received from Jehovah on the mount, the people
carried out to the letter; so Moses blessed them (35 to 39). By
divine command, the tabernacle was set up the year after the
Exodus, on New Year's Day. The cloud covered it, and the glory
of Jehovah filled it. The cloud by day and the fire by night di
vinely guided the movements of the people (40). On the day of
the erection of the tabernacle, the twelve princes made an obla
tion of six covered wagons, and twelve oxen, for the transport of
the fabric of the tabernacle. Then on twelve successive days
they offered a dedication gift, one prince each day, beginning
with the prince of Judah, and all the gifts were alike — costly ves
sels of silver and gold for use at the altar, and animals for sacri
fice (Num. 7). There is conclusive evidence, reached along several lines
of argument, that all these sections which we have relegated to foot-notes
are later than the context. 26l

Numbers 3 : 1

The Messages of

The Levites
their num
bers and
duties(3 and 4) i

The remov
al of the
unclean (5 : 1-4)
The priest
ly blessing
(6 : 22-27)

The tribe of Levi at whose head stood Aaron the
high-priest and his sons the priests, was appointed to
do the work of the tabernacle, thus taking the place of
Israel's first-born whom Jehovah claimed for himself
when he smote the first-born of Egypt. The three
clans of Levi were numbered, and their position and
duties assigned — service to be rendered by all between
30 2 and 50 years of age. The tribe numbered 22,000 3
with 8,580 men capable of service ; and the number of
first-born over and above the number of Levites were
redeemed with money.
By divine command, the children of Israel removed
from the camp three classes of unclean persons.
Thus ran the priestly blessing :
Jehovah bless thee and keep thee !
Jehovah make his face shine upon thee, and be gra
cious unto thee 1
Jehovah lift up his countenance upon thee, and give
thee peace 1
In the utterance of these words, Jehovah promised
to impart the blessing to his people.
1 4 is late.
2 See note on i Chr. 23 : 3.
8 The numbers when added (w. 22, 28, 34) give 22,300. By adding one
letter to the Hebrew word for 6 in v. 28, we get the word for 3. This would
keep the total right.

262

the Historians Numbers 14 : 38

(3) The Fortunes of the Way (Num. 9 : 15 to Deut. 34 : 9)
The people obediently ordered their march according The guid-
to the will of Jehovah as expressed in the resting or '?e. jlo"d,
the rising of the cloud that covered the tabernacle.
The signal for the start was a blast of the silver The depart-
trumpets. In seven Weeks after the erection of the sinai™™
tabernacle, the first start was made, under divine (IO : I-28)
guidance, and in the prescribed order — Judah lead
ing, and the Levites with the tabernacle in the
middle. From the wilderness south of Canaan, Moses, by di- The spies
vine command, sent twelve chief men, one from each J",,^";
tribe, including Caleb of Judah, and Hoshea or Joshua The unbe-
of Ephraim, to spy out the promised land. They passed their doom
through it to Rehob in the extreme north, and returned *13 and I4> '
in forty days with a report -which caused the congrega
tion to murmur. " Would that -we had died," they
said, "in Egypt, or in this wilderness." Jehovah
taking them at their word, solemnly determined that
all over twenty years of age should perish in the wil
derness within forty years for their sin of murmuring.
The lives of the lying spies he brought to a sudden end,
sparing only Joshua and Caleb who, in the face of the
rebellious people, had spoken of the land as a land sur
passingly good.
1 To P belongs 13 : 1-7° ; to J E 14 : 11-25. The rest is divided between
J E and P. 263

Numbers 16 :

The Messages of

Rebellion Korah, at the head of 250 princes,
and fate of rebelled against Moses and Aaron.
K-orah (t ™. , * i- » ^.t.
(16 and 17)1 The whole congregation," they
urgeds " is holy, and not the tribe
of Levi alone." Moses invited
them to submit their claims to a
divine test, with the result that
they were all destroyed. Only the
earnest prayer of Moses and Aaron
saved the rest of the congregation
from their fate. Their resentment
at the doom of Korah and his com
pany vented itself on Moses and
Aaron in angry murmurs, which
Jehovah this time chastised with
death that swept away thousands,
and was only stayed by the priest
ly mediation of Aaron, directed
by Moses. Then by the marvel
wrought upon the rod of Aaron
that stood for the tribe of Levi, the
divine will was declared that the
privilegeof ministering inthe sanct
uary belonged to that tribe alone.
This rod was to be preserved as a
warning to murmurers and rebels ;
and the people were sore affreighted
by the awful holiness of Jehovah's
sanctuary.

Korah, at the head of
250 Levites, resenting their
A later ac- subordinate po-
count of s i t i o n in the
the same service of the
incident sanctuary, chal
lenged the exclusive right
of the sons of Aaron to the
priesthood and claimed it
for the whole tribe. (But
in the test, they were con
sumed by fire from Jeho
vah) and their fire-pans
were beaten into plates for
an altar-covering, as a sign
and warning that only de
scendants of Aaron should
exercise the priestly func
tion before Jeiiovaho

The sin of
Moses and
Aaron (20 :

Water failed on the border of the promised land, and
the people murmured bitterly against Moses and Aaron.
But when Jehovah bade Moses bring water from the
1 To P1 belong 16 : 19-24, and 16 : 41 to 17 : 13, besides odd verses; to
P2 belong 16 : ia, y\ 8-11, 16-18, 17 : 1-5. There is also a considerable J E
element in 16.
3 JE and P blend in this section. 264

the Historians Numbers 25 : 18
rock, he and his brother sinned against the holiness of
Jehovah by hasty and rebellious ' words before the
people. Wherefore it was divinely ordained that they
should not bring the people into the promised land.
The doom fell first upon Aaron, who, like Moses af- The death
terward, died upon a mountain-top. High-priest he (20 : 22_29)
was to the end, and then his raiment and office devolved
upon Eleazar his son. Arrival at
r the plains
The people, after bewailing Aaron, journeyed on till of Moab
they came to the plains of Moab, opposite Jericho. 22': 1)°' " '
(By Balaam's counsel,2 the women of Midian were Israel's fall;
set to tempt Israel into intermarriage.) Wherefore in phinehas
wrath Jehovah sent a plague upon Israel which swept <2s : 6-9)
away thousands and was only stayed by Phinehas the
high-priest's son, who in his zeal for the offended holi
ness of Jehovah, slew the shameless prince of Simeon
with his princess paramour of Midian.
His zeal for the honor of Jehovah and the purity of The reward
his people received the divine reward of perpetual priesthood
priesthood, to be confined to him and his descendants (25 : 10-15)
for ever.
Implacable enmity was enjoined against Midian for War with
her malicious devices against Israel.3 ^joined
1 Cf. v. 24. Owing to the difficulty of the analysis in this chapter, it is C2S : 16-18)
hard to say wherein their sin consisted. V. 24 suggests rebellion, more
mildly represented in v. 12 as lack of trust. It was hardly the smiting of
the rock : otherwise what was the use of the rod?
» Cf. 31 : 16.
s Ch. 31 : The war enjoined against Midian was undertaken by
12,000 men of Israel who, without losing a man, slew every male
265

Numbers 26 : 1 The Messages of
The second As before at the beginning of their wanderings, so
now at the end, the people by divine command were
numbered according to their tribes and clans by Moses
and Eleazar ; not only were there fewer now than then,
but not one of those numbered then was now alive save
Caleb and Joshua. Thus the divine word was fulfilled.1
To all the tribes except Levi the land was to be appor
tioned by lot, the extent of the inheritance to be pro
portioned to the size of the tribe.
Moses to die Then it was divinely appointed that Moses should
(27 ; 12-14) - die like his brother upon a mountain-top ; from the
Moab heights he should behold the promised land, but
enter it he might not, because of his rebellious words
at the waters of strife.
Joshua his In answer to Moses's affectionate pleading with Jeho-
(27 :^™3) vaft *°r a worthy successor, his choice was divinely
directed to Joshua, who should enjoy somewhat of
of Midian with her kings and Balaam, author of the malicious
counsel, and took enormous spoil. Then by command of Moses,
all but the virgin females were slain, as it was through the women
that Israel had been tempted. To this occasion the law runs back
which ordains that the spoil be equally divided between the war
riors and the people who remain behind (Cf. i Sam. 30 : 24). Of
the warriors' portion, \ per cent, was given to the priests, and of
the people's portion, 2 per cent, to the Levites. In gratitude and
to ensure Jehovah's grace, the officers dedicated to him an offer
ing of the spoil, which was kept as a memorial in the sanctuary.
(This chapter is very late. Its significance is legal; not, or only very
slightly, historical. Cf. p. 161.)
1 14 : 29, 34. 2 Cf. Dt. 32 : 48-52.
266

the Historians Numbers 35 : 2
Moses's unique dignity, and in all doubtful issues
should ever consult the high-priest.
As the land east of the Jordan was a good land for Settlements
cattle, the tribes of Reuben and Gad asked that that Jordan (3!) 1
might be their inheritance. Moses at once indignantly
challenged them with disheartening the rest of the people by their
indifference, and reminded them pointedly of the fate of the spies
and of the whole genera lion which believed their discouraging word. *
On promising to aid the other tribes until they had con
quered the west, Moses granted their request on condi
tion that they kept their word.
Between Rameses at the beginning of the wanderings The itin-
of Israel and the plains of Moab at the end, forty sta- (^Ti^o)
tions are recorded in an ancient list that goes back to
Moses. By divine command, Moses charged the children of Moses's
Israel to extirpate the inhabitants of the land with (33a?^-56) ;
every vestige of their idolatry, and then to possess the ^^""""the
land in accordance with the divine purpose, apportion- land (34)
ing it by lot among the tribes ; its boundaries to be the
wilderness on the south, the sea on the west, Hamath
on the north, and on the east the lake of Gennesaret,
the Jordan, and the Dead Sea. This western land was
to be the territory of the nine and a half tribes, and to
be apportioned by ten princes — one from each tribe, Ju
dah first— headed by the high-priest assisted by Joshua.
To the Levites, who had no inheritance of their own,
1 JE is also largely represented in this chapter.
2 Vv. 7-15 are due to a very late Deuteronomic redaction.
267

Numbers 35:3 The Messages of
The cities the other tribes were enjoined to assign forty-eight
Levites and citles with pasture land, including six cities of refuge-
cities of three on either side of the Jordan— for innocent homi-
refuge (35) cides.
Moses's In the fortieth year, on the first day of the eleventh
?g^d^es? month Moses laid upon the people all that wherewith
Jehovah had charged him.1
The death Thereafter he was divinely led to Nebo on the Moab
?pM°|e.s g. heights, there to die ; and there, in view of the prom-
52; 34 : 1-9)1 iSed land, he died. In the leadership of the people he
was succeeded by Joshua who was filled with the spirit
of wisdom, because Moses had laid his hands upon him.
3. Settlement in the Land of Promise (Joshua)
Israel in the The people crossed the Jordan and encamped in Gil-
Pro?1jsJed gal near Jericho. Their first act in the promised land
4 : 13, 19 ; was to celebrate the passover. Then, too, they first
5 . 10-12) atfi or tjje pro(juce 0f tne jan(j . so tne manna ceased.
Achan's sin They committed treason against Jehovah in the mat-
andfate(7)3 ter 0f tj,e jjan . for Achan took some of that which was
under ban ; and all Israel stoned him with stones.
The Gibeon- The princes of the congregation had given a promise
""i? : I5b' °^ safety on oatn to certain cities of the Gibeonites.
1 Deut. 1 : 3 is probably the preface to P's summary of the final words
of Moses, omitted by the redactor of the Hexateuch, because superseded
by our present Deuteronomy.
8 With 32 : 48-52 cf. Num. 27 : 12-14. Of 34 : I_9, vv. 8 and 9 with a few
fragments belonging to P.
3 One or two very brief fragments. 268

the Historians Joshua 20 : 9
The people were indignant at the promise of the
princes ; but their solemn oath could not be broken.
So the Gibeonites were spared, but reduced to the posi
tion of wood-cutters arid 'water-carriers.
Then the whole congregation gathered together at The tent of
Shiloh, and there they placed the tent of meeting, for placed in
the land had been subdued before them. flS °\\
As the two and a half tribes had already received The division
from Moses their inheritance, accurately delimited, east ?£ * \]?~;
of the Jordan, the nine and a half western tribes now m= *-5)
received their promised inheritance in the conquered
land by lot from the high-priest assisted by Joshua and
the princes of the tribes, at the entrance of the tent
of meeting in Shiloh.
The first recorded lot is that of Judah, whose boun- The boun
daries and cities, including the Philistine cities on the ckie" an
sea-board, are most exhaustively given. Then come (rs t° IQ) '
Manasseh and Ephraim, with meagre records, followed
by Benjamin, -which again is exhaustive, then by Sim
eon, Zebulon, Issachar, Asher, Naphtali, and Dan.
Then, as before ordained,2 three cities on either side The cities of
of the Jordan were set apart as cities of refuge for ciSefof the
innocent homicides,3 and for the Levites, forty-eight Levites(20 : 1 to 21 :
42)
1 With the exception of the passages already assigned to JE (cf. pp. 118,
119) these chapters belong entirely to P, except a verse or two which
comes from the final redactor of the Hexateuch.
' Num. 35.
s Vv. 4-6, which are not in LXX, belong to a very late Deuteronomic
redaction. Cf. Num. 32 : 7-15. 269

Joshua 21

The Messages of

cities with their pasture land, including these six,
drawn from the other tribes and assigned by lot to the
three clans of Levites — the thirteen cities of the Levites
providentially falling in what was afterward the king
dom of Judah.1

Ill

THE SOURCES, AIMS, AND IDEALS OF THE BOOK OF
CHRONICLES

The date of
Chronicles

The memo
rial altar
(22 : 9-34)

The Pentateuch, in practically its present form, must
have been in existence, at any rate by 330 B. C, and may
have been in existence a century before that. But the
priestly activity which, as we saw, contributed the latest
stratum, was not exhausted by that effort. Once more
the attention of that school was directed toward history,
1 The tribes of Reuben and Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh,
before recrossing to their own territory, raised a great memorial
altar on the west side of the Jordan. Regarding this seeming
treason to the law of one altar as rebellion against Jehovah, the
congregation sent the high-priest's son with the princes of the ten
western tribes to remonstrate. The suspected tribes pledged their
solemn word that the altar did not mean rebellion, nor was it de
signed for sacrifice, but as a witness of their kinship with Israel
and their right to worship Jehovah, should the Jordan ever be re
garded as a divinely constituted barrier. Their assurance satis
fied both the deputies and the people at large, and confirmed in
Phinehas the faith that Jehovah was among them.
270

the Historians / Chronicles
both that of the monarchy and that of more recent times,
and the history was rewritten from or adapted to the new
point of view. Taking no account of the books of Ezra
and Nehemiah, which really form part of the same work
as Chronicles, the date of Chronicles is manifestly late.
It is at least six generations after Zerubbabel1 (520 B. C.)
and cannot therefore be earlier than 350 B. C. ; according
to the Greek version of this passage, it would be five gen
erations later still, and therefore at least as late as 250
B. C. It is thus, roughly speaking, seven centuries from
the earliest reign which it records, and about two and a
half from the latest.
The record, then, being so much later than the facts, The sources
we are entitled to ask : what were the sources accessible to
the author, and what is their historic value ? He seems to
have had genealogies at his disposal,2 and he very often
refers to the works of prophets ; but these last were prob
ably incorporated a in the book which he mentions most
frequently — though not always by the same name — and
to which he is most deeply indebted, namely, the Book of
Kings of Israel and Judah. This book was not our Book
of Kings ; for it contained prophetical sections * and sta
tistical 6 and other ¦ notices that form no part of our book.
It was probably a book that traversed the history in much
the same didactic spirit as Chronicles itself. Such a book

1 1 Chr. 3 : 19 ff.

2 1 Chr. 5 : 17.

" 2 Chr. 20 : 34. (R. V.)

' 2 Chr. so ; 34.

6 1 Chr. 9 : 1.
271

• 2 Chr. 33 : 18.

Chronicles , The Messages of
was called a midrash? and would undoubtedly serve the
Chronicler's purpose better than history proper. A com
parison of Chronicles with Samuel and Kings, however,
makes it quite certain that he also had before him the
histories recorded in these books in just their present
form. True, the Chronicler sometimes supplements the
earlier books by notices which are both interesting and
probable ; such as the fortifications of Rehoboam,2 the
wars and buildings of Uzziah.3 But judging from the
general nature and style, which is his own, of his ad
ditions to the earlier books, it is unsafe to say that he had
access to written sources older than our books of Samuel
and Kings.
The chroni- A glance at the book is sufficient to convince us that
cations of it is not written for the sake of the history it contains.
his sources jt js characterized by historical improbabilities such as we
have already noted in the priestly narrative in the Hex
ateuch (e.g., Num. 31) and even in the later strata of
Kings (1 K. 13). No one who reads the speech of Abijah
on the eve of the battle with Jeroboam * could seriously
maintain that it was probable ; its emphasis on ritual is too
elaborate and obvious (v. 11). Indeed, there are in Chroni
cles direct and serious contradictions of the Book of Kings,
The Chronicler tells us that Jehoshaphat joined with Aha-
1 2 Chr. 24 : 27, cf. 13 ; 22. The nature of a midrash we may see by con
trasting 2 Chr. 20 with 2 K. 3.
a 2 Chr. 11 ; 5-12. 3 2 Chr. 26 : 6-15. 4 2 Chr. 13 ; 5-12.
272

the Historians Chronicles
ziah, and attributes to that union the wreck of his fleet ; * ac
cording to i Kings 22 : 49 he refused to join him. He tells
us again, that Ahaz suffered a terrible defeat at the hands
of Pekah ; * according to 2 Kings 16:5 (cf. Is. 7:1) Rezin
and Pekah besieged him but could not overcome him.
Sometimes the history is practically inverted, as when, in
Kings,3 Solomon gives Hiram cities in return for his loan,
whereas in Chronicles * it is Hiram who gives Solomon
the cities. The Chronicler even twice contradicts himself
as well as Kings ; following Kings 6 he says that the good
kings Asa and Jehoshaphat did not remove the high places,"
and yet he had just before told us that they did,7 as, on his
theory, being good kings they should. His changes, how
ever, are never capricious. The motive is usually trans
parent, for example, to avoid the discrepancy occasioned
by the two-fold tradition in Samuel 8 as to the defeat
of Goliath, he represents Elhanan as slaying the brother of
Goliath.' His motive is, however, more often theological.
David's impulse to number the people, which in 2 Samuel
24 : 1 came from Jehovah, comes from Satan in 1 Chron
icles 21 : 1.
In particular, he is influenced by the desire to glorify The Chroni-
the past and to find in antiquity the fully developed insti- o/thVpast
' 2 Chr. 20 : 35. ' 3 Chr. 28 : 5-8.
3 1 K. 9 : 11-14. * 2 Chr. 8 : 2.
3 1 K. 15 : 14 ; 22 : 43. 6 2 Chr. 15 : 17 ; 20 : 33.
1 2 Chr. 14 : 5 ; 17 : 6. 3 1 S. 17 : 51, 2 S. 21 ; 19. 9 1 Chr. 20 : 5.
273

Chronicles The Messages of
tutions of his own time which, in point of fact, took cen
turies to develop. David appears as the founder of sacred
music, and of a most elaborate temple ritual and organ
ization. The terror of his name is over all the earth.1
Solomon's glory still flashes brilliantly across the inter
vening centuries. " Jehovah magnified Solomon exceed
ingly in the sight of all Israel, and bestowed upon him
such royal majesty as had not been on any king before
him in Israel." 2 This last sentence finely illustrates the
somewhat mechanical and unimaginative spirit with which
the Chronicler approaches the treatment of history. Num
bers and successes are exaggerated. Hundreds become
thousands.3 Half a million Israelites perish in a day.4
Jehoshaphat, who confesses that he has no might,6 has yet
nearly a million and a quarter fighting men.8
-Omissions The omissions are just as significant as the transforma
tions. There is no reference, for example, to David's
encounter with Ishbibenob, in which he was delivered by
the timely arrival of Abishai ; ' no mention of the brazen
serpent which was in the temple as late as Hezekiah's
time,8 nor of Hezekiah's tribute of silver and gold to the
king of Assyria, " nor of the idolatrous and immoral wor-
1 i Chr. 14 : 17. a 1 Chr. 29 : 25.
8 1 Chr. 19 : 18, cf. 2 Sam. 10 : 18. 1 Chr. 18 : 4, cf. 2 Sam. 8:4. In
both cases 700 becomes 7,000. In 2 Chr. 4 : 5, the 2,000 of 1 K. 7 ; 26 has
become 3,000.
* 2 Chr. 13 : 17. A 2 Chr. 20 : 12. 6 2 Chr. 17 : 14-19.
» 2 Sam. 21 : 15-17. 8 2 K. 18 : 4. » 2 K. 18 : 14-16.
274

the Historians Chronicles
ship that flourished under Rehoboam.1 The temper in
dicated by these omissions is still more conspicuous in
the longer omissions. Nothing is given of Saul's reign but
the close,2 and even there his doom is explained in a way "
not strictly consistent with the original passage in I Sam
uel 28 : 6. The story of David's sin against Uriah is
omitted, as well as the story of Amnon, with Absalom's
flight, recall, and rebellion, the intrigues which secured
the throne for Solomon, his foreign marriages and idol
atries. The most striking omission, however, is the ab
sence of all but the barest references to the northern
kingdom, those only being retained which relate in some
way to the southern kingdom.
This is the key to the book. Nothing is of real interest The key to
but Judah ; and in Judah, Jerusalem ; and in Jerusalem, th! pre-emi-
the temple. For the Chronicler, the temple with its wilh0£
worship is the centre of the universe. " Jehovah is not
with Israel " * sounds the watchword of the book, which
exalts the religious uniqueness of Judah. For example,
while many of the northern tribes laughed to scorn Heze
kiah's messengers when invited to celebrate a great pass-
over feast at Jerusalem, Judah accepted the invitation
unanimously.6 This explains why in 1 Chronicles 2 to
8 the genealogies of Judah are given first place and dis
proportionate space, occupying 102 verses. Characteris-
1 1 K. 14 : 22-24. a r Chr. io. 8 i Chr. io : 14.
* 2 Chr. 25 ; 7. 5 2 Chr. 30 : 10-12.
275

Chronicles The Messages of
tically, too, Benjamin, whose lot was associated with
Judah's, receives at least 40 verses, and Levi 81, while all
the others put together have only 86. So completely has
the northern kingdom vanished from the thought of the
Chronicler that its name is occasionally applied to Judah
when the writer is thinking of the people as in covenant
relation to God, so that the " princes of Judah " in one
verse can be called the princes of Israel in the next,1 and a
king of Judah may be called a king of Israel.2 Naturally
Judah is tenderly dealt with. The threat of the prophets
contemporary with Manasseh, of the terrible doom to fall
on Judah and Jerusalem, is omitted.3 Worship on the
high places, a practice which the Book of Kings admits and
deplores, is often quietly passed over,' nor are there many
traces left of the immorality of the worship which Kings
represents as being tolerated by some rulers,6 and attacked
by others." When a fact that makes against Judah is rec
ognized, it usually receives a kindly turn at the hand of
the Chronicler. The notice in 1 Kings 22 : 43 that in
Jehoshaphat's time " the people still sacrificed and burnt
incense in the high places," becomes in 2 Chronicles
20 : 33 " neither as yet had the people set their hearts
unto the God of their fathers."
1 2 Chr. 12 : 5, 6. '* 2 Chr. 21 : 2, Jehoshaphat; 2 Chr. 28 : 19, Ahaz.
3 2 K. 21 : 11-16.
4 2 K. 14 : 4, Amaziah ; 15 : 4, Uzziah ; 15 : 35, Jotham.
• 1 K. 14 : 22-24, Rehoboam.
0 1 K. 15 : 12, Asa ; 22 : 46, Jehoshaphat. 276

the Historians Chronicles
Interest, then, is monopolized by Judah, and it has, forThepromi-
its centre, the temple, with its ritual, its priests, its Levites, UaUnteres'is
its singers. In this the book is but a faithful reflex of the
post-exilic age in which it was composed. For the body
guard which assisted in the revolution of Jehoiada, the
Chronicler substitutes the Levites,1 as he does for the
prophets mentioned in connection with Josiah's reforma
tion.2 How prominent ritual interests were in his mind
may be strikingly seen in his treatment of Hezekiah's
reign as compared with the account in the Book of Kings.
In the latter book, there is historical interest of the most
thrilling kind — the Assyrian embassy to Hezekiah, the
threatened attack on Jerusalem, the strange deliverance,
and behind all the great figure of Isaiah. The Chronicler, ¦
though he does not ignore this story, devotes by far the
largest share of his attention to the great passover held in
Hezekiah's reign. Similarly the brief statement of Josi
ah's passover in the Book of Kings 3 is expanded by the
Chronicler into 19 verses.* The mention of the temple,
although it occurs in a message to a foreigner, leads to
an elaborate notice of the various services, for which the
Book of Kings supplies no warrant.6 David is interested
in the minutest detail of the organization of the yet un
built temple. Uzziah 's leprosy, of which 2 Kings 15:5
only states the fact, is interpreted by the Chronicler as
* 2 Chr. 23. 3 2 K. 23 : 2 ; 2 Chr. 34 : 30.
3 2 Chr. 23 : 21-23. * 2 Chr. 35 : 1-19. 6 Chr. 2 : 4, 1 K. 5 : 5.
277

Chronicles The Messages of
punishment for encroaching on priestly prerogatives.1
In a battle, the priests with their trumpets are almost as
necessary an adjunct as God himself.2
Levitical Especially keen is the interest displayed by the author in
the Levites, so that it has been plausibly suggested that
he was himself a Levite. It is a Levite who is moved by
the Spirit to speak a heartening word to Jehoshaphat before
the battle.3 At the reformation of Josiah, it is distinctly
said that the Levites were more enthusiastic than the
priests. 4 Coupled with this is the Chronicler's exceptional
interest in the musical service. In his account of the inau
guration of the temple, and of the passovers of Hezekiah
and Josiah,6 the music receives special attention.
The proph- It would be a mistake, however, to suppose that the
icles " Chronicler cares for nothing but priests and ritual. He
also cares, after his own fashion, for prophets and moral
ity. In fact, the Book of Chronicles is richer in prophetic
scenes than the Book of Kings. The function of the
prophet is here as elsewhere to reprove apostasy,6 and to
bring men back to God. ' The threat of a prophet will find
its grim fulfilment 8 unless averted by humility and repent
ance." Even kings have to listen humbly to the proph
et's word.10 In one passage, belief in the prophet is
1 2 Chr. 26 : 16-20. a 2 Chr. 13 : 12. 3 2 Chr. 20 : 14.
* 2 Chr. 29 : 34. ° 2 Chr. 5 : 11-13 ; 29 : 25, 26; 35 : 15.
" 2 Chr. 25 : 15. '2 Chr. 24 : 19. '1 Chr. 36 : 21.
• 2 Chr. 12 : 6, 7. i» 2 Chr. 36 : 12.
278

the Historians Chronicles

almost made co-ordinate with faith in Jehovah himself.1
Such is the Chronicler's theory of the prophet's place
and function, and the theory is supported by his illustra
tions. Shemaiah, for instance, explains to Rehoboam that
the invasion of Shishak is the divine retribution upon his
forgetfulness of Jehovah.2 Hanani reproves Asa for
putting his trust in a human king,3 just as Jehu reproves
Jehoshaphat for assisting the wicked Ahab,* and Eliezer
warns him of the consequences of his league with Aha
ziah.6 Over the army of Israel, intoxicated by its defeat
of Judah, Oded hangs his threat and reproof," while Aza
riah encourages Asa, and gives the impetus to his refor
mation.7 On the pages of the Chronicler, the prophet seems to Their signifi-
hold a place second only to that of the priest. Yet a
closer examination compels us to doubt whether he had
any profound interest in or knowledge of the prophets.
Hardly any of the allusions to the prophets or their
speeches is supported by the testimony of the Book of
Kings ; and some of the prophetic appearances mentioned
above occur in connection with incidents which, as we
have seen, are even contradicted by that book, such as the
league of Jehoshaphat with Ahaziah, and the defeat of
Ahaz by Pekah. It would be strange that one who really
¦ 2 Chr. 20 : 20. a 2 Chr. 12 : 5. 3 2 Chr. 16 : 7-10. 
* 2 Chr. 19 : 2, 3. • 2 Chr. 20 : 37.
• 2 Chr. 28 : 9 ff. * 2 Chr. 15:21!.
279

Chronicles The Messages of
cared for prophets should all but ignore the giant figure
of Elijah, as the Chronicler does. That cannot be only
because he is a prophet of the northern kingdom, for he
does mention him — strangely enough, as writing ; 1 and
this, the only mention of him, involves a historical impos
sibility.2 In the days of the Chronicler, the prophet was
no more a living reality : but it was impossible to forget
the place he had once filled, and the duties he had striven,
too often unsuccessfully, to do. It is in that capacity then
that he appears before us in the Book of Chronicles, as
pointing out the moral of a situation in the way above de
scribed, now by stimulus, now again by rebuke. He ful
fils much the same function in the Book of Chronicles as
the Deuteronomic redactor in the earlier historical books.
Each appears at salient points in the history in the spirit
of the moralist or the preacher rather than of the objective
historian, and elicits from the situation the truth it is
fitted to teach.
Thereiig- As the Chronicler's additions, omissions, and trans-
Chronides°f formations show that he does not claim to be a historian
in the ordinary sense of the word, it is all the more in
cumbent upon us to find where his interests and passions
really lie. Apart from the obvious sacerdotalism, which
meant so much to him, it is in great part to the prophetic
scenes that we must go to learn how deeply he cared for
1 2 Chr. 21 : 12.
3 *' He had quitted this earth long before.'' Cf. 2 K. 3 : 11 ; 8 : 16.
280

the Historians Chronicles

God, how highly he valued fidelity to him, and how firmly
he believed in the moral government of the world. These
thoughts lie behind their sometimes strange historic set
ting ; they lie deep in the heart of the Chronicler, and it is
his thought and moral convictions rather than his history
that are the things of value to us. The older the Hebrew
nation grew, the more fantastic became its imagination,
and the deeper its disregard of fact as fact ; but it always
firmly held the deep, great, and fundamental things that
lie behind all fact.
If we note the teaching of the book more closely in intense be-
this light, what at first seems a mechanical reading of an morai order
event will on second thought appear as testimony to a
profound and intense belief in a moral order. Amaziah's
fatuous challenge of Joash with the defeat which it in
volved, is regarded as the divine punishment of his idol
atry in seeking after the gods of Edom.1 To a similar
reason is traced the defeat of Ahaz, at the hands of Aram,
Israel, Edom, and Philistia,2 and also the defeat of Joash
by Aram." Similarly Jotham becomes mighty because he
ordered his ways before Jehovah, his God,* and Manas
seh's repentance delivers him from exile as surely as his
sin had carried him thither.6 All this teaching implies a
moral and religious interpretation of fact, altogether inde
pendent of the historicity of these particular facts. The
1 2 Chr. 25 : 20. » 2 Chr. 28 : 5, 19. 3 2 Chr. 24 : 24.
* 2 Chr. 27 : 6. "2 Chr. 33 : n-13.
281

Chronicles The Messages of
theory would not be invalidated if any or all of these inci
dents were disproved. For the theory represents a moral
reality resting partly it may be on intuition, yet also partly
on observation and experience if not of these facts then of
others.
God the Instead of quarrelling then with the Chronicler for his
great rea lty jjjgtoj-y — the value of which as history, God, by preserv
ing for us the canon of the Old Testament Scriptures, has
himself given us the means of determining — we should
rather learn of him his deep faith in the moral significance
of history. The strength of his conception is indeed not
so obvious as its weakness, but it is as real. When he
tells us that Hezekiah prospered because of his zeal for
religion,1 it is easy to say that his religion was largely a
matter of ritual,2 and that his prosperity is externally con
ceived. But deeper than that is the great faith that God's
hand is in human affairs, filling them full of moral mean
ing. If God is transcendent,3 he is also immanent. The
tremendous reality that God should be in life is suggested
by Asa's terrible decree, which condemned to death all
who refused to seek Jehovah, whether small or great, man
or woman.* Is it unnatural that so great a reality should
make himself felt — that if, and so long as,6 men seek him,
he will be found of them, but if they forsake him, he will
forsake them " — in ways that the dullest will feel ? How
1 2 Chr. 31 : 21. 3 Cf. 2 Chr. 13 : u. » Gen. 1.
1 2 Cbr. 15 : 13. "2 Chr. 26 ; 5. "2 Chr. 15 : 2.
282

the Historians Chronicles

externally the divine interposition is sometimes conceived
may be seen by a study of some of the battle-scenes scat
tered throughout the book. The figure of the warrior is
even less clear to the Chronicler than that of the prophet.
There is an almost Miltonic unreality about the battles ; or
rather, we might say, there are no battles. The human war
riors hardly count at all. They have but to shout ; * and
if the cause is just — which usually and not altogether with
out historical justification means, if the cause is Judah's —
the victory is theirs. This may seem mechanical ; but it
is the Chronicler's embodiment of the great truth that
God is the arbiter of war, and that battles and victories
and defeats do not mean nothing. Numbers cannot over
whelm the cause that is God's, for he is omnipotent.2
Success in battle, as in life, comes from " leaning on Je
hovah, the God of the fathers ; " 3 both faith and " work
shall be rewarded." *
To the Chronicler, then, no less than to the prophet, it is
God who is the great reality of life. All human activity
is under his direction. Judges administer justice, not for
man but for him.6 The inspiration to all work is faith in
him. Reliance on man is a no less than tragic mistake.
Even the good Asa twice erred in this way. Once in
straits he relied upon the king of Aram,6 and once again
on the physicians ; 7 both times comes the reminder that
» 2 Chr. 13:15. a 2 Chr. 14:11. " 2 Chr. 13 : 18; 26 : 5.
•2 Chr. 15:7. ' 2 Chr. 19:6. » 2 Chr. 16 : 7. *i Chr. 16:12.
283

Chronicles The Messages of
the source of all help is God. But the God in whom so
absolute a confidence is demanded is worthy of it, for he
is omnipotent. He can be appealed to in the most desper
ate straits ; legions cannot prevail against him.1 It is he
who determines alike the wars of neighboring tribes *
and the great movements of history.3 He has power to
help and to cast down. He can compensate men for
losses that befall them in the path of obedience to his
word,* and he shows himself strong in behalf of those
whose heart is perfect toward him.6 But, besides being
omnipotent, he is omniscient. His eyes run to and fro
throughout the whole earth.6 He searcheth all hearts
and understandeth the imaginations of the thoughts.7
He is no respecter of persons. Men receive at his hands
their just deserts,8 so that the good can count upon his
presence,9 and not the good only, but the penitent ; 10 " for
he is gracious and merciful and will not turn away his
face from you, if ye return unto him." " In a word, he is
" Jehovah the good," 12 who is ready to pardon all who
earnestly seek him, though their approach to him be not
ritually correct. 13 His spirit is unlimited and impartial in
its operations. It can reveal to David the pattern of the
1 2 Chr. 14 : 11. 'J 1 Chr. 5 : 22.
3 1 Chr. 5 : 26. « 2 Chr. 25 : 8, 9.
6 2 Chr. 16 : 9. « 2 Chr. 16 : 9.
» 1 Chr. 28 : 9. » 2 Chr. 15 : 2.
* 2 Chr. 19 : 11. 10 2 Chr. 15 : 4.
"2 Chr. 30:9. >a 2 Chr. 30: 18. 13 2 Chr. 30: 19.
284

the Historians Chronicles
temple,1 and it can inspire the warrior 2 no less than the
prophet.3 With such a God to worship, it would be impossible that
the interests of the Chronicler should be wholly bound
by ritual. He, too, has caught something of the divine
large-heartedness. He has the daring to invest the king
of Egypt with an almost prophetic dignity, in making him
the bearer of a divine message to Josiah.4 Supremely in
structive is his account of Hezekiah's reformation, where
thorough ritualist as he was, he yet clearly subordinated
form to the spirit. The passover then held was full of ir
regularities. It was held in another month than that pre
scribed by law, and was attended by multitudes who were
unclean. Yet, with a nobleness worthy of the God whom
he worshipped, he puts into the lips of Hezekiah the fol
lowing beautiful prayer : " May Jehovah the good pardon
every one that setteth his heart to seek God, even Jehovah,
the God of his fathers, though he be not cleansed accord
ing to the purification of the sanctuary."
' i Chr. 28 : 12, cf. 19. a 1 Chr. 12 : 18.
3 2 Chr. 15 : 1. * 2 Chr. 30 ; 18, 19.

285

In the following pages bold face type represents the
work of the priestly historians.
Passages quoted by the Chronicler from the Books of
Samuel and Kings are not paraphrased, but are alluded
to by title, and printed, like all original historical sources,
in plain type.
Contradictions in the Books of Chronicles to the original
notices in Samuel or Kings are indicated by UPRIGHT
CAPITALS, and important modifications of these notices
by SLOPING CAPITALS.

286

I Chronicles 5 : 17

IV

THE HISTORY OF JUDAH TO THE CAPTIVITY
(1 and 2 Chronicles)
I . Preparation for the History of the Kingdom of Judah
(1 Chr. 1 to 10)
Mankind is ultimately one ; but Israel is the people The choice
elect. For, of the three great families of men, the Sem- God™1 by
ites were chosen above the others ; and of the sons of'1)
Abraham the Semite, Isaac was chosen above the
others ; and of Isaac's sons, Israel was chosen above
Esau. Of Israel's sons, Judah was chosen above the others, The tribe of
for he was the ancestor of David. To this tribe belong fc
also Caleb and Jerahmeel, whose descendants shared
Judah's territory and fortunes.
The throne of Judah was occupied by an unbroken The line of
line of David's descendants for over four hundred years (™
— till the exile ; and the line, including Zerubbabel,
who was prince of Judah under Persia, in 520 B. C,
has continued to this day.1
The genealogies " of the families of Judah are taken Notices of
from ancient records. Then follow the genealogies of j". *_23)(
the prosperous and energetic Simeon, of Reuben, and Simeon
of Gad. The last two tribes, with the half tribe of Reuben,
Gad, and
1 Six generations afterward, in the Hebrew text; eleven, in LXX. EastManas-
a Mainly topographical. seh (S)
287

i Chronicles 5 : 25 The Messages of
Manasseh, forgetting the God who had given them their
territory by defeating their enemies in battle, and turn
ing to the worship of other gods, were carried away
into captivity by the Assyrian king' in execution of
Jehovah's purpose.
The tribe of Of great importance i is the tribe of Levi, with its
(6^1.- ) line of high-priests running from Aaron to the time
of the exile, and its three guilds of singers estab
lished by David, connected with the three Levitical
families.
Levitical The three clans of Levites lived in forty-eight cities
(o'"s*-8i) drawn from the other tribes, and assigned by lot, of
which thirteen cities fell to the priests in what was
afterwards the kingdom of Judah.
Issachar, After the genealogies of Issachar, Naphtali, Manas-
Manasseh seh> Ephraim, and Asher, comes that of Benjamin, the
Ephraim, tribe of Saul whose family was still represented even
Asher (7), . *
Benjamin (8) in the post-exihc community.1*
Chief fami- After the restoration that followed the return from
iafem after exile, Jerusalem, the capital, was the residence of the
therestora- chiefs of certain clans, also of certain priests and
(9 : 1-34) Levites. There dwelt gatekeepers for the temple,
who were assisted every week in rotation by brethren
from the villages. Singers also dwelt there, and others
1 Neither in 2 K. 15 : 29 in the deportation of 734 B. C, nor in 2 K. 17 : 6
in that which followed the capture of Samaria in 721 B. C, do these tribes
receive special mention.
a Two of the lists are twice repeated : 16-30, 31-48 and 4-8, 49-53.
8 8 : 29-38 repeated in 9 1 35-44. 288

the Historians i Chronicles 13:4
who had the supervision of the tabernacle furniture or
service. The death of Saul  (1 S. 31) (10: 1-12)
Saul died because of his disobedience to the divine The reason
word, and because he consulted one that had a familiar s°d f^e s
spirit, and did NOT inquire of Jehovah. (IO : z3» m)
2. The History of the Kingdom of Judah (1 Chr. 1 1 to
2 Chr. 36)
(1) David (1 Chr. II to 29)
David is anointed King over Israel : he seizes Jerusa- (n : 1-9)
lem  (2 S. 5 : 1-3, 6-10)
David's mighty men . . . (2 S. 23 : 1-39) („ : I0.4ia)i
During his outlawry, David was joined both in south Warriors
and north by a brave and ever-increasing band — in- £a°;]domed
eluding even men of Saul's own tribe — till it grew to (^ = 1-2=)
be a great host like the host of God.
Great numbers of armed men from all the tribes, be- Warriors
ginning with Judah, came to Hebron to turn the king- "hm^ePhim
dom of Saul to David, according to the word of Jeho-klns
... . . (Iz : 23-40)
vah. Warriors and people alike were unanimous to
make him king.
He received the assent of the congregation to his David's pro-
proposal to gather their brethren throughout Israel m^the™"
together with the priests and the Levites for the pur- »rk, .
pose of bringing up the ark of God to Jerusalem ; and
1 n : 4ib-47 supplements the list in 2 S. by several names.
289

i Chronicles 13:5 The Messages of
he gathered all Israel together from the utmost limit
of the land.
(13 : 6-14) The ark is brought to the house of Obed-
edom  (2 S. 6 : 2-11)
(14:1,2) Hiram assists David . . . (28.5:11,12)
(14:3-7) David's sons  (2 S. 5 : 13-16)
(14:8-16) The Philistine defeat . . . (2 S. 5 -r 17-25)
(14 : 12) David commanded that the gods abandoned by the
Philistines BE B URNBD WITH FIRE . (28.5:21)
The fame of His fame was world wide, and a divine terror of him
David jav Up0n an the nations.
The prepa- David gathered together the priests and the Levites
the removal *° Dr'n£ UP the ark after duly sanctifying themselves ;
of the ark and, in strict accordance with the Mosaic law, he pro-
house of vided that the ark be borne by the Levites. At his
PIbedJ?2°)m suggestion, too, the Levites instituted a musical ser
vice which was in charge of Heman, Asaph, and Ethan.
(15 : 25 to The ark is brought to Zion . . (2 S. 6 : 12^193)
The3musical After arranging for the service of the ark, David or-
service dained that thanks be offered by Asaph and his breth-
ren, and three thanksgiving psalms were sung in whole
or in part.1
Provision Then he established for all time the service of sacri-
dSl'yservice ^ce an^ song> tne former in conformity with the Mo-
(16 : 37-43) Saic law.
(17) David is refused permission to build the temple, but is
promised an everlasting kingdom (2 S. 7).
1 These were the 105th, the 96th, and the 106th.
290

the Historians i Chronicles 22:11
David's wars and court . . . . (2 S. 8) (18)
David's acquisitions of bronze were devoted by Sol- (18 : 8)
omon to the temple vessels.1
The sons of David were CHIEF ABOUT THE (18: 17)
KING  (2 S. 8 : 18)
The war with Ammon . . . (2 S. 10 : 1 to 11 : 1) I1' : \ t0
* ' 20 : 1)
The defeat of Ammon . . . (2 S. 12 : 30, 31) (20 : 2, 3)
The exploits of David's heroes . (2 S. 21 • 18-22) (20: 4-8)
Elhanan slew THE BROTHER OF Goliath (2 S. 21 : 19) (2o: 5)
David's census and its results . . . (2 S. 24) (2I)
SATAN moved David to number Israel . (2 S. 24 : 1) (21 : 1)
David saw the angel of Jehovah standing between (21 : 16)
earth and heaven with a drawn sword in his hand
stretched out over Jerusalem.
He paid Oman SIX HUNDRED SHEKELS OF (21 : 25)
GOLD  (2 S. 24 : 24)
Jehovah answered David's offering by fire from heav- (21 -. 26 to
en ; so he sacrificed there. For fear of the angel's 22 : r)
drawn sword had kept him from going to the high place
.of Gibeon, where was the tabernacle of Jehovah that
Moses had made.
On a magnificent scale David amassed material for David's
the building of the temple— metal and wood and money f„ thTtem-S
in abundance, a hundred thousand talents of gold and aP'e> and his
million of silver ; for the fame of the temple must reach Solomon
to the ends of the earth. With its erection he charged (22)
his son Solomon, born as he was to be a man of peace,
1 Suggested perhaps by 2 Sam. 8 : 11.
291

i Chronicles 22 : 12 The Messages of
with the prayer that he might have wisdom given him
to keep the ancient law of Moses ; and he bade the
princes help him.
The organ- To the Levites over thirty > years of age, whom the
Levhes°fthecensus snowed to number thirty-eight thousand, vari-
(=3) ous duties were assigned— the administration of jus
tice,2 the keeping of the gates, the conduct of the
service of praise, but chiefly that of waiting on the
priests. The courses were divided among the three
clans of Levi.3
The priests Further, David divided the priests into twenty-four
(24)* courses.
The singers He also entrusted the musical service to twenty-four
courses of singers of the families of Asaph, Jeduthun,
and Heman— each course consisting of twelve Levites
who were all instructed in sacred song, and could play
skilfully on instruments of music.
Levitical Levites were also appointed to keep the gates on
officers ( 26) everv s:,jej ^0 superintend the temple treasuries, and to
engage in outside service such as the administration of
justice.
Army and The army was organized in twelve divisions, each
officials (27) division consisting of twenty-four thousand men, under
a captain of its own. Over each tribe 4 was a prince,
1 So v. 3, cf. Num. 4 : 35. The age is modified to 25 in Num. 8 : 23-26,
and still further to 20 in v. 24 of this chapter (1 Chr. 23).
a Cf. 2 Chr. 19 : 8.
3 The families composing the clans are recorded in 6-23, the list of the
Kohathites and Merarites being repeated with some additions in 24 : 20-31.
4 Gad and Asher are omitted. 292

the Historians i Chronicles 29 : 19
and besides other officials, twelve officers were in charge
of David's personal property in city and country.
David, having summoned all the civil and military David's
dignitaries of the kingdom to Jerusalem, and reminded lo^mon0
them how God had chosen himself and Solomon and and the
people (28J
the tribe of Judah, solemnly charged them to keep his
commandments and bade Solomon address himself with
sincerity, faith, and courage to the task to which God
had called him, even the building of the temple. He
gave Solomon a plan of the temple with all its furniture
and sundry other details, the pattern of which he had
himself received from the hand of God ; and he strength
ened him with the assurance of all help, human and
divine. In addition to the abundant and costly material David The offer-
had already amassed for the temple, he announced, be- ("I*. ^
fore the -whole congregation, a magnificent gift of gold
and silver out of his own private fortune. Then he
made the appeal, " Who offereth willingly to conse
crate himself this day ? " — an appeal which met with a
response no less hearty than splendid.
David then offered a prayer of thanksgiving to Jeho- David's
vah on this wise : " Thou art the great and glorious f^^o-jo)
lord of all, and who are we to offer gifts to thee ? We
are but strangers and sojourners. Our gifts are but
thine own given back to thee. Searcher of hearts 1 in
all sincerity we offer these our gifts. God of our fa
thers, evermore grant to thy people and to my son a
heart that is fixed on thee." 293

i Chronicles 29 : 20 The Messages of
The sacri- The people responded and bowed in worship. On
1": 20-22") the next da-y they °ffered sacrifices unstinted in num
ber, and ate and drank before their God with great
gladness.
Theacces- Solomon was anointed king, receiving the submis
sion of Solo- sjon 0t tjje princes and the obedience of the people, and
(29 : 22^25) Jehovah bestowed on him such royal majesty as had
not been on any king before him in Israel.
The sources The history of David is written in the books of Sam-
bio?raphy "el, Nathan, and Gad.
(29 : 26-30) (2) Solomon (2 Chr. 1 to 9)
(1) Solomon's dream at Gibeon . . (1 K. 3 : 4-15)
(1 : 3-5) Solomon and all the congregation with him went to
the high place that was at Gibeon. FOR, THOUGH THE
ARK HAD BEEN TAKEN TO JERUSALEM BY DA VID,
THE TENT OF MEETING WHICH MOSES HAD MADE,
AND THE ANCIENT ALTAR OF BRONZE WERE IN
GIBEON  (I K. 3 : 4)
(1 : 15) Solomon made gold to be as stones in Jerusalem.
(2 : i, 2, 18) Preparations for the building of the temple
(1 K. 5 : 5, 15, 16)
(2 : 4) Solomon informs Hiram that the object of the temple
to be built is to burn incense before Jehovah, and to
offer the continual shew bread, and the burnt offerings
morning and evening on the Sabbaths, new moons, and
set feasts of Jehovah.
(2 : 3.16) His negotiations with Hiram . . (1 K. 5 : 2-1 1)
294

the Historians 2 Chronicles 6 : 42
For the building of the temple Solomon raised a levy (2 : 17)
of the STRANGERS1 in Israel, and they numbered
153,600 men  (iK. 5:13)
The temple and its vessels . . (1 K. 6 and 7) (3 and 4)
The temple was built on Mount Moriah, where Je- (3 : 0
hovah had appeared to David in the threshing floor of
Oman.2 Gold was used in profusion. (3 : 5-9)
A VEIL separated the holy place from the most (3 : h)
holy3 . . . . . . (1 K. 6 : 31, 32)
Solomon made an altar of bronze.4 (4: 1)
He made ten tables and a hundred basins of gold, (4 : 8, 9)
TWO courts,6 and brass covered doors for the outer
doorway. The ark brought into the temple . . (1 K. 8 : 1-11) (5)
The LEVITES took up the ark . . (1 K. 8 : 3) (5 : 4)
While the music and song of thanksgiving were be- (5 : iib..3>)
ing raised by the Levites, the temple was filled with a
cloud. The dedication and prayer " . . (1 K. 8 : 12-50) (6: 1-42)
Solomon offered his dedicatory prayer from a small (6 : 13)
platform which he had erected in the midst of the
court. 1 This view finds expression in the later stratum of Kings (i K. 9 : 22).
a 1 Chr. 21 : 18 ff.
3 In Kings, doors of olive wood.
* Not mentioned in 1 K. 7, but implied in 2 K. 16 : 14 and elsewhere.
6 So in the second temple, but not in Solomon's : cf. note on 2 K. 21 : 5.
8 The prayer concludes (6 : 41, 42) with a quotation from Psalm 132 : 9, 10.
295

2 Chronicles 7:1 The Messages of
(7:4,5,7-10) Conclusion of the dedication ceremonies (1 K. 8 : 62-66)
(7 : 1-3) When Solomon ceased praying, fire came down from
heaven, and consumed the burnt offering and the sacri
fice, and the glory of Jehovah filled the house, so that
the priests could not enter in ; and the people saw, and
bowed in worship, and gave thanks.
(7 : 6) The people stood, while the Levites sounded their
instruments of music, and the priests their trumpets.
(7 : 10) Solomon dismissed the people on the NINTH ¦ day
(1 K. 8 : 66)
(7 : n-22) Jehovah acknowledges Solomon's sacrifice ; he promises
and warns  (1 K. 9 : 1-9)
(8) Solomon's fortifications and trade . (1 K. 9 : 10-28)
(8 : 2) Solomon fortified the cities which HIRAM HAD
GIVEN HIM and caused the children of Israel to dwell
in them.
(8 : 3-5) He seized Hamath, fortified Tadmor,5 the two Beth-
horons and certain store cities in Hamath.
(8 : n) Solomon brought up Pharaoh's daughter out of the city
of David into the house that he had built for her : FOR
HE SAID -MY WIFE1' SHALL NOT DWELL IN THE
HOUSE OF DAVID, BECAUSE THE PLACES ARE
HOLY WHEREUNTO THE ARK OF JEHOVAH HATH
COME "  (1 K. 3 : 1 ; 9 : 24s)
Solomon regulated his burnt offerings by the law of
1 23d day of the month : cf . Num. 29 : 12-40.
2 Possibly a slip for Tamar (a fortress in Judah ?)
3 Or " No woman shall dwell, etc."
296

the Historians 2 Chronicles 11 : 17
Moses, and in accordance with David's instructions, Solomon's
he appointed the courses of the priests and the Levites g^ation
to their several duties. ] (8 : 12-16)
The visit of the Queen of Sheba. Solomon's splendor. (9)
The records of his reign . (1 K. 10 : 1-29 ; 11 : 41-43)
Solomon's throne had a footstool of gold. (9 : 18)
(3) From the Disruption to the Captivity (2 Chr. 10 to 36)
(a) The Division of the Kingdom (z Chr. 10 : 1 to II : 4)
The division of the Kingdom . . (1 K. 12 : 1-19) (10)
The intervention of the prophet Shemaiah (n : 1-4)
(1 K. 12 : 21-24)
(b) Rehoboam (2 Chr. 11 : 5 to 12 : 16)
Rehoboam fortified fifteen cities in Judah and Ben- Rehoboam's
jamin, the two tribes whose allegiance he retained.2 (^'f/.fj)0"5
The faithful priests and Levites, driven out of the
northern Kingdom by Jeroboam, who put in their places Rehoboam
the idolatrous priests of the calf worship, resorted, Jhe faithful
with all the faithful, to Judah and Jerusalem, where, £rie?tts and
under Rehoboam's patronage, they for a time strength- (n : 13-17)
ened both him and his kingdom.
He had many wives and concubines, and he distrib-
1 Compare the statement in the later stratum of Kings (1 K. 9 : 25).
3 The loyalty of Benjamin seems also to be implied by 14 : 8 ; 15 : 2, 8, 9.
But considering that this was Saul's tribe, it is very improbable, and is
contradicted by 1 K. 12 : 20. " Secured " would be a possible rendering of
the Hebrew. 297

2 Chronicles n : 23 The Messages of
Hisapos- uted his numerous children throughout the fortified
(i?: 18 to cities. When his kingdom was established, he for-
" : 1) sook the law of Jehovah and all Israel with him.
The inva- So for their sin Shishak, king of Egypt, came with
Shishak, countless hosts, and after seizing the fortified cities
Shemaiah's reached Jerusalem. Then a prophet announced to the
popular' assembled court that this invasion was the divine pun-
(i"T*B) ishment for sin. On their humble confession, however,
he promised that the wrath of Jehovah would not be
poured out upon Jerusalem, though they would indeed
be Shishak's servants.
(12:9-11,13) Shishak carries off the treasures of temple and palace
(1 K. 14 : 25-28, 31)
(12 : 12, 14) The wrath of Jehovah was turned from the king,
when he humbled himself. He did that which was evil,
because he set not his heart to seek Jehovah.1
(c) Abijah (2 Chr. 13)
Abijah's Abijah of Judah with four hundred thousand men and
(i3?C3-i2) Jeroboam of Israel -with an army twice as large, met
to do battle. Abijah addressed Jeroboam and his army,
reminding them that the kingdom of Israel belonged to
David and his descendants by divine right. Jeroboam
was an unworthy rebel. They need not think to win
the day, despite the great multitude and the golden
calves, for they had cast out the priests and Levites
and abandoned the true worship for idolatry. But
Judah had been faithful ; with her were priests and
1 For 12 : 15, 16, cf. 1 K. 14 : 30, 31.
298

the Historians 2 Chronicles 14: 15
Levites who had with unfailing scrupulousness per
formed all the duties appertaining to the house of God.
" God is at our head," he concluded : " his priests will
sound an alarm against you. Fight not a vain fight
against the God of your fathers.''
To this speech Jeroboam replied by setting an am- His victory
bush for the men of Judah. When they saw how they holm °
were surrounded, they sent up a shout to Jehovah, and (r3 = '3-«)
the priests sounded the trumpets. In answer, God
smote Israel, so that half a million were slain. Thus
the men of Judah prevailed, because they leaned upon
Jehovah, God of their fathers.
(d) Asa (2 Chr. 14 to 16)
Asa's religious reforms . . (1 K. 15 : 8-12) (14: 1-5)
Asa commanded Judah to seek Jehovah and to do (14 : 4, 5)
the law and the commandments. He ALSO REMOVED
THE HIGH PLACES* .... (1 K. 15 : 14)
He profited by the ten years of rest to fortify certain Asa's fortifi-
cities in Judah ; and his army, drawn from Judah and aam°ns and
Benjamin, numbered over half a million. (J4 : 6-8)
Now Zerah the Ethiopian invaded Judah with a Asa defeats
million men. Then Asa cried earnestly for help to p^J"110"
God ; and he heard him and smote the Ethiopians. In ( T4 : 9-15)
their flight southward, they were utterly routed by
Judah, who captured immense booty.
The returning army was met and addressed by the
prophet Azariah. He pointed the moral of the earlier
1 Contradicts 15 : 17, as well as 1 K. 15 : 14.
299

2 Chronicles 15:1 The Messages of
The exhor- history : how that often, after God had suffered them to
Aiariah ; be grievously oppressed, and bereft of divine enlighten-
Asa's reform ment, because of their sin, he yet was found of them when
1 IS they sought him. Let them then face with energy the
work that lay before them, in the sure hope of reward.
Thus encouraged, Asa at once addressed himself to a
religious reform ; and, stimulated by his enthusiasm, a
great public gathering at Jerusalem solemnly resolved
to seek their God with all their heart, those refusing
to be punished with death. Jehovah showed his favor
by giving them rest.
(15: 16-18) Concluding notice of the reformation (1 K. 15 : 13-15)
(15:19) There was NO WAR UNTIL THE THIRTY-FIFTH
YEAR OF ASA'S REIGN* . . . (I K. 15 : 16)
(16:1-6) Asa's war with Israel . . . (1 K. 15 : 17-22)
Hanani's After Asa had bribed Benhadad of Aram to divert
Asa°°fo£ Baasha of Israel from Judah by attacking him, Hanani
(16 : 7-10) the seer announced to him that for his folly in leaning
upon the king of Aram, forgetful of the God who
sleeplessly guarded the interests of all men every
where, whose heart was perfect toward him, and who
had delivered him from the huge and formidable hosts
of the Ethiopians, from henceforth he would be vexed
with wars. The angry king straightway put the seer
in prison.
(16: n-14) Sickness, death, and burial of Asa . (1 K. 15 : 23, 24)
(16 : 12, 14) In his old age, Asa was sore diseased in his feet ;
1 In the Hebrew this verse reads, "and there was no war," etc.
300

the Historians 2 Chronicles 18 : 34
yet he sought not Jehovah, but the physicians. His
burial was celebrated with great honors.
(e) Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. 17 to 20)
Asa's son and successor Jehoshaphat garrisoned Jehosha-
Judah and certain cities of Ephraim. Jehovah gave peAty pr°S
him prosperity and honor because he walked in his hi '¦ ,_61
commandments and not after the doings of Israel : for
example, HE REMOVED THE HIGH PLACES'1 (i K.
22 :43).
To spread the knowledge of the law of Jehovah The book of
among his people, he had them instructed by a circuit faughT
commission composed of civil and religious dignitaries, ('7 : 7-9)
who expounded the book of the law.2
His piety was rewarded with peace ; for the fear of Jehosha-
Jehovah restrained the surrounding nations from going power
to war with Jehoshaphat. He even received tribute hi • 10-19)
from Philistines and Arabians. He grew in power and
prosperity, and his army numbered considerably over
a million men.
Ahab and Jehoshaphat attack Ramoth in Gilead : Ahab (18)
is slain  (1 K. 22 : 1-35)
In the battle Jehoshaphat cried out, and Jehovah (18 : 31)
helped him, and God ' moved them to depart from him.
1 Compare 2 Chr. 20 : 33 .
2 To the Chronicler, this would be the Pentateuch. It may in reality
have been the Book of the Covenant (Ex. 20 : 22 to 23 : 33).
3 Notice the curious transition in the names of God : cf . 20 : 29, and
especially 26 : 5.
301

2 Chronicles 19 : I

The Messages of

Jehosha
phat re
proved by a
seer(19 : 1-4)

His judicial
system(19 : 5-11)

Projectedattack on
Judah :
Jehosha-phat'sprayer(20 : 1-13)

Jehovah'ssignal vic
tory
(20 : 14-30)

Jehoshaphat, on his return from Ramoth to Jerusalem,
was met by Jehu the seer, who threatened him with the
wrath of Jehovah for assisting the ungodly king of
Israel. Then the king instituted an earnest reform
throughout the land.
He established a judicial system, appointing judges
in various cities of Judah, and charging them to be, as
before God, incorruptible and impartial in the admin
istration of justice. In Jerusalem, too, he appointed
a court of appeal, consisting of Levites, priests, and
heads of fathers' houses, with presiding officers, to de
cide sincerely, as before God, disputed cases carried to
them from the cities.
Jehoshaphat, hearing that an invading army of Mo
abites, Ammonites, and Meunim had reached the west
ern shore of the Dead Sea, proclaimed a fast through
out Judah, and, before the congregation assembled at
the temple, prayed that the God who rules over all and
whose might is irresistible, the God who had given the
land to the seed of Abraham his friend forever, the God
whose sanctuary was the pledge that he would hear
and save all who cried to him — that this their God
would help them against the invaders whose land had
been spared by Israel, when they came up out of Egypt.
"We have no might," he prayed, "neither know we
what to do, but our eyes are upon thee."
Then the spirit of Jehovah came upon a certain Le
vite. He counselled them to go out against the enemy
confidently on the morrow. They would not need to
302

the Historians 2 Chronicles 21 : 12

fight. Jehovah would himself save them. " The bat
tle is not yours," he said, "but God's." Whereupon
king and people bowed in worship, and the Levites
sang praises. Forth they went on the morrow, the
king earnestly exhorting them to believe in their God
and in his prophets ; for faith would be crowned with
victory. He appointed singers to precede the army
and sing praises to Jehovah. No sooner had they be
gun than Jehovah created a panic among the enemy,
and they fell to slaying one another ; so that when
Judah came up they found the enemy all dead, and
abundance of spoil. This gathered, they held a meeting
for thanksgiving in the valley thenceforward known as
the Valley of Blessing.
Jehoshaphat JOINED Ahaziah of Israel in naval en- (20 : 35-37)
terprise, and for his wickedness his ships were wrecked,
as a prophet had announced . . (1 K. 22 : 49)
(f) Jehoram (2 Chr. 21)
Jehosbaphat's son and successor, Jehoram, murdered Jehoram
his brothers and certain of the princes. brothers
Jehoram's idolatry ; the revolt of Edom and Libnah (** ; I-4)
(2 K. 8 17-22) (21: 10, 11)
Libnah revolted from Jehoram, because he had for
saken Jehovah, the God of his fathers, and had led
Judah into apostasy.
Accordingly he received a letter from Elijah the Elijah's let-
prophet,1 announcing a stern divine judgment on his ram'sJcalam-
1 Dead already in Jehoshaphat's time, many years before. 2 K. 3 : 11. "£"* ™**
3°3

2 Chronicles 21:12 The Messages of
sins of apostasy and murder ; and the prophetic word
was fulfilled. His land and family suffered from raids
of the Philistines and Arabians. He himself died of a
sore disease, and was buried in the city of David, but
NO Tin the sepulchres of the kings (2 K. 8 : 24)
(g) Ahaziah (2 Chr. 22 : 1-9)
(22 : 1-6) Ahaziah : his alliance with Joram ' . (2 K. 8 : 24b-29)
Ahaziah's The divine judgment which Jehu executed on Joram
(22™ ) ^ uPon Ahaziah too ; but he received burial, because
he was the son of the faithful Jehoshaphat.
(h) Athaliah (2 Chr. 22 : 10 to 23 : 21)
(22:10 to 23: The usurpation of Athaliah and revolution carried
"' through by Jehoiada * . . . . (2 K. 1 1)
(23:2,4,6-8) Jehoiada gathered the Levites and the heads of fa
thers' houses to Jerusalem. PRIESTS AND LEVITES
WERE TO ACT AS DOORKEEPERS, AND NONE BUT
THEY' MIGHT ENTER THE TEMPLE. The LEVITES
were to surround the king. The Levites and all Judah
carried out Jehoiada's instructions . . (2 K. n : 4-9)
1 Ahaziah was 42 years of age at his accession, according to v. 2. In
-.s K. 8 : 26, he is only 22. That is practically supported by LXX of this
passage, which makes his age 20.
2 Essentially the same as 2 K. 11 : 4-20, with the very significant substitu
tion of Levites for a bodyguard. Naturally singers and players (ordained
by David, v. 18) are introduced (v. 13), and the temple offices are distrib
uted on the basis of David's organization (v. 18).
9 In 2-K. 11 : 11 it was lay guards who were in the temple.
3°4

the Historians 2 Chronicles 25 : 4
(i) Joash (2 Chr. 24)
Joash : his restoration of the temple (24 : 1-14)
(2 K. 11 : 21 to 12: 14)
Joash brought Jehoiada to account for not INSISTING (24 : 6, 9)
THAT THE LEVITES SHOULD SECURE FROM THE
CITIES OF JUDAH THE TEMPLE TAX WHICH MOSES
HAD LAID UPON ISRAEL IN THE WILDERNESS '
(2 K. 12 : 4-8)
SACRED VESSELS WERE MADE OUT OF THE SUR- (24 : M)
PLUS MONEY  (2 K. 12 : 13, 14)
The death of the good Jehoiada was the signal for a Religious
relapse into idolatry. The warning voices of the proph- murder of*6
ets were disregarded. One— and that Jehoiada's faith- Zechariah6'
ful son — was silenced by assassination, on the com- (24 : 15-22)
mand of the ungrateful king ; and he died with a prayer
on his lips to God for vengeance.
Within a year the king and his numerous people Aramean in-
were humiliated by a small band of Aramean invaders, murder of
and finally he was slain by his servants in vengeance Joash
_ (24. * 23-27)
for the blood of Jehoiada's son.3
(j) Amaziah (2 Chr. 25)
Amaziah : his vengeance on his father's murderers (25 ; 1-4)
(2 K. 14 : 1-6)
To augment still further his great army, Amaziah
1 Ex. 30 : 12-16 ; a tax for the support of the tabernacle and its worship.
a On the Chronicler's theory, this section probably stands to the preceding
in the relation of effect to cause. The section to which it is parallel is 2 K.
12 : 17-21.
3°5

2 Chronicles 25 : 5

The Messages of

Israelites
hired and
dismissed by
Amaziah ;
his successes
against Edom (25 : 5-13)

His foolish
idolatry (25 : 14-16)

Its conse
quences (25 : 17-28)
(25: 27)

hired a large contingent from Israel ; but he dismissed
them again at the bidding of a man of God, who urged
that Jehovah was not with Israel. The disbanded men
departed in anger, attacked and despoiled the cities of
Judah while the Judean army was winning victories
in Edom, ten thousand of whose people they had slain
in battle, and other ten thousand by hurling them from
a rock.1 Amaziah adopted the gods of the country he had con
quered, and threatened with violence a prophet who
pointed out his folly. Then said the prophet : " I know
that God hath determined to destroy thee, because
thou hast done this." And so it was.
For his challenge of Joash king of Israel led to his
defeat and death . . . . (2 K. 14 : 8-20)
The conspiracy which resulted in his death had its
origin in his apostasy.

(26 : 1-4)

Uzziah's en
terprise in
peace and
war(26 : 5-15)

(k) Uzziah (2 Chr. 26)
The excellence and length of his reign
(2 K. 14 : 21, 22; 15 : 1-3)
Uzziah prospered as long as he sought Jehovah. In
war he was successful against the Philistines and
Arabians ; he received tribute from the Ammonites, and
his fame spread far and wide. He fortified Jerusalem,
built towers in the desert, encouraged agriculture and
1 "Rock" may here be the fortress of Sela, cf. 2 K. 14 : 7. In any case,
this passage is an expansion of that verse.
306

the Historians 2 Chronicles 28:11
maintained a large standing army, well equipped with
all manner of military appliances.
But prosperity bred pride, and he presumed, despite The punish-
the protests of the priests, to offer incense, which it ment for bis
arrogance
was only lawful for the priests to offer. Forthwith on (26 : 16-21)
his angry brow the mark of leprosy appeared, and in
haste he left the temple for ever, with the mark of the
divine punishment upon him.
Concluding notice .... (2 K. 15 : 6, 7) (26: 22, 23)
(1) Jotham (2 Chr. 27)
The length and nature of his reign . (2 K. 15 : 32-35) (27: 1, 2)
Jotham extended the system of fortifications in Judah, jotham's
put the Ammonites to tribute, and grew mighty be- t°0rnsfiand
cause he ordered his ways before Jehovah his God. prosperity
Concluding notice . . . (2 K. 1 5 : 36, 38) (27 • 7-9)
(m) Ahaz (2 Chr. 28)
His grievous idolatry . . . (2 K. 16 : 2-4) (28: 1-4)
He made molten images for the Baalim, and sacri- (28 : 2, 3)
ficed in the valley of Hinnom.
Ahaz, for his apostasy, sustained a very grievous The defeat
defeat from the allied kings of Aram and Israel, the°^^^ea
slain and captured being over a. quarter of a million, bukes Israel
Then a prophet addressed the victorious army of
Israel, telling them that the God who had thus shown
his anger against Judah was angry with them also,
and urged them to deliver up the captives. The
leaders, acknowledging Israel's guilt, acted on his ad-
3°7

2 Chronicles 28 : 12 The Messages of
vice, and with noble generosity sent the captives back
to Jericho.
Raids upon For the sin of Ahaz divine judgment fell in the form
fa^f 17-19) °f destructive raids upon Judah by the Edomites and
the Philistines.
(28 : 16, 20, The costly help of the Assyrian king TURNED OUT
2l) A DELUSION  (2 K. 16 : 7-9)
Ahaz's idol- Ahaz sacrificed to the gods of the victorious Ara
b's?': 22-25) means>' tnat ne might secure their help, but they were
his ruin.
(28 : 26, 27) Concluding notice . . . (2 K. 16 : 19, 20)
(n) Hezekiah (2 Chr. 29 to 32)
(29 : 1, 2) The length and excellence of Hezekiah's reign
(2 K. 18 : 2, 3)
The cleans- In the very opening of his reign, Hezekiah, eager to
temple'oao) make a covenant with the God of Israel, began his
great reform. The Levites were commissioned, after
sanctifying themselves, to cleanse the disgraced and
neglected temple, that so the wrath of Jehovah might
be appeased. This order they promptly executed,
priests and Levites dividing up the work. They re
placed the vessels destroyed by Ahaz,2 and informed
the king on the completion of their task. Then going
1 Perhaps "Assyrians" are intended; the difference in Hebrew would
not be great. If, however, the text is correct, as the reference to Damas
cus suggests, then we have here the Chronicler's modified version of the
story of the Damascus altar. With v. 24 cf. 2 K. 16 : 17, 18.
a Cf. 28 : 24 ; 2 K. 16 : 17.
308

the Historians 2 Chronicles 30: 17
to the temple, Hezekiah commanded the priests to
offer a sin-offering for all Israel — for the royal house,
the temple, and the people. While the burnt offering
was being offered, the people worshipped to the musi
cal accompaniment of Levites and priests. Then,
after songs of praise, on the king's invitation, the
people offered sacrifices of their own — thank offerings
and burnt-offerings — so many indeed that the priests,
loth to sanctify themselves, had to be assisted in flay
ing them by the more enthusiastic Levites ; and king
and people were filled with joy at all that God had
wrought. Then he determined to celebrate the passover at Je-Thepass-
rusalem on a great scale. To this end he despatched over (3<D>
letters throughout all Israel and Judah from north to
south, inviting all to come to Jerusalem, and assuring
them that if they would but turn to their gracious
God, he would look again with favour upon them, and
bring their dear ones back from exile. In Israel many
laughed his message to scorn, though not a few humbly
obeyed ; but Judah was inspired to unanimity. So the
great congregation gathered at Jerusalem, where, after
removing all traces of idolatry, the passover was cele
brated, priests and Levites now taking such parts as
were prescribed in the law of Moses. In some ways
the celebration was irregular. It was a month behind
the legal time ; ' and further, many from Israel were
ceremonially unclean, and therefore legally disquali-
1 Num. 9 : 1, 5 ; but cf. w. io, n.
3°9

2 Chronicles 30: 18

The Messages of

Provision for
the priest
hood (31)

(32 : 1)
Hezekiah'sdefences(32 : 2-8)

(32 : 9-21)
Fame of
Hezekiah
(32 : 22, 23)

fied from eating the passover. But they were never
theless allowed to partake. For there was a higher
than the legal spirit at work, as is seen in the king's
large-hearted prayer to " Jehovah the good " for par
don upon all, if only they worshipped in sincerity.
The feast lasted twice the usual time. There was
daily praise and abundant sacrifice and great joy. For
three centuries Jerusalem had not seen the like.
The passover was fittingly followed by the destruc
tion of all remaining traces of idolatry in Judah and
Israel. Then the people dispersed to their homes.
Hezekiah reorganized the priests and Levites, and his
request — supported by his own generous example — that
the people should contribute toward the sacred dues,
met with a response beyond all expectation. Officers
were appointed to take charge of and distribute the
numerous offerings among the priests, the Levites and
their families.
Sennacherib's entrance into Judah . (2 K. 18 : 13)
On the approach of Sennacherib, the people stopped
the fountains, and Hezekiah strengthened the fortifica
tions of Jerusalem, and encouraged the people, remind
ing them that the enemy had but an arm of flesh, while
they themselves had Jehovah their God to fight their
battles. Sennacherib's campaign ; the deliverance of Jerusalem
(2 K. 18 : 17 to 19 : 37)-
The remarkable deliverance brought Hezekiah honor
in the sight of all the world. 310

the Historians 2 Chronicles 33 : 25
The Babylonian embassy: Hezekiah's wealth, and (32 : 24-33)
building enterprise  (2 K. 20)
Forgetful of Jehovah's goodness in bringing him back
from the gates of death, Hezekiah waxed proud, but on
humbling himself he was forgiven and enjoyed great
power and prosperity. The Babylonian embassy was
God's way of testing what was in his heart.1 All
Judah did him honor at his death.
(0) Manasseh (2 Chr. 33 : 1-20)
His idolatry  (2 K. 21 : 1-10) (33: 1-10)
For his disregard of the divine word Manasseh was Manasseh's
carried away to Babylon, whence, however, after hum- peiJtance
ble confession and prayer, Jehovah his God brought him anQ return
(33 " I1"^)
back again to his own land.
He strengthened the capital, abolished idolatry, and His reforms
made the worship of Jehovah imperative. (33 : M"19'
His death and burial . . . (2 K. 21 : 18) (32 ; 20)
(p) Arnon (2 Chr. 33 : 21-25)
His brief and wicked reign . (2 K. 21 : 19-24) (33 : 21-25)
Arnon did not humble himself before Jehovah, as ^fj?""
Manasseh his father had done. (33 : 20)
1 In 2 K. 20 : 12, 13 the pride is connected with the embassy. Here v. 27
preceding v. 31 makes a very different impression from v. 13 in Kings fol
lowing v. 12.

3H

2 Chronicles 34 : 1 The Messages of
(q) Josiah (2 Chr. 34, 35)
(34) His reforms : the finding of the book of the law (2 K. 22)
(34 : 3) Josiah's reforms began in his TWELFTH year.
(2 K. 22 : 3 ; 23 : 23)
(34 : 8, 14, SIX years AFTERWARD (v. 8), in the course of tem
ple repairs, was found the book of the law of Jehovah
given by Moses (v. 15), and Shaphan read THEREIN^
(v. 18).
(34 : 33) The effects of the reformation lasted during Josiah's
lifetime.
(35:1-19) Josiah's passover . . . (2 K. 23 : 21-23)
Josiah instructed the priests and Levites to celebrate
the great passover festival in accordance with the law
of Moses, and with splendid generosity king and
princes furnished people, priests, and Levites with
sacrificial animals.
(35 : 20, 22, josiah's sad death . . . (2 K. 23 : 29, 30)
Necho's Necho, conscious that he was fulfilling the divine
wordhto1C purpose, warned Josiah of the doom that would be his,
filT'd h £ul ^ he Pers'sted 'n fighting witn him ; but Josiah, regard-
(3s : 21-25) 'ess of the divine message, perished. Jeremiah and all
Judah mourned for him, and elegies are still sung.2
(35 : 26, 27) Concluding notice . . . . (2 K. 23 : 28)
1 In K., he read it, i.e. roughly, the Book of Deuteronomy. But to the
Chronicler, the law is the Pentateuch, which was too long to read through
in the manner described, therefore he says therein.
3 Virtually an independent version of 2 K. 23 : 29, 30.

312

the Historians 2 Chronicles 36 : 23
(r) Jehoahaz (2 Chr. 36 : 1-4)
His brief reign and hapless fate . (2 K. 23 : 30b-34) (36 : i.4)
(s) Jehoiakim (2 Chr. 36 : 5-8)
His evil reign . . „ (2 K. 23 : 36 to 24 : 6) (36 : 5-8)
Besides carrying away certain vessels of the temple (36 : 6-7)
to Babylon, Nebuchadrezzar put Jehoiakim in chains
to carry him away also.
(t) Jehoiachin (2 Chr. 36 : 9, 10)
His brief reign and exile to Babylon * (2 K. 24 : 8-17) (36 : 9-10)
(u) Zedekiah (2 Chr. 36 : n-21)
His rebellion,1 the siege of Jerusalem by the Babylo- (36 ¦• u-21)
nians and the destruction of Jerusalem and the temple
(2 K. 24: 18 to 25:21)
Zedekiah was stiffnecked and hardhearted, rejecting
the message of the prophet Jeremiah, and breaking his
solemn oath of fealty to Nebuchadrezzar. Priests and
people likewise spurned the prophetic word ; until at
last the wrath of Jehovah rose against his people, and
there was no remedy. So the desolate land kept Sab
bath for seventy years, as Jeremiah '' had foretold.
(v) The Decree of Cyrus (2 Chr. 36 : 22, 23 ; cf. Ezra I : 1-3)
1 The very summary recapitulation of the facts connected with these two
deportations of Judah is highly characteristic.
3 25 : 11 ; 29 mo. 313

Ezra-Nehemiah The Messages of

INTRODUCTION TO EZRA-NEHEMIAH
These two books, originally one in Hebrew, are an ob
vious continuation of Chronicles,1 and in their present
form are from the same hand. The phraseology, the
temper, the point of view are similar. Here, as there, is
displayed profound interest in the temple, its ritual, and
its ministers ; " here, as there, the Levites are prominent '
and the musical service is emphasized.4 Certain older
traits receive in this age a new prominence, as fasting •
and prayer." The legal spirit of the age has also engen
dered a certain self-righteousness.' " The days of Nehe
miah " lie in the past ; they constitute one epoch, as the days
of Zerubbabel constitute another." In these books no less
surely than in Chronicles we have to do with the editorial
work of the Chronicler. What, however, were his sources ?
Those sources, though seldom cited," are of unusual
importance, as they bear, in the main, the stamp of origi-
* Compare 2 Chr. 36 : 22, 23 with Ezr. 1 : 1-3.
3 Neh. 13 : 29, etc.
a Neh. 8 : 7, 9 ; 9 : 4, 38.
4 Ezr. 3 : 10, 11 ; Neh. 12 : 27, 36, 46.
6 Ezr. 8 : 21 ; 10 : 6 ; Neh. 1 : 4.
8 Ezr. 8 : 23 ; 9:6-15; Neh. 1:4: 4:9.
T Neh. 5:19; 13 : 14, 22.
8 Neh. 12 : 47.
8 Cf. Neh. 12 : 23, the book of the chronicles.
3M

the Historians Ezra-Nehemiah
nality. Though here, as in Kings, the author breathes
much of his own spirit into the history he records, he fortu
nately leaves much of it practically intact and often trans
cribes without adapting. This is especially true of the long
section, Neh. I to 6, a graphic story in the first person,
which comes from the personal memoirs of Nehemiah.
It is also clear that one of the sources was the memoirs of
Ezra, for the sections Ezra 7 : 27 to 8 : 34 and 9:1-15 speak
of him in the first person, though the abrupt transition in
the tenth chapter from the first person to the third ' shows
the hand of the editor working on the original documents.
It is not impossible that he may have edited even that
portion of the memoirs which has been preserved in the
first person. We do know for a fact that he retouched
documents which look like originals. A comparison, for
instance, of the decree of Cyrus as given in Ezra 1 : 2 ff.
with the form of that decree preserved in the Aramaic
document of Ezra 6 : 3 ff., leaves no doubt as to which is
the original. The Chronicler's hand is obvious in the
representation of the decree as a charge given by Jehovah,
God of heaven, to Cyrus. Thus we have to face the pos
sibility, which amounts to a practical certainty, that the
Chronicler's hand has touched even the original letters
and documents preserved in Aramaic, Ezra 4 : 8 to 6 : 14*
and 7 : 12-26,3 but the influence there is, in the main, for
mal rather than material.
1 9 : 5 ; 10 : 1. 3 Cf. especially 6 : 9, 10, 12.
315

Ezra-Nehemiah The Messages of
Thus the sources are lists, official documents, and me
moirs, all of which were in places worked over and some
times amplified by the Chronicler. His priestly bias seems
to have occasionally controlled his presentation of fact.
For example, many considerations • tend to confirm the
conclusion that Ezra's expedition is antedated, and that
Nehemiah arrived before him and prepared the way for
him. Again at the expense of the continuity and even
coherence of his story, the Chronicler dramatically con
centrates in the forefront of his narrative the Samaritan
opposition to the Jews — an opposition which, on the con
fession of the recorded dates themselves, covered a period
of at least about eighty years, and increased in virulence
as the years went on.2
These facts compel, for historical purposes, a recon
struction of the order of the narrative, and this reconstruc
tion becomes all the more imperative when we observe
that no less than three chapters of Nehemiah (8 to io) ap
pear to come from the memoirs of Ezra, and to be con
nected in time, spirit, and language with Ezra 7 to 10.
Like the antedating of Ezra's expedition, the general disor-
1 For instance, Nehemiah's memoirs make no allusion to the alleged
measures of Ezra, nor did Ezra's company assist at the building of the
walls, as they surely would have done had they been present. Further,
Ezra's measures, especially with regard to intermarriage, are much moie
decisive than Nehemiah's, which have all the appearance of being tenta
tive. Cf. Neh. 13 : 25 with Ezr. 10.
> Ezr. 4. 316

the Historians Ezra-Nehemiah

der of the narrative was probably caused by the desire to
give the priest Ezra precedence over the layman Nehe
miah. It was peculiarly fitting that the priestly historian should
undertake to tell the story of the new life that came to his
people with the return of Ezra the scribe from Babylon,
Though the institutions which he so deeply loved were
for him rooted in a very distant past, yet the work of
Ezra gave them, so to speak, new interest and stability.
But why has he nothing to tell us of the period that lies
between the return of Nehemiah and that glad day, sev
enty years before, when they finished the building of the
temple and kept the festival with joy ? The silence is
ominous. It suggests a catastrophe over which the Chron
icler would fain hasten to a more congenial tale. But the
vague and awful suggestions of that silence receive a
body from scattered hints in prophecy. The temple was
completed in 516 B. C. We know how extravagant were
the hopes that gathered round Zerubbabel.1 We see in
the gloomy world of Malachi how these hopes, how all
hopes, had been dashed. Even the temple and its worship
are now all but a thing for scorn.3 Sellin has suggested '
— though it can be no more than a hypothesis — that dur
ing the governorship of Zerubbabel, the Jews may have
rebelled against their Persian master, and paid for their
daring hopes a terrible penalty, in the shape of the cruci-
1 Haggai 2 : 23. 2 Mal. 1:7. 3 In his book Serubbabel (1898).
3J7

Ezra-Nehemiah fixion of their leader, the devastation of their temple, and
the destruction of all hope of independence under a native
king. In the light of this possibility, the opening scene
in Nehemiah gains new interest and pathos, and the em
phatic sacerdotalism of the new order becomes more than
ever intelligible.

3i&

Throughout the following section plain type represents
the original sources ; bold-faced type indicates the Chron
icler's additions to or modifications of it, or contributions
original to himself.

320

Ezra 3:8

VI
THE RESTORATION
I. The Return (Ezra I to 6)
In fulfilment of Jeremiah's prophecy, Cyrus King of The decree
Persia at the bidding of Jehovah, published a decree * in S^SST1
538 B. C. , granting permission to the exiled Jews to return h)
to Jerusalem and rebuild the temple and enjoining that
the exiles receive local support.' Enthusiastically did
the leading men, the priests and the Levites obey ; and
they were sped upon their way by gifts from their neigh
bors. They took with them the numerous sacred ves
sels, once captured by Nebuchadrezzar, now committed
by Cyrus to the charge of Sheshbazzar, a prince of Judah.
In the seventh month a great gathering was held at Altar built
Jerusalem, at which under the leadership of Joshua the es^bHshed"
priest and Zerubbabel the governor the altar was built, p6. ^- F-
that the Mosaic sacrifices might be regularly offered.
The feast of booths was also held and after that the
regular sacrificial system was resumed. But the foun
dation of the temple was not yet laid.
Measures, however, were at once taken with this Laying the
end in view. In the second month of the second year, 0fUtheatem-ple (3 : 8-13)
> Ezra 1 : 1-3 = 2 Chr. 36 : 22, 23.
3 Since the Chronicler's sources were already priestly, it is often difficult
to distinguish accurately between them and his additions or corrections.
321

Ezra 3:8 The Messages of
the returned exiles, headed by their leaders, addressed
themselves to the work, the oversight of which they
entrusted to the Levites ; and the foundation was laid
\ to the accompaniment, in ancient fashion, of music and
song by priests and Levites. The joy of the young
was mingled -with the tears of those who had seen
the glorious temple of Solomon.
Samaritan The Samaritans requested permission to assist in
(4 ? i^!° ") the building °f the temple, on the ground of their com
mon worship of Jehovah. On the leaders refusing, they
hampered the activity of the Jews, and plotted against
them for sixteen years, till the second year of Darius.
Temple be- Then under the stimulus of the preaching of Haggai,
f5u" i5_2°) ' ' Zechariah, and others, the real work of building was begun.
Tattenai in- Their efforts were challenged by the suspicious Tat-
the Jew's tenai, Persian governor of the western provinces. He,
Cyrus's'0 however, by the grace of God, before prohibiting them,
decree formally communicated with Darius, intimating the rapid
progress of the building, the names of the leaders, and
the reply of^the Jews to his challenge, in which they had
appealed to a decree of Cyrus granting them permission
to return and rebuild the temple, and had pleaded the
uninterrupted progress of the building since the laying
of the foundation stone by Sheshbazzar.
The decree On Tattenai's recommendation, Darius instituted a
confirmed search for the alleged decree, which was at length dis-
J^.^fj"?5 covered at Ecbatana, whereupon he not only warned Tat
tenai not to interfere with the work, but passed an irrevo-
322

the Historians Nehemiah i : n
cable decree that part of the royal tribute be placed at
their disposal, that they should be regularly supplied with
all that was necessary for sacrifices of sweet savour, and
that prayer be offered for his dynasty and " may the God
who has caused his name to dwell there destroy all who
thwart the building of his house."
Thus under the stimulus of the preaching of Haggai and The temple
Zechariah, the building was successfully finished in 5l6BmQedsi6
B. C. Priests, Levites and returned exiles kept the\(6 : z3_l8)
dedication of the temple with joy, offered liberal sacrifices
and arranged for the worship in accordance with the
law of Moses.
A great passover feast was held in which all, with The glad
glad gratitude, participated — both the returned exiles ^TiZzz)
and all who had separated themselves ' from the filthi-
ness of the heathen of the land.
2. The Work of Nehemiah (Neh. 1 to 7; 11 to 13)
Nehemiah, royal cupbearer in the Persian palace, over- Judah in
come by the news of the distress of his fellow-country- Nehemiah
men in Judea, and of the destruction of the walls of Terusa- £asts and
J J prays
lem, fasted and prayed long and passionately with earnest (Neh. 1)
confession to the faithful and terrible Jehovah that, in ac
cordance with his ancient promise, he would hear the
prayer of his redeemed who were again oppressed, and
grant Nehemiah himself favor in the sight of the king.
1 Perhaps those who had not been carried into exile.
323

Nehemiah 2 : 1 The Messages of
Goes to je- On being questioned by the king three or four months
stirsup thed afterward touching the grief which his countenance be-
com-mu^ity trave(iF wim the courage of faith he asked and obtained
from him permission to travel under Persian protection
to Judah, with a view to the restoration of the walls of
Jerusalem. The arrival of a man with such a mission
was naturally unwelcome to the foreign neighbors. But
without divulging the purpose that God had put into his
heart, he went out one night to inspect the state of the
walls, riding till the rubbish compelled him to go on foot.
Then with a zeal inspired by knowledge, he kindled in the
whole community the desire to rebuild the walls, appeal
ing to Jehovah's manifest grace in the king's generosity
toward him. The movement was received with ridicule
by the foreigners. But to taunts and insinuation Nehe
miah replied that they had no right in Jerusalem, and
that the God of heaven would crown their own despised
efforts with success.
The building The work was at once prosecuted with vigor and
(3)' ° Wa S sPeed. All but the nobles of Tekoa lent a helping hand,
from the high-priest to the private man, from the nobles
to the trade-guilds.
Foreign op- Irritated, however, by the progress of the building, the
fms'trated foreigners again ridiculed their infatuation, and provoked
rniahu)" Nehemiah to an earnest prayer for vengeance. The re
doubled efforts of the builders, who had now almost suc
ceeded in closing the breaches of the walls, so enraged
324

the Historians Nehemiah 5 -. 19
the foreigners that they determined upon a sudden attack.
Nehemiah, however, frustrated their plans by making ad
equate preparations for this contingency, and strength
ened the hearts of the despondent people not only by his
own heroic example, but also by reminding them that
their God, the great and terrible Jehovah, would fight for
them. At this juncture the wrongs of the poorer people found Nehemiah
a voice. To procure money for food and for the royal therapacity
tribute, they had been driven to mortgage their property °ou|/ewlsh
to their wealthier brethren, and even to sel) their children, (s : i-j3)
At a great public meeting, Nehemiah indignantly accused
the leading men of their unbrotherly rapacity, contrasted
their conduct with his own and that of his friends, and
finally induced them to restore the mortgaged property ;
binding them by an oath, and invoking on traitors a sol
emn curse.
Nehemiah's example was as good as his precept. For His own
during the whole period of his governorship (444-432 B.C.), |ralticeS
he scrupulously refrained, in spite of precedent to the (s : I4'1'1
contrary, from burdening the people with the expenses of
his large establishment. Nay, he could appeal to an un
usually generous hospitality. Hence the justice of his
prayer, " Remember unto me, O my God, for good, all
that I have for this people. "
The walls were now completed. But the enemy, not
to be baulked, cunningly proposed a personal conference
325

Nehemiah 6 : i

The Messages of

Intrigues
against Nehemiah
frustrated :
the walls
finished (6)

The Samar
itan indict
ment(Ezra 4 : 6-
23)

with Nehemiah on non-Jewish soil. Each invitation he
peremptorily refused. Then came a letter with insinua
tions of rebellion and treason abetted by prophetic in
trigue ; all of which Nehemiah pointedly denied. As a
last resource, a prophet, backed by numbers of the pro
phetic order, was suborned by the enemy to destroy his
credit by inducing him to flee for his life to the temple —
a proposal which Nehemiah rejected with scorn. " Re
member, O my God, according to these their works, all
who , would have put me in fear." So, by the manifest
help of God, the walls were finished in less than two
months, to the humiliation of the enemy. During that
period certain members of the Jewish nobility had been
in treasonable correspondence with one of the enemy's
leaders, who was indeed connected with them by mar
riage. About this time * the governor of Samaria 3 sent to the
Persian government a formal indictment of the Jews,
accusing them 3 of aiming ultimately at independence in
their efforts to rebuild the city walls, and urging that a
search of the official records of the government would
show that Jerusalem had been in the past notorious as a
centre of rebellion and that the fortification of the city
1 In the reign of Artaxerxes, 465-424 B. C.
3 The Samaritans were descendants of the mixed population mentioned in
2 K. 17 : 24, and of other peoples deported from the east in the nextcentury
by Osnapper (Ezr. 4 : 10), probably Assurbanipal, 668-628 B. C.
3 As before in the reign of Xerxes, 486-465 B. C, v. 6.
326

the Historians Nehemiah 12 : 11

might mean the loss of the western provinces at any mo
ment. The king finding the official records to corrob
orate the letter, ordered the instant suspension of the
building until further notice — an order which was car
ried out with alacrity and not without violence by the
jealous enemies of the Jews.
Nehemiah then placed the city in charge of two officials, Protective
and took vigorous precautions to have it strongly guard- Slssm'Sion
ed, and more thickly peopled. For the latter purpose, he °f *e_ Pe°Ple
classified the people, keeping in view the list " of returned
exiles drawn up under Zerubbabel, about ninety years
before, which included laity and clergy, and he provision
ally excluded all the latter who could not prove their claims
to the priesthood.
The rulers of the people were content to dwell at Jeru- The city
salem, and the population of the town was increased by a ^J^
draft, selected by lot, of one-tenth of the population resi
dent outside the capital as well as by a body of volunteers
who together represented all classes of the community.2 The popula.
The rest of the people 3 dwelt in various towns and tlon ?£ the
r r province
villages. (n : 25-36)
Representatives of the twenty-two priestly and eight Registers of
Levitical houses returned with Zerubbabel and Joshua in f^ticaf "
536 B. C. In the period between 536 and 331 there were ^"f**^
five high-priests. For the period 499 to 463 there were
1 Neh. 7 : 6-69 = Ezra 2 : 1-67.
2 11 : 3-19 = Chr. 9 : 2-17.
3 Judah (v. 25) Benjamin (v. 31).
327

Nehemiah 12: 12

The Messages of

The dedica-
tion of the
walls(12 : 27.43)

Loyal offer
ings to the
templeservice
(12 : 44-47)

Nehemiah
enforcesthe sanctity
of the temple
('3 : 4-9)

twenty priestly houses with heads. Registers of the
heads of Levitical families were kept down to the time of
Alexander the Great. Another list is brought down to
the close of the fifth century.
T,o celebrate the dedication of the walls, the Levites
and the singers were brought from the various villages
to Jerusalem, and there was a general purification — of
priests, Levites, people, and wall. Then Nehemiah
organized two processions — one headed by Hoshaiah with
half the princes of Judah, accompanied by priestly
trumpeters preceded by Ezra ; the other headed by
Nehemiah himself with the rest of the princes, which
marched in opposite directions round the wall, singing
praises, until they met before the temple. They offered
great sacrifices, and joy reigned supreme.
At that time steps were taken to secure the regula
tion and distribution of the offerings for the priests and
the Levites made by the eager people. For the period
of Nehemiah, like that of Zerubbabel, was distin
guished for its loyalty to the temple service, even the
singers and the porters receiving their daily portion.
On his return to Jerusalem in 432 B. C, after a length
ened absence, Nehemiah found to his indignation that
the high-priest had assigned one of the temple chambers
to Tobiah the Ammonite, who was a relative by marriage.1
Without more ado, he ejected Tobiah's property and re
stored the chamber to its original sacred use.
1 Cf. 6 : 17, 18 ; 3 : 29, 30.
328

the Historians Nehemiah 13:31
His religious zeal and vigorous initiative were shown in He institutes
other ways. He promptly took steps to secure payment "f™^)
of their dues to the Levites who, through deficient revenue,
were compelled to scatter about the country for their
livelihood to the neglect of the temple service. " Remem
ber me, O my God, concerning this.''
Again, by vigorous measures, coupled with exhortation He defends
and threats, he succeeded in securing the Sabbath day j,* .St^"h
from desecration by work and, in particular, by trade.
With an energy inspired by righteous indignation, he He sternly
proceeded against the Jews who had married foreign Carriage
women, appealing to the tragic fall of the great King Sol- v'.'th for"
omon, and compelling them to a solemn oath that they (13: 23-3O
would forswear all such sinful intermarriage.1 He was no
respecter of persons ; he even expelled from Jerusalem a
grandson of the high-priest, who had married the daugh
ter of the Samaritan Sanballat.3 With a prayer that God
would avenge the profanation of the priesthood, he re
organized the duties and privileges of the clergy. " Re
member me, O my God, for good."
3. The Work of Ezra (Ezra 7 to 10 ; Neh. 8 to 10)
In course of time, by the grace of the king, and accord
ing to the good hand of his God upon him, Ezra the
1 Nehemiah forbids intermarriage between the children (13 : 25), Ezra
(10 : 11 ff.) demands the divorce of the -wives.
% This gave impulse to the Samaritan schism, and ultimately led to the
building of the rival temple on Mount Gerizim (cf. John 4 : 20).
329

Ezra 7 : i The Messages of
The com- scribe, of priestly lineage, accompanied both by the laity
Artaxerxes and by the various grades of the clergy, arrived at Jerusa-
(Ezrara-i- lem. after a four months' march from Babylon, with the
26) object of investigating the religious condition of Judah and
Jerusalem, and of teaching the law. He brought with him a
letter from Artaxerxes — dictated by fear of the divine wrath
against his dynasty — embodying a decree that empowered
any Jew who pleased to accompany him, offering very
liberal contributions toward the sacrifices and for other
needful purposes, giving permission to take gifts of the na
tives and Jews, instructing the treasurers of the western
provinces to give him, within certain limits, anything he
might further require, exempting the clergy from tax
ation, and commissioning Ezra to appoint judges to teach
the law, with varying penalties for disobedience.
Ezra and his After 1 gratefully acknowledging Jehovah's grace to the
return"15' people and to himself at this juncture, Ezra gathered at a
to"!" V and snort distance from Babylon, all who were to accompany
Neh. 7 : 70- him — priests, princes, and laymen. On discovering that
there were no Levites among them, he had their places
taken by Nethinim, servants of the Levites, brought from
their home in Casiphia. Then he proclaimed a fast, with
public humiliation and prayer for protection by the way
(for, after having assured the king that their God protected
all who sought him, he could not well ask for a body-
1 7 : 27 to 9 : 15 (except 8 : 35, 36) are from Ezra's memoirs, and in the
first person. 33°

the Historians Nehemiah 8 : 12
guard), and God heard their prayer. He then committed
to the charge of select priests the Persian and Jewish of
ferings for the temple, taking scrupulous precautions to
have them safely delivered at Jerusalem. Then they took
their departure and reached Jerusalem in safety,1 being
preserved by their God from the dangers of the way.
The offerings also were found on inspection to be intact.
Then the returned exiles offered a sumptuous burnt of
fering and sin offering, and they received the help of
the western governors, on presenting the royal com
mission. Liberal contributions were also made by the
governor, the chiefs, and the people.
On the first day of the seventh month at a national The assem-
assembly, held at Jerusalem, Ezra, supported by thir- reIdingeof
teen " others, read to the people at their request, for sev- cefebrrtlonhe
eral hours from the Book of the Law.3 The reading was re- of the feast
of booths
heved at intervals by the expositions of the Levites. The (Neh. 7 : 73b
great congregation listened with reverence and were af- to
fected to tears. But Nehemiah, Ezra, and the Levites
bade them eat and drink and be glad, for joy was seemly
on this their Lord's holy day. Next day the reading was
1 The date of Ezra's return is disputed. If his expedition is subsequent
to Nehemiah's (cf. Introduction, p. 316, note) the commonly accepted date
458 B. C. will be, of course, impossible. It will have to be after 444, if not
after 432. 398 B. C. is the latest possible date that will satisfy the indef
inite and confusing chronological hints.
3 Perhaps twelve.
3 I.e., the Pentateuch ; at least part of it ; see next note.
331

Nehemiah 8 : 13 The Messages of
resumed and in accordance with the passage then read,'
touching the celebration of the feast of booths, they gath
ered branches and erected booths — a thing that had not
been done for over seven hundred years. During the
whole of the festival week the law was read daily.
The ques- Soon the princes appeared before Ezra with a com-
ma'rriagT I™' plaint. Not only the people, but even the priests, the Le-
Ezra's v;tes an(j t^s iea(jmor men had been unfaithful to Israel's
prayer a
(Ezra 9) trust by intermarrying with their heathen neighbors. In
deep grief Ezra, accompanied by all the faithful, awaited
the hour of the evening oblation. Then on his knees
with outstretched hands, he earnestly prayed to God, con
fessing with shame the national sin from of old, and the
justice of all the chastisement that had fallen ; especially
bewailing their ungrateful disregard of God's recent kind
ness to them. He had punished them less than they de
served ; and they had rewarded his forbearance by defy
ing the prophetic word, and courting judgment by marriage
with the heathen. " O God of Israel 1 thou art righteous ;
none can stand before thee because of this."
Severe meas- Ezra's impassioned prayer drew about him a weeping
Sternuuv18 congregation, one of whom, acting as spokesman, pro-
(EzSraio-i-o) Posed to redeem the past by solemnly pledging themselves
1 If this passage (Lev. 23 : 33-44) was reached by the second day, the
" book of the law " then read can hardly have been the whole Pentateuch,
but rather only the legislative portion of it. Besides, the reading of the fa
miliar stories in Genesis and Exodus could hardly have produced the im
pression recorded here. (So Steuernagel.) 332

the Historians Nehemiah 9 : 7
to put away their heathen wives and the children born of
them. Ezra, seizing the opportunity, exacted an oath to
this effect from the leaders of the clergy and people.
They, in turn, followed this up by summoning the whole
nation to Jerusalem, on pain of forfeiture of property and
excommunication. The passage ' from the Pentateuch was read which ex- read
eluded Moabites and Ammonites from the congregation. [.£ ' I3 '
" This ye have transgressed," said Ezra, and he urged The work of
them to make confession and divorce their wives. But sion00™™5
owing to the natural difficulties of the case, aggravated by (E,zra IO : IO"
the inconvenience of the heavy rains, it was agreed, all
but unanimously, that the cases should be settled in detail,
at dates to be appointed subsequently, when the husbands
of the foreign women might appear for trial, accompanied
by the elders and judges of their respective cities. The
commission, of which Ezra was president, sat for about
three months and convicted one hundred and thirteen
men, including all grades of the clergy.
Less than four weeks afterward, in an assembly purged Ezra's
of all the foreign element, the people after the reading of confession
extensive sections of the law, made a humble confession (Neh- °>
of sin, led by the Levites under Ezra,3 who prayed on this
wise : " Thou, O Jehovah, art the creator and preserver
of all, and thy love has shaped the history of thy people.
In thy choice of father Abraham and thy faithfulness to
1 Deut. 23 : 3-6. 3 So v. 6 in LXX.
333

Nehemiah 9 : 8 The Messages of
him ; in the marvels thou didst work for thine afflicted
people in Egypt and the wilderness ; in thy gift of the
Sabbath and of good and true laws through Moses on
Sinai : in thy merciful pardon of their sins of rebellion ;
in thy gifts of victory and children and a fruitful land ; in
the deliverers whom thou from time to time didst raise up
in answer to their cry, despite their murder of thy proph
ets ; in thy forbearance for so many years ; in all these
things thou hast shown thyself a gracious and a merciful
God. Now therefore, O our God, the great and mighty,
the terrible and faithful God, have pity upon us for all the
sorrow thou hast justly brought upon us all since the time
of the kings of Assyria, for we are this day slaves in the
wealthy land that thou gavest to our fathers."
The cove- The prayer issued in a covenant — signed by the govern-
terms or, the nobles, and the clergy, and ratified by the assem-
(Neh. 10) bly at large — to observe the Mosaic law. The chief terms
of the covenant were that they would not intermarry with
their heathen neighbors, nor trade on the Sabbath day,
that they would remit all debts and leave the land fallow
in the seventh year for the poor, that they would contrib
ute annually to the temple service,1 as well as to the sup
port of the priests and Levites, and in every way secure
the maintenance of the service.
1 Here X of a shekel : in Ex. 30 : 13, it is % shekel ; cf. 2 Chr. 24 : 6, 9.

334

the Historians Ruth

VII
THE DATE AND CHARACTER OF THE BOOK OF
RUTH
The English version of the Bible, following the Greek
and Latin, suggests that the Book of Ruth is a foil, as it
is an appendix, to the Book of Judges. Its place in the
Hebrew Bible, however, is toward the end, in the section
to which Ezra-Nehemiah belongs, and it is not unfair
to see in it in reality a foil to those books. Its place in
the canon, its language, its reference to the custom de
scribed in 4 : 7 as of the " former time," all suggest that
the book is late.
The legislation of Ezra J which demanded the divorce of
all foreign women — justified as it may have been in large
measure by the circumstances of the time — could hardly
pass without protest from men of prophetic spirit.2 Prob
ably the Book of Ruth is that protest. Its large-hearted
ness is the complement of the Leviticalism of Chronicles.
It is not merely a beautiful idyll. It is the answer of the
prophet to the priest. It is mercy triumphing over judg
ment. Like Jonah, this book implicitly claims the whole
1 Ezra 9 and io.
a Malachi's attitude (2 : 10-16) was similar to Ezra's, and doubtless he
represented the average opinion of the good men who " feared Jehovah "
(Mal. 3 : 16). 335

Ruth The Messages of
world for the love of God. It asserts that a Moabitess
may be an Israelite indeed, and that instead of her birth
counting against her, her faith should count in her favor.
Did not God himself so count it, by making her the ances
tress of David ? Jehovah is indeed the God of Israel,1
who visits his own to bless them ; '' but he can equally
bless the children of another people,3 and will deal very
kindly with the foreign woman who comes to take refuge
under his wings,1 and who said to her Hebrew mother-in-
law " Thy God shall be my God." B He is gracious both
to the living and to the dead,6 to Israel indeed, but no less
to Moab, and her that cometh unto him, of whatsoever
people she be, he will in no wise cast out.

VIII
A PLEA FOR THE NON-ISRAELITE (RUTH)
Ruth goes During the days of the judges, Elimelech of Bethlehem
from Moab' "with his wife Naomi and their two sons, were driven by a
hem'o'f11' famine to sojourn in Moab. In process of time, husband
Judah (i) and sons died. Now the sons had married women of
Moab ' — Orpah and Ruth. Bereft of husband and chil
dren, the aged Naomi resolved to return to her own land
of Judah, which Jehovah had meanwhile blessed with
1 2 : 12. a i : 6. * i : 8, 9. 4 2 : 12.
• 1 : 16. » 2 : 20. T Cf. Neh. 13 : 1.
336

the Historians Ruth 3 : 10
plenty ; and likewise she bade her daughters-in-law re
main in their own land, invoking upon them a blessing
from her God for their kindness to herself and to the
dead, and earnestly entreating them to remain when they
showed themselves willing to go with her. At last Orpah
went back to her people and her god ; but Ruth clave to
Naomi, vowing to live and die beside her, and taking
Naomi's people and God to be her own. So in the be
ginning of barley harvest, the two women came to Beth
lehem, where their coming caused much ado ; and Naomi
gave voice to her sense of the bitter contrast wrought by
Jehovah between the former days and these.
Now Ruth went out to the fields to glean a slender Ruth gleans
sustenance behind the reapers, and she happened to enter 0" Boaze
the field of Boaz, a kinsman of Naomi. On learning who <2 : 1"20")
she was, and noting her faithfulness and loveliness, he
with delicate grace bade her remain in his field and beside
his maidens, offering her hospitality and protection, and,
in recognition of her loyalty, invoking upon her the bless
ing of the God of Israel, now her rightful protector. When
she came home in the evening with the barley, her story
touched Naomi's heart with gratitude to God, who was
ever gracious alike to the living and the dead.
After telling her with glad pride that Boaz was a near she wins his
kinsman, Naomi straightway bethought herself of a plan \, ^\^f0
whereby Boaz might be led to promise to play a kins- 3 : l8)
man's part to Ruth. Her plan fell out happily. Boaz
337

Ruth 3:11 The Messages of
responded with willingness, nay with joy, for the noble-
' ness of Ruth had won his affections. With high hopes
the old woman awaited the issue of the matter.
She becomes But there was a kinsman nearer than Boaz, with a claim
in^ances3-™ Pr'or to his- So Boaz brought the case before a council
gcss°f of elders at the city gate, and gave his rival the chance of
redeeming Elimelech's land. The latter, however, re
jected the condition attached thereto — that he should
marry the childless Ruth. So, by an old symbolic rite,1
he abandoned his claim in favor of Boaz, who thereupon
redeemed the land, and wedded Ruth amid the prayers of
the people that through her Jehovah would build up his
house, as the houses of Israel and Judah had been built
up in the olden days. And so it was. For, to the joy of
the aged Naomi, a son was born to Ruth from whom, in
the third generation, sprang the great King David. Thus
David is directly descended through Boaz from Judah.

IX

THE CHARACTER AND PURPOSE OF THE BOOK OF
ESTHER
If Ruth was a foil to Ezra, Esther is a foil to Ruth. In
the interval that separates the two books — Esther comes
probably about the middle of the second century B. C. —
1 Deut. 25 : 9.
33»

the Historians Esther
magnanimity has passed into bitterness, and the eyes that
once looked so generously on the things of others, now
look narrowly only upon their own. In this book we see
the culmination, in its most unlovely form, of that exclu
siveness which had been encouraged by the legislation of
Ezra. The " holy seed " 1 is hated of the world, but it is
led through obloquy and malice to triumph, a cruel and
unholy triumph.
The story reads more like romance than history. It was
written long after the events it describes. The Persian
empire is a thing of the past,2 long enough past to ob
scure to the writer the chronological perspective ; for the
hero of the story, which is set early in the reign of Xerxes,
- and therefore must be somewhere about 480 B. C, is rep
resented as having been carried away to Babylon in 597
B. C. with Jehoiachin.3 But there are other perplexities.
The king who sanctions the decree for the extermination
of the Jews in 3 : 9- 11 is ignorant of it and surprised by
it in 7 : 5. It is hard to say what the underlying basis of
fact may be, but the temper of the story is extremely sig
nificant of later Jewish feeling.
The book probably served more than one purpose. It
explains the origin of the Purim festival ; 4 but a co-ordi
nate purpose must have been to glorify the Jews, and to
show how jealously their God watched over their interests
and led them to victory. It is a shallow criticism which
1 Ezr. 9:2. '' 1 : 1, 13. 3 2 : 5, 6. * 9 : 19, 26.
339

Esther The Messages of
would deny this religious aspect of the book — on however
low a plane the religion may be — on the ground that the
divine name nowhere occurs in it. The thought, though
not the word, is present in Mordecai's confident assurance
that enlargement and deliverance would arise to the Jews
from one place, if not from another,1 and that thought de
termines the whole sequence of the story. A note of the
intensest national feeling runs through the book. There
the unique self-consciousness of the Jews finds its justifi
cation in the facts of history and in the mysterious prov
idence which brings them at the last to " light and glad
ness and joy and honor." a The world hates them ; they
have enemies, not one s but many.4 But they can over
come the world. Esther the Jewess is better than Vashti,5
and Mordecai the Jew, like Joseph in the gray past, is next
the king." All men must bow to Haman, but not Mor
decai ; he bowed not nor did him reverence.7 For he
represents a people whom no man could withstand ; °
even the mighty Haman must go down before him." No
royal decree can ultimately keep the Jews out of the do
minion which is their destiny.10 Was it any wonder then,
that the fear of them fell upon all people " and that " many
from among the peoples of the land became Jews ? " la
This emphasis on the uniqueness of Israel is nothing
1 4 : 14. ' 8 : 16. * 3 : 10. • 9 : 1.
8 1 : ig. ° 10 : 3. '3:2. 8 9 : 2.
» 6 : 13. "9:1. 11 8 : 17, 9 : 2. " 8 : 17.
340

the Historians Esther i :g
new; it is as old as the oracle of Balaam.1 What is
new — or almost new * — and disappointing is the expression
which it here receives. It expresses itself in needless
cruelty ' and in massacre apparently unprovoked. The
sense of the national uniqueness is not inspired, as it often
is in the later literature of the Old Testament, by the solemn
and radiant sense of a mission. It is a solace to think
that this book won its place in the Canon only after a
struggle. And yet it has there its own pathetic place. It
sheds a very sorrowful light upon the treatment which
the Jews had received at the hands of an inappreciative
and relentless world. Bitter indeed must have been the
persecution which stung the generous and tender hearts
that gave us Ruth, into the bigotry, passion, and ven
geance that thrill through the fascinating story of Esther.
X
ISRAEL'S TRIUMPH OVER ITS FOES (ESTHER)
About the year 483 B. C* after a six months' festival in Xerxes puts
honor of the princes and nobles of his vast empire, Xerxes ^SL (0
held a second gorgeous festival for the people in his palace
1 Num. 23 : 9.
1 In Mal. 1 : 3 Jehovah's love for Israel is held to be proved by his hatred
for Edom, manifest in the desolation of that land.
8 9 = I3-I5-
4 About the same date as the notice in Ezra 4 : 6.
341

Esther i : io The Messages of
at Susa. On the last day, he bade the queen appear to
display her beauty. She refused. The angry king con
sulted his wise men ; and, on the advice of one of them
he put her away by a royal decree, lest the example of
her contumacy should prove contagious, and sent instruc
tions throughout the various provinces that every man be
master in his own house.
He takes Steps were then taken to find a better queen than she.
hlr stead ; From all the empire fair maidens were gathered to the
s^veslhe' palace and among them the orphan Esther, cousin
king'siife (2) and adopted daughter of Mordecai. The king loved her
above all the other maidens and made her queen about
479 B. C.1 Not long thereafter Mordecai saved the king's
life by communicating to him through Esther a plot against
him ; and his deed was put on record.
Haman's Now a certain Haman, promoted by the king above all
Mordecai; the other nobles, conceived a deadly hatred of the Jew,
vengeance°f Mordecai, for persistently refusing him the obeisance
(3) which the king had enjoined, and he sought to gratify his
revenge by destroying the Jewish people, root and branch,
throughout the empire. By representing them to be sedi
tiously inclined, he obtained from the king a decree for their
annihilation, to take effect in eleven months, namely, on the
thirteenth day of the twelfth month, a date fixed by lot."
1 The year of the battles of Flataea and Mycale, the year after Ther
mopylae and Salamis.
3 I.e., Pur: hence, according to 9 : 26, the name of the festival Purim.
342

the Historians Esther 6 : 14
The decree prostrated the Jews with grief. Mordecai Esther's
contrived to inform Esther thereof, and charged her to intercede
implore the king on behalf of her people. Esther knew ^ ,"\e
well the peril of such a course ; yet, nerved by Mordecai's
appeal, she bravely made up her mind to intercede with
the king, cost what it might. " I will go," said she, " and
if I perish, I perish."
The king received her graciously, and offered to grant Her ingeni-
her request even to the half of his kingdom. She only enthrafthe
asked, however, that the king and Haman would come king ^
next day to a banquet prepared by herself. There the
king renewed his promise; but again she invited them
to a second banquet. Haman's joy, however, was still
clouded by Mordecai's refusal of obeisance. On his wife's
suggestion, he prepared a gallows, hoping to secure next
day a royal decree for his execution.
That night the king, to while away the sleepless hours, The tables
had the royal records read to him ; and finding there *^ turned
mention of Mordecai's unrewarded service, next day he
asked Haman, who had come in the hope of securing the
royal warrant for Mordecai's execution, what should be
done to the man whom the king delighted to honor. This,
thought Haman, could be no one but himself, and he ac
cordingly suggested the most extravagant honors. To
his horror, he found that, by the terms of his own propo
sal, he must himself bestow those honors on the hated
Mordecai, the Jew ; while, to complete his confusion, his
343

Esther 7 : 1 The Messages of
wife foretold his certain downfall, if Mordecai were really
a Jew.
Haman is With these bodings of doom in his ears, he came with
Mordecai1 me king to Esther's banquet. In response to the king's
Yi°™tat- 2) tmrd offer, the queen earnestly begged for her own life,
and that of her people, imperilled by — Haman ! The
guilty man trembled. The indignant king, adopting the
grim, yet timely hint of one of his courtiers, had him
hanged on the gallows that he had prepared for Mor
decai, and Mordecai was installed in Haman's post of
honor.
The counter Esther now set herself to reverse, if possible, the pre-
decree •
(8 : 3-17) vious decree ordering the destruction of the Jews ; and
the king, regarding her request with favor, empowered
Mordecai to issue, with all speed, a decree in the royal
name, granting liberty to the Jews to defend themselves
by force against all who assaulted them on the day ap
pointed. The decree was received by the Jews with
transports of delight ; and many of the native peoples be
came proselytes, for the fear of the Jews was fallen upon
them.
The triumph So on the day appointed for the massacre, as it fell
01 toe Tews *
(9 : 1-16) out, it was not the Jews, but their enemies, who were the
victims ; for they were irresistible. The prestige of Mor
decai even secured for his countrymen official assistance.
The Jews worked their will upon their foes. In the palace
alone, they slew five hundred, including the ten sons of
344

the Historians Esther io : 3
Haman, and at the request of Esther, added three hun
dred more the following day. In the provinces, where
the massacre lasted only one day, seventy-five thousand
victims fell.
Such then is the origin of the glad Purim festival, held The Purim
on fourteenth and fifteenth of the month Adar, to keep (9 : I7-32)
alive the memory of this great deliverance in every Jewish
or proselyte family for ever. This ordinance was con
firmed by a decree of Esther and Mordecai.
It is recorded in the royal archives of Persia how Mor- The exaita-
decai in his high office — he was second only to the king — z'°5 of
won the affection of his Jewish brethren by his great zeal Mo°rdecal
on their behalf.

345

APPENDIX

APPENDIX

BOOKS OF REFERENCE
The literature in English on the historical books of the Old
Testament from the standpoint of modern criticism is not yet
extensive, but it is rapidly growing. On some of the books
there is as yet no good up-to-date English commentary. The
following list is selected with a view to the needs of the gen
eral reader, and avoids, on the one hand, works of a minutely
technical nature, and on the other, foreign books which have
not been translated.
Driver's " Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testa
ment " (ninth edition, 1901, Charles Scribner's Sons) is a
mine of information. It is absolutely reliable in its details, and
cautious in its methods, and forms an exceedingly useful guide
to the critical problems connected with each book. Much
smaller, but always interesting and illuminating, is Kautzsch's
"The Literature of the Old Testament" (translated by Dr.
Taylor ; published by Williams & Norgate, 1898, and by Put-
nams, 1899). A "Biblical Introduction," by Bennett and
Adeney (Whittaker, 1899), gives a clear and comprehensive
presentation of the facts on their literary side. These books
349

Appendix
all deal with the whole of the Old Testament, and not exclu
sively with the historical books.
For a long time, one great barrier to the study of the histories,
from which the present Hexateuch has been compiled, was the
absence of continuous texts. That barrier has now been re
moved. The prophetical and priestly texts are presented con
tinuously in Addis's "Documents of the Hexateuch " (vol. i.,
1893; vol. ii., 1898, Putnams), and in Bacon's "Genesis of
Genesis," 1892, and "The Triple Tradition of the Exodus,"
1894 ; while the prophetic texts alone are presented in Duff's
"Old Testament Theology " (vol. i., 1891 ; vol. ii., 1900, A.
& C. Black).
The fullest treatment of the critical problems of the Hexa
teuch will be found in the Oxford publication, The Hexateuch,
edited by Carpenter and Battersby (2 vols., 1900, Longmans,
Green & Co. ), which, besides printing the texts in the order of
the English Bible, and relegating each section to its source,
discusses clearly and very fully all the literary problems.
Briggs's " Higher Criticism of the Hexateuch " (second edi
tion, 1897, Charles Scribner's Sons) is less elaborate, but thor
ough and very useful. In Addis's volumes mentioned above,
the texts are preceded by critical discussions, and Bacon's two
volumes are full of marvellously delicate and powerful critical
work. There is an interesting and penetrating treatment of the
gradual growth of the historical books in McCurdy's "His
tory, Prophecy, and the Monuments" (vols, i.-iii., Macmillan
& Co., 1894-1901). For a brief, but very adequate presenta
tion of the Hexateuchal problem the reader may be referred to
35°

Appendix
W. Robertson Smith's "Old Testament in the Jewish Church,"
Lecture II. (2d revised and enlarged edition, 1892, D. Appleton
& Co.), or to the article " Hexateuch," in the "Encyclopaedia
Biblica " (Macmillan & Co., 4 vols.), or in the " Dictionary of
the Bible," edited by Hastings (4 vols., Charles Scribner's
Sons). For the spirit in which the earlier chapters of Genesis are to
be read, the student may consult Ryle's " Early Narratives of
Genesis " (Macmillan & Co., 1892), and for Genesis as a whole,
Dods's volume in " The Expositor's Bible " (A. C. Armstrong
& Co., 1888). Much help may also be found in Professor G.
A. Smith's ' ' Modern Criticism and the Preaching of the Old
Testament " (A. C. Armstrong & Son, 1901), and from Pro
fessor Davidson's article on "The Uses of the Old Testament
for Edification," in the Expositor iox January, 1900.
The following articles in the two Biblical Dictionaries al
ready mentioned (" Encyclopaedia Biblica" and "Dictionary
of the Bible ") may be consulted with much advantage : Gen
esis, Exodus, Numbers, Deuteronomy, Joshua, Judges, Kings,
Chronicles, Ezra, and Esther. The volumes containing articles
on the remaining books may be expected at no distant date.
Dillmann's great commentary on Genesis (2 vols., translated
by Stevenson, 1897, T. & T. Clark, and Scribner's) is very
elaborate and exhaustive. Of great value are the commentaries
on "Deuteronomy," 1895, "Judges," 1895, and "Samuel,"
1899, by Driver, Moore and H. P. Smith, respectively, in the
* ' International Critical Commentary " series (Charles Scribner's
Sons). For the reader who is interested in the question of
35 1

Appendix
sources, Bennett's "Joshua," 1899, and Moore's "Judges,"
1898, in the " Sacred Books of the Old and New Testaments "
series, commonly known as the Polychrome Bible (edited by
Haupt, published with English translations, Dodd, Mead &
Co.), will be found of great service. On the origin of the
Books of Samuel, Cheyne's chapter on "How the Books of
Samuel Arose," in "Aids to the Devout Study of Criticism,"
1892 (Thomas Whittaker), may be consulted. In the Cam
bridge Bible series, there is a handy commentary on ' ' Sam
uel," 1886, by Kirkpatrick, and on "Kings," 1889, by Lumby
(Macmillan & Co., each 2 vols.); the commentary on " Ezra-
Nehemiah," in this series by Ryle may be strongly recom
mended. For the rearrangement of the text of Ezra-Nehemiah,
see Professor Kent's " History of the Jewish People," 1899
(y$ 88-98), and for the reconstruction of the history which
this involves, the same volume §§ 114-211, and Cheyne's
"Jewish Religious Life after the Exile," 1898, chapters 1 and
2 (G. P. Putnam's Sons), should be consulted. Bennett's
" Chronicles," 1894, in the Expositors' Bible series, is a very
useful and able book (Armstrongs). An appreciation of the
religious value of the Book of Chronicles will be found in
the article on " Chronicles," in Hastings's "Dictionary of the
Bible."

35 2

Appendix II
PASSAGES IN THE BOOKS OF SAMUEL AND
KINGS OMITTED BY THE CHRONICLER
The story of the career of Saul and of the life of David be
fore his accession to the throne ( I S. 9 to 30).
The opposition of Ishbosheth to David (2 S. 2 to 4).
The taunt of Michal (2 S. 6 : 10-23).
The threat concerning Solomon (2 S. 7 : 14).
David's cruelty to Moab (2 S. 8 : 2).1
David's kindness to the son of Jonathan (2 S. 9).
David's sin with Bathsheba and its punishment (2 S. II : 2
to 12 : 25).
Joab's loyal act of abnegation (2 S. 12 : 27-29).
The violation of Tamar (2 S. 13 : 1-22).
The murder of Amnon by Absalom (2 S. 13 : 23-37).
The rebellion of Absalom (2 S. 13 : 38 to 15 : 12).
The flight and return of David (2 S. 15 : 13 to 19 : 40).
The rupture between Judah and Israel (2 S. 19 : 41 to 20 : 22).
The famine stayed because of the vengeance taken upon the
descendants of Saul (2 S. 21 : 1-14).
Intrigues for the succession of Solomon to the throne (1 K.i).
Solomon's stern measures for peace (1 K. 2).
Anecdotes illustrating Solomon's judicial wisdom, the organi
zation of his kingdom, his proverbs and songs (1 K. 3: 16 to
4=34)- 1 But compare i Chr. 20 : 3, which retains a similar reference.
353

Appendix
His benediction at the dedication of the temple (i K. 8 : 54-
61). His many wives and his idolatry (1 K. n : 1-8).
The rebellions of Hadad, Rezon, and Jeroboam (1 K.
1 1 : 9-40).
Jeroboam's calf-worship and the doom pronounced upon it,
on Jeroboam's house, and on the northern kingdom (1 K.
12: 25 to 14: 20).
Abijah spared by Jehovah for David's sake (1 K. 15 : 3-5).
Asa's intolerance of immoral worship (1 K. 15 : 12).
The reigns of Nadab, Baasha, Elah, Zimri, Omri, and Ahab
(1 K.I5:2S to 16: 34).
The story of the Prophet Elijah (1 K. 17 to 21 : 29).
The reigns of Ahaziah and Joram of Israel with stories of Eli
jah and Elisha (1 K. 22 : 51 to 2 K. 8 : 15 ; 13 : 14-20).
The rebellion and reign of Jehu (2 K. 9, 10).
The reigns of Jehoahaz and Joash of Israel (2 K. 13).
The reign of Jeroboam II. of Israel (2 K. 14 : 23-29).
The reigns of Zechariah, Shallum, Menahem, Pekahiah, and
Pekah of Israel (2 K. 15 : 8-31). '
The reign of Hosea and story of the fall of the northern
kingdom (2 K. 17).
The tribute from the temple treasures paid by Hezekiah to
Sennacherib (2 K. 18 : 15, 16).
The threat by prophets of Jerusalem's overthrow (2 K.
21 : 11-16).
The purification by Josiah of Judah and Samaria (2 K.
23 : 4-20). 354

Appendix
Jehoiakim's tax (2 K. 23 : 35).
The invaders sent by Jehovah against Jehoiakim, and the
reason (2 K. 24 : 2-4).
The first captivity to Babylon (2 K. 24: 10-16).
The capture and destruction of Jerusalem and the temple
(2 K. 25 : 1-21).
Gedaliah's appointment as governor and his murder (2 K.
25 : 22-26).
The pardon of Jehoiachim (2 K. 25 : 27-30).

355

INDEX OF BIBLICAL PASSAGES

INDEX OF BIBLICAL PASSAGES

GENESIS

CHAPTERS i I to 2 : 4a

PAGES

 249
2 : 4b to 4 : 24  32_3S
5 : 1-28  249
5 : 29  35
5 : 30-32  249-250
6: 1-8  35-36
6 : g-22  250
7 and 8  36, 250
9 : 1-17  250
9= 18-27  36-37
9 : 28-29  25°
10 : 1-7  251
10 : 8-19 ,  37
10 : 20, 22-24  251
10: 21, 25-30  37
10 : 31-32  251
11 : 1-9  37
11 : 10-27  251
11 : 28-30  38
11 : 31-32  251
13 and 13  38"39> 25J
14  25i
15  39-4°
16  40, 251
17  251, 252
18 and 19  4°-4I. 25z
20  41
21 : 1-7  41, 252
21 : 8 to 22 : 24  4I-42
23  252
24  42
25 : 1-6, nb, 18  42, 43
25 : 7-1 ia, 12-17, 19, 20 : 26l).. 252-253
25 : 21 to 26 : 33  43
26 : 34-35  253
27  43-44. 253

CHAPTERS PAGES
28 : 1-9  253
28 : 10 to 31 : 55  44-46, 253
32 and 33  46-47
34  47,253
35 : 1-8  47-48
35 "• 9-J5  253
35 : 16-22°  48
35 : 22^29  253-254
36: 1 to 37: 2"  254
37 : 2^-36  48
38  (note 3) 48
39 : 1 to 46 : 5  48-51, 254
46 : 6-27  254
46: 28-34  51
47= I"6  5i> 254
47 : 7"11  254
47 : 12-28  51, 254
47 : 29 to 48 : 2, 8-22  5*-52
48: 3-7  254-255
49 : 1, 28»>-33  255
50  52, 255
EXODUS
1 : i-5, 7> !3> *4  255
1 : 6-12  59
1 : 15 to 2 : 23°  59-60
2 : 23^-25  255
3 : 1 to 4 : 23  60-61
4 : 24-26  (note 1) 60
4 : 27 to 6 : 1  61, 62
6:2107:13  255-256
7 : 14-25  62, 256
8 : 1-15  62, 256
8 : 16-19  256
8 : 20 to 9 : 7  62-63
9 : 8-12  256-257

359

Index of Biblical Passages

CHAPTERS PAGES
9 : 13 to ii : 8  63-64
11 : 9 to 12 : 20  ..257
12 ; 29-39  64
12 : 40 to 13 : 2  257
13 : 17 to 15 : 21  64-65, 257-258
15 : 22 to 16 : 36  65, 258
17  65, 258
18  68
19  65-66, 258
20 : 1-21  66-67
24 : 1-2, 9-11  (note 1) 66
24 : 3-8, 12-14  67
24 : I5b-l8a  259
25 : 1 to 31 : i8»  259-260
31 : i8b  67
32 : 1 to 34 : 9  67-68, 261
34 : 29 to 40 : 38  261
NUMBERS
1 : 1 to 5 : 4  261-262
6 : 22-27  262
7  (note) 261
9 : 15 to 10: 28  263
io 129 to 12 : 16  69-71
13 and 14  71-72, 263
16  72, 264
17  264
20 : 1-13  73, 264
20 : 14-21  73
20 : 22-29  265
21 : 1-3  (note 2) 72
21 : 4-35  73-74, 265
22 : 1  265
22 : 2 to 25 : 5  74-75
25 : 6 to 26 : 65  265-266
27 : 12-23  266-267
31  (note) 265-266
32  75-76, 267
33t°35  267-268
DEUTERONOMY
1 : 1 to 4 : 40  101-104, 268
=7 : 5-13  104
29 : 1 to 31 : 29  104-105

CHAPTERS PAGES
32 145-47  105
32 : 48-52  268
34  106, 268
JOSHUA
1 : 1 to 5 : 9  110-112, 268
5 : 10-12  268
5 : 13 to 6 : 21  113
7  113-114, 268
8 : 1-29  114
8 : 30-35  116-117
9  114-115, 268-269
10 to 12  115-116
13 :i-i4  "7
13 : 15 to 14 : 5  269
14 : 6-15  117
15 to 19  118-119,269
20 : 1 to 21 : 42  a6g
21 : 43 to 22 : 8  119
22 : 9-34  270
23 and 24  119-121
JUDGES
1  118
2 : 1-5  126
2 : 6 to 3 : 30  121, 126-127
3 : 31  122
4 to 9  128-132
10 : 1-5  122
10 : 6-16  (note 1) 127
10 : 17 to 12 : 7  132-133
12 : 8-15  122-123
13 fo 16  133-135
17 and 18  136-137
19 to 21  137-138
RUTH
1 to 4  336-338
FIRST SAMUEL
1  143
2 : 12 to 4 : 1*  143-145
4 : x*to7 : 17  145-147

360

Index of Biblical Passages

CHAPTERS PAGES
8  147-148
9 to 12  147-150
13 : i~7B  150
13 : 7b- 1 5a  (note 3) 151
13 : 15b to 14 : 52  150-154
15  150-153
16 : 1-13  153
16: 14-23  154
17 and 18  153-I55
19: 1-7  155-I56
19 : 8-10  157
19 : 11-17  155
19: 18-24  157
20..  (note 1) 156-157
21 : 1-9  *55
21 : 10-15  158
22 : 1-2  156
22: 3-5  158
22 : 6 to 23 : 29  156-157
24  158-159
25  i57"I59
26  159
27 to 29  159-160
30 and 31  160-161

SECOND SAMUEL
1 : 1-18  162
2 : i~4a  162
2 : 4^-7  161
2 : 8 to 3 : 1  . 162-163
3 : 2-5  164-165
3 : 6 to 4 : 12  163-164
5 and 6  164-165
7  166-167
8  166
9 and 10  167
11 : 1 to 20 : 22  167-173
20 : 23-26  (note) 166
21 to 24  (note) 173-174

FIRST KINGS
x and 2  174-176
3 and 4  185-186

CHAPTERS PAGES
5'and 6  186-187
7 : 1-12  190
7 : 13 to 9 : 9  187-189
9 : 10  190
9 : 11-14  186
9 : 15 to 11 : 28  190-191
11 : 29-39  192
11 : 40-43  191
12 to 16  192-197
17 to 19  201-203
20  204-205
21  203-204
22 : 1-40  205-206
22 : 41-50  212
22 : 51-53  206

SECOND KINGS
1:1  (note 2) 207
1 : 2 to 4 : 37  206-209
4= 38-44  209
5  209-210
6:1-7  209
6 : 8 to 7 : 20  210-211
8:1-6  209
8 : 7-15  211-212
8:16-27  213
8 : 28-29  (note 1) 214
9 to 12  213-217
13 : 1-13  217-218
13 : 14-21  212
13 : 22 to 15 : 28  217-221
15 : 29  222
15 : 30 to 16 ; 5  221-222
16 : 6  2ig
16 : 7 to 17 : 6  222-223
17 : 7 to 18 : 8  223-225
18 : 9-12  223
18 : 13 to 20 : 21  225-228
21 to 25  229-235

FIRST CHRONICLES
: to 10  287-289
:i to 29  289-294

361

Index of Biblical Passages

SECOND CHRONICLES
CHAPTERS PAGES
I tcTg  294-297
IO to 36  297-313
EZRA
1  321
2  (note) 327
3  .321-322
4 : i-5  322
4 : 6-23  326-327
4 :24  322
5:1 to 6:22  322—323
7 to 8  329-331

CHAPTERS PAGES
9 fo 10 : 9  332-333
10 : 10-44  333
NEHEMIAH
1 to 6  323-326
7 : 1-69  327
7:70108:18  ,  33'~332
9 'o IO  333-334
11 to 12  327-328
'3: i-3  333
13 : 4-31  328-329
ESTHER
I 'o 10  34r-345

362